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 M. TULLIUS CICERO, 
 
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 PREFACE 
 
 f\fcM 
 
 The want of a useful edition of the Orations of Cicero 
 which are usually read in schools and colleges, has long 
 been felt and acknowledged. 
 
 The Delphin edition, the only one available to the gene- 
 rality of students, was, perhaps, of all the Delphin classics, 
 the least deserving of the patronage of the learned. The 
 text was corrupt, the annotations were not drawn from the 
 best sources, and the principal difficulties left unnoticed. 
 When to this it is added, that typographical errors had been 
 permitted to accumulate in the successive editions, so as, in 
 many instances, to render the meaning of passages either un- 
 intelligible or exceedingly obscure, it will readily be ad- 
 mitted, that a favourable opportunity was afforded for the 
 publication of a new edition, which should at least attempt 
 to supply the deficiencies, and avoid the glaring errors of its 
 predecessors. 
 
 This task has been attempted in the present publication. 
 The text of Orellius has been adopted ; whose elaborate 
 edition of the works of Cicero, published at Zurich, 1826, 
 1830, displays the strictest attention to sound critical princi- 
 ples; avoiding equally an obstinate adherence to ancient 
 but unauthorized readings on the one hand, and reckless in- 
 novation on the other. 
 
 ^5039' 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 The next care of the Editor has been to supply the want 
 of copious explanations of the difficult passages with which 
 these Orations abound. The Editor is aware that some 
 have objected to copiousness of annotation, as tending to 
 prevent research in the student, and have urged the pro- 
 priety of merely giving references to the proper sources of 
 information ; and no doubt such a plan would be highly 
 deserving of adoption, if these sources were always accessi- 
 ble to the student. But as this is not the case, the Editor 
 hopes to be excused for having laboured to make his expla- 
 nations as full as possible. 
 
 Another important subsidiary element in the study of 
 Cicero, is the observing the minute but elegant turns of 
 thought with which he abounds ; the amazing force and pro- 
 priety of the expressions, even where his mind would appear 
 to be carried away with the rapid flow of his eloquence. 
 These never fail to strike an examiner, and require that the 
 attention of the student should be directed to them wherever 
 they occur. This, it is hoped, the Editor has not failed 
 to effect. 
 
 Closely connected with this attention to the niceties of the 
 Author, is the careful observation of the mutual dependence 
 of the various arguments, which, being obviously necessary to 
 a comprehensive view of the whole, has been carefully point- 
 ed out. Historical Introductions have been prefixed to the 
 Orations, with analyses of the contents. In these, the Edi- 
 tor has adopted the plan, and, in many instances, the matter, 
 of the argumenta, given by Schiitz, in his edition of Cicero. 
 And here, perhaps, the Editor's task should have closed, 
 and all the apparatus of history, antiquities, &c, should be 
 left to be derived from the authors who professedly treat of 
 these subjects; but, aware that very many students are so cir- 
 cumstanced as to be unable to command the perusal of these 
 
PREFACE. vii 
 
 authors, the Editor felt bound not to omit brief notices of 
 such points of history, antiquities, &c, as occur. Still, how- 
 ever, he would not have it supposed, that these ought to su- 
 persede the perusal of the proper treatises, from which 
 alone, masterly views on these subjects can be obtained. 
 With this object, and conceiving that there may be some, 
 
 " quibus artebenigna 
 
 Et meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan," 
 
 the Editor has not failed to mark the various references 
 to the works from which his facts and explanations are de- 
 rived ; and he has frequently referred to passages which 
 might confirm or illustrate the view which he has taken ; to 
 enable such students as enjoy the requisite facilities, to com- 
 pare the passages themselves, and form their own opinion. 
 
 With regard to the sources from which the annotations 
 have been derived, they are so varied, and the alterations 
 which it was found necessary to make, in adapting the matter 
 which they supplied to the design of the work, so great, that 
 the names have been generally omitted, except where it 
 seemed necessary for the Editor, in confirmation of his own 
 opinion, to avail himself of the argumentum ad anctorita- 
 tem. He must not, however, omit to state, that many of 
 the notes of Valpy's edition of the select orations of Cicero, 
 anticipating, as they often did, his own views, have been in- 
 serted and duly acknowledged. 
 
 The Editor has only to express his hopes that this Edition 
 will be found useful, as well for collegiate purposes, as also 
 in those schools where the Orations of Cicero form a part of 
 the course of study. With this view, principally, the notes 
 have been written in English rather than in Latin, and vari- 
 ous explanations of the less obvious words and phrases in- 
 serted for the benefit of the junior class of students. 
 
 It will be observed, that the Orations against Catiline, 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 should have followed the Oration for the Manilian law ; but 
 to suit the convenience of those students who are obliged to 
 make these and the Philippics the object of study for a par- 
 ticular examination, they have been removed to their present 
 place. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PACE, 
 
 Introduction to the Oration for the Manilian law, .... xi 
 
 Oration for the Manilian law, 1 
 
 Introduction to the Oration for the poet Archias, 45 
 
 Oration for the poet Archias, 47 
 
 Introduction to the Oration for T. Annius Milo, , 73 
 
 Oration for T. Annius Milo, 77 
 
 Introduction to the Oration for Q. Ligarius, 159 
 
 Oration for Q. Ligarius, 163 
 
 Introduction to the Oration for king Deiotarus, 189 
 
 Oration for king Deiotarus, 193 
 
 Introduction to the Orations against Catiline, 227 
 
 First Oration against Catiline, 233 
 
 Second, 255 
 
 Third, 277 
 
 Fourth, 297 
 
 Introduction to the Orations against M. Antony, 313 
 
 First Philippic Oration, 321 
 
 Second, 349 
 
 Ninth, 433 
 
 b2 
 
THE FOLLOWING CONTRACTIONS OP THE NAMES OF COMMENTA- 
 
 Orel. 
 
 for Orellius. 
 
 Manut. 
 
 Manutius. 
 
 Forcel. 
 
 Forcellinus. (See his Lexk 
 
 Sch. 
 
 Schiitz. 
 
 Abram. 
 
 Abramius. 
 
 Em. 
 
 Ernesti. 
 
 Gretv. 
 
 Graevius. 
 
 V. E. 
 
 the Valpy Edition or Editor. 
 
 Sylv. Sylvius. 
 
 Hottom. Hottomanus. 
 
 Delph. the edition by the Dauphin editor, Merouille. 
 
 &c., &c., &c. 
 
 ERRATUM. 
 
 In some copies, p. 100, line 7, supply ad after Lunuvium. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 MANILIAN LAW. 
 
 1. In the year of Rome 687, Cicero, then elected praetor, pro- 
 nounced this oration in favour of a law proposed by C. Manilius, 
 tribune of the people, which had for its object the appointment of 
 Pompey to the command of the Mithridatic war. The fortunes 
 of this war, therefore, and the character of Pompey, being* the 
 chief subject of the oration, it may be of use to state them more 
 in detail than could be expected from the orator, within the limits 
 of a popular address. 
 
 2. Mithridates the great, who succeeded to the throne of Pon- 
 tus, a. u. 634, was the son of Mithridates, surnamed Evergetes, 
 a monarch of considerable abilities, who, by his services in the 
 war with Aristonicus,* gained the friendship of the Roman peo- 
 ple, and a grant of Phrygia Major. The resumption of this terri- 
 tory from the son during his minority, laid the foundation of that 
 hatred to the Romans, which became the ruling principle of his 
 life, and gained him the appellation of a second Hannibal. The 
 first evidence of it appeared in his procuring the assassination of 
 Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, their old ally, and seizing on his 
 kingdom. This violent act demanded the interference of the 
 Romans, who expelled him from Cappadocia, and declared the 
 country free. Finding, however, that the people preferred a 
 
 * Aristonicus was the illegitimate brother of Attalus, king of Pergamus, who 
 bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people. To this kingdom he laid claim, 
 and the senate was obliged to send a consular army under Crassus to support 
 their pretensions. This army was routed by Aristonicus ; but Perpenna, the 
 consul for the following year, a. u. 623, retrieved the honour of the Roman 
 arms, and took Aristonicus prisoner. 
 
xii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 monarchy,* they appointed Ariobarzanes, a noble of the country, 
 king. But the same intrigues which had effected the murder of 
 the former king, proved no less successful in accomplishing the 
 dethronement of his successor. Accordingly, a. u. 661, we find 
 Sylla employed in restoring Ariobarzanes to his throne. 
 
 3. In the mean time, Mithridates, with a view to extend his 
 influence, gave his daughter in marriage to Tigranes, king of 
 Armenia, who, at his instigation, expelled Ariobarzanes a second 
 time. Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, shared a similar fate; and 
 the senate of Rome being appealed to by the monarchs, appointed 
 a commission, at the head of which was M. Aquilius, a man of 
 consular rank, to reinstate them in their respective dominions ; a 
 proceeding to which Mithridates offered no opposition. 
 
 4. The rapacious spirit of the Romans, and perhaps, the ambi- 
 tion of Mithridates, soon provoked a war. The king was every 
 where victorious ; he expelled the monarchs once more ; and ex- 
 tending his conquests to Asia Minor,f finally captured the Roman 
 leaders, Oppius, Cassius, and Aquilius, of whom Aquilius was put 
 to death, being forced to swallow melted gold as a stigma on the 
 Roman avidity. At the same time he directed, by circular letters, 
 a general massacre of the Italians throughout Asia. He then car- 
 ried the war into Macedon and Greece, a great part of which he 
 overran with his troops before the arrival of Sylla, (a. u. 666,) the 
 general appointed to oppose him ; Murena and Lucullus, who af- 
 terwards signalized themselves against Mithridates, being among 
 Sylla's officers. This war, of which Greece was the principal 
 theatre, and in which Athens suffered most, after a series of vic- 
 tories by Sylla, terminated in a peace, by which the monarchs 
 were again restored, and Asia evacuated. This is reckoned by 
 Appian the first Mithridatic war. 
 
 5. In the mean time, the Marian faction, during the absence of 
 Sylla, being triumphant at Rome, appointed the consul Valerius 
 as his successor in the province, who, on his arrival in Asia, was 
 killed by his lieutenant, Fimbria, in a mutiny of the troops. 
 Fimbria, whose bravery was equal to his villany, for some time 
 prosecuted the war against Mithridates with vigour ; but finding 
 his troops deserting to Sylla, he stabbed himself to avoid falling 
 
 * This choice of the Cappadocians is supposed to be alluded to by Horace. 
 'Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex.' Epist. li. 6. 39. 
 
 t Asia Minor, now Anatolia or Anadoli, (from avaToXrj, the east,) was a 
 name adopted in the middle ages, for the countries lying between the Euxine 
 and Mediterranean seas. At this time it comprised only the countries along 
 the Propontis and ^Egean, of which Pergamus was the Capital. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xiii 
 
 into the hands of his enemy. This army formed the Valerian or 
 Fimbrian legions, whose turbulence afterwards proved the ruin of 
 Lucullus, and which were now intrusted to Murena, on the de- 
 parture of Sylla for Rome, a. u. 670, whither the exigencies of 
 the state called him. On his arrival there he obtained a tri- 
 umph. 
 
 6". Murena soon found a pretext for renewing the war, to which 
 he was prompted by avaricious views, in the warlike preparations 
 of Mithridates against the Bosporani, a people of the Cimmerian 
 Bosporus ; which, after it had continued for three years without 
 any action of importance, terminated by a general engagement, 
 fought on the river Halys, in which both parties claimed the vic- 
 tory. For Sylla, who was now dictator, ordered a cessation of 
 hostilities and a renewal of the peace. He then recalled Murena, 
 and honoured him with a triumph, a. u. 672 ; and thus ended, 
 according to Appian, the second Mithridatic war. 
 
 7. Sylla dying, a. u. 67.5, before the treaty was ratified, 
 Mithridates, encouraged by the success of Sertorius, and by the 
 disorders which the remaining Marians, under Lepidus, had ex- 
 cited in the state, resolved to renew the war. Tigranes led the 
 way, by invading Cappadocia, and carrying off the inhabitants of 
 twelve Greek cities to people his favourite capital, Tigranocerta. 
 In the mean time the king of Bithynia dying, bequeathed his 
 kingdom to the Roman people, which they proceeded to reduce 
 into the form of a province. To prevent this, Mithridates at- 
 tacked it by sea and land, and at the same time sent to Sertorius, 
 then in Spain, offers of an alliance, and received in return some 
 experienced officers to command his fleets. 
 
 8 . The generals sent to oppose him were the consuls of the 
 year, (679,) Lucullus and Cotta. Lucullus had the command of 
 the Fimbrian legions ; Cotta, of the fleet. The land forces of the 
 king amounted to 180,000 men ; the fleet reckoned 400 ships. 
 Cotta, who had proceeded to Bithynia, suffered a defeat which 
 obliged him to retreat to Chalcedon, one of its maritime cities, and 
 there sustain a siege. Lucullus forced Mithridates to raise the 
 siege of this city, as also of Cyzicum, a town of the Propontis. 
 Still he was able to despatch a large fleet to Italy, to the assist- 
 ance of Spartacus ; but being met by Lucullus, near Tenedos, 
 it was intercepted and sunk. The king was soon after obliged to 
 evacuate Bithynia, and fall back on Pontus, whither he was pur- 
 sued by Lucullus : his cities taken, his armies routed, himself 
 driven out of his native kingdom, and Pontus opened to the Ro- 
 man legions. On this occasion he narrowly escaped falling into 
 the hands of Lucullus's cavalry ; who, tempted, however, by the 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 booty which the king abandoned to them in his flight, gave up the 
 pursuit. 
 
 9. An asylum was now afforded him by Tigranes, whose do- 
 minions Lucullus invaded, and invested Tigranocerta. Two splen- 
 did victories over the combined forces of the kings, left Armenia 
 at the mercy of the Roman general, who was proceeding to at- 
 tack Artaxata, the old capital of Armenia, and depository of the 
 treasures of Tigranes, when a spirit of insubordination manifested 
 itself among the legions, especially the Fimbrian. They refused 
 to march, and forced Lucullus to retire to winter quarters at Nisi- 
 bis in Mesopotamia. The kings returned to their respective do- 
 minions, collected their forces, and while Tigranes confined Fan- 
 nius, one of Lucullus's lieutenants, in a castle of Armenia, and 
 collected his forces to invade the province, Mithridates, in Pontus, 
 defeated, in turn, two others, Fabius and Triarius. 
 
 To complete the disaster, Glabrio, the consul of the year (686), 
 whom the tribune Gabinius, at Rome, by false representations of 
 the wealth and avarice of Lucullus, had procured to be appointed 
 his successor, arrived in Bithynia; and, by a decree, commanded 
 the soldiers no longer to obey Lucullus, now reduced to the rank 
 of a private citizen. 
 
 The decree was obeyed ; the Fimbrian veterans received their 
 discharge ; and the remaining troops were sent to Glabrio. 
 
 10. In the mean time the example of Gabinius was followed at 
 Rome by the tribune Manilius, who, wishing to ingratiate himself 
 with the people by flattering their favourite, Pompey, proposed 
 the law in question. Equally interested were the views of Cicero 
 in supporting it, who hoped for Pompey 's patronage in obtaining 
 the consulship to which he now aspired. The law was carried, 
 and Pompey, who was then in Cilicia, extinguishing the remains 
 of the piratical war, immediately assumed the command. Lucul- 
 lus returned to Rome, and having with difficulty obtained a 
 triumph, retired from public life, and passed the remainder of 
 his days in philosophic ease. 
 
 11. Pompey, who had thus, by the influence of turbulent 
 tribunes, (as Cicero himself subsequently owned, Phil. viii. 13,) 
 succeeded to the command of all Asia, was now in his fortieth year. 
 He was the son of Pompeius Strabo, a distinguished general in the 
 Italic war, in whose army, while yet a boy, he learned the military 
 art; and, after his father's death, served for some years under 
 Cinna.* On the return of Sylla from Asia, a. u. 670, Pompey, 
 
 * Plut. (Pomp. 5,) says, that the mutiny of Cinna's troops, in which he 
 was killed, arose from a suspicion of his having murdered Pompey. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xv 
 
 then about twenty-three years of age, joined him with three 
 legions, which he had credit to raise in Picenum. Having, on 
 his march, defeated Brutus, a Marian leader, Sylla rose up at his 
 approach and saluted him, Imperator. 
 
 12. The following year, he defeated two large armies of Carbo, 
 the successor of Cinna, at Praeneste and Clusium ; and pursuing 
 Carbo, himself, who fled to Sicily, he took the island, and put 
 him to death. He then, in the short space of forty days, reduced 
 Africa, which was held by Domitius, the son-in-law of Cinna, as- 
 sisted by Hiarbal, king of Numidia. Being thus conqueror of 
 Africa at the age of twenty-four, he was recalled to Rome, and, 
 according to Plutarch, saluted by Sylla with the title of Magnus,* 
 and obtained a triumph, being still a Roman knight. 
 
 13. Sylla now resigned the dictatorship, and Pompey used his 
 influence in promoting Lepidus to the consulship, who revived the 
 Marian cause, and was declared a public enemy. M. Brutus, the 
 father of the Tyrannicide, f was now in Cisalpine Gaul, and de- 
 clared for Lepidus. Pompey being sent thither, defeated and 
 slew him in time to join Catulus, the other consul, in an attack 
 upon his colleague, Lepidus, who was driven into Sardinia, where 
 he died of grief. Pompey, contrary to the wishes of Catulus, 
 delayed disbanding his army till he was commissioned, in prefer- 
 ence to the consuls of the following year, Junius Brutus and 
 Mam. iEmilius, to proceed to Spain, against Sertorius, the only 
 remaining Marian leader, and then opposed by Metellus Pius. 
 
 14. Here Pompey found his equal in the great abilities of Ser- 
 torius ; who, after two unsuccessful campaigns, obliged him to 
 retire into Gaul. The treachery of Perpenna effected what the 
 arms of Pompey were unequal to. Sertorius was slain at a ban- 
 quet; and as his talents had long supported, so his death proved 
 the ruin of the Marian cause. Perpenna was soon defeated by 
 Pompey and slain. In the mean time, Crassus had just given the 
 Servile army of Spartacus a final defeat, and a party of the fugi- 
 tives falling into the hands of Pompey, as he returned from Spain, 
 afforded him a pretext for claiming the extinction of that war. 
 For these achievements he was decreed a second triumph, though 
 still of equestrian rank. 
 
 \5. The law which required the consul to be forty-three, was 
 then dispensed with, in favour of Pompey, now only in his thirty- 
 
 * It is uncertain when this title was conferred. Appian makes it after the 
 Mithridatic war, but Cicero applies it to him, a. v. 690. Agrar. ii. 20. Liv. 
 xxx. 45, attributes it to the flattery of his friends. 
 
 t Cicero uses the Greek word, Fam. xii. 22, ' nostri rvpavvoKTuvoi longe 
 
 absunt.' 
 
xvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 fifth year ; and, a. u. 683, he was raised not only to be a senator, 
 but to be president of the senate. 
 
 Pompey was busily employed in forwarding such measures as 
 would extend his popularity ; particularly the restoration of the 
 tribunes of the people to the privileges of which Sylla had de- 
 prived them, up to his appointment, by the Gabinian law, to the 
 command of the piratical war, which he despatched in forty-nine 
 days ; not without sullying his fame, by his intrigues with the 
 Cretans, and his mean opposition to Metellus Creticus. The fol- 
 lowing year, as has been stated, he obtained the command of the 
 Mithridatic war, with large discretionary powers ; and it is but 
 justice to add, that, in that difficult commission, he sustained his 
 former high character, and brought it to a speedy and decisive 
 issue. 
 
 16. The plan of this oration is extremely simple. The ex- 
 ordium consists in a statement of the orator's reasons for not hav- 
 ing hitherto spoken from the Rostra, c. 1. Then follows a triple 
 division of his subject : 1. the kind of the war ; 2. its magnitude ; 
 3. the choice of a general. The first is enlarged on, c. 2 7 ; 
 the second, c. 8. 9; the third, c. 10 17. The orator then 
 addresses himself to the ' refutation ;' i. e. to reply to the objec- 
 tions of Q. Hortensius and Q. Catulus. The former is answered, 
 c. 18. 19; the latter, 20 23. He then concludes with an ex- 
 hortation to C. Manilius, to persevere in his motion, in defiance of 
 threats or violence, promising him his assistance and entire sup- 
 port, c. 24. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 PRO LEGE MANILIA 
 
 ORATIO. 
 
 I. Quamquam mihi semper frequens 2 conspectus 1 ves- 
 ter, multo jucundissimus ; hie autem 3 locus,* ad agen- 
 
 1. Conspectus] We find in every 
 language the same terms used to ex- 
 press the act and the object of any of 
 the senses : thus we say * acute vision' 
 (the act) ; ' the vision of the prophet' 
 (the object). So ' aKot)' hearing 
 report. Hence ' conspectus,' im- 
 porting the object seen, when that 
 object is a people, may imply, as 
 here, ' an assembly.' 
 
 2. Frequens] is, 1. a repetition of 
 time ; 2. of number. As the sense of 
 the passage requires the second mean- 
 ing here, it serves to limit ' conspec- 
 tus' to the sense given above. Or the 
 phrase may be resolved thus, ' Al- 
 though the sight of you crowded 
 together, &c.' 
 
 3. Autem] ' and though, &c.' ; 
 used in continuation, like the Greek 
 particle Si. 
 
 4. Locus] Cicero had never before 
 addressed the people from the Rostra. 
 This did not arise from negligence or 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 dislike, for he had always thought it 
 the most delightful and honourable 
 task but from the high idea which 
 he had formed of the talents and 
 learning requisite for such an under- 
 taking. This is at once compli- 
 mentary to the people, and serves to 
 constitute the prbemiumof his speech. 
 It may be here remarked, that at 
 Rome, those only who were Magis- 
 trates, or were introduced by Magis- 
 trates, had liberty to address the 
 people ; whereas, at Athens there 
 was no such restriction, respect being 
 merely had to age. ^Esch. in Ctes. 1. 
 Att. iv. 2. f Cum subito Clodius in 
 concionem ascendit quam Appius el 
 dedit.' Appius was then praetor. 
 Hence at Rome we at no time find 
 that ' harvest of demagogues/ (<popa 
 ptjToptuv novTjpuiv, /Esch. in Ctes. 
 86.) which sprang up at Athens, and, 
 no doubt, accelerated its fall. 
 
2" 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 dum 5 amplissimus, 6 ad dicendumornatissimus 7 estvisus, Qui- 
 rites : tamen hoc aditu 8 laudis, qui semper optimo cuique 9 
 maxime patuit, 10 non mea me voluntas, sed meae vita? rati- 
 ones 11 ab ineunte aetate susceptee, prohibuerunt. 12 Nam, 
 quum 13 antea per aetatem 14 nondum hujus auctoritatem loci 
 attingere auderem; statueremque, 15 nihil hue, nisi perfec- 
 tum ingenio, 13 elaboratum industria, afferri oportere : omne 
 meum tempus amicorum temporibus 17 transmittendum 18 
 
 5. Ad agendum"] The commen- 
 tators here inform us, from A. Gell. 
 xiii. 1 5. that ' cum populo agere' sig- 
 nifies to address the people, soliciting 
 their votes for or against a certain 
 measure ; ' concionem habere,' ha- 
 ranguing them without having that 
 object ; which, however true, is here 
 quite irrelevant. For Cicero does not 
 say, ' ad agendum cum populo' 
 ' concionem habere ;' but simply ' ad 
 agendum' * ad dicendum ;' and by 
 declaring that he always thought the 
 Rostra the most honourable place for 
 these exercises, he plainly intimates 
 that they were not limited to it alone, 
 but prevailed, though in a lower de- 
 gree, in the private courts. Besides 
 he often joins the words elsewhere as 
 synonymous. ' Mentem qua haec ipsa 
 agimus ac dicimus.' Mil. 31. We 
 must therefore translate them ge- 
 nerally, ' to conduct business,' ' to 
 harangue.' 
 
 - 6. Amplissimus] * Amplus' im- 
 ports 1. wide, capacious; 2. dignified, 
 honourable ; which is the meaning 
 here. So Arch. 10. ipsis populis de 
 quorum rebus scribitur haec ampla 
 sunt.' The Delph. incorrectly ex- 
 plains it, ' commodissimus.' 
 
 7. Ornatissimus] ' honorificus' 
 conferring honour. Forcel. Others, 
 admitting the highest oratorical em- 
 bellishment ;' which, if the interpre- 
 tation of ' amplus' be right, must be 
 incorrect,, nothing being more com- 
 mon with Cicero than two synonymous 
 epithets. 
 
 8. Aditu] the Rostra, the grand 
 entrance to glory and fame at Rome. 
 
 9. Optimo cuique] ' every man of 
 merit.' Sail. Cat. 8. ' Optumus quis- 
 que facere quam dicere, malebat.' 
 
 10. Maxime patuit] He means 
 with the magistrate's permission ; or 
 when he became a magistrate ; a dis- 
 tinction open 'optimo cuique.' Supr. 4. 
 
 11. Mea: vita: rationes] ' pleading 
 causes.' By ineunte state' he 
 means the ' dawn of youth,' not ' boy- 
 hood.' At the age of twenty-six he 
 pleaded a private cause for Quintius ; 
 and a year after a public one for Rose. 
 Amerinus. 
 
 12. Prohibuerunt] i.e. though he 
 had been quaestor, and anlile ; and 
 therefore duly qualified. 
 
 13. Nam, quum,fyc.] T 1 >rce causes 
 deterred him from the Ko^tra : 1. his 
 plans of life, 2. his modesty, 3. the 
 talents and industry requisite for such 
 an undertaking. 
 
 14. Per atatem] 'youth;' which 
 the Romans extended to forty years. 
 Cicero was now in his forty- first year ; 
 and had been pleading causes for 
 nearly twenty. 
 
 15. Statuerem] sc apud animum. 
 De Orat. iii. 22. * vix statuere apud 
 animum meum possum.' 
 
 16. Perfectum ingenio] Ingenium 
 res invenit ; inventas industria perficit. 
 Manut. Cicero's expression then is 
 not strictly correct. 
 
 17. Temporibus] Cicero uses 
 ' tempora' for ' pericula' and ' peri- 
 cula,' again, for ' lites.' Mil. 36. 
 ' Bona, fortunas meas ac libererum 
 meorum in communionem tuorum tem- 
 porum contuli.' And Arch. 2. 'In 
 ejusmodi persona quae minime in ju- 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 1 
 
 3 
 
 putavi. Ita 19 neque hie locus vacuus 20 unquam fuit ab 
 iis, qui vestram causam defenderent : et mens labor, in 
 privatorum 21 periculis caste 22 integreque versatus, ex ves- 
 tro judicio fructum 23 est amplissimum consecutusV Nam 
 quum, propter dilationem 24 comitiorum, 25 ter praetor 26 pri- 
 mus centuriis cunctis 27 renunciatus sum, facile intellexi, 
 Quirites, et quid de me judicaretis, et quid aliis pra?scri- 
 beretis. 28 Nunc quum et auctoritatis in me tantum sit, 
 quantum vos honoribus 29 mandandis 30 esse voluistis : et ad 
 
 diciis periculisn : tractata est.' 
 
 18. Transmittendum] ' to be spent 
 according to the exigencies of my 
 friends.' Manut. Rather ' to be devoted 
 to.' Operi transmittere noctes. Stat. 
 Theb. iii. 287. 
 
 19. Ita] 'Ita' is not to be re- 
 ferred merely to ' omnemeum pu- 
 tavi,' the words immediately preced- 
 ing, as Cicero's attention to the 
 concerns of his friends is no reason 
 why the people should have cham- 
 pions of their cause ; though it is, 
 why ' meus labor fructum est am- 
 plissimum consecutus.' Refer it also 
 then to the remote clause ' optimo 
 cuique maxime patuit.' 
 
 20. Vacuus ab] Ab maybe omitted. 
 Divin. ii. 11. Animus curis vacuus. 
 
 21. Privatorum] which were not 
 brought forward to the Rostra. 
 
 22. Caste, tyc] Castus propria 
 sacerdotis ; integer, judicis et patroni, 
 Marcil. Here, however, they both 
 import 'immunis,' and allude to the 
 Cincian law, a. u. 549, against fees 
 for pleading. Liv. xxxiv. 4. 
 
 23. Fructum] the pra;torship. 
 
 24. Dilationem] This adjourn- 
 ment was usually caused either by 
 the intercession of the tribunes or the 
 inspection of the magistrates. Phil, 
 ii. 32. Here it arose from the fer- 
 ment in which the city was kept by 
 the promulgation of the Gabinian, 
 Roscian, and other laws. The co- 
 mitia was twice dissolved as informal. 
 In these, as well as the third, Cicero 
 was declared first praetor. This, how- 
 ever, gave him no superiority of rank 
 
 or jurisdiction, but was merely a tes- 
 timony of public favour. Hence his 
 boast, Brut. 93, ' et praetor primus et 
 incredibili populari voluntate sum 
 factus.' 
 
 25. Comitiorum] sc. ' centuriato- 
 rum ;' at which the higher magis- 
 trates were appointed. 
 
 26. Preetor] (from pre ire) any 
 leader, civil or military ; but a. u. 
 389, the name was restricted to the 
 magistrate who presided over the ad- 
 ministration of justice. The first 
 praetor was the son of the great Ca- 
 millus, Liv. vii. 1, and the praetors 
 continued for thirty years to be chosen 
 from the patricians. The praetor pe- 
 regrinus was appointed a. u. 510, 
 ' qui inter cives Romanos et peregrinos 
 jus diceret.' Liv. xxii. 35. The 
 number was now eight. 
 
 27. Cunctis] qu. ' conjunctis' 
 all without exception ; whereas a 
 majority only was necessary. 
 
 28. Quid aliis pra:scriberetis] sc. 
 de me judicandum. Si/lv. Rather, 
 ' what line of conduct you marked 
 out for others to pursue,' namely 
 to devote their time to the exigen- 
 cies of their friends. 
 
 29. Honoribus] the aedileship and 
 praetorship ; for the quacstorship was 
 not considered a magistracy or an 
 honour. Hor. Certat tergeminis tol- 
 lere honoribus. These were the 
 aedileship, praetorship, and consulship. 
 
 30 Mandundis] Al : mandan- 
 dum, to be annexed to, &c Transl. 
 1 as you wished me to have by con- 
 ferring your honours upon me j' or, 
 
4 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 agendum facultatis tantum, quantum homini vlnilanti ex 
 ibrensi usuprope quotidiana dicendi exercitatio potuitaflerre : 
 certe, et, si quid auctoritatis in me est, ea apud eos utar, 
 qui earn mihi dedenmt : et, si quid etiam dicendo conse- 
 qui possum, iis ostendam potissimum, qui ei quoque rei 31 
 fructum suo judicio tribuendum esse Censuerunt. Atque 
 illud in primis mihi laetandum jure esse video, quod in hac 
 insolita mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi, causa talis oblata 
 est, in qua oratio deesse nemini potest. Dicendum est 
 enim de Cn. Pompeii 32 singulari eximiaque virtute : hu jus 
 autem orationis difficilius est exitum, quam principium in- 
 venire. Ita mihi non tarn copia, quam modus in dicendo 
 quaerendus est. 
 
 II. Atque, ut inde oratio mea proficiscatur, unde ha?e 
 omnis causa ducitur : bellum grave et periculosum vestris 
 vectigalibus 1 atque sociis 2 a duobus potentissimis 3 regibus 
 infertur, Mithridate et Tigrane ; quorum alter relictus, 4 alter 
 lacessitus, 5 occasionem sibi ad occupandam Asiam 6 oblatam 
 
 ' by intrusting me with your magis- 
 tracies.' 
 
 31. Ei rei] sc. quid dicendo 
 consequi possum ;' the attainments of 
 eloquence ; not as Ilott. ' dicendi 
 facultati' ability in speaking ; i. e. 
 it was on his industry in pleading the 
 causes of his friends, not on his 
 talents as an orator, that the rewards 
 were bestowed. 
 
 32. Cn. Pompeii'] emphatic, ' of a 
 Cneius Pompey.' 
 
 Sec. II. 1. Vectigalibus] ' Vec- 
 tigal,' from veho,' is 1 . a duty 
 on imports and exports ; 2. the 
 tax laid by the Romans on the 
 lands and produce of conquered 
 countries. Hence ' vectigalis,' one 
 paying this tax, a tributary ; op- 
 posed to 
 
 2. Sociis] who were joined in alliance 
 with the llomans. Here particularly 
 is meant Ariobarzanes, of whom infr. 
 c. 5. Rex, socius populi Rom., atque 
 amicus. 
 
 3. Potentissimis] Cic. in Lucul. 
 pronounces Mithridates the greatest 
 
 king after Alexander. Tigranes had 
 obtained considerable victories over 
 the Parthians, and established Greek 
 colonies in Media. 
 
 4. Relictus] Cic insinuates that 
 Lucullus gave up the pursuit of 
 Mithridates, in quest of plunder ; 
 but vid. Introd. 9. 
 
 5. Lacessitus] This word is in- 
 vidiously chosen, as if Lucullus had 
 wantonly provoked Tigranes to the 
 fight, and then retreated. Introd. 9. 
 
 6. Ad occupandam Asiam] The 
 usual construction is ' occupandam 
 Asia?.' Asia was first reduced into 
 the form of a Roman province, a. u. 
 620, after Attalus had bequeathed his 
 kingdom to the Roman people. The 
 Delph. dates it 137 (it should be 124) 
 years before this period, when Scipio 
 conquered Antiochus ; but the coun- 
 try of which he was deprived, sc. 
 Asia cis Taurum, was not reduced 
 to the form of a province ; being 
 partly given to Eumenes and the 
 Rhodiaris, partly made free. Introd. 
 4. note c. 
 
PRO LEGE MANILLA, Cap. 2. 
 
 arbitratur. Equitibus Romanis, 7 honestissimis viris, 
 afteruntur ex Asia quotidie litera?, quorum magna? res 8 
 agimtar, in vestris vectigalibus exercendis 9 oecupata? ; 10 
 quiad me, pro necessitudine, 11 quaemihi est cum illo ordine, 
 causam reipublica? 1 * ])ericulaque rerum suiirum detulerunt: 
 Bithvnia\ lj quae nunc vestra provincial 4 est, vicos exustos 
 
 complines : regnum Ariobarzanis, 15 quod finitimum 
 est vestris vectigalibus, totum esse in hostium potestate : Lu- 
 culliim, magnis rebus gestis, ab eo bello discedere: huic 
 qui successerit, 16 non satis esse paratum ad tautum bellum 
 administrandum : unum ab omnibus sociis et civibus ad id 
 bellum impcratorem deposci atque expeti : cundem hunc 
 unum al) hostibus metui, praeterea 17 neiniucm. 
 
 Causa qua; sit, vidctis : nunc, quid agendum sit, consi- 
 derate. Primum urihi videtur de genere belli; deinde de 
 mainiitudine; turn dc hnperatore deligendo esse dicendum. 
 
 7. Equitibus Romani$~\ These had 
 formed themselves into companies 
 (' societates.' Muren. 33.) which 
 farmed the public revenues hence 
 called ' publicani.' The auction was 
 held by the censors in March, and the 
 highest contractor was called magis- 
 ter, who had a deputy called pro- 
 magister. 
 
 8. Magna: res~\ i. e. opes, facultates. 
 
 9. Exercendis] collecting. Inf. * aut 
 eos qui exercent atque exigunt.' 
 They collected tithes (decuma?) from 
 the husbandmen; rents (scriptura) 
 from the pastures, and customs (por- 
 toriura) from the ports. 
 
 10. Occupata] a Mithridate et 
 Tigrane. Sylv. But it merely means 
 embarked in business.' So Verr. iii. 
 
 i ccunias occuparat apud popu- 
 los, et syngraphas fecerat. 
 
 11. Necessitudine] a strong tie of 
 friendship or intimacy. So avaytci) 
 in Greek. Pliny, xxxiii. 8, explains 
 it j ' M. Cicero demum stabilivit 
 equestre nomen in consulatu suo,3 x 
 eo se ordine profectum esse celebrans., 
 et ejus vires peculiari popularitate 
 quaerens.' 
 
 12. Causam reip., fc] He con- 
 nects the public interest with that of 
 
 the knights, lest he might seem to 
 sacrifice public duty to private friend- 
 ship. 
 
 13. BitAt/ni<e] Introd. 7. It was 
 anciently called Bebrycia, and re- 
 ceived the name of Bithynia, from the 
 Bithyni or Thyni, a Thracian natioi 
 which settled there. 
 
 14. Que? nunc vestra provincial 
 This is added for the information of 
 the people ; an assembly of whom he 
 was now addressing. The senate 
 were, no doubt, aware of the fact. It 
 was now about ten years since its es- 
 tablishment. 
 
 15. Regnum Ariob.] sc. Cappado- 
 cia. Introd. 9. It must have been 
 after Lucullus withdrew to Nisibis 
 that Mithridates seized on this king- 
 dom, as up to that time the Roman 
 general was master of every country 
 in his rear. 
 
 16. Huic qui successerit] Introd. 
 9. Al. succui-rerit which, according 
 to Ilottom., intimates the too great 
 eagerness of Glabrio in seizing on a 
 command for which he was not re- 
 markably adapted ; being, in Cicero's 
 opinion, ' socors ipsius natura, negli- 
 gensque.' Brut. b'8. 
 
 17. Prtfterea] prater hunc. 
 
 B 2 
 
6 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Genus est 18 belli ejusmodi, quod maxime vestros animos 
 excitare atque inflammare ad studium persequendi 19 de- 
 beat ; in quo agitur populi Romani gloria, qua? vobis a ma- 
 joribus, quum magna in rebus omnibus, turn summa in re 
 militari 20 tradita est: agitur salus socioram atque amico- 
 rum, pro qua multa majores vestri magna et gravia bella ges- 
 serunt: aguntur certissima 21 populi Romani vectigalia et 
 maxima; quibus amissis, et pacis ornamenta 22 et subsidia 
 belli requiretis r 23 aguntur bona multorum civium, quibus 
 est a vobis 24 et ipsorum et reipublica? causa consulenduni. 
 
 III. Et quoniam semper appetentes gloria? 1 prater cete- 
 ras gentes, atque avidi laudis fuistis, delenda vobis est ilia 
 macula, 2 Mithridatico bello superiore 3 suscepta, qua? peni- 
 tus jam insedit, atque inveteravit in populi Romani nomine : 
 quod is, qui uno die, tota Asia, tot in civitatibus, uno nun- 
 tio, atque una literarum significatione cives Romanos necan- 
 dos trucidandosque denotavit, non modo adhuc poenam nul- 
 lam suo dignam scelere suscepit, sed ab illo tempore 4 annum 
 
 18. Genus est] Al. Genus est 
 enim. If so. enim is used for tran- 
 sition as if he said, ' Now the, &c.' 
 
 19. Ad studium persequendi] Grsev. 
 inserts these words, which are omitted 
 in the Delph. 
 
 20. In re militari] Floras (Prol. 
 Hist.) says, that whoever reads the 
 military history of the Romans must 
 learn not the actions of a single peo- 
 ple, but of all mankind. 
 
 21. Certissima] He must mean in 
 peaceable times. When consul, two 
 years afterwards, the Campanian 
 were, in his opinion, the only sure 
 revenues. Agr. ii. 29. 
 
 22. Et pacis ornamentum, fyc] So 
 Agr. ii. 29, Pacis ornamentum, sub- 
 sidia belli, fundamentum vectigalium. 
 
 23. Requiretis] ' feel the loss of. 
 Requiro ; amissum sentio. Ascon. 
 
 24. A vobis] Here a is necessary, 
 otherwise we might have translated 
 ' which must provide for you.' Schel- 
 ler's Lat. Gram. vol. 2. p. 233. 
 Inf. 8. n. 4. 
 
 Sec. HI. 1. Appetentes gloria:'] 
 This is illustrated by the fact, that 
 from the building of Rome to the 
 
 siege of Veii, nearly 350 years, the 
 Roman soldiers served without pay. 
 Liv. v. 2. 
 
 2. Ilia macula] Introd. 4. The 
 circular was directed to the pracfects 
 of Asia, and extended to men, women, 
 and children freemen and slaves. 
 The property of the slain was divided 
 between the assassins and the trea- 
 sury. Plutarch, Syll. 24, states the 
 number that perished at 150,000. 
 Val. Max. ix. 2. 3. at 80,000. And 
 Appian remarks, that the strictness 
 with which the command was ex- 
 ecuted displayed more hatred to the 
 Romans than fear of the king. 
 Introd. 5. 
 
 3. Bello superiore] Not the for- 
 mer war ; for that was the war of 
 Murena, in which the Romans re- 
 ceived no ' stain.' The first war, 
 therefore is meant ; and it is probable 
 that Cic. did not separate the war of 
 Murena from that of Sylla ; a dis- 
 tinction which it hardly deserves, 
 either from its continuance, its dan- 
 ger, or the abilities of its general. 
 Introd. 6. 
 
 4. Ab illo temp.] sc. a. u. 665. 
 
PRO LEGE xMANILIA, Cap. 4. 7 
 
 jam tertium et vicesimum regnat : et ita regnat, ut se non 
 Ponto, 5 neque Cappadociae latebris 6 occultare velit, sed 
 emergere 7 e patrio regno, atque in vestris vectigalibus, hoc 
 est, in Asiae luce 8 versari. Etenim adhuc ita vestri cum illo 
 rege contenderunt imperatores, 9 ut ab illo insignia victo- 
 ria?, 10 non victoriam reportarent. Triumphavit L. Sulla, 
 triumphavit L. Murena de Mithridate, duo fortissimi viri, et 
 summi imperatores: sed ita triumpharunt, ut ille pulsus 
 superatusque regnaret. Verumtamen illis imperatoribus laus 
 est tribuenda, quod egerunt : 11 venia danda, quod reli- 
 querunt : 12 propterea quod ab eo bello Sullam 13 in Italiam 
 respublica, Murenam 14 Sulla revocavit. 
 
 IV. Mithridates autem omne reliquum tempus, 1 non ad 
 oblivionem veteris belli, sed ad comparationem novi contulit : 
 qui posteaquam maximas aedificasset ornassetque classes f ex- 
 ercitusque permagnos, quibuscunque ex gentibus potuisset, 
 comparasset, et se Bosporanis, 3 finitimis suis, bellum in- 
 
 Cic. is speaking in 687. The differ- 
 ence, reckoning inclusively, is twenty- 
 three years. 
 
 5. Non Ponto~\ his hereditary king- 
 dom. 
 
 6. Cappadociaz latebris] Cappado- 
 cia lay between the Halys, the Eu- 
 phrates, and the Euxine. 
 
 7. Occultare emergere lace] The 
 metaphor here is borrowed from the 
 changes in the heavenly bodies. 
 
 8. Asia luce] An English trans- 
 lator, Duncan, renders this ' The 
 rich and fertile country of Asia.' But 
 Gesner (Thesaur. ling. Lat.) notices 
 a common meaning of ' in luce,' 
 sc. ' in publico civium convictu.' So 
 ad Quint. Frat. i. Ep. i. 2. Istam 
 virtutem non latere in tenebris ; sed 
 in luce Asiae, in oculis clarissimre 
 provincial esse positam.' And this 
 meaning agrees with Mithridates 
 leaving the dark retreats (latebrae) of 
 Cappadocia, and dwelling in the pub- 
 lic view (luce) of Asia. Vid. Eng. 
 Trans. 
 
 9. Imperatores] Sylla, Murena, 
 Lucullus. 
 
 10. Insignia victoria] ' Trium- 
 phos,' Ilotlom. But Manut. objects 
 to thi3 meaning; as not agreeing with 
 
 ab illo reportarent ;' and explains it 
 'signa,' indicia.' 
 
 11. Quod egerunt] i. e. quantum 
 ad illud attinet quod, &c. Hott ; 
 ex eo quod, &c. Manut. Eng. for 
 what.' 
 
 12. Quod reliquerunt] sc. Mithrida- 
 tem : quod is here a conj. Matth. 
 V. E. If so, we would expect it to be 
 the same before ' egerunt,' which it 
 evidently is not. 
 
 13. Sullam] Introd. 5. 
 
 14. Murenam Sulla] Introd. 6. 
 Sylla might want his troops in Italy. 
 1 Mithridatem quern L. Murena pa- 
 ter hujusce vehementissime vigilan- 
 tissimeque vexatum, repressum mag- 
 na ex parte, non oppressum, reliquit.' 
 Muren. 15. 
 
 Sec IV. 1. Omne reliquum tem- 
 pus] sc. from the recall of Murena, 
 a. u. 672, to the appointment ofLu- 
 cullus in 679. Introd. 7. 8. 
 
 2. Maximas classes, c] Introd. 8. 
 
 3. Bosporanis] The Delph. er- 
 roneously considers this a Thracian 
 people. Introd. 6. Appian makes 
 these preparations to precede the re- 
 call of Murena. Mithr. 64. There 
 may have been preparations on both 
 occasions. Mithr. 67. 
 
8 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 ferre simulasset: usque in Hispaniam 4 legatos 5 ac litems" 
 misit ad eos duces, 7 quibuscum turn bellum gerebamus : ut, 
 quum, duobus in locis disjunctissimis 8 maximeque diversis, 
 uno consilio, a binis hostium copiis bellum terra marique 9 
 gereretur, vos ancipiti contentione districti, de imperio dimi- 
 caretis. Sed tamen alterins partis periculum, 10 Sertorianae 
 atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus firmament] ac roboris 
 habebat, Cn. Pompeii divine- consilio ac singular] virtute de- 
 pulsum est: in altera parte ita res a L. Lucullo, summo viro, 
 est administrata, ut initia ilia 11 gestarum rerum mauna at- 
 que praeclara, non felicitati ejus, sed virtuti ; ha?c autem 
 extrema, 12 quae nuper acciderunt, non culpae, sed fortunae 
 tribuenda esse videantur. Sed de Lucullo dicam alio 
 loco, 13 et ita dicam, Quirites, ut neque vera laus ei detracta 
 actione nostra, neque falsa afficta 14 esse videatur. De 
 vestri 15 imperii dignitate atque gloria, quoniam is est exor- 
 sns orationis mea?, 16 videte, quem vobis animum suscipien- 
 dum putetis. 
 
 V. Majores vestri 1 saepe, mercatoribus ac naviculariis 
 injuriosius 2 tractatis, bella gesserunt: vos tot civium Ro- 
 
 4. Usque t'w Hisp.] to Sertorius. 
 Introd. 7. For the particulars of this 
 embassy, vide App. Mithrid. 68; or 
 Plutarch, in Sert. 23. 
 
 5. Legatos] named L. Magius, and 
 L. Fannius ; banished Marians. 
 App. 68. 
 
 6. Ac literas] Usually read Ec- 
 batanis, the name of the capital of 
 Media Major ; now, Hamedan, or, 
 according to some, Ispahan. But 
 it is impossible that Mithrid. could 
 have been there at this time ; and im- 
 probable that he was ever there at all. 
 
 7. Eos duces~\ Sertorius and per- 
 haps Perpenna. 
 
 8. Locis disjunctissimis] Spain and 
 Pontus were nearly at the opposite 
 extremities of the Roman empire. 
 
 9. Terra marique] For Mithri- 
 dates covenanted to send Sertorius a 
 fleet of forty ships. 
 
 10. Alterins partis periculum'] Vid. 
 Introd. 14. where it will appear that the 
 treachery of Perpenna had some share 
 in dispelling this danger. Hooke, 
 
 viii. 3. 
 
 11. Initia illu] Introd. 8. 
 
 12. Extrema^ The defeat of his 
 lieutenants. Introd. 9. 
 
 13. Alio loco] Inf. 8. 
 
 14. Afficta] 'affigo' fixed to, as- 
 cribed to. 
 
 15. De vestri, S\c] Al. Sed pro. 
 In order to see the connexion here, we 
 must consider from ' Etenim adhuc, 
 &c.,' c 3., as a digression to the pre- 
 vious management of the war. Cic. 
 now returns to his first argument 
 (quoniam semper appetentes gloria, 
 &c.) their thirst for glory, and the 
 stain on their fame, which required 
 to be effaced. This he enforces by 
 showing how their ancestors had acted 
 on less urgent occasions. 
 
 1 6. Is exorsus me&] * I began my 
 speech with that,' sc. gloria. 
 
 Sec. V. 1. Majores vestri] ' Ves- 
 tri' was more complimentary than 
 ' nostri,' and therefore used in ad- 
 dressing the people. 
 
 2. Injurioiius] i. e. ' so.newhat 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 5. 9 
 
 manorum millibus 3 uno nimtio atque uno tempore neca- 
 tis, quo tandem animo esse debetis? Legati 4 quod erant 
 appellati superbius, Corinthum patres vestri, 6 totius 
 Graeciae lumen, 6 exstinctum 7 esse voluerunt: vos eum re- 
 gem inultum esse patiemini, qui legatum populi Romani 
 consularem, 8 vinculis ac verberibus, atque omni supplicio 
 excruciatum necavit? Illi libertatem civium Romanorum 
 imminutam non tulerunt : vos vitam ereptam negligetis ? 
 Jus legationis verbo violatum 9 illi persecuti sunt: vos 
 legatum, omni supplicio interfectum, relinquetis ? 10 Videte, 
 ne, ut illis pulcherrimum fuit, tantam vobis imperii gloriam 
 relinquere; sic vobis turpissimum sit, id, quod accepistis, 
 tueri et conservare non posse. Quid I quod salus sociorum 
 summum in periculum ac discrimen vocatur ? Regno expul- 
 sus est Ariobarzanes, rex, socius populi Romani atque ami- 
 cus: 11 imminent duo reges toti Asia?, non solum vobis 
 
 wrongfully,' a dimin. of the positive 
 injuriose ; as inf. 'superbius.' 
 
 3. Tot millibus] supr. 3, n.2. 
 
 4. Legati] The ' legati' were 
 Aurelius, Orestes, and other senators. 
 Their commission was to settle the 
 differences between the Achaean con- 
 federacy and Lacedasmon. With re- 
 gard to the insult, Livy and Asconius 
 say, * quod pulsati ac violati essent,' 
 and Strabo, ' quod sordes e tectis in eos 
 conjecerint.' But Cic, who wished 
 to lower the provocation as much as 
 possible, omits to state that, after this, 
 Metellus, the proconsul of Macedonia, 
 fought a bloody battle in Locris and 
 Mummius another, at the Jsthmus, 
 before Corinth was destroyed. Nor 
 does it appear, that Mummius acted 
 by the orders of the senate, though his 
 conduct afterwards met their approval. 
 Cic. elsewhere states the real cause of 
 its demolition, namely, ' specie utili- 
 tatis.' Off.iii. 11. Agr. ii.3'2. 
 
 5. Patres vestri] ' Maj ores' is ap- 
 plied to the more ancient ; patres,' 
 to the more recent. Corinth was de- 
 stroyed a. v. 607. exactly eighty years 
 before this time. 
 
 6. Lumen] alluding to Leptines's 
 
 calling Athens and Corinth ' the 
 eyes of Greece.' Bottom* 
 
 7. Exstinctum] Al. exstinctam ; for 
 Corinthus' is foem. But it is, no 
 doubt, referred to ' lumen.' 
 
 8 Legatum consular em] M. Aqui- 
 lius, consul with Marius a. u. 651. 
 He had been his lieutenant in the 
 Cimbric war, and suppressed the re- 
 volt of the slaves in Sicily. It is hard 
 to account for his being a commis- 
 sioner on this occasion, unless we sup- 
 pose that he was prompted to under- 
 take it by avaricious views ; to which 
 indeed his subsequent punishment 
 gives some countenance. Introd. 4. 
 
 9. Verbo violatum] supr. n. 4. 
 
 10. Relinquetis] Delph. inultum 
 relinquetis ; but unnecessary. ' Re- 
 linquo' opposed to persequi' is ' to 
 neglect the wrongs of.' ' Cur inju- 
 rias tuas reliquisti - !' Verr. i. 33. 
 
 11. Socius atque amicus] the 
 highest title the Romans could 
 bestow. Liv. xxxi. 11. * Nominis 
 ejus honorem pro magnis erga se re- 
 gum meritis dare populum Rom. con- 
 suesse.' It was usual for the senate 
 to present such kings with a crown of 
 gold, a golden cup, an ivory curule 
 
10 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 inimicissimi, sed etiam vestris sociis atque amicis : civitates 
 autem omnes, cuncta Asia atque Graecia 12 vestmm auxi- 
 lium exspectare propter periculi magnitudinem coguntur: 
 imperatorem a vobis certum deposcere, quum praesertim vos 
 alium 13 miseritis, neque audent, neque se id facere summo 
 sine periculo posse arbitrantur. Vident et sentiunt hoc 
 idem, quod vos, 1 * unum virum esse, in quo summa sint 
 omnia, et eum prope esse, (quo etiam carent aegrius : 15 ) 
 eujus adventu ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad maritimum 
 bellum 16 venerit, tamen impetus hostium repressos esse in- 
 telligunt ac retardatos. Hi vos, quoniam libere loqui non 
 licet, 17 tacite rogant, ut se quoque sicut ceterarum provin- 
 ciartim socios, dignos existimetis, quorum salutem tali vlro 
 commendetis : atque hoc etiam magis, 18 quam ceteros, 
 quod ejusmodi in provinciam homines cum imperio mitti- 
 mus, ut, etiam si ab hoste defendant, tamen ipsorum adven- 
 tus m urbes sociorum non multum ab hostili expugnatione 
 different. Hunc audiebant 19 antea, nunc pnesentem vi- 
 dent, tanta temperantia, co tanta mansuetudine, tanta huma- 
 riitate, ut ii beatissimi esse videantur, apud quos ille diutis- 
 sime commoratur. 
 
 chair, an ivory sceptre, an em- of the Asiatic states. 
 
 broidered toga, and a striped tunic. 17. Quoniam libere loqui non licet] 
 
 12. Cuncta Gracia] In the ab- for Glabrio was already there. 
 
 lat. as ' tota Asia,' supra, 3. Weiske, 18. Atque hoc etiam magis] If the 
 
 V.E. But this seems very doubtful ; ellipsis is supplied from the preceding 
 
 for ' tota Asia' is there followed by words, it will be ' atque rogant ut 
 
 'in civitatibus,' here preceded by ' ci- se etiam magis dignos existimetis, c. 
 
 vitates,' with which it is obviously quam cacteros hoc quod, &c.,' i. e. 
 
 in apposition. ' nay, they ask you to think them 
 
 13. Alium] Glabrio. Introd. 9. more deserving, 6cc, because, &c.' 
 
 14. Quod vos] A compliment to But as this seems too presuming for 
 the sagacity of the Romans. those silent petitioners, we may sup- 
 
 15. Quo etiam carent crgrius] ply it thus : atque eos etiam magis 
 Delph. ' quern magis desiderant cum dignos existimare debemus quam cae- 
 summa auctoritate.' But, ' quo' teros, &c. ;' and we should deem 
 refers to ' prope esse,' the want of them even more deserving than other 
 any good, being more felt the more provincials, in as much as 
 nearly it is within our reach. Tusc. 19. Audiebant] while he was waging 
 i. 36. * Carere' est ' egere eo quod the Italian, Sicilian, African, and 
 habere velis ;' inest enim velle in ca- Spanish wars. 
 
 rendo. 20. Temperantia] named first as 
 
 16. Maritimum bel.] This, ex- being most opposed to the rapacity of 
 tending to Cilicia and Mount Ama- other generals. Manut. 
 
 nus, placed Pompey within the reach 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 6. 
 
 11 
 
 VI. Quare, si propter so-cios, 1 nulla ipsi injuria lacessiti, 
 ma j ores vestri cum Antiocho, 2 cum Philippo, 3 cum ^Eto- 
 lis, 4 cum Poenis 5 bella gesserunt : quanto vos studio con- 
 venit, injuriis provocates, sociorum salutem una cum imperii 
 vestri dianitate defendere j prsesertim quum de vestris max- 
 imis vectigalibus agatur ? Nam ceterarum provinciarum 
 
 Sec. VI. 1. Propter socios] Ac- 
 cording to Polybius ii. 12, the first 
 intercourse between the Greeks and 
 Romans took place on the conclusion 
 of the first Illyrian war, a. u. 525, 
 when the latter sent ambassadors to 
 Corinth and Athens. The Corin- 
 thians admitted the Romans to the 
 Isthmian games; the Athenians de- 
 clared them citizens of Athens. Zon. 
 viii. 
 
 2. Antiocho'] Antiochus the Great 
 was descended from Seleucus Nicator, 
 one of the generals of Alexander the 
 Great. He possessed all the countries 
 of Asia, from Media to vEolis and 
 Ionia, including Cuele-Syria, Phoe- 
 nicia, and the coast of the Mediter- 
 ranean, as far as /Egypt. 1 1 is first 
 appearance in Europe was at Lysi- 
 machia, a city of Thrace, which he 
 claimed in right of its founder, Seleu- 
 cus, and proposed to make the capital 
 of a kingdom for his son. At the 
 same tin-.j the .Etolians, dissatisfied 
 at ti: peace between Philip and the 
 Romans, (v. next note) instigated Na- 
 bis, the tyrant of Lacedaemon, to at- 
 tack the Achaeans, then headed by the 
 celebrated Philopcemon ; and inviting 
 Antiochus into Greece, constituted 
 him general of the /Etolians. The 
 Romans, of course, were applied to 
 on the part of the confederates, and 
 a. u. 562. sent Ac. Glabrio against 
 Antiochus, who, having destroyed his 
 whole army at Thermopylae, obliged 
 himself to retreat to Asia, and the 
 -<Etolians to surrender at discretion. 
 The following year his dominions 
 were invaded by Scipio, who forced 
 him to accept cf an iguominious 
 peace. 
 
 3. Philippo] Philip was descend- 
 ed from Antigonus, one of the cap- 
 tains of Alexander the Great. His 
 power and abilities made him an 
 antagonist worthy of the Komans, to 
 whom he had rendered himself ob- 
 noxious during the second Punic war, 
 by making a league with Hannibal. 
 Subsequently he came to an agree- 
 ment with Sempronius, (who had 
 landed a large army in Greece, a.u. 
 549,) which was ratified by the senate. 
 But the Athenians, having put to death 
 two Acarnanians for violating the 
 mysteries of Certs, Philip, a. u. 552, 
 joined the latter in invading Atti- 
 ca. The Athenians, in conjunction 
 with Attalus and the Rhodians, sent 
 deputies to Home : Philip did the 
 same. The senate decided in favor 
 of the confederates, and the following 
 year sent the consul, P. Sulpicius 
 Galba, into Greece. This general 
 and his successor, Flamininus, obliged 
 Philip, at the end of four years, to 
 accept of a peace, whereby full liberty 
 was secured to the Grecian cities. 
 
 4. JEtolis] Vide penult, note. It 
 was the year following, a. u. 564, 
 that Fulvius, the patron of Ennius, 
 (Arch. 11.) reduced them finally, 
 harder terms of peace being imposed 
 upon them than on any of the other 
 states of Greece. 
 
 5. Poznis] What Punic war he 
 alludes to is not specified. If we take 
 the first, the allies will be the Mamer- 
 tines, who had seized on the town of 
 Messina, in Sicily, and invited the 
 Romans to their support. If the 
 second, the allies will be the Sagun- 
 tines. on whom Hannibal made war. 
 
It 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 vectigalia, Quirites, tanta 6 sunt, ut iis ad ipsas provincias 
 tutandas vix contend esse possimus: Asia vero tam opi- 
 ma 7 est et fertilis, ut et ubertate agrorum, et varietate fruc- 
 tuum, et magnitudine pastionis, et multitudine earum rerum, 
 qua3 exportantur, 8 facile omnibus terris antecellat. Itaque 
 ha?c vobis provincia, Quirites, si et belli utilitatem et pacis 
 dignitatem sustinere vultis, non modo a calamitate, 9 sed 
 etiam a metu calamitatis est defendenda. Nam ceteris in 
 rebus, 10 quum venit calamitas, turn detrimentum 11 accipi- 
 tur: at in vectigalibus non solum adventus mali, sed etiam 
 metus ipse affert calamitatem. Nam quum hostium copia? 
 non longe absunt, etiam si irruptio facta nulla sit, tamen pe- 
 cora relinquuntur, agricultura deseritur, mercatorum navi- 
 gatio conquiescit. Ita neque ex portu, 12 neque ex decu- 
 mis, 13 neque ex scriptura 14 vectigal conservari potest ; 
 quare saepe totius anni fructus uno rumore periculi, atque 
 uno belli terrore amittitur. Quo tandem animo esse existi- 
 matis ant eos, qui vectigalia nobis pensitant, aut eos, qui 
 exercent atque exigunt, quum duo reges cum maximis copiis 
 pro|)e adsint ? quum una excursio equitatus perbrevi tempore 
 
 6. Tanta] so trifling ; such and 
 no more. ( ' Tantus' tam parvus ; 
 vel certe non augens. Forcel.) ' Pra?- 
 sidii tantum est; ut ne murus qui- 
 dem cingi potest. Caes. B. G. vi. 35. 
 
 7. Opima] from ' ops' and ' uber- 
 tas' from ' uber' ovOap. 
 
 8. Ubertate exportantur.] Al- 
 luding again to the triple produce 
 decumae scriptura portorium. 
 
 9. Calamitate] from ' calamus' 
 the effects of a storm on the stulks of 
 corn. 
 
 10. Ceteris in rebus] such as ship- 
 wreck, fire, &c. 
 
 11. Detrimentum'] 1. Loss by fric- 
 tion ; from ' detero ;' 2. Any loss or 
 damage. 
 
 12. Ex portu] sc. ' vectigal ;' i.e. 
 'portorium,' and the collectors ' por- 
 titores.' As this was a highly op- 
 pressive tax, the ' portitores' were 
 very unpopular among the pro- 
 vincials. It is they who in Scrip- 
 ture are called TtXuivai publi- 
 cans, of whom St. Matthew was one. 
 Cic, Verr. ii. 75, speaks of ' portorii 
 
 vicesima ;' which seems to intimate 
 that the customs amounted to one- 
 twentieth, or five per cent, on the 
 capital. 
 
 13. Decumis] sc. ' partibus ;' i. e. a 
 tenth of the produce. Hence ' decu- 
 manus,' the farmer and collector of 
 ' decumae ;' and as agriculture was the 
 most respectable employment among 
 the Romans, so the ' decumani' were 
 * principes et quasi senatus publicano- 
 rum.' 
 
 14. Scriptura] ' the revenue aris- 
 ing from the public pastures ;' so 
 called from the written arrangements 
 entered into by the owners with the 
 farmers, or ' pecuarii.' ' Neque ex 
 scriptura' therefore refers to ' pecora 
 relinquuntur' preceding. ' Scriptura,' 
 it should be observed, at first included 
 the whole three classes of revenue. 
 So. Verr. ii. 70. ' In scriptura Si- 
 cilian pro magistro estquidam L. Car- 
 pinatius.' The pasture-tax, however, 
 retained the name, when the others 
 acquired distinctive appellations. 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 7. 
 
 13 
 
 totius anni vectigal auferre possit ? quum publicani fami- 
 lias 15 maximas, quas in salinis 13 habent, quas in agris, 
 quas in portubus atque custodiis, 17 magno periculo se ha- 
 bere arbitrentur ? Pntatisne vos illis rebus frui posse, nisi eos, 
 qui vobis fructuosi sunt, conservaveritis, non solum (ut an- 
 tea dixi) calamitate, sed etiam calamitatis formidine libe- 
 rates ? 
 
 VII. Ac ne illud quidem vobis negligendum est, quod 
 mihi ego extreminn proposueram, quum essem de belli ge- 
 nere dicturus, quod ad multorum bona civium Romanorum 
 pertinet: quorum vobis pro vestra sapientia, Quirites, ha- 
 benda est ratio diligenter. Nam et 1 publicani, homines et 
 honestissimi et ornatissimi, 3 suas rationes 3 et copias in 
 illam |)rovinciam contulerunt: 4 quorum ipsorum per se res 
 et fortunae curae vobis esse debent. Etenim si vectigalia, 
 nervos esse rei publico, semper duximus ; eum certe ordi- 
 nem qui exercet ilia, firmamentum 5 ceterorum ordinum 
 recte esse dicemus. Deinde ceteris ex ordinibus 6 homines 
 
 15. Fumilias] ' Familia' means, 
 properly, the slaves belonging to 
 one master ;' here, * the establish- 
 ment' of a single ' publicanus.' 
 
 16. Salinis] sc. ' fodinis.' This is 
 the reading of all the MSS. Yet it is 
 hard to conceive why the great Fa- 
 milies here spoken of, should be so 
 employed, even admitting the exist- 
 ence of salt-pits in Asia, of which 
 there is no proof. V. E. suggests 
 that the manufacture of salt by eva- 
 poration would probably employ many 
 hands, and Pliny, xxxi. 7, shows that 
 that process was known to the 
 ancients. But it is in reference to the 
 taxing, not the manufacture, of salt 
 that Cic. speaks, which surely would 
 not require many hands : besides, he 
 appears to keep in view the preceding 
 division of revenues, in which in sali- 
 nis' must answer to 'scriptura' or pas- 
 tures. Hence, Turneb., Manut., and 
 Hott., suggest silvis, salictis, and salti- 
 bus. The first seems the most probable. 
 So Mil. 9. ' servi quibus silvus pub- 
 lir.as depopulatus erat.' It may be 
 added, that during the time of the 
 kings, salt was sold by license ; but 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 on their expulsion this was abolished. 
 A new tribute was imposed, a. u. 
 549, by T. Livius, hence called Sa- 
 linator ; but we read of no such tax 
 in Asia. Liv. xxix. 37. 4 
 
 17. Custodiis'] Places where the 
 slaves of the ' publicani' kept guard, 
 lest any goods should pass without 
 paying custom. Sometimes it ap- 
 pears to stand for the officers them- 
 selves. De prov. con. 5. 
 
 Skct. VII. 1. Nam et] This et 
 is answered by 'deinde,' inf. 
 
 2. Honestiss. ornatiss.] Primum 
 ad aestimationem ; alterum ad rem fa- 
 miliarem refertur. Manut. 
 
 3. Rationes] 'resources,' ' pro 
 perty' not ' accounts,' as explained 
 by some. 
 
 4. Contulerunt] Either ' actually 
 conveyed,' or, (as 'collocate' su- 
 jrr. 2.) ' embarked in business.' 
 
 5. Firmamentum] Plane. 9. ' Flos 
 equitum Rom., ornamentum civitatis, 
 firmamentum reip. publicanorum, or- 
 dine continetur.' 
 
 6. Ceteris ex ordinibus] Sc. the 
 patrician and plebeian. Some of the 
 former might at this time follow the 
 
 c 
 
14 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 gnavi et industrii partim ipsi in Asia negotiantur, quibus vos 
 absentibus consulere debetis : partim eorum in ea provincia 
 pecunias magnas collocatas 7 habent. Erit igitur humani- 
 tatis vestrae, magnum eorum civium numerum calamitate 
 prohibere : sapient* ae, videre, multorum civium calamita- 
 tem 8 a republica sejunctam esse non posse. Etenim illud 
 primum parvi refert, 9 vos publicanis amissa vectigalia pos- 
 tea victoria recuperare ; neque enim iisdem redimendi 10 fa- 
 cultas erit, propter calamitatem, neque aliis voluntas, propter 
 timorem. Deinde, quod nos eadem Asia, atque idem iste 
 Mithridates initio belli Asiatici 11 docuit ; id quidem certe 
 calamitate docti memoria retinere debemus. Nam turn, 
 quum in Asia res magnas permulti amiserant, scimus, Romae, 
 solutione impedita, fidem 12 concidisse. Non enim possunt 
 una in civitate multi rem atque fortunas amittere, ut non 
 plures secum in eandem calamitatem trahant. A quo peri- 
 culo prohibete rempublicam ; et mihi credite, (id quod ipsi 
 videtis,) haec fides, atque haec ratio pecuniarum, quae Ro- 
 nw, quae in foro versatur, 13 implicita est cum illis pecuniis 
 Asiaticis, et cohaeret. Ruere ilia non possunt, ut haec non 
 eodem labefactata motu concidant. Quare videte, num du- 
 bitandum vobis sit, omni studio ad id bellum incumbere, in 
 quo gloria nominis vestri, salus sociorum, vectigalia max- 
 im#fortunae plurimorum civium cum republica defendantur. 
 VIII. Quoniam de genere belli dixi, nunc de magnitudine 
 pauca dicam. Potest enim 1 hoc dici : belli genus esse ita 
 
 lucrative employment of traffic. the bills given by the ' publicani' to 
 
 7. Collocatas] This was often the Roman bankers. 
 
 done by lending on usury, as we find 13. 7/i foro versatur] The bankers 
 
 Brutus did to the Cyprians. Att. vi. had their offices in the forum. Hence 
 
 1.3. Cic. calls it * circumforaneum aes ;' 
 
 8. Multorum calamitatem, $c] and Liv., xxvi. 11., (Hannibal), ta- 
 Off. iii. 15. * Singulorura facultates et bernas argentarias, quae circa forum 
 copiae, divitiae sunt civitatis.' Romanum tunc essent, jussit venire. 
 
 9. Parvi refert] It is of little use. Skct. VIII. 1. Enim] i. e. For 
 
 10. Redimendi] Often simply, some may admit the necessity of the 
 1 farming ;' hence * redemptores,' war, yet deny its danger and im- 
 undertakers. So ' frequens redemp- portance. Cic, therefore, employs 
 tor.' Hor. Yet the force of re may be the two following sections in answer- 
 well introduced here, sc. ' farming ing this objection ; i. e. in pointing 
 anew.' out the principal causes of the war 
 
 11. Belli Asiat.] i. e. 'Mithri- being so dangerous ; and very proper- 
 datici.' Vid. Introd. ly concludes, c. 10., that it is mag- 
 
 12. Fidem] public credit; which nitudine periculosum.' Guthrie, how- 
 now failed, from the non-payment of ever, (whom Duncan follows,) renders 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 8. 
 
 15 
 
 necessarium, ut sit gerendum ; non esse ita magnum, ut sit 
 pertimescendum. In quo 2 maxime laborandum est, 3 ne 
 forte ea vobis, quae diligentissime providenda 4 sunt, contem- 
 nenda esse videantur. Atque, ut omnes intelligant, me L. 
 Lucullo 5 tantum impertire laudis, quantum forti viro, et sa- 
 pientissimo homini, et magno imperatori debeatur : dico, 
 ejus adventu 6 maximas Mithridatis copias, omnibus rebus 
 omatas atque instructas fuisse ; urbemque Asia? clarissimam, 
 nobisque amicissimam, Cyzicenorum, 7 obsessam esse ab ipso 
 rege maxima multitudine, et oppugnatam vehementissime ; 
 quam L. Lucullus virtute, assiduitate, consilio, summis ob- 
 sidionis periculis liberavit: ab eodem imperatore classem 
 magnam et ornatam, quae ducibus Sertorianis 8 ad Italiam 
 studio inflannnata raperetur, 9 superatam esse atque depres- 
 sam : magnas hostium praeterea copias multis prceliis esse de- 
 letas: patefactumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui 
 ante populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus esset: Sino- 
 pen 10 atque Amisum, 11 quibus in oppidis erant domicilia 
 
 it : ' and this I will venture to say, 
 that though its nature renders it ab- 
 solutely necessary, yet its greatness 
 can never render it formidable ;' and 
 this he conceives Cic. to urge as a 
 reason why the greatest general ever 
 Rome had then seen, should be sent 
 to conduct it ! 
 
 2. In quo'] i. e. in making out 
 which point, sc. the importance of the 
 war. 
 
 3. Laborandum est] sc. mihi. He 
 wishes to rouse their attention to his 
 statement. 
 
 4. Ea qua providenda'] These 
 he sums up, inf. c. 9, under five par- 
 ticulars ' quod conjungant reges 
 potentissimi, &c.' A\. a vobis. But 
 the prep, is unnecessary. Vid. supr. 
 2. n. 24. 
 
 5. Lucullo] Cic. conceived that 
 the best introduction to his statement 
 of the dangers of the war would be, 
 an apparent candour in detailing the 
 exploits of Lucullus, the difficulties 
 which he had surmounted, and the 
 causes which had prevented his final 
 success. Vid. Arch. 9. 
 
 6. Ejus adventu] Introd. 8. 
 
 7. Cyziccn.] Cyzicum was a small 
 island of the l'ropontis, which Alex- 
 ander joined to the continent by two 
 bridges ; at which junction is built 
 the town of that name. Its founder, 
 it is said, was Cyzicus, who was 
 killed by Jason, in an engagement 
 with the Argonauts. 
 
 8. Sertorianis] Introd. 7. 8. 
 
 9. Ad Italiam raperetur] That 
 this fleet was destined to invade Italy, 
 is asserted by Cic. also in Mur. 15. 
 The policy of Mithridates, no doubt, 
 was, like Hannibal, to fight the Ro- 
 mans on their own soil. The his- 
 torians do not notice this, and they 
 place the sea-fight at Lemnos, in- 
 stead of Tenedos. Arch. 9. But 
 we may suppose with Graav., that the 
 battle at Tenedos was followed by 
 a general engagement at Lemnos, 
 where Marius, the senator of Serto- 
 rius, was taken prisoner. 
 
 10. Sinopen] The capital of Pontus, 
 and birth-place of Diogenes, the 
 Cynic. 
 
 11. Amisum] Now Samsoun, a 
 
16 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 regis, omnibus rebus ornata atque referta ; ceterasque urbes 
 Ponti et Capadociae permultas, uno aditu atque adventu esse 
 captas : regem spoliatum regno patrio atque avito, 12 ad 
 alios se reges 1J atque ad alias gentes supplicem contulisse : 
 atque haec omnia, salvis populi Romani soeiis u atque in- 
 tegris vectigalibus esse gesta. Satis opinor hoc esse laudis ; 
 atque ita 15 Quirites, ut hoc vos intelligatis, a nullo isto- 
 rum qui huic obtrectant 16 legi atque causae, L. Lucullum 
 similiter ex hoc loco esse laudatum. 
 
 IX. Requiretur fortasse nunc, quemadmodum, quum haec 
 ita sint, reliquum possit esse magnum bellum. Cognoscite, 
 Quirites ; non enim hoc sine causa quaeri videtur. Primum 
 ex suo regno sic Mithridates profugit, 1 ut ex eodem Ponto 
 Medea ilia quondam profugisse dicitur : quam praedicant in 
 fuga, fratris sui 2 membra in iis locis, qua 3 se parens per- 
 sequeretur, dissipavisse, ut eorum collectio dispersa,* moe- 
 rorque patrius, celeritatem persequendi retardaret Sic 
 Mithridates fugiens, maximam vim 5 auri atque argent i, pul- 
 cherrimarumque rerum omnium, quas et a majoribus acce- 
 perat, et ipse bello superiore ex tota Asia direptas in suum 
 regnum congesserat, in Ponto omnem reliquit. Haec dum 
 nostri colligunt omnia diligent his, rex ipse e manibus ef- 
 fugit. Ita ilium 6 in jwrseqiiendi studio mceror, hos l.Ttitia 
 retardavit. Hunc in illo timore et fuga Tigrancs, rex Ar- 
 menius, excepit ; diffidentemque rebus suis confiimavit; et 
 afflictum erexit, perditumque recreavit. Cujus in peg- 
 
 maritime city of Pontus, on the east Lucullus. 
 
 of the river Halys. This city and Sect. IX. I. Profugit] The proper 
 
 Sinope Lucullus declared free. term for ' going into exile.' So ' fato 
 
 12. Regno avito] Pontus. profugus,' Virg. Profugi incertis sedi- 
 
 13. Reges] Tigranes, alone ; un- bus vagabantur. Sail. Cat. 6. 
 
 less Cic. alludes to an embassy which 2. Fratris sui] called Absyrtus 
 
 Mithridates sent to the king of Parthia. or /Egialeus. He had accompanied 
 
 14. Salvis sociis] Except the Medea as far as Pontus, when a ship 
 slaughter made in Phrygia by Eu- being descried from Colchis, Medea, 
 machus, a general of Mithridates, suspecting it to carry her father, fled, 
 during the siege of Cyzicus. App. and strewed the limbs of Absyrtus in 
 Mithr. 75. the way. Ovid Trist. iii. 9. 27. 
 
 15. Ita] sc. 'Satis.' Enough for 3. Qua] per quae loca. 
 
 this purpose. Or, ' ita dice ut, &c.' 4. Eorum collectio dispersa] i. e. 
 
 16. Obtrectant] The principal op- dispersorum. 
 
 ponents of the law were Catulus and 5. Naiimam vim, c\;c] Introd. 
 Hortensius, who had enlarged in 8. App. 82. Plut. Lucull. 17. 
 their speeches on the merits of 6. Ilium] JEetes, Medea's father. 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 9. 
 
 17 
 
 num 7 posteaquam L. Lucullus cum exercitu venit, plures 
 etiam gentes 8 contra imperatorem nostrum concitata? sunt. 
 Erat enim metus injectus iis nationibus, quas nunquam po- 
 pulus Romanus neque lacessendas bello, neque tentan- 
 das 9 putavit. Erat etiam alia gravis atque vehemens opi- 
 nio, quae per animos gentium barbararum pervaserat, fani M 
 locupletissimi et religiosissimi diripiendi causa in eas oras 
 nostrum exercitum esse adductum. Ita nationes multa? atque 
 magna? novo quodam terrore ac metu concitabantur. Noster 
 autem exercitus, etsi urbem 11 ex Tigranis regno ceperat, et 
 prceliis usus erat secundis, tamen nimia longinquitate loco- 
 rum ac desiderio 12 suorum commovebatur. Hie jam plura 
 non dicam : fuit enim illud extremum, 13 ut ex iis locis a 
 militibus nostris reditus magis maturus, quam processio lon- 
 gior quaereretur. Mithridates autem et suam manum 14 jam 
 confirmarat, et eorum, qui se ex ejus regno collegerant, et 
 
 7. Cujus in regnxim, $fc.] In- 
 trod. 9. 
 
 8. Plures gentes] Arabes, Gor- 
 dyeni, Albani, &c. These were bar- 
 barous tribes lying to the north of 
 Armenia and Media. 
 
 9. Bello tentandas] to be menaced 
 with war. ' Tentamini leviter, quo 
 animo libertatis vestrae diminutionem 
 ferre possitis.' Agrar. ii. 7. V. E. 
 
 10. Fani] There was a celebrated 
 temple of Bellona at Comana in Cap- 
 padocia, containing six thousand at- 
 tendants, and whose high priest 
 ranked next to the king. This temple 
 was plundered by Murena, in the 
 second Mithrid. war, (App. Mithr. 
 65,) and therefore can hardly be here 
 intended. Besides Cappadocia was 
 now under the sway of Ariobarzanes, 
 an ally of Rome ; but ' eas oras' seems 
 to intimate barbarous tracts about 
 Armenia, where the Roman army 
 then was. This too prevents us from 
 supposing Comana Pontica, the site 
 of another temple of Bellona, to be 
 meant. Cic, therefore, either refers 
 to some temple about which we are 
 not informed, or talks widely on a 
 subject of which he knew the people 
 
 were ignorant. 
 
 11. Urbem] Tigranocerta. It was 
 built on a hill, a little above the 
 Tigris, and was so wealthy that Lu- 
 cullus (according to Plut.) found in 
 it eight thousand talents of gold. 
 Some suppose it alluded to by Hor. 
 Epist. ii. 2. 30. Artaxata, the old 
 capital, stood on the Araxes. Plut. 
 Lucul.26.29. 
 
 12. Nimia longinquitute deside- 
 rio, $c] He does not mention the 
 disaffection which Gabinius, the crea- 
 ture of Pompey, and Clodius, the 
 unprincipled brother-in-law of Lucul- 
 lus, had diffused through the army. 
 Hams. R. 20. exercitu Luculli sol- 
 licitato, &c. 
 
 13. Fuit illud extremum'] Introd. 
 9. 
 
 14. Et warn manum] Graev. suum 
 animum, which is far preferable, as it 
 is not easy to see how ' suam manum,' 
 Mithridates's own army and ' eo- 
 rum qui collegerant,' the forces 
 
 collected out of his dominions differ. 
 Hottom. suggests that the former was 
 given him by Tigranes. Neither is it 
 clear whether ' eorum' is governed by 
 ' manum' or copiis,' though the 
 
 c 2 
 
18 
 
 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO 
 
 magnis adventitiis multorum regum et nationum 15 copiis 
 juvabatur. Hoc jam fere 16 sic fieri solere accepimus, ut 
 regum afflictae fortunae facile multorum opes alliciant ad 
 misericordiam, maximeque eorum, qui aut reges sunt, aut 
 yivunt in regno: quod regale iis nomen magnum et sanc- 
 tum 17 esse videatur. Itaque tantum victus efficere potuit, 
 quantum incolumis nunquam est ausus optare. Nam quum 
 se in regnum recepisset suum, non fuit eo contentus, quod ei 
 praeter spem acciderat, ut illam, posteaquam pulsus erat, 
 terram unquam attingeret : sed in exercitum vestrum, 18 cla- 
 rum atque victorem, impetum fecit. Sinite hoc loco, Qui- 
 rites, (sicut poetae solent, qui res Romanas scribunt,) prae- 
 terire 19 me nostram calamitatem : quae tanta fuit ut earn ad 
 aures L. Luculli non ex proelio nuntius, 20 sed ex sermone 
 rumor afferret. Hie in ipso illo malo, gravissimaque belli 
 offensione, L. Lucullus, qui tamen aliqua ex parte iis incom- 
 modis mederi fortasse potuisset, vestro jussu coactus, quod 
 imperii diuturnitati 21 modum statuendum veteri exem- 
 pt o 2i putavistis, partem militum, qui jam stipendiis con- 
 
 latter is perhaps the better construc- 
 tion. 
 
 15. Regum et nationum] Medes, 
 Adiabenians, Iberians, from the Cas- 
 pian Sea ; Arabians, from the Per- 
 sian Gulf, and Nomades, or Tar- 
 tars, from the Araxes. 
 
 16.. Hoc jam fere, #c] Similarly 
 yEschyl. Supplic. rote i)toooi yap 
 nag rig ivvoiaq <p'tpn. Senec. Mi- 
 sericordia non causam sed fortunam 
 spectat. Vid. also, Val. Max. v. 3.3. 
 
 17. Sunctum] ' a sancio,' i. e. de- 
 fended by a sanction ; though not de- 
 voted to a god. So ' sancti legati,' 
 sanctac leges,' and, Arch. 8. ' sancti 
 poetae.' 
 
 18. In exercitum ve$trum~\ Introd. 
 9. This statement was calculated to 
 mislead. It was not the victorious 
 army of Lucullus, who was then at 
 Nisibis, in Mesopotamia, that was 
 defeated, but the troops which had 
 been intrusted to Fabius, to garrison 
 Pontus, and the hasty reinforcements 
 of Triarius. 
 
 19. Preeterire'] The law of ora- 
 
 tory differed from that of history ; 
 ' ne quid veri dicere non audeat.' De 
 Or. ii. 15. 
 
 20. Non ex pralio nuncius'] An 
 exaggeration. Had not Mithridates 
 been wounded in the action it would 
 have been more nearly the fact. The 
 slain amounted to seven thousand 
 men. It was fought near Ziela. 
 
 21. Diuturnitati] Lucullus had 
 held the command sevrn years. The 
 practice of the Romans, heretofore, 
 was not uniform in this respect. 1 hus 
 Pompey was allowed, by the Ga- 
 binian law, three years to subdue the 
 pirates ; Verres had Sicily three 
 years ; Caesar, Gaul ten years ; yet 
 he afterwards limited the praetorian 
 provinces to one, and the consular to 
 two years. Phil. i. 8. 
 
 22. Vetere eiemplo'] Sc. from the 
 expulsion of the kings. Liv. iv. 
 24. Maximam ejus (hbertatis Rom.) 
 custodiam esse, si magna imperia 
 diuturna non essent ; et temporis 
 modus imponeretur, quibus juris im- 
 poni non posset. 
 
PRO LEGE MAN1LIA, Cap. 10. 
 
 19 
 
 fectis 23 erant, dimisit, partem Glabrioni 24 traclidii. 
 Multa prsetereo 25 consulto : sed ea vos conjectura perspi- 
 citis,- 6 quantum illud bellum factum' 27 putetis, quod con- 
 jungant reges potentissimi, renovent agitatae nationes, sus- 
 cipiant integral gentes, novus imperator 28 vester accipiat, 
 vetere pulso exercitu. 
 
 X. Satis mihi multa verba fecisse videor, quare hoc 
 bellum esset genere ipso necessarium, magnitudine periculo- 
 sum : restat, 1 ut de imperatore ad id bellum deligendo ac 
 tantis rebus praeficiendo, dicendum esse videatur. 2 
 
 Utinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque innocentium 
 copiam tantam haberetis, ut haec vobis deliberatio diffici- 
 lis esset quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac tanto bello 
 praeficiendum putaretis! Nunc vero quum situnus Cn. Pom- 
 peius, qui non modo eorum hominum, qui nunc sunt, gloriam, 
 sed etiam antiquitatis memoriam virtute superarit: quae res 
 est quae cujusquam animum in hac causa dubium f'acere pos- 
 sit ? E<ro enim sic existimo, in summo imperatore quatuor 
 has res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auc- 
 toritatem, felicitatem. Quis igitur hoc homine scientior un- 
 
 23. Stipendiis confectis] Every 
 Roman citizen was obliged, between 
 the age of seventeen and forty-five, to 
 make nine campaigns. The Fim- 
 brian legions are here intended. 
 
 24. (Jluhrioni] Pro-consul of Bi- 
 thynia. Introd. 9. 
 
 25. Malta pratereo] To spare the 
 character of Lucullus. 
 
 26. Sed ea vos perspicitis~\ Al. 
 perspicite. * Ea' refers generally to 
 the preceding statement, and com- 
 prizes ' quae diligentissime provi- 
 denda sunt,' (c. 8.) ; which he sums 
 up in 'quantum, &c.' as if he had 
 said : ' 1 have intentionally avoided 
 entering fully into the subject; but, 
 by putting together what has been 
 said, (conjectura), you all see clearly 
 these points ; sc. how great a war 
 must have resulted from the junction 
 of powerful kings from the renewal 
 of it by excited hordes the under- 
 taking of it by fresh tribes -from its 
 command being assumed by a general 
 new to it at the critical time when 
 
 your old army had sustained a de- 
 feat. All this, to be sure, is but 
 one point, but being so extensive it 
 may well be called ea. 
 
 27. Factum'] Al. futurum. 
 
 28. Novus imperator] Glabrio, 
 and not 'qui ad hoc bellum mitten - 
 dus est,' as the Eelph. For this 
 might be Pompey, who surely would 
 not contribute to make the war dan- 
 gerous. Neither is pulso' ' dimis- 
 so' as the Delph. explains it, the de- 
 feat of Triarius being obviously al- 
 luded to. 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Restat] Used for tran- 
 sition to the second part of the ora- 
 tion. 
 
 2. Esse videatur] Quint, x. 2. 
 says, " Noveram quosdam qui se pul- 
 chre expressisse genus illud ccelestis 
 hujus in dicendo viri viderentur, si in 
 clausula possuissent * esse videatur.' " 
 Vid.also ix. 4. Forcel. confesses that 
 ' videatur' is here pleonastic, yet 
 non sine vi et elegantia.' This force 
 and elegance he has not thought pro- 
 
 I 
 
20 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quam aut fuit, aut esse debuit ? qui e ludo 3 atque pueritiae 
 disciplina, bello 4 maximo atque acerrimis hostibus, 5 ad pa- 
 tris exercitum, atque in militiae disciplinam profectus est : 
 qui extrema pueritia 5 miles fuit summi imperatoris, 6 ine- 
 unte adolescentia maximi ipse exercitus imperator ; 7 qui 
 saepius cum hoste conflixit, quam quisquam cum inimico 
 concertavit ; plura bella gessit, quam ceteri legerunt, plures 
 provincias confecit, 8 quam alii concupiverunt ; cujus adole- 
 scentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praeceptis, sed 
 suis imperiis; non offensionibus belli, sed victoriis ; non sti- 
 pendiis, sed triumphis est erudita. Quod denique genus 
 belli esse potest, in quo ilium non exercuerit fortuna reipub- 
 licae ? Civile, 9 Africanum, Transalpinum, 10 Hispaniense, 
 mixtum ex civitatibus 11 atque ex bellicosissimis nationibus, 
 
 per to explain. Perhaps the term ex- 
 presses a doubt as to his own ability 
 to do justice to the subject, or a 
 modest deference to the people. 
 
 3. E ludo] Cic. omits here that 
 Pompey pleaded causes for some time 
 in the forum ; but in Brut. 68. he 
 notices his eloquence. 
 
 4. Bella] The Social. Introd. 10. 
 
 5. Acerr. hostibus'] The Samnites, 
 &c. 
 
 5. Extrema pueritia] Various di- 
 visions of the age of man prevailed at 
 Rome. A. Gell. x. 28. notices that 
 of Ser. Tullius, viz. ' pueritia,' up to 
 seventeen ; youth to forty-six ; and 
 then old age. Varro allows fifteen years 
 for each step : pueritia,' up to fif- 
 teen ; ' adolescentia,' to thirty ; ' ju- 
 ventus,' to forty-five ; * seniores,' to 
 sixty ; and ' then senectus ;' and this is 
 followed by Latin writers in general. 
 
 6. Summi imperatoris] Pompeius 
 Strabo. The Delph. erroneously ; 
 Sylla. Introd. 11. 
 
 7. Maximi ipse exercitus] Three 
 legions. Dio, in the speech on the 
 passing of the Gabinian law, which 
 he attributes to Pompey, enumerates 
 his early achievements ; to which may 
 be added a passage in the Afric. war of 
 Hirt. where Cato reproaches the 
 younger Pompey with his father's 
 
 early glories. 
 
 8. Confecit] 'Administravit' quan- 
 quam plus quiddam est ; nam exitum 
 rei significat, Manut. And so Forcel. 
 ' governed more provinces.' But it 
 does not appear that Pompey was re- 
 markable for the number of provinces 
 which he had governed. Before his 
 first consulship, a. v. 683, he was 
 pro-praetor of Cis. Gaul ; afterwards 
 pro-consul of Spain ; then city prae- 
 tor (not a province) the year preced- 
 ing his consulship, after which we 
 find no pro-consular office up to the 
 present time. Neither can it mean 
 subjugavit plures nationes,' as the 
 Delph.. if new conquests be intended, 
 for he had made none. Perhaps the 
 explanation may be had , inf. 1 1 , where 
 he asks ' Quam provinciam tenuistis 
 a praedonibus liberam V All the coun- 
 tries lying on the Mediterranean, com- 
 prising numerous provinces, were in 
 the hands of the pirates ; by the con- 
 quest of whom these provinces were 
 recovered, and, as it were, received 
 their completion from Pompey. 
 
 9. Civile, %c] Introd. 12. 15. 
 
 10. Transalpinum] vid. inf. 1 1 . n. 
 4. 
 
 11. Mixtum ex civitatibtis] i. e. 
 states in Spain which had Roman in- 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. II. 21 
 
 servile, navale bellum, varia et diversa genera, et bellorum 
 et hostium, non solum gesta ab hoc uno, sed etiam confecta, 
 imllam rem esse declarant in usu militari positam, quae hujus 
 viri scientiam fugere possit. 
 
 XI. Jam vero virtuti 1 Cn. Pompeii qua? potest par oratio 
 inveniri ? quid est, quod quisquam ant dignum illo, aut vo- 
 bis novum, aut cuiquam inauditum possit afferre ? Neque enim 
 illoe sunt s:Ase 2 virtutes imperatoria?, qua? vulgo existiman- 
 tur, labor in negotiis, fortitudo in periculis, industria in agen- 
 do, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in providendo : qua? 
 tanta sunt in hoc uno, quanta in omnibus reliquis imperato- 
 ribus, quos aut vidimus, aut audivimus, non i'uerunt. Tes- 
 tis est 3 Italia, quam ille ipse victor, L. Sulla; hujus virtute 
 et subsidio confessus est liberatam. Testis est Sicilia, quam 
 multis undique cinctam periculis, non terrore belli, sed cele- 
 ritate consilii, explicavit. Testis est Africa, qua? magnis op- 
 pressa hostium copiis, eorum ipsorum sanguine redundavit. 
 Testis est Gallia, 4 per quam legionibus nostris in Hispani- 
 am iter, 5 Gallorum internecione patefactum est. Testis est 
 Hispania, qua? sa?pissime plurimos hostes ab hoc superatos 
 prostratosque conspexit. Testis est iterum 6 et sa?pius Italia, 
 quae, quum servili bello tetro periculosoque premeretur, ab 
 
 stitutions ; opposed to ' nationibus ;' 4. Testis est Gallia'] Introd. 13. 
 warlike tribes. Sylv., followed by Cic. evidently does not mean Cisal. 
 the Delph., considers the words 'mix- Gaul, where Pompey defeated Lepi- 
 tum, &c.' as referred to ' servile.' ' Ci- dus ; and the historians supply us 
 vitates,' are then, the Roman cities ; with no information about the ex- 
 and ' nationes,' the Gauls and Ger- ploits of Pompey in Transalp. Gaul, 
 mans. The accounts, however, which During the war of Sertorius he was 
 we have of that war render this ex- obliged to retire from Spain into Gaul ; 
 planation very improbable. on which occasion Ilottom. thinks that 
 Sect. XI. 1. Jam vero virtuti] this slaughter of the Gauls took place. 
 Having proved, c. 10., the military But it appears, from a letter of Pom- 
 skill of Pompey, Cic. now proceeds pey to the senate (Sail. Hist, iii.) that 
 to notice his ' virtue.' This admitted it occurred on his way to Spain. 
 of a two-fold arrangement, 1. mili- 'Hostes in cervicibus 1 talis; agentes ab 
 tary in the proper sense, comprising Alpibus in Hispaniam submovi ; per 
 labor in negotiis, fortitudo in pericu- eas iter aliud atque Hanuibal nobis 
 lis, &c.'; 2. moral, namely, * innocen- opportunius patefeci ; recepi Galliam, 
 tia, temperantia, fides.' Inf. c. 13. Pyrenaeum, &c.' 
 
 2. Neque enim ilia: sunt solw] This 5. Iter] Appian says, that it lay 
 exception is explained, inf. c. 13. between the sources of the Po and 
 'sed multae sunt artes eximiae, &c.' Rhone. 
 
 3. Testis est] Sc. that in impera- 6. Iterum] i. e. in the civil, and 
 torial virtues he has no superior. then the servile war. 
 
22 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 hoc auxilium absente expetivit : quod bellum exspectatione 
 Pompeii attenuatum atque imminutum est, adventu sublatum 
 ac sepultum. Testes vero jam omnes orae, atque omnes ex- 
 terae Rentes ac nationes, denique maria 7 omnia, turn universa, 
 turn in singulis omnes sinus atque portus. Quis enim toto 
 mari locus per hos annos aut tarn firmum habuit presidium, 
 ut tutus esset, aut tarn fuit abditus ut lateret ? Quis navi- 
 gavit, qui non se aut mortis aut servitutis periculo commit- 
 teret, quum aut hieme, aut referto 8 praedonum mari naviga- 
 retur ? Hoc tantum bellum, 9 tarn turpe, tarn vetus, 10 tarn 
 late dispersum, quis unquam arbitraretur aut ab omnibus im- 
 peratoribus uno anno, aut omnibus annis 11 ab uno impera- 
 tore confici posse ? Quam provinciam tenuistis 12 a praedo- 
 nibus liberam per hosce annos ? quod vectigal vobis tutum 
 fuit? quern socium defendistis? cui praesidio classibus ves- 
 tris fuistis ? quam multas existimatis insulas esse desertas ? 
 quam multas aut metu relictas, aut a praedonibus captas ur- 
 bes 13 esse sociorum? 
 
 XII. Sed quid ego longinqua 1 commemoro ? Fuit hoc 
 quondam, fuit proprium populi Romani longe a domo bel- 
 lare, et propugnaculis- imperii sociorum fortunas, non sua 
 tecta defendere. Sociis vestris ego mare clausum per hosce 
 annos dicam fuisse, quum exercitus nostri a Brundisio 3 nun- 
 quam, nisi summa hieme, 4 transmiserint ? 5 Qui ad vos 
 
 7. Maria] The Mediter. Sea was acts of the pirates in distant regions, 
 variously named, according to the ad- 2. Propugnaculis] Colonies planted 
 joining coast, Tuscan, Sicilian, Ly- in conquered countries to maintain the 
 bian, &c.,&c, in all which the pirates Roman authority and repress the 
 were defeated. incursions of the barbarians. Em. 
 
 8. Rejerto] Re and farcio. Similarly 7rtretx^ftara tt}q x<**pac. 
 
 9. Hoc tantum bellum'] Introd.15. Dem. Phil. i. 5. Hor., Epod. 1., ap- 
 
 10. Vetus.] It was of upwards of plies it to ships. Ibis Liburnis inter 
 twenty years standing, from a. u. 666 alta navium, Amice, propugnacula. 
 to 687. Hence Guthrie's transl. ' floating 
 
 11. Omnibus annis] Through a bulwarks.' But it may be referred 
 whole life ; yet Pompey despatched it generally to all the means of defence 
 in forty days. which the empire could command. 
 
 12. Quam provinciam tenuistis.] 3. A Brundisio.] This city lay in 
 Hence ' plures provincias confecit,' the usual route to Greece ; and armies 
 supra, c. 10. n. 8 ; where, perhaps, were now marching to Asia, against 
 these provinces are more particularly Mithridates. 
 
 alluded to. 4. Summa hieme] Elegantly for 
 
 13. Captas urbes] According to ' bruma.' 
 
 Plut., forty. 5. Transmiserint] i. e. ' miserint 
 
 Sect. XII. 1. Longinqua] The se trans maria.' Nat. Deor. ii. 49. 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 12. 
 
 23 
 
 ab exteris nationibus venirent, captos querar, quum legati 
 populi Romani redempti 6 sint ? mercatoribus tutum mare 
 non fuisse dicam, quum duodecim secures 7 in prsedonum 
 potestatem pervenerint ? Cnidum 8 aut Colophonem, aut 
 Samum, nobilissimas urbes, innumerabilesque alias, captas 
 esse commemorem, quum vestros portus, atque eos por- 
 tus, 9 quibus vitam 10 et spiritum ducitis, in praedonum fuisse 
 potestate sciatis ? An vero ignoratis, portum Caietae cele- 
 berrimum 11 atque plenissimum navium, inspectante prae- 
 tore, 12 a praedonibus esse direptum ? Ex Miseno autem, 
 ejus ipsius liberos, 13 qui cum praedonibus antea ibi bellum 
 gesserat, a praedonibus esse sublatos ? Nam quid ego Os- 
 tiense incommodum, 14 atque illam labem atque ignomini- 
 am reipublicae querar, quum, prope inspectantibus vobis, 
 classis ea, cui consul populi 14 Romani praepositus esset, a 
 praedonibus capta atque oppressa est ? Pro dii immortales ! 
 
 Grues quum loca calidiora petentes 
 maria transmittant, triangulum fa- 
 ciunt. 
 
 6. Redempti sint] It is not known 
 to whom Cic. here alludes. 
 
 7. Duodecim secures] i. e. two prae- 
 tors, sc. Sextilius and Bellinus, who 
 proceeding to their provinces, were, 
 with their lictors, seized hy the pirates. 
 Plut. Pomp. 24. The praetor was at- 
 tended by two lictors in the city j 
 without the city, by six. 
 
 8. Cnidum] a city of Caria ; ' Co- 
 lophon' of Ionia. * Samus,' the ca- 
 pital of an island of the same name, 
 which lies off the southern extremity 
 of Ionia. JEn. i. 15. It was usual 
 for the city and island to have the 
 same appellation. So Corn. Nepos, in 
 Milt. c. 7, speaks of the island and 
 town of Parus. 
 
 9. Eos portus] Sc. (inf.) Caieta, 
 Misenum, Ostia. It was in them that 
 provision ships from Africa, Sicily, 
 Sardinia, &c. collected. The first 
 derives its name from the nurse of 
 /Eneas: ' Tu quoque littoribus nostris, 
 JEneVa, nutrix, /Eternam moriens fa- 
 mam, Cajeta, dedisti.' The second, 
 from his trumpeter, YEn. vi. 162. It 
 was the station of the Roman fleet in 
 
 per 
 
 the Lower Sea ; the third was built by 
 Ancus Martius, at the ostium Tiberis, 
 about twenty miles from Rome. 
 
 10. Quibus vitam, fyc] These 
 words, taken out of the figure, import 
 1 supplies of corn, &c.' 
 
 11. Celeberr im um ] thronged, po- 
 pulous. Arch. 3. ' urbs Celebris ;' 
 Mil. 24. ' in loco celebri.' Hor. 
 Serm. i. 17, 28. ' Celeberrima 
 loca vadet.' 
 
 12. Inspectante preetore.] Per- 
 haps Antonius Creticus, the father of 
 the triumvir, who had, before this, 
 been unsuccessful in waging the pi- 
 ratic war, and whose daughter was 
 taken by the pirates. Plut. in Pomp. 
 24. And this agrees with the follow- 
 ing, ' ejus liboros qui, Btc, 1 
 
 13. Ejus ij> ins liberos qui, &c] i. e. 
 filiam ; so Phil. i. 1, 'liberos' for 
 the son of M. Antony ; and Prov. 
 Cons. 14, ad jucundissimos liberos,' 
 i.e. Julia, the daughter of Caesar. 
 
 14. Ostiense in commodum.] Dio 
 xxvi. relates that the pirates not only 
 took and plundered the harbour, but 
 made it a sort of depository for their 
 spoils. 
 
 14. Consul populi.] He seems here to 
 have omitted the names of the praetor 
 
24 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tantamne unius hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tam brevi 
 tempore lucem afferre 15 reipublicae potuit, ut vos, qui modo 
 ante ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, ii nunc 
 nullam intra Oceani 16 ostium praedonum navem esse audi- 
 atis? Atque haec, qua celeritate gesta sint, quamquam vide- 
 tis, tamen a me in dicendo praetereunda non sunt. Quis 
 enim unquam, aut obeundi negotii, aut consequendi quaes- 
 tus 17 studio, tam brevi tempore, tot loea adire, tantos cur- 
 sus ls conficere potuit, quam celeriter, Cn. Pompeio duce, 
 belli impetus 19 navigavit ? qui nondum tempestivo ad na- 
 vigandum mari Siciliam adiit, Africam exploravit : inde 
 Sardiniam cum classe venit, atque haec tria frumentaria'- 
 subsidia reipublicae firmissimis praesidiis classibusque mu- 
 nivit. Inde se quum in Italiam recepisset, duabus Hispa- 
 niis 21 et Gallia Cisalpina 22 praesidiis ac navibus confirmata, 
 missis item in oram Illyrici maris, 23 et in Achaiam omnemque 
 
 and consul as being notorious, or per- 
 haps through contempt. 
 
 15. Lucem afferre] <j>6<itQ 8' ira- 
 poimv Wi,Ke. 11. vi. 6. Phil. i. 2. 
 Lux quaedam...oblata. 
 
 16. Oceani] The Atlantic ' os- 
 tium ;' sc. the straits of Gibraltar. 
 
 17. Obeundi negotio consequendi 
 qiurstus.] By the former are meant 
 ' negotiators ;' persons conducting 
 business for others ; by the latter, 
 merchants trading on their own ac- 
 count. Hottom. 
 
 18. Cursus] navigationes. ' Quae 
 proxima littora cursu Contendunt 
 petere, &c.' Virg. 
 
 19. Belli impetus.] Cic, to in- 
 gratiate himself with Pompey, be- 
 stowed the utmost pains on this 
 speech ; so that speaking, in a letter 
 to Atticus, of Pompey's character, as 
 herein depicted, he says ' omnibus, 
 a me pictum et expolitum artis colo- 
 ribus.' Hence he often rises to ex- 
 pressions far above the range of mere 
 oratory, and highly poetic. Such is 
 ' belli impetus navigavit,' where ' belli 
 impetus' is not, as Hottom. explains it, 
 ' classis Pompeii,' but (like arofia 
 nToXtfioio in Homer) put simply for 
 
 'bellum.' So Lucret. v. 20 1. ...quan- 
 tum cceli tegit impetus ingens.' Si- 
 milarly we might say, ' the thunder 
 of war rolled along.' Gray. ' Sailing 
 with supreme dominion, Through the 
 azure depths of air.' Vid. Eng. Trans. 
 20. Tria frumentaria] i. e. which 
 supplied ' frumentum ;' qu. 'frugi- 
 mentum,' a generic word for all kinds 
 of grain, lor Sardinia, Egypt is 
 sometimes substituted. 
 
 21. Duabus Hispaniis] sc. Citerior 
 or Tarraconensis ; and Ulterior, or 
 Baetica and Lusitania ; said, but in- 
 correctly, to be separated by the Ibe- 
 rus ; whereas, a line drawn from Car- 
 thago Nova, on the JMeditcrranean to 
 the mouth of the Durius on the At- 
 lantic would be the proper boundary. 
 
 22. Gallia Cisalpinu] sometimes 
 simply called 'Gallia,' (Phil. xii. 
 4.) ; and by Caesar Citerior,' lay 
 between the Alps and the Rubicon. 
 So Lucan, i. 214. : 
 
 et Gallica ceitus 
 
 Limes ab Ausoniis disterminat arva 
 colonis. 
 
 23. Illyrici maris] a part of the 
 Adriatic washing the coast of lllvri- 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 13. 
 
 25 
 Graeciam navibus, Italiae duo maria 24 maximis classibus 
 iirmissimisque pra?sidiis adornavit : ipse autem, ut a Brun- 
 disio profectus est, undequinquagesimo die totam ad im- 
 perium populi Romani Ciliciam adjunxit : omnes, qui ubique 
 praedones fuerunt, partim capti interfectique sunt, partim 
 unius hujus imperio ac potestati se dediderunt. Idem Cre- 
 tensibus, 25 quura ad eum usque in Pampbyliam 26 legatos 
 deprecatoresque misissent, spem deditionis non ademit, obsi- 
 desque imperavit. Ita tantum bellum, tarn diuturnum, tarn 
 longe lateque dispersum, quo bello omnes gentes ac nationes 
 premebantur, Cn. Pompeius, extrema hieme apparavit, ine- 
 unte vere suscepit, media aestate confecit. 
 
 XIII. Est haec divina atque ineredibilis virtus imperatorls. 
 Quid i ceterae, quas paullo ante 1 eommemorare coeperam, 
 quanta; atque quam multae sunt? non enim solum bellandi 
 virtus in summo atque perfecto imperatore quaerenda est : 
 sed multae sunt artes eximiae, bujus administrae comitesque 
 virtutis. Ac primum quanta innocentia 2 debent esse im- 
 peratoies? quanta deinde omnibus in rebus temperantia? 
 quanta fide ( quanta facilitate ? 3 quanto ingenio v quanta 
 humanitate ? Quae breviter, qualia sint in Cn. Pompeio, 
 consideremus. Summa enim omnia sunt, Quirites : sed ea 
 nia^is ex aliorum contentione, 5 quam ipsa per sese cognosci 
 atque intelligi possunt. Quem G enim possumus imperato- 
 
 24. Duo maria] The Adriatic and limit of his commission in the pirati- 
 Tuscan : cal war. 
 
 Virg. 'An mare quod supra memorem, Sect. XIII. 1. Cetera, quas paulo 
 
 quodque alluit infra.' ante] sec. 11. The second species, 
 
 25. Idem Cretensibus] Introd. 15. or moral qualities. 
 
 As Pompey's commission extended to 2. Innocentia] rapacitati atque 
 
 all the maritime provinces, he thought avaritiae opponitur. ForceL; ' disin- 
 
 proper to receive certain ambassadors terestedness.' 
 
 sent by the Cretans, then on the eve 3. Facilitate] Of what affability, 
 of surrendering to Q. Metellus, and 4. Ingenio] This is explained in- 
 by commanding him to raise the siege, fra, c. 34, by ' consilio...et dicendi 
 appeared disposed to snatch the lau- gravitate et copia.' 
 rels from his brow. Metellus, how- 5. Aliorum contentione] by corn- 
 ever, despising his orders, took their parison with others. Si contentio 
 city and punished the citizens, al- quaedam et comparatio fiat.' Off. i. 
 though Octavius, Pompey's lieute- 17. V. E. 
 
 nant, lent them assistance. Flor. 6. Quern imperatorem] Perhaps 
 
 lii. 7. Lucullus, whom Gabinius and others 
 
 26. Usque in Famphyliam] the represented as avaricious : perhaps 
 VOL. I. D 
 
26 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 rem aliquo in numero 7 putare, cujus in exercitu veneant 
 centuriatus 8 atque venierint? 9 quid hunc hominem magnum 
 aut amplum de republica cogitare, qui pecuniam, 10 ex 
 aerario depromptam ad bellum administrandum, aut prop- 
 ter cupiditatem provincial magistratibus 11 diviserit, aut 
 propter avaritiam Romae in quaestu 12 reliquerit? Vestra 
 admurmuratio 13 facit, Quirites, ut agnoscere videamini, qui 
 haec fecerint : ego autem neminem nomino ; quare irasci 
 mihi 14 nemo poterit, nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri. 
 Itaque, propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum, quantas cala- 
 mitates, quocunque ventum sit, nostri exercitus ferant, quis 
 ignorat ? Itinera, 15 quae per hosce annos in Italia per agros 
 atque oppida civium Romanorum nostri imperatores feeerunt, 
 recordamini : turn facilius statuetis, quid apud exteras nati- 
 ones fieri existimetis. Utrum plures arbitramini per hosce 
 annos militum vestrorum armis hostium urbes, an hibeniis, 
 sociorum civitates esse deletas ? Neque enim 16 potest ex- 
 ercitum is continere imperator, qui se ipsum non continet : 
 
 Glabrio, to whose conduct ' veneant' 
 
 are on sale,' seems better to ap- 
 ply. 
 
 7. Aliquo in numero"] * Rank, esti- 
 mation.' Phil. ii. '29. Post (Caesa- 
 ris) ex Africa reditum, quo numero 
 fuisti 1 
 
 8. Centuriatus.'] And yet the re- 
 gular pay of a centurion, equal in 
 rank to our captain, was but double 
 in amount to that of a private. V. E. 
 
 9. Veneant venierint.] The Greek 
 praeter- perfect, expressing a i ast con- 
 tinued to the present, would super- 
 sede the necessity of two verbs, as 
 here. 
 
 10. Pecuniam] Money voted to the 
 governor of a province, on his ap- 
 pointment, and called ' attributa.' 
 Vid. next note. 
 
 1 1 . Magistratibus.] These were, most 
 probably, the tribunes of the people. 
 That ' cupiditatem provincial alludes 
 to the prorogation of a provincial com- 
 mand, and not the first appointment, 
 as the Delph. explains it, is obvious 
 from the grant of the money being 
 
 * ad bellum administrandum ;' which 
 implies that the province was already 
 
 granted ; unless, which seldom oc- 
 curred, we suppose the war to be in- 
 dependent of the command of a pro- 
 vince ; in which case the military 
 supplies might be disposed of as stated 
 in the text. 
 
 12. In quastu] at interest ; apud 
 argentarios. Hot torn. So Pis. 33. 
 ' Xonne sestertium centies et octo- 
 gies....ex aerario tibi attributura, Ro- 
 mae in quaestu reliquisti.' 
 
 13. Admurmuratio] These ' whis- 
 pers' are noticed by Cic. as a justifi- 
 cation of his animadversions. The 
 people acknowledged their truth, and 
 made the proper application. 
 
 14. Quare irasci mihi] The Car- 
 dinal Maury supposes that Cic. had 
 met with some interruption from the 
 adherents of Glabrio, or Lucullus ; 
 that he waited till silence was restor- 
 ed, and then availed himself of th 
 interruption to hint, that ' the cap 
 fitted.' V. E. 
 
 15. Itinera, fyc] Whether of armies 
 proceeding to the provinces, or against 
 Spartacus. 
 
 16. Neque enim, tyc] If these are 
 not what rhetoricians call ' common 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 14. 
 
 27 
 
 neque severus esse in judicando, 17 qui alios in se severos esse 
 judices nonvult. Hie miramur, lmnc hominem tantum ex- 
 cellere ceteris, cujus legiones sic in Asiam 18 pervenerunt, ut 
 non modo manus tanti exercitus, sed ne vestigium quideni 
 ouiquam pacato nocuisse dicatur? Jam vero, quemadmo- 
 dum milites hibernent, quotidie 19 sermones ac literal perle- 
 runtur. Non modo, ut sumptum faciat in militem, netnini vis 
 aftertur : sed ne cupienti quidem cuiquam permittitur. Hi- 
 emis enim,non avaritiae perfugiummajoresnostri in sociorum 
 atque amicorum tectis esse voluerunt. 
 
 XIV. Age vero ceteris in rebus qualis sit temperantia, 1 
 considerate. Unde illam tantam celeritatem, et tarn incre- 
 dibilem cursum inventum 2 putatis? Non enim ilium cxhniu 
 vis remigum, aut ars inaudita quaedam gubernandi, aut venti 
 aliqui novi, tarn celeriter in ultimas terras 3 pertulerunt : sed 
 eee res, quae ceteros remorari solent, non retardarunt: non 
 avaritia ab instituto cursu ad praedam aliquam devocavit, non 
 libido ad voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delectationem, non 
 nobilitas urbis 4 ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad 
 quietem. Postremo signa, et tabulas, 5 ceteraque ornamenta 
 Graecorum oppidorum, quae ceteri 6 tollenda esse arbitran- 
 
 places,' they allude to Lucullus and 
 Glabrio. 
 
 17. Severus in judicando] Ilirpog 
 i$ETaort). Dem. 
 
 18. Sic in Asiam, b\c] i. e. ' To 
 Cilicia and Pamphylia,' during the 
 late war against the pirates. 
 
 1 9. Quotidie, c] Pompey was 
 now in Cilicia, from which he pro- 
 ceeded to assume the command, after 
 the law passed. 
 
 Sect. XIV. I. Qualis sit tempe- 
 rantia] Cicero's distinctions are 
 sometimes too nice. Thus ' tem- 
 perantia' falls in very much with 
 ' innocentia ;' as appears from his 
 opposing both to 'avaritia.' By ' tem- 
 perantia,' however, he means that 
 virtue which keeps all the pas- 
 sions within the bounds of reason, 
 whereas ' innocentia' is rather limited 
 to abstinence from rapacity and ava- 
 rice. Supr. c. 13. n. 2. 
 
 2. Inventum] AI. initum. Sed 
 
 est e Graeca conauetudine in verbo 
 ivpitJKtiv, properare, consequi, &c. 
 Era. 
 
 3. In ultimas terras'] Sc. Pamphy- 
 liam. 
 
 4. Nobilitas urbis] Perhaps 
 Athens is alluded to ; on visiting 
 which, according to Plut., Pompey 
 barely stayed to offer sacrifices, and 
 proceeded on his march. Hottom. 
 
 5. Signa et tabulas, c] Cic. Verr. 
 vii. notices this robbery more par- 
 ticularly, and says that Athens, Per- 
 gamus, Cyzicus, Chios, Samos, all 
 Asia, Greece, and Sicily are to be seen 
 in the environs of a few Roman vil- 
 las. And writing to his brother, 
 1 Praeclarum est summo cum imperio 
 fuisse in Asia triennium, sic ut nul- 
 lum te signum, nulla pictura, nulla 
 vestis, nullum mancipium, nulla for- 
 ma cujusquam, nulla conditio pecu- 
 niae ab summa continentia deduxerit. 
 
 6. Ceteri] e. g. Mummius. M. 
 
28 If. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tur, ea sibi ille ne visenda quidem existimavit. Itaque om- 
 nes quidem, nunc in his locis Cn. Pompeium, sicut aliquem 
 non ex bac urbe missum, sed de coelo delapsum, 7 intuentur : 
 nunc denique 8 incipiunt credere, fuisse homines Roma- 
 nos 9 hac quondam abstinentia : quod jam nationibus exteris 
 incredibile ac falso memoriae proditum videbatur. Nunc 
 imperii vestri splendor illis gentibus lucet : nunc intelligent, 
 non sine causa majores suos turn, quum hac temperantia ma- 
 gistrate habebamus, servire populo Romano, quam im- 
 perare aliis, maluisse. Jam vero ita faciles 10 aditus ad eum 
 privatorum, ita liberae querimoniae de aliorum injuriis esse 
 dicuntur, ut is, qui dignitate principibus excellit, facilitate 
 par infimis esse videatur. Jam quantum consilio, 11 quantum 
 dicendi gravitate et copia valeat, in quo ipso 12 inest quae- 
 dam dignitas imperatoria, vos Quirites, hoc ipso in lo- 
 co 13 ssepe cognostis. Fidem vero ejus inter socios quantam 
 existimari putatis, quam hostes omnium gentium 14 sanctissi- 
 mam 15 judicarint? Humanitate jam tanta est, ut difficile 
 dictu sit, utrum hostes magis virtutem ejus pugnantes timu- 
 erinl, mansuetudinem victi dilexerint. Et quisqnam dubita- 
 bit, quin huic hoc tantum bellum transmittendum 16 sit, qui 
 ad omnia nostras memoriae bella conficienda divino quodam 
 consilio natus esse videatur '? 
 
 XV. Et, quoniam auctoritas 1 multum in bellis quo- 
 que 2 administrandis atque in imperio militari valet; certe 
 
 Scaurus exhibited three thousand sta- vitate, &c.,' not as the translators 
 
 tues at his shows, as aedile. ' Pompeio.' 
 
 7. De caelo delapsum] Again, to 13. Hoc ipso loco] The Rostra, 
 his brother, ' Graeci sic te intuebun- whence Pompey had frequently ad- 
 tur....ut etiara e coelo divinum horni- dressed the people. 
 
 nem esse in provinciam delapsum pu- 14. Gentium] Al. genenim, a 
 
 tent. reading which would lead us to ima- 
 
 8. Nunc denique] Now for the first gine that by hostes omnium gen- 
 time, tium' some understood ' enemies out 
 
 9. Fuisse homines Rom.] Curius of all nations.' But comp. note 9. c. 
 Dentatus, Fabricius, &c/ Val. Max. sequent. 
 
 iv. 3. 15. Sanctissimam judicarint] By 
 
 10. Faciles] C. 13, 'fides' is put unconditional surrenders. 
 
 before ' facilitas' and ' ingenium,' 16. Huic transmittendum] Sc. 
 
 but is here illustrated after them. being absent from Rome. 
 
 11. Consilio] Used for ingenio,' Sect. XV. 1. Auctoritas] 'High 
 as being a high exertion of talent, and reputation.' Top. 19. Ad fidem fa - 
 therefore more complimentary. ciendam auctoritas quaeritur. 
 
 12. In quo ipso] Sc. ' dicendi gra- 2. In bellis quoque] Not alone in 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 15. 29 
 
 nemini dubium est, quin ea re idem ille imperator plurimum 
 possit. Vehementer autem pertinere ad bella administranda, 
 quid host.es, quid socii de imperatoribus vestris existiment, 
 quis ignorat, quum sciamus, homines in tantis rebus, ut aut 
 contemnant, aut metuant, aut oderint, aut anient, opinione 
 non minus et fama,s quam aliqua certa ratione* commoveri? 
 Quod igitur nomen unquam in orbe terrarum clarius fait ( 
 eujus res gestae pares ? de quo homine vos, id quod maxime 
 tacit auctoritatem, tanta et tarn praeclara judicia 5 fecistis ? 
 An vero ullam usquam esse oram tarn desertam putatis, quo 
 non illius diei 6 fama pervaserit, quum universus populus 
 Romanus, referto foro, 7 repletisque omnibus templis, 8 ex 
 quibus hie locus conspici potest, uiium sibi ad commune om- 
 nium gent iu m helium 9 Cn. Pompeium imperatorem depo- 
 pofecit i Itaque, ut plura non dicam, neque aliorum exem- 
 plis confirmem, quantum [hujus] auctoritas valeat in hello ; 
 ab eodem Cn. Pompeio omnium rerum egregiarum exempla 
 Bumantur : qui quo die a vobia maritimo bello propositus 
 0g| imperator, tanta repente vilitas 10 annonas 11 ex summa 
 inopia et caritate rei fhunentariae consecuta est, unius homi- 
 nis spe et nomine, quantam vix ex summa ubertate agrorum 
 diuturna pax efficere potuisset. Jam, accepta in Ponto 
 calamitate, 12 ex eo prcelio, de quo vos paullo ante invitus 
 
 civil affairs. Liv. xxvii. 36. 
 
 3. Opinione -fama] Al. opinione 8. Omnibus templis] The forum 
 fanut ; i.e. ipsa fama ; vel potius ex- was surrounded by temples dedicated 
 
 istimatio a fama nata. Orut. to different divinities. Mil. 1. It 
 
 4. Certa ratione~] ' Any sure rule.' was also a temple itself. Inf. 24. 
 
 5. Tanta judicia'] This term im- n. 2. 
 
 plies the honours awarded to merit, as 9. Ad commune omn. gent. del.] 
 
 explained, supr. c. 1, * ex vestrojudi- For the pirates were the common ene- 
 
 cio fructum'. Plane. 39. ' Caesaris my of all ; as c. 14. ' hostes omnium 
 
 laudibus cpaas...amplissimis judiciis gentium.' 
 
 videam esse celebratas.' Here per- 10. Tanta repente fffilitdi] This 
 
 haps the early triumphs and consulate is easily..conceived. The grain-mer- 
 
 of Pompey are intended, if we do chant q\^i propriis condidit horreis 
 
 not refer it to his appointment to the Quiccpxid de Lybicis verritur' areis 
 
 Sertorian and piratical wars. anticipating a large supply from the 
 
 6. Illius diei] When the Gabinian foreign market, in consequence of the 
 law was passed. seas being cleared of the pirates, was 
 
 7. Referto foro] He means the glad to dispose of his store before its 
 Comitiutn, which is often confounded arrival. 
 
 with the forum. It was at first an 11. Annonce] q. d. annuus cibus. 
 
 open space near the Curia, but about 12. Accepta in Ponto calamitute] 
 
 the time of Hannibal was roofed in. The defeat of Tiiarius. 
 
30 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 admonui, quum socii pertimuissent, hostium opes animique 
 crevissent, satis firmum praesidium provincia 13 non haberet : 
 amisissetis Asiam, Quirites, nisi ipsum id temporis divini- 
 tus 14 Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones 15 fortuna populi 
 Romani 16 attulisset. 17 Hujus adventus et Mithridatem 
 insolita 18 inflammatum victoria 19 continuit, 20 et Tigra- 
 nem 21 magnis copiis minitantem Asiae retardavit. Et quis- 
 quam dubitabit, 22 quid virtute perfecturus sit, qui tantum 
 auctoritate profecerit ? aut quam facile imperio atque exer- 
 citu socios et vectigalia conservaturus sit, qui ipso nomine ac 
 rumore defenderit? 
 
 XVI. Age vero, 1 ilia res quantam declarat ejusdem ho- 
 minis apud hostes populi Romani auctoritatem, quod ex 
 locis tarn longinquis, 2 tamque diversis, tarn brevi tempore 
 omnes uni huic se dediderunt? quod Cretensium legati, 3 
 quum in eorum insula noster imperator 4 exercitusque esset, 
 ad Cn. Pompeium in ultimas 5 prope terras venerunt, eique 
 se omnes Cretensium civitates dedere velle dixerunt ? Quid 
 item ipse Mithridates ? 6 nonne ad eundem Cn. Pompeium, 
 legatum usque in Hispaniam misit ? eum quern Pompeius 
 legatum semper judicavit: ii, quibus 7 semper erat moles- 
 tum ad eum potissimum esse missum, speculatorem, quam 
 
 13. Provincial Vid. c. 2. n. 6. He 22. Quisquam dubitabit] None; 
 calls it Asia immediately after. for if the reputation of valour effected 
 
 14. Divinitus] Oeiq. ri>xy ; for so much, what will not valour itself 
 Pompey was sent to the piratical war. effect 1 
 
 15. Ad eas regiones'] Cilicia and Sect. XVI. 1. Age vero] He pro- 
 Pamphylia. ceeds to prove his ' authority,' by 
 
 16. Fortuna pop. Rom.] This is the fact of the Cretans and Mithrid. 
 not inconsistent with ' divinitus,' be- having sent embassies to him. 
 cause Cic. conceived fortune itself to 2. Tarn longinquis, fyc] As the 
 depend on the divine allotment. Inf. pirates possessed. 
 
 * divinitus adjuncta fortuna.' So 3. Cretensium legati.] Introd. 15. 
 
 JEschyl. Ofov Sk Suipov Icrriv tvrv- and c. 12. 
 
 Xtlv j3porowc. 4. Noster imperator] Metellus. 
 
 17. Attulisset] He had personified 5. Ultimas] Not in reference to 
 1 fortune*' Crete but Rome. 
 
 18. Insolita] For he had been 6. Item ipse Mithrid.] We are 
 conquered by Sylla, Murena, and assured that Mithrid. sent an ambas- 
 Lucullus. sador into Spain, to Sertorius, while 
 
 19. Victoria] That over Triarius. Pompey was there. That he ever 
 
 20. Continuit] This is appropriate sent one to Pompey is so improba- 
 to Mithridates, who was near j as ' re- ble, that we need not wonder people 
 tardavit' to Tigranes, who was at a thought him ' a spy,' Al. idem. 
 distance. 7. Ii, quibus, <Sfc] The friends of 
 
 21. Tigranem] Introd. 9. Metellus, the senior general in Spain. 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 16. 31 
 
 legatum judicari maluerunt. Potestis igitur jam constituere, 
 Quirites, hanc auctoritatem, multis postea 8 rebus gestis, mag- 
 nisque vestris judiciis 9 amplificatam, quantum apud illos 
 reges, quantum apud exteras nationes valituram esse existi- 
 metis. 
 
 Reliquum est, ut de felicitate, (quam prsestare de se ipso 
 nemo potest, 10 meminisse et commemorare de altero pos- 
 sumus,) sicut aequum est homini de potestate deorum, timide 
 et pauca dicamus. Ego enim sic existimo : Maximo, 11 
 Marcello, 12 Scipioni, 13 Mario, 14 et ceteris magnis imper- 
 atoribus, 11011 solum propter virtutem, sed etiam propter for- 
 tunam, sagpius imperia mandata, atque exercitus esse com- 
 missos. Fuit enim profecto quibusdam sum mis viris quaedam 
 ad amplitudinem et gloriam, et ad res magnas bene gerendas 
 divinitus adjuncta fortuna : de hujus autem homin is felicitate 
 quo de nunc agimus, hac utar moderatione dicendi, non ut 
 in illius potestate Ibrtunam positam esse dicam, sed ut prae- 
 terita meminisse, reliqua sperare videamur; ne aut in visa 
 diis lj immortalibus oratio nostra, aut 1G ingrata esse videatur. 
 Itaque non sum praedicaturus, Quirites, quantas ille res domi 
 militia?que, terra manque, quantaque felicitate gesserit: 
 ut 17 ejus semper voluntatibus non modo cives assense- 
 rint, 18 socii obtemperarint, hostes obedierint, sed etiam 
 venti tempestatesque 19 obsecundarint. Hoc brevissime di- 
 
 8. Posted] i. e. After the Spanish vading Africa, which he conquered, 
 war. 14. Mario] The conqueror of Ju- 
 
 8. Vestris judiciis'] c. 15. Among gurtha, the Teutones, and Cimbri. 
 
 them is, no doubt, the decree of Ga- He was seven times consul, 
 binius. 15. lmisadiis] Sc. if he said, 'in 
 
 10. Nemo potest meminisse] Quam illius potestate fortunam positam esse.' 
 aiitem are understood before ' memi- 16. Ingrata] If he failed, ' pra> 
 nisse ;' ' but ivhich we may, &c.' terita meminisse, reliqua sperare.' 
 
 11. Mtxhmo] Sc. Fabio. He is 17. Ut ejus, fyc] ' Ut' for quam. 
 usually called ' cunctator,' from his ' How, &c.' 
 
 conquering Hannibal, cunctando.' 18. Assenserint] More frequently 
 
 ' Unus qui nobis cunctando restituit deponent. Yet Sisenna (as Varro 
 
 rem.' Enn. and Virg. Liv. xxx. 26. testifies) always in the senate said 
 
 12. Marcello] He was five times 'Assentio.' 
 
 consul ; the conqueror of Gaul, of 19. Tempestates] If Cic. did not 
 
 Syracuse, and of Hannibal, at Nola ; so frequently join together two sy- 
 
 in an engagement against whom he nonyms, this might be translated 
 
 fell. a. u. 545. 'calms.' Fam. xvi. 1. Et comites 
 
 13. Scipioni] Sc. Africano. He et tempestates, et navem idoneam 
 obliged Hannibal to leave Italy by in- ut habeas, diligenter videbis. The 
 
32 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 cam, neminem unquam tam impudentem fuisse, qui a diis 
 immortalibus tot et tantas res tacitus auderet optare, quot et 
 quantas dii immortales ad Cn. Pompeium detulerunt. Quod 
 ut illi proprium ac perpetuum sit, Quirites, quum communis 
 salutis atque imperii, turn ipsius hominis causa, sicuti faci- 
 tis, 30 velle et optare debetis. 
 
 Quare quum 21 et bellum ita necessarium sit, ut negligi 
 non possit : ita magnum, ut accuratissime sit administran- 
 dum : et quum ei imperatorem praeficere possitis, in quo sit 
 eximia belli scientia, singularis virtus, clarissima auctoritas, 
 egregia fortuna : dubitabitis, Quirites, quin hoc tantum boni, 
 quod vobis a diis immortalibus oblatum et datum est, in 
 rempublicam conseivandam atque amplificandam conferatis '( 
 
 XVII. Quod si Romae Cn. Pompeius privatus esset hoc 
 tempore : tamen ad tantum bellum is erat deligendus atque 
 mittendus. Nunc, quum ad ceteras summas utilitates ha?c 
 quoque opportunitas adjungatur, ut in iis ipsis locis adsit, ut 
 habeat exercitum, ut ab iis, qui habent, accipere statini 
 }>ossit: quid exspectamus? aut cur non, ducibus diis immor- 
 talibus, eidem, cui cetera summa cum salute reipublicae com- 
 missa sunt, hoc quoque bellum regium committimus \ 
 
 At enim vir clarissimus, amantissimus reipublicae, vestris 
 beneficiis amplissimis affectus, Q. Catulus; 1 itemque summis 
 ornamentis honoris, fortunae, virtutis, ingenii praeditus, Q. 
 Hortensius, 2 ab hac ratione dissentiunt : quorum ego auc- 
 toritatem apud vos multis locis plurimum valuisse, et valere 
 oportere confiteor ; sed in hac causa tametsi coanoscitis 
 auctoritates contrarias fortissimorum virorum et clarissimo- 
 rum, tamen, omissis auctoritatibus, 3 ipsa re et ration 
 
 Dclph. quotes ^n. ix. which occurred a. u. 693, about the 
 
 Unde hax tam clara repente formation of the first triumvirate. 
 
 Tempestas. 2. Hortensius] was in the zenith 
 
 20. Sicuti facitis] Sc. by confer- of his fame when Cic, who was after- 
 ring on him public employments. wards his great rival, came to the 
 
 21. Quare quum, fc] The general forum. He appears to have been more 
 conclusion before proceeding to the remarkable for eloquence than integri- 
 confutation. ty ; and the immense wealth which 
 
 Sect. XVII. 1. Q. Catulus'] He he acquired gave a colour to the 
 was consul with Lepidus, a. u. 675, charge of avarice. He was one of 
 and opposed rescinding Sylla's acts, that knot of ' optimates' who con- 
 It was he who pronounced Cicero sidered themselves the republic. He 
 ' pater patriae.' He was fortunate, was consul with Ca*cilius Metellu*, 
 Cic. thinks, as well in the splendour a. u. 684. 
 of his life as the time of his death, 3. Omissis auctoritatibusl 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 17. 33 
 
 quirere possumus veritatem : atque hoc facilius, quod ea 
 omnia, quae adhuc a me dicta sunt, iidem isti vera essse 
 eoncedunt, et necessarium bellum esse, et magnum, et in uno 
 Cn. Pompeio summa esse omnia. Quid igitur ait Horten- 
 sius ? " Si uni omnia tribuenda sint, unum dignissimum esse 
 Pompeium : sed ad unum tamen omnia 4 deferri non opor- 
 tere." Obsolevit 5 jam ista oratio, re multo magis quam 
 verbis reiutata. JNam tu idem, Q. Hortensi, multa, pro tua 
 summa copia ac singulari facilitate dicendi, et in senatu con- 
 tra virum fortem A. Gabinium, 6 graviter ornateque dixisti, 
 quum is de uno 7 imperatore contra praedones constituendo 
 legem promulgasset : et ex hoc ipso loco permulta item 
 contra legem earn verba fecisti. Quid ? . turn, per deos im- 
 mortales ! si plus apud populum Romanum auctoritas tua, 
 quam ipsius populi Romani salus et vera causa valuisset, 
 hodie banc ^loriam atque hoc orbis terra? imperium tenere- 
 mus ? An tibi turn imperium esse hoc videbatur, quum 
 }X)puli Romani legati, praetores, quaestoresque capiebantur ( 
 quum ex omnibus provinciis commeatu, 8 et privato, et pub- 
 lico, prohibebamur I quum ita clausa erant nobis omnia ma- 
 ria, ut neque privatam rem transmarinam, neque publi- 
 cam 9 jam obire possemus ? 
 
 XVIII. Qua? civitas antea unquam fuit, non dico Atheni- 
 ensium, 1 quae satis late quondam mare tenuisse dicitur ; non 
 
 De. i. 5. Non tarn auctoritates in dis- before he withdrew his opposition, 
 putando quam rationum momenta 7. Be uno] For Pompey was not 
 
 quaerenda sunt. Hottom. named in the law. 
 
 4. Ad unum omnia'] For, not only 8. Commeatu.] This word is from 
 the army and province of Lucullus con and meo, i. e. eo; and imports, 1. 
 were to be assigned to him, but also coming and going, free intercourse ; 
 the naval forces which he had em- 2. annona quae commeando compor- 
 ployed in the piratical war. tatur provisions. Forcel. But it may 
 
 5. Obsolevit] Ob soleo,q.d.' against well be taken in the first sense here ; 
 use.' Tr. ' lost its value.' Phil. ii. 41. as it was not usual for Rome to get 
 
 6. A. Gabinium] Of this unprin- supplies of corn from all the provinces. 
 cipled tribune Cic. (in Sen. p. Red. This, therefore, is not to be referred to 
 5.) says, that if he had not carried his caritate rei frumentariae' supr. c. 15. 
 law he must have turned pirate him- as Hottom. and the Delph. think, 
 self. And this accounts for his reso- 9. Publicum] i. e. The magistrates 
 lution (virum fortem) in urging the did not venture to proceed to the pro- 
 law, in defiance of the opposition of vinces. 
 
 the senate and Trebellius, his col- Sect. XVIII. 1. Atheniensium] 
 league, whom he had nearly deposed Diony. Hall. i. 1, informs us, that for 
 from his office by a vote of the tribes, nearly seventy years the Athenians 
 
34 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Carthaginiensium, 1 qui permultum classe maritimisque rebus 
 valuerunt; non Rhodiorum, 3 quorum usque ad nostram me- 
 raoriam disciplina navalis et gloria remansit : quae civitas 
 antea unquam tarn tenuis, quae tarn parva insula fuit, quae non 
 portus suos, et agros, et aliquam partem regionis atque orae 
 maritimae per se ipsa defenderet ? At, hercle, aliquot annos 
 continuos ante legem Gabiniam illepopulusRomanus,cujus, 
 usque ad nostram memoriam, nomen invictum in navalibus 
 pugnis 4 permanserat, magna ac multo maxima parte non 
 modo utilitatis,* sed dignitatis 6 atque imperii caruit : nos, 
 quorum ma j ores Antiochum regem classe, Persenque 7 supera- 
 runt, omnibusque navalibus pugnis 8 Carthaginienses, ho- 
 mines in maritimis rebus exercitatissimos paratissimosque 
 vicerunt, ii nullo in loco jam praedonibus pares esse potera- 
 mus : nos [quoque], qui antea non modo Italiam tutamhabe- 
 bamus, sed omnes socios in ultimis oris auctoritate nostri im- 
 perii salvos praestare poteramus ; (turn, quum insula Delos, 9 
 tarn procul a nobis in ^Egeo mari posita, quo omnes undi< ine 
 cum mercibus atque oneribus commeabant, referta divitiis, 
 parva, sine muro, nihil timebat ; 10 ) iidem non modo provin- 
 ciis, atque oris Italiae maritimis, ac portubus nostris, sed 
 
 commanded the maritime coasts, ex- defeat, which is not directly mentioned 
 
 tending even to the Euxine and Pam- by historians, from the naval triumph 
 
 phylian seas. of Octavius. Liv. xlv. 42 ; which 
 
 2. Carthaginiensium'] The naval being ' sine captivis, sine spoliis,' 
 power of the Carthaginians, which we may suppose the victory itself not 
 combined the science of Phoenicia very splendid. 
 
 with the prowess of Africa, was for a 8. Omnibus navalibus pugnis] Oro- 
 long time unrivalled in the Mediter- nibus' here is only morally universal, 
 ranean. Of this the islands which Thus, in the first Punic war, Adherbal 
 they subjugated and colonized are destroyed nearly 100 ships in one en- 
 offered by A ppian as a proof. gagement ; and soon after a storm and 
 
 3. Rhodiorum] Strabo, lib. xiv. Carthalo, the remainder of the fleet, 
 testifies the excellent discipline and amounting to 120 ships. 
 
 naval prowess of these islanders, par- 9. Delos] This island possessed an 
 
 ticularly in checking the pirates. excellent harbour and situation, lying 
 
 4. In navalibus pugnis] Particu- in the route of those who traded be- 
 larly the victories of Duilius and Re- tween Asia and Greece, or Italy, 
 gulus in the first Punic war. and of Strab. lib. x. As usual, the capital 
 Livius over the fleet of Antiochus, a. of the island was also so called. 
 u. 562. Supr. 12. n. 8. 
 
 5. Util.] By the loss of its revenues. 10. Turn nihil timebat] Being 
 
 6. Dignitatis] By the capture of under the protection of Rome. It 
 its praetors, ambassadors, &c. had, however, been taken by Mithri- 
 
 7. Persenque] We must infer this dates. 
 

 PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 19. 35 
 
 etiam Appia jam via 11 carebamus; et his temporibus non 
 pudebat magistratus populi Romani, in hunc ipsum locum 
 escendere, 12 quum earn vobis majores vestri exuviis nauticis 
 et classium spoliis ornatum reliquissent. 
 
 XIX. Bono te animo turn, Q. Hortensi, populus Roma- 
 nus, et ceteros, qui erant in eadem sententia, dicere existi- 
 mavit ea, qua* sentiebatis ; sed tamen in salute communi 
 idem populus Romanus dolori 1 suo maluit, quam auctoritati 
 vestra? obtemperare. Itaque una lex, unus vir, unus annus, 
 non modo nos ilia miseria ac turpitudine liberavit: sed etiam 
 eftecit, ut aliquando vere videremur omnibus gentibus ae 
 nationibus terra marique imperare. Quo mihi etiam indig- 
 nius videtur obtrectatuin esse adhuc Gabinio 2 dicam, anne 
 Pompeio, an utrique? (id quod est verius :) ne legaretur 
 A. Gabinius Cn. Pompeio expetenti ac postulanti. Utrum 
 ille, qui postulat legatum ad tantum helium, quern velit, ido- 
 ncusuonest, qui impetret, quum cetcri ad expilandos socios 
 diri])iendas(jue provincias, quos volueruut legatos eduxerint : 
 an ipse, eujus lege salus ac dignitas populo Romano atque 
 omnibus gentibus constitute est, expers esse debet gloria? ejus 
 imperatoris atque ejus exercitus, qui consilio ipsius atque 
 periculo 3 est constitutus? An C. Falcidius, Q. Metellus, 
 Q. Caelius Latiuiensis, Cn. Lentulus, (quos onmes honoris 
 causa 1 nomino,) quum tribuni ])lebis fuissent, anno proximo 
 
 11. Appia via] Near Terracina, it DeOr.iii.6. Siveexinferioreloco, sive 
 approached the sea, and therefore was ex aequo, sive ex superiore.. .loquitur, 
 prohahly infested hy the pirates.Mil.7. By 'ex aequo' he means the senate. 
 
 12. Kscendere] For ' ascendere.' Sect. XIX. 1. Dolori] ^Kgri- 
 The Rostra, it should be observed, tudo ex aliqua injuria concepta. Hot. 
 was twofold, sc. * superior et in- 2. Indignius Gabinio'] Supr. 17. 
 ferior locus.' Att. ii. 24. Postero n. 6. The return which was made 
 autem die, Caesar qui olim, praetor for this uncalled for support of the 
 cum esset, Q. Catulum ex inferiore worthless Gabinius can hardly be re- 
 loco jusserat dicere, Vettium in Ros- gretted. He was consul a. u. 695, 
 tra produxit ; eumque in eo loco con- the year in which Cic. was banished ; 
 stituit quo Bibulo consuli, aspirare for his services in procuring which 
 non liceret.' This inferior locus' banishment, he obtained, through 
 Livy (xxxviii. 52.) calls ' sub rostris,' Clodius, the province of Syria. 
 from which private men could ha- 3. Periculo'] Because if Pompey 
 rangue; whereas tlie ' suggestum' that were unsuccessful, the odium would 
 had been adorned with the beaks of the revert to the person who had promoted 
 Antiatian ships, called by Cic. ' exit- his appointment. 
 
 viis nauticis.' Liv. viii. 14., formed the 4. Honoris causa] ' out of respect,' 
 ' locus superior,' and from it the magis- ' with all due respect.' Cic. generally 
 trates haraugued. Hence ' ascendere.' employs this expression in speaking 
 
36 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 legati esse potuerunt : in hoc uno Gabinio sunt tarn diligen- 
 tes, 5 qui in hoc bello, quod lege Gabinia geritur, in hoc im- 
 peratore atque exercitu, quern per vos 5 ipse constituit, etiam 
 praecipuo jure esse deberet ? de quo legando spero consules 
 ad senatum relaturos : qui si dubitabunt, aut gravabuntur, 
 ego me profiteor relaturum ; 6 neque me impediet cujus- 
 quam, Quirites, inimicum edictum, quo minus, fretus vobis, 
 vestrum jus beneficiumque 7 defendam : neque, praeter intcr- 
 cessionem, 8 quidquam audiam ; de qua, utarbitror, isti ipsi, 
 qui minantur, etiam atque etiam, quid liceat, considerabunt. 
 Mea quidem sententia, Quirites, unus A. Gabinius, belli 
 maritimi rerumque gestarum Cn. Pompeio socius adscribi- 
 
 of living characters, regarding whom 
 there might be some suspicion of in- 
 sult. Thus Antony uses it in speak- 
 ing of Brutus. Phil. ii. 12. 
 
 5. Tarn diligentes] In enforcing 
 the law, that tribunes should not be 
 eligible to lieutenancies the year af- 
 ter their magistracy. What this law 
 was is not recorded ; perhaps it came 
 in under the vEbutian and Licinian 
 laws, ' ne ei qui de aliqua curatione ac 
 potestate ferret, collegis, cognatis, af- 
 finibus earn potestatem curationemve 
 mandare liceret.' 
 
 5. Per vos~\ By your suffrages. 
 
 6. Ego me relaturum'] It would 
 appear that the consuls, Mm. Lepi- 
 dus and Volcatius Tullus, took part 
 with the senate against Gabinius, 
 whose law was highly displeasing to 
 them. Cic. declares, that if the con- 
 suls, whose proper business it was, 
 should not lay the matter before the 
 senate, he would do so himself. 
 This could be done in two ways: 1. 
 by calling a meeting of the senate for 
 that especial purpose ; which, as 
 praetor, he was competent to do ; and 
 then ' inimicum edictum,' would be 
 an edict of the consuls, forbidding a 
 minor magistrate, sc. a prstor, to hold 
 the senate ; and this is Hottoman's ex- 
 planation. 2. By taking the oppor- 
 tunity, when the senate was met for 
 some ol her purpose, of bringing for- 
 
 ward the affair, which it was com- 
 petent for any senator to do. ' Ini- 
 micum edictum' will then be the 
 edict of the consul, determining the 
 business in debate, and requiring no 
 senator to introduce any extraneous 
 matter, or what was called * egredi 
 relationem ;' and this explanation 
 Em. prefers. 
 
 7. Vestrum jut beneficiumque] As 
 Hottom. explained * edictum' to be an 
 edict directed against the authority of 
 the praetor to hold the senate, so he 
 makes 'jus' theright or privilege of the 
 praetorship and ' beneficium' the fa- 
 vour conferred by that office, which 
 were ' vestrum' being derived from 
 the people. But Em. makes 'jus' 
 the right which the tribunes had of a 
 lieutenancy, and * beneficium' the 
 honour and rights of the tribuneship 
 itself, which were peculiarly ' ves- 
 trum,' the people's. And this seems 
 preferable. 
 
 8. Prater intercetsionem] A com- 
 pliment to the people, to whose tri- 
 bunes he was ready to defer. The 
 senate had, no doubt, gained over 
 some of the tribunes, like Trebellius, 
 who should interfere if Cicero's mo- 
 tion were pressed. The Delph. quotes 
 from A. Gell. xiv. 7., that a magis- 
 trate to intercede must be of equal (or 
 greater) authority with him who held 
 the senate. This is true, but does 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 20. 37 
 
 tur ; propterea quod alter uni 9 id bellum suscipiendum ves- 
 tris suffrages detulit ; alter delatiim susceptumque confecit. 
 XX. Reliquum est, ut de Q. Catuli auctoritate et senten- 
 tia dicendum esse videatur ; qui quum ex vobis quaereret, si 
 in uno Cn. Pompeio omnia poneretis, si quid eo factum es- 
 set, 1 in quo spem essetis habituri ; cepit magnum sua? virtu- 
 tis fruetum, ac dignitatis, quum omnes prope una voce, " in 
 [eo] ipso vos spem habituros esse" dixistis. Etenim talis 
 est vir, 2 ut nulla res tanta sit ac tarn difficilis, quam ille non et 
 consilio regere, et integritate tueri, et virtute confieere possit. 
 Sed in hoc ipso ab eo vehementissime dissentio, quod, quo 
 minus certa est hominum ac minus diuturna vita, hoc magis 
 respublica, dum per deos immortales licet, frui debet sum- 
 mi hominis vita atque virtute. At enim 3 nihil novi fiat contra 
 exempla atque instituta majorum. Non dico hoc loco, ma- 
 jores nostros semper in pace consuetudini, in bello utilitati 4 
 paruisse, semper ad novos casus temporum, novorum consi- 
 liorum rationes accommodasse : non dicam, duo bella max- 
 ima, Punicum et Hispaniense, ab uno imperatore 5 esse con- 
 fecta : duas urbes potentissimas, qua? huic imperio maxime 
 minitabantur, Carthaginem atque Numantiam, 6 ab eodem 
 Scipione esse deletas : non commemorabo, nuper ita vobis 
 patribusque vestris esse visum, ut in uno C. Mario spes im- 
 
 not apply here, where the veto of the of the city, on the field of battle, for 
 
 tribunes only is referred to. their gallant resistance to the Cim- 
 
 9. Alter nt] The second clause brians ; and when told that it was il- 
 
 ' alter delatum, &c.,' determines the legal, he replied, ' that the din of 
 
 construction of the first ; sc. that arms drowned the voice of the laws.' 
 
 ' uni' is governed by ' detulit,' and Plut. in Mar. 27. 
 4 suffrages, ' in the abl. case ; else it 5. Ab uno imperatore] P. Scipio 
 
 would agree better with the wording ^Emilianus, who, being made consul 
 
 of the law to refer ' uni' to'suscipien- ten years before the regular time, to 
 
 dum.' 'Alter alter,' (jabinius and finish the Punic war, was afterwards, 
 
 Pompey. notwithstanding a law which required 
 
 Sect. XX. 1. Si quid factum ten years to intervene between each 
 
 esset] Phil. i. 4. 'Si quid mihi hu- consulship, appointed to the Numan- 
 
 manitus accidisset,' and Dem. Phil, tine war. 
 
 i. 5. an ndOoi, are all euphemisms, 6. ffiniifWlJuiH] A city of Tarra- 
 
 lor ' should (one) die.' Mil. 36. conensis in Spain, near the source of 
 
 2. Tulis estvir] Off. i. 22. the Durius, at the foot of the moun- 
 
 3. At enim] An objection. Vid. Sail, tains. It was razed by Scipio the 
 Cat. c- 51, where Caesar refutes it. younger, after a siege of twenty years, 
 
 4. In bello utilituti] Thus Marius the inhabitants having previously de- 
 too, in later times, presented two co- stroyed themselves. llor. ii. 18. 
 hortsof Camertians, with the freedom Liv. Kpit. 47. 54., Sac. 
 
 VOL. I. E 
 
38 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 perii poneretur, ut idem cum Jugurtha, idem cum Cim- 
 bris, 7 idem cum Theutonis bellum admin istraret : in ipso 
 Cn. Pompeio, in quo novi constitui nihil vult Q. Catulus, 
 quam multa sint nova summa Q. Catuli voluntate constituta, 
 recordamini. 
 
 XXI. Quidenim tarn novum, quam adolescentulum, 1 pri- 
 vatum, exercitum difficili reipublica? tempore 2 conficere ? 
 confecit : huic praeesse ? praefuit : rem optime ductu suo 
 gerere ? gessit. Quid tarn praeter consuetudinem, quam ho 
 mini peradolescenti, 3 cujus a senatorio gradu 4 aetas longe 5 ab- 
 esset, imperium atque exercitum dari ? Siciliam permitti, at- 
 que Af'ricam, bellumque in ea administrandum ? Fuit in his 
 provinciis singulari innocentia, gravitate, virtute : bellum in 
 Africa maximum confecit, victorem exercitum deportavit. 
 Quid vero tarn inauditum, quam equitem Romanum triuni- 
 phare? At earn quo que rem populus Romanus non modo 
 vidit, sed etiam studio omni visendam et concelebrandam 
 putavit. Quid tarn inusitatum, quam ut, qiuim duo con- 
 sules 6 clarissimi fortissimique essent, eques Romanus ad bel- 
 lum maximum 7 formidolosissimumque pro consule 8 mittere- 
 tur ? Missus est. Quo quidem tempore, quum csset non- 
 nemo in senatu, qui diceret, 'Non otx>rtere mitti hominem 
 privatum pro consule ;' L. Philippus 9 dixisse dicitur, ' Non se 
 
 7. Cimbris] A people of Jutland, 5. Longe] Sc. about eight years, 
 
 and ' Theutones,' of Germany. These 6. Duo coss.] D. Junius Brutus 
 
 ations made an incursion into Gaul, and M. ..Emilius Lepidus, a. u. 676. 
 
 a. r. 640, and conquered and de- 7. Bellum maximum] The Ser- 
 
 Mroyed several Roman armies. Ma- torian or Spanish, 
 
 i ius, in his absence, was appointed 8. Pro consule] The words ' pro- 
 
 ueneral against them, and in con- consul, ''promagister,' 'pronepos,'&c. 
 
 junction with Q. Catulus, destroyed were formed from the regular ' pro 
 
 the entire army of the barbarians, consule,' &c; and the latter form 
 
 Cic. seems to separate the wars with was still in use, with this limitation, 
 
 these people (idem cum Theutonis) that it was never made the subject of 
 
 and so does Livy, Epit lxvi., differ- the verb. E. g. ' Eques Rom. procon- 
 
 ing in this respect from other his- sule missus est' was good Latin ; but 
 
 torians. not ' proconsule decrevit haec fieri.' 
 
 Sect. XXI. 1. Adolescentulum] This shows too, that the governor of a 
 
 Introd. 1 1. 15. province was styled proconsul whether 
 
 2. Difficili reip. tempore] The he had been consul or not. Vid. Phil. 
 Italic war. 38, where Brutus, the praetor, is 
 
 3. Peradolescenti] For ' adolescen- called proconsul of Crete. Hor. Sat. 
 tissimus,' which is not in use. i. 7.18. 
 
 4. Senatorio gradu] Thirty-two. 9. L. Philippus] Who, with Cras- 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 22. 39 
 
 ilium sua sententia pro consule, sed pro consulibus 10 mit- 
 tere.' Tanta in eo reipublicae bene gerendae spes constitue- 
 batur, ut duorum consilium munus unius adolescentis virtuti 
 committeretur. Quid tarn singulare, quam ut ex senatus- 
 consulto legibus 11 solutus, consul ante fieret, quam iillum 
 alium magistratum 12 per leges capere licuisset ? quid tarn 
 incredibile, quam ut iterum 13 eques Romanus ex senatuscon- 
 sulto triumpharet ? quae in omnibus hominibus nova post 
 hominum memoriam constituta sunt, ea tam multa non sunt, 
 quam haec, quae in hoc uno homine vidimus. Atque haec 
 tot exempla tanta, ac tam nova, profecta sunt in eundem 
 hominem a Q. Catuli atque a ceterorum ejusdem dignitatis 
 mplissimorum hominum auctoritate. 
 
 XXII. Quare videant, ne sit periniquum et non ferendum, 
 illorum auctoritatem de Cn. Pompeii dignitate a vobis com- 
 probatam 1 semper esse ; vest rum ab illis de eodem homine 
 judicium, populique Romani auctoritatem improbari: pra?- 
 sertim quum jam suo jure 2 populus Romanus in hoc homine 
 suam auctoritatem vel contra omnes, qui dissentiunt, possit 
 defendere ; propterea quod, iisdem istis reclamantibus, 3 vos 
 unuin ilium ex omnibus delegistis, quern bello praedonum 
 praeponeretis. Hoc si vos temere fecistis, et reipublica? 
 
 sus and Antony, formed the trium- torship was first, and had been omit- 
 
 virate of early orators. De Or. iii. J . ted by Pompey. 
 
 10. Pro consul/bus] Metellus Pius 13. Iterum] On the conclusion of 
 was then conducting the Sertorian the Sertorian and servile wars. 
 
 war, with better intentions than sue- Sect. XXII. 1. A vobis eotnpro- 
 
 cess. His regular successor should batam] Either by yourselves, or by 
 
 have been a consul, and sometimes your tribunes. For the latter used to 
 
 two were sent. Philip had so high sit on benches at the door of the 
 
 an opinion of Pompey's abilities that senate, and examine the decrees of the 
 
 he thought him worth the two ; ac- senate as they passed. Those ap- 
 
 cordingly he was sent as an assistant proved were subscribed T. i. e. Tri- 
 
 to Metellus, who was continued in buni ; those rejected, V. i. e. veto, 
 
 the command. Val. Max. ii. 1. 
 
 1 1. Legibus] i.e. Lege, sc. Villia vel 2. Jam suo jure] i.e. ' nemine im- 
 Annali. Mil. 9. n. on ' suum annum.' pediente,' * cum nemo prohibere pos- 
 
 12. Ullum alium magistratum] Sc. set.' Jam seems to intimate that since 
 curule magistracy ; for being thirty- the decision of the people, in the case 
 five years of age, he was eligible to of the Gabinian law, against the 
 the quzestorship. Vid.c. 1. n. 29. The wishes of the senate, had proved so 
 legal age for the curule aedile was proper, a fortiori they might exert 
 thirty-seven. Some refer ' antequam,' their full authority on this occasion, 
 not to the age of Pompey, but the 3. Istis reclamantibus] Hortensius, 
 order of the offices, of which the quaes- Catulus, and their adherents. 
 
40 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 ])arum consululstis ; recte isti studia vestra* suis consiliis* re- 
 vere conantur : sin autem vos plus turn in republica vidis- 
 tis ; vos, 6 his repugnantibus, per vosmet ipsos dignitatem 
 huic imperio, salutem orbi terrarum attulistis : aliquando 
 isti principes, et sibi, et ceteris, populi Romani universi auc- 
 toritati parendum esse fateantur. Atque in hoc bello Asia- 
 tico et regio, non solum militaris ilia virtus, quae est in Cn. 
 Pompeio singularis, sed aliae quoque virtutes animi multae et 
 magna? requiruntur. Difficile est 7 in Asia, Cilicia, Syria, 
 regnisque interiorum 8 nationum ita versari vestrum impera- 
 torem, ut nihil aliud, quam de hoste ac de laude, coiiitet. 
 Deinde etiam si qui sunt pudore ac temperantia raoderati- 
 ores, tamen eos esse tales, propter multitudinem cupidorum 
 hominum nemo arbitratur. Difficile est dictu, Quirites, 
 quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes, propter eorum, 
 quos ad eas per hosannos cum imperio misimus, injurias ac 
 libidines. Quod enim fanum putatis in illis terris nostris 
 magistratibus religiosum, quam civitatem sanctam, quam do- 
 mum satis clausam ac munitam fuisse ? urbes jam 9 locuple- 
 tes ac copiosae requiruntur, 10 quibus causa belli propter diri- 
 ])iendi cupiditatem inferatur. Libenter ha?c coram cum Q. 
 Catulo et Q. Hortensio disputarem, summis et clarissimis 
 viris ; noverunt 11 enim sociorum vulnera : vident eorum 
 calamitates : querimonias audiunt. Pro sociis vos contra 
 hostes exercitum mittere putatis, an hostium simulatione, 
 contra socios atque amicos? quae civitas est in Asia, quae non 
 modo imperatoris, aut legati, sed unius tribuni militum 12 am- 
 inos ac spiritus 13 capere possit ? 
 
 XXIII. Quare, etiam si quem habetis, qui, collatis signis, 
 
 4. Studia vestra] Your views and inquiruntur.' Sail. Cat. 40. Legates 
 wishes. Allobrogum requirat. 
 
 5. Consiliis~\ Just as Cic. was 11. Noverunt enim] Because they 
 doing now; for the senators had no must have heard the complaints which 
 control over the determinations of the were daily brought before the senate 
 people, but by advice. by the provincials. 
 
 6. Vos] i. e. sin vos ; if you, &c. 11. Unus tribuni militum] The 
 
 7. Difficile est] Owing to the number of the ' tribuni' in a legion 
 wealth and remote situation of those varied according to the number of 
 countries. thousands of which it was composed, 
 
 8. Interiorum] Remote from the which being originally three, (tres,) 
 sea. gave rise to the name. At this time 
 
 9. Jam] Even. there were six. 
 
 10. Requiruntur] i. e. ' diligenter 13. Animos acspiritus] Avarice. 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 23. 41 
 
 exercitus regios superare posse videatur: tamen, nisi erit 
 idem, qui se a pecuniis sociorum, qui ab eorum conjugibus 
 ac liberis, qui ab ornamentis fanorum atque oppidorum, qui 
 ab auro gazaque 1 regia, manus, oculos, animum cohibere 
 possit ; non erit idoneus qui ad bellum Asiaticum regiumque 
 niittatur. Ecquam putatis civitatem pacatam fuisse, quae 
 locuples sit ? ecquam esse locupletem, qua3 istis pacata esse 
 videatur i 2 Ora maritima, Quirites, Cn. Pompeium non 
 solum propter rei militaris gloriam, sed etiam propter animi 
 continentiam requisivit. Videbat enim populum Ronw- 
 num 3 non locupletari quotannis pecunia publica, prseter* pau- 
 cos ; neque nos quidquam aliud assequi classium nomine, 
 nisi ut, detriments accipiendis, majore affici turpitudine vi- 
 deremur. Nunc, qua cupiditate homines in provincias, qui- 
 bus jacturis, 5 quibus conditionibus proficiscantur, ignorant 
 videlicit isti, 6 qui ad uniim deferenda esse omnia non arbi- 
 trantur ! Quasi vero Cn. Pompeium non qimm suis virtu- 
 tibus, turn etiam alienisvitiis magnum esse videamus. Quare 
 nolite dubitare, quin huic uni credatis omnia, qui inter an- 
 nos tot unus inventus sit, quem socii in urbes suas cum exer- 
 citii venisse naudeant. Quod si auctoritatibus hanc causam, 
 Quirites, confirniandam putatis : est vobis auctor, vir bel- 
 
 Sect. XXIII. 1. Gaza] A Per- loyalty, and the only security from 
 
 sian word, signifying ' royal treasure.' oppression lay in poverty. 
 
 Gaza, a city of Palestine, was so 3. Populum Rom.'] Al. populus. 
 
 called, according to Mela, because With the reading in the text ' vide- 
 
 Cambyses, when he was invading bat* refers to ' ora maritima,' yet it 
 
 .fligypt, collected thither his royal is not clear why it felt so strongly 
 
 treasures. Here it may allude to the about the abuses of the Roman 
 
 treasures of Mithridates and Ti- government. If we read ' populus' 
 
 granes. there is no apparent connexion with 
 
 2. Ecquam esse videatur"] He what precedes, 
 
 makes two suppositions and deduces 4. Preeter] u e. ' nisi' ticroc, 
 
 two consequences: 1. Admitting a 'save.' Caos. B. G. iv. 1. Neque 
 
 state to be possessed of wealth, has it vestitus, praiter pelles, habeant. So in 
 
 in any instance been reduced to a state English, besides is used for except. 
 
 of tranquillity (pacatam) 1 No, but 5. Jacturis] 1. The throwing of 
 
 goaded into rebellion. 2. If we sup- goods overboard in a storm. 2. Any 
 
 pose the state to be, in their opinion, loss whatever. 3. Expense or lar- 
 
 tranquillized (pacata), do you con- gess. Cass. B. G. vi. 11. 'Aliquem 
 
 ceive it to be wealthy 1 No ; it magnis jacturis et pollicitationibus ad 
 
 owes its tranquillity to its having se perducere.' 
 
 nothing to tempt rapacity. In short, 6. Ignorant isti] Sc. Hortensius, 
 
 in the eye of the Roman governors, &c. ironically ; for he had said before, 
 
 wealth was the worst species ofdis- noverunt sociorum vulnera.' 
 
42 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 lorum omnium maximarumque rerum peritissimus, P. Ser- 
 vilius : 7 cujus tantae res gestae terra marique 8 exstiterunt, ut, 
 quum de bello deliberetis, auctor vobis gravior esse nemo 
 debeat : est C. Curio. 9 summis vestris beneficiis, maximis- 
 que rebus gestis, summo ingenio et prudentia praeditus : est 
 Cn. Lentulus, 10 in quo omnes, pro amplissimis vestris honori- 
 bus, summum consilium, summam gravitatem esse cognovis- 
 tis : est C. Cassius, 11 integritate, virtute, constantia singulari. 
 Quare videte, num horum auctoritatibus illorum orationi, qui 
 dissentiunt, respondere posse videamur. 
 
 XXIV. Quae quum ita sint, C. Manili, primum istam 
 tuam et legem, et voluntatem, et sententiam laudo, vehe- 
 mentissimeque comprobo : deinde te hortor, ut, auctore 
 populo Romano, maneas in sententia, neve cujusquam vim 
 aut minas pertimescas. Primum in te satis esse animi per- 
 severantiaeque arbitror : deinde quum tantam multitudinem 
 cum tanto studio adesse videamus, quantam nunc iterum 1 in 
 eodem homine praeficiendo videmus : quid est, quod aut de 
 re, aut de perficiendi facultate dubitemus? Ego autem, 
 quidquid in me est studii, consilii, laboris; in genii, quidquid 
 hoc beneficio populi Romani, atque hac potestate praetoria, 
 quidquid auctoritate, fide, constantia possum ; id omne ad 
 banc rem conficiendam, tibi et populo Romano polliceor ac 
 defero. Testorque omnes deos, et eos maxime, qui huic loco 
 temploque 2 president, qui omnium mentes eorum, qui ad 
 rempublicam adeunt, maxime perspiciunt, me hoc neque 
 rogatu facere cujusquam, neque quo Cn. Pompeii gratiam 
 mihi per banc causam conciliari putem, neque quo mihi ex 
 cujusquam amplitudine, aut praesidia periculis, aut adjumen- 
 ta honoribus quaeram : propterea quod pericula facile, ut 
 hominem praestare oportet, 3 innocentia tecti repellemus : 
 honores autem neque ab uno, neque ex hoc loco, sed eadem 
 
 7. P. Servilius~\ Sc. Isauricus, nus, consul a. r. 681. 
 
 from his conquest of Isaurum in Ci- 11. C. Cassius] Sc. Varus, con- 
 
 licia, consul a. u. 674, the year of sul a. u. 680. Div. xt. 14. 
 JSylla's resignation. Si.ct. XXIV. 1. Nunc iterum] 
 
 8. Marique'] He had been success- The first was in passing the Gabinian 
 ful in several engagements with the law. Al. non. 
 
 pirates. 2. Temploq.] So called because 
 
 9. C. Seriboniu* Curio] Consul, a. consecrated by auguries. Rostraq. 
 u. 677. He was father of Curio, the id templum appellatum. Liv. viii. 14. 
 friend of Antony, who fell in Africa. 3. Prxstare oportet] Ought to do ; 
 
 1Q. Cn. Lentulm] Sc. Clodia- sc. ' pericula repellere.' 
 
PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 24. 43 
 
 nostra ilia laboriosissima ratione vitae, si vestra voluntas feret, 
 consequemur. Quamobrem, quidquid in hac causa mihi 
 susceptum est, Quirites, id omne me reipublicae causa 
 suscepisse confirmo : tantumque abest, ut aliquam bonam 
 gratiam mihi quaesisse videar, ut multas etiam simultates par- 
 tim obscuras, 4 partim apertas intelligam, mihi non neces- 
 sarias, 5 vobis non inutiles, 6 suscepisse. Sed ego me hoc 
 honore praeditum, tantis vestris beneficiis affectum, statui, 
 Quirites, vestram voluntatem, 7 et reipublicae dignitatem, et 
 salutem provinciarum atque sociorum, meis omnibus com- 
 modis et rationibus praeferre oportere. 
 
 4. Partim obscuras] Alluding to good often accrues from the disputes 
 the covert opposition of the partisans of political opponents, by reason of 
 of Lucullus. the watch which they keep on each 
 
 5. Mihi non necessarias] A ' lito- other's actions. 
 
 tes/ for ' very injurious ;' sc. by 7. Vestram voluntatem] ' Your in- 
 alienating Lucullus and his party. clination ;' which was wholly in fa- 
 
 6. Non inutiles] Because public vour of Pompey. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 POET ARCHIAS. 
 
 1. We know little more of Archias than what is contained in 
 the oration of Cicero, pronounced in his defence. This informs 
 us that he was a native of Antioch, and being early distinguished 
 for poetical talent, came to Rome in the consulship of Marius and 
 Catulus, a. u. 651. His first patrons in that city were the Lu- 
 culli, whose gentile name, Licinius, Archias seems to have adopted, 
 as was usually done by foreigners on receiving the freedom of the 
 city.* About ten years after his arrival at Rome, he accompanied 
 M. Lucullus to Sicily, and this brought him to Heraclea, a city of 
 Magna Graecia, of which he was made a citizen. 
 
 2. During his absence from Italy, the famous Italic, or Social 
 war had raged, which began a. u. 662, on the murder of the 
 younger Drusus, (Mil. 6.,) the celebrated tribune who had es- 
 poused the interests of the Italic states. It is well known that the 
 senate was obliged to concede, in effect, the demands of the al- 
 lies. For, by the Julian law, citizenship was conferred on such of 
 the Latin and Italian states as had maintained their allegiance, or 
 chose to lay down their arms; and, in the following year, 664, the 
 law of Carbo and Silvanus was passed, by which all foreigners who 
 were citizens of federate states were entitled to citizenship at Rome, 
 provided they had, at that time, a residence in Italy, and registered 
 their names with the Roman praetor within sixty days from the 
 promulgation of the law. This law, of course, included Archias, 
 who was lately enrolled in Heraclea, and had, for a long time, re- 
 sided at Rome. Accordingly he registered his name with Metel- 
 lus Pius, his intimate friend, within the appointed time, and 
 thereby became a Roman citizen. 
 
 * Ernesti, however, says ' civitate donatus a Crasso,' and we find L. 
 Crassus enumerated among his patrons, c. 3., ' a L. Crasso colebatur.' But 
 as the Luculli, as well as the Crassi, belonged to the ' gens Licinia,' iUeems 
 more probable that Archias was so denominated from his first and constant 
 patrons, than from Crassus. 
 
46, INTRODUCTION. 
 
 3. In the following year he accompanied his patron, L. Lucullus, 
 to Asia; and after following his fortunes for upwards of twenty 
 years, returned with him to Rome, a. u. 688, on his recall from 
 the Mithridatic war. In this very year, C. Papius revived an old 
 law of Petronius ' that all foreigners should be expelled the city, 
 who not being citizens, conducted themselves as such.' About four 
 years after, one Gracchus, or Gratius, arraigned Archias under this 
 law, and required him, in his old age, (for he was now in his 60th 
 year,) to prove his right of citizenship. Cicero, his old pupil, ap- 
 peared in his defence. It is doubtful who was the presiding praetor, 
 because it is not ascertained whether the action was pleaded a. v. 
 691 or 692. If in the former, then Q. Cicero, the brother of the 
 orator, is the most probable person ; if in the latter, C. Octavius, 
 the father of the Emperor Augustus. 
 
 4. This cause is styled by rhetoricians 'judicial,' being pleaded 
 before the prsetor, but it is also ' demonstrative,' inasmuch as it 
 embraces the praises of Archias and learning. The exordium is 
 simple, being founded on the gratitude which a pupil owes his in- 
 structor in polite literature, c. 1.3. This is followed by a brief 
 review of the life of Archias, wherein Cicero gives the history of 
 his enfranchisement, and confutes the arguments by which it was 
 sought to be invalidated, c. 3. 6. The remainder of the oration is 
 occupied in the praises of learning and poetry, and in proving the 
 claim which a man of learning and poetical talent, like Archias, 
 had on the favour of the Roman people, inasmuch as on him de- 
 pended the duration of their fame. The peroration is merely a 
 summary of the preceding arguments. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 PRO 
 
 A. LICIxMO ARCHIA POETA 
 
 ORATIO. 
 
 I. Si quid 1 ,, est in me ingenii, judices, quod sentio quam 
 sit exiguum : aut si qua exercitatio dicendi, in qua me non 
 infitior mediocriter esse 2 versatum ; aut si hujusce rei 3 ratio 
 aliqua, ab optimarum artium studiis ac disciplina profecta, a 
 qua ego nullum confiteor aetatis mea? tempus abhorruisse : 
 earum rerum omnium vel in primis 4 hie A. Licinius 5 fructum 
 
 Sect. I. I, Si (juid.fyc] Cic.here 
 enumerates the three grand requisites 
 for forming an orator ; talent, ex- 
 perience in speaking, and theoretical 
 skill. The more natural arrangement 
 would be, talent theory practice; 
 and this he adopts, inf. ' facultas inge- 
 nii dicendi ratio disciplina. These 
 agree nearly with Aristotle's requi- 
 sites for forming the finished scholar, 
 
 2. In qua esse] It has been re- 
 marked, by Hottom., Muret., and 
 others, that Cic. here falls into a hex- 
 ameter ; and Muret. says, ' Nonne 
 videtur poetam poetice velle defende- 
 re V But as harmonious prose dif- 
 fers from verse, not in rejecting rythm, 
 but the regular recurrence of the same 
 rythm ; and as there is hardly a sen- 
 tence in Cic. wherein many of the or- 
 
 dinary poetic rythms may not be de- 
 tected, it is surely too much to at- 
 tribute this instance to art or inten- 
 tion. 
 
 3. Hujusce rei] Sc. dicendi, Manil. 
 c.i. n. 32. 
 
 4. Vel in primis] Because he had 
 many other early guides. 
 
 5. A. Licinius] Graev., supported 
 by two MSS., would subjoin Archius, 
 but, perhaps in beginning to prove his 
 client a Iloman, the omission of his 
 Asiatic name is intentional. With 
 regard to the praenomen Aulus, it is 
 not clear whence it was derived to 
 Archias, as the Luculli were Marc, 
 and Luc, and the praenomen, in which 
 the patron prided himself, was sure to 
 
 be adopted by the client. gau- 
 
 dent praenomine molles Auriculae. 
 Hor. So of freedmen we meet Mar- 
 
48 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 a me repetere prope suo jure debet. Nam quoad longissime 
 potest mens 6 mea respicere spatium praeteriti temporis, et pu- 
 eritiae memoriam 7 recordari ultimam, inde usque repetens, 
 hunc video mihi principem 8 et ad suscipiendam, 9 et ad ingre- 
 diendam rationem horum studiorum existitisse. 10 Quod si 
 haec vox, hujus hortatu 11 praeceptisque conformata, 12 nonnullis 
 aliquando saluti fuit : a quo id accepimus, quo ceteris opitu- 
 lari et alios servare possemus, huic profecto ipsi quantum 
 est 13 situm in nobis, et opem, et salutem ferre debemus. Ac, 
 ne quis a nobis hoc ita dici forte miretur, quod alia quae- 
 dam u in hoc 15 facultas sit ingenii, neque haec dicendi ratio 
 aut disciplina, 16 ne nos quidem huic cuncti 17 studio penitus 
 unquam dediti fuimus. Etenim omnes artes, 18 quae ad hu- 
 
 cus Tullius Tiro, Luc. Corn. Chry- 
 sogonus. Manut. conjectures that by 
 an adoption which took place, of 
 Marcus into the family of Varo, his 
 praenomen, Aulus, might have been 
 changed, but not until it had been 
 first assumed by Archias. 
 
 6. Hens'] Animus quo volumus ; 
 mens qua meminimus. Sylv. 
 
 7. Memoriam'] Tempus quod me- 
 moria amplectimur, Sch. V.E. ; and 
 ' ultimam,' ' primam, remotissimam.' 
 
 8. Principem] Auctorem, hortato- 
 rem, ducem. Hott. My guide, phi- 
 losopher, and friend. Pope. 
 
 9. Ad suscipiend., fyc] The meta- 
 phor appears to be borrowed from a 
 traveller who takes up his package and 
 then enters on his journey. ' Ratio' 
 here is nearly allied to ' via.' Hence 
 * ingredior' is often joined with it. 
 Epist. ii. ' Ingredior ad explicandam 
 rationem sententiae mea?.' 
 
 10. Extitisse] Honestius, illustri- 
 us, significantius verbum quam fuisse. 
 C. 10. Nisi Ilias ilia extitisset. 
 Passer. 
 
 11. Hortatu] Sc. 'ad suscipien- 
 dam ;' and 'przeceptis,' ' ad ingredien- 
 dam.' Em. 
 
 12. Conformata] Tlp formation or 
 toning of the voice was an important 
 part in the education of an orator at 
 Home. Vid. de Or. iii. 60. Ad He- 
 
 ren. iii. 15, he calls it ' figura vocis,' 
 and adds ' ea dividitur in magnitudi- 
 nem, firmitudinem, et mollitudinem.' 
 According to Plut. Cicero's voice was 
 weak and harsh ; and after pleading 
 for Sext. Roscius, he travelled into 
 Greece 'to form it.' Cic, however, 
 attributes the whole to Archias ; and 
 this is no more than Horace allows 
 the poet : Os tenerum pueri balbum- 
 que poeta figurat. Epist. ii. 1. 126. 
 
 13. Quantum est] i.e. ' Pro virili 
 parte.' 
 
 14. Alia qua: dam] For ' poeta 
 nascitur ; orator fit.' 
 
 15. In hoc] Archias. 
 
 16. Facuttas....disciplina] Supr. 
 n. 2. 
 
 17. Cuncti] Al. vincti and uni, 
 which latter Em. adopts without au- 
 thority. But the difficulty of con- 
 ceiving how ' cuncti' can be applied 
 to an individual is not greater than to 
 conceive how the audience understood 
 by nos, Cic. himself. Manut. explains 
 it ' toti penitus dediti.' Fest. says, 
 * Cuncti,' qu. conjuncti, significat 
 omnes sed congregati. 
 
 18. Omnes artes] Ars oratoria, 
 poetica, historia...il/amif. But there 
 is no reason to limit them to these 
 few, as Gell. xiii. 17. shows that the 
 Latins used 'humanitas' to import the 
 7raictia of the Greeks \ and therefore 
 
PRO ARCfflA POETA, Cap. 2. 
 
 49 
 
 manitatem 19 pertinent, habent quoddam commune vinculum, 2 
 et quasi cognatione quadam inter se continentur. 
 
 11. Sed ne cui vestrum mirum esse videatur, me in quacs- 
 tione legitima, 1 et in judicio publico, 2 quum res agatur apud 
 praetorem populi Romani, lectissimum 3 virum, et apud 
 severissimos 4 judices, tanto conventu 5 hominum ac frequentia, 
 hoc uti genere dicendi, quod non modo a consuetudine judi- 
 ciorum, verum etiam 6 a forensi sermone 7 abhorreat : qua?so a 
 vobis, ut in hac causa mihi detis banc veniam, accommoda- 
 
 the arts which pertain to it must em- 
 brace the whole circle of the sciences. 
 This the Greeks called ty/ci'icAo- 
 vaiCtia. Quint, i. 10. The argu- 
 ments of Cic, however, show that 
 poetry and history were particularly in 
 his mind. 
 
 19. Ad humanitatem] ' Humanitas,' 
 from 'homo,' imports: 1. The in- 
 stinctive concern which human beings 
 feel for each other as contradistin- 
 guished from the brute creation. 2. 
 Humanity, kindness, &c. 3. What- 
 ever cherishes those feelings and keeps 
 our species most distinct from brutes. 
 Hence learning, polite literature, &c. 
 Ovid. Pont. ii. 9. 47. 
 
 ' Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter 
 
 artes 
 Emollit mores nee sinit esse feros.' 
 
 20. Quoddam vinculum] De Or. 
 iii. 6. ' est etiam ilia Platonis vera.... 
 vox ; oronem doctrinam harum inge- 
 nuaruin et humanarum artium uno 
 quodarn societatis vinculo contineri.' 
 
 Sect. 11. I. Quastione legitima] 
 ' Quae sub legibus cadit et legibus di- 
 rumtur;' a question of law, merely. 
 
 2. Judicio publico'] Caec. 2. ' Omnia 
 judiciaaut distrahendarum controver- 
 sial urn, aut puniendorum maleficiorum 
 causa reperta sunt ;' i. e. were private 
 or public ; or, as we say, civil or cri- 
 minal. Under the latter was ranked 
 any question ' de jure civitatis,' the 
 least violation of which was consider- 
 ed a ' maleficium.' And as the jus 
 civitatis' belonged to the 'jus publi- 
 cum,' Balb. 28, he here says 'judi- 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 cio publico,' which in its very nature 
 precluded the latitude of expression 
 which might, perhaps, be pardoned in 
 a panegyric on learning. 
 
 3. Lectissimum] (As we say) 'a 
 picked man ;' a most superior lawyer ; 
 who would think it strange if Cic. 
 supplied him with declamation in- 
 stead of legal pleading. 
 
 4. Severissimos] ' Severus,' applied 
 to judges, generally means ' impar- 
 tial.' Manil. 13. Here, perhaps, 
 'grave,' 'serious;' whom an advo- 
 cate would not be likely to trouble 
 with any disquisition irrelevant to the 
 case in point. About ten years before 
 this trial took place, Cotta had open- 
 ed the judicial office to the three or- 
 ders of the state, (Phil. i. 8,) the 
 senators, knights, and ' tribuni a?ra- 
 rii,' out of whom these judges were 
 selected. The senators were usually 
 one more than the equites, who again 
 exceeded the ' tribuni aerarii' by the 
 same number ; but a vote of each was 
 of equal value. Mil. c. 1. n.4. 
 
 5. Tanto conventu] i. e. Corona 
 eorum qui circum judicum subsellia 
 stabant. Hott.UW. 1. 
 
 6. Non modo verum etiam] A 
 pleader might vary a little from the 
 routine of a trial, but to forget the 
 very phraseology of the bar was very 
 unusual was strange. 
 
 7. Forensi sermone] Cic, de Off. 
 i. 1., contrasts' illud forense dicendi, 
 ethoc quietum disputandi, genus.' 
 Here he means that many phrases be- 
 longing to the schools, and to litera- 
 
50 
 
 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO 
 
 tarn huio reo, vobis, quemadmodum spero, non molestam : ut 
 me pro summo poeta atque eruditissimo homine dicentem, 
 hoc concursu 8 hominum literatissimorum, hac vestra humani- 
 tate, 9 hoc denique praetore 10 exercente judicium, patiamini de 
 studiis humanitatis ac literarum paullo loqui liberius, et in 
 ejusmodi persona, 11 qua?, propter otium 12 ac studium, minime 
 in judiciis periculisque tractata 13 est, uti prope novo quodam 
 et inusitato genere dicendi. Quod si mihi a vobis tribui con- 
 cedique sentiam, perficiam 14 profecto, ut hunc A. Licinium non 
 modo non segregandum, quum sit civis, a numero civium, 
 verum etiam, si non esset, putetis adsciscendum 15 fuisse. 
 
 III. Nam ut primum ex pueris excessiti Archias, atque ab 
 iis artibus, quibus aetas puerilis ad humanitatem informari 2 so- 
 let, se ad scribendi 2 studium contulit : primum Antiochise 5 
 
 ture in general, which are new to the 
 forum, will be found in this oration. 
 
 8. Hoc concursu] ' Hoc' is here 
 cuKTiKuiQ and emphatic, * such as 
 this ;' for the high fame both of the 
 defendant and the advocate would 
 naturally attract the literati of Rome 
 to hear the trial. 
 
 9. Vestra hnmanitate] Literarum 
 illarum scientia de quibus mihi sermo 
 futurus est. Manut. 
 
 10. Hoc denique pretore] Hoc as 
 above. This (fourth) closes his rea- 
 sons for expecting an indulgent hear- 
 ing ; drawn from the character of the 
 defendant, of the audience, the judges, 
 and the praetor. 
 
 11. Persona'] * Per' and ' sono :' 1. 
 A mask. 2. A feigned character. 3. 
 Any character. 4. Whatever up- 
 holds a character ; a person ; an in- 
 dividual. 
 
 12. Otium] Freedom from busi- 
 ness ; ' studium,' a literary pursuit. 
 Elsewhere he says, 'otium litera- 
 tum ;' literary ease. 
 
 13. Tvactata] ' Tractare perso- 
 nam,' signifying in Hose. Com. 7. 
 to represent a character,' Passer, re- 
 fers tractata' to the orator ; as if he 
 said, ' and in a character of this de- 
 scription, which 1 have rarely per- 
 formed, &c.' So Hor. * partes mi- 
 
 mum tractare secundas.' But to this 
 is opposed ' propter otium ac studi- 
 um,' which evidently belongs to Ar- 
 chias. Transl. therefore, not at all 
 versed or experienced,' &c. 
 
 14. Perficiam] Sc. by putting you 
 in possession of the merits of Ar- 
 chias. 
 
 15. Segregandum adsciscendum] 
 These words are immediately opposed. 
 Of ' scisco' Manut. says, ' migravit a 
 foro ad omnes res.' 
 
 Sect. 111. 1. Ex puerit excessit] 
 Ter. And. * Nam is postquam ex 
 ephebis excessit.' Archias was then 
 about fifteen. 
 
 2. Informari'] I\ough-hew. 'Non 
 absolutam formam sed inchoatam sig- 
 nificat.' Manut. So Shakspeare : 
 'Tis the Divinity that shapes our ends. 
 Rough-hew them as we will.' 
 
 2. Scribendi] ' Scribere' is ap- 
 plied, kcit iioxnv, to poetical com- 
 position. Ter. ' Poeta cum primum 
 animum ad scribendum appulit.' 
 Hor. ' Scriberis Vario fortis et hostium 
 Victor, &c.' Passer. ' Scribendi recte 
 sapere est et principium et fons.' 
 Hor. 
 
 3. Antioehiir] Steph. savs that 
 there were twelve cities of this name. 
 This was built on the Orontes, in Sy- 
 ria. It was afterwards the site of a 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 3. 
 
 51 
 
 (nam ibi natus est loco nobili :) 4 celebri 5 quondam nrbe et 
 copiosa, atque eruditissimis hominibus liberalissimisque stu- 
 diis affluenti, celeriter antecellere omnibus ingenii glo- 
 ria 6 contigit. Post in ceteris Asiae partibus cunctaeque 
 Graeciae, sic ejus adventus celebrabantur, ut famam inge- 
 nii 7 exspectatio hominis/ exspectationem ipsius adventus 
 admiratioque superaret. Erat Italia 9 tunc 10 plena Graeca- 
 rum 11 artium ac disciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio ve- 
 hementius turn colebantur, quam nunc iisdem in oppidis, et 
 hie Romse, propter tranquillitatem reipublicae, non neglige- 
 bantur. Itaque hunc et Tarentini, 12 et Rhegini, et Neapoli- 
 tan^ civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt : 13 et omnes, qui 
 aliquid de ingeniis poterant judicare, cognitione atque hos- 
 
 Christian Church, and in it the fol- 
 lowers of our Saviour were first called 
 Christians. Its modern name is Antike. 
 
 4. Loco nobili] Of a distinguished 
 family. Sail. Cat. 24. ' natus haud 
 obscuro loco.' 
 
 5. Celebri] populous. Manil. c. 
 12. n. 11. 
 
 6. Ingenii gloria] Scriptis parta. 
 Manut. 
 
 7. Famam ingenii] An ascending 
 series. The fame of his talents was 
 great ; but, as usual, was exceeded 
 by the curiosity of seeing his personal 
 appearance (hominis); and this again, 
 his actual (ipsius) arrival, and the ad- 
 miration which succeeded, threw com- 
 pletely into the shade. 
 
 8. Exspectatio hominis] Sc. ' vi- 
 sendi,' which is sometimes expressed. 
 Nep. Ale. 6. ' Tanta fuit exspectatio 
 visendi Alcibiadis.' 
 
 9. Erat Italia] Cicero states parti- 
 cularly, the progress of Archias. From 
 Asia he came to Greece; thence to 
 Italy ; from Italy to Latium ; and 
 thence to Home. It is observable that 
 he bestows on Italy, i.e. on Magna 
 Graecia, greater praise than on Lati- 
 um, because the Greek schools of phi- 
 losophy first flourished there ; and as 
 they were extended to the Latian 
 towns before they reached the city ; 
 in the former, he says, ' colebantur,' 
 in the latter, ' non negligebantur.' 
 
 And even this slight attention, he 
 hints, was owing to the tranquillity 
 which the state enjoyed before the 
 Social war. It is of the period suc- 
 ceeding the Punic wars that Hor. says, 
 ' Graecia capta ferum victorem. cepit 
 et artes Intulit agresti Latio.' 
 
 10. Tunc] a.u.651. 
 
 11. Gra'carum artium] ./En. vi. 
 847, * Kxcudent alii, &c.' 
 
 12. Tarentini, c] Tarentum, a 
 city of Calabria, on a gulf of that 
 name, was founded by a colony of 
 Spartans, under Phalantus, hence 
 called Phalant6um. Rhegium, now 
 Rheggio, was founded by a colony 
 from Chalcis, in Euboea, near where 
 Sicily was said to have been disjoined 
 from the Continent by an earthquake. 
 ^En. iii. 414. Strab. vi. 258, derives 
 it a pr}yu>. Neapolis, i. e. Mew- 
 town, anciently Parthenope, was 
 founded by Cumaeans, from Chalcis, 
 in Euboea. It is situate on the Sinus 
 Puteolanus, one of the most beautiful 
 bays in Europe. These were, at this 
 time, federate states of Italy; after 
 the social war they became Roman 
 citizens. Hence Verr. vi. 60. ' Quid 
 arbitramini Rheginos, qui jam cives 
 Rom. sunt, merere velle, &c.' Inf. 
 c. 5, ' in eorum municipiorum, &c. 
 
 13. Civitate donarunt] A man 
 could be a freeman of several corpo- 
 rate towns at one and the same time ; 
 
52 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 pitio dignum existimarunt. Hac tanta celebritate famae quum 
 esset jam absentibus notus, Romam venit, Mario consule 
 et Catulo. 14 Nactus est 15 primum consules eos, quorum 
 alter 16 res ad scribendum maximas, alter 17 quum res gestas, 
 turn etiam studium atque aures 18 adhibere posset. Statim 
 Luculli, 19 quum praetextatus 20 etiam turn Archias esset, eum 
 domum suam receperunt. Sed [etiam] hoc non solum in- 
 genii ac literarum, verum etiam naturae atque virtutis, ut do- 
 mus, quae hujus adolescentiae prima fuerit, eadem esset fami- 
 liarissima senectuti. 21 Erat temporibus illis jucundus Q. 
 Metello, 22 illi Numidico, et ejus Pio filio. 23 Audiebatur 24 a 
 
 not so of Rome. Cic. pro Caec. 34 
 ' Cum ex nostro jure nemo duarum 
 civitatum esse possit, turn amittitur 
 hacc civitas, cum hie qui profugit re- 
 ceptus est in aliam civitatem.' Hott. 
 
 14. Mario et Catulo] The fourth 
 coss. of Marius, a. u. 651, to which 
 he was appointed with a view to his 
 opposing the Cimbri. 
 
 15. Nactus est] Quod fortunafuit. 
 Manut. ' He happened to find.' Mil. 
 12. 'si nactus esses/ 
 
 16. Alter] Marius, whose princi- 
 pal achievement hitherto was the cap- 
 ture of Jugurtha. Soon after, indeed, 
 he triumphed over the Cimbri, Teu- 
 tones, and Ambrones. 
 
 17. Alter] Catulus. He shared 
 the campaign with Marius ; and, if 
 we believe Plutarch, contributed 
 much to the final defeat of the ene- 
 my. All the darts by which the 
 Cimbri had fallen were found in- 
 scribed with the name of Catulus. 
 Posterity, however, assign Catulus 
 the sqeond place in the rank of ho- 
 nour. ' Nobilis ornatur lauro collega 
 secunda.' Juv. viii. 253. 
 
 18. Studium aures'] Qu. ' studi- 
 osae aures,' a Hendyad. ; ' attentive 
 ears.' Ern. refers ' studium' to the 
 verses of Catulus, and ' aures' to the 
 recitations of others, e. g. Archias. 
 Perhaps they both refer to Archias, 
 ' studium' importing that Catul. read 
 his compositions ; ' aures,' that he 
 liitened to his recitations : for Catulus 
 
 understood Greek, which Marius did 
 not. De Or. ii. 7. ' Catulus. ..cui 
 Graeci ipsi solent suae linguae subtili- 
 tatem elegantiamque concedere.' But 
 the Hend. affords the simplest expla- 
 nation. 
 
 19. Luculli] Mar. and Luc. The 
 former, usually called M. Terentius 
 Varro, triumphed over Macedonia, 
 a. u. 682, ten years before this trial ; 
 the latter is fully noticed in the Ma- 
 nil, law. 
 
 20 Prxtextatus] * Wearing the 
 robe of youth,' i. e. not eighteen ; so 
 that his talents and attainments must 
 have been extraordinary to attract, at 
 that age, the notice of the most ac- 
 complished men at Rome. Manil. 8. 
 
 21. Senectuti] He was now about 
 sixty years of age. 
 
 22. Q. Metello] The hero of Sal- 
 lust. He was banished two years 
 after this time, because he refused to 
 swear to the observance of a law of 
 Saturninus, by which the lands of 
 Gaul, seized on by the Cimbri, and 
 then evacuated, should be divided 
 among the people. 
 
 23. Pio flio] So called from his 
 pious exertions to procure his father's 
 recall ; particularly his entreating, 
 on his knees, one P. Furius, a tri- 
 bune, (whom his father, in his cen- 
 sorship, had degraded,) to withdraw 
 his negative from the decree for that 
 purpose. 
 
 24. Audiebatur] * Semper ego au- 
 
PRO ARCH1A POETA, Cap. 4. 
 
 53 
 
 M, JEmilio : 25 vivebat cum 2 * Q. Catulo, et patre, et filio r 27 a 
 L. Crasso 28 colebatiir : Lucullos vero, et Drusum, 29 et Octa- 
 vios^et Catonem, 31 et totam Hortensiorum 32 domum, de- 
 vinctam consuetudine quum teneret, afticiebatur summo ho- 
 nore : quod eum non solum colebant, qui aliquid percipere 
 atque audire studebant, verum etiam, si qui forte 33 simula- 
 bant. 
 
 IV. Interim 1 satis longo 2 intervallo, quum esset cum L. 
 Lucullo in Siciliam 3 profectus, et quum ex ea provincia cum 
 eodem Lucullo decederet, venit Heracleam. 4 Quae quum 
 esset civitas aequissimo* jureac fbedere, adscribi se in earn 6 ci- 
 
 ditor tantum V Juv. i. 1. 
 
 25. M . JEmilio] sc. Scauro. He 
 was then ' princeps senatus,' and 
 was father of the Scaurus whom Cic. 
 defends. 
 
 26. Vivebat cum] Ejus convictor 
 erat. Passer. 
 
 27. Patre et JMo] The former is 
 noticed above. The latter was con- 
 sul, a. u. 675, after Sylla's death. 
 He resisted the Manil. law, and pro- 
 nounced Cic. ' pater patriae.' Manil. 
 20. 
 
 28. Crassus] A celebrated orator, 
 who bears a conspicuous part in the 
 de Orat. See, in particular, iii. 1. 
 
 29. Drwum] Sc. the younger. He, 
 it is said, gave rise to the social war, 
 by holding out hopes to the allies, of 
 procuring for them the freedom of 
 Home. Mil. 7. he is called ' Senatus 
 propugnator ac paene patronus.' His 
 great opponent was the consul Philip- 
 pus, at whose instigation he is sup- 
 posed to have been assassinated in 
 the gallery of his own house, lie was 
 a maternal ancestor of the emperor 
 Tiberius, which may account for the 
 character which Veil. Pater, (who 
 wrote in his reign) gives of him. 
 
 30. Octavios] There were three of 
 this name, who all bore the consul- 
 ship ; Cn., colleague of Cinna, in 
 666, who was killed in his magistra- 
 cy ; Cn., the colleague of Curio, in 
 677 ; and Lucius, of Cotta, in 678, 
 during the Sertorian war. 
 
 31. Catonem] Probably M. the 
 father of Cato Uticensis. 
 
 32. Hortensiorum] Manil. 17. 
 
 33. Si quis forte] It was greatly 
 to the praise of Archias that he made 
 the study of the Belles Lettres fashion- 
 able. The very pretenders to taste 
 and learning attended his recitations. 
 
 Sect. IY r . 1. Interim] Postea. 
 Sylv. 
 
 2. Satis longo] About ten years. 
 Vid. Introd. 1. 
 
 3. Siciliam] Al. Ciliciam. Pro- 
 bably on private business, as it does 
 not appear that he was at this time 
 employed in the service of the repub- 
 lic. 
 
 4. Heracleam] A city of Luca- 
 nia, situate on the Tarentine Gulf, 
 founded by a colony from Tare n turn. 
 Liv.viii. 24. Strab. vi. 264. Diod. 
 xii. 36. It was there that the depu- 
 ties of the states of Magna Graecia, 
 assembled to consult about their com- 
 mon interests. Strab. vi. 280. 
 
 5. jEquissimo] The federate states 
 differed in their privileges, according 
 to the circumstances under which they 
 were at first received into treaty. He- 
 raclea had been admited in the time of 
 Pyrrhus, when it adhered to the Ro- 
 mans. Balb. 22. Hence its rights and 
 privileges were aaquissimo jure 
 most favourable ; i. e. more so than 
 those of the Tarentines, &c. 
 
 6. Adscribi in earn, <$fc] Cic. writes 
 ' ascribere civitati, in civitatem, or, in 
 
 F 2 
 
54 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 vitatem voluit : idque, quum ipse per se dignus putaretur, turn 
 auctoritate et gratia Luculli ab Heracleensibus impetravit. 
 Data est civitas 7 Silvani lege et Carbonis, ' Si qui foederatis 
 civitatibus adscripti fuissent: si turn, quum lex ferebatur, in 
 Italia domicilium habuissent :"' et, ' si sexaginta diebus 8 apud 
 praetorem essent professi.' Quum hie domicilium Romas 
 multos jam annos 9 haberet, professus est apud praetorem, Q. 
 Metellum, 10 familiarissimum suuxn. Si nihil aliud 11 nisi de 
 civitate 12 ac lege dicimus, nihil dico amplius : causa dicta ls 
 est. Quid enim horum 1 * infirmari, Grati, 15 ]X)test? Hera- 
 cleEene esse turn adscript um negabis ? Adest vir summa 
 auctoritate, et religione, 16 et fide L. Lucullus, qui se non opi- 
 nari, sed scire, non audivisse, sed vidisse, 17 non interfuisse, 
 sed egisse dicit. Adsunt Heracleenses legati, nobilissimi 
 homines : hujus judicii causa, cum mandatis, et cum publico 
 testimonio venerunt : qui hunc adscriptum Heracleensem 18 
 dicunt. Hie tu tabulas desideras Heracleensium publicas, 
 
 civitate ;' to be enrolled a citizen. 
 
 7. Data est civitas] Introd. 2. It 
 was not to the native citizens that 
 this law applied, for by the Lex Julia 
 they wore already Roman citizens ; at 
 least as many as chose to avail them- 
 selves of that law; ( Balb. 8.)but to the 
 ' peregnni' who had been enrolled in 
 the federate states. The construc- 
 tion is ' data est iis si qui, &c.' 
 
 8. Sexuginta diebus] i. e. Within. 
 Sail. Cat. 18. ' intra legitimos dies 
 profiteri.' 
 
 9. Multos jam annos] Upwards of 
 twelve. 
 
 10. Q. Metellum] Namely, Pius, 
 who was praetor at Rome, a. v. 664, 
 when Silvanus and Carbo were tri- 
 bunes. 
 
 11. Si nihil aliud, Jfc] i. e. And 
 not press the literary merits of Archias 
 at all. A fortiori, if we do press 
 them we shall gain out cause. 
 
 12. De civitate] Sc. of Heraclea, 
 not of Rome ; for having proved the 
 enrolment of Archias in Heraclea, 
 which he proceeds to do (Ileracleasne 
 csLe, &c.) and shown that he had 
 
 complied with the provisions of Car- 
 bo's law, he concludes against Gra- 
 tius, that Arch, is not a peregrinus ;' 
 and therefore is not to be expelled 
 from Rome. 
 
 13. Causa dicta] i. e. Defensa, 
 perorata. Pusser. 
 
 14. Quid horum, c] There were 
 three points in the defence. 1. That 
 Archias was a citizen of Heraclea, 
 which, as the registry office had beeu 
 destroyed in the Social war, Cic. 
 proves by the testimony of M. Lu- 
 cullus and certain Heraclean de- 
 puties. 
 
 15. Grati] Or Gracche. Nothing 
 certain is known of him. 
 
 16. Religione] Regard for his 
 oath. Sometimes ' jurisjurandi' is 
 added. 
 
 17. Non audivisse, sed ridisse] 
 ' Segnius irritant animos dimissa per 
 aures Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta 
 ridelibus.' Hor. ""Qra amorurtpa 
 6<p0a\fiwv. Herod. Vid. Mil. 4. for a 
 similar construction, Est hajc non 
 scripta sed nata lex, &c. 
 
 18. Heracleensem] Al. Heraclea:. 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 5. 
 
 55 
 
 quas Italico 19 bello, incenso tabulario, 20 interisse scimus om- 
 nes. Est ridiculum, ad ea, quae habemus, nihil dicere ; qua?- 
 rere, quas habere non possumus : et de hominum memoria 
 tacere, literarum memoriam 21 flagitare : et quum habeas am- 
 plissimi viri 22 religionem, integerrimi municipii 23 jusjuran- 
 dum fidemque, ea, quae depravari nullo modo possunt, repu- 
 diare ; tabulas, qiias idem dicis solere corrumpi, desiderare. 
 At domicilium 2 ' 1 Romas non habuit. Is qui tot annis ante ci- 
 vitatem datam, sedem omnium rerum ac fortunarum suarum 
 Roma? 25 collocavit ? At non est protessus. 26 Immo vero iis 
 tabulis protessus, qua^ sola? ex ilia 27 professione collegioque 
 praetorum, obtinent publicarum tabularum auctoritatem. 
 
 V. Nam quum Appii 1 tabulae negligentius asservatae dice- 
 rentur, Gabinii, 2 quamdiu incolumis 3 t'uit, levitas, 4 post darn- 
 nationem calamitas, 5 omnem tabularum fidem resignasset : 6 
 Metellus, homo sanctissimus modestissimusque 7 omnium, 
 
 19. Italico] Called otherwise, So- 
 cial or Marsic. 
 
 20. l^abulurio] An adj. subintell. 
 loco ; ' archives." 
 
 21. Literarum memoriam'] Sc. ta- 
 bulas. 
 
 22. Viri] L. Luculli. 
 
 23. Municipii] Heracleae. For, 
 by the Julian law, each federate state 
 became a corporate city. Inf. 5. 
 
 24. At domicilium] The second 
 point against which the defence is 
 directed. 
 
 25. Roma] Al. in Italia, the 
 wording of the law, which suits the 
 argument better. For, if long before 
 the freedom of Heraclea was conferred 
 on him, he had made Home the seat of 
 his fortunes, a fortiori, he had a resi- 
 dence in Italy at the time of Carbo's 
 law. 
 
 26. At non est professus] The third 
 point ; which is disproved by the 
 registration appearing on the books 
 of the most respectable of the praetors, 
 Metellus Pius. 
 
 27. Soltc ex ilia, c] The census 
 on Carbo's law passing, was, no 
 doubt, very extensive, and would em- 
 ploy all the praetors. Metellus's was 
 the 07i ly registration-list among the 
 
 whole, and among (or with) the col- 
 lege of praetors, that continued to 
 possess public authority. This he pro- 
 ceeds to prove. * Nam, &c/ ' Solae 
 ex,' as Brut. Ep. 15. Solon legum 
 scriptor solus ex septem ;' not as 
 Dune. ' 6v,' which makes the autho- 
 rity of the tables depend upon Ar- 
 chias's enrolment, and then his en- 
 rolment on them ! 
 
 Sicr. V. 1. Appii] ClaudiiPul- 
 chri, coss. of the year in which Sylla 
 resigned. He was defeated by Spax- 
 tacus in the Servile war. Em. con- 
 ceives him to be either the father or 
 uncle of P. Clodius. 
 
 2. Gabinii] P. Capitonis, Cax:il. 
 20, accused, by L. Piso, of extortion 
 in Achaia. 
 
 3. Incolumis] Explained by ' post 
 damnationem.' 
 
 4. Levitas] Corruption. Em. Clav. 
 
 5. Culamitas] Manil. 6. Here ' con- 
 fiscation of his property.' 
 
 6. Resignasset] ' llesignare' is, 
 properly, to break a seal. The pra> 
 tors, it is probable, affixed their seals 
 to the registration. The transition 
 to fides' is easy. 
 
 7. Modestissimus] Qui legum dili- 
 gentissimus obscrvator esset. Em. 
 
56 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tanta diligentia fuit, ut ad L. Lentulum 8 praetorem et ad ju 
 dices venerit, et unius nominis litura se commotum esse dix- 
 erit. His igitur tabulis riullam lituram in nomen 9 A. Licinii 
 videtis. Quae quum ita sint, 10 quid est, quod de ejus civitate 
 dubitetis, praesertim quum aliis quoque in civitatibus fuerit 
 adscriptus ? Etenim quum mediocribus multis, et aut nulla, 
 aut humili aliqua arte 11 preeditis, gratuito civitatem in Grae- 
 cia 12 homines impertiebantur, Rheginos credo, aut Locren- 
 ses, 13 aut Neapolitanos, aut Tarentinos, quod scenicis artifici- 
 bus largiri solebant, id huic, summa ingenii praedito gloria, 11 
 noluisse. Quid ? quum ceteri, non modo post civitatem da- 
 
 Clav. ; contrasted with the negli- 
 gence and ' levity' of his colleagues. 
 
 8. L. Lentulam] Praetorem cum 
 P. Gabinius de repetundis esset dam- 
 natus. Krn. But when was this? Praetor 
 eo anno quo lex Carbonis et Silvani 
 lata est. Sthutx. But this would make 
 Metellus and Lentulus colleagues. 
 Why then should he go to Lentulus 
 about ' the erasure?' We may con- 
 jecture that some time after the law 
 passed, Metellus was called on to 
 give similar testimony to the present 
 in the praetor's (LentulUs's) court, in 
 the case of an individual whose name 
 was erased ; or the fact of ' an era- 
 sure' appearing on the tables may 
 have been a legitimate subject for the 
 decision of that court. 
 
 9. In nomen'] For ' in nomine.' 
 Manil. 12. in potestatem,' for' in po- 
 testate.' Gell. i. 7, and, xvii. 2. 
 
 10. Qua cum ita sint] These three 
 points being established, (vid. supr. 
 n. 14.24. 26.) why doubt his citizen- 
 ship, especially as his claim could 
 be established in a similar manner, 
 through several other cities, in which 
 (as 1 said above, c. 3.) he was en- 
 rolled. For it cannot be supposed 
 that those cities would deny to him 
 what they have conceded to other 
 foreigners of the lowest grade. And 
 when, not only after citizenship was 
 granted to foreigners, by the law of 
 
 Silv. and Carbo (when the novelty of 
 the thing opened the door to imposi- 
 tion,) but even after the Papian 
 law had banished them from Rome, 
 others, nevertheless, pretending to be 
 Rhegini, &c. , contrived to get them- 
 selves clandestinely enrolled on ' the 
 tables' of those free towns which were 
 kept by the praetors, and thereby to 
 continue in the city; shall Archias, 
 the genuine citizen of those states, 
 though his attachment to Heraclea 
 induced him to rest his plea on it, 
 be expelled ? 
 
 11. Humili arte] Sc. players. So 
 ' scenicis artificibus' inf. Yal. Max. ii. 
 4. 
 
 12. In Gnrcia] Sc. Magna Grae- 
 cia. The opposition is not between 
 Greece and the Rhegini, &c. who 
 were not of Greece, but between 
 Magna Graecia in general, and the 
 four cities of which Archias was a 
 citizen. Yid. c. 3. 
 
 13. Locrenses] A people of Locri, 
 a town of Bruttii, in the south of Italy. 
 They joined the Romans in the war 
 with Pyrrhus ; and though their city 
 was occupied by the Carthaginians in 
 the second Punic war, the feeling of 
 the people was so much in favour of 
 the Romans, that that people after- 
 wards restored them their liberty and 
 laws. Liv. xxix. 16. 
 
 14. Summa. .....gloria] Opposed 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 5. 
 
 57 
 
 tam, sed etiam post legem Papiam, 15 aliquo modo in eorum 
 municipiorum tabulas irrepserint : hie, qui ne utitur quidem 
 illis, in quibus est scriptus, quod semper se Heracleensem 
 esse voluit, rejicietur ? Census 16 nostros requiris scilicet. 
 Est enim obscurum, proximis censorious, 17 hunc cum claris- 
 simo imperatore, L. Lucullo, apud exercitum fuisse : superi- 
 oribus, 18 cumeodem qucestore luisse in x\sia: primis, 19 Julio 
 et Crasso, nullam populi partem esse censam. Sed, quoni- 
 am 20 census non jus civitatis confirmat, ac tantummodo indi- 
 cat, eum, qui sit census, [ita] se jam turn gessisse pro cive : 21 
 iis temporibus, qua? tu c - criminaris ne ipsius quidem judicio 
 eum in civium Romanorum jure esse versatum, et testamen- 
 tum saepe fecit 23 nostris legibus, 2 * et adiit hereditates 25 civi- 
 um Romanorum, et in beneficiis 26 ad aerarium delatus est a L. 
 Lucullo pra3tore et consule. 
 
 to ' gratuito,' supr. 
 
 15. Post civitatem Papiam] 
 
 The interval was about twenty-four 
 years. Introd. 3. 
 
 16. Census] An additional obj. 
 For if Archias were a Roman citizen 
 sioce 664, his name would appear on 
 the censor's books ; but it did not. 
 Cic. refutes this by showing, either 
 that he was not at Home when the 
 census was held, or that when he was 
 at Rome, it was neglected. 
 
 17. Ptot. cens.] The nearest to 
 the present time ; sc. Cn. Lentulus 
 Clodianus and L. Gellius, who were 
 censors, a. u. 683, in the consulship 
 of Crass, and Pomp., and of course, 
 during the third Mithrid. war. 
 
 18. Superioribus] L. Marcius 
 Philippus, M. Perpenna, a. u. 667, 
 the year of Marius's death, when 
 Lucullus was quaestor of Sylla, in the 
 first Mithrid. war. 
 
 19. Primis'] L. Jul. Ca;sar and P. 
 Licin. Crassus, in 664, the year of 
 Silvanus'sand Carbo's law. The cen- 
 sus was prevented by the public dis- 
 turbances ; and hence the early ap- 
 pointment of Philip and Perpenna 
 above. 
 
 20. Sed quoniam] Gratius argued 
 
 that the non-enrolment of Ar- 
 chias amounted to a confession of his 
 having no just claim. Cic. shows, 
 that though Arch, does not appear 
 by his ' census,' as claiming to be a 
 Roman citizen, yet he does what ia 
 equivalent. He made a will ; ob- 
 tained bequests ; was recommended 
 to the treasury, &c. 
 
 21. Gessisse pro cive] Which he 
 might not be. 
 
 22. Qua tu] Al. queis. Eta. 
 would understand dicendo. But 
 translate it ' during which.' 
 
 23. Testamentum fecit] Which 
 ' peregrini' could not do. 
 
 24. Nostris Legibus] More Ro- 
 mano. Passer. 
 
 25. Adiit hered.] Another thing 
 denied to ' peregrini.' 
 
 26. In benejiciis] As a foreigner 
 could not serve in the Roman army, 
 Archias, whose services were honour- 
 ably noticed by his general, could not 
 have been a foreigner. * Beneficia' 
 meant ' the list of persons recom- 
 mended, by the general, to the trea- 
 sury for their public services. ' In 
 beneficiis,' therefore, is not to be ren- 
 dered ' for favours,' as it does not ap- 
 pear to have conferred any emolument. 
 
58 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 VI. Quaere argumenta, si qua potes. Nunquam enim hie 
 neque suo, 1 neque amicorum 2 judicio revincetur. 
 
 Quaeres a nobis, Grati, cur tanto opere hoc homine delec- 
 temur. Quia 3 suppeditat 4 nobis, ubi et animus ex hoc forensi 
 strepitu reficiatur, et aures convicio 5 defessae conquiescanr. 
 An tu existimas aut suppetere nobis posse quod quotidie di- 
 camus, 6 in tanta varietate remm, nisi animos nostros doctrina 
 excolamus, 7 aut ferre animos tantam posse contentionem, nisi 
 eos doctrina eadem relaxemus J 6 Ego vero fateor, me his stu- 
 diis esse deditum : ceteros pudeat, si qui ita se literis abdide- 
 runt, 9 ut nihil possint ex his neque ad communem afferre fruc- 
 tum, 10 neque in adspectum 11 lucemque proferre. Me autem 
 quid pudeat, qui tot annos ita vivo, judices, ut ab nullius un- 
 quam me tempore 12 aut commodo, 13 aut otium meum ab- 
 straxerit, aut voluptas avocarit, aut denique somnus retarda- 
 rit? Quare quis tandem me reprehendat, aut quis mihi 
 jure succenseat, 14 si, quantum ceteris ad suas res obeundas, 
 
 Fam. v. 20. 
 
 Sect. VI. 1. Neque tuo] For 
 Gratius urged his non-enrolment as a 
 tacit admission of his being a pere- 
 grinus.' 
 
 2. Xeq. amicorum'] For Lucullus, 
 by his recommendation, declared him 
 a citizen. 
 
 3. Quia"] The first cause of his love 
 of learning. 
 
 4. Suppeditat] (Sub. pedibus po- 
 nere) ' supplies ;' where ubi imports 
 id quo; and conquiescant,' not sim- 
 ply ' enjoy repose,' but ' pleasurable 
 relaxation :' * non cessatio ab opere 
 sed quies animi, securitas et volup- 
 tas significatur.' Forcel. ' Suppedi- 
 to' is often intransitive. Cat. ii. 11, 
 * rebus quibus nos suppeditamus, &c.' 
 Off. i. 4. ' Parare quae suppeditent 
 ad cultum.' Perhaps it may be so 
 here : * Because he is a never failing 
 supply to us when, &c.' 
 
 5. Convicio] (A voce, qu. convo- 
 cium) Maledictis. Passer. Clamore 
 caussidicorum Gram. Others read 
 convitio and derive it, but improba- 
 bly, from ' vitium.' 
 
 6. Quotidie dicamus] For Cio. 
 
 pleaded daily. 
 
 7. Doctrina excolamus] Quint. 
 Frat. i. Excolit doctrina vel vitiosis- 
 simam naturam. 
 
 8. lielaxemus] Phil. ii. 16. ' Ho- 
 mines, si modo homines, interdum 
 animis relaxantur.' It is opposed to 
 ' contentio,' keeping the mind on the 
 stretch. 
 
 9. Se literis abdiderunt] In li- 
 teris delituerunt. Fam. 7. Se totuiu 
 in literis abdere. Passer. 
 
 10. Communem j'ructum] The 
 great end of all study. Hence Virg. 
 places such persons in Elysium, * qui 
 vitam excoluere per artes ;' and Per- 
 sius remarks, ' Scire tuum nihil est, 
 nisi te scire hoc sciat alter.' Passer. 
 
 11. Neque in aspectum] Sc. so- 
 phists, rhetoricians, &c 
 
 12. Tempore] No man's danger. 
 Manil. 1. 
 
 13. Commodo] Al. commodum, 
 which, as Cic. usually joins synony- 
 mous words, is the more probable 
 reading. 
 
 14. Succenseat] This meaning is, 
 perhaps, deduced from succensus, sub- 
 intel. iru. 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 6. 
 
 59 
 
 quantum ad festos dies ludorum celebrandos, quantum ad 
 alias voluptates, et ad ipsam requiem animi et corporis con- 
 ceditur temporum, quantum alii tribunt tempestivis 15 convi- 
 viis, quantum denique aleae, 16 quantum pilae ; tantum milii 
 egomet ad haec studia recolenda 17 sumpsero ? Atque hoe 
 adeo mihi concedendum est magis, quod ex his studiis haec 
 quoque crescit 18 oratio et facultas, 19 quae, quantacunque est in 
 me, nunquam amicorum periculis defuit. Quae si cui levior 20 
 videtur, ilia quidem certe, quae summa sunt, ex quo fonte 
 hauriam, sentio. Nam, nisi multorum praeceptis, 21 multisque 
 literis 22 mihi ab adolescentia suasissem, nihil esse in vita magno 
 opere expetendum, nisi laudem atque honestatem, in ea au- 
 lem persequenda omnes cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula 
 mortis atque exsilii, parvi esse ducenda : nunquam me pro 
 salute vestra in tot ac tantas dimicationes, atqne in hos pro- 
 fligatorum hominum quotidianos impetus objecisseuu 
 Sed pleni omnes sunt libri, plena? sapientium voces, plena 
 exemplorum vetustas; quae jacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi li- 
 terarum lumen accederet.* 3 Quam multas nobis imagines, non 
 solum ad intuendum, 24 verum etiam ad imitandum, 25 fortissi- 
 
 13. Tempestivis] Properly, ' be- 
 gan in due time.' But that varying by 
 fashion from sun-set, when labour 
 was done, to three, or even two 
 o'clock, (Exul ab octava Marius bibit. 
 Juv. i. 49, i. e. from two o'clock,) at 
 length came to be considered the 
 hour of bans vivtuis. De Senec. 14. 
 Ego vero propter sermonis delectati- 
 onem, tempestivisquoqueconviviis de- 
 lector.' So that with the wiser part, 
 * the feast of reason' was the motive 
 of these early banquets. The num- 
 ber of those, however, who had not 
 this motive, was quite sufficient to 
 bring them into disrepute. Transl. 
 ' early.' 
 
 16. A lees'] ' Alea' is, l.adie; 2. 
 any game of chance. 
 
 17. Recolenda] Revise. Ex in- 
 tervallo repetenda ; proprie enim in- 
 termissa recoluntur. Manut. 
 
 18. Crescit] Al. censetur, i. e. ses- 
 timatur.' Quint., x. 1., remarks, po- 
 etarum lectionem oratoribus pluri- 
 mum conferre.' 
 
 19. Oratio et facultas] A Tlend. 
 for ' facultas orationis.' This is the 
 second cause for his love of learning. 
 
 20. Qh<e * cui levior] Cicero's 
 third reason for his love of learning 
 is, that ilia quae summa sunt the 
 patriotism by which he lately saved 
 his country sprang from that source. 
 Quae si cui, &c.' then is used merely 
 for transition, as if he said, some 
 may doubt of the value of oratory, and 
 the studies to which it owes its im- 
 provement. To them 1 offer an ir- 
 refragable proof of the value of Ar- 
 chias's pursuits, in the love of glory, 
 the contempt of dangers, exile, and 
 death, which stimulated me lately in 
 my arduous struggle for my country.' 
 
 21. Multorum prccceptis] Philo- 
 sophic dogmas which he had heard. 
 
 22. Multisq. Uteris] Poetry, his- 
 tory, &c., which he had read. 
 
 23. Accederet] Al. accenderet. 
 
 24. Ad intuendum] Voluptatis 
 gratia. Manut. 
 
 25. Ad imicandum] Ut eorum ex- 
 
60 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 morum virorum expressas, 26 scriptores et Graeci et Latini re- 
 liquerunt ! quas ego mihi semper in admin istran da republics 
 proponens, animum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione 87 homi- 
 num excellentium conformabam. 
 
 VII. Quaeret quispiam : l H Quid ? illi ipsi summi viri, 
 qtforum virtutes 2 literis prodita? sunt, istane doctrina, quam 
 tu laudibus effers, eruditi fuerunt ?" Difficile est 2 hoc de 
 omnibus confirmare ; sed tamen est certum, quid respon- 
 deam. Ego multos 3 homines excellenti animo ac virtute fu- 
 isse, et sine doctrina, naturae ipsius habitu prope divino, per 
 se ipsos et moderatos et graves 4 exstitisse fateor. Etiam il- 
 lud adjungo, saepius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine 
 doctrina, quam sine natura valuisse doctrinam. Atque idem 
 ego contendo, quum ad naturam eximiam atque illustrem ac- 
 cesserit ratio quaedam 5 conformatioque doctrin.T, turn illud 
 nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare solere exsistere : ex hoc 
 esse hunc numero, quern patres nostri viderunt, divinum ho- 
 minem, Africanum : 6 ex hoc C. Laelium, 7 L. Furium, 8 mo- 
 
 emplo laudabibter vivamus. Hor. 
 Epist. ii. 1.248. ' Nee magis expres- 
 si, &c.' Mama. 
 
 26. Expiessas] Prominente* ; iic- 
 rvirHfiiva^. Patser. But this ap- 
 plies well 1o statues only. Trans, 
 therefore, delineated,' ' portrayed.' 
 
 27. Cogitatione'] i. e. By studying 
 the great characters of history he was 
 able to conform his actions to their 
 precepts. Hor. Pectus praeceptis 
 format amicis.' 
 
 Sect. VII. 1. Quaret quispi- 
 am ?] But it will be asked, were all 
 great men learned ? No, says Cic, 
 not in every instance. Nay, I admit 
 the superiority of genius over mere 
 learning. But let us have both, and 
 mark the result, ' turn illud nescio 
 quid praeclarum solere existere.' 
 This is his ' certum quid respon- 
 deam.' Hor. decides similarly, 
 
 Ego nee studium sine divite 
 
 vena ; 
 Nee rude quid prosit video ingenium, 
 &c. DeA.P. 409. 
 
 2. Virtutes] Res gestas et egregia 
 fortitudinis facinora. Dclph. 
 
 2. Difficile est] For among great 
 men some were learned ; some not. 
 To this is opposed 'certum quid re- 
 spondeam,' as above. 
 
 3. Multos] For it was a long time 
 before ' Graecia capta ferum victorem 
 cepitet artes, &c.' M. Cato, the cen- 
 sor, in the second Punic war, was 
 among the first that cultivated letters. 
 
 4. Moderatos et graves] Those 
 qualities, Cic. hints, arise from learn- 
 ing. So inf. ' moderatissimos homines 
 et contentissiroos.' The former in- 
 cludes all the virtues that command 
 self respect ; the latter, the respect of 
 mankind. 
 
 5. Ratio qnazdam] A proper ac- 
 quaintance with. 
 
 6. Africanum] Sc. Minorem. For 
 Cic. says ' quern patres nostri vide- 
 runt.' But the elder began his career 
 k.v. 535, a century and a half be- 
 fore this time ; the younger was slain 
 in 624. Cic. says of him,de Off. i. 32. 
 ' Is eloquentia cumulavit bellicam 
 gloriam ;' and Hor. 'Virtus Scipiadse; 
 mitis sapientia Laeli.' 
 
 7. C. Lcclius] was called Sapiens, 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 8. 
 
 61 
 
 deratissimos homines et continentissimos : ex hoc fortissi- 
 mum virum, et illis temporibus doctissimum, M. Catonem 
 ilium senem : 9 qui profecto, si nihil ad percipiendam colen- 
 damque virtutem literis adjuvarentur, nunquam se ad earum 
 studium contulissent. Quod si 10 non hie tantus fructus osten- 
 deretur, et si ex his studiis delectatio sola peteretur, tamen, 
 ut opinor, hanc animi adversionem 11 humanissimam ac libe- 
 ralissimam judicaretis. 12 Nam cetera? 13 neque tempo rum 14 
 sunt, neque aetatum 15 omnium, neque locorum : 16 ha?c stud i a 
 adolescentiam alunt, 17 senectutem oblectant, 18 secundas res 
 ornant, adversis perfugium 19 ac solatium praebent, delectant 
 domi, non impediunt foris, pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinan- 
 tur, 20 rusticantur. 
 
 VIII. Quod si ipsi 1 haec neque attingere, 2 neque sen- 
 su nostro gustare 3 possemus, tamen ea mirari deberemus, 
 
 from his love of philosophy and let- 
 ters. He was consul x. u. 613, and 
 is celebrated for his knowledge of 
 augury. Phil. ii. 33, and De Amic. 
 
 8. L. Ftirius] called ' Philus,' a 
 celebrated Latin scholar, and patron 
 of learned men. Brut. 28. He was 
 consul a. u. 617. 
 
 9. Senem] He learned Greek in 
 his old age, (Acad. iv. 2. Cum Grae- 
 cas litteras M. Catonem in senectute 
 didicisse acceperam) and died at the 
 age of eighty-five. 
 
 10. Quod si, #<?.] If the study of 
 letters offered no advantages, yet as 
 an agreeable recreation, letters ought 
 to be cultivated ; and, of course, 
 Archias patronised. 
 
 11. Adversionem] Al. remissi- 
 onem, referring to studiis,' pre- 
 ceding. 
 
 12. Judicaretis] Judicare debere- 
 tis. Manut. 
 
 13. Cetera] Sc. Artes. 
 
 14. Temporum] E. g. Eloquence is 
 no longer heard in the din of war ; 
 and its artagain is useless in peace. 
 But Homer was equally the delight 
 of Alexander, and of Pericles. 
 
 15. JEtatum] Hor. de Art. Poet, 
 v. 155 175. 
 
 16. Locorum] For the camp, the 
 VOL. I. 
 
 senate, the court, have each their pe- 
 culiar pursuits; but poetry gains ac- 
 cess to them all. 
 
 17. Alunt] Al. Agunt, i.e. Trai- 
 tfaywySoi ; ^instituunt. Lamb. ; or 
 rather, as Ern. excitant.' 
 
 18. Senectutem Bblectant] Y'zpov- 
 TtQ afisaoi miseri. Passer. 
 
 19. Adversis perfugium] Hor. 
 Minuuntur atrae Carmine curae; an d, 
 O, laborum Dulce lenimen. 
 
 20. Peregrinantur] In opposition 
 to ' remaining in one's native land ;' 
 but ' rusticantur,' to ' remaining in 
 the city.' 
 
 Sect. VIII 1. Quodsi ipsi, <Sfc] 
 i. e. Admitting we cannot all have a 
 taste for poetry, yet ought we to ad- 
 mire that taste in others ; similarly 
 to what occurred in the case of Bos- 
 cius, whom thousands admired that 
 could not imitate his performance ; 
 and recollect the superior nature of 
 Archias's acquirements ; the differ- 
 ence between the body and the soul, 
 &c. 
 
 2. Attingere] 1. To come in con- 
 tact with. 2. Apply the mind to, 
 study slightly. 3. (As inf. 9. and 
 11.) commence; treat cursorily, and 
 
 3. Gustare] To sip, to relish ; 
 which we apply, similatly, to a taste 
 
 G 
 
62 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 etiam quum in aliis videremus. Quis nostrum tarn animo 
 agresti ac duro fuit ut Roscii 4 morte nuper non commovere- 
 tur? qui quum esset senex mortuus, tamen, propter excellen- 
 tem artem ac venustatem, 5 videbatur omnino mori non debu- 
 isse. Ergo ille corporis motu tantum amorem sibi concilia- 
 rat a nobis omnibus : nos animorum incredibiles motus ce- 
 leritatemque ingeniorum 6 negligemus ? Quoties ego hunc 
 Archiam vidi, judices, (utar enim vestra benignitate, quo- 
 niam me in hoc novo genere dicendi tarn diligenter attendi- 
 tis-,) quoties ego hunc vidi, quum literam scripsisset nul- 
 lam, 7 magnum numerum optimorum versuum de iis ipsis 
 rebus, quae turn agerentur, 8 dicere ex tempore ! 9 quoties re- 
 vocatum 10 eandem rem dicere, commutatis verbis atque sen- 
 tentiis ! u Qua? vero accurate cogitateque scripsisset, ea sic 
 vidi probari, ut ad veterum scriptorum 1 * laudem pervenirent. 
 Hunc ego non diligam ? non admirer? non omni ratione de- 
 fendendum putem ? Atqui sic a summis hominibus eruditis- 
 simisque accepimus, ceterarum rerum studia, et doctrina, et 
 
 for learning. Cic. joins them, Ccel. 
 12. Qui priraoribus labris gustas- 
 sent et extremis digitis attigissent.' 
 
 4. Roscii] Q. Roscius, a native of 
 Lanuvium ; the Garrick of the Ro- 
 mans. He was the first that wore a 
 mask on the stage ; which he did to 
 conceal his personal defects. De Or. 
 iii. 59. He was an instructor of Cic. 
 in pronunciation and gesture, who 
 says of him, De Or. i. 28., * Eo praes- 
 tantiae pervenit ut quicumque in 
 aliqua arte excelleret, is in suo ge- 
 nere ' Roscius' diceretur.' His talents 
 procured him a seat in the senate, and 
 Cic. testified his gratitude to him by 
 defending him in a civil action ; a 
 part of which defence is still extant. 
 Vid. pro Q. Rose. Com. 
 
 5. Venustatem] Modestia ad vul- 
 tum et mores ; venustas ad naturam 
 corporis refertur. Donat. 
 
 6. Celeritatem ingeniorum] How 
 swift is a glance of the mind ! Cowp. 
 
 7. Literam 7iullam] i, e. Had com- 
 mitted nothing to writing. 
 
 8. Qua turn agerentur] Conse- 
 quently his verses could not have 
 
 been premeditated. 
 
 9. Dicere ex tempore] Quint, x. 7. 
 Hanc [dicendi ex tempore] faculta- 
 tem non in prosa inodo multi sunt 
 consecuti, sed etiam in carmine ; ut 
 Antipater Sidonius et Licinius Ar- 
 chias. Credendum enim Cic. est ; 
 non quia nostris quoque temporibus 
 non et fecerint quidam hoc, et faci- 
 anu De Or. iii. 50. Versus hexame- 
 tros, aliosque variis modis atque nu 
 meris fundere ex tempore. The same 
 talent is still found in the modern 
 Improvisator!. 
 
 10. Revocatum] Called back to 
 repeat ; encored. ' Revocari' dicun- 
 tur qui eandem rem altera vice di- 
 cunt. Em. 
 
 1 1. Sententiis] Sententia pronun- 
 ciatum quo sensus integer in verbis 
 exprimitur. Forcel. ; a thought ; a 
 phrase expressing a thought. Arch, 
 clothed the same facts in a different 
 costume. 
 
 12. Vet. scriptorum] Antiquorum 
 poetarum. Nam antiquitas proxime 
 ad deos accedit. Hence the general 
 complaint of deterioration by time. 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 9. 
 
 63 
 
 praeceptis, et arte constare : poetam natura ipsa 13 valere, et 
 mentis viribus excitari, et quasi divine- quodam spiritu in- 
 flari. 14 Quare suo jure 15 noster ille Ennius 16 sanctos 17 appellat 
 poetas, quod quasi deorum aliquo dono atque munere 18 com- 
 mendati nobis esse videantur. Sit igitur, judices, sanctum 
 apud vos, humanissimos homines, hoc poeta? nomen, quod 
 nulla unquam barbaria 18 violavit. Saxa et solitudines voci 19 
 respondent ; bestiae saepe 20 immanes cantu flectuntur atque 
 consistunt : 21 nos instituti rebus optimis non poetarum voce 
 moveamur ? Homerum Colophonii 22 civem esse dicunt su- 
 um : Chiisuum vindicant, Salaminii repetunt, Smyrnaei vero 
 suum esse confirmant, itaque etiam delubrum 23 ejus in op- 
 pido dedicaverunt : permulti alii 24 praeterea pugnant inter se 
 atque contendunt. 25 
 
 IX. Ergo illi alienum, quia poeta fuit, post mortem etiam 
 
 Hor. ' Damnosa quid non imminuit 
 dies V But vid. on the other side of 
 the question. Hor. Epist. ii. 1. Passer. 
 
 13. Natura ipsa'] ' Poeta nascitur.' 
 Vid., also, Hor. Natura fieret lauda- 
 bile carmen, an arte. A. P. 408. 
 Quern tu, Melpomene, &c. Carm.iv. 3. 
 
 14. Div. spiritu infiari] tvQuotd- 
 Ztodai. Est deus in nobis ; agitante 
 calescimus illo. Ovid. Fast. vi. 6. 
 
 15. Suo jure] Quod illi licuit ; 
 eitra reprehensionem. Passer. 
 
 16. Enmits] Was born at Rudia, 
 in Calabria, about the beginning of 
 the sixth century of Rome, and end 
 of the first Punic war. His patron, 
 therefore, was Scipio the elder. He 
 first wrote Latin hexameters. About a 
 thousand of his verses are yet extant. 
 Acad. iv. 27. ; ad Her. ii. 22. 
 
 17. Sanctos] Qu. ' sancitos* held 
 sacred ; inviolable. Hor. Silvestres 
 homines saeer, &c. A. P. 391. 
 
 18. Dono munere] Omitti donum 
 sine ulla reprehensione, munus omni- 
 no non potest. Manut. 
 
 18. Barbaria] i. e. Barbari, (the 
 territory for the people,) opposed to 
 * humanissimos.' With the Greeks 
 it meant every country but their own. 
 Hag pit) "EAArjv /3dp/3aooc ; with 
 the Romans, every country but 
 
 Greece and Italy. Fin. ii. 15. A 
 quo non solum Graecia et Italia, sed 
 etiam omnis Barbaria commota est. 
 
 19. Voci] Sc. of the poet, sua 
 voce, i.e. echo, being understood. 
 
 20. Bestice sape] The fables of 
 Orpheus, Arion, &c, are alluded to. 
 Hor.Carm. ii. 12. Quid mirum, &c.' 
 and iii. 11. ' Tu potes tigres, &c.' 
 
 21. Consist.] Stop, cease to attack. 
 
 22. Colophonii] The distich is, 
 Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, 
 
 Rhodos, Argos, Athenae, 
 Orbis de patria certat Homere tua. 
 
 A. Gell. iii. 11. 
 The testimonies, however, as collect- 
 ed by Leo Allatius, are in favour of 
 Chios. So Byron, ' The blind old man 
 of Scio's rocky isle.' Homer lived 
 about 168 years after the Trojan war, 
 and as many before the foundation of 
 Rome. Colophon and Smyrna are 
 cities of Ionia ; Salamis, a city of 
 Cyprus, founded by Teucer. Hor. 
 Od. i. 3. Chios, now Scio, an island 
 of the iEgean Sea. 
 
 23. Delubrum] In quo homines 
 piacula sua deluunt. Th. Xh& lavo. 
 
 24. Permulti alii] Vid. the dis- 
 tich supr. 
 
 25. Contendunt] Weiske would 
 supply de eo, or the like. V. E. 
 
6* M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 expetunt : nos hunc vivum, qui et voluntate et legibus noster 
 est, repudiamus ? praesertim quura omne olim studium at- 
 que omne ingenium contulerit Archias ad populi Romani 
 gloriam laudemque celebrandam ? Nam et Cimbricas res 
 adolescens attigit, 1 et ipsi illi C. Mario, 2 qui durior 3 ad haec 
 studia videbatur, jucundus fuit. Neque enim quisquam est 
 tarn aversus a Musis, qui non mandari versibus aeternum 
 suorum laborum facile praeconium 5 patiatur. Themisto- 
 clem ilium, summum Athenis virum dixisse aiunt, quum ex 
 eo quaereretur, quod acroama, 6 autcujus vocem libentissime 
 audiret : " ejus a quo sua virtus optime praedicaretur." Ita- 
 que ille Marius item eximie L. Plotium 7 dilexit, cujus in- 
 genio putabat ea, quae gesserat, posse celebrari. Mithrida- 
 ticum vero bellum, 8 magnum atque difficile, et in multa 
 varietate terra marique versatum, totum ab hoc expressum 
 est : qui libri non modo L. Lucullum, fortissimum et claris- 
 simum virum, verum etiam populi Romani nomen illustrant 
 Populus enim Romanus aperuit, Lucullo 9 imperante, Pontum, 
 et regiis quondam opibus, et ipsa natura regionis vallatum : 
 populi Romani exercitus, eodem duce, non maxima manu 10 
 innumerabiles Armeniorum copias fudit : populi Romani 
 laus est, urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum, 11 ejusdem consi- 
 lio, ex omni impetu regio, ac totius belli ore ac faucibus 
 
 Sect. IX. 1. Attigit"} Vid. su- ille maxima ludius non solum spec- 
 
 pra, c. 8. n. 2. tator sed actor et acroama ; i. e. the 
 
 2. Ipsi illi Mario] Sc. the con- flute-player who accompanied the ac- 
 queror of the Cimbri. tor in his recitations. Forcel. adopts 
 
 3. Durior'] Vid. Sail. Jug. 85, the second, Manut. the first meaning, 
 where Marius thus defends his igno- 7. L. Plotium] Mentioned by Seut. 
 ranee of Greek. Neque Graecas litte- de Clar. Rhet. Cic. says, that when 
 ras didici ; parum placebat illas dis- he was a boy, it was quite the rage to 
 cere, quippe qua} ad virtutem docton- attend his lectures ; and that he was 
 bus nihil profuissent.' Great then must very sorry at not being permitted 
 have been the merit of Arch, to over- to attend them by his friends, who 
 come his prejudices. thought Greek recitations more useful. 
 
 4. Themhtoclem] The conqueror 8. Mithrid. bellwn] He means 
 of the Persians at Salamis. Vid. that part of the third war which was 
 Nep. Vit. Themist. V. Max. viii. 15. conducted by Lucullus. The whole 
 
 5. Prteconium] (praccino) 1. The was lately concluded by Pompey, 
 voice of the crier. 2. A proclamation, whose poet was Theophanes. Inf. 10. 
 3. Commendation. For * qui vult 9. Lucullo] Introd. Lex. Man. 
 extrudere merces,' (Hor. Ep. ii. 2.) 10. Manu] Tigranes remarked, 
 is not usually sparing of praise. that as ambassadors they are too many; 
 
 5. Acroama] (aKpoapa) 1. A as soldiers, too few. Plut. Lucul. 27. 
 musical symphony ; a concert. 2. A 11. Urbem...Cyz.] Manil. c. 8. n. 
 singer j a minstrel. Sext. 54. Ipse Mur. 15. 
 
PRO ACHIA POETA, Cap. 10. 
 
 65 
 
 ereptam esse atque servatam : nostra 12 semper feretur et pra>- 
 dicabitur, L. Lucullo dimicante, cum interfectis ducibus 
 depressa hostium classis, et incredibilis apud Tenedum 13 pug- 
 na ilia navalis : nostra sunt tropaea, 14 nostra monumenta, nos- 
 tri triumphi. Quare, quorum ingeniis ha?c feruntur, ab iis 
 })opuli Romani fama celebratur. Carus fuit Africano supe- 
 riori 15 noster Ennius : itaque etiam in sepulchro Scipionum lci 
 putatur is esse constitutus e marmore. 17 At iis laudibus cer- 
 te non solum ipsi, qui laudantur, sed etiam populi Romani 
 nomen ornatur. In coelum hujus 18 proavus Cato 19 tollitur : 
 magnua honos populi Romani rebus adjnngitur. Omnes 
 denique illi Maximi, Marcelli, Fulvii, non sine communi 
 omnium nostrum laude decorantur. 
 
 X. Ergo ilium, qui haec fecerat, 1 Rudinum 2 hominem, 
 ma j ores nostri in civitatem 3 receperunt : nos hunc Hera- 
 cleensem, multis civitatibus 4 expetitum, in hac autem legi- 
 bus 5 constitutum, de nostra civitate ejiciemus ? 
 
 12. Voitm] i. e. As ours.' It 
 agrees with ' hostium classis,' and 
 pugna ilia navalis.' 
 
 13. Tenedum] An island of the 
 .Egean, adjoining Sigeuin, on the 
 coast of Troas. 
 
 14. Tropaa] (From rpoirt)) A 
 monument erected where the enemy 
 was routed ; at tirst of trees, then of 
 stone. Al.ii. xi. 5. Metonyra. Spoils 
 of war, victory. 
 
 15. Afric. superiori] To distin- 
 guish him from A fricanus the younger, 
 the friend of Laelius. 
 
 16. In sepulchro Scipionum] Liv. 
 (xxxviii. 56.) mentions two sites of the 
 tomb of the Scipios, Liternum and 
 Home. Cic. seems to have the lat- 
 ter in view, which is thus noticed : 
 4 Romae extra portam Capenam in 
 Scipionum monumento tres statu 
 sunt ; quarum due P. et L. Scipio- 
 num dicuntur esse ; tertia poetre Q. 
 Ennii. So Ovid. ' Ennius emeruit, 
 Calabris in montibus ortis, Conti- 
 guus poni, Scipio Magne ! tibi.' 
 
 17. Constitutus e marmore'] Made 
 or built. So Cat. i. 9. Sacrarium con- 
 stitutum fuit : and Seut. Jul. Cacs. 10. 
 
 JSdes in foro constituta geminis fra- 
 tribus. 
 
 18. Hujus] One of the 'judices,' 
 or ' advocati.' 
 
 19. Cato] Sc. Major. Liv. xxxix. 
 40. 
 
 20. Maximi, <Sfc] These great men 
 flourished in the second Punic war, 
 and were, therefore, celebrated by En- 
 nius. He alludes to Q. Fabius 
 Cunctator, M. Claudius Marcellus, 
 and Q. Fulvius Flaccus. 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Hmc fecerat] Ver- 
 sified the achievements of Scipio, 
 &c. 
 
 2. Rudinum] Al. Rudium. Supr. 
 c. 8. n. 16'. Rudiai was, no doubt, 
 an obscure place, as Cic. here con- 
 trasts it with the splendour of Hera- 
 clea, of which Arch, was a citizen. 
 
 3. In civitatem] Through M. Ful- 
 vius Nobilior, who had led out a 
 colony to Rudia?, and whom Ennius 
 accompanied in his expedition against 
 the iEtolians. Inf. 11. 
 
 4. Multis civitatibus] Sc. Rhegini, 
 Locrenses, &c. 
 
 5. Legibus] Sc. of Silvanus and 
 Carbo. 
 
 <j2 
 
66 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Gra?cis r ' 
 versibus percipi, quam ex Latinis, vehementer errat : prop- 
 terea, quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, 7 Lati- 
 na suis finibus, exiguis 8 sane, continentur. Quare si res eae, 
 quas gessimus, orbis terra? regionibus 9 definiuntur, cupere 
 debemus, quo 10 manuum 11 nostrarum tela pervenerint, eodem 
 gloriam famamque penetrare : quod 12 quum ipsis populis, de 
 quorum rebus scribitur, ha?c ampla sunt, turn iis certe, qui 
 de vita, gloriae causa, dimicant, hoc maximum et periculo- 
 rum incitamentum est, et laborum. Quam multos scrip- 
 tores rerum suarum magnos ille Alexander secum lmbuisse 13 
 dicitur! Atqueis tamen, quum in Sigeo 14 ad Achillis tumu- 
 lum 15 adstitisset, ' O fortunate/ inquit, ' adolescens, qui 
 
 6. Ex Gracis] Arch, wrote in 
 Greek. 
 
 7. In omnibus gentibus] We know 
 how the Scriptures were written in 
 Greek, and for the same reason. 
 
 8. Finibus exiguis] Latium only. 
 Liv. xl. 42, mentions the Romans per- 
 mitting the people of Cum to use 
 the Latin language in public, and 
 their auctioneers the privilege of sell- 
 ing in Latin. The Celtic and Etrus- 
 can dialects were used in Upper 
 Italy ; in Magna Gnecia, Greek. 
 
 9. Orbis terra: regionibus] i. e. 
 Limitibus.' Not strictly. For 
 Spain, on the west, and the Eu- 
 phrates on the east, bounded the em- 
 pire ; nor were Gaul and Germany as 
 yet conquered. 
 
 10. Quo] Al. quo minus ; which 
 reading is defended by Burman, 
 Virg. G. iii. 319, who understands 
 by quo minus, quo non, and thinks that 
 countries beyond the Roman empire 
 are designed. But then eodem should 
 be ft), and there can be nothing be- 
 yond the limits of the world (regiones 
 orbis terra?.) Er. 
 
 11. M unman] Sc. quae nostrisma- 
 nibus vibrantur. An manuum' co- 
 piaruin significat. ut supr. 9. ' non 
 maxima manu.' Passer. 
 
 12. Quod,%c] The great talents 
 of Cic. appear in the variety of lights 
 in which he has set this simple pro- 
 
 position, ' that individual fame re- 
 dounds to the national glory.' Yid. 
 c. 9. ' qui libri non modo Lucullum,' 
 &c. * At iis laudibus certe, &c.' 
 ' In coelum hujus proavus, &c.' The 
 order is, * quod hsec ampla sunt quum, 
 &c...tum hoc est....&c. iis certe, &c.' 
 Hgc and hoc mean the same ; sc. po- 
 etic compositions ; and ' ampla' is 
 ' magnifica, honorifica.' 
 
 13. Secum habuisse] Sc. Callisthe- 
 nes, as Trogus testifies ; Aristobulus, 
 mentioned by Arrian ; and Clitar- 
 chus, by Pliny. But Cic. rather re- 
 fers here to the poets, of whom Hor. 
 specifies Choerilus. 'Gratus Alexandro 
 regi magno fuit ille Choerilus incultis 
 qui versibus, &c.' Alexander was 
 then marching against Darius. 
 
 14. Sigeo] Sigeum is a promontory 
 of Troas, at the mouth of the Sca- 
 mander, where stood the tomb of 
 Achilles ; so called, says Servius, 
 from the silence (criy>)) which was 
 observed by Hercules, when he 
 marched from thence to Troy. 
 
 15. Ad Achilles tumulum] 
 
 ' The flocks are grazing on the mound 
 Of him who felt the Dardan's arrow ; 
 That mighty heap of gathered ground 
 Which Amnion's son ran proudly 
 round, 
 Is now a lone and nameless bar- 
 row.' Byron. 
 Vid. Plut. Vit. Alex. 15. 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 10. 
 
 67 
 
 tua 1 virtutis Homerum preconem 15 inveneris!" Et vere. 
 Nam, nisi Ilias ilia exstitisset, 17 idem tumulus,^ qui corpus 
 ejus contexerat, nomen etiam obruisset. Quid? noster hie 
 Magnus, 19 qui cum virtute fortunam adaequavit, 20 nonne 
 Theopbanem, 22 Mitylenaeum, scriptorem rerum suarum, in 
 concione militum civitate donavit ? 23 et nostri illi fortes viri, 
 sed rustici 2 * ac milites, dulcedine quadam gloria? commotio 
 quasi participes 25 ejusdem laudis, magno illud clamore ap- 
 probavenmt ? Itaque, credo, 26 si civis Romanus Arcbias le- 
 gibus non esset, ut ab aliquo 27 imperatore civitate donaretur, 
 perficere non potuit ? Sulla, quum Hispanos et Gallos 28 dona- 
 ret, credo, hunc petentem repudiasset ! quern nos in conei- 
 one vidimus, 29 quum ci libellum 30 malus poeta de populo 31 
 subjecisset, 23 quod epigramma 33 in eum fecisset tantummo- 
 do G4 alternis versibus loiigiusculis, 35 statim ex iis rebus, quas 
 tunc vendebat, 50 jubere ei premium tribui sub ea conditi- 
 one, ne quid postea scriberet. Qui sedulitatem mali poeta* 
 
 16. Praconem] C. 9. n. 5. 
 
 17. Extitisset] Supr. c. 1. n. 10. 
 
 18. Tumulus] (A tumeo) properly, 
 a bank of sand in the sea. Hence a 
 grave. 
 
 19. Krister magnus] Pompey j op- 
 posed to ' Magnus ille,' supr. Vid. 
 Introd. Manil. 
 
 20. Qui udtequavit] Was as brave 
 as he was fortunate. Inf. c. 11. n. 20. 
 
 22. Theophanem Mitifl.] Called 
 also, the Lesbian, (for Mitylene was 
 in Lesbos,) versified the exploits of 
 Pompey. V. Max. viii. 15. 
 
 23. Donavit] By a law of the 
 consuls, Gell. and Cornelius, a. u. 
 681, Pompey was allowed, with the 
 consent of a council of war, to confer 
 citizenship on deserving individuals. 
 He was then commanding in Spain, 
 against Perpenna. Balb. 8. 14. 
 
 24. Sed rustici] i. e. Who had 
 lived in the country, and consequent- 
 ly, not likely to have much taste in 
 poetry. Any Roman citizen, whether 
 of equestrian or plebeian rank, who 
 resided in the colonies or free towns, 
 was so called. Rose. Am. vii. 18. 
 
 25. Quasi participes] For the 
 
 praises of the general, contained in 
 the verses of Theophanes, redounded 
 to the glory of the soldier. Marcel. 
 2. ' Nam bellicas laudes, &c* 
 
 26. Credo] Ironically, as usual. 
 
 27. Aliqun] E. g. Sylla or Metel- 
 lus. 
 
 28. Hispanos et Gallos] i. e. The 
 Spaniards and Gauls who had served 
 under him. Balb. 22. 
 
 29. Not ridimus] Cic. was about 
 twenty-four, in the dictatorship of 
 Sylla. 
 
 30. Libellum] A petition. 
 
 31. De populo] 'Et; t~ov tto\\C!>v. 
 Verr. i. De populo subscriptor adda- 
 tur. Brut. 34. Accusator de plebe. 
 
 32. Subjecisset] Sub, privately. 
 
 33. Epigramma] 1. An inscription 
 on gifts consecrated to the gods. 2. 
 A short poem, a sonnet. 
 
 34. Tantummodo] Its claim to 
 poetry was limited to the versifica- 
 tion. 
 
 35. Alternis longiusculis] Every 
 second line being somewhat long ; 
 i. e. longer than pentameters ; which 
 takes place in elegiacs. 
 
 36. Quas vendebat] Thepfoperty 
 
63 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 duxerit aliquo tamen praemio dignam, hujiis ingenium et vir- 
 tutem in scribendo et copiam non expetisset ? Quid ? a Q. 
 Metello Pio, familiarissimo suo, qui civitate multos donavit, 
 neque per se, neque per Lucullos 37 impetravisset ? qui prae- 
 sertim usque eo de suis rebus scribi cuperet, ut etiam Cor- 
 dubae natis 38 poetis, pinque C9 quiddam sonantibus 40 atque 
 peregrinum, 41 tamen aures suas dederet 42 
 
 XL Neque enim est hoc dissimulandum, quod obscurari 
 non potest ; sed prae nobis ferendum : trahimur oranes 1 lau- 
 dis studio, et optiraus quisque maxime gloria ducitur. Ipsi 
 illi philosophic etiam illis libellis, quos de contemnenda 
 gloria scribunt, nomen suum 8 inscribunt : in eo ipso, in quo 
 praedicationem nobilitatemque 3 despiciunt, pradicari de se, 
 ac nominari volunt. Decimus quidem Brutus, 4 summus ille 
 vir et imperator, Attii, 5 amicissimi sui, carminibus templo- 
 rum ac monumentorum 6 aditus exoniavit suorum. Jam vero 
 
 of the proscribed. 
 
 37. Per Lucullos'} They were 
 cousins of Metellus Pius, their mo- 
 ther being sister of Metellus Nu* 
 midicus. 
 
 38. Corduluc natis] Now Cor- 
 dova, a town of Andalusia, on the 
 Guadalquivir. The names of Lucan 
 and Seneca, in after times, are enough 
 to retrieve its character. Martial 
 too, was a Spaniard, but of Bilbi- 
 lus, a town of Celtiberia. 
 
 39. Pingue] besides signifying 
 stupid, doltish, also imports, as here, 
 harsh, turgid ; a fault which is dis- 
 cernible even in tlie pages of Lucan 
 and Seneca. 
 
 40. Sonantibus'] ' Sonare' poetae 
 dicuntur. Atque os magna sonatu- 
 rum. Hor. Sed hie sonus est pronun- 
 ciationis. InBruto; ' Cotta sona- 
 bat contrarium Catulo subagreste 
 quiddam.' Passer. 
 
 41. Peregrinum] i. e. in Latin, 
 with a mixture of barbarisms. 
 
 42. Aures suas dederet] Sc. when 
 commanding in Spain, against Ser- 
 torius. ' Dederet' is not, according 
 to Passer. cornmodaret,' but omni- 
 no traderet.' 
 
 Sect. XI. 1. Trahimur omnes] 
 Sed fulgente trahit constrictos gloria 
 curru, Non minus ignotos generosis. 
 Hor. Sat. i. 6. 23. 
 
 2. Nomen suwn] Tusc. i. 15. Quid 
 nostri philosophi ? Nonne in ipsis 
 libris quos scribunt de contemnenda 
 gloria sua nomina inscribunt. Hott. 
 
 3. Nobilitatemq.] Celebritatem no- 
 minis. Passer. 
 
 4. D. Brutus] Consul x. u. 615, 
 with Scipio Nasica. He was cele- 
 brated for his victories over the 
 Spaniards, and for founding Valen- 
 tia, supposed to be still the capital of 
 the province which bears that name. 
 From his conquests in Gallaecia, he 
 was named Gallaecius or Callaicus. 
 Val. Max. viii. 15. 
 
 5. Attii] * Nil comis tragici mutat 
 Lucilius Atti.' Hor. Sat. i. 10. 35. He 
 wrote a tragedy, called Brutus, founded 
 on the tragedy of the King-expeller, 
 which was performed with great ap- 
 plause at the Apollinarian games, 
 celebrated by Brutus, a. u. 609, after 
 the death of Caesar. Phil. i. 15. 
 
 6. Tempi, ac monum.] These words 
 are syaonymous. Monumentorum 
 hie simpliciter pro templo ponilur. 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 11. 69 
 
 ille, qui cum ^Etolis, 7 Ennio comite, bellavit, Fulvius, non 
 dubitavit Martis manubias 8 Musis consecrare. Quare, in 
 qua urbe imperatores prope armati, poetarum nomen 9 et 
 Musarum delubra 10 coluerunt, in ea non debent togati judi- 
 ces a Musarum honore et a poetarum salute abhorrere. 
 
 Atque, ut id libentius faciatis, jam me vobis, judices, in- 
 dieabo, et de meo quodam amore 11 gloria3, nimis acri fortasse, 
 verumtamen honesto, vobis confitebor. Nam, quas res 12 nos 
 in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul pro salute hujus urbis at- 
 que imperii, et pro vita civium, proque universa republica 
 sjessimus, attigit 13 hie versibus atque inchoavit : quibus audi- 
 tis, quod mihi magna res et jucunda visa est, hunc ad perfi- 
 ciendum hortatus sum. Nullam enirn 14 virtus aliam merce- 
 dem laborum periculorumque desiderat, praeter hanc laudis 
 et gloriae : qua quidem detracta, judices, quid est, quod in 
 hoc tarn exiguo vita; curriculo, 15 et tarn brevi, tantis nos in 
 laboribus exerceamus? Certe, si nihil animus pracsentiret 
 in posterum, 16 et, si quibus regionibus vitae spatium circum- 
 scriptum est, eisdem omnes cogitationes terminaret suas, nee 
 tantis so laboribus frangeret, neque tot curis vigiliisque 17 an- 
 geretur, neque toties de vita ipsa dimicaret. 18 Nunc insidet 
 
 Era* They were, probably, built might do so too. 
 
 out of the spoils of war. 12. Quas res'] The Catilinarian 
 
 7. .Etolis] Manil.6. Tusc. i. 2. conspiracy. 
 
 Cato reproaches Fulvius with taking 13. Attigit] Touched upon, began, 
 
 poets to war, in his train ; alluding supr. c. 8. n. 2. 
 
 to Ennius. 14. Nullum enim] -'Aut 
 
 8. Manubias] Qu. ' manuvias' virtus nomen inane est, Aut decus 
 from ' manus' and 'vis.' 1. Spoils et pretium recti petit experiens vir.' 
 of war. 2. Money accruing from Hor. Epist. i. 17.41. 
 
 their sale. 3. That part of this 15. Curriculo] h<ppi<TKog a small 
 
 money reserved by the general, for chariot ; 2. a chariot-race ; 3. course, 
 
 the erection of a monument. Dom. period, as here. 
 
 38. ' In qua porticum post ali- 16. In posterum] To an hereafter, 
 
 quanto Q. Catulus de manubiis Cim- Cic. is here supposed to intimate the 
 
 bricis fecit.' doctrine of the soul's immortality, 
 
 9. Nomen] Alluding to Brutus which he elsewhere questions. Vid. 
 and his inscriptions. Warburton's Div. Leg. iii. 2. 3. 
 
 10. Musariun delubra] Referring Kabir. perduel. 10. Sapientissimi 
 to Fulvius, and the spoils which he cujusque animus ita praesentit in 
 had devoted to the muses. posterum ut nihil nisi sempiternuni 
 
 11. Meo quodam amore] Cic. pleads spectare videatur.' Marcel. 9. 
 guilty to the charge of loving glory 17. Vigiliisq.] These necessarily 
 and patronising Archias, in order that follow cares. 
 
 his hearers, out of respect for him, 18. Dimicaret] Sc. Animus. A 
 
70 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quaedam in optimo quoque virtus, quae noctes et dies animum 
 glorias stimulis concitat, atque admonet, 19 non cum vitae tem- 
 pore esse dimittendam commemorationem nominis nostri, 
 sed cum omni posteritate adaequandam. i0 
 
 XII. An vero tarn parvi animi 1 videamur esse omnes, qui 
 in republica, atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versa- 
 mur, ut, quum usque ad extremum spatium, nullum tran- 
 quillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul 
 moritura omnia arbitremur ? An, quum statuas et imagines," 
 non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi 
 summi homines reliquerint, consiliorum relinquere ac virtu - 
 turn nostrarum effigiem non multo malle debemus, summis 
 ingeniis expressam et politam ? Ego vero omnia, quae gere- 
 bam, jam turn in gerendo spargere me 3 ac disseminare arbi- 
 trabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. Haec vero 
 sive a meo sensu 4 post mortem abfutura est, sive, ut sapien- 
 tissimi 5 homines putavenint, ad aliquam [animi] mei par- 
 tem 6 pertinebit : nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam^spe- 
 que delector. 
 
 Quare conservate, judices, hominem pudore eo, quern 7 
 amicorum videtis comprobari turn dignitate, turn etiam ve- 
 tustate : 8 ingenio autem tanto, quantum id convenit existi- 
 
 proof that his ideas of that great doc- Uilvo />. 
 
 trine were not very settled. 4. Sive a meo sensu"] More proof 
 
 19. Stimulis admonet] .En. x. 586. of doubt. Supr. c. 11. n. 16. 
 Lucagus, ut pronus pendens in ver- 5. Sapientissimi] Sc. Pythagoras, 
 
 beratelo, Socrates, Academia tota. Manut. 
 
 Admonuit bijugos. 6. Ad aliquam partem] Some of 
 
 20. Adaquondam] Equalled in the old philosophers conceived the 
 point of duration. soul to consist of various parts or 
 
 Sect. XII. 1. Parvi animi] It functions, among which there was 
 showed a narrow mind, in Cicero's one that had assigned to it the con- 
 opinion, to limit its views to this life, templation of the good actions per- 
 which was a perpetual scene of diffi- formed in life ; which explains the 
 eulty and danger ; whereas, the re- allusion here. Plato admitted three 
 ward lay in the continued conscious- parts ; one, by which we learn ; 
 ness which should belong to the soul, another, feel angry ; a third, are led 
 of the glory resulting from great ex- to sensual enjoyments. The two 
 ploits. latter die with the body. The first, 
 
 2. Imagines] More extensive than possessing reason, is immortal. 
 status, ' taking in pictures, &c. Delph. 
 
 3. Spargere me] Borrowed from 7. Pudore eo quern] Of such mo- 
 husbandry. So Vit. Lucian. Ovksti desty as. ' Quem' does not relate to 
 fjjpivjpai o ti to OTrtipofxivov ' hominem.' 
 
PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 12. 71 
 
 mari, quod summorum hominum ingeniis expetitum esse 
 videatis : causa vero ejusmodi, qua? beneficio legis, 9 aucto- 
 ritate municipii, testimonio Luculli, tabulis Metelli compro- 
 betur. Quae quum ita sint, petimus a vobis, judices, si 
 qua 10 non modo humana, 11 verum etiam divina in tantis ne- 
 gotiis 12 commendatio debet esse, ut eum, qui vos, qui vestros 
 imperatores, qui populi Romani 'res gestas semper ornavit, 
 qui etiam his recentibus 13 nostris, vestrisque domesticis peri- 
 culis aeternum se testimonium laudum daturum esse profite- 
 tur, quique est eo numero, qui semper apud omnes sancti 
 sunt habiti atque dicti, sic in vestram accipiatis fidem, u ut hu- 
 manitate vestra levatus potius, quam acerbitate violatus 1 ^ esse 
 videatur. Quae de causa pro mea consuetudine breviter 
 simpliciterque 16 dixi, judices, ea confido probata esse omni- 
 bus : quae non fori, 17 neque judiciali consuetudine, et de ho- 
 minis ingenio, etcommuniter de ipsius studio locutus sum, eal 
 judices, a vobis spero esse in bonam partem accepta; ab eo, 
 qui judicium exercet, certo scio. 
 
 8. Vetustate] ' Long standing ;' of such merits. Meritis ipsius Ar- 
 alluding to the Luculli, Catulus, &c. chiae ' negotiis' dixit potius quum 
 Al. venustate, ' the elegance and ' rebus ;' quia majus quiddam in ne- 
 politeness, &c.' Al. amicorum studiis, gotis quam re. Manut. Perhaps, 
 making both dignitate' and ' ve- however, ' tanta negotia' may refer 
 nustate' refer to Archias. to the subjects on which Archias em- 
 
 9. Beneficio legis] Sc. of Silvanus ployed his pen. Then it would be, 
 and Carbo. Cic. here recapitulates the * where deeds of such magnitude are 
 points of his proof. concerned.' 
 
 10. Si qua) Si often affirms, and 13. His recentibus] The Catili- 
 may be rendered 'since.' Cat. i.3. narian troubles which took place 
 Si neque nox, &c.' Virg. ' Si qua pios within a year or two. 
 
 respectaut numina ;' i. e. we often 14. Fidem] Tutelam. Passer. 
 
 put cases hypothetically, not to 15. Violatus] For poets were 
 
 intimate any doubt of their certain- ' sancti.' 
 
 ty, but to set it in a stronger light. 16. Breviter simpliciterq.] Allud- 
 
 Thus here : ' if there ought to be, ing to his brief and inartificial state- 
 
 &c.' as no doubt there should. ' Si ment of the law of the case. Supr. 4. 
 
 qua pios respectant numina' as no 6. 
 
 doubt there do. 17. Qua: non fori] Supr. 1. 
 
 11. Humana] From men; ' divi- 18. Communiter] Generally, 
 na,' from the gods. 19. Qui judicium] Introd. 4. 
 
 12. In tantis negotiis] In the case 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION 
 
 FOR 
 
 T. ANNIUS MILO. 
 
 1. Though the oration for Milo was pronounced a. u. 701, 
 upwards of ten years after the Catilinarian conspiracy, yet it 
 may be properly connected with the affairs of that period.* For 
 it was the summary punishment of the conspirators that gave 
 Clodius a pretence to procure the banishment of Cicero, which 
 took place a. u. 695 ; and this again, led to the enmity between 
 Clodius and Milo ; the latter being the zealous friend and imi- 
 tator of Cicero, and, of course, the opponent of his virulent pro- 
 secutor. The orator, therefore, being called upon to defend his 
 friend, threw the whole weight of his character and influence 
 into the cause. ' Bona, fortunas meas, in communionem tuorum 
 temporum contuli.' c. 36. This circumstance may serve to ac- 
 count for the extreme pains which were evidently taken in com- 
 posing this, perhaps the most finished specimen of pleading of all 
 antiquity. A concise account, then, of Clodius and Milo, the 
 principal persons concemed, may be here premised, as a proper 
 introduction to the oration itself. 
 
 2. The notices of P. Clodius, which appear in the history of 
 the times, are calculated to give us a very unfavourable impres- 
 sion of his character. So early as a. u. 685, we find him, while 
 serving in the army of Lucullus, during the Mithridatic Avar, ex- 
 citing the soldiers to revolt against their general, his own brother- 
 in-law ; a revolt which, in our notice of that war, (Introd. Lex. 
 Manil.,) we saw was but too successful. Three years after, he 
 appears in the disgraceful character of a prevaricator ; having, 
 for a bribe, permitted Catiline, whom he had brought to trial for 
 
 * The Catilinarian orations which, in the order of time, follow the * Lex 
 Manilia,' are, for a reason given in the preface, transferred to the second 
 volume. 
 
 VOL. I. H 
 
74 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 his oppressions in Africa, to escape with impunity. Introd. Cat. 
 Orat. Harusp. 20. In 691, (the year after Cicero's consulship,) 
 that notorious profanation of the mysteries of the Bona Dea by 
 Clodius, so often alluded to by Cic, took place ; for which, being 
 brought to trial, Cicero, at the instigation of Terentia, his wife, 
 (who, according to Plutarch, was jealous of the sister of Clodius,) 
 appeared as a witness against him ; and thus laid the foundation of 
 that rooted animosity which Clodius ever after manifested against 
 Cicero. For, up to this time, Clodius was a partisan of Cicero's, 
 and one of the young nobles that guarded his person during his 
 consulship. It was now that the inventive genius of Clodius ap- 
 peared, in procuring his own adoption into a plebeian family, in 
 order to be qualified to stand for the tribuneship; in right of 
 which office he saw that he could best execute his vengeance on 
 Cicero. This he effected, a. u. 694, and being tribune the follow- 
 ing year, he procured the banishment of Cicero, caused his house to 
 he levelled with the ground, and a temple to liberty built on the area. 
 From this period his history becomes involved in that of Milo. The 
 riots during his tribuneship were grounds for Milo's impeaching 
 him in the following year, 696. This disgrace for his guilt was 
 notorious did not prevent him from obtaining the aedileship in 
 697 ; and from that period till his death, he persevered in his op- 
 position to Milo and persecution of Cicero^ 
 
 3. Of Milo, the defendant, we do not know even so much aB of 
 Clodius. Like Cicero, and other illustrious Romans, he left his 
 native town, Lanuvium, where he was of the highest rank, being 
 dictator or provost ; and came to Rome to contend for the rank 
 and honours of the state. His intimacy with Cicero makes it 
 probable that he enrolled himself under his patronage at Rome as 
 other young men* of rank used to do; and he may have made one 
 of the band of friends that guarded Cicero from the attacks of 
 Catiline. Sull. 18. In the various assaults made by Clodius on 
 Cicero we find Milo active in his defence. In his tribuneship, 
 a. u. 696, he accused Clodius of disturbing the public peace ; but 
 finding that the influence of the consul, Metellus, was likely to 
 frustrate the ends of justice, he hired gladiators to oppose those 
 of Clodius ; a proceeding which Cicero (de Off. ii. 27) charac- 
 terizes as highly to his honour. When, in turn, Clodius becoming 
 aedile, accused Milo, he was defended by the first men in the 
 state Pompey, Crassus, and Cicero. We find him praetor a. u. 
 
 * Ex. g. Mark Antony. Phil.ii. 20. Postea custoditus sum a te; tu a me 
 observatus, <Scc. This custom, followed up, produced the ' studiosa cohors* 
 mentioned by Horace : hence the English court.' 
 
INTRODUCTION. 76 
 
 699, and the following year candidate for the consulship with Q. 
 Metellus, Scipio, and Plautius Hypsaeus ; at which time Clodius was 
 also a competitor for the praetorship. Clodius being naturally 
 anxious to prevent his avowed enemy from becoming consul 
 during his own praetorship, opposed Milo with all his influence, 
 c. 9. ; and when the rancour of parties was at its greatest height, 
 there occurred the rencontre which terminated Clodius's career. 
 
 4. To the particulars of the affray, as given by Cicero, c. 10.20, 
 it may be added, from Asconius, that Clodius's party consisted of 
 thirty slaves, and three knights C. Cassinius Schola, P. Pom- 
 ponius, and C. Clodius ; and that Milo's train was headed by 
 two celebrated gladiators Eudamus and Birria, the latter of 
 whom was the first to wound Clodius. He relates, too, that Clo- 
 dius was dragged out of a tavern near Bovillae, where he had 
 taken refuge, and slain by the orders of Milo ; differing, in this 
 particular, from Cicero, who appeals to the situation of the ground, 
 as being 'ante fundum Clodii,' c. 20, and therefore decisive of the 
 question as to which of the parties was the assailant. Perhaps this 
 was a ' retouch' of Cicero.* The dead body of Clodius, abandoned by 
 his slaves, was found by Tedius, a senator, who conveyed it to the 
 city late in the evening ; and on the following day the mob, at the 
 instigation of Munatius Plancus and Q. Pompey, carried it to 
 the forum, where a scene took place which may have suggested to 
 M. Antony his successful' appeal to the populace on the death of 
 Caesar. The body being elevated on the rostra, the wounds were 
 exposed to public view, and the body burned by the infuriated 
 mob ; which, headed by Sext. Clodius, a relative of Publius, com- 
 mitted various excesses, of such a character as to produce a re- 
 action in the public feeling, and induce Milo to venture back 
 again into the city, and resume his canvass for the consulship. In 
 this he was assisted by the tribune Ccelius, whom Cicero had for- 
 merly defended. The tumults continuing for several weeks, and 
 successive interreges being unable to hold the comitia, the senate, 
 to avoid the necessity of creating a dictator, (the last resource in 
 public emergencies,) admitted that anomaly into the constitu- 
 tion, a sole consul. This was Pompey, who, created consul 
 without a colleague, by Ser. Sulpicius, the interrex, immediately 
 entered on the duties of his office, enacted the laws alluded to, 
 
 *glt is said, that when Cicero sent Milo, then in exile at Marseilles, the 
 corrected copy of his oration, Milo exclaimed: 'si sic egisses, M. Tulli, 
 barbatos pisces Milo Massiliae non ederet.' And Ascon. says that the first 
 copy was extant in his time, and adds : ' scripsit vero hanc, quam legimus, ita 
 perfecte, ut jure prima haberi possit.' 
 
76 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Mil. c. 6, raised troops to quell the disturbances, and made every 
 preparation for bringing Milo to trial. 
 
 5. In the mean time, Milo was arraigned by the Appii, 
 nephews of Clodius, on several minor and collateral charges, and 
 was defended by Hortensius, Cicero, Marcellus, Cato, and others. 
 Q. Pompey, Plancus, and Sallust, the historian, frequently ha- 
 rangued the mob against Milo and Cicero, but took no part in the 
 prosecution. At length, the day of trial (the 11th April) came, 
 and the Appii, with M. Antony and Valerius Nepos, appeared as 
 accusers before a special commission, whose president was Do- 
 mitius Ahenobarbus, and among its members, M. Cato. They 
 were heard for two hours, (as the law directed,) and Cicero, who 
 alone replied, for three. Milo was condemned, only thirteen out 
 of fifty-one voting for an acquittal. Among those was Cato, who 
 gave his vote openly, while the others voted by ballot. Milo withdrew 
 from Rome to Massilia in Gaul. When the violence of party and 
 the distraction of the times are considered, the lot of Milo, se- 
 cluded from public cares, in the most polished provincial city in 
 the empire, might be pronounced to be superior to that of his per- 
 secutors, did it not appear that the seeds of ambition were too 
 deeply rooted in his heart for even exile to eradicate. Four years 
 afterwards, he left his retreat, and joined the praetor Coelius in an 
 attempt upon the republic, in which he met a miserable end. 
 
 The particulars connected with the constitution of the commis- 
 sion, the analysis of the defence, and the different arguments by 
 which it was supported, will be found in the annotations. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 PRO 
 
 T. ANNIO MILONE 
 
 ORATIO. 
 
 I. Etsi 1 vereor, 8 judices, ne turpe sit, pro fortissimo viro 
 dicere incipientem timere, minimeque deceat, quum T. 
 Annius ipse magis de reipublicae salute, quam de sua pertur- 
 betur, me ad ejus causam parem animi magnitudinem 3 af- 
 terre non posse ; tamen haec uovi judicii uova forma 4 terret 
 
 Sect. I. 1. Etsi vereor, <Hrc] The 
 exordium of ' the Milo' is drawn 
 from the accidental circumstance of 
 the forum being guarded by armed 
 men. This Cic. seizes upon, and 
 while he acknowledges its generally 
 unfavourable influence on the orator, 
 shows that in this case, it was wholly 
 in favour of his client. Vid. Quint. 
 iv. 1, and xi. 3, where that great 
 scholar descants, with all the nicety 
 of a critic, on the articulation of this 
 exordium. 
 
 2. Vereor'] Expresses a respectful 
 fear, such as Cicero's present relation 
 to the judges inspired ; 'timere,' the 
 fear of an approaching danger, such 
 as was menaced by the armed guards. 
 ' Timor est roetus mali appropinquan- 
 tis.' Tuscul. iv. 8. 
 
 3. Animi magnitudinem] Cicero 
 also employs, though rarely, ' mag- 
 nanimitas.' Off. i. 43. 
 
 4. Novi forma'] Let us inquire 
 here, what the ordinary form of trial 
 was, and contrast it with this ' nova 
 forma.' When the praetor heard 
 causes, he was seated in his curule 
 chair, on the tribunal in the forum or 
 comitium, with his assessors beside 
 him, the ' juclices,' or jury, on 
 benches beneath, and an audience 
 of the people standing around. In 
 this case there was a special judge 
 and jury, and numerous military 
 guards, under the command of Pom- 
 pey, posted about the forum. Again : 
 in the ordinary trial, the prastors ap- 
 pointed for the year, to hear causes, 
 presided, with the usual assessors and 
 judges, and without any limitation as 
 to time. These causes were called 
 ' quaifttiones perpetuae,' Brut. 2b' ; 
 but this ' novum judicium,' this ex- 
 traordinary trial, was differently con- 
 stituted : for POmpey, who had been 
 11 2 
 
78 
 
 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO 
 
 oculos: qui, quocunque inciderunt, veterem consuetudinem 
 fori, et pristinum morem judiciorum requirunt. 5 Non enim 6 
 corona 7 consessus vester cinctus est, ut solebat : non usitata 
 frequentia stipati sumus. Nam ilia praesidia, 8 quae pro tem- 
 plis 9 omnibus cernitis, etsi contra vim 10 collocata sunt, non 
 afferunt tamen oratori aliquid; 11 ut in foro et in judicio, quan- 
 quam praesidiis salutaribus et necessariis 12 septi sumus, tamen 
 
 nominated by the senate sole consul, 
 as a sort of minor dictator, (Introd. 
 4,) enacted a law, de vi ; with an 
 ex post facto reference to the death of 
 Clodius. By it there were appointed, 
 (to be chosen by the suffrages of the 
 people,) 1. A consular quaesitor, in- 
 stead of the ordinary praetor. 2. A 
 bench of ' judices' amounting to 
 three hundred, nominated by Pompey 
 out of the senators, knights, and tri- 
 bunes of the treasury. 3. An exami- 
 nation of witnesses, for three days, 
 and notes taken of the evidence. 4. 
 On the following day, a selection, by 
 lot, out of the three hundred, of 
 eighty-one, who were immediately 
 to sit ; and hear the prosecutors for 
 two, and the defendant for three 
 hours. 5. Before passing sentence, 
 the parties were severally to reject 
 five out of each of the three orders, 
 leaving fifty-one to vote, sc. nineteen 
 senators, eighteen knights, and seven- 
 teen tribunes. 
 
 5. liequirunt~] i. e. ' Desiderant,' 
 which some copies read. Tr. ' find 
 the want of.' Manil. c. 2. n. 23. 
 
 6. Non enim] Enim' refers to 
 the proximate clause, 'veterem con- 
 suetudinem fori, &c. ; and 'Nam,' 
 in the next sentence, to the remote 
 clause, ' haec nova forma terret ocu- 
 los.' 
 
 7. Corona] Sc. of the auditors as- 
 sembled round the benches of the 
 judges. Lucan, i. 320, describes 
 the same meeting similarly : 
 
 gladii cum triste minantes, 
 
 Judicium insolita trepidum cinxere 
 coronam. Pompejana reura clause- 
 runt signa Milonem.' 
 
 8. Ilia prasidia] Pompey's troops. 
 
 9. Pro templis] In front of, 6tc. 
 There was a variety of temples in the 
 view of the forum, which were oppor- 
 tune for posting guards. Sylv., how- 
 ever, prefers ' in the temples ;' as 
 'pro jede,' 'pro tribunali ;' in the 
 temple, &c. 
 
 10. Contra tiro] As the judges 
 might interpret the armed guards, 
 as placed there by Pompey, to over- 
 awe them, Cic. by this and the si- 
 milar expression ' prasidiis salutari- 
 bus' intimates that it was against 
 the Clodian mob they were directed ; 
 and that consequently the bench had 
 no cause of fear. 
 
 11. Non afferunt oratori aliquid] 
 Era. Nobis afferunt tamen horroris 
 aliquid ; which seems a most excep- 
 tionable reading. For if Cic. ac- 
 tually felt horror at the appearance of 
 the armed guards, no persuasion of 
 the protection they might afford could 
 be expected to change that feeling 
 into the indifference expressed by 
 ' non timere, &c.' Again, he objects 
 to * oratori' as being too general, 
 and that ' mihi,' or ' nobis,' (which 
 latter he adopts,) would be preferable. 
 But Cic. means, that while to the 
 generality of persons a military guard 
 is a great security, on the public ad- 
 vocate the effect is different, owing, 
 as he said before, to his not being 
 surrounded by the usual gowned mul- 
 titude. See, also, in the next sen- 
 tence, ' oratori locum' opposed to 
 tantam vim armorum.' This point, 
 then, is wholly lost by reading ' no- 
 bis.' 
 
 12. Necessariis] And therefore 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 1. 
 
 79 
 
 ne non 13 timere quidem sine aliquo timore 1 * possimus. Quae si 
 opposita Miloni putarem, cederem tempori, 15 judices, nee 
 inter tantam vim armorum 16 existimarem esse oratori locum. 
 Sed me recreat et reficit Cn. Pompeii, sapientissimi et jus- 
 tissimi viri, 17 consilium ; qui profecto nee justitia3 suae puta- 
 ret esse, quern reum sententiis judicum tradidisset, eundem 
 telis militum dedere ; nee sapientiae, temeritatem concitatae 
 multitudinis auctoritate publica armare. Quamobrem ilia 
 anna, centuriones, cohortes, non periculum nobis, sed prae- 
 sidium denuntiant ; neque solum, ut quieto, 18 sed etiam ut 
 magno animo simus, hortantur ; neque auxilium modo defen- 
 sioni mea?, verum etiam silentium pollicentur. Reliqua vero 
 
 Pompey was excusable in posting 
 them. 
 
 13. Ut ne non] ' Ut' has two 
 meanings: 1. that, in order that; 
 as inf. 2. * concione incitati sunt ut, 
 &c. ;' were stimulated in order that 
 they might, &c. 2. (illative) ' so 
 that,' as Marcel. 6. ' Quos amisimus 
 cives, eos Martis vis perculit, non 
 ira victoriae ; ut dubitare debeat ne- 
 mo, &c. ;' so that none ought to 
 doubt, &c. The first sense which 
 some, e. g. Fabritius, have adopted 
 here must be wrong, as it makes Cic. 
 say ' nihil adjumenti oratori afferunt 
 ut omni metu vacuus esse possit,' 
 thus assigning no force whatever to 
 the negative ' ne quidem.' The i/- 
 lative sense, therefore, must be ad- 
 mitted : ' so that, with a!l the pro- 
 tecting guards that surround me I 
 cannot be even devoid of fear. 
 
 14. Timere timore] Cic.'s pertur- 
 bation is supposed here to have hur- 
 ried him into a paronomasia which will 
 hardly bear examination. The ob- 
 vious construction is, ' sine aliquo 
 timore,' sc. relicto; without some de- 
 gree of fear remaining. But this is 
 inconsistent with ' ne quidem non 
 timere.' For that the absence of the 
 usual audience, notwithstanding the 
 protection of the military, prevented 
 the orator from being even devoid of 
 fear, is easily conceivable ; but this 
 
 being the case, where is the necessity 
 of adding that ' some fear remained V 
 This may have led Manut. to explain 
 it : ' licet optime sciat sibi timendum 
 non esse ;' i. e. ' without having any 
 cause of fear. ' Timor' for * causa 
 timoris' is common. Propert. iii. 5. 
 40. Et audaci timor esse potes. Ovid. 
 Fast. i. 551 ; and ' aliquis,' in the 
 sense of ' ullus,' is found in this 
 very sentence, as also, Marcel. 1. 
 ' non timore aliquo ;' not from any fear. 
 With this explanation too, the suc- 
 ceeding clauses harmonize, * quas si 
 opposita, &c. ;' and ' quamobrem il- 
 ia arma, &c.' both of which suppose 
 that no real ground of fear' existed. 
 Forcel. however explains : ' ne esse 
 quidem sine, &c.,' i. e. he makes 
 1 esse' the substitute for ' non ti- 
 mere.' 
 
 15. Cederem tempori] Abram. 
 considers this the political maxim, 
 ' tempori serviendum.' Cat. i. 9. 
 Temporibus reip. cedas. 
 
 16. Vim armorum] ' Vis' here 
 means, ' quantity,' not ' violence.' 
 Abram. 
 
 17. Pompeii viri] Cic. wishes to 
 conciliate Pompey by these compli- 
 mentary expressions. 
 
 18. Quieto] For the fear inspired 
 by the ' nova forma' was banished 
 by a proper consideration of the 
 motives of Pompey in posting the 
 
80 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 multitude), quae quidem est civium, 19 tota nostra est : neque 
 eorum quisquam, quos undique intuentes, unde aliqua pars 
 fori aspici potest, et hujus exitum 20 judicii exspectantes vi- 
 detis, non quum virtuti Milonis favet, turn de se, de liberis 
 suis, de patria, de fortunis hodiemo die decertari putat. 
 
 IT. Unum genus est adversum infestumque nobis eorum, 
 quos P. Clodii furor rapinis, 1 incendiis, et omnibus exitiis 
 publicis pavit : qui hesterna 2 etiam concione incitati sunt, ut 
 vobis voce praeirent, quid judicaretis. 3 Quorum clamor si qui 
 forte fuerit, admonere vos debebit, ut eum civem retineatis, 
 qui semper genus illud 4 hominum, clamoresque maximos pro 
 vestra salute neglexit. 5 Quamobrem adeste animis, 6 judices. 
 et timorem, si quem habetis, deponite. Nam si unquam 7 de 
 bonis et fortibus viris, si unquam de benemeritis civibus po- 
 testas vobis judicandi fuit ; si denique unquam locus amplis- 
 
 guards. 
 
 19. Qua quidem est civium'] At 
 least as far as it is composed of citi- 
 zens ; ' quidem' for ' certe.' So 
 Acad. iv. 5. Non video causam cur 
 ita sit, hoc quidem tempore ; at least 
 at present. Cic. hints either that 
 the Clodians, who were present, were 
 not citizens, or that slaves formed 
 part of that faction. Inf. 2. 
 
 20. Exitum judicii'} It is a part of 
 Cicero's art to identify the issue of 
 any cause in which he was engaged 
 with the common safety. The reason 
 is obvious. 
 
 Sect. II. 1. Rapinis] The out- 
 rages of Clodius are enumerated by 
 Cic. in his several orations. He had 
 plundered the treasury, sold provinces, 
 burned the house of Q. Cicero, and 
 the temple of the nymphs ; and, by 
 means of his gladiators, kept up per- 
 petual alarm in the city. Inf. 27. 32. 
 
 2. Qui hesterna, c] Munat. 
 Plancus Bursa, a tribune of the peo- 
 ple, in a speech made the day before 
 this trial, had exhorted the people not 
 to let Milo escape with impunity. 
 He was afterwards condemned, along 
 with Sext. Clodius, and banished. 
 
 Being restored by Caesar, he joined 
 the party of Antony. Phil. xi. 6. 
 We must not confound him with L. 
 Plancus, consul elect, and colleague 
 of Decimus Brutus, for a long time 
 after Caesar's death the supporter, 
 and, finally, the betrayer of the cause 
 of the senate. Vid. Cicero's corres- 
 pondence with him ; Fam. x., or 
 Hookex. 14.15. 
 
 3. Quid judicaretis] i. e. Judicare 
 deberetis. Em. Inf. 26. L't intelli- 
 gatis contra hesternam concionem il* 
 lam, licere vobis quod sentiatis, judi- 
 care. JManut. 
 
 4. Genus illud] So Hor. ' Hoc 
 genus omne.' It seems to convey 
 contempt. 
 
 5. Semper neglexit] Sc. in his tri- 
 buneship ; five years before this time. 
 
 6. Adeste animis] i. e. ' Pay at- 
 tention ;' like favete linguis.' Hor. 
 Sull. 11. Adestote omnes animis qui 
 adestis corporibus. 'Animis' is theabl. 
 
 7. Nam si unquam, $c] This 
 argument, drawn from the occasion, 
 is imitated from Dem. Olyn. i. 2. 
 "O piv 3v 7rapu)v icaipbe, povovHx*- 
 \hu tpwvyv d<pitig, &c. So, also, 
 Olyn. iii. 6. Tivci yap \povov, &c. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 2. 
 
 81 
 
 simorum ordinum 8 delectis viris datus est, ubi sua studia erga 
 fortes et bonos cives, qua? vultu et verbis saepe significassent, 
 re et sententiis 9 declararent : hoc profecto tempore earn po- 
 testatem omnem vos habetis, ut statuatis, 10 utrum nos, qui 
 semper vestra? auctoritati dediti fuimus, semper miseri lugea- 
 mus, an dill vexati a perditissimis civibus, aliquando per vos, 
 ac per vestram fidem, virtutem, sapientiamque recreemur. 
 Quid enim nobis duobus, 11 judices, laboriosius ? 12 quidmagis 
 sollicitum, magis exercitum dici aut fingi potest? qui spe 
 amplissimorum praemiorum 13 ad rempublicam adducti, metu 
 crudelissimorum suppliciorum carere non possumus ? Equi- 
 dem 14 ceteras tempestates et procellas in illis duntaxat 15 fluc- 
 
 Abram. 
 
 8. Ampliss. ordinum'] Aurelius 
 Cotta, praetor in the first consulship 
 of Pompey, enacted that the 'judi- 
 ces' should be selected from the se- 
 nators, knights, and tribunes of the 
 treasury. This law Pompey, in his 
 second consulship, amended, by add- 
 ing, that the wealthiest of those orders 
 should be chosen. Pompeius in coss. 
 secundo, promulgavit ut amplissimo 
 ex censu lecti judices aeque ex illis 
 tribus ordinibus res judicarent. Ascon. 
 What the census (which was defined 
 Phil. i. 8. 'census praefiniebatur,') 
 was, does not appear. On this oc- 
 casion he had selected the judges 
 from the regular orders, and the most 
 respectable of those orders. 
 
 9. Re et sententiis] Namely, by 
 acquitting them. ' Re' opposed to 
 'vultu,' and 'sententiis' to 'ver- 
 bis.' 
 
 10. Ut statuatis, fyc] Cic. seeks 
 to interest the feelings of his judges 
 in the fate of Milo ; 1. by putting 
 him on a par with himself, an ac- 
 knowledged patriot ; 2. by testifying 
 his constant deference to their autho- 
 rity ; 3. by the modesty of his peti- 
 tion, which only sought encourage- 
 ment for himself, not vengeance on 
 his enemies. The words, too, are 
 appropriate and complimentary : ' fi- 
 dem,' the honour of a judge ; ' virtu- 
 
 tem,' the firmness necessary to meet 
 the audacity of the Clodians ; and 
 ' sapientiam,' the wisdom to counter- 
 act the rashness of the mob. Abram. 
 
 11. Nobis duobus] Abl. depend- 
 ing on ' magis, &c.' not the dat. as 
 Dune. 
 
 12. Laboriosius] Schooled in toil. 
 This word, as also 'sollicitum' and 
 ' exercitum,' is used here in a passive 
 sense. So JEn. ix. 89. Sollicitam 
 timor anxius angit. iii. 182. nate 
 Iliacis exercite fatis. 
 
 1 3. Prtemiorum] Sc. the offices of 
 the state. Cic. was of consular rank, 
 and Milo a candidate-consul. The 
 contrast between ' spe ampl. prasmi- 
 orum,' and ' metu crudel. suppli- 
 ciorum,' while it shows their dis- 
 appointment, lays claim to a higher 
 degree of pity from the audience. 
 
 14. Equidem] i. e. ' Ego qui- 
 dem;' I, for my part, as far as I 
 am concerned. The few instances 
 where this word is not followed by 
 verbs in the first person, are of so 
 doubtful authority, or so easily ex- 
 plained by supplying ellipses, &c. 
 that they may be disregarded in con- 
 sideration of the force and emphasis 
 which the above resolution imparts, 
 wherever 'equidem' occurs. 
 
 15. Duntaxat] i. e. ' Dum-taxat ;' 
 or ' dum-taxet,' sc. aliquis ; provided 
 one considers. Hence it expresses a 
 
82 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tibus concionum 10 semper putavi Miloni esse subeundas, quod 
 semper pro bonis contra improbos senserat : in judicio vero, 
 et in eo consilio, in quo ex cunctis ordinibus amplissimi viri 
 judicarent, nunquam existimavi spem ullam esse habituros 
 Milonis inimicos, ad ejusnon salutem modo exstinguendam, 
 sed etiam gloriam per tales viros infringendam. 17 Quamquam 1 * 
 in hac causa, judiees, T. Annii tribunatu, rebusque omnibus 
 pro salute reipublicae gestis, ad hujus criminis defensionem 
 non abutemur, 19 nisi 20 oculis videritis insidias Miloni a Clodio 
 factas : nee deprecaturi sumus, ut crimen hoc nobis multa 
 propter praeclara in rempublicam merita 21 condonetis : nee 
 
 limitation ; so far and no farther. 
 ' Duntaxat fluctibus concionem, &c.' 
 then, is contrasted with ' in judicio. 
 &c.' Cic. expected Milo to be tossed 
 by the winds amidst the billows of 
 popular assemblies, because he had 
 merited the resentment of the mob ; 
 but he thought that his troubles 
 should end there ; nor that his ene- 
 mies would have any hopes, &c. 
 
 16. Fluctibus concionum] So pro 
 Muren. 17. Quod enim fretum, quam 
 Kuripum tot motus, tantas, tarn va- 
 rias habere putatis agitationes fluctu- 
 um ; quantas pertuibationes et quan- 
 tos aestus babet ratio comitiorum. 
 
 17. Exstinguendam -infringen- 
 dam] 'O^oiotiKhtov. Quint ix. 3. 
 
 18. Quamquam] When this word 
 is used absolutely it refers to a sup- 
 pressed proposition which may, in 
 every case, be supplied from the 
 preceding sentence. Thus here : 
 ' Although Milo has every thing to 
 expect in a trial before his fellow- 
 citizens, because he always opposed the 
 had in favour of the good ; yet shall 
 we not, &c.' It is used with peculiar 
 propriety when the writer wishes to 
 correct an unguarded admission. 
 Inf. 30. Cat. i. 9, and Hi. 12. Its 
 proper translation then is, ' and yet.' 
 Habit, however, has nearly caused 
 the classical student to overlook the 
 absurdity of rendering it in such cases, 
 ' although.' Here Cic. had alluded 
 to the public services of Milo, andex 
 
 pressed his surprise at his enemies 
 hoping to foil him before judges, 
 whose authority he had always sup- 
 ported ; lest, however, he might seem 
 to rest his cause on this, or admit 
 the inference, that because Milo had 
 saved the city, Milo might therefore 
 slay the citizens with impunity : he 
 corrects himself, and adds that he 
 will not so apply Milo's patriotic 
 actions ; at least before he shall have 
 established the fact of Clodius being 
 the aggressor. 
 
 19. Abutemur] * Abutor' is often 
 taken ' in bonam partem' to mean 
 the applying a thing to one's own 
 purpose contrary to the natural use 
 or original intention.' Fam. ix. 6. 
 So here: the public services of Milo 
 were performed with the view of 
 gaining the esteem of his countrymen, 
 not of shielding himself against a cri- 
 minal charge. Cic, however, (' abu- 
 tetur') will avail himself of these ser- 
 vices in the latter sense provided, &c. 
 
 20. Nisi] * Unless first, i. e. un- 
 til. As soon as you shall have been 
 fully convinced that Clodius was the 
 aggressor, I will enter on a statement 
 of Milo's public services, but not till 
 then.' Cic. thus intimates his full con- 
 fidence in the goodness of his cause, 
 and the certainty of his triumph. 
 Still it may be asked, why enter on 
 that statement at all 1 Does not Cic. 
 say, inf. c. 11, that the sole question 
 is ' uter utri insidias fecerit V Whv, 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 3. 
 
 83 
 
 poshiiaturi." ut, si mors P. Clodii salus vestra fuerit, idcirco 
 earn virtuti Milonis potius, quam populi Romani felicitati 23 
 assignetis. Sed si illius insidia? clariores hac luce fuerint, 
 turn denique obsecrabo obtestaborque vos, judices, si cetera 
 amisimus, hoc saltern nobis ut relinquatur, ab inimicorum 
 audacia telisque vitam ut impune liceat defendere. 
 
 III. Sed, antequam ad earn orationem venio, qua? est 
 propria' vestra? quaestionis, 2 videntur ea esse refutanda, 3 qua? 
 ei in senatu ab inimicis sa?pe jactata sunt, et in concione ab 
 
 then, dwell on the public conduct of 
 either party? Cic. was fully aware 
 that the discussion was irrelevant ; 
 but, like an able advocate, looking 
 not to what was strictly called for, 
 but what might best serve his client, 
 he here left room for availing himself 
 of the effect which an eloquent state- 
 ment of the public merits of Milo, 
 and crimes of Clodius, might pro- 
 duce on the judges. His proposition 
 then, is : Clodius was justly slain, 
 whether as being an intended assas- 
 sin, or as being the scourge and ruin 
 of his country. The former point, 
 which occupies from c. 12. to c. 27, 
 he calls ' de causa ;' the latter, from 
 c. 27. to 34, he calls ' extra causam.' 
 It is worthy of remark, that the ' ex- 
 tra causam' head was, as we learn 
 from A scon., the principle adopted 
 Iiv M. Brutus, in a defence ot .Milo, 
 published by him, but which Cic. 
 thought it hazardous to rest his de- 
 fence on solely, namely ' interfici 
 Clodium pro republica fuisse. Orel. 
 following Garaton., Peyron., Ileum., 
 &c, begins a new sentence with ni- 
 si ;' but, as nothing is gained by this 
 in clearing the difficulty, the usual 
 punctuation has been retained. * Nee 
 deprecaturi, &cc nee postulaturi, 
 &<?>' agreeably to Cicero's manner, 
 are an amplification of, and nearly 
 synonymous with Non abutemur 
 rebus pro salute reip. gestis.' 
 
 21. Merita] Vid.inf. 12. 28, where 
 the services of Milo are alluded to in 
 terms of the highest eulogy. 
 
 22. Nee postulaturi"] The killing 
 of Clodius being a public benefit, 
 Milo might have urged this as his 
 motive ; Cic, while he admits the 
 beneficial result, will not adduce that 
 argument as long as it may be doubt- 
 ed whether the merit of it belongs to 
 the fortune of the Roman people, or 
 the courage of Milo. Phil. ii. 50. 
 Sustulit ilium diem fortuna, &c. 
 This very doubt, it will be observed, 
 is most complimentary to Milo. 
 
 23. Pop. Rom. felicitati] This is 
 fully dilated on inf. 30. 33. Sed hu- 
 jus beneficii gratiam, &c. 
 
 24. Sed si illius, fyc.] i.e. Sed si 
 oculis videritis insidias illius [ab illo 
 factas] turn, &c. Cic. thus varies in 
 the minor the hypothetic statement 
 ' nisi oculis, &c.' supr. ; as also the 
 inference, which ought to be : ' then 
 will 1 have recourse to Milo's ser- 
 vices, &c. ;' whereas it is: 'then will 
 I implore you to leave untouched the 
 principle of self-defence.' These two 
 inferences comprise the entire de- 
 fence, both ' de causa' and ' extra 
 causam.' Supr. n. 20. 
 
 Sect. III. 1. Qucc est propria] 
 Sc. ' Uter utri insidias faceret?' in 
 opposition to the ' extra causam' ar- 
 gument. Vid. prec. n. 
 
 2. Qiucstionis] ' A public trial,' so 
 called a quaerendo,' because the 
 guilt or innocence of the accused was 
 therein inquired into. 
 
 3. Ea refutanda] These pra indi- 
 cia, whose refutation is properly pre- 
 fixed to the general defence, were 
 
84 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 improbis, et paiilloante 4 ab accusatoribus : ut,omnierroresub- 
 lato, rem plane, quae venit in judicium, videre possitis. Ne- 
 gant 5 intueri lucem esse fas ei, qui a se hominem occisum 
 esse fateatur. In qua tandem urbe hoc homines stultissimi 
 disputant? Nempe in ea, qua? primum judicium 6 de ca- 
 pite vidit M. Horatii, fortissimi viri ; qui, nondum libera 
 civitate, tamen populi Romani comitiis 9 liberatus est, quum 
 sua manu sororem esse interfectam fateretur. An est quis- 
 quam, qui hoc ignoret, quum de homine occiso queeratur, aut 
 negari solere omnino esse factum, aut recte ac jure factum 
 esse defendi ? Nisi vero 10 existimatis, dementem 13 P. Africa- 
 
 three : 1 . Negant intueri fatea- 
 tur ;' that an avowed homicide was 
 unworthy of life. 2. ' Sequitur esse 
 factam, c. 5 ;' that the senate had 
 already decided the cause against 
 Milo. 3. ' At enim Cn. Pomp. 
 fuit. c. 6 ;' that Pompey, by his 
 law, declared his belief of Milo's 
 guilt. On the propriety of the orator 
 refuting these prerjudicia before he 
 proceeds to the narration, vid. Quint, 
 iv. 2, who remarks, that by prepar- 
 ing the judges for the reception of the 
 case, they virtually constitute an ex- 
 ordium. 
 
 4. Paullo ante, c\'c] Turn intra 
 horam secundam accusatores cospe- 
 runt dicere Appius Major, et M. An- 
 toniuset P. Valerius Nepos. Ascon. 
 So ! paullo ante' is, the preceding two 
 hours. Introd. 5. 
 
 5. Negant, $fc] Vid. penult, n. 
 
 6. Primum judicium] ' Primum' 
 does not mean that there had not 
 been previous trials, and even capital 
 trials ; but these ' the city did not 
 see as a city. They were decided by 
 the kings or their deputies. But 
 this was the first trial for homicide 
 where the people were called on to 
 decide, and they acquitted. Diony. 
 lib. iii. 
 
 7. M. Horatii] The story of Ho- 
 ratius, who slew his own sister for 
 mourning over the fate of her lover, 
 one of the Curatii, whom he had just 
 
 slain, is given by Livy, i. 26. 
 
 8. Nondum libera'} And, there- 
 fore, more unlikely to be influenced 
 by popular feeling in their deci- 
 sion. 
 
 9. Comitiis] Sc. curlatiis. It 
 was held in the Comitium ; for the 
 comitia for the election of magistrates 
 did not yet exist ; and when it did, 
 was held in the Campus Martius. 
 
 10. Nistrero] Used in the begin- 
 ning of a sentence for transition. It 
 frequently introduced an indirect 
 proof. Thus, from the true premiss, 
 that Africanus held the justice of 
 Gracchus's fate ; and the opposite of 
 the question, no wise man holds ho- 
 micide justifiable, he deduces the 
 manifestly false conclusion, demen- 
 tem P. Africanum fuisse.' There- 
 fore wise men do hold homicide jus- 
 tifiable. 
 
 13. P. Africanum] Sc. Minorem. 
 He was called ' iEmilianus,' from 
 P. ./Emilius Macedonicus, by whom 
 he was adopted ; and ' Numantinus,' 
 from destroying Numantia, in Spain 
 The occurrence alluded to by Cicero 
 took place after his return from Spain 
 when Carbo was proposing a law 
 that there should be no restriction op 
 the re-election of tribunes. This 
 Scipio opposed in a speech, wherein 
 he asserted that Tiberius Gracchus, 
 who was his own brother-in-law, 
 deserved his fate. Liv. Epit. lix. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 3. 
 
 85 
 
 num fuisse, qui, qimm a Carbone, 14 tribuno plebis, in con- 
 done seditiose 15 interrogaretur, quid de Ti. Gracchi 16 morte 
 sentiret, respondit, jure caesum videri. Neque enim posset 
 ant Ahala ille Servflius, 17 aut P. Nasica, 18 aut L. Opimius, 19 
 aut C. Marius, 20 aut, me consule, 21 senatus non nefarius ha- 
 beri, si sceleratos cives interfici nefas esset. Itaque hoc, ju- 
 dices, non sine causa etiam fictis fabulis doctissimi homines 22 
 memoriae prodiderunt, eum 23 qui patris ulciscendi causa ma- 
 
 14. C. Carbone] Cic. adds, ' tri- 
 buno plebis,' for he was afterwards 
 consul, a. u. 632 ; and defended by 
 his eloquence the very Opimius who 
 had slain his friend, C. Gracchus. 
 De Orat. ii. 35. ' C. Carbo, consul 
 nihil de C. Gracchi nece negabat, 
 sed id jure pro salute patriae factum 
 esse dicebat.' He soon after poisoned 
 himself, either through remorse, or 
 to avoid the consequences of an ac- 
 cusation brought against him by the 
 celebrated orator L. Crassus. De 
 Orat. ii. 40. 
 
 15. Seditiost] Val. Max. vi. 2, 
 informs us, that Carbo, when he was 
 exciting the people to revenge the 
 death of C. Gracchus, hoped to be 
 assisted in attaining this object by 
 the weight and authority of Africa- 
 nus, the husband of Sempronia, the 
 sister of the Gracchi, who he ima- 
 gined could not avoid speaking in 
 favour of his brother-in-law. He 
 therefore dragged Scipio to the forum, 
 before he had well entered the city, 
 and put to him the interrogation in 
 the text. This account is to be pre- 
 ferred to Livy's (vid. n. 13) as it 
 explains the force of the word ' se- 
 dition ;' sc. with a factious view.' 
 
 16. Ti. Gracchi] Livy, Epit. lviii., 
 says, 'that when Ti. Gracchus, who 
 had excited several seditions during 
 his first tribuneship, wished to obtain 
 a second ; at the instigation of P. 
 Nasica, he was slain by the nobles, 
 and his body flung into the Tiber.' 
 
 17. Ahala Servilius] Connect 
 with him Sp. Maelius, a* Roman 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 knight, whose largesses of grain to 
 the people, during a famine, raised 
 suspicions of his entertaining tyranni- 
 cal views ; and whom he slew, by 
 the direction of Cincinnatus, the dic- 
 tator. Liv. iv. 14. 
 
 18. P. Nasica] When M. Sca:- 
 vola, the consul, was unwilling to 
 second the views of the senate 
 against Tib. Gracchus, Nasica, then 
 Pontifex Max. called out, ' Qui 
 remp. salvam esse volunt me se- 
 quantur;' eiique voce, says Valerius 
 Max., cunctatione bonorum discussa, 
 Gracchum cum scelerata factione, 
 quas merebatur pcenas persolvere coe- 
 git. Lib. iii. 17. 
 
 19. L. Opimius] Consul, a. v. 
 632, slew C. Gracchus. Liv. Epit. 
 lxi. 
 
 20. C. Marius] With him may be 
 connected Saturninus, another of Ci- 
 cero's standard precedents for com- 
 mitting murder : Saturninus, however, 
 deserved his fate, being himself an 
 assassin. He was a creature of Ma- 
 rius, by whom he was encouraged to 
 violate the laws, and then surrender- 
 ed to the fury of his enemies. Vid. 
 Rabir. perduel. reo, where the par- 
 ticulars of his fate are given. 
 
 21. Me consule] Lentulus, Cethe- 
 gus, &c. suffered in Cic.'s consulship. 
 
 22. Doctissimi homines] Sc. the 
 poets ; who, in the opinion of Plato, 
 were the parents of wisdom. r Ovroi 
 yap r)[uv {ooirtp TrartptQ tijq crocbictQ 
 Uai Kai rjyefxdvsg. Ahram. 
 
 23. Etna] Orestes. His story 
 was a copious theme for the Greek 
 
86 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 trem necavisset, variatis hominum sententiis, 24 non solum di- 
 vina, 25 sed etiam sapientissimae Deae sententia liberatum. 
 Quod si duodecim 26 tabula? nocturnum furem, quoquo mo- 
 do, 27 diurnum autem, si se telo defenderit, interfici impune 
 voluerunt : quis est, qui, quoquo modo quis interfectus sit, 
 puniendum 28 putet, quum videat aliquando 29 gladium nobis 
 ad occidendum hominem ab ipsis porrigi 50 legibus 1 
 
 IV. Atqui si tempus est ullum jure hominis necandi, quae 
 multa sunt ; certe illud est non modo justum, verum etiam 
 necessarium, quum vi vis illata defenditur. Pudicitiam quum 
 eriperet militi 1 tribunus 2 militarisin exercituC. Marii,propin- 
 quus ejus imperatoris, interfectus ab eo est, cui vim afferebat. 
 
 dramatists. Vid. Eurip. Orest. ; Soph. 
 Elect., and yEschy. Eumen. 
 
 24. Variutis hominum sententiis] 
 i.e. ' The votes of the Areopagites 
 being difTerent ;' some for, others 
 against. yEschylus, in the Euraeni- 
 des, informs us, that the votes (which 
 his scholiast makes thirty-one) were 
 rendered equal by the vote of the 
 goddess, the previous numbers being 
 sixteen for condemning, and fifteen 
 for acquitting. The ' Eumenides' 
 accounts also for Orestes, an Argive, 
 being tried before an Athenian tri- 
 bunal ; for, by the advice of Apollo, 
 he was referred from Delphi, where 
 the furies had beset him for the mur- 
 der of his mother, to the temple of 
 Minerva at Athens ; i. e. to the 
 court of Areopagus. Demosthenes, 
 it may be observed, followed a differ- 
 ent account ; for he makes the gods 
 the judges ; of whom six condemned 
 and five acquitted ; the accused was 
 saved by the vote of Minerva. Cic. 
 followed iEschylus, as suiting better 
 the drift of his argument. Vid. Pot- 
 ter. G. A. i. 19. 
 
 25. Non solum divina] Sc. that 
 of any other deity. 
 
 26. Duodecim] Livy iii. 31. 35, 
 relates that, a. u. 299, Manlius, 
 Sulpiciu6, and Posthumius, were sent 
 to Greece with a commission to col- 
 
 lect laws. On their return, the ' de- 
 cemviri,' out of the laws which had 
 been collected, at first framed ten 
 tables, which received the sanction 
 of the people ; and subsequently, two 
 more were added ; forming, as he 
 observes, in his time, after all the ac- 
 cumulation of laws upon laws, fons 
 omnis publici privatique juris.' 
 Macrob. Saturn, i., gives the phrase 
 alluded to : 'Si nox furtum factum 
 sit, si im aliquis occisit, jure casus 
 esto. Vid. Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 23. Quint, 
 v. 14. 
 
 27. Quoquo modo] i.e. Whether 
 he defended himself or not ;' in op- 
 position to ' si se telo defenderit.' 
 There was no exception in the case 
 of the nightly marauder. ' Quoquo 
 modo' inf. is ' whether in the right 
 or not.' 
 
 28. Puniendum] Used imperson- 
 ally ; ' it must be visited with punish- 
 ment.' 
 
 29. Aliquando] Ilork ; sometimes, 
 occasionally. 
 
 30. Porrigi] ' Porrigo,' sc. Tlopfm 
 opiyit) ; I stretch forward. 
 
 Sect. 1 V.--1. Mil.] Called Trebonius 
 by Plut., Caelius Plotius by Yal. Max. 
 2. Tribunus] C. Lusius, a 
 nephew of Marius. The conduct 
 of Marius on this occasion gained 
 him his .third consulate. Plut. in" 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 4. 
 
 87 
 
 Facere enim probus 3 adolescens periculose, 4 quam perpeti tur- 
 piter maluit. Atque hunc ille summus vir, scelere solutum, per- 
 iculo liberavit. Insidiatori vero et latroni 5 qua? potest inferri 
 injusta nex? Quid comitatus nostri, quidgladii volunt? 6 quos 
 habere certe non liceret, si uti illis nullo pacto liceret. Est 
 enim heec, judices, non scripta, sednata lex ; 7 quam non didi- 
 cimus, accepimus, legimus, verum ex natura ipsa arripuimus, 
 hausimus, expressimus; ad quam non docti, sed facti ; non 
 instituti, sed imbuti sumus : ut, si vita nostra in aliquas in- 
 sidias, si in vim, si in tela aut latronum, aut inimicorum in- 
 cidisset, omnis honesta ratio esset expedienda? salutis. Silent 
 enim leges inter arma, 8 nee se exspectari jubent, quum ei, 
 qui exspectare velit, ante injusta poena luenda sit, quam justa 
 repetenda. Etsi 9 persapienter, et quodammodo tacite, dat 
 ipsa lex potestatem defendendi ; quae non [modo] hominem 
 occidi, sed esse cum telo hominis occidendi causa vetat : ut, 
 quum causa, 10 non telum quaereretur, qui sui defendendi 
 causa telo esset usus, non hominis occidendi causa habuisse 
 
 Mar. 14. Val. Max. vi. 1. 
 
 3. Probus] Chaste, virtuous. 
 Sail. Cat. 26. Saltare elegantius 
 quam necesse est probec. 
 
 4. I'enculose] For Lusius had 
 slain his superior officer, and the 
 nephew of Marius. 
 
 5. Latroni] * Latro' being here 
 joined with * insidiatori,' (seems to 
 determine its origin, sc. lateo ; not as 
 Varr. latus, (a side) nor as Fest. \a- 
 rpeia. Vid. inf. 21, and xii.7. From 
 signifying marauders, it came to stand 
 for mercenary soldiers, a hired body- 
 guard. 
 
 6. Comitatas gludii volunt] For 
 arms were permitted to be carried 
 during a journey. Marc. Dig. Abram. 
 
 7. Non scripta lex] Soph. Antig. 
 459. dypairra Kaatyciki) Otwv N6- 
 fiifia> Dem. de Cor. 83. q <pvaig 
 avT>) rote ayodtpoiQ vop.ip.oig ctwpi- 
 Ktv. Vid., also, Or. 49. and Quint. 
 ix. 3, where this passage is quoted, 
 to illustrate some of the niceties of 
 composition. 
 
 8. Silent leges inter arma] Vid. 
 Manil. c. 20. n. 4, where this sen- 
 
 timent is attributed to Marius ; also, 
 Phil. i. 10. * Armis gesta nunquam 
 profecto in judicium vocabuntur.' 
 
 9. Etsi] A correction ; as if he 
 said, ' Though why say the laws are 
 silent amidst arms, when in their si- 
 lence they sanction the principle of 
 self-defence ; by not barely forbid- 
 ding homicide (' non modo, &c,') 
 which they do as a matter of course, 
 but also to carry arms with a hostile 
 intention : the obvious inference from 
 which was, that they might be carried 
 if that intention did not exist. This 
 Cic. calls ' dat tacite potestatem de- 
 fendendi.' Orel., however, erases 
 modo. A sight of the law in ques- 
 tion (lex Cornelia de sicariis) could 
 alone determine which is right. 
 
 10. Ut quum causa, fyc] i. e. That 
 the law by questioning the motive, 
 not the fact of carrying arms, decided 
 that whoever had employed his arms 
 in self-defence was justified in so 
 doing. This Cic. expresses negative- 
 ly, by saying, that ' he was consider- 
 ed in the eye of the law not to have 
 carried arms with a hostile intention. 
 
88 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 telum judicaretur. Quapropter hoc maneat 11 in causa, judi- 
 ces ; non enim dubito, quin probaturus sim 12 vobis defen- 
 sionem meam, si id memineritis, quod oblivisci non potestis, 
 insidiatorem jure interfici posse. 
 
 V. Sequitur illud, 1 quod a Milonis inimicis saepissime di- 
 citur, csedem, in qua P. Clodius occisus est, senatum judi- 
 casse, contra rempublicam esse factam. Illam vero senatus, 
 non sententiis suis solum, sed etiam studiis comprobavit. 
 Quoties enim 2 est ilia causa a nobis acta in senatu ! Quibus 
 assensionibus universi ordinis, quam nee tacitis, nee occultis ! 
 quando enim frequentissimo senatu quattuor, aut [ad] summum 
 quinque sunt inventi, qui Milonis causam non probarent? 
 Declarant 3 hujus ambusti 4 tribuni plebis illae intermortuae 5 
 
 11. Hoc maneat'] Cic. conceives 
 that he has now fully established 
 the legality of homicide in self-de- 
 fence, and thus refuted the first prae- 
 judiciura.' 
 
 12. Probaturus sim] Make good 
 to you, &c. 
 
 Sect. V. 1. Sequitur illud] The 
 second ' praejudicium.' Supr. c. 3. 
 n. 3. The decree was expressed in 
 general terms, but admitted of a par- 
 ticular application. It required only 
 to supply ' a Milone' after Cae- 
 dem esse factam,' as not long be- 
 fore ' a Saturnino' was added to a 
 similar decree, and Milo might ex- 
 pect the fate of Saturninus ; and this 
 the opponents of Milo did. Cic, 
 therefore, contends for the general 
 interpretation, and shows that in the 
 various debates which had taken 
 place in the senate since the death of 
 Clodius, Milo's cause was invariably 
 triumphant (Quoties probarent) ; 
 that the charge against the senate of 
 submitting to his (Cicero's) dictation 
 and not their own judgment, (De- 
 clarant, &c.,) proved the strength of 
 Milo's cause in the senate, and there- 
 fore that that body could never have 
 intended to condemn Milo by the 
 decree (Hanc vero, &c.) Besides, 
 that the decree was expressed in the 
 form usual in the case of public dis- 
 
 turbances, e. g. the burning of the 
 senate-house, &c, and was voted by 
 him, as no doubt it was by others 
 too, as a condemnation of the fact, 
 without deciding with whom the guilt 
 lay. (Cur igitur, &c.) This clears 
 the second ' praejudicium.' 
 
 2. Quoties enim, fyc] Inf. 35, he 
 says, ' Centesima lux est haec ab in- 
 terim Clodii, et altera ;' a period 
 which admitted of various discus- 
 sions of the question in the senate. 
 Era., removing the interrogation, ex- 
 plains it, ' as often as, &c.' 
 
 3. Declarant] Sc. how fully the 
 senate approved of Milo's conduct. 
 
 4. Ambusti] Persons scorched with 
 lightning were called* ambusti,' as Fa- 
 bius Ambustus. Cic. applies the term 
 to Munat. Plancus, from his being 
 scorched in the conflagration of the 
 senate-house, which took place on 
 the burning of Clodius's body. As- 
 con. Era. conjectures an allusion to 
 some trial in which Plancus had with 
 difficulty escaped ; others to Fabius 
 Ambustus, to whose character his 
 presented a striking contrast. 
 
 5. Intermortua] Interruptae incen- 
 dio curiae. Manut. But as only one 
 harangue of Plancus was so inter- 
 rupted, whereas, these were pro- 
 nounced 'quotidie,' it appears bet- 
 ter to interpret the word literally. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 5. 
 
 89 
 
 condones, quibus quotidie meam potentiam invidiose 6 crimi- 
 nabatur, quum diceret, senatum, non quod sentiret, sed quod 
 ego vellem, decernere. Quae quidem si potentia est appel- 
 landa potius quam, aut propter magna in rempublicam me- 
 rita, mediocris in bonis causis auctoritas, aut, propter hos of- 
 iiciosos labores 7 meos, nonnulla apud bonos gratia ; appelletur 
 ita sane, dummodo ea nos utamur pro salute bonorum contra 
 amentiam perditorum. Hanc vero qua?stionem, etsi non est 
 iniqua, nunquam tamen senatus constituendam putavit. 
 Erant enim leges, 8 erant quaestiones, 9 vel de caede, vel de vi : 
 nee tantum mcerorem ac luctum 10 senatui mors P. Clodii af- 
 lerebat, ut nova quaestio constitueretur. Cujus enim 11 de illo 
 incesto stupro judicium decernendi 12 senatui potestas esset 
 erepta, de ejus interitu, quis potest credere, senatum judici- 
 
 * just dying,' (inter mortem,) ' al- 
 most past and gone.' They were loud, 
 and loudly praised while Clodius's 
 death was recent, but were now fast 
 sinking into oblivion. So Muren. 
 7. ' Memoriam prope intermortuam 
 generis sui, virtute renovari ;' nearly 
 extinct. Others, however, render it 
 * languid, feeble ;' Guthr. ' dark' ! 
 
 6. Invidiose] For it was holding 
 up Cic. to public odium, to represent 
 him as the tyrant of the senate. 
 
 7. Ojjiciosos Labores] ' Official la- 
 bours ;' namely, as a patron and an 
 advocate. So Tusc. iii. 8, ' dolor 
 officiosus,' i. e. quern ratio officii 
 postulat. Em. Hot. Ep. i. 7. 46, 
 causisque Philippus agendis Clarus, 
 ab officiis, c. 
 
 8. Leges] E. g. The Cornelian 
 1 de sicariis,' the Lutatian, ' de vi.' 
 Ccel. 1. 
 
 9. Qucestiones] Sc. ' perpetuae,' 
 which had each, by Sylla's appoint- 
 ment, their proper judge ; whereas, 
 Milo's was a special commission, the 
 very appointment of which operates 
 against him, by giving an undue im- 
 portance to the affair. Vid. c. i. n. 
 4. 
 
 10. Maerorem lactum] * Mccror' 
 is a bursting sorrow ( aegritudo Jie- 
 bUis.' Tusc. iv. 8,) and luctus' 
 
 the expression of it in loud lamen- 
 tation. Hence they are here fitly 
 joined, as being produced by death 
 (mors afferebat). 
 
 11. Cujus enim de illo, incesto, 
 fyc] * De stupro cujus de interi- 
 tu ejus' are opposed. Clodius, in 
 order to carry on an intrigue with 
 Pompeia, the wife of Julius Caesar, 
 had gained admittance, in disguise, 
 to Caesar's house, where the myste- 
 ries of the Bona Dea were celebrat- 
 ing. He was detected, however, 
 but in the confusion effected his es- 
 cape. Cic. calls the intrigue ' inces- 
 tus,' as polluting those sacred rites, 
 at which males were forbidden to' 
 appear. Harus. 5. ' Ea sacra qua; 
 viri oculis, ne imprudentis quidem," 
 aspici fas est.' Juvenal goes far- 
 ther still: ' Ubivelari pictura jubetur, 
 Quaecunque alterius sexus imitata 
 figuram est.' 
 
 12. Judicium decernendi] Ap- 
 pointing a trial ; not as Dune. ' pass- 
 ing sentence.' Nor dees ' potestas 
 erepta' mean that such force was re- 
 sorted to, as prevented the senate 
 from any interference in the cause ; 
 for Cicero informs us, Att. i. 13, 
 that the affair was, by a decree, re- 
 ferred to the ' pontifices ;' and by 
 them declared a sacrilege ; and that 
 I 2 
 
90 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 um novum constituendum putasse ? Cur igitur incendium 
 curia?, 13 oppugnationem aedium M. Lepidi, 14 caedem hanc ip- 
 sam, contra rempublicam senatus factam esse decrevit ? 
 Quia nulla vis unquam est in libera civitate suscepta inter 
 cives non contra rempublicam. Non enim est ilia 15 defensio 
 contra vim unquam optanda : sed nonnunquam est necessaria. 
 Nisi vero 16 aut ille dies, quo Ti. Gracchus 17 estcaesus, aut ille, 
 quo Caius, aut quo arma Saturnini oppressa sunt, etiamsi e 
 republica, 18 rempublicam tamen non vulnerarunt. 
 
 VI. Itaque ego ipse decrevi, 1 quum caedem in Appia factam 
 esse constaret, non eum, qui se defendisset, contra rempub- 
 licam fecisse ; sed, quum messet in re vis et insidiae, crimen 
 judicio reservavi, rem notavi. 2 Quod si per furiosum 3 ilium 
 tribunum senatui, quod sentiebat, perficere licuisset, novam 
 quaestionem nunc nullam 4 haberemus. Decernebat enim, ut 
 veteribus legibus, tantummodo extra ordinem, quaereretur. 
 
 the consuls proposed a bill to the 
 people, by which the praetor was em- 
 powered to select assessors to try the 
 cause. This bill, it appears, was, by 
 the influence of the Clodian faction, 
 headed by the tribune Fulvius, pre- 
 vented from passing, and an amended 
 bill substituted ; according to which, 
 judges, selected partly by the prose- 
 cutors, partly by the accused, were 
 to preside. Out of these Clodius ob- 
 tained a majority, and thus defeated 
 the ends of justice. This Cic. calls 
 ' judicium decernendi, &c. erepta.' 
 
 13. Incendium curice, fc] These 
 three points Cic. joins together, as 
 being comprised in one decree ; be- 
 cause, says the Delph., several de- 
 crees might not be made on the same 
 day. 
 
 14. JEdium M. Lepidi] Two days 
 after the death of Clodius, Lepidus 
 was declared Interrcx. The fac- 
 tions of Scipio and Hypsasus, with a 
 view to force on an immediate elec- 
 tion, attacked his house, insulted his 
 wife, Cornelia, and even tore her 
 webs out of the looms ; but falling 
 in with the rival faction of Milo, they 
 were compelled to desist. Ascon, 
 
 15. Est illa~\ Aturruewc sc. the 
 self-defence which Cic. is maintain- 
 ing. Al. ulla. 
 
 16. Nisi vero] * Unless indeed, 
 &c.' which it is absurd to assert ; 
 the loss of citizens, however aban- 
 doned, being still a loss. The usual 
 indirect argument. Supr. c. 3. n. 10. 
 
 17. Ti. Gracchus'] Supr. c.3. n. 16; 
 and for Caius and Satur. n. 19 and 20. 
 
 18. republica] For the interest of 
 the republic ; Kara rt)v voXtv. Phil, 
 iii. 12. Senatus consultis bene et 
 republica factis, reliquas res ad prae- 
 dam revocavit.' 
 
 Sect. VI. 1. Ego ipse decrevi] 
 Ego sic statuo. Gr&v.; my'own vote 
 was. 
 
 2. Rem notavi] Inf. 11. Senatus 
 rem, non hominem notavit. 
 
 3. Furiosum] The usual epithet of 
 the tribunes, implying that their oc- 
 cupation was to excite the people to 
 acts of violence. The tribune re- 
 ferred to was M. Plancus. 
 
 4. Novam nullam] What then ? 
 ' Quod [senatus] sentiebat,' a trial 
 by the old laws, but out of the usual 
 routine. This was the purport of the 
 second decree, the first having merely 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 6. 
 
 91 
 
 Divisa sententia 5 est, postulante nescio quo ; nihil enim ne- 
 cesse est omnium me flagitia proferre. Sic reliqua auctori- 
 tas senatus 6 empta intercessione sublata est. At enim 7 Cm 
 Pompeius rogatione sua et de re et de causa judicavit. Tu- 
 
 declared, caodem factam esse con- 
 tra rerap.' 
 
 5. Divisa sentential When a mo- 
 tion comprehended two or more par- 
 ticulars, any senator could have them 
 put separately, simply by saying, 
 
 * divide.' Ascon. Here the points 
 were : 1. ' ut veteribus legibus quae- 
 reretur ; 2. ' ut extra ordinem quae- 
 reretur.' Fusius, a senator, demanded 
 (postulante nescio quo) that these 
 points be put to the vote separately ; 
 thus enabling Plancus, the Clodian 
 tribune, to interpose his negative to 
 the first, and, to his party, the only 
 obnoxious clause ' ut veteribus le- 
 gibus quaereretur.' For to the second 
 clause, the Clodians had no objec- 
 tion, as it merely expedited the trial 
 of Milo. Why they objected to the 
 first clause does not appear. Per- 
 haps the appointment of 'judices,' 
 which, according to the old laws, 
 were selected by the praetors out of 
 the regular judicial decuries, was 
 conceived to be unfavourable to them ; 
 and that they preferred the 'judices 
 edititii,' (Muren. 23, and Plane. 
 17.) i.e. a jury, in whose appoint- 
 ment the right of challenge by the 
 parties was recognised ; and which, 
 on the trial for sacrilege, noticed supr. 
 c. 5. n. 12, it had been found easy 
 to corrupt. Certainly this conjec- 
 ture is countenanced by the consti- 
 tution of the tribunal, according to 
 Pompey's law ; which allowed of a 
 partial challenge, namely, five out of 
 each of the orders. Vid. supr. c. i. 
 n. 4. Cruq. absurdly conceives 
 
 * sententia divisa' to refer to the 
 first law of Pompey's sole consul- 
 ship, although the very appointment 
 of Pompey to be consul was a con- 
 sequence of this artifice of Fusius. 
 
 6. Reliqua auctoritas senatus~] 
 
 When a tribune interposed his veto, 
 the decree was not completely nul- 
 lified, but retained a species of au- 
 thority, intimated by the name, ' S. 
 auctoritas.' Liv. iv. 57. Si quis in- 
 tercedat S. C to , auctoritate se fore 
 contentum. This, however, cannot 
 be admitted as the reason for using 
 ' auctoritas' here, because the ' sen- 
 tentia' is so called before the inter- 
 cession of Plancus. Uence we must 
 consider ' S. auctoritas' to import, 
 as it often does, a motion made and 
 passed in the senate, without any 
 reference to the veto. Pro dom. 37. 
 It is called ' reliqua' in reference to 
 the unobnoxious part * ut extra or- 
 dinem quaereretur.' As Cic. is allud- 
 ing to a matter of great notoriety, he 
 is very brief: 'The motion was di- 
 vided, and apart permitted to pass; the 
 rest of it, however, was thus quashed 
 by a hired veto.' So Phil. i. 1. 
 1 Dictaturam sustulit.' De Or. i. 58. 
 ' Veteres leges sublatas.' We must 
 not then translate with Guthr. ' the 
 remaining authority of the senate was 
 abolished.' For it does not appear 
 that any part had been abolished 
 already ; nor would Cic, who was 
 taunted with an undue control over 
 the senate, and was consequently 
 a great stickler for its authority, ad- 
 mit that a matter of so common oc- 
 currence as the interference of a tri- 
 bune, to prevent the passing of a de- 
 cree, amounted to the annihilation 
 of that authority, an authority too, 
 which was so soon after exerted in 
 appointing Pompey sole consul. 
 
 7. At enim] The third ' praejudici- 
 um ;'sc. ' that Pompey by his act had 
 condemned Milo.' This Cic. refutes, 
 by showing that Pompey merely en- 
 acted an inquiry that an inquiry, 
 where the fact was acknowledged, 
 
92 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 lit enim de caede, quae in Appia via 8 facta esset ; in qua P. 
 Clodius occisus esset. Quid ergo tulit ? Nempe ut quse- 
 reretur. Quid porro quaerendum est ? Factumne sit ? At 
 constat. A quo ? At paret. 9 Vidit igitur in confessione 
 facti, juris tamen defensionem suscipi posse. Quod nisi vi- 
 disset, posse absolvi eum, qui fateretur, quum videret nos 
 fateri, neque quaeri unquam jussisset, nee vobis tarn saluta- 
 rem hanc in judicando literam, quam illam tristem 10 dedis- 
 set. Mihi vero Cn. Pompeius non modo nihil gravius con- 
 tra Milonem judicasse, sed etiam statuisse videtur, quid 
 
 implies an inquiry into the merits of 
 the cause that it will be seen by 
 Pompey's own showing (Jam illud 
 dicet, &c.) that his act is attributable 
 to no predilection for Clodius, but to 
 the emergency of the case that to 
 act otherwise would be to overthrow 
 the very nature of a law, in the eye 
 of which all men, whether high or 
 low, are equal, (Quid ita, &c. c. 7,) as 
 appears from the instances of Drusus 
 and Africanus, whose untimely and 
 lamented fate called forth no new en- 
 actment that to permit concomi- 
 tant circumstances to have any weight 
 in determining the amount of guilt, 
 would be to make the atrocity of 
 Clodius's death be heightened, and 
 that of his victim, Papirius, lowered 
 by their occurring on the Appian (i. 
 e. Clodian) way (aut eo mors atro- 
 cior, &c. c. 7.) thatinadducingan 
 instance of Clodius's guilt, it was un- 
 necessary to go back to Papirius, 
 (quid ego ilia commemoro, &c.,) the 
 attempt to assassinate Pompey, (as 
 guilt consists in the intention,) being 
 as bad as any murder ; not to men- 
 tion the repeated attempts on Cicero's 
 awn life (Quotiesego ipse, &c. c.7.). 
 Are we prepared to say, then (asks 
 Cic.) that, while the great and good 
 had their lives taken away, or at- 
 tempted, and no new law was called 
 into existence by the public sorrow, 
 Clodius's death has excited such ge- 
 neral regret that Pompey framed his 
 bill to assuage it : No, (Non fuit ea 
 
 causa, &c. c. 8.,) it was merely the 
 fact of a reconciliation having taken 
 place between Pompey and Clodius 
 some time before, and in which Pom- 
 pey wished to show himself perfectly 
 sincere, that has called forth the law 
 in question, (limuit ne videretur, 
 &c. c. 8.) ; which, after all, Pompey 
 would not have proposed, were he 
 not aware that whatever severity there 
 might be in his enactment, it would 
 be tempered by the firmness of the 
 judges ; the selection of whom, from 
 the most illustrious orders, and par- 
 ticularly the respectability of their 
 president proved, incontestibly, that 
 Pompey's sole motive was a regard 
 to justice, &c, &c. 
 
 The connexion of the reasoning 
 here will, perhaps, be better seen 
 from this abstract. Cic. now pro- 
 ceeds to the defence itself, c. 9. 
 
 8. Aj. pia via] This road, which 
 still remains, was made by Appius 
 Caecus, censor a. u. 442, and extend- 
 ed from Rome to Capua. It was af- 
 terwards continued to Brundusium, it 
 is uncertain when, or by whom. 
 
 9. Paret] i. e. Apparet, a term of 
 law. Al. patet ; and after ' vidit,' 
 al. etiam for igitur.' 
 
 10. Salutarem literam tristem] 
 The initials of ' Absolvo' and ' con- 
 demnor These being given at all, 
 showed that a doubt existed in the 
 praetor's mind as to the guilt of the 
 accused. There was a third tablet, 
 not mentioned here, which was 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 7. 93 
 
 vos in judicando spectare oporteret. Nam qui non poenam 
 confessioni, sed defensionem dedit, is causam interitus quse- 
 rendam, non interitum putavit. Jam illud dicet 11 ipse pro- 
 fecto quod sua sponte fecit, Publione Clodio tribuendum 
 putarit, an tempori. 12 
 
 VII. Domi sua? nobilissimus vir, senatus propugnator, 
 atque, illis quidem temporibus, paene patronus, avunculus 
 hujus nostri judieis, 1 fortissimi viri, M. Catonis, tribunus 
 plebis M. Drusus 2 occisus est. Nihil de ejus mdtte 
 populus consul tus, nulla quaestio decreta a senatu est 
 Quantum luctum in hac urbe fuisse a nostris patribus ac- 
 cepimus, quum P. Africano, 3 domi suae quiescenti, ilia noc- 
 turna vis esset illata ! quis turn non ingemuit ? quis non arsit 
 dolore ? quern immortalem, si fieri posset, omnes esse cupe- 
 rent, ejus ne necessariam 4 quidem expectatam esse mortem ! 
 Num igitur ulla quaestio de Africani morte lata est ? Certe 
 nulla. Quid ita ( quia non alio facinore clari homines, alio 
 obscuri necantur. Intersit inter vitae dignitatem summorum, 
 atque infimorum : mors quidem illata per scelus iisdem et 
 poenis teneatur, et legibus. Nisi fortes magis erit parrici- 
 da, 6 si qui consularem patrem, quam si quis humilem neca- 
 verit : aut eo mors atrocior erit P. Clodii, quod is in monu- 
 mentis 7 majorum suorum sit interfectus. Hoc enim saepe 
 
 marked N. L., i. e. non liquet ; it bat; and by Tacitus, An. vi. 10. L. 
 
 is not clear. Cic. attributes, also, to Pontifex, rarum in tanta claritudine, 
 
 Pompey, as the prime mover of the fatoobiit; i. e. died a natural death, 
 
 trial, the distribution of the ballots, And Cic. expresses the same idea, 
 
 which was ordinarily the part of the Phil. i. 4. ' praeter naturam prater- 
 
 presiding judge. ' Tarn quam;' as que fatum,' where, vid. note. Drusus 
 
 well as. fell in his 56th year. 
 
 11. Jam illud dicet] Inf. 8. Homo 5. Nisi forte, &;c] The usual indi- 
 sapiens, &c. multa vidit. rect argument. Supr. c. 3. n. 10. As a 
 
 12. Tempori] Inf. 8, Timuit ne vi- stoic, Cic. held all crimes equal ; but 
 deretur infirmior fides reconciliatae perhaps he means to assert the equa- 
 gratiae.' Vid. n. on 'reconciliatae.' lity of all men in the eye of the law, 
 
 Sect. VII. 1. Hujus judicis] and their right to impartial justice. 
 
 M. Cato Uticensis, whose mother, 6. Parricida] 1. UarpoKTovoQ 
 
 Livia, was sister of Drusus. the slayer of a father ; 2. of any re- 
 
 2. Drusus] M. Livius. Arch. c. lative ; 3. (according to a law of 
 7. n. 24. Numa) of any freeman. Hence the 
 
 3. P. Africano] Sc. Minori. Arch, formula of Romulus ' omne homici- 
 c. 7. n. 6. dium, parricidium.' 
 
 4. Necessariam] \. e. Natural. 7. Monumentis] i. e. Which pre- 
 ' Fatum' is similarly used by Virg. served their memory; for the Appia 
 iv. 695. Fato merita nee morte peri- Via, on which the rencontre oc- 
 
94 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 ab istis dicitur. 8 Perinde quasi Appius ille Caecus viam 
 munierit, non qua populus uteretur, sed ubi impune sui 
 posteri latrocinarentur ! Itaque 9 in eadem ista Appia via, 
 quum ornatissimum equitem Romanum P. Clodius M. Pa- 
 pirium 10 occidisset, non fuit illud facinuspuniendum; homo 
 enim nobilis in suis monumentis 10 equitem Romanum occide- 
 rat : nunc ejusdem Appiae nomen quantas tragcedias 11 excitat ! 
 quae cruentata antea caede honesti atque innocentis viri sile- 
 batur, eadem nunc crebro usurpatur, posteaquam latronis et 
 parricidae sanguine imbuta est. Sed quid ego ilia comme- 
 moro? Comprehensus est in templo Castoris 12 servus P. 
 Clodii, quem ille ad Cn. Pompeium interficiendum colloca- 
 rat; extorta est confitenti sica 13 de manibus ; caruit foro pos- 
 tea Pompeius, caruit senatu, caruit publico; 1 * janua se ac 
 parietibus, non jure legum judiciorumque texit. Num quae 
 
 curred, was made by Appius Caecus, 
 an ancestor of Clodius. This Ap- 
 pius was censor a.u. 442, and was 
 struck blind for advising the Potitii 
 to commit to public slaves the per- 
 formance of the sacrifices to Her- 
 cules. Liv. i. 7, and ix. 29. 
 
 8. Hoc ab istis dicitur] The Clo- 
 dians, it seems, urged it as an ag- 
 gravation of Milo's guilt, that he 
 killed Clodius on a road constructed 
 by his ancestors ; and, Quint, v. 10. 
 points out the force of this part of the 
 * Clodian charge.' Nam et Ajax 
 apud Ovidium : 'Ante rates agimus 
 causam et mecum confertur Ulysses,' 
 et Miloni objectum est ' quod Clo- 
 dius in monumentis ab eo majorum 
 suorum esset occisus.' On the same 
 principle, JVI. Manlius could not be 
 convicted while he remained in sight 
 of the capitol. Liv. vi. 20. To this 
 Cic. replies by admitting the aggra- 
 vation, if his opponents will admit 
 that Appius made the road to afford 
 his posterity an opportunity of plun- 
 dering there with impunity. 
 
 9. Itaque] Accordingly ; i. e. 
 supposing the road made for the 
 above purpose. 
 
 10. Papirium} Pompey had, some 
 
 time before, brought to Rome the 
 son of Tigranes, king of Armenia, as 
 a hostage, and put him under the 
 care of Flavius, the praetor. The 
 young prince, assisted by Clodius, 
 attempted to escape, but being dis- 
 covered, a rencounter ensued, be- 
 tween his former guardian, Flavius, 
 and Clodius, in which Papirius was 
 slain. This was the origin of Pom- 
 pey 's enmity to Clodius. 
 
 10. In suis monumentis] i. e. As 
 supr., ' majorum suorum.' 
 
 11. Quantas tragcedias] What a 
 commotion ! Dem. Cor. wontp kv 
 Tpay(f)Sio: fiouivra, S) yij, icai ?JXif, 
 Kai aptrt). 
 
 12. Templo Castoris] One of the 
 temples in view of the forum. Supr. 
 1. 'pro templis omnibus.' On this 
 occasion the senate was held in Cas- 
 tor's temple. Inf. ' In foro atque 
 vestibulo ipso senatus.' It was built 
 by Posthumius, in honour of Castor 
 and Pollux, for their espousing the 
 cause of the Romans against the 
 Latins, and assisting in defeating 
 them at Regillus, and bringing the 
 news to Rome. 
 
 13. Sica] Qu. ' secica,' a ' se- 
 co,' a cutlass ; but pugio,' a 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 8, 
 
 96 
 
 rogatio lata ? num quae nova quaestio decreta est ? Atqui, 
 si res/ 5 si vir, si tempus ullum (lignum fait, certe haec in ilia 
 causa summa omnia fuerunt. Insidiator erat in foro colloca- 
 tus, atque in vestibulo 15 ipso senatus ; ei viro autem mors 
 parabatur, cujus in vita nitebatur salus civitatis ; eo porro 
 reipublicae tempore, 17 quo, si unus ille occidisset, non haec so- 
 lum civitas, sed gentes omnes concidissent. Nisi vero, 18 quia 
 perfecta res non est, non fuit punienda: perinde quasi exitus 
 rerum, 19 non hominum consilia legibus vindicentur. Minus 
 dolendum fuit, re non perfecta ; sed puniendum certe nihik) 
 minus. Quoties ego ipse, judices, ex P. Clodii telis et ex 
 cruentis ejus manibus effugi ! ex quibus si me non vel mea, 
 vel reipublicae fortuna servasset, quis tandem de interitu meo 
 quaestionem tulisset ? 
 
 VIII. Sed stulti 1 sumus, qui Drusum, qui Africanum, 
 Pompeium, nosmetipsos, cum P. Clodio conferre audeamus. 
 Tolerabilia fuerunt ilia : P. Clodii mortem aequo animo ne- 
 mo fcrre potest. Luget senatus ; mceret equester ordo ; tota 
 civitas confecta senio est ; squalent 2 municipia, afflictan- 
 
 'pungo,' a poniard. 
 
 14. Caruit publico"] Sc. loco ; i.e. 
 lived in privacy. Similarly, we say, 
 to appear in public. Harusp. 23. 
 
 15. Si res, <Sfc] ' Res' is answered 
 by ' insidiator erat, &c. ;' ' vir,' by 
 ' ei viro autem, &c. ;' ' tempus ul- 
 lum,' by ' eo tempore, &c.' 
 
 16. Vestibulo] From Vesta. So 
 Ovid. Fast. vi. 302. Qui [focus] a 
 primis axlibus ante fuit. Hinc quo- 
 que vestibulum dici reor ; inde pre- 
 cando Dicimus O Vesta ! quo loca 
 prima tenes. 
 
 18. Vero] Supr.c.3. n. 10. Ahforte. 
 
 17. Eo tempore] About three years 
 since, when Cic was in exile, and the 
 republic, of course, on the brink of 
 ruin, Pompey had quarrelled with 
 Clodius about Tigranes's son, and 
 was obliged to shut himself within 
 his house for fear of assassination. 
 Supr. n. 10. 
 
 19. Quasi exitus rerum] A natural 
 law, fully developed and extablished 
 
 by Christianity. Juv. xiii. Nam sce- 
 lus inter se taciturn qui cogitat ul- 
 lum Facti crimen habet. 
 
 20. Quoties] Thrice. Inf. 'Sica 
 (Clodii) intentata nobis. Hajc eadem 
 longo intervallo conversa rursus est 
 in me ; nuper quidem me ad R- 
 giam pene confecit.' 
 
 Sect. V11I. 1. Sed stulti, c\c] 
 This sentence is an instance of ele- 
 gant and even eloquent irony. The 
 verbs accurately correspond in im- 
 portance with their subjects, form- 
 ing together a descending series. Thus 
 ' luget* is the loudest grief ; senatus 
 the highest order ; next ' mceret 
 equester ordo,' and so down to 
 * agri -desiderant.' 
 
 2. Senio.] imports: 1. yiipac,, 
 old age, decrepitude ; 2. sadness, 
 trouble, &c. ; the usual concomitants 
 of that stage of life. 
 
 2. Squalent] 1. Rough, neglect- 
 ed ; 2. in mourning, when dress is 
 usually little attended to. 
 
96 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tur 3 coloniae ; agri denique 4 ipsi tarn beneficum, tarn saluta- 
 rem, tarn mansuetum 5 civem desiderant. Non fuit ea causa, 
 judices, profecto non fuit, cur sibi censeret Pompeius quaes- 
 tionem ferendam ; sed homo sapiens 6 atque alta et divina 
 quadam mente praeditus, multa vidit : fuisse sibi ilium ini- 
 micum, familiarem Milonem. In communi omnium la?titia, 
 si etiam ipse gauderet, timuit ne videretur infirmior fides 
 reconciliatae 8 gratia?. Multa etiam alia 9 vidit, sed illud 
 maxime : quamvis atrociter 10 ipse tulisset, vos tamen fortiter 
 judicaturos. Itaque delegit e florentissimis ordinibus 11 ipsa 
 lumina : neque vero, quod nonnulli dictitant, secrevit 12 in 
 judicibus legendis amicos meos. Neque enim hoc cogitavit 
 vir justissimus, neque in bonis viris legendis id assequi po- 
 tuisset, etiamsi Cupisset. Non enim mea gratia familiarita- 
 
 3. Affiictantur] A frequent, from 
 ' affligo ;' 1. dashed to the ground ; 
 2. harassed, grieved. 
 
 4. Agri denique] Inf. 9. He says, 
 ' silvaspublicas depopulatuserat, Et- 
 ruriamque vexarat,' which may, per- 
 haps, justify the regret here no- 
 ticed. 
 
 5. Mansuetum] ' Manui assue- 
 tum ;' tamed, quiet, gentle. 
 
 6. Homo sapiens] The patience 
 with which Pompey bore this praise 
 excited Cicero's wonder. Fam. iii. 
 10. Qua ille humaniiate tulit meam 
 contentionem pro Milone, adversan- 
 tem interdum actionibus suis ! 
 
 7. Alta mente] Polyb. (3a6vrr}Q 
 rrJQ ipvxnV' Quint. Profunda? roen- 
 tisconsilia. Sail. Altitudinemingenii. 
 Grccv. Al. omit, et divina. 
 
 8. lteconciliatu] Pompey had 
 quarrelled with Clodius on account 
 of his attempt on Tigranes, supr. 7, 
 n. 10, and evinced his enmity by 
 defending Milo, when Clodius accus- 
 ed him, a. u. 697. According to 
 Dio, lib. 39, when Pompey and Cras- 
 sus, contrary to the wishes of the 
 senate, demanded a second consulate, 
 Clodius, whose sinking cause re- 
 quired the powerful aid of the candi- 
 dates, joined their party, and became 
 
 reconciled to Pompey. They were 
 consuls, the following year. Ma- 
 nut, refers the reconciliation to an 
 alliance which took place between 
 Pompey 's son and Appius Clau- 
 dius's daughter. Fam. iii. 4. But 
 these letters were written when Cic. 
 was proconsul of Cilicia, two years 
 after this trial ; and there is no evi- 
 dence of Clodius feeling so interested 
 about the fortunes of his niece. In- 
 deed the enmity of Clodius and Cic. 
 does not seem to have shaken the 
 friendship of Cic. and Appius. 
 Reconciliatae,' q.d. called together 
 again. 
 
 9. Multa alia] Cic. would have 
 the judges believe that Pompey had 
 weighty reasons state reasons, no 
 doubt for the part which he had 
 acted. If he had expected to suc- 
 ceed, he should have done more than 
 hint them. 
 
 10. Atrociter] From rpwyio comes 
 arowg ; 1. crude, raw; 2. cruel, 
 harsh. ' Ferre atrociter/ to enact 
 harshly. 
 
 11. E florent. ordin.] Supr. 2. 
 Amplissimorum ordinum delectis vi- 
 ris ; sc. senators, knights, and tri- 
 bunes of the treasury. 
 
 12. Secrevit] Set aside, passed 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 9. 97 
 
 tibus continetur, quae late patere non possunt, propterea, quod 
 consuetudines victus 13 non possunt esse cum multis. Sed 
 si quid possumus, ex eo possumus, quod respublica nos con- 
 junxit cum bonis. Ex quibus ille quum optimos viros lege- 
 ret, idque maxime ad fidem suam pertinere arbitraretur, non 
 potuit legere non 14 studiosos mei. Quod vero 15 te, L. Do- 
 miti, huic quaestioni praeesse maxime voluit, nihil quaesivit 
 aliud, nisi justitiam, 1 ' 3 gravitatem, humanitatem, fidem. 
 Tulit, ut consularem necesse esset : credo, quod principum 
 munus esse ducebat, resistere et levitati multitudinis, et per- 
 ditorum temeritati. Ex consularibus te creavit 17 potissimum ; 
 dederas enim, 18 quam contemneres populares insanias, jam 
 ab adolescentia documenta maxima. 
 
 IX. Quamobrem, judices, ut aliquando ad causam cri- 
 menque veniamus ; si neque 1 omnis confessio facti est inusi- 
 tata, neque de causa quidquam nostra aliter, ac nos vellemus, 
 a senatu judicatum est ; et lator ipse legis, quum esset con- 
 troversia nulla facti, juris tarn en disceptationem esse voluit ; 
 et electi judices, isque propositus quaestioni, qui haec juste 
 sapienterque disceptet : reliquum est, judices, ut nihil jam 
 aliud quaerere debeatis, nisi, uter utri insidias fecerit. Quod 
 quo facilius argumentis perspicere possitis, rem gestam vobis 
 
 over. Seorsum cerno ; i. e. Kpivio. &c. ; i. e. Pompey's choosing you 
 
 So Att. i. 16. ' Reus frugalissimum to preside, shows that he was in quest 
 
 quemque secerneret,' h. e. according of no personal enemy of Milo ; that 
 
 to Forcel. ' seligeret et repudiaret.' he only wanted, in the president, 
 
 Pompey, in choosing the judges, had justice, &c. 
 
 passed by Cicero's intimate friends, 16. Justitiam, 3fc] 'Justice' to 
 which was adduced, by some, as a acquit the innocent ; ' firmness' to 
 proof of Pompey's hostility to Milo. oppose the mob; ' humanity' to par- 
 He did pass over my intimate ac- don involuntary error ; and faith' 
 quaintances (familiares,) says Cic. ; to judge according to the laws and 
 nor is that strange, for they are ne- his oath. Abram. 
 cessarily few ; but admitting that he 17. Creavit'] Sc. by proposing it 
 appointed good men, he did not, could to the senate, not by his own die- 
 not, pass over my friends and adhe- turn. 
 rents (' studiosos mei.') 18. Dederas enim] Domitius, in his 
 
 13. Consuetudines victus'] This praetorship, (a. u. 695,) had opposed 
 determines the meaning of ' familia- the tribune Manlius, in an attempt to 
 res ;' sc. those who are in the habit enfranchise the freedmen. Ascon. 
 of meeting in convivial parties. If this be alluded to, ' adolescentia' 
 
 14. Non patuit non] Could not must be taken in its usual extensive 
 but. meaning. 
 
 15. Quod vero, &:c] But in that, Sect. IX. 1. Si neque, ^c] He 
 VOL. I. K 
 
98 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 dum breviter expono, 2 quaeso, diligenter attendite. P. Clo- 
 dius, quum statuisset omni scelere in praetura vexare rem- 
 publicam, videretque ita tracta esse comitia 3 anno superiore, 
 ut non multos menses praeturam gerere posset : qui non ho- 
 noris gradum spectaret, ut ceteri, sed et L. Paullum* colle- 
 gam effugere vellet, singulari virtute civem, ,et annum inte- 
 grum ad dilacerandam rempublicam 5 quaereret : subito 
 reliquit annum suum, 6 seque in annum proximum transtulit, 
 non, ut fit, religione 7 aliqua, sed ut haberet, quod ipse dice- 
 bat, ad praeturam gerendam, hoc est, ad evertendam rem- 
 publicam plenum annum atque integrum. Occurrebat [ei.] 
 mancam 6 ac debilem praeturam suam futuram, consule Mi- 
 lone : eum porro summo consensu 7 populi Romani consulem 
 fieri videbat. Contulit se ad ejus competitores ; 8 sed ita, 9 to- 
 
 recapitulates the ' praejudicia' supr. 
 3.n. 3. 
 
 2. Breviter erpono~\ Quint, iv. 2. 
 
 3. Tracta esse comitia, fyc] Owing 
 to the bribery and disputes of the 
 candidates, the election of consuls 
 for the year 700 had not taken place 
 when it commenced ; and the tri- 
 bunes, partly from partiality to an 
 interregnum, duringwhich their pow- 
 er was under the least possible con- 
 trol, partly from the wish of having 
 Pompey created dictator, by their 
 cabals, retarded it six months longer. 
 Finally, Domitius Calvinus and Va- 
 lerius Messala were elected. 
 
 4. L. Paullum] Praetor of the 
 previous year, and that wherein 
 Clodius should have been praetor. 
 He was afterwards proscribed by Le- 
 pidus, one of the second triumvi- 
 rate; and is noticed by Sail. (Cat. 31.) 
 
 5. Ad dilacerandam remp.] Cum 
 jam semianimum laceraret Flavius 
 orbem. Juv. Sat. iv. 38. 
 
 6. Annum suum] The Lex Villia 
 or Annalis, a. u. 573, was the first 
 which restricted the age for holding 
 the curule offices. By it the aedile- 
 ship was fixed to thirty-seven, the 
 praetorship to forty, and consulship 
 to forty-three. With regard to the 
 quajstorship there is greater uncer- 
 
 tainty. Polyb. vi. 17, says, that 
 ten years' service was necessary to 
 qualify for the first magistracy, and 
 allowing the military age to be seven- 
 teen, this will give twenty-seven for 
 the quaestorian, and at this age the 
 Gracchi obtained that office. But 
 Cic, who boasts that he obtained 
 every office suo anno, Agr. ii. 2, was 
 quaestor at thirty-one, which age, 
 therefore, appears the most probable. 
 Liv. xxv. 2, and xl. 44. Also, 
 Manut. de legg. c. 6. 
 
 7. Non, ut Jit, religione] He 
 hints that persons, through religious 
 scruples, resulting from defects in the 
 auspices, occasionally omitted to sue 
 for offices in their proper year. Clo- 
 dius was not one of these. 
 
 6. Mancam] 1. Maimed (proper- 
 ly, in the hand, from 'manus'); 
 2. imperfect ; and ' debilem,' (with 
 the first long, being from de-ha- 
 bilem,') feeble. Lit. un-able * de' 
 being un, and ' habilis,' able. 
 
 7. Summo consensu] Consequently 
 he did not fear his opposition ; and, 
 therefore, had no interest in killing 
 him. 
 
 8. Competitores] P. Plautius Hyp- 
 saeus and Q. Metellus Scipio. 
 Introd. 3. 
 
 9. Sed ita] i. e. Contulit. Com- 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 9. 
 
 99 
 
 tam ut petitionem ipse solus, etiam invitis illis, gubernaret ; 
 tota ut comitia suis, ut dictitabat, humeris sustineret. Con- 
 vocabat tribus ; 10 se interponebat ; u Collinam 12 novam delectu 
 perditissimorum civium conscribebat. Quanto ille plura 
 miscebat, tanto hie magis in dies convalescebat. Ubi vidit 
 homo ad omne facinus paratissimus, fortissimum virum, 
 inimicissimum suum, certissimum consulem ; idque intellexit 
 non solum sermonibus, sed etiam suffragiis 13 populi Romani 
 saepe esse declaratum : palam agere ccepit, et aperte dice- 
 re, 14 occidendum Milonem. Servos 15 agrestes et barbaros, 16 
 quibus silvas publicas 17 depopulatus erat, Etruriamque vex- 
 arat ex Apennino deduxerat, quos videbatis. Res erat mi- 
 nime obscura. Etenim palam dictitabat, consulatum Miloni 
 eripi non posse, vitam posse. 18 Significavit hoc saepe in se- 
 
 pare Manil. c. 8. n. 15. 
 
 10. Convocubat tribus} In early 
 times, when the tribes were few in 
 number, the people were summoned 
 to the comitia centuriata by classes ; 
 but when the tribes increased to 
 thirty-five, it was found more con- 
 venient to convoke the people by 
 tribes, as at the comitia tributa, 
 and then distinguish the tribes into 
 centuries. This accounts for the 
 frequent mention of ' tribes' at the 
 com. centuriata. Vid. Phil. ii. 
 32. 
 
 1 1 . Se interponebat] Either in a 
 general sense, ' became, as it were, 
 a party concerned ;' or, as Ern., 
 'acted as bribing- agent for the can- 
 didates.' 
 
 12. Collinam] (A collis) relating 
 to a hill, namely, the Quirinal and 
 Viminal, in the vicinity of which 
 lay the * Collina tribus,' one of the 
 four city tribes. How the formation 
 of a new tribe lay within the com- 
 pass of a private man like Clodius, 
 or was to influence a public election, 
 does not appear. Perhaps the Col- 
 line tribe was conspicuous in the 
 public disturbances, in which re- 
 spect, if not in voting, the Clodian 
 mob might resemble it. Al. Colo- 
 
 niam. 
 
 13. Suffragiis] The election had 
 been frequently adjourned by the in- 
 terference of the tribunes, but not till 
 Milo's likelihood of success was ma- 
 nifest. So Cic. ' ter praetor primus 
 renunciatus est.' Manil. 1. 
 
 14. Agere dicere] Manil. c. 1. 
 n. 5. 
 
 15. Servos] Clodius had a number 
 of slaves located on his estates in 
 Etruria and in the Appenines, whom 
 he had summoned to Rome from 
 time to time, to assist him in his 
 enterprises. He had, no doubt, 
 been found, too, a troublesome 
 neighbour in the country. The Ap- 
 penines run the whole length of 
 Italy, from the Alps in Liguria to 
 Leucopetra, a promontory of Rhe- 
 gium. Phil. i. 3. 
 
 16. Barbaros] Nullis studiis ad 
 humanitatem expoliti. Abram. Comp. 
 Marcel. 3. ' Gentes iramanitate bar- 
 baras.' 
 
 17. Silvas publicas] Comp. Ma- 
 nil. c. 6. n. 16, whence it would 
 appear, that these were pastures 
 farmed by the republic' 
 
 18. Vitam posse] Yet Cic. says, 
 Att. iv. 3, Nisi ante [Clodius] 
 occisus erit, fore a Milone puto.' 
 
100 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 natu : dixit 19 in concione. Quin etiam Favonio, 20 fortissimo 
 viro, quaerenti ex eo, qua spe fureret, Milone vivo, respondit, 
 triduo ilium, aut 21 summum quatriduo, periturum : quam vo- 
 cem ejus ad hunc M. Catonem statim Favonius detulit. 
 
 X. Interim 1 quum sciret Clodius, (neque enim erat dif- 
 ficile scire) 2 iter sollemne, 3 legitimum, necessarium, ante 
 diem 4 xiii. Kalendas Februarias Miloni esse Lanuvium 
 
 19. Significavit dixit] Cic. points 
 out the difference, Or. i. 26. ' Signi- 
 ficare' inter se dicuntur, qui sibi in- 
 nuunt, &c. 
 
 20. Favonio] This celebrated imi- 
 tator of Cato, (ZnXwrrjc Karuvog, 
 Plut.,) suffered among the proscribed 
 during the second triumvirate. Suet. 
 Aug. 13. 
 
 21. Aut] Al. ad. 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Interim] Inter-im ; 
 i. e. inter earn rem. Im, the regular 
 accus. termination from is, only used 
 in adverbial forms, e. g. fatira, par- 
 tim, &c. 
 
 2. Neque enim scire] Because 
 the Lanuvians had a community of 
 rites with the Romans. Liv. viii. 
 14. * Ut aedes lucusque Sospitae 
 Junonis communis Lanuvinis muni- 
 cipibus cum pop. Rom. esset.' Lanu- 
 vium was a town in Latium, about 
 one hundred stadia from Rome, now 
 called Citta Indovina.' Muren. 41. 
 Liv. xl. 19. xxii. 1. 
 
 3. Sollemne] Or ' solenne,' from 
 'solus,' in the sense of 'unus,' and 
 'annus;' yearly, as opposed to bi- 
 ennial, triennial, &c. Afterwards 
 more generally, ' at stated times.' 
 
 A. Ante diem, &rc] ' The twentieth 
 of January.' The Roman calendar 
 agreed with ours in the number of 
 months and days in each month ; 
 but differed in the mode of reckoning. 
 For, instead of simply dating from 
 the first of the month, consecutively, 
 they fixed upon three days, pointed 
 out, no doubt, by the ceremonies of 
 their religion, to which all the others 
 were referred. These were the ca- 
 
 lends, or first ; the ides, or thir- 
 teenth ; and the nones, or fifth. [In 
 March, May, July and October, whose 
 initials make OMMI, the ides were on 
 the fifteenth, and nones on the seventh.] 
 The calends were so called from 
 ' calare,' to proclaim, it being usual 
 for the pontifex, before the calendar 
 was reduced to writing, to proclaim 
 on that day whether the nones were 
 on the fifth or seventh. (Varr. L.L. 
 v. 4.) The ides, from ' iduare,' to 
 divide, nearly halved the month. 
 So Hor. ' Idus tibi sunt agendas, 
 Qui dies mensem Veneris marinae, 
 Findit Aprilem.' The nones were 
 probably introduced after the ides, 
 by which they were regulated. For 
 reckoning back, inclusively, from the 
 ides, we find ' nono idus' answer- 
 ing to the fifth, (on the months ex- 
 cepted above, to the seventh,) which 
 was hence called ' nonae.' [Horace, 
 however, says, ' octonis referentes 
 idibus aera ;' i. e. falling the eighth 
 day after the nones ; so that he did 
 not recognise the ancient form, ' nono 
 idus.' As to the mode of dating, 
 calendae, nonas, and idus, were put 
 in the abl., followed by the name 
 of the month, either agreeing as an 
 adj. or governed as a subst. [Adam 
 excepts ' Aprilis' as being always a 
 subst. ; but Hor. says, ' Mensem 
 Aprilem;' Ovid. Fast. iv. 621, 
 ' idus Apriles,' and Cic. (vid. 
 Coop. Thes.) 'calendis Aprilibus.'] 
 The date of the other days was de- 
 termined by their position in refer- 
 ence to the standard days. Thus, 
 if the given day preceded the nones, 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 10. 
 
 101 
 
 flaminem prodendum, 5 quod erat dictators Lanuvii Milo ; 
 Roma subito ipse profectus pridie est, ut ante suum fundum 7 
 (quod re 8 intellectum est) Miloni insidias collocaret. Atque 
 ita profectus est, ut concionem 9 turbulentam, in qua ejus 
 furor desideratus est, qua? illo ipso die habita est, relinque- 
 ret ; quam, nisi obire 10 facinoris locum tempusque voluisset, 
 nunquam reliquisset. Milo autem 11 quum in senatu fuisset 
 
 it was subtracted from the nonal 
 number, increased by one (because 
 they reckoned inclusively,) and the 
 remainder was the day ' ante no- 
 nas.' Similarly, before the ides ; 
 but after the ides, it was subtracted 
 from the number of days in the 
 month, increased by two ; one, as 
 reckoning inclusively, and one for 
 the calends of the following month. 
 The remainder was the day ' ante 
 calendas mensis sequent.' Thus, the 
 2nd of Jan. is 4 to . ante nonas ; the 
 6th, is 8 V0 . ante idus; and the 14th 
 is 19 mo . (undevigesimo) ante cal. 
 Febr. 
 
 And here note, 1. That the com- 
 plete form tertio (e. g.) die ante 
 cal. non. or idus' is written shortly 
 ' tert. cal, &c.' 2. That by a trans- 
 position of ante, ' ante diem tert. 
 cal, Sec.,' is usual. This transpo- 
 sition is either from ' tertio die ante 
 cal.,' with a change of case, as paul- 
 lo post post paullum ;' or from 
 4 tertium diem ante cal.,' without any 
 change, the time when being some- 
 times put in the accus. The trans- 
 position itself may be owing to an 
 ambiguity in ' tertio cal.,' which 
 being resolvable either by ante or 
 post, is thus rendered determinate. 
 3. That ' ante diem' is often pre- 
 ceded by ex or in; in which case 
 ante diem, is to be considered a com- 
 pound phrase equivalent to * the cur- 
 rent or uncompleted day, and is go- 
 verned as a substantive. So Att. iii. 
 17. ' Ex. ante diem non. Jun.' from 
 the 5th of June ; Cat. i. 3. In ante 
 diem quint. Cal. Nov.' against the 
 
 28th of October. 4. ' Secundo Cal. 
 non., &c.' is displaced by ' pridie cal. 
 &c.' [Cic, however, pro Quint. 6, 
 writes ante diem secundum Cal. 
 Febr.'J 
 
 5. Flaminem prodendum] Vid. 
 Phil. ii. 43. Prodere is applied where 
 there is no suffrage. Thus prodere 
 interregem, &c.' Dom. 13.J But 
 we say, ' dicere dictatorem,' ' creare, 
 or designare, consulem,' co-optare 
 augurem, &c.' 
 
 6. Dictatoi-] If the ' municipium' 
 had two magistrates they were called 
 ' duumviri ;' if one, he was named 
 variously, quaestor, aedile, praetor, or 
 dictator. E. g. Hor. ' Fundos Au- 
 fidio Lusco pratore libentes, &c. ;' 
 Pers. i. 130. Fregerit heminas 
 Areti aedilis iniquus. 
 
 7. Fundum'] A building in the 
 city was called ' aedes ;' in the 
 country, ' villa ;' ground in the city, 
 'area;' out of it 'agerj' whereas 
 a house and farm were specifically 
 called ' fundus,' as here.' 
 
 8. Re] Sc. eventu pugnae. 
 
 9. Concionem] That held by Sal- 
 lust and Q. Pompey on the day of 
 the affray. Introd. 4. 
 
 10. Obire] To attend on ; to 
 wait. Phil. iii. 8. Antonius diem 
 edicti obire neglexit. 
 
 11. Milo autem, <Sfc] Quint., iv. 
 2. remarks on the effect produced by 
 this affectation of simplicity in his 
 language 'ilia callidissima simpli- 
 citatis imitatio' in lulling the sus- 
 picions of the judges, and raising an 
 idea of the straight-forward conduct 
 of Milo. 
 
 K2 
 
102 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 eo die, quoad senatus dimissus est, domum venit ; calceos 11 et 
 vestimenta 12 mutavit ; paullisper, dum se uxor, 13 ut fit, com- 
 parat, commoratus est; deinde profectus est id temporis, 14 
 quum jam Clodius, si quidem eo die Romam venturus erat, 
 redire potuisset. Obviam fit ei Clodius, expeditus, 15 in equo, 
 nulla rheda, 16 nullis impedimentis, nullis Graecis comiti- 
 bus, 1 ? ut solebat ; sine uxore, 18 quod nunquam fere : quum hie 
 insid^tor, 19 qui iter illud ad caedem faciendam apparasset, 
 cum uxore veheretur in rheda, paenulatus, magno et impe- 
 dito, 20 ac muliebri et delicato 21 ancillarum 22 puerorumque 
 comitatu. Fit obviam Clodio ante fundum 23 ejus, hora fere 
 
 11. Calceog, ||pf.] The shoes of 
 the senator were peculiar. For Cic. 
 Phil. xiii. 13, describing one Asini- 
 us becoming a ' volunteer senator,' 
 says, ' calceos mutavit. Pater consc. 
 repente factus est.' According to 
 Rubenus, (de re vest.) the patrician 
 senators, alone, wore the Luna, or 
 letter C, (the initial of centum,' 
 the original number of ' patres,') 
 fixed to the front of the shoe, (hence, 
 Juv. vii. 192. ' Adpositam nigra lu- 
 nam subtexit alutae,') while the 
 others had thongs, or straps of black 
 leather, which braced it up to the 
 calf of the leg. So Hor. Sat. i. 6. 
 27 \ nigris medium impediit crus 
 Pellibus,' where he takes * pellibus' 
 to mean merely the thongs noted 
 above, as the shoes were of various 
 colours, and some gilt or embroi- 
 dered. 
 
 12. Vestimenta] Sc. his toga' 
 and ' latus clavus.' These and the 
 ' calcei' were always replaced, on 
 travelling, with the ' paenula,' or 
 ' lacerna,' and * perones,' or ' gal- 
 licae. Vid. Phil. ii. 30. 
 
 13. Uxor'] Fausta, the daughter of 
 Sylla, the dictator. 
 
 14. Id temporis] i. e. So late. 
 Gtccv. 
 
 15. Expeditus] A metaph. from 
 military affairs. Soldiers unincum- 
 bered with baggage, (impedimen- 
 tum,) equipped for the march or 
 
 battle, were called ' expediti.' 
 
 16. Rheda] A four-wheeled vehi- 
 cle of Gallic origin, so called, says 
 Voss., from reden or ryden, in Eng. 
 ' to ride.' It differed from the * ci- 
 sium,' which was two-wheeled, and 
 from the ' essedum,' which was, 
 properly, a war-chariot. Phil. ii. 
 24. 
 
 17. Greeds eomitibus] These were 
 learned foreigners, generally Asiatics, 
 whom the wealthy patronised and 
 maintained in their families ; as the 
 Luculli did Archias. Arch. 2. Pis. 
 28. These were replaced by the 
 * studiosa cohors' in the Augustan 
 age, and afterwards degenerated into 
 mere flatterers and parasites. Juv. 
 hi. 69. Graeculus esuriens, &c. Seut. 
 Aug. 89. Tiber. 56. 
 
 18. Sine uxore.] Fulvia, subse- 
 quently wife of Curio and Antony. 
 Phil. ii. 5. 
 
 19. Hie insidiator] Ironically. 
 
 20. Impedito] Al. impedimento, 
 which Orel, objects to have placed in 
 the sing. 
 
 21. Delicato] From ' delicia*.' Th. 
 ' lacio,' I entice. It imports effe- 
 minate ; unfit for contest. 
 
 22. Ancillarum] The female slaves. 
 Anculi' were the slaves of the gods, 
 as Ganymede, Hebe, &c. Hence the 
 dimin. ancillus.' * Puerorum,' the 
 male slaves. 
 
 23. Fundum ejus] In Albano. Inf. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 11 
 
 103 
 
 undecima, 24 aut non multo secus. Statim complures cum 
 telis in hunc faciunt de loco superiore 25 impetum ; adversi 26 
 rhedarium occidunt. Quum autem hie de rheda, rejecta 
 paenula, desiluisset, seque acri animo defenderet ; illi, qui 
 erant cum Clodio, 27 gladiis eductis, partim recurrere 27 ad 
 rhedam, ut a tergo Milonem adorirentur ; partim, quod hunc 
 jam interfectum putarent, caedere incipiunt ejus servos, qui 
 post erant ; ex quibus, qui animo fideli in dominum et prae- 
 senti 28 fuerunt, partim occisi sunt, partim, quum ad rhedam 
 pugnari viderent, et domino succurrere prohiberentur, Mi- 
 lonem occisum et ex ipso Clodio audirent, et re vera 29 
 putarent ; fecerunt id 30 servi Milonis, (dicam enim non de- 
 rivandi 31 criminis causa, sed ut factum est,) neque impe- 
 rante, neque sciente, neque praesente 32 domino, quod suos 
 quisque servos in tali re facere voluisset. 
 
 XI. Haec, sicut exposui, ita gesta sunt, judices: insidia- 
 tor superatus, vi victa vis, vel potius oppressa virtute audacia 
 
 20, ' quo in fundo propter insanas 
 substructions, facile raille hominum 
 versabatur valentium.' 
 
 24. Hora fere undecima] Nearly 
 five o'clock, if the affray had hap- 
 pened at the equinox. But as it took 
 place on the 20th of January, it will 
 diminish thus by upwards of an 
 hour. 
 
 25. Superiore'] They had the 
 choice of the ground, and the farm 
 was on an elevated situation. 
 Introd. 4. 
 
 26. Adversi'] Those immediately 
 opposite the driver. 
 
 27. Illi qui erant cum Clodio] It 
 would appear that some of Clodius's 
 party attacked the driver in front, to 
 prevent escape. Milo, on quitting 
 the vehicle, began to defend himself 
 against their assault. Clodius and 
 the rest of his party, who had per- 
 mitted the carriage to pass them a 
 little, seeing Milo thus engaged, ran 
 buck (they were on their way to 
 Home,) to attack him. But this did 
 not require them all. The remainder, 
 (partim) therefore, with whom Clo- 
 
 dius happened to be, fell in with the 
 attendants of Milo, that were in the 
 rear of the carriage (' qui post erant,' 
 and therefore nearer the Clodian 
 body,) by whom Clodius was killed. 
 
 27. Recurrere] The infin. depend- 
 ing upon ' incipiunt' inf.' The his- 
 torians generally leave it absolute. 
 
 28. Rrasenii] Sc. contra pericu- 
 lum ; undaunted. 
 
 29. Revera] A\. ita esse. 
 
 30. Fecerunt id, c] A periphra- 
 sis and euphemism. Similarly Dem. 
 in Mid. oirtp av vpdv e/caoroc. 
 viptoOtig npotiXtTO irpa'iai, thto 
 de Avtoq kiroinva. 
 
 31. Derivandi] ' Derivare' is, 1. 
 to draw water down, or away from 
 its natural channel ; 2. turn upon 
 another. Tr. not with the view of 
 laying the blame elsewhere.' 
 
 32. Prccsente] Hottom. says, 
 przesens erat corpore, non animo.' 
 But, vid. supr., n. 27, where it will 
 appear that Milo was engaged with 
 the first party that attacked his driver 
 in Jront, when Clodius was slain by 
 his slaves in the rear. 
 
104 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 est. Nihil dico, 1 quid respublica consecuta sit : nihil, quid 
 vos : nihil, quid omnes boni. Nihil sane id prosit Miloni, 
 qui hoc fato 2 natus est, ut ne se quidem servare potuerit, 
 quin una rempublicam vosque servaret. Si id jure 3 non 
 posset, nihil habeo quod defendam. Sin hoc et ratio 4 doc- 
 tis, et necessitas barbaris, et mos gentibus, et feri&natura 
 ipsa praescripsit, ut omnem semper vim, quacunque ope 
 possent, a corpore, a capite, a vita sua propulsarent : non 
 potestis hoc facinus improbum judicare, quin simul 5 judice- 
 tis, omnibus, qui in latrones inciderint, aut illorum telis, 
 aut vestris sententiis esse pereundum. Quod si 6 - ita pu- 
 tasset ; certe optabilius Miloni fuit dare jugulum P. 
 Clodio, non semel ab illo, neque turn primum petitum, 
 quam jugulari a vobis, quia se illi non jugulandum tradidis- 
 set. Sin hoc nemo vestrum ita sentit ; illud jam in judicium 
 venit, 8 non, occisusne sit, quod fatemur ; sed jure, an injuria; 
 quod multis in causis saepe quaesitum est. Insidias factas es- 
 se constat : et id est, quod senatus contra rempublicam fac- 
 tum judicavit : ab utro factae sint, incertum est. De hoc igi- 
 tur latum est, ut quaereretur. Ita et senatus rem, non ho- 
 minem, notavit: 9 et Pompeius de jure, non de facto, quaes- 
 tionem tulit. 
 
 Sect. XI. 1. Nihil dico] The are directed by ' mere instinct.' 
 
 ingenuity of Cic. in enumerating, 5. Quin simul] Without at the 
 
 while he professes to omit, the advan- same time deciding, 
 
 tages likely to accrue from the death 6. Quod si~\ i. e. * If he had 
 
 ofClodius, is noticed by Quint., iv. imagined there was no alternative 
 
 5. It appears from Asconius's pre- between the dagger of Clodius and 
 
 face that this ground of defence was the sentence of the judges, he would 
 
 taken by M. Brutus who wrote, have preferred the former, as less 
 
 though he did not speak, a speech on dishonourable to you. 
 
 the subject. Supr. 2, n. 20. 7. Fuit] Era. fuisset. " In re- 
 
 2. Hoc fato] Phil. ii. 1. Quo- gard of the phrases, 'par, aequum, 
 nam meo fato, P. C. fieri dicam, optabilius est, &c.,' the Latin idiom 
 &c. speaks of the propriety, advantage, 
 
 3. Si id jure] If the principle of &c, as something actual, in the in- 
 self-defence is inadmissible. dicative mood, though the circum- 
 
 4. Ratio, fyc] These fountains of stances which would have realized 
 law are appropriately referred. For it, never took place ; the English, in 
 ' reason' properly belongs to those such cases, use a potential." Zumpt's 
 who have improved their powers ; L. Gram. p. 295. 
 
 the uncultivated are the slaves of 8. Illud penal] Supr. 2. n. 20. 
 
 'necessity/ nations are subservient 9. Notavit] Notare is, 1. to 
 
 to custom/ while the lower animals mark -, 2. (in malam partem) to 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 12. 
 
 105 
 
 XII. Numquid igitur aliud in judicium venit, nisi, uter 
 utri insidias fecerit ? Profecto nihil ; si hie illi, 1 ut ne sit 
 impune; si ille huic, turn nos 2 scelere solvamur. Quonam 
 igitur pacto 3 probari potest, insidias Miloni fecisse Clodium ? 
 Satis est quidem in ilia tarn audaci, tarn nefaria bellua do- 
 cere, magnam ei causam, magnam spem in Milonis morte 
 propositam, magnas utilitates fuisse. Itaque illud Cassia- 
 num, 4 cui bono fuerit, in his personis 6 valeat : etsi bo- 
 ni 7 nullo emolumento 8 impelluntur in fraudem, improbi 
 sa3pe parvo. Atqui, Milone interfecto, Clodiushoc asseque- 
 batur, non modo ut praetor esset non eo consule, 9 quo scele- 
 ris nihil facere posset : sed etiam, ut iis consulibus praetor 
 esset, quibus si non adjuvantibus, at conniventibus certe, 
 speraret, posse se rempublicam 10 eludere in illis suis cogita- 
 tis furoribus: cujus illi 11 conatus, ut ipse ratiocinabatur, nee, 
 si possent, reprimere cuperent, quum tantum beneficium 12 ei 
 se debere arbitrarentur ; et, si vellent, fortasse vix possent 
 frangere hominis sceleratissimi corroboratam 13 jam vetustate 
 audaciam. An vero, judices, 14 vos soli ignoratis, vos hos- 
 
 censure. This latter sense was at first 
 proper to the censors ; afterwards to 
 any judge, or body of judges, as the 
 senate. Cluent. 42. 47. Supr. 6. 
 Hor. Sat. i. 3. 24, ' dignusq ; notari.' 
 Also, Sat. i. 4. 5. ' Si quis, &c. 
 multa cum libertate notabant.' 
 
 Sect. XII. 1. 81 kU illi, 2tc] 
 Throughout the whole oration ' hie' 
 is applied to Milo ; ' ille' to Clo- 
 dius. 
 
 2. Turn nos] i. e. Ut nos scelere 
 solvamur. 
 
 3. Quonam igitur pacto, $c] His 
 first proof, which occupies this and 
 the following section is, that Clodius 
 would have gained by the death of 
 Milo, and vice versa. 
 
 4. Mud Cassianum] L. Cassius 
 was so remarkable for his strictness as 
 a judge, that Val. Max. (in. 7.) says, 
 4 Ejus tribunal scopulus reorum dice- 
 batur.' When appointed, says Ascon., 
 to judge the vestal virgins, of whom 
 L. Metellus had condemned only 
 one, Emilia, and acquitted Marcia 
 
 and Licinia ; he condemned them 
 also, along with several others. 
 
 5. Cut bono] i. e. ' Cui profuerit ;' 
 the double dative on ' fuerit.' This 
 was the usual question of Cassius. 
 Phil. ii. 14. 
 
 6. Perso7iis~] Arch. 2. n. 10. 
 
 7. Boni, fyc] Oderunt peccare boni 
 virtulis amore. Hor. Ep. i. 16. 52. 
 
 8. Emolumentum] From ' molo ;' 
 1. the profits of grinding ; 2. advan- 
 tage in general. 
 
 9. Eo consule] Sc. Milone ; and 
 Mis consulibus,' Hypsaeus, and Sci- 
 pio. 
 
 10. Remp.] Omitted by Orel. 
 
 11. Illi] The consuls. 
 
 12. Tantum beneficium] For Clo- 
 dius had canvassed for them. Supr. 
 9. ' Convocabat tribus,' &c. 
 
 13. Corroboratam] Metaph. from 
 trees, which are hard in proportion to 
 their age. 
 
 14. An vero judices, <Sfc] A 
 splendid amplification of this plain 
 proposition ; ' Clodius was about to 
 
106 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 pites 15 in hac urbe versamini ? vestrae peregrinantur 16 au- 
 res, neque in hoc pervagato civitatis sermone versantur, 
 quas ille leges, (si leges nominanda? sunt, ac non faces 
 urbis, pestes reipublicae,) fuerit impositurus nobis omni- 
 bus atque inusturus ? 17 Exhibe, quaeso, Sexte Clodi, 18 
 exhibe librarium illud legum vestrarum, quod te aiunt 
 eripuisse e domo, 19 et ex mediis armis turbaque noc- 
 turna 19 tanquam Palladium* sustulisse, ut praeclarum 
 videlicet munus ac instrumentum 21 tribunatus ad ali- 
 quem, si nactus esses, qui tuo arbitrio tribunatum gereret, 
 deferre posses. [Atque 21 per (omnes tribus 22 divisis liberti- 
 nis servos ille omnes, qui in libertate morarentur, 23 lege nova 
 additurus erat, ut ipsi cum ingenuis aequaliter suffragia fer- 
 rent.) An hujus ille legis, quam Sextus Clodius a se in- 
 ventam gloriatur, mentionem facere ausus esset, vivo Milone, 
 
 enact pernicioos laws in his praetor- 
 ship, were Milo dead.' Quint. 
 ix. 2. 
 
 15. Hospites] Eivoi sojourners. 
 Perhaps it is connected with iotioq, 
 from tana ; a hearth. It differs 
 from ' advena,' and ' peregrinus,' in 
 supposing an acquaintance or inti- 
 macy, which they do not. 
 
 16*. Peregrinantur aures] These 
 questions imply a charge of ignor- 
 ance, arising from negligence as to 
 what is passing around us. 
 
 17. Inusturus] Supposing Clodius 
 a tyrant, then he might be said to 
 brand his laws on the Romans, as 
 his slaves. Pis. 13. hex....inusta 
 per servos. 
 
 18. Sext. Clodi] The kinsman and 
 secretary of P. Clodius. Introd. 4. 
 
 19. Librarium'] An adj. with 
 'loculamentum;' understood; a book- 
 case. To show the quantity of these 
 laws, he desires him to exhibit, not 
 the parchments, but the chest con- 
 taining them. 
 
 19. Nocturna] For the body of 
 Clodius was brought to Rome late in 
 the evening ; and Sextus lost no time 
 in bringing forth from Clodius's house, 
 which was beset with armed crowds 
 
 collected round the dead body, this 
 trophy of his master's victory over 
 the constitution. 
 
 20. Palladium] This was an 
 image of Pallas, which originally 
 belonged to Troy ; from which it was 
 removed by Ulysses or Diomede. 
 How it came to Rome does not ap- 
 pear, but it was placed in the temple 
 of Vesta, from the flames of which 
 Metellus had rescued it. Juv. iii. 
 139. Sextus exhibited equal anx- 
 iety about Clodius's laws. 
 
 21. Instrumentum] An apparatus 
 for carrying on a tribuneship ; sc. a 
 transcript of all such laws as a bad 
 tribune could turn to the destruction 
 of the state. 
 
 21. Atque reprehensio est] This 
 passage, included in brackets, is re- 
 stored by Orel, and others, from 
 Quint, ix. 2 ; and Schol. Ambros. Ad. 
 Orat. pro aer. alien. Mil. p. 97. Ed. 
 Maii. It refers to Clodius's infa- 
 mous law about enfranchising the 
 freedmen. Inf. 32. ' Incidebantur 
 domi leges, quae nos nostris servis ad- 
 dicerent.' Also 33. Lege nova, &c. 
 
 22. Tribus] Sc. rusticanas. 
 
 23. Qui in libert. morar.] i. e. 
 Were libertini. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 13. 
 
 107 
 
 ne dicam consule? De nostrum enim omnium 24 non audeo 
 totum dicere. Videte, quid ea vitii lex habitura fuerit, cu- 
 jus periculosa etiam reprehensio est.] Et adspexit 25 me illis 
 quidem oculis, quibus turn 26 solebat, quum omnibus omnia 
 minabatur. Movet me quippe lumen curiae ! 
 
 XIII. Quid ? tu me iratum, Sexte, putas tibi, cujus tu 
 inimicissimum multo crudelius etiam punitus es, quam erat 
 humanitatis meae postulare ? Tu P. Clodii cruentum 1 cada- 
 ver ejecisti domo ; 2 tu in publicum abjecisti: tu spoliatui 
 imaginibus, 3 exsequiis, 4 pompa, laudatione, infelicissimis 
 lignis 5 semustulatum, 6 nocturnis canibus 7 dilaniandum reli- 
 
 24. De omnium non audeo~\ If 
 the MS. here is complete, as it seems, 
 there is an aposiopesis, which may be 
 variously supplied. Referring enim 
 to hujus legis, preceding, it may be, 
 
 salute exstinguenda, &c, &c.' 
 But I dare not dwell on it fully lest 
 I rouse the vengeance of his party. 
 Hence he adds ' cujus periculosa 
 etiam reprehensio.' Other methods 
 will suggest themselves. 
 
 25. Et aspexit me'] Cic, in order 
 to give his address an extempore air, 
 turns round to the senate, and re- 
 marks, that S. Clodius appears, from 
 his looks, to be displeased. ' For- 
 sooth, that talented individual, that 
 luminary of the senate, claims my at- 
 tention ; I, therefore, must explain.' 
 
 Quid ? tu me, &c.' The commen- 
 tators notice a 'jocus in ambiguo' in 
 
 lumen curiae :' for Sextus had set 
 on fire the senate-house. Perhaps 
 the 'jocus' consists rather in calling 
 the vile tool of a seditious tribune 
 
 lumen curiae,' an illustrious sena- 
 tor, the burning of the senate-house 
 being an unlikely subject for Cic. 
 to jest upon. [This note was written 
 before Orellius's edition was seen, 
 and though it is probable that there 
 is a farther lacuna,' it did not seem 
 necessary to alter it.] 
 
 26. Turn cum] Sc. in the tri- 
 buneship of P. Clodius, when Sextus 
 was the willing instrument of all the 
 injuries inflicted on Cicero. 
 
 Sect. XIII. 1. Omentum] Sine 
 lavatu. Enn. ' Tarquinii corpus bo- 
 na fcemina lavit et unxit.' 
 
 2. Ejecisti domo] When the corpse 
 of Clodius was brought home, Sex- 
 tus did not compose' and then bury 
 it. ' Ejecisti' and ' abjecisti' are 
 chosen to express the carelessness 
 and contempt with which he treated 
 the corpse of his patron. Against 
 this, Ulpian says, that an action lay : 
 ' Injuriarum fore actionem adversus 
 eum qui ejecit. Hor. i. 8. Hue 
 prius angustis ejecta cadavera cellis.' 
 
 3. Spoliatum imaginibus] Which 
 (Plin. xxxv. 2.) were preserved in 
 the halls of noble families, and 
 brought out on such occasions. Juv. 
 Sat. viii. 
 
 4. Exsequiis] A following to the 
 grave ; funeral procession, which 
 1 pompa,' also here signifies, and is 
 therefore, only amplificatory. 
 
 5. Infelicissimis lignis] ' lnfelices 
 arbores' are those which are dedi- 
 cated to the infernals. They are 
 
 either barren, or bear black fruit 
 
 Macrob. ii. 16. But the wood ge- 
 nerally employed in funeral piles was 
 fir, pine, cleft oak, &c, together with 
 balsam, mummy, and other perfumed 
 woods. The body of Clodius, how- 
 ever, was burned with the benches, 
 tables, &c.of the senate-house, which 
 he emphatically calls infelicissima.' 
 So Catul. (Ep. 37.) devotes the 
 writings of a sorry poet, 'lnfelici- 
 
108 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quisti. Quare 8 etsi nefarie 9 fecisti, tamen, quoniam in meo 
 inimico crudelitatem expromsisti tuam, laudare non possum, 
 irasci certe non debeo. [Demonslravi, 10 judices, quantum 
 Clodii inter fuerit occidi Milonem ; convertite animos nunc 
 vicissim ad Milonem. Quid Milonis intererat interfici 
 Clodium ? Quid erat, cur Milo, non dicam admitteret, sed 
 optaret ? Obstabat in spe consulatus Miloni Clodius. At 
 eo repugnante 11 fiebat ; immo vero, eo fiebat magis, nee me 
 suffragatore meliore utebatur, quam Clodio. Valebat apud 
 vos, judices, Milonis erga me remque publicam meritorum 
 memoria ; valebant preces et lacrimae nostra?, quibus ego turn 
 vos mirifice moveri sentiebam, sed plus multo valebat peri- 
 culorum impendentium timor. Quis enim erat civium qui 
 sibi solutam 12 P. Clodii praeturam 13 sine maximo rerum no- 
 varum metu proponeret ? Solutam autem] fore videbatis, 
 
 bus ustulanda lignis.' 
 
 6. Semust.] Al. semiustulatum. 
 Phil. ii. 36. So ' semi' becomes, in 
 effect, ' sem' before a vowel in Juv. 
 iv. 27. Quum jam semianimum la- 
 ceraret Flavius orbem. 
 
 7. Nocturnis canibus] From the 
 times of Homer this bas been a cir- 
 cumstance of aggravation...airoi>c o" 
 tXwpia Tti>xe Kvvtootv, iEn. ix. 
 485. lieu terra ignota! canibus da- 
 ta praeda Latinis, &c. 
 
 8. Quare'] Al. quam rem. 
 
 9. Nefarie] Al. necessario, as if 
 Sext. Clod, could not help abandon- 
 ing the dead body, owing to the 
 dangers arising from the burning 
 senate-house. But, admitting this, 
 it is evident that an action done 
 through necessity, is the object nei- 
 ther of praise nor anger. Graev. 
 therefore adopted ' nejarie,* ' quia 
 nefarie credebatur facere qui homi- 
 nem spoliabat funere ac exequiis. 
 But where is the opposition between, 
 ' although you acted like a villain,' 
 and ' yet I cannot praise you V 
 Either then take ' laudare non pos- 
 sum' parenthetically, ' yet ( while I 
 cannot praise your conduct) ;' or 
 
 arrange with Ern., ' quare, etsi, quia 
 nefarie fecisti, laudare non possum, 
 tamen quoniam in meo, &c... irasci 
 certe nondebes.' Wherefore, although 
 because you acted the villain I can- 
 not commend you, yet, &c. This 
 Schutz adopts. 
 
 10. Demons.] Sc. Supr. 12. * At- 
 qui, Milone interfecto, &c.' This 
 supplement included in brackets, is 
 taken from the Taurinian palimpsest 
 except the words in italics, supplied 
 by Peyronius and better by Bierius 
 Audi st is, judices, quantum Clodio pro~ 
 fuerit. Those who prefer the usual 
 text may read after non debeo, (omit- 
 ting the bracketed passage,) P. Clodii 
 -prxturam non sine maximo rerum no- 
 varum metu proponi, et solutam, &c. 
 
 11. Eo repugnante] Clodio. For 
 the election had proceeded so far as 
 that all the tribes were polled. Inf. 
 35. ' populi cunctis suffragiis se 
 consulem declaratum.' 
 
 12. Praturam] He had digressed 
 from this at ' An vero, judices, &c.' 
 above. 
 
 13. Stdutam] (Explained by ' con- 
 stringere') ' was likely to break 
 through every restraint.' 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 13. 
 
 109 
 
 nisi esset is consul, qui 14 earn auderet possetque constrin- 
 gere. Eum Milonem unum esse, quum sentiret universus po- 
 pulus Romanus, quis dubitaret suflfragio suo se metu, peri- 
 culo rempublicam liberare ? At nunc 15 Clodio remoto, 
 usitatis jam rebus enitendum est Miloni, ut tueatur digni- 
 tatem suam. Singularis ilia, et huic uni concessa gloria, 
 et qua? quotidie augebatur frangendis furoribus Clodianis, 
 jam Clodii morte cecidit. Vos adepti estis, ne quern civem 
 metueretis: hie exercitationem virtutis, suflfragationem con- 
 sulatus, fontem perennem 16 gloria? sua? perdidit. Itaque 
 Milonis consulatus, qui, vivo Clodio, labefactari non pote- 
 rat, mortuo denique tentari cceptus est. Non modo igitur 
 nihil prodest, sed obest etiam Clodii mors Miloni. At 
 valuit 17 odium, fecit iratus, fecit inimicus, fuit 18 ultor inju- 
 ria?, punitor doloris sui. Quid ? si ha?c, non dico, majora 
 fuerunt in Clodio quam in Milone, sed in illo maxima, nulla 
 in hoc : quid vultis amplius ? Quid enim odisset Clodium 
 Milo, segetem 19 ac materiem sua? gloria?, prater hoc civile 20 
 odium, quo omnes improbos odimus ? Ille, erat, 21 ut odis- 
 set, primum defensorem 22 salutis mea?, deinde vexatorem fu- 
 roris, domitorem armorum suorum, postremo etiam accu- 
 satorem suum. Reus enim Milonis lege Plotia 23 fuit Clo- 
 
 14. la qui] i.e. 'Talis qualis.' 
 Hence the subjunc. audiret possetq.' 
 
 15. At nunc'] Al. At non. But 
 Cic. means that hitherto, Milo had a 
 strong claim on the favour of the 
 good by his opposing Clod. ; now, 
 however, that being removed, he must 
 adopt the usual methods of obtaining 
 popular favour. Therefore he was a 
 loser by the death of Clodius. 
 
 16. Fontem perennem] Cited by 
 Quint, viii. 6, where he treats ' de 
 egregiis metaphoris.' 
 
 17. At valuit, &;c] But you will 
 say,$c. The second argument. 
 
 18. Fuit] Al. fecit. 
 
 19. Segetem] Corn- land. Metaph., 
 source, origin ; which is also the 
 meaning of 'materiem.' Sail. Cat. 
 10. Ea quasi materies omnium ma- 
 lorum fuere. Quint, viii. 6. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 20. Civile] (Opposed to ' hostile,' 
 ' internecivum') becoming citizens 
 against citizens ; moderate, proper. 
 
 21. Ille, erat] There was reason 
 that he should hate, &c. Perhaps 
 illi erat would be a preferable read- 
 ing. 
 
 22. Defensorem, c] Cic. speci- 
 fies three causes of enmity : 1. Milo, 
 as tribune, had assisted in the recall 
 of Cic. from exile ; 2. he had op- 
 posed the Clodian mob in their at- 
 tacks on the city ; 3. he had accused 
 Clodius. 
 
 23. Lege Plotia] Sc. de vi. M. 
 Plotius Silvanus was the colleague 
 of Carbo, noticed Arch. 5. Milo 
 had charged Clodius with assault- 
 ing the workmen at Cicero's house, 
 which was rebuilding at the public 
 expense. 
 
 L 
 
110 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 dius, quoad vixit. 24 Quo tandem animo hoc tyrannum 25 tulisse 
 creditis? quantum odium illius ? et in homine injusto, 26 
 quam etiam justum ? 
 
 XIV. Reliquum est, 1 ut jam ilium natura ipsius consue- 
 tudoque defendat, hunc autem haec eadem coarguant. Nihil 
 per vim 2 unquam Clodius, omnia per vim Milo. Quid 
 ergo, judices ! quum, mcerentibus vobis, urbe cessi, 3 judi- 
 ciumne timui ? non servos, non arma, non vim ? Qua? fuis- 
 set igitur causa justa restituendi mei, nisi fuisset injusta, 
 ejiciendi? Diem mihi, credo, dixerat ;* multam irrogarat f 
 actionem perduellionis 6 intenderat : et mihi videlicet in 
 causa, aut mala, aut mea, 7 non et praeclarissima et vestra, 
 judicium timendum fuit. Servorum et egentium civium 
 et facinorosorum armis meos cives, meis consiliis periculis- 
 que servatos, pro me objici nolui. 8 Vidi enim, vidi, liunc 
 ipsum Q. Hortensium, 9 lumen et ornamentum reipublicae, 
 paene interfici servorum manu, quum mihi adesset: qua in 
 turba C. Vibienus, senator, vir optimus, cum lioc quum es- 
 
 24. Reus enim quoad visit] The 
 accusation of Milo hung over Clodius 
 till his death. Att. iv. 3. 
 
 25. Tyrannum'] Clodium. 
 
 26. Et in homine injusto] And 
 notwithstanding the injustice of Clo- 
 dius, how fair and well-grounded 1 
 
 Sect. XIV. 1. Reliquum est, 
 Sfc] Having argued, 1. from the 
 cui bono' ; 2. from personal hatred ; 
 he now urges the natural disposition 
 of the parties ; and shows that his 
 client was always obedient to the 
 laws ; Clodius, always turbulent. 
 The third argument. 
 
 2. Nihil per vim] Ironically. 
 
 3. Urbe cessi] The day before 
 Clodius's act against Cic. passed, he 
 went into voluntary exile. * Mceren- 
 tibus vobis,' alludes to the senators 
 having put on mourning ; and ' ser- 
 vos arma' to the Clodian mob, who 
 followed Cic. wherever he went, ridi- 
 caling his mourning garb. 
 
 4. Diem mihi, credo, dixerat, fyc] 
 He had not followed any of the regu- 
 lar processes against Cic. ' Diem 
 Uicere,' the proper phrase as applied 
 
 to Clodius, then a tribune. 
 
 5. Multam irrogare] Is, when a 
 tribune applies to the people to im- 
 pose a fine. 
 
 6. Perduellionis] ' Perduellis,' the 
 old word for ' hostis' afterwards re- 
 stricted to ' an enemy of the state.' 
 Hence ' Perduellio,' treason ; which, 
 in this case, was Cicero's putting the 
 conspirators to death without trial. 
 ' Intendere' is a law term, * meaning 
 * to bring a charge against.' 
 
 7. Aut mala aut mea] Al. aut 
 vestra mala, aut mea nee pra>clarissi- 
 ma. The irony is continued : As 
 if, forsooth, in a cause either bad or 
 mine, and not both most excellent 
 and yours, &c.' 
 
 8. A T o/ui] For Cicero's friends 
 wished him to repel the force of Clod, 
 by force. 
 
 9. Q. Hortensium] Manil. 17. n. 
 2. When Cic. was accused by Clod, 
 it was proposed, by the senate, that 
 the Roman people should go into 
 mourning. This was opposed by the 
 consuls, Gabinius and Piso ; and 
 some of the senators on leaving the 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 14. Ill 
 
 set una, ita est mulcatus 10 , ut vitam amiserit. Itaque quando 
 illius postea sica ilia, quam a Catilina 11 acceperat, conquie- 
 vit? Haec intentata nobis est; huic ego vos objici pro me 
 non sum passus ; haec insidiata Pompeio 12 est ; haec istam 
 Appiam [viam,] monumentum sui nominis, nece Papirii li! 
 cruentavit; haec, haec eadem, longo intervallo, 1 * conversa 
 rursus est in me ; nuper quidem, ut scitis, me ad regiam 15 
 pene confecit. Quid simile Milonis? cujus vis omnis haec 
 semper fuit, ne P. Clodius, quum in judicium detrain non 
 posset, vi oppressam civitatem teneret. Quern si interficere 
 voluisset, quanta?, quoties occasiones, quam praeclarae fue- 
 runt ? Potuitne, quum domum ac deos penates 16 suos, illo 
 oppugnante, defenderet, jure se ulcisci ? potuitne, cive egre- 
 gio et viro fortissimo, P. Sextio, 17 collega suo, vulnerato ? 
 potuitne, Q. Fabricio, 13 viro optimo, quum de reditu 1\ o 
 legem ferret, pulso, crudelissima in ibro caede facta ? potuit- 
 ne, L. Caecilii, 19 justissimi fortissimique praetoris,oppugnata 
 domo ? potuitne illo die, quum est lata lex de me ? 20 quum 
 totius Italiae 21 concursus, quern mea salus concitarat, facti 
 illius gloriam lubens agnovisset : ut, etiam si id Milo fecis- 
 set, cuncta civitas earn laudem pro sua vindicareiJ: ? 
 
 house were abused by the mob, among * Regia,' sc. domus, which some sup- 
 
 whom were Hortensius and Vibie- pose the palace of Numa ; others, of 
 
 nus. So Plut. Cic. 29 ; but Cicero, Ancus Martius ; others, of the Pon- 
 
 Sext. 11, says that it was its own tifex Max., was on the Via Sacra. 
 change of habit the senate decreed. 16. Domum a c dens penates] Att, 
 
 The knights had done so of their own iv. 3. This attack was made at 
 
 accord. eleven o'clock in the day, and de- 
 
 10. Mulcatus'] Abused, ill-treat- feated by a vigorous sally of Milo's 
 ed. Al. multatus, fined, amerced, friends under the command of Q. 
 Sed de verberibus mulco; de poena Flaccus. 
 
 exilii, pecuniae, &c. multo optime 17. P. Sextio] He was colleague 
 
 dicitur. Forcel. of Milo in his tribuneship. In Sext. 
 
 11. Cat.] Whose early friend he 39, it appears that he received twen- 
 had been. Introd. 2. ty wounds in the affray. 
 
 12. Pompeio] He means during 18. Q. Fabricio] Another col- 
 the enmity between him and Clodius league of Milo's. 
 
 about Tigranes. Supr. 8. n. 8. 19. L. Ccecilii] Praetor in the 
 
 13. Papirii] Supr. 7. n. 10. year of Cicero's return. Of this 
 
 14. Longo intervallo] Cic. had attack on his house, &c, nothing is 
 been exiled in Macedonia, between known. In Sen. p. Red. 9. 
 
 the attacks. 20. Lex de me] Pis. 15. De me 
 
 15. Ad regiam] Att. iv. 3. ' Cum legem tulit P. Lentulus consul de 
 Sacra Via descenderem, insecutus college Q. Metelli sententia. 
 
 est me cum suis : clamor, lapides, 21. Cum totius Italia] Pis. 22. 
 fustes, gladii, haec improvisa omnia.' A Brundisio usque Romam agraen 
 
112 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 XV. At quod erat tempus ? 2 Clarissimus et fortissimus 
 consul, inimicus Clodio, P. Lentulus, 2 ultor sceleris illius, 
 propugnator senatus, defensor vestra? voluntatis, patronus il- 
 lius publici consensus, restitutor salutis mea? ; septem pra?- 
 tores, 3 octo tribuni 4 plebis, illius adversarii, defensores mei ; 
 Cn. Pompeius 5 auctor et dux mei reditus, illius hostis : cujus 
 sententiam senatus omnis de salute mea gravissimam et 
 ornatissimam secutus est ; qui populum Romanum est co- 
 hortatus ; 6 qui, quum decretum de me Capua? 7 fecit, ipse 
 cuncta? Italia? cupienti et ejus fidem imploranti signum 8 de- 
 dit, ut ad me restituendum Romam concurrerent ; omnia 
 turn denique in ilium odia civium ardebant desiderio mei ; 
 quem [si] qui turn interemisset, non de impunitate ejus, 
 sed de praamiis cogitaretur. Tamen se Milo continuit, et P. 
 Clodium in judicium bis, 9 ad vim nunquam vocavit. Quid/ 
 privato Milone, 10 et reo ad populum, accusante P. Clodio, 
 quum in Cn. Pompeium pro Milone dicentem impetus fac- 
 tus est : qua? turn non modo occasio, sed etiam causa 11 illius 
 
 perpetuum totius Italia; viderem. 
 All these, had Milo slain Clodius, 
 would have claimed the glory of the 
 deed. 
 
 Sect. XV. 1. At quod erat temp.'] 
 Supply id quo; that in which. Al. 
 At que erat id temp. 
 
 2. P. Lentulus] Spinther. 
 
 3. Septem Pratores] There was 
 one exception. Appius Claudius. 
 Pis. 15. 
 
 4. Octo tribuni] There were two 
 on Clodius's side, Q. Attil. Ser- 
 ranus, and Num. Quintius. Pis. 15. 
 Sext. 33. 
 
 5. Cn. Pompeius] Pis. 15. Porr.- 
 pey had suffered Cic. to be banished 
 as a punishment for his vanity j but 
 finding that Clodius, presuming too 
 much on his popularity, began to 
 think himself a match for the trium- 
 virate, he recalled Cic. in order to 
 keep him in check. 
 
 6. Qui cohortatus] The oration, 
 ad Quir. p. Red. 7, contains an ab- 
 stract of Pompey's speech on this 
 occasion. 
 
 7. Decretum Capucc] Pompey had 
 
 been appointed, by the Julian law, 
 one of the Duumviri for governing 
 the new colony at Capua ; in right 
 of which otrice he made this decree. 
 Pis. 11. In Sen. p. Red. 11. 
 
 8. Signum] Properly, the sound 
 of the trumpet ; the watch-word. 
 Sail. Cat. 62. Signa canunt. Virg. 
 vii. 637, it bello tessera signum. 
 ' Signum dedit,' gave the signal to 
 convene, &c. 
 
 9. Judicium bis] Once, before the 
 return of Cic, which was prevented 
 by the praetor Appius, and tribune 
 Serranus. Sext. 41. A second time, 
 after his return, which was not com- 
 pleted before Clodius's death. Supr. 
 13.n.24. 
 
 10. Privato Milone] As soon as 
 Milo ceased to be tribune, he was 
 accused, in turn, by Clodius, now 
 asdile, and defended by Pompey, 
 Crassus, and Cicero. Pompey, not- 
 withstanding the continued clamour 
 and abuse of the Clodian mob, spoke 
 for nearly three hours. Q. Fr, ii. 3. 
 Sext. 44. Introd. 3. 
 
 11. Etiam causa] Sc. to defend 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 16. 
 
 113 
 
 opprimendi fuit ? Nuper vero quum M. Antonius 12 summam 
 spem salutis bonis omnibus attulisset, gravissimamque ado- 
 lescens nobilissimus 13 reipublicse partem fortissime susce- 
 pisset, atque illam belluam, judicii laqueos declinantem, jam 
 irretitam 14 teneret : qui locus, quod tempus illud, dii immor- 
 tales, fuit ? Quum se ille fugiens in scalarum tenebras 15 ab- 
 didisset, magnum Miloni 16 fuit conficere illam pestem nulla 
 sua invidia^ Antonii vero maxima gloria ? Quid ? comitiis 17 
 in campo quoties potestas fuit ! quum ille [vi] in saepta 13 ir- 
 rupisset, gladios distringendos, lapides jaciendos curasset, 
 dein subito, vultu Milonis perterritus, fugeret ad Tiberim, 19 
 vos et omnes boni vota faceretis, 20 ut Miloni uti virtute sua 21 
 liberet. 
 
 XVI. Quem igitur 1 cum omnium gratia noluit, hunc vo- 
 luit cum aliquorum querela ? quem jure, quem loco, quem 
 tempore, quem impune non est ausus ; hunc injuria, iniquo 
 loco, alieno tempore, periculo capitis, non dubitavit occide- 
 re ? Praesertim, judices, quum honoris amplissimi 2 conten- 
 
 Pompey, his great patron. 
 
 12. M. Amtouhu] Phil. ii. 9. M. 
 Antony was originally a friend of 
 Cic. It is not known on what oc- 
 casion he was so nearly earning this 
 fame. Abram. conjectures the en- 
 rolment of the new colony, or Colline 
 tribe, supr. 9. It is more likely that 
 it occurred when Clodius opposed, 
 with his mob, the attempt of Milo 
 to bring him to trial for assaulting 
 Cicero's house. 
 
 13. Nobilissimus] Phil. i. 12. 
 
 14. Laqueos irretitam~] Borrowed 
 from hunting. 
 
 15. Scalaram tenebras"] Tabernai 
 librarian Phil. ii. 9. ; a stair-case. 
 
 16. Magnum Miloni] H or. ' Mag- 
 num fecit ;' a great exploit. We 
 must suppose Antony to be acting 
 under the direction of Milo, who had 
 only to give him the hint, and Clo- 
 dius would have been slain. 
 
 17. Comitiis] When he was ob- 
 structing the election of Milo, and 
 favouring that of Scipio and Hyp- 
 saeus. 
 
 18. Sapta] These were two en- 
 
 closures in the Campus Martius, 
 (called, also, Ovilia) one, for the 
 people to assemble in to vote ; the 
 other, for the magistrates, and the 
 officers. They were connected by 
 bridges (pontes), by which the elec- 
 tors passed to give their votes. 
 
 18. Ad Tiberim] For the Cam- 
 pus Martius was washed by that 
 river. 
 
 20. Vota faceretis] So inf. 28. 
 ' Vota enim faceretis ut, &c.' 
 
 21. Uti virtute] Exert his brave- 
 ry; aeuphem. for ' slay Clodius.' 
 
 Sect. XVI. I. Quem igitur, <5fc] 
 The object of this long argument, 
 from c. 14, is to prove, 'nihil 
 per vim Milo.' As, however, it might 
 be said that other motives besides the 
 love of violence might have actuated 
 Milo, Cic, ingeniously, here con- 
 cludes more widely that Milo hav- 
 ing formerly omitted the fairest op- 
 portunities of killing Clodius, cannot 
 be imagined to have done so now 
 with every disadvantage. 
 
 2. Honoris amplissimi] The con- 
 sulship, 
 
 l2 
 
J 14 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO 
 
 tio et dies comitiorum subesset ; quo quidem tempore (scio 
 enim, quam timida sit ambitio, quantaque et quam sollicita 
 cupiditas consulatus,) omnia non modo, quae reprehendi pa- 
 Jam, sed etiam quae obscure cogitari possunt, timemus; ru- 
 morem, fabulam 3 fictam, levem perhorrescimus ; ora omnium 
 atque oculos intuemur. Nihil enim est tarn molle, tarn te- 
 nerum, tarn ant fragile, aut flexibile, quam voluntas erga nos 
 sensusque civium : qui non modo improbitati irascuntur can- 
 didatonim, 4 sed etiam in recte factis 5 saepe fastidiunt. Hunc 
 diem igitur campi 6 speratum atque exoptatum sibi propo- 
 nens Milo, cruentis manibus scelus et facinus prae se ferens 
 et confitens, ad ilia augusta 7 centuriarum auspicia veniebat ? 
 quam hoc 8 non credibile in hoc ! quam idem in Clodio non 
 dubitandum ! qui 9 se, interfecto Milone, regnaturum puta- 
 ret. Quid ? quod caput audaciae est, judices : quis ignorat, 
 maximam illecebram esse peccandi, impunitatis spem ( 10 In 
 utro igitur haec fuit ? in Milone ? qui etiam nunc reus est 
 facti, aut praeclari, 11 aut certe necessarii. An in Clodio ? 
 qui ita judicia poenamque contempserat, ut eum nihil de- 
 lectaret, quod aut per naturam 12 fas esset, aut per leges 
 liceret. Sed quid ego argumentor? quid plura 13 disputo ? 
 te, Q. Petilli, appello, optimum et fortissimum civem : te, M. 
 Cato, testor : quos mihi divina quaedam sors dedit, judices. 
 
 3. Fabula] Hearsay which may secrata.' He means the comitia 
 be true or false ; limited here by the centuriata, at which the higher ma- 
 epithet 'fictam.' On the contrary, gistrates were elected. 
 
 ' fable' (contracti- ' fib,') is, with 8. Quam hoc non'] For Milo was 
 
 us, always applied to fiction. For a respecter of religion Clodius the 
 
 levem dil.falsam. reverse. Supr. 9. n. 7. 
 
 4. Candidatorum] The ' toga' of 9. Qui se] Al. quin. 
 
 the aspirants to office was fulled with 10. Impunitatis spem] He strength- 
 chalk or pipe-clay, (hence ' cretata ens his conclusion still further, by 
 ambitio* Pers. v. 177,) to intimate showing that the hope of impunity lay 
 the purity and sincerity of their mo- all with Clodius. This may be con- 
 tives : or, perhaps, to distinguish sidered the fourth argument, 
 them from the crowd. This, how- 11. Aut prazclari] As being done 
 ever, was anciently forbidden by law. to benefit the state ; ' necessarii,' as 
 ' Ne cui album in vestimentum ad- being in self-defence, 
 dere, petitionis causa, liceret.' Liv. 12. Per naturam'] Clodius had 
 iv. 25. committed incest with his sister ; 
 
 5. Recte factis] Upright actions. * per leges,' he had violated the 
 Hor. Recte facta refert, &c.' laws respecting the mysteries of the 
 
 6. Campi] Sc. Martii. i. e. Co- Bona Dea. 
 
 mitiorum. " 13. Sed quid plura] When lean 
 
 7. Augusta] i.e. ' Auguriis col- appeal to the personal knowledge of 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 17. 115 
 
 Vosex M. Favonio 14 audistis, Clodium sibi dixisse, et audis- 
 tis, vivo 15 Clodio, periturum Milonem triduo. Post diem terti- 
 um 16 gesta res est, quam dixerat. Quum ille non dubitaret 
 aperire, quid cogitaret ; vos potestis dubitare, quid fecerit ? 
 
 XVII. Quemadmodum igitur 1 eum dies non fefellit ? 
 Dixi equidem modo. 2 Dictatoris Lanuvini stata sacrificia 3 
 nosse negotii nihil erat. Vidit, necesse esse Miloni, proficis- 
 ci Lanuvium illo ipso, quo profectus est, die. Itaque ante- 
 vertit: At quo die ? quo, ut ante dixi, fuit insanissima con- 
 cio, ab ipsius mercenario tribuno 5 plebis concitata : quern 
 diem ille, quam concionem, quos clamores, nisi ad cogita- 
 tum facinus approperaret, nunquam reliquisset. Ergo illi 
 ne causa quidem itineris, etiam causa manendi : Miloni ma- 
 nendi nulla facultas, 6 exeundi non causa solum, sed etiam ne- 
 cessitas 7 fuit. Quid ? si, 8 ut ille scivit, Milonem fore eo die in 
 via, sic Clodium Milo ne suspicari quidem potuit ? Primum 
 quaero, qui scire potuerit ? quod vos idem in Clodio quae- 
 rere non potestis. Ut enim neminem alium, nisi T. Pati- 
 nam, 9 familiarissimum suum, rogasset, scire potuit, illo ipso 
 die Lanuvii a dictatore Milone prodi flaminem necesse esse. 
 Sed erant permulti alii, ex quibus id facillime scire posset : 
 omnes scilicet 10 Lanuvini. Milo de Clodii reditu unde quae- 
 
 some of my judges, that Clodius had bus fieri debent. Fest. 
 
 resolved to slay Milo This evidence 4. Quo die] Ante diem xiv. Cal. 
 
 of the animus of Clodius, from his Febr., or the nineteenth of Jan. Inf. 
 
 denouncing Milo's death within three 'quern pridie, fyc. eum postridie, <S)C.' 
 
 days, constitutes the fifth argument. 5. Tribuno] Quintus Pompey. 
 
 14. Favonio] Supr. 9. n. 20. Introd. 4. 
 
 15. Vivo] And could, therefore, 6. Facultas] Ad res, opes, artes ; 
 have denied the charge. ' facilitas' ad mores, pertinet. Fest. 
 
 16. Posttert.] i.e. 'Tertiodie post 7. Necessitas^ Supr. 10. Iter sol- 
 (juam, &c.' It means ' the next day lemne, legitimum, necessarium. 
 
 but one.' 8. Quid? si, c] His opponents 
 Sect. XVII. 1. Quemadmodum, might retort, that even admitting 
 c] It might be objected to the fifth Clodius to be aware of Milo's jour- 
 argument, that by specifying days it ney, there was the same reason to 
 implied, what had not been proved, suspect Milo of knowing about Clo- 
 that Clodius had a knowledge of dius's. Cic. denies that the cases 
 Milo's visit to Lanuvium. Cic. shows are parallel ; and points out various 
 both how that knowledge could be sources whence Clodius might have 
 obtained, and that to act upon it, procured his information ; whereas 
 Clodius had made the greatest per- there was none open to Milo. 
 sonal sacrifice. 9. Patinam] A Lanuvian ; and 
 
 2. Modo] Namely, c. 10. 'Quum well skilled in the usages of the 
 Clodius sciret, &c.' place. 
 
 3. Stata sacrificia] Que certisdie- 10. Scilicet) This is to say, 'every 
 
116 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 sivit ? Qusesierit sane : videte, quod vobis largiar ; servum 
 etiam, ut Arrius, 11 meus amicus, dixit, corruperit. 12 Legite 
 testimonia 13 testium vestrorum. Dixit C. Cassinius, [cog- 
 nomento] Schola, Interamnas, 14 familiarissimus et idem co- 
 mes P. Clodii ; cujus jampridem 15 testimonio Clodius ea- 
 dem hora Interamnas fuerat, et Romae, P. Clodium illo die in 
 Albano 16 mansurum fuisse : sed subito ei esse nuntiatum, Cy- 
 rum 17 architectum esse mortuum ; itaque Romam repente con- 
 stituisse proficisci. Dixit hoc comes item P. Clodii, C. Clo- 
 dius. 18 
 
 Lanuvian coukl inform you.' But 
 the words are suspected to be a gloss 
 on * permulti,' and are bracketed by 
 Garaton., &c. 
 
 11. Q. Arrius] Well known for 
 a celebrated entertainment which he 
 gave to the people, in honour of his 
 dead father, by which he hoped to 
 gain their favour in the event of his 
 seeking the consulship. Vat. 12. 
 This occurred in the consulship of 
 Caesar and Bibulus, a. u. 694. 
 Hence Hor., ' epulum arbitrio Arri.' 
 His suggestion here does not seem 
 to have been the most friendly to 
 IVIilo. 
 
 12. Corruperit] Though Cic. as- 
 sarts that Milo had no means of 
 knowing the return of Clodius from 
 Aricia, yet, for argument's sake, he 
 admits that he might have bribed a 
 slave of Clodius to inform him. He 
 then produces the testimony of Clo- 
 dius's own witnesses, to prove that 
 no such information could have been 
 given ; his (Clodius's) return to 
 Rome being contrary to his inten- 
 tion, and owing to a circumstance 
 that it was impossible to foresee. 
 
 13. Testimonia] These were taken 
 before hand, and ready to be quoted. 
 Supr. 1. n. 4. 
 
 14. Interamnas] A native of In- 
 teract) na. There were several towns 
 of this name in Italy ; one on the 
 Nar in Umbria, the birth-place of 
 Tacitus, the historian, now called 
 Terni ; another in Picenum, now 
 
 called Teramo ; and a third in La- 
 tium, at the confluence of the rivers 
 Liris and Melpis. Phil. ii. 41. 
 Commentators prefer the first here ; 
 and the distance of any one of them 
 is quite enough to make Cassinius's 
 testimony sufficiently improbable. 
 * Eadem hora' is rhetorical, as Att. 
 ii. 1., he says, ' e Sicilia septimo 
 die Romam, tribus horis Roma In- 
 teramnam.' Dom. 30. ' Cur non 
 juret se Gadibus fuisse, quum tu te 
 fuisse Interamnas probaveris.' 
 
 15. Jampridem] On the occasion 
 of his trial for violating the myste- 
 ries of the Bona Dea, when Clodius 
 attempted to prove an alibi by means 
 of this Cassinius. Att. ii. 1. Jt 
 may appear strange that Cic. should 
 lessen the credit of this witness, at 
 the very time that he is quoting him 
 to make out a point for himself, viz. : 
 that the return of Clodius being ac- 
 cidental, could not have been known 
 by Milo. But it is enough for his 
 present purpose that his opponents 
 admit the truth of the testimonies by 
 which he convicts them of charging 
 himself and Milo falsely. He af- 
 terwards shows that the evidence was 
 false, and this remark on Cassinius 
 leads the hearer to expect as much. 
 
 16. Albano] Sc. Agro, where Clo- 
 dius had a villa. It was so called 
 from the ancient city of Alba, found- 
 ed by Ascanius. .En. i. 275. 
 
 17. Cyrum] Noticed also Q. Fr. 
 ii. 2. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 18. 
 
 117 
 
 XVIII. Videte, judices, quantse 1 res his testimoniis sint 
 confecta?. Primum certe liberatur Milo, non eo consilio 
 profectus 2 esse, ut insidiaretiir in via Clodio : quippe 
 qui 3 obvius ei futurus omnino non erat. Deinde (non 
 enim video, cur non meum quoque agam negotium,) scitis, 
 judices, fuisse, qui in hac rogatione 4 suadenda dicerent, 
 Milonis manu caedem esse factam, consilio vero majoris 
 alicujus. Me videlicet latronem ac sicarium abjecti ho- 
 mines et perditi describebant. Jacent 5 suis testibus hi, qui 
 Clodium negant eo die Romam, nisi de Cyro audisset 6 fuisse 
 rediturum. Respiravi ; liberatus sum ; non vereor, ne, 7 
 quod ne suspicari quidem potuerim, videar id cogitasse. 
 Nunc persequar cetera. 7 Nam occurrit illud : " Igitur ne 
 Clodius quidem de insidiis cogitavit, quoniam fuit in 
 Albano mansurus." Siquidem exiturus ad caedem e villa 
 non fuisset. Video enim, ilium, qui dicitur de Cyri morte 
 nuntiasse, non id nuntiasse, sed Milonem appropinquare. 
 Nam quid de Cyro nuntiaret, quem Clodius Roma profi- 
 ciscens reliquerat morientem ? Una fui ; testamentum simul 
 
 18. C. Cbdius] The brother of 
 Publius, whose two sons were ac- 
 cusers of Milo. Introd. 5. 
 
 Sect. XVIII. 1. Quanta- res] 1. 
 That Clodius, whose return was thus 
 proved accidental, could not have 
 been waylaid by Milo ; 2. that Cic, 
 (every thing connected with whom 
 was always ' quanta,') could not 
 have instigated such an assault. 
 
 2. Liberatur non profectus esse] 
 An imitation of the Attic idiom 
 which requires pr} with the infin. 
 after negative verbs ; as airayoptv- 
 Hdiv 6i vop.01 /i// Knpvrreiv. .(Esch. 
 15 ; also of the common Greek idiom, 
 that the infin. takes a nom. case when 
 its agent is the same with the pre- 
 ceding verb. The ordinary construc- 
 tion would be ' profectum.' 
 
 3. Quippequi] Orel, quippe [si Me.] 
 But if quippe be retained, surely qui 
 is the proper word to follow it. 
 
 4. Hac rogatione] Sc. that an 
 extraordinary trial should be insti- 
 tuted. 
 
 5. Jacent] ' They are convicted 
 
 by, &c.' ; sc. by making his return 
 accidental. 
 
 6. Audisset] Al. auditum esset. 
 
 7. Vereor ne] i. e. Vereor sed 
 nolo ; but vereor ut ; vereor sed volo. 
 So Hor. Sat. ii. 1,61. O puer, ut sis 
 Vitalis, metuo ; I am apprehensive 
 that you may not be for this world, 
 however I may wish it. 
 
 7. Cetera] We saw, supr. n. 1, 
 how Cic. inferred the innocence of 
 his client and himself, from the tes- 
 timony of Cassinius. Why then pur- 
 sue the argument farther (persequar 
 cetera) ? Because their inference re- 
 mained (' occurrit illud,' this ob- 
 jection meets me,) sc. : that since 
 Clodius was to stay all night in his 
 Alban villa, therefore he did not 
 even think of waylaying Milo. Ad- 
 mitted, says Cic, if he had not been 
 to leave it to execute his bloody task 
 ('Siquidem, &c.') \ which I find to 
 be the case ; for I see the real business 
 of the so-called messenger, about 
 Cyrus, &c. ' Siquidem, &c.,' there- 
 fore, is the answer of Cic. to their in- 
 
118 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 obsi<mavi 8 cum Clodio ; testamentum autem palam 9 fecerat, 
 et ilium heredem 10 et me scripserat. Quem pridie hora 
 tertia 11 animam efflantem 12 reliquisset, eum mortuum pos- 
 tridie hora decima denique ei nuntiabatur ? 
 
 XIX. Age, sit ita factum i 1 quae causa, cur Romam pro- 
 peraret ? cur in noctem se conjiceret ? Quid afferebat les- 
 tinationis, 2 quod heres erat ? Primum erat nihil, 3 cur prope- 
 rato opus 4 esset : deinde, si quid esset, quid tandem erat, quod 
 ea nocte consequi posset, amitteret autem, si postridie mane 
 Romam venisset ? Atque, ut 5 ill! nocturnus ad urbem ad- 
 ventus vitandus 6 potius, quam expetendus fuit : sic Miloni, 
 quum insidiator esset, si ilium ad urbem noctu accessurum 
 sciebat, subsidendum 7 atque exspectandum fuit. Noctu in- 
 
 ference, and is to be separated from 
 it by a full point, as Schutz and 
 Orel, have done. 
 
 8. Testamentum obsignavi] So that 
 the legatees were the witnesses. This 
 was not afterwards the case, as Ul- 
 pian testifies. 
 
 9. Palam] For it was customary 
 to make and keep a will privately, 
 after signing and sealing it in the 
 presence of certain witnesses. Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 5. 
 
 10. Ilium heredem] This was 
 thought honorable to the indivi- 
 dual, independently of the profit. 
 Phil. ii. 16. ' Hereditates mihi ne- 
 gasti, &c.' 
 
 11. Hora tertia] Nine o'clock ; 
 ' decima,' four o'clock, at the equi- 
 nox ; now somewhat earlier. Supr. 
 10. n. 24. 
 
 12. Animam efflantem] Poetice 
 potius quam oratories, pro ' morien- 
 tem.' Horn. Ovubv cnronviiinv. 
 Virg. xi. Confixi expirant animas. 
 
 Sect. XIX. 1. Sit ita factum] 
 * Admitting that he was informed of 
 Cyrus's death ;' the remaining part 
 of the 'cetera;' i. e. of Cassinius's 
 evidence. 
 
 2. Festinationis quod] The read- 
 ings are here various, the sense 
 nearly the same. Em. causam festi- 
 
 nationis ? Graev. causa fest. Al. 
 festinatio. Tr. What cause for haste 
 did his being made heir bring with it 
 
 3. Primum nihil] Clodius, as a 
 legatee, might have been called on 
 to take charge of the funeral. That 
 duty, we may suppose, was assigned 
 to another. 
 
 4. Properato opus] * Opus,' a 
 subst. neut. used either personally, 
 as, 'dux nobis et auctor opus est,' 
 Cic, or impers. as here ; the part, 
 pass, being used for the second sup. 
 Sail. Cat. 1. Priusquam incipias 
 consulto, &c, opus est.' 
 
 5. Atque ut] Having spoken of 
 travelling by night, Cic. is led to 
 consider the time and place of the 
 rencounter. This constitutes his 
 sixth argument. Vid. supr. 16. n. 
 13. for the fifth. 
 
 6. Vitandus] The general odium 
 in which he was held laid him open 
 to nocturnal attacks ; and, therefore, 
 made it advisable to avoid latejournies. 
 
 7. Subsidendum] In insidiis sub- 
 sistendum. Inf. ' In eo loco sub- 
 sedit.' The part, in dus with fuit 
 expresses the propriety, duty, &c. of 
 an act which might have taken place, 
 but did not. So here, ' It was Milo's 
 business to have lain in wait for him, 
 though he did not.' 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 19. 
 
 119 
 
 sidioso et pleno latronum in loco occidisset ; 8 nemo ei ne- 
 ganti non eredidisset, qnem esse omnes salvum, etiam confi- 
 tentem, volunt. Sustinuisset hoc crimen primum ipse ille 
 latronum occultator et receptator 9 locus, dum neque muta 
 solitudo indicasset, neque ca?ca nox ostendisset Milonem ; 
 deinde ibi multi ab illo violati, spoliati, bonis expulsi, 
 multi etiam ha3c timentes in suspicionem caderent ; tota de- 
 nique rea citaretur Etruria. 10 Atque die illo 11 certe Aricia 12 
 rediens devertit Clodius ad se in Albanum. Quod ut 
 sciret 13 Milo, ilium Aricia? fuisse, suspicari tamen debuit, 
 eura, etiam si Romam illo die reverti vellet, ad villam su- 
 am, 14 qua? viam tangeret, deversurum. Cur neque ante 
 occurrit, ne ille in villa resideret ; nee eo in loco 15 subsedit, 
 quo ille noctu venturus esset ? Video adhuc 16 constare om- 
 nia, judices. Miloni etiam utile fuisse Clodium vivere ; illi 
 
 8. Noctu occidisset'] This clause 
 is not found in many MSS. and early 
 editions, and indeed it might well be 
 spared. The usual translation is: 
 'he viight have slain him, &c.' But 
 taken in connexion with subsiden- 
 dum fuit,' it should rather be, ' he 
 ought to have slain him, &c. ; if he 
 had, none would have disbelieved, 
 &c.' Perhaps a better construction 
 is : ' Had he slain him by night, (as 
 I have recommended,) and in a place 
 notorious for plots and robberies, 
 (which it was easy to select,) every 
 one would have believed, &cc. ; the 
 place would have borne the blame, 
 &c.' 'Insidioso:' al. invidioso, i.e. 
 of ill-repute. 
 
 9. Ipse ille recept.] These words 
 and ibi inf. show that Cic. had a par* 
 ticular spot in view. Ascon. informs 
 us that it was the tomb of one Basi- 
 lius, on the Appian way, notorious 
 for harbouring robbers and their boo- 
 ty. Refer ' locus' to ' insidioso loco,' 
 and caxa nox' to noctu. 
 
 10. Etruria] Supr. 9. ' Etruriam 
 vexaverat,' and the injured may be 
 expected to feel the desire of revenge. 
 
 11. Atque illo die] The seventh 
 argument. The preceding, sup. n. 
 
 5. was that were Milo the aggressor, 
 his attack should have been made 
 at night near the city.' This he 
 here varies by supposing his client 
 to be aware that Clodius, whose 
 country-seat lay between Rome and 
 Aricia, was at that town ; and by 
 asking, what particular spot an ag- 
 gressor so informed would choose for 
 his attack ? Evidently either between 
 Aricia and the villa, lest he might 
 call there and not leave it ; or near 
 the city, where his journey would be 
 in the shades of night. But Milo 
 chose neither, &c. 
 
 12. Aricia] A town of Latium, on 
 the Appian way. Hor, Sat. i. 5. 
 
 13. Quod ut sciret] But admit- 
 ting Milo knew of Clodius's being at 
 Aricia, (namely, by corrupting his 
 slaves.) Supr. n. 11. C. 17. n. 12. 
 
 14. Ad villam suam] His own 
 rather than Pompey's, which lay a 
 short distance from the road, and at 
 which it will be seen (c. 20.) that he 
 made a call. 
 
 15. Nee in eo loco] Sc. at the 
 tomb of Basilius, as noted above. 
 
 16. Video adhuc] He recapitulates 
 the various arguments from c. 12, 
 (omitting, however, ihefourth, (supr. 
 
120 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 ad ea, quae concupierat, optatissimum interitum Milonis : 
 odium fuisse illius in hunc acerbissimum ; in ilium hujus 
 nullum ; consuetudinem illius perpetuam in vi inferenda; 
 hujus tantum in repellenda : mortem ab illo denuntiatam 
 Miloni et praedicatam palam ; nihil unquam auditum ex 
 Milone: profectionis hujus diem illi notum; reditum illius 
 huic ignotum fuisse : hujus iter necessarium ; illius etiam 
 potius alienum : hunc prae se tulisse, se illo die Roma exi- 
 turum , ilium eo die se dissimulasse rediturum : hunc nul- 
 lius rei mutasse consilium ; ilium causam mutandi consilii 
 finxisse : huic, si insidiaretur, noctem prope urbem exspec- 
 tandam ; illi, etiam si hunc non timeret, tamen accessum ad 
 urbem nocturnum fuisse metuendum. 
 
 XX. Videamus nunc id, quod caput est : locus ad insi- 
 dias ille ipse, ubi congressi sunt, utri tandem fuerit aptior. 
 Id vero, judices, etiam dubitandum et diutius cogitandum 
 est ? Ante fundum 1 Clodii, quo in fundo, propter insanas 5 illas 
 substructiones, facile 3 mille hominum versabatur valentium, 4 
 edito 5 adversarii atque excelso loco superiorem se fore puta- 
 bat Milo, et ob earn rem eum locum ad pugnam potissi- 
 mum delegerat? An in eo loco est potius expectatus ab eo, 
 qui ipsius loci spe facere impetum cogitarat ? Res loquitur, 6 
 judices, ipsa ; quae semper valet plurimum. Si haec non 
 gesta 7 audiretis, sed picta videretis; tamen appareret, uter 
 esset insidiator, uter nihil cogitaret mali, quum alter 
 
 16. n. 10,) and particularizing the seve- necessary. 
 
 ral subsidiary points of the fifth,) and 4. Valent.] We say 'able-bodied.' 
 
 then proceeds (videamus nunc) to Kobusti et valentes satellites. Agr. 
 
 consider the actual site of the ren- ii. 31. ' Versabatur' usually rendered 
 
 counter. He had noticed where he were employed ;' but Forcel. says, 
 
 ought to have attaked him if he were ' were contained' ' was room for.' 
 the assailant, now he considers where 5. Edito adversarii atq ; excelso'] 
 
 (as was said) he did. The eighth ' Adversarii', i. e. Clodii, is omitted 
 
 argument. in the Delph. Tr. Did Milo think, in 
 
 Sect. XX. l.Ante Fundum.] Supr. front of Clodius's farm, &c. on the high 
 
 10. n. 7. 23. and lofty ground of his opponent, to 
 
 2. Insanas.] Quas insani faciunt. come off superior. 
 
 Inf. ' insanis molibus.' 6. Res loquitur] Without me. 
 
 3. Facile] Not less than ; pro 7. Si hac gesta, fyc] He now pro- 
 ' certo' ; and ' mille * here a subst. ceeds to argue from the concomitant 
 It may be an adject, as Virg. 'Sub circumstances, the vehicle, dress, train, 
 quo mille manusjuvenum j'andManut. &c. This ninth argument, with the 
 would make it so here, ' multitudo' explanations arising from it, extends 
 being understood, but it is quite un- to c. 23. 
 
PRO T. 
 
 ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 21. 
 
 121 
 
 veheretur in rheda pamulatus, una sederet uxor 8 . Quid 
 horum non impeditissimum ? vestitus, an vehiculum, an co- 
 mes ? quid minus promptum ad pugnam, quum paenula 
 irretitus, 9 rheda impeditus, uxore pa3ne constrictus 10 esset ? 
 Videte nunc 11 ilium, primum egredientem e villa, subito ; cur I 
 vesperi: quid necesse est? tarde: qui convenit, id pra> 
 sertim temporis? Devertit in villam Pompeii. Pompeium ut 
 videret ? Sciebat in Alsiensi 12 esse. Villam ut perspiceret ? 
 Millies in ea fuerat. Quid ergo erat ? Mora et tergiver- 
 satio. 13 Dum 14 hie veniret, locum relinquere noluit. 
 
 XXI. Age nunc, iter expediti 1 latronis cum Milonis impe- 
 dimentis comparate. Semper ille antea cum uxore : 2 turn sine 
 ea. Nunquam non in rheda : turn in equo. Comites Graeculi, 3 
 quocunque ibat, etiam quum in castra Etrusca 4 properabat ; 
 
 3. Ttheda uxor] Supra. 10. n. 
 13. 16. 
 
 9. Paznula irretitus] Forthe 'paenula' 
 was a close -fitting overall without 
 sleeves, which confined the arms. It 
 was either made of wool or skin, and 
 was principally used in travelling. 
 
 10. Pane constrictus] For he had 
 said ' una sederet uxor.' 
 
 11. Videte nunc] The connexion 
 here may perhaps be better seen by 
 supplying the phrases understood. Cic. 
 in reference to Clodius's hurrying out 
 of his villa, asks why he did so 1 The 
 Clodians reply, because it was even- 
 ing, and he had to hasten to Rome. Cic. 
 demands to know what necessity there 
 was for his travelling in the evening. 
 They reply that'hecame late (tarde) 
 to his villa, and could not therefore set 
 out sooner. But why throw himself 
 late in coming there from Aricia, parti- 
 cularly at that season of the year 1 He 
 could not help it. He had called at 
 Pompey's villa on his way. What bu- 
 siness had be there, when he knew 
 Pompey was not at home 1 &c. &c. 
 This reference of ' tarde' to Clo- 
 dius's arrival at instead of his setting 
 out from his villa, appears to be the 
 only way to prevent ' tarde' from 
 being a mere repetition of ' vesperi'. 
 If again we interpret ' tarde' ' lei- 
 surely, slowly, it will agree neither 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 with the reference to leaving bis villa ; 
 for it was done ' subito' ; nor to com- 
 ing to it ; for calling at Pompey's 
 need not make him travel ' leisure- 
 
 It may be added, that ' tarde' often 
 signifies ' sero'. Hor. ii. 2. 91. Tar- 
 dius adveniens hospes. Acad. iv. 1 . 
 ' Triennio tardius quam debuerat, tri- 
 umphavit'. Lamb, expunges ' est 
 tarde' altogether, which is a ready way 
 of solving the difficulty. 
 
 12. Alsiensi] Int. Villa vel agro. 
 Alsium was a town of Etruria on 
 the sea coast, near Ostia. 
 
 13. Tergiversatio] Al. mora et ter- 
 giversationis. It alludes either to his 
 shifting to Pompey's villa as an ex- 
 cuse, or to his sauntering back and for- 
 ward on the road to meet Milo. 
 
 14. Dum] Donee. Ter. Eun. i. 2. 
 126. Exspectabo dum venit. 
 
 Sect. XXI. 1. Expediti] Op- 
 posed to ' impedimentis', and both 
 derived from pes. Supr. 10. n. 15. 
 
 2. Uxore] Fulvia. Infr. Phil. ii. 5. 
 
 3. Graculi] Used by way of con- 
 tempt. Juv. Sat. 3. 76. They were 
 perhaps professors of music and the 
 fine arts ; perhaps worse. 
 
 4. Castra Etrusca] He hints that 
 Clodius was privy to the conspiracy 
 of Catiline, whose army was encamp- 
 ed under Manlius in Etruria. 
 
122 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 turn TiUgarum 5 in comitatu nihil. Milo, qui nunquam, turn 
 casu pueros symphoniacos 6 uxoris ducebat, et ancillarum 
 greges. Ille, qui semper secum scorta, semper exoletos, 7 
 semper lupas 8 duceret, turn neminem, nisi ut virum a viro 9 
 lectum esse diceres. Cur igitur victus est? Quia non sem- 
 per viator a latrone, nonnunquam etiam latro a viatore occi- 
 ditur: quia, quamquam paratus in imparatos Clodius, tamen 
 mulier 10 inciderat in viros. Nee vero sic erat unquam non 
 paratus Milo contra ilium, ut non satis fere esset paratus. 
 Semper ille, et quantum interesset P. Clodii, 11 se perire, 
 et quanto illi odio 12 esset, et quantum ille auderet, co- 
 gitabat. Quamobrem, vitam suam, quam maximis praemiis 
 propositam et paene addictam 13 sciebat, nunquam in pericu- 
 lum sine praesidio et sine custodia projiciebat. Adde casus, 
 adde incertos exitus pugnarum, Martemque communem 14 , 
 qui sa?pe spoliantem jam et exsultantem evertit, et perculit 
 ab abjecto 15 . Adde inscitiam 16 pransi, poti, oscitantis 17 ducis; 
 qui quum a tergo hostem interclusum reliquisset, 18 nihil de 
 
 5. Kugarum] For nugatorum,' 
 triflers. Att. vi.3. Amicoshabet meras 
 nugas, JMontinium, Scaptium. 
 
 6. Pueros symphoniacos'] Choris- 
 ters, singing-boys, ovufwiaKoi ; from 
 avfKfxovia, a harmony of mingled 
 sounds. 
 
 7. Exoletos'] Propr. ' adult ;' hence 
 1 pueri meritorii dicuntur adults jam 
 atatis.' Forcel. 
 
 Q.Lupas] Intimating a greater degree 
 of immodesty than ' scorta' who at 
 least wore clothes. Hor. ' Cum tibi 
 testiti facies scorti placet, haeres.' 
 
 9. Virum a viro] The Roman sol- 
 diers were permitted, when going on 
 a dangerous service, to choose their 
 comrades. Liv. ix. 39. 
 
 10. Mulier] So Horn. 'AxaiSec, 
 *k tr' 'Axaioi. Virg. Overe Phrygian! 
 neque enim Phryges. 
 
 11. Interesset P. Clodii] i. e. Esset 
 inter rem P. Clodii. For Milone 
 interfecto, hoc assequebatur, nonmodo 
 ut praetor esset non eo consule, &c.' 
 Supr. 12. 
 
 12. Quanto illi odio] Ille, erat, ut 
 odisset, primum defensorera salutis 
 
 meae, &c. Supr. 12. 
 
 13. Propositam et pane addictam] 
 The allusion is to a sale, where an 
 object is first set up and then knocked 
 down, assigned to, the highest bid- 
 der. 
 
 14. ftlartem communem] Iliad, xviii. 
 308. 
 
 Ewoq tvvaXioc, cat rbv Kravtovra 
 /cartcra. 
 
 15. Ab abjecto] The instrumenta- 
 lity of. 
 
 16 Inscitiam] Stultitiam. Lamb. 
 1 T.Oscitant is] Yawning sluggish. 
 Ter. Andr. i. 2. ' Sperantes jam amo- 
 to metu interea oscitantes opprimi' ; 
 where Donatus: * Oscitatio' est animi 
 otium et securitas ; dictum ab ' ore 
 ciendo.' 
 
 18. Qui reliquisset] Clodius thought 
 every thing safe, when Milo had pass- 
 ed him, and was separated from his 
 party, forgetting the famous gladiators, 
 Eudamus and Birrhia, in the rear of 
 INIilo's retinue ; from the latter of 
 whom, as Ascon.relates,Clod. received 
 a dangerous wound in the shoulder. 
 Introd. 4. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 22. 
 
 123 
 
 ejus extremis comitibus cogitavit : in quos incensos ira, vitam- 
 que domini desperantes quum incidisset, haesit in iis pcenis, 
 quas 19 ab eo servi fideles pro domini vita expetiverunt. Cur 
 igitur 20 eos manumisit ? Metuebat scilicet, ne indicarent ; 
 ne dolorem perferre non possent ; ne tormentis cogerentur, 
 occisum esse a servis Milonis in Appia via P. Clodium confi- 
 teri. Quid opus est tortore? quid quaeris? Occideritne ? 
 Occidit. Jure, an injuria? Nihil ad tortorem ? Facti enim 
 in eculeo 21 quaestio est, juris in judicio. 
 
 XXII. Quod igitur in causa quaerendum est, id agamus 
 bic : quod tormentis invenire vis, id fatemur. Manu vero 
 cur miserit, si id potius quaeris, quam cur parum amplis aflfe- 
 cerit praemiis, nescis inimici 1 factum reprehendere. Dixit 
 enim hie idem, qui omnia semper constanter et fortiter, M. 
 Cato, dixitque in turbulenta concione, quae tamen hujus auc- 
 toritate placata est, 2 non libertate solum, sed etiam 3 omnibus 
 
 19. Paznis, quas] A Euphemism. So 
 supr. 10/ fecerunt id, &c.' where vid. n. 
 
 20. Cur igitur, &c] Having ad- 
 mitted the fatal interference of the 
 slaves, Cic. might fairly be asked to 
 submit them to examination, as they 
 must be aware of the facts of the case. 
 He replies that it was useless. These 
 facts were acknowledged Milo slew 
 Clodius; and farther than this the 
 testimony of slaves could not go. But 
 here it is obvious to remark, that while 
 Milo admitted he had slain Clodius, 
 he urged that he had done so under 
 peculiar circumstances ; namely, in 
 self-defence. Now to the existence 
 of these peculiar circumstances it was 
 surely competent for the slaves to de- 
 pose ; but this question of fact Cic. 
 artfully confounds with the question 
 'jure, an injuria.' Vid. supr. c. 2.n.20. 
 
 This reply about the slaves (c 22.) 
 is introduced between the uinth and last 
 argument. 
 
 21. Eculeo] ' Equuleus' is 1. a foal, 
 young horse. Liv. xxiii. 31. Bos equu- 
 leum peperit. 2. An instrument of 
 torture made like a horse ; ' in qua 
 sontes distendebantur, et torqueban- 
 tur.' Forcel. From the expression of 
 Curtius, however, vi. 6. ' in equuleum 
 impoiiti,' it would appear that the vic- 
 
 tim was seated on the machine ; 
 whence some have thought that the 
 torture consisted in being obliged to 
 sit upon a sharp pointed seat which 
 was forced by pressure into the bo- 
 dy. 
 
 Sect. XXII. 1. Nescis inimici, 
 $c] Because you fix your censure 
 on that point of his conduct which 
 is deserving of the highest praise ; 
 whereas the proper complaint would 
 be a charge of ingratitude for in- 
 adequately rewarding conduct so me- 
 ritorious. And this the assertion of Ca- 
 to is sufficient to prove (dixitenim M. 
 Cato). 
 
 2. Qua placata est~\ Virg. ' Ac 
 veluti magno in populo cum saepe 
 coorta est Seditio, &c.' We may sup- 
 pose that in some of the numerous 
 turbulent assemblies which preceded 
 this trial, the Clodians, wishing to 
 have the authority of Cato on their 
 side, had called on him to censure 
 Milo for manumitting his slaves. His 
 resolute reply, while it frustrated their 
 hopes, had the effect of calming their 
 turbulence. 
 
 3. Non libertate solum, sed etiam] 
 Therefore Milo was obnoxious to the 
 charge of illiberality ; which his oppo- 
 nents did not see. 
 
124 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 praemiis dignissimos fuisse, qui domini caput defendissent. 
 Quod enim praemium satis magnum est tarn benevolis, tarn 
 bonis, tarn fidelibus servis, propter quos 4 vivit ? Etsi id 5 qui- 
 dem non tanti est, quam quod propter eosdem non sanguine 
 et vulneribus suis crudelissimi inimici nientem oculosque sa- 
 tiavit. Quos nisi manumisisset, tormentis etiam dedendi 
 fuerunt, 6 conservatores domini, ultores sceleris, defensores ne- 
 eis. Hie vero nihil habet in his malis, quod minus moleste 
 f erat, 7 quam, etiam si quid ipsi accidat, 8 esse tamen illis meri- 
 tum praemium persolutum. Sed quaestiones urgent Milonem, 
 qua? sunt habitae 9 nunc in atrio Libertatis. Quibusnam de 
 servis 10 ? Rogas? De P. Clodii. Quis eos postulavit? Ap- 
 pius. Quis produxit ? Appius. 11 Unde? Ab Appio. 12 Dii 
 boni 13 ! quid potest agi severius ? De servis nulla lege quaes- 
 tio est in dominos, nisi de incestu, 1 * ut fuit in Clodium. 15 
 Proxime deos accessit 16 Clodius, propius quam turn, quum ad 
 
 4. Propter quos] By whose instru- 
 mentality. ' Propter' here imports 
 the efficient cause, for which ' per' is 
 more common. Inf. 30. ' Lugere eum 
 solum propter quem ceterilaetarentur. 
 
 5. Esti id, c\c] Though a brave 
 man despises death, yet he shuns to 
 gratify his foes by the manner of it. 
 
 6. Fuerunt] Al. fuissent. " With 
 the participle of the future in rus and 
 passive in dus, the indicative of sum in 
 the past time is much more commonly 
 used than the subj." Zumpt's L. 
 Gram. p. 295. Supr. 11. n. 7. 
 
 7. Minus moleste ferat] A ' Litotes' 
 for ' yields more satisfaction.' 
 
 8. Si quid ipsi accidat] Manil. 
 20.n.l. 
 
 9. Qua sunt habite] This should 
 mean ' are held ;' 'are over ;' but it 
 is sometimes in a pi-esent sense ; ' are 
 [being] held.' So Comitia habita' 
 and the like. 
 
 10. Quibusnam de servis] When 
 Appius could not procure the slaves 
 of Milo for examination, he had re- 
 course to those of P. Clodius. Cic. 
 shews the fairness that may be expect- 
 ed from slaves drilled by the accuser. 
 Inf. Quid hac qurestione dici potest 
 integrius 1 quid incorruptius ? 
 
 11. Quis Appius] Vid. Quint, ix. 
 3, respecting this figure. 
 
 12. Unde? ab Appio] Ulpian. re- 
 fert, ' ad quaestionem non provocan- 
 dos eos, quos accusator de domo sua 
 produxit.' 
 
 13. Dii boni, $c] This exclamation 
 is not ironical. It was a real hardship 
 that the slaves of Clodius should be 
 subjected to the torture ostensibly 
 against their master, but really against 
 Milo ; from which they were protected 
 ' more majorum' as Cic. (Dejot. 1.) 
 says ; by a decree of the senate, as 
 Tacitus. Ann. ii. 30. 
 
 14. Nisi de incestu~] The reason of 
 this exception was the impossibility of 
 detecting the crime by the ordinary 
 means. If proved at all, it should be 
 proved by slaves. It would appear 
 that the exception was afterwards done 
 away with. Vid. Abram. note. 
 
 15. Utfuit in Clodium.] The menti- 
 on of incest, under which was included 
 every species of sacrilege, permits Cic. 
 to return to his favourite charge against 
 Clodius, the violation of the rites of the 
 Bona Dea. 
 
 16. Proxime deos accessit] Because 
 he is put on a par with them in the 
 mode of examination touching his 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 23. 
 
 125 
 
 ipsos penetrarat; cujus demorte, tanquam de caeremoniis 17 vi- 
 olatis quaeritur. Sed tamen 18 majores nostri in dominum de 
 servo quaeri noluerunt, non quia non posset verum inveniri, 
 sed quia videbatur indignum, et dominis morte ipsa tristius. 
 In reum de servis accusatoris quum quaeritur, verum invenin 
 potest? Age vero, quae erat, aut qualis quaestio ? Heus tu, 
 Rufio, verbi causa, 19 cave sis mentiare. Clodius insidias fecit 
 Miloni. 20 Fecit. Certa crux. 21 Nullas fecit. Sperata liber- 
 tas. Quid hac quaestione certius ? Subito arrepti 22 in quaes- 
 tionem, tamen separantur a ceteris, et in areas 23 conjiciun- 
 tur, ne quis cum iis colloqui possit. Hi centum dies 24 penes 
 accusatorem 25 quum fuissent, ab eo ipso accusatore produti 
 sunt. Quid hac quaestione dici potest integrius ? quid in- 
 corruptius ? 
 
 XXIII. Quod si nondum 1 satis cernitis, quum res ipsa tot 
 
 death. The violation of their myste- 
 ries demands the inquisition. The 
 death of Clodius has called for the 
 same. This is a nearer approach to 
 divinity than was even his famous ad- 
 venture at Caesar's house. 
 
 17. Ceeremoniis] Val. Max. (i. 1.) 
 derives this word from Caere, the name 
 of a town in Etruria, to which he says 
 the Romans in the Gallic war confided 
 their sacred rites, and received them 
 again in safety. Rather because the 
 Roman rites were mainly Etrurian, if 
 we do not prefer to take it from ' cae- 
 lum.' qu. ' caelimonia,' as * caeruleus,' 
 qu. caeluleus.' 
 
 18. Sed tamen fyc] Were the slaves 
 of Milo examined against Milo, the 
 truth might easily be elicited ; for it 
 was not the difficulty of arriving at the 
 truth, but the indignity of the proceed- 
 ing that dictated the rejection of such 
 testimony ; but where the slaves of 
 the accuser are questioned against the 
 arraigned, of Appius against Milo, is 
 truth to be expected t He illustrates 
 this by giving a specimen of the mode 
 of examination. ' Age vero, &c.' 
 
 19. Verbi causa] Al. Ubi Cascal 
 and for Rufio, Ruscio. 
 
 20. Clodius Miloni] Ulpian in- 
 forms us, that it was especially required 
 
 in the questioning to make it general, 
 and mention no one by name. 
 
 21. Certa crux] To which is op- 
 posed * Sperata libertas ;' for cruci- 
 fixion was the proper punishment of 
 slaves. 
 
 22. Subito arrepti, c] He con- 
 trasts the proceedings in other ques- 
 tions with the present. In them, slaves 
 hurried to the examination without 
 any previous warning, are yet kept 
 apart from the others in solitary 
 confinement, whence they are pro- 
 duced when required. In this case 
 the prosecutor, after a hundred days 
 tampering with them, produces them 
 for examination. ' Subito arrepto' is 
 opposed to ' centum dies.' 
 
 23. In areas] Cells in gaols and 
 private houses for the solitary confine- 
 ment of culprits or slaves. Abram. 
 mistakes them for instruments of tor- 
 ture. 
 
 24. Centum dies] Inf. 35. Cen- 
 tesima lux, est haec et altera. 
 
 25. Penes accusatorem] i. e. In the 
 house of the prosecutor. 
 
 Sect. XXIII. 1. Quod si non- 
 dum, &;c] The only ground of argu- 
 ment remaining to Cic. after so many 
 being urged, was ' a consequent!- 
 bus' from the conduct of Milo after 
 M 2 
 
126 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tarn claris argumentis signisque luceat ; pura mente atque 
 integra Milonem, nullo scelere imburum, nullo metu perter- 
 ritum, nulla conscientia exanimatum, Romam revertisse: 2 
 recordamini, per deos immortales ! qua? fuerit celeritas re- 
 ditus ejus: qui ingressus in forum, ardente curia: quae mag- 
 nitude- animi, qui vultus, qua? oratio. Neque vero 3 se po- 
 pulo solum, sed etiam senatui commisit : neque senatui modo, 
 sed etiam publicis praesidiis 4 et armis: neque his tantum, ve- 
 lum etiam ejus potestati, 5 cui senatus totam rempublicam, 
 omnem Italia? pubem, cuncta populi Romani arma commise- 
 rat: cui nunquam se hie profecto tradidisset, nisi causae suae 
 confideret : praesertim omnia audienti, magna metuenti, multa 
 suspicanti, nonnulla credenti. Magna vis 6 est conscientia?, 
 judices, et magna in utramque partem: ut neque timeant, 
 qui 7 nihil commiserint, et pcenam semper ante oculos versari 
 putent, qui peccarint. Neque vero sine ratione certa causa 
 Milonis semper a senatu probata est. Videbant enim sapi- 
 entissimi homines facti rationem, 8 praesentiam animi, defensi- 
 onis constantiam. An vero obliti estis, judices, recenti illo 
 nuncio necis Clodiana?, non modo inimicorum Milonis ser- 
 
 the fatal rencounter, his expeditious 
 return, his lofty bearing and language ! 
 These could only result from con- 
 scious innocence, c. 23. 24. 
 
 2. Romam revertisse] Yet Milo, as 
 Ascon. relates, did not return to Rome 
 till late the following day, by which 
 time the Clodians, by their violence 
 in burning the senate house, (ardente 
 curia,) had turned the tide of popu- 
 lar feeling in his favour. Introd. 4. 
 
 3. Neque vero se, fyc] This climax 
 is imitated from Dem. de Cor. 55. 
 Ovk tiirov fitv ravra, kk iypaxpa ci' 
 nSk iypaipa fitv, ic i-rrpiojitvoa. Zv 
 iilk tirpkofBtvoa fitv, bk tirtiaa Se 
 SnfiaiuQ. 
 
 4. Publicis prtcsidiis, fyc] i. e. To 
 Fompey and the levies under his com- 
 mand. But this surrender to the 
 public authorities did not take place 
 immediately; as at least two months 
 intervened before the senate agreed on 
 the appointment of Pompey to be 
 sole consul. During this time Milo 
 was witness to the * note of prepara- 
 
 tion' against himself, yet chose to abide 
 the consequences rather than submit 
 to a voluntary exile. 
 
 5. Potestati] The sole consulship, 
 with plenary authority from the senate. 
 Introd. 4. 
 
 6. Magna vis, fyc] This subject is 
 dilated on by Plut. and Juv. Sat. xiii. 
 196 ; the latter of whom thinks it ex- 
 ceeds the torments of hell, 'Nocte dieq. 
 suum gestare in pectoretestem.' 'Ne- 
 que ;' both not. So Phil. ii. 42. ne- 
 que desideravit, &c. ; both did not 
 want, &c. 
 
 7. Timeant, qui, fyc] Abram. quotes 
 as in accordance with this, the answer 
 of Bias ; who being asked what there 
 was in life devoid of fear, replied a 
 good conscience.' 
 
 8. Facti rationem] ' The grounds on 
 which he defended his conduct.' This 
 technical use of the phrase is illus- 
 trated, f Auct. ad Herenn. i. 16, by the 
 case of Orestes, who, when charged 
 with the murder of his mother * affert 
 rationem facti; ilia enim, inquit, pa- 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 24. 
 
 127 
 
 mones et opiniones, 9 sed nonnullorum etiam imperitorum? 10 
 Negabant eum Romam esse rediturum. Sive enim illud 
 animo irato ac percito fecisset, ut incensus odio trucidaret 
 inimicum, arbitrabantur, 11 eum tanti mortem P. Clodii pu- 
 tasse, ut aequo animo patria careret, quum sanguine inimici 
 explesset 12 odium suum : sive etiam illius morte patriam li- 
 berare voluisset, non dubitaturum fortem virum, quin, quum 
 suo periculo salutem reipublica? attulisset, cederet aequo 
 animo legibus, 13 secum auferret gloriam sempiternam, nobis 
 haec fruenda relinqueret, qua? ipse servasset. Multi etiam 
 Catilinam atque ilia portenta 14 loquebantur: c ErUxMPEt, 
 occupabit aliquem locum, bellum patriae faciet' Miseros 16 
 interdum cives, optime de republica meritos ! 17 in quibus ho- 
 mines non modo res praeclarissimas obliviscuntur, sed etiam 
 nefarias suspicantur. Ergo ilia falsa fuerunt : quae certe vera 
 extitissent, 18 si Milo admisisset 19 aliquid, quod non posset ho- 
 neste vereque defendere. 
 
 XXIV. Quid? 1 quae postea sunt in eum congesta: qua? 
 
 trem raeum occiderat.' In Milo's case 
 the ' ratio facti' was the lawfulness of 
 self-defence. 
 
 9. Opiniones'} ' Opinio' is often not 
 merely the mental conception, but 
 that conception expressed in words ; 
 a rumour, a report ; and hence syno- 
 nymous with ' sermones' preceding. 
 Manil. 1 . n. 7. Suet, in Ner. 53. Exiit 
 opinio, eum descensurum ad Olympia 
 inter athletas. 
 
 10. Nonnul. imper.~] Who though 
 not the ememies of Milo, were yet 
 ignorant' rationis facti.' Al. insert qui 
 before ' negabant.' 
 
 11. Arbitrabantur] Sc. the ' im- 
 periti.' 
 
 12. Sanguine explesset] Parallel 
 oxpresions abound in Horn, and Virg. 
 Vid. II. iv. 35, and xxii. 346 j Mu. 
 ii. 298; vii.567. 
 
 13. Legibus] Which announces ex- 
 ile to the homicide. But Em. puts it 
 in brackets, and understands ' cedere' 
 as 'abire.' Inf. 1 3. Cedam atque abibo. 
 
 14. Multi] Sc. ' inimici', as above. 
 14. Ilia portenta] Those monsters 
 
 of men, ex. g. Lentulus, Cethegus. 
 
 Delph. But had these been meant, Cic. 
 would have added their names, as, de 
 Prov. Cons. 1. Gabinius et Piso, duo 
 reip. portenta. Understand then ra- 
 ther ' those monstrous enormities of 
 which Catiline was guilty.' 
 
 15. Erumpet, c.] This word which 
 properly signifies to gush as water 
 out of a fountain,' Cic. had already in 
 some degree appropriated to the hur- 
 ried departure of Catiline from the 
 city. Cat. ii.l. ' Abiit,' cxcessit, evasit, 
 EnupiT.' So Sail. Cat. 43. ' Simul 
 caedeet incendio perculsis omnibus, ad 
 Cat. erumperent.' By using it here, 
 the enemies of Milo meant to suggest 
 a parallel between him and that con- 
 spirator. 
 
 16. Miseros, c] The interj. pn'j, 
 or the like, is here suppressed. 
 
 17. Optime de meritos'] Deserv- 
 ing best at the hands of; having best 
 served. 
 
 18. Extitissent] Arch. i. n. 10. 
 
 19. Admisisset] Had committed. 
 Hor. Tu nihil admittesin te formidine 
 pcenje. 
 
 Sect. XXI V.~ 1. Quid] Sc.dicam. 
 
128 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quemvis etiam mediocrium delictorum conscientia 2 perculis- 
 sent, ut sustinuit! dii immortales! sustinuit? 3 immo vero ut 
 contempsit, ac pro nihilo putavit! quae neque maximo animo 
 nocens, neque innocens, nisi fortissimus vir, negligere potu- 
 isset. Scutorum, gladiorum, [frenorum,] 4 sparorum, pilo- 
 rumque etiam multitudo deprehendi posse 6 judicabatur. Nul- 
 lum in urbe vicum, nullum angiportum esse dicebant, in quo 
 Miloni non esset conducta domus: anna in villain Ocricula- 
 nam 7 devecta Tiberi : domus 8 in clivo Capitolino scutis re- 
 ferta : plena omnia malleolorum 9 ad urbis incendia com- 
 paratorum. Haec non delata solum, sed poene credita, nee 
 ante repudiata 10 sunt, quam quaesita. Laudabam 11 equidem 
 incredibilem diligentiam Cn. Pompeii : sed dicam, ut sen- 
 tio, judices. Nimis multa audire coguntur, neque aliter 
 facere possunt ii, quibus tota 12 commissa est respublica. 
 
 2. Qua conscientia] Not ' by the 
 consciousness of but under the con- 
 sciousness of,' ' if he were conscious 
 of.' Hence Em. would insert in before 
 
 * conscientia.' 
 
 3. SusiJHWJi] This repetition is 
 frequent. Att. v. 4. Sext. 24. 
 
 4. Frenorum] Bracketed by Orel, 
 it not being clear why bridles should 
 be enumerated among weapons of 
 war. ' Sparorum,' spears of the small- 
 est description, originally a rustic 
 weapon. Hence Virg. xi. 682. ' agres- 
 tisq ; manus armat sparus.' 
 
 5. Victim] (Ab oIkoq) several 
 /wusesjoined together. It differs from 
 
 * pagus,' which is restricted to the 
 country ; in the city it means a street, 
 in the country a hamlet. Houses 
 near the city are called ' suburbia ;' 
 those surrounded by walls are called 
 
 * castella.' Forcell. 
 
 6. Angiportum] Qu. ' angustuspor- 
 tus,' a blind alley, a place ; for ' por- 
 tus,' says Festus, signifies any enclosed 
 space where wares are conveyed. Te- 
 rent. Adelph. iv. 2. 39. Id angipor- 
 tum non est pervium. Rather from 
 
 * angusta porta.' alluding to the gate 
 or entrance into them being narrow. 
 
 7. Ocriculanam] Ocriculum was a 
 town of Umbria on the Tiber below 
 
 the junction of the Nar. 
 
 8. Domus] Em. rightly reads do- 
 mum refertam, as the clause depends 
 upon ' dicebant.' But it is vain to 
 expunge every irregular construction. 
 
 9. Malleolorum] Malleolus is 1 . a 
 small mallet. 2. a vine-shoot of that 
 form, called a mallet-shoot. 3. a 
 species of fire-brand, described by 
 Ammianus as a cane-arrow, which, 
 stuffed with combustible matter and 
 fire, is discharged by a weak bow 
 against houses, &c. We may sup- 
 pose a slight resemblance in its form 
 to the mallet, to warrant the name. 
 Other species are described by Non- 
 nius and others. 
 
 10. Nee ante repudiata, fyc] Sc. a 
 Pompeio. Though totally unworthy 
 of notice, such was the misery of the 
 times, they were not rejected without 
 inquiry. Supr. 23. ' nonulla cre- 
 denti.' 
 
 11. Laudabam] The only excusa- 
 ble part of the transaction, the dili- 
 gence, he artfully attributes to Pom- 
 pey ; the rest is laid on the nature of 
 the office ; as if it could not be helped. 
 
 12. Tota] Perhaps to intimate the 
 sole consulship; yet Ern. suspects 
 the word. Inf. tota republica sus- 
 cepta. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 24. 
 
 129 
 
 Quin etiam audiendus fuerit 13 popa 14 Licinius, nescio quis 15 
 de circo maximo, 16 servos Milonis apud se ebrios fac- 
 tos; sibi confessos esse 17 de interficiendo 18 Cn. Pompeio 
 conjurasse ; deinde postea se gladio percussum esse ab uno 
 de illis, neindicaret. Pompeio in hortos 19 nuntiavit; arces- 
 sor in primis ; de amicorum sententia 20 rem defert ad sena- 
 turn. Non poteram in illius mei patriaeque custodis tanta 
 snspicione non metu exanimari : sed mirabar tamen, credi 
 popa?, 21 confessionem servorum audiri, vulnus in latere, quod 
 acu punctum videretur, pro ictu gladiatoris probari. Verum 
 tamen, ut intelligo, cavebat magis Pompeius, quam timebat, 
 non ea solum, qua? timenda erant, sed omnino omnia, ne ali- 
 quid vos timeretis. Oppugnata domus C Ca?saris, 22 clarissimi 
 et fortissimi viri, per multas noctis horas nuntiabatur. Nemo 
 audierat tarn celebri loco, 23 nemo senserat. Tamen audiebatur. 23 
 
 13. Audiendus fuerit] Forced a 
 hearing. Phil. ii. 6. Dies natales au- 
 diendi sunt. 
 
 14. Popa] The priest who slew 
 and dressed the victims, from 7rt7rrw. 
 His cakes were called iro-Trava, and 
 the shop where he disposed of his 
 perquisites ' popina.' But as wine is 
 a necessary accompaniment of good 
 viands, we find ( servos Milonis apud 
 se ebrios factos') Licinius's a wine- 
 shop too. The transition is easy to 
 ' popino' a gormandizer. So * Popa 
 venter' a glutton, Pers. vi. 74. 
 
 15. Nescio quis'] Generally used 
 contemptuously. But vid. Arch. 7. 
 ' nescio quid praeclarum.' 
 
 16. Circo maximo] Ern. omits max- 
 imo. When ' Circus' it put abso- 
 lutely, the circus maximus is meant. 
 Hor. Fallax Circus. It was con- 
 structed by Tarquinius Priscus be- 
 tween the Palatine and Aventine 
 hills, Liv. i. 35 ; and was also called 
 Apollinaris, being dedicated to the 
 sun. The Delph. erroneously makes 
 the ' Circus Apollinaris' distinct 
 from the ' Circus Maximus.' The 
 Circus Flaminius and Circus Vatica- 
 nus were also celebrated. It is easy 
 to see how such a place would be- 
 come the resort of professional men 
 
 at Rome. 
 
 17. Confessos esse] For ' In vino 
 Veritas.' So Hor. Quid non ebrietas 
 designat? Operta recludit. 
 
 18. De interficiendo] Ern. ' se de 
 interf.' which seems necessary to 
 prevent ambiguity. 
 
 19. In hortos] Whither Pompey 
 had. retired through fear of Milo. 
 1 Plerumque non domi suse, sed in 
 hortis manebat, idque ipsum in superi- 
 oribus, circa quos etiam magna raa- 
 nus militum excubabat.' Ascon. 
 
 20. De amic. sent.] At the sugges- 
 tion of his friends. 
 
 21. Credi popa] Who was a man 
 of no character, ' nescio quis.' It 
 will be observed that verbs governing 
 a dative in the active voice are used 
 impersonally in the passive. ' Popam 
 credi,' is inadmissible. 
 
 22. C. Casaris] Why the house of 
 Caesar should be even reported to be 
 attacked by Milo and his friends is 
 not clear. Caesar was now in Gaul. 
 
 23. Celebri loco] Manil. 12. n. 11. 
 Arch . 3 . Caesar's house was situated on 
 the Via sacra, one of the greatest tho- 
 roughfares of Rome. Even the poets 
 made this street their promenade. Hor. 
 lbam forte via Sacra. Suet, in Jul. 46. 
 
 23. Audiebatur] It was listened to. 
 
130 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Non poteram Cn. Pompeium, praestantissima virtute virum, 
 timidum suspicari : diligentiam, tota republica suscepta, ni- 
 miam nullam putabam. Frequentissimo senatu nuper in 
 Capitolio, senator^ 4 inventus est, qui Milonem cum telo 25 
 esse diceret. Nudavit se in sanctissimo 26 templo, quoniam 
 vita 27 talis et civis et viri fidem non taciebat, ut, eo tacente, 
 res ipsa loqueretur. 
 
 XXV. Omnia falsa atque insidiose ficta comperta sunt. 
 Quod si tamen metuitur etiam nunc 1 Milo, non hoc jam 
 Clodianum crimen 2 timemus, sed tuas, Cn. Pompei, (te 
 enim jam appello, et ea voce, 3 ut me audire possis,) tuas, tuas, 
 inquam, suspiciones* perhorrescimus. Si Milonem times, 5 si 
 hunc de tua vita nefarie aut nunc cogitare, aut molitum ali- 
 quando aliquid putas ; si Italia? delectus, ut nonnulli con- 
 
 24. Senator] Ascon. &ays P. Cor- 
 nificius. 
 
 25. Cum telo] This phrase is bor- 
 rowed from the old Latin of the twelve 
 tables. Sail. 27. * ipse cum telo esse'. 
 
 26. Sanctissimo'] The Capitol, a 
 consecrated place. 
 
 27. Ut] The reading of Graev. 
 which Em. approves, but would in- 
 sert before quoniam.' Al. nisi. 
 
 Sect. XXV. 1. Etiam nunc] i.e. 
 If, after all the statements (in the 
 preceding sect.) to show that the 
 charges against Milo were mere ca- 
 lumnies, and the suspicions of Pom- 
 pey unfounded, these suspicions are 
 still harboured ; it is these and not 
 the present indictment that Milo has 
 to fear. Cic. then applies himself, 
 c. 25 and 26, to clear these suspici- 
 ons; which closes the * de causa' proofs. 
 
 2. Clodianum crimen] Homicidium 
 Clodii a Milone perpetratum. Furcel. 
 Rather ' the arraignment touching Clo- 
 dius's death.' ' Crimen,' qu. cerni- 
 men,' from ' cerno/ i. e. xpivto. 
 
 3. Ea voce] Pompey was within 
 hearing of the trial, being posted 
 with his guards near the ' aerarium.' 
 Cic, therefore, exalts his voice to an 
 unusual pitch, in order to attract his 
 attention. 
 
 4. Suspiciones] It appears from 
 Ascon. that Pompey being interrogated 
 
 by the Clodian leaders as to whether 
 his life had been attempted by Milo, 
 told the story of' PopaLicinius ;' and 
 that in addition to the precaution of 
 confining himself to his gardens, supr. 
 7. n. 14, on his return from raising the 
 levies through Italy, he had refused 
 to admit the visit of Milo, and of none 
 else, and that when the senate was 
 held in the portico of Pompey, to al- 
 low of his taking part in the business, 
 Milo was the only man ordered to be 
 searched before he was allowed to enter. 
 5. Si Milonem times] The con- 
 struction of this long hypothetic is 
 defective, as the consequent ' magna 
 in hoc indicantur' does not an- 
 swer well to the first two clauses of 
 the antecedent ' Si Milonem pu- 
 tas.' For where is the force of say- 
 ing, e. g. ' if you think that Milo ever 
 entertained wicked designs against 
 your life, Milo is possessed of incre- 
 dible courage, &c. &c.V Does it 
 require super-human strength to be 
 a villain 1 Whereas, all this is the 
 proper answer to, ' si ltaliae delec- 
 tus, si haec arma, Sec' Hence some 
 editions refer those clauses to the 
 preceding sentence, and commence 
 this one with ' Si ltaliae delectus, 
 &c' As it stands we must suppose 
 two conditions : 1. ' If you fear 
 Milo, and think that he has now, or 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 25. 
 
 131 
 
 quisitores 6 tui dictitarunt, si haec arma, si Capitolinae cohortes, 
 si excubiae, si vigiliae, 7 si delecta juventus, quae tuum corpus 
 domumque custodit, contra Milonis impetum armata est, 
 atque ilia omnia in hunc unum instituta, parata, intenta sunt ; 
 magna in hoc certe vis, et incredibilis animus, et non unius 
 viri 8 vires atque opes indicantur, siquidem in hunc unum 9 
 et praestantissimus dux electus, et tota respublica armata est. 
 Sed quis non llJ intelligit, omnes tibi reipublica? partes aegras 
 et labantes, ut eas his armis sanares 11 et confirmares, esse 
 commissas? Quod si Miloni locus 12 datus esset, probasset 
 profecto tibi ipsi, neminem unquam hominem homini cario- 
 rem fuisse, quam te sibi ; nullum se unquam periculum, pro 
 tua dignitate fugisse; cum ilia ipsa teterrima peste 13 saepis- 
 sime pro tua gloria contendisse ; tribuuatum suum ad salu- 
 tem meam, qua? tibi carissima fuisset, consiliis tuis 14 gu r 
 bernatum ; se a te postea det'ensum in periculo capitis, 15 ad- 
 jutum 16 in petitione praetnrae ; duos se habere semper amicis- 
 
 ever had, designs against your life ;' 
 2. ' If the whole forces of the state 
 are directed against an individual.' 
 This latter condition he answers first ; 
 namely, by showing that it is absurd, 
 as it would imply courage and re- 
 sources in Milo far above those of any 
 single man ; and, with regard to the 
 extraordinary levies, by proving that 
 they are called for by the necessities of 
 the state without any reference to 
 IVlilo. He then applies himself to the 
 first condition, the answer to which 
 is implied in the words ' Quodsi 
 locus, &c, &c.,' as if he said: 
 1 If you fear Milo, it is wholly owing 
 to misapprehension ; for if an oppor- 
 tunity had been afforded him, he 
 would have proved to your satisfac- 
 tion that no man was ever dearer to 
 another than you to him, &c. And 
 if he had failed in his proof (quae si 
 non probaret) he would have gone 
 into exile ; not, however, without 
 calling on you to testify his inno- 
 cence, as he now docs.' 
 
 6.. Cenquiiilorei] We call them 
 ' recruiting officers. ' 
 
 7. Kxcubia,] From ex-cuho, is, 1. 
 a lying abroad all night; 2. watch 
 
 and ward, watches either by night or 
 day. ' Vigiliae,' a night-watch. 
 Virg. yEn. ix. 159, joins them ' Vi- 
 gilum excubiis obsidere portas.' 
 
 8. Non unius viri] A Litotes ; ' not 
 of one man but a multitude.' So 
 Hor. Carm. iv. 9. 39. Consul non 
 unius anni ;' not yearly, but for life. 
 
 9. Siquidem] T his is to be referred 
 particularly to ' non unius viri vires, 
 &c,' of which it is explanatory. 
 
 10. Sed quis non, c] This is the 
 minor of the hypothetic, (supr. n. 5.) 
 which taken out of the interrogative 
 form, is ' but all the forces of the state 
 are not designed against Milo ;' and 
 he leaves the hearer to conclude : 
 ' Therefore Milo has no extraordinary 
 power.' 
 
 11. Sanares] Referred to 'aegras,' 
 as ' confirmares' to ' labantes.' 
 
 12. Quod si locus] Had Milo 
 been granted an audience. 
 
 13. Peste] Clodius. Supr. 10. n. 
 10. where Milo's exertions in fa- 
 vour of Pompey are noticed. 
 
 14. Consiliis tuis] And, therefore, 
 though the advantage was mine, yet 
 the obligation was also yours. 
 
 15. In periculo capitis] ' Caput' is 
 
132 
 
 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO 
 
 simos sperasse, te tuo 17 beneficio, me suo. Quae si non 
 probaret ; si tibi ita penitus inhaesisset 18 ista suspicio, nullo 
 ut evelli modo posset ; si denique Italia a delectu, urbs ab 
 armis, sine Milonis clade nunquam esset conquietura : na? 
 iste baud dubitans cessisset patria, is, qui ita natus 19 est, et 
 ita consuevit ; te, Magne, 20 tamen antestaretur : 21 quod nunc 
 etiam facit. 
 
 XXVI. Vide, quam 1 sit varia vitae commutabilisque ra- 
 tio, 2 quam vaga volubilisque 3 fortuna, quanta? infideiitates in 
 amicis, quam ad tempus aptae simulationes, 4 quanta? in peri- 
 culis fugae proximorum, 5 quanta? timiditates ! Erit, erit illud 
 profecto tempus, et illucescet aliquando ille dies, 6 quum tu, 
 salutaribus, 7 ut spero, rebus tuis, sed fortasse motu aliquo 
 communium 8 temporum immutatis, 9 (qui quam crebro 10 ac- 
 
 here not life but 'rank.' Exile would 
 have been the punishment had Mi Jo 
 been condemned ; and exile was 
 ' diminutio capitis.' 
 
 16. Adjutum] Namely, in canvass- 
 ing the electors of the city and the 
 country. 
 
 17. Te tuo] This is a true, though 
 not an obvious ground of friendship. 
 We all take a lively interest in our 
 own work ; e. g. the success of one 
 whom we patronise. 
 
 18. Inhtrsisset] Like a deep- 
 rooted tree. Hence, ' evelli.' 
 
 19. Ita natus] Namely, so as to 
 act the patriot. 
 
 20. Magne] Vid. Manil. introd. 
 12. note. 
 
 21. Antestaretur] A technical 
 word for, * to call on a person to be 
 witness to an arrest ;' which was done 
 by the claimant of the testimony 
 touching the ear. Hor. Licet antes- 
 tari ? Ego vero Opponoauhculam. 
 Here simply ' to attest ;' ' to call 
 upon as a witness.' Milo would not 
 leave his country without calling on 
 Pompey to witness his innocence ; as 
 he does now. 
 
 Sect. XXVL 1. Vide quam] The 
 mention of banishment led Cic. to 
 revolve ' the various turns of fate be- 
 low ;' and this constrained him to 
 break out into the following excla- 
 
 mation. The circumstance, there- 
 fore under which it was uttered is a 
 sufficient answer to those who claim 
 for this passage the praise of prophe- 
 cy. That of beauty and pathos it 
 cannot be denied. 
 
 2. Ratio] The course. Arch. 1. 
 n. 9. ' Rationem studiorum.' 
 
 3. Volubilis] So Pis. 10. Fortuna; 
 roiam peitimescebat. 
 
 4. Ad temp. apta. sitnul.] Time- 
 serving pretences. But ' dissimula- 
 tion is, the disguising of one's real 
 sentiments. 
 
 5. Fuga proximorum] Hor. Carm. 
 i. 35. 24. diffugiunt amici Fer- 
 re jugum pariter dolosi. 
 
 6. Itte dies] It occurred in about 
 four years after. 
 
 7. Salutaribus] i. e. sal vis. 
 
 8. Communium] As if any change 
 which affected Pompey must affect 
 all. ' Motu temporum,' shock of 
 the public affairs. Hor. Communia 
 laudis, you praise the public. 
 
 9. Immutatis] Changed greatly, 
 and generally, for the worse. Sail. 
 Cat. 2. * Fortuna simulcum moribus 
 immutatur.'Alsoc.6. 'immutato more,' 
 in which places the context shows that 
 the word is taken in malam partem.' 
 
 10. Quam crelw] Sylla, Cinna, 
 Catiline, were within the experience 
 of Cic. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 26. 
 
 133 
 
 cidat, experti debemus scire,) et araicissimi benevolentiam, 
 et gravissimi hominis fidem, et unius post 11 homines natos 
 fortissimi viri magnitudinem animi desideres. 12 Quamquam 13 
 quis hoc credat, Cn. Pompeium, juris publici, moris ma- 
 jorum, rei denique publicae peritissimum, quum senatus ei 
 commiserit, ut videret, ne quid 14 respublica detrimenti 
 caperet ; quo uno versiculo 15 satis armati semper consules 
 fuerunt, etiam nullis armis datis : 16 hunc exercitu, hunc de- 
 lectu dato, judicium exspectaturum fuisse in ejus consiliis vin- 
 dicandis, qui vi judicia ipsa tolleret? 17 Satis judicatum est a 
 Pompeio, satis, 18 falso ista 19 conferri in Milonem : qui legem 20 
 tulit, qua, ut ego sentio, Milonem absolvi a vobis oporteret : 21 
 ut omnes confitentur, liceret. Quod vero 22 in illo loco, at- 
 que illis publicorum praesidiorum copiis circumfusus sedet : 
 satis declarat, se non terrorem inferre vobis, (quid enim 
 illo minus dignum, 23 quam cogere, ut vos eum condemne- 
 
 11. Unius post, fyc] i. e. From the 
 foundation of the world. 
 
 12. Desideres] As 'requiretis,' 
 Manil. 2. n. 23 ; feel the want of. 
 
 13. Quamquam'] A correction, 
 (supr. 2. n. 18,) as if he said, ' and 
 yet why suppose that Pompey har- 
 bours suspicions against Milo which 
 his own acts disprove? Had Milo 
 been disposed (in Pompey's opinion) 
 to abolish trials altogether, would 
 Pompey, clothed with supreme au- 
 thority, have conceded a trial to Milo? 
 Yet he did ; while in the very choice 
 of his position (Quod in illo loco 
 sedet), he fuliy indicates his anxiety 
 to protect you in the impartial ex- 
 pression of your opinions on this oc- 
 casion.' 
 
 14. Ne quid, &;c] Sail. Cat. 29, 
 says that this decree gave the con- 
 suls supreme authority and jurisdic- 
 tion, extending to levying armies, 
 waging war, &c, which otherwise 
 depended on the will of the people. 
 
 15. Versiculo] i. e. Linea. For 
 1 versus' properly imports the range 
 of words from the beginning to the 
 turning of the line. It was after- 
 wards appropriated to poetry. 
 
 16. Nullis armis datis] For, though 
 VOL. I. 
 
 this decree did not levy an army, it 
 gave the consul the power to do so, 
 if requisite ; and, therefore, it does 
 not contradict the words of Sallust, 
 supr. 14, ' exercitum parare, bellum 
 gerere.' 
 
 17. Qui vi judicia tolleret] Sc. by 
 taking the law into his own hands, 
 murdering Clodius, and plotting 
 against Pompey. Al. vel. 
 
 18. 6'atis] Elegans t-ndvodoQ. 
 Grut. Al. omit it. 
 
 19. Ista] The calumnies which 
 were said to have excited the sus- 
 picions of Pompey. 
 
 20. Qui Legem] Supr. 6. n. 7. 
 
 21. Oporteret] Owing to the jus- 
 tice of his cause ; liceret,' owing 
 to the liberty of acquittal bestowed 
 by Pompey's law. 
 
 22. Quod vero] ' But in that, &c.;' 
 i. e. by his taking post in that par- 
 ticular place ; sc. the entrance to the 
 treasury, as Ascon. says. 
 
 23. Miiius dignum] The indignity 
 consisted in Pompey's obliging the 
 judges to condemn an innocent per- 
 son ; which he must have done mere- 
 ly to insult them, as he had in him- 
 self the full power of punishing them 
 without going through any legal form. 
 
 N 
 
134 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tis, in quem animadvertere ipse, 24 et more majorum 25 et suo 
 jure, 26 posset ?) sed praesidio esse : ut intelligatis, contra hes- 
 ternam concionem 27 illam licere vobis, quod sentiatis, libere 
 judicare. 
 
 XXVII. Nee vero me, judices, Clodianum crimen 1 mo- 
 vet : nee tain sum demens, 2 tamque vestri sensus ignarus atque 
 expers, ut nesciam quid de morte Clodii sentiatis. De 
 qua si jam nollem ita diluere crimen, ut dilui, 3 tamen im- 
 pune Miloni palam clamare atque mentiri 4 gloriose 5 liceret : 
 " Occidi, occidi, 6 non Sp. Maelium, 7 qui annona 8 levanda, 
 jacturisque 9 rei familiaris, quia nimis amplecti plebem pu- 
 tabatur, in suspicionem incidit regni appetendi ; non Ti. 
 Gracchum, 10 qui collegae 11 magistratum per seditionem 12 ab- 
 
 24. Animadvertere ipse] Cat. i. c. 
 
 1. n. on 'jussu Consulis.' 
 
 25. More majorum'] Sail. Cat. 
 29, says, more Romano.' 
 
 26. Suo jure] For the act per- 
 mitted the consul ' coercere omni- 
 bus modis cives.' Sail. Cat. 29. 
 
 27. Jlesternam concionem] Supr. 
 
 2. ' Qui hesterna etiam concione con- 
 eitati sunt, ut vobis voce praeirent, 
 quid judicaretis.' T. Munatius Plan- 
 cus was the speaker. 
 
 Sect. XXVII. 1. Clod, crimen] He 
 had contrasted this charge (c. 25,) 
 with the suspicions of Fompey, and 
 cleared away those suspicions. He 
 now addresses himself to prove, that 
 the death of Clodiu c , being a service 
 to the state, its perpetrator (Milo) 
 had therein performed a glorious act. 
 This is the second principal division 
 of the confutation, called hy himself, 
 (inf. c. 34.) extra causam, the use 
 and defect of which is noticed by 
 Quint, (iii. 6. and iv. 5.) Vid. 
 supr. 2. n. 20, where it appears from 
 Ascon. (which Quint, corroborates,) 
 that Cic. imitated a defence of Milo, 
 written and published by Brutus. 
 
 2. Demens] He pretends that it 
 were fatuity to doubt of the strong 
 feeling of the judges as to the advan- 
 tages accruing from the death of 
 Clodius. ' Vestri sensus' your way 
 
 of thinking. Att. xv. 7, sensus 
 ejus de republica.' 
 
 3. Ut dilui] (AiaXvofiat) Sc. 
 by showing that he had waylaid 
 Milo and was, therefore, justly slain. 
 Cic. artfully assumes his case as 
 proved ; ' causa dicta est.' Arch. 4. 
 
 4. Mentiri] In saying 'occidi,' 
 i. e. per vim et insidias, which he 
 has just disproved. The Delph., 
 however, refers it to the fact of the 
 murder being committed, not by Milo, 
 but his slaves. 
 
 5. Gloriost] Not ' nobly,' as 
 
 splendide mendax,' in Hor. Od. iii. 
 11. 35 ; for there was no credit in 
 telling the lie, but (gloriabundus) 
 
 * glorying in it,' ' boastfully,' ' proud- 
 ly.' So ad Div. viii. 15. Quid, jam, 
 inquis, gloriose omnia? 
 
 6. Occidi, occidi] Frimum indicat ; 
 alterum affirmat. Quint, ix. 3. 
 Manut. 
 
 7. Non Sp. Milium] For that were 
 an ignoble act, in comparison with 
 slaying Clodius. Supr. 3. n. 17. 
 
 8. Annona] Manil. 15. n. 11. 
 
 9. Jacturis] Manil. 23. n. 5. 
 
 10. Ti. Gracchum] Supr. 13. n. 
 16. 
 
 11. College] A tribune of the 
 people, called Octavius. 
 
 12. Seditionem] Qu. seorsum 
 itio, d being inserted, as in'reditus ;' 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 27, 
 
 135 
 
 rogavit; quorum interfectores 13 implerunt orbem terrarum 
 nominis sui gloria : sed eum (auderet enim dicere, quum 
 patriam periculo suo liberasset) cujus nefandum adulteri- 
 um 14 in pulvinaribus 15 sanctissimis nobilissima? 16 fceminae 
 comprehenderunt ; eum, cujus supplicio senatus sollemnes 
 religiones expiandas 17 saepe censuit ; eum, quern quum sorore 
 germane^ nefarium stuprum fecisse L. Lucullus 19 juntos se, 
 quaestionibus 20 habitis, dixit comperisse; eum, qui civem, 21 
 quern senatus, quern populus Romanus, quern omnes gentes 
 urbis ac vitae civium conservatorem judicarant, servorum 
 armis exterminavit ; eum, qui regna dedit, 22 ademit, 23 orbem 
 terrarum, 2 * quibuscum voluit, partitusest; eum, qui pluri- 
 rnis caedibus in foro factis, singulari virtute et gloria civem 25 
 
 a withdrawing from the body of the 
 people. 
 
 13. Jnterfectores.] Servilius Ahala 
 and Scipio Nasica. 
 
 14. Adulterinm] Sc. with Pom- 
 peia, the wife of Julius Caesar. Supr. 
 5. n. 11. 
 
 15. Pulvinaribus] Couches in 
 temples, whereon the images of the 
 gods were placed on solemn oc- 
 casions. Here those of the Bona Dea. 
 Harusp. 5. ' Cum stuprum Bona; 
 Deae pulvinaribus intulisset.' 
 
 16. Nobilissimce] Vestal virgins 
 and noble matrons who had assem- 
 bled at Caesar's house, to perform the 
 rites of the goddess. Caesar was 
 Pontifex Max. Harusp. 3. ' Ex domo 
 Pont. Max.' 
 
 17. Expiandas'] Required ex- 
 piation. Three instances are noticed 
 in the Harusp. 12. 13. : 1. the 
 rites of the Bona Dea ; 2. the great 
 games, which, as aedile, he conduct- 
 ed, and at which he allowed his slaves 
 to assist and be spectators ; 3. his 
 delivering for a bribe the town of Pes- 
 sinus, in Phrygia, and the magnifi- 
 cent temple of Cybele there, to Bri- 
 gotarus ' Gallo Graeco, impuro homi- 
 ni ac nefario.' Sext. 26. 
 
 18. Sorore germana] A full sister; 
 for cousins were also called ' sorores.' 
 
 Phil. ii. 38. Clodia, the youngest of 
 three sisters, was married to L. Lu- 
 cullus. 
 
 19. Lucullus] Vid. Introd. Ma- 
 nil. 
 
 20. Quastionibus] The slaves of 
 Clodia were put to the torture. 
 
 21. Civem] Cic. himself. 
 
 22. Regna dedit] E. g. to Bri- 
 gotarus. Pecunia Brigotarus, per 
 te (rex) appellatus.' Harusp. 13. 
 Sext. 26. 
 
 23. Ademit] E. g. from Ptolemy, 
 king of Cyprus. Clodius enacted that 
 Cyprus should be made a province 
 of the empire ; that its king and 
 kingly treasures be sold and confis- 
 cated ; and that Cato be commis- 
 sioned with praetorian authority to 
 carry the proceeds to Rome. Sext. 
 26. 29. 
 
 24. Orbem terrarum] By the Clo- 
 dian law, Macedonia was given to 
 Piso, and Syria to Gabinius, in re- 
 turn for their support in procuring 
 the banishment of Cic. 
 
 25. Civem] Pompey. This as- 
 sault arose out of the affair of Ti- 
 granes. Supr. 7. n. 10. By ' foro,' 
 Ascon. says, is meant the temple of 
 Castor, where Clodius had stationed 
 the slave who was to assassinate 
 Pompey. 
 
136 
 
 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO 
 
 domum vi et armis compulit ; eum, cui nihil unquam nefas 21 ' 
 fuit nee in facinore, nee in libidine ; eum qui sedem Nym- 
 pbarum 27 incendit, ut memoriam publicam recensionis, ta- 
 bulis publicis impressam, extingueret; eum denique, cui 
 jam nulla lex erat, 28 nullum civile jus, nulli possessionum 
 termini ; qui non calumnia litium/ 9 non injustis vindiciis 30 ac 
 sacramentis 31 alienos fundos, sed castris, exercitu, signis in- 
 ferendis petebat ; qui non solum Etruscos, 32 (eos enim peni- 
 tus contempserat,) sed hunc Q. Varium, 33 virum fortissimum 
 atque optimum civem, judicem nostrum, pellere possession i- 
 bus, armis castrisque conatus est ; qui cum architects 34 et 
 decempedis villas multorum hortosque peragrabat; qui Jani- 
 culo et Alpibus 35 spem possessionum terminabat suarum ; 
 qui, quum ab equite Romano splendidoet forti, 36 M. Paconio, 
 non impetrasset, ut insulam in lacu Prelio 37 venderet, repente 
 lintribus in earn insulam materiam, 58 calcem, caementa, arma 
 
 26. Nihil nefas] i. e. Which he 
 would not do ; impossible. Od. i. 
 24. 20. Hor. Levius fit patien- 
 tia. Quicquid corrigere est nefas. 
 llarusp. 27. 
 
 27. JEdem, Nympharum] Sc. of 
 the fountains, who were worshipped 
 there that they might be propitious 
 against fires. Harusp. 27. * Earum 
 templum inflammavit Dearum qua- 
 rum ope aliis incendiis subvenitur.' 
 In this temple, as being most secure 
 from fires, were kept the public regis- 
 ters, at least of the censors. There 
 seems, afterwards, to have been a 
 place set apart for this purpose, 
 called ' tabularium.' Virg. Geor. 
 ii. 502. Insanum forum aut populi 
 tabularia vidit. It is easy to con- 
 ceive that the notice of Clodius (re- 
 censionis) was not flattering, and 
 hence his revenge. 
 
 28. Cui erat] Who regarded, &c. 
 
 29. Calumnia litium] Unjust 
 law-suits. ' Calumnia,' from ' cal- 
 vo,' I deceive, imports, 1. a cavil or 
 quirk; 2. a false accusation. 
 
 30. Vindiciis'] A claim of pos- 
 session ; a litigation to establish that 
 claim. Th. 'vindico,' perhaps from 
 
 2. the suit or cause itself, as 
 
 evSiKtui. 
 
 31. Sacramentis] 1. A pledge or 
 gage to be forfeited by the losing 
 party; " 
 here. 
 
 32. Etrtiscos] Supr.9. ' Etruriam 
 vexaverat,' and 19, * Omnis Etruria 
 rea citaretur.' 
 
 33. Q. Varium] Al. Cn. P<m- 
 peium, erroneously. 
 
 34. Architectis] To direct the 
 buildings which he might raise. It 
 refers to ' villas ;' and ' decempedis' 
 to hortos.' So Hor. Od. ii. 15. 
 14. 
 
 Nulla decempedis 
 
 Metata privatis opacam 
 
 Porticus excipiebat Arcton. 
 
 35. Janiculo Alpibus] i. e. The 
 entire of Upper Italy, from Rome 
 to Gaul. 
 
 36. Splendido et forti] The dis- 
 tinctive epithets of knights. 
 
 37. Prelio] Al. Pretio, now Cas- 
 tiliogne, in Tuscany. 
 
 38. Materiam] (As v\ri) Timber 
 for building ; 'calcem,' lime-stone, 
 lime ; caementa,' (^qu. 'caedimenta,' 
 from ' caedo ;') stones from the quar- 
 ry, and ' arma,' tools. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 28. 
 
 137 
 
 convexit ; dominoque trans ripam inspectante, 59 non dubitavit 
 aedificium exstniere in alieno ; 40 qui huic T. Furfanio, 41 cui 
 viro ? dii immortales ! (quid enim ego de muliercula 41 Scan- 
 tia, 4 * quid de adolescente Aponio dicam? quorum utrique 
 mortem est minitatus, nisi sibi bortorum possessione cessis- 
 set ;) sed ausus est Furfanio dicere, si sibi pecuniam, quan- 
 tam poposcerat, non dedisset, mortuum 43 se in domum ejus 
 illaturum, qua invidia 44 huic esset tali viro conflagrandum ; 
 qui Appium 45 fratrem, hominem mihi conjunctum fidissima 
 gratia, absentem de possessione fundi dejecit ; qui parietem 
 sic per vestibulum sororis 46 instituit ducere, 47 sic agere fun- 
 damenta, ut sororem non modo vestibulo privaret, sed omni 
 aditu et limine. 
 
 XXVIII. Quamquam 1 haec quidem jam tolerabilia 2 vi- 
 
 39. Dominoque inspectante'] This 
 was an aggravating circumstance. 
 So Virg. yEn. i. 118. * lpsius ante 
 oculos, c.' * Trans ripam,' from 
 beyond the margin or bank of the 
 lake ; i. e. on the mainland. Se- 
 nec. Benef. v. 16. Trans Alpes 
 accitus hostis ; from beyond the 
 Alps. 
 
 40. Exstruere in alieno'] Of this, 
 the punishment was, a forfeiture of 
 the building. ' Illius fit aedificium 
 cujus et solum est.' Dig. de acquir. 
 rer. dominio. 
 
 41. Furfanio] One of the judges ; 
 a friend and correspondent of Cic. 
 Fam. vi. 8. 
 
 41. Muliercula] A little woman ; 
 a poor unprotected creature. 
 
 42. Scantia] The name of a wood 
 in Campania, abounding in pastures, 
 (Agr. i. 1 ; and iii. cap. ult.) and 
 producing revenue to the Roman peo- 
 ple. Perhaps this poor woman came 
 from that quarter, and possessed ' a 
 garden,' near the ' Janiculum,' which 
 attracted the covetous eye of Clodius. 
 At least a garden in Scantia would 
 be no very great prize. 
 
 43. Mortuum] Either to charge 
 him with the murder, or have his 
 property escheated, as being polluted 
 by a corpse. 
 
 44. Qua invidia] By the odium 
 
 consequent on which this honourable 
 man should be overwhelmed. 
 
 45. Appium] Cic. adds, ' fra- 
 trem' * absentem,' to heighten the 
 atrocity of the thing. To this Ap- 
 pius, Cic. addresses the third book of 
 his Epist. ; yet he supported Clo- 
 dius against Cic, in the affair of his 
 return. Supr. 15. n. 5. 
 
 46. Sororis] Clodius had three 
 sisters ; the eldest of whom, called 
 Quadrantaria, from a trick played 
 upon her by one of her lovers, who 
 paid her favours with farthings, (qua- 
 drantes,) was married to Metellus 
 Celer, Plut. Cic. 29; Cael. 14. 26 ; 
 Terentia,was the wife of Q. Marcius 
 Rex ; and Clodia, the wife of Lu- 
 cullus. It is probable that the first 
 is here referred to, as her house lay 
 contiguous to Cic, and Cicero's, 
 again, to Clodius. Plut. Cic. 29 ; 
 and Harusp. 15. Mea domus....sacri- 
 legi parietem tangit. 
 
 47. Parietem ducere] Virg. Pars 
 ducere muros. 
 
 Sect. XXVIII. 1. Quamquam] 
 The usual correction, supr. 2. n. 18. 
 The preceding sect, contained a re- 
 view of Clodius's pust enormities, 
 forming a sort of descending series 
 from the profanation of the rites of 
 the Bona Dea to the building a par- 
 tition across his sister's court-yard. 
 n2 
 
138 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 debantur, etsi aequaliter in rempublicam, 3 in privates, in 
 longinquos, in propinquos, in alienos, in suos irruebat : sed 
 nescio quomodo jam usu obduruerat, et percalluerat 4 civi- 
 tatis incredibilis patientia. 5 Quae vero aderant jam et im- 
 pendebant, quonam modo ea ant depellere potuissetis aut 
 ferre ? Imperium 6 ille si nactus esset : omitto socios, 7 exte- 
 ras nationes, reges, tetrarchas ; 8 vota enim faceretis, 9 ut in 
 eos se potius immitteret, quam in vestras possessiones, 
 vestra tecta, vestras pecunias : pecunias dico ? a liberis, a 
 liberis, medius fidius, 10 et a conjugibus vestris nunquam 
 ille effrenatas suas libidines cohibuisset. Fingi haec putatis, 
 quae patent ? quae nota sunt omnibus ? qua? tenentur r 1 ser- 
 vorum exercitus 12 ilium in urbe conscripturum fuisse, per 
 quos totam rempublicam resque privatas omnium possi- 
 deret ? 13 Quamobrem, si cruentum gladium tenens clamaret 
 T. Annius : " adeste, 14 quaeso, atque audite, cives : P. Clo- 
 dium interfeci ; ejus furores, quos nullis jam legibus, nullis ju- 
 diciis frenare poteramus, hoc ferro et hac dextra a cervicibus 
 vestris repuli, 15 per me ut unum jus, 16 aequitas, leges, liber- 
 
 In this is sketched his intended crimes, 
 and the praise due to Milo for cutting 
 short his mad career inferred. 
 
 2. Haic tolerahiliu] In comparison 
 of the evils which he was likely to in- 
 flict on the state. 
 
 3. In remp., c] These being 
 opposed in pairs, we find propin- 
 quos' must here mean ' neighbours.' 
 
 4. Percalluerat] Explained by 
 ' obduruerat,' for it also means, ' had 
 thoroughly known/ We say ' case- 
 hardened.' 
 
 5. Patientia'] Capability of en- 
 during wrongs. 
 
 6. Imperium] The praotorship. 
 
 7. Omitto socios, c] For they 
 would have suffered as a matter of 
 course. Supr. 27. n. 17.25. 
 
 8. Tetrarchas] Not only the go- 
 vernor of the fourth part of a king- 
 dom, but the sole ruler of any coun- 
 try which was at any time so divided. 
 So Hirt. B. Alex. 67. Dejotarus 
 Tetrarchus Gallogracciae pene to- 
 ti^is; , to which the other Tetrarchs 
 questioned his right. 
 
 9. Vota faccretis] A proof of ex- 
 
 treme distress ; to be glad of safety 
 at the expense of allies and friends. 
 
 10. Medius fidius] 1. Varro says, 
 Dius Fidius is, * Jovis Alius,' i. e. 
 Hercules; 2. me, in composition, is 
 governed of juvet ; [some say it is 
 the Greek pa ; but that adverb is re- 
 stricted to negative assertions.] 3. 
 Fest. notices, ' per diei fidem ;' and 
 
 per divi fidem ;' i. e. by the God of 
 Honour, or Hercules. The Greek 
 parallel expression, AToe. Iliartoc, 
 gives a colour to the last explanation, 
 which, however, should be ' me 
 Deus fidei juvet.' 
 
 11. Tenentur] Intelligentur. 
 
 12. Exercitus] C. 9. n. 15. 
 
 13. Possideret] Occuparet. 
 
 14. Adeste] Perhaps the phrase 
 for summoning the people. 
 
 15. Frenare repuli, c] There 
 appears to be a confusion of meta- 
 phor here. Ut following, is illative : 
 
 * So that by means of me, alone, jus- 
 tice, &c.' Al. per me unum effectum 
 est ut. 
 
 16. Jus] Scriptum ; ' aequitas,' qua 
 mens scriptoris inquiritur, ncn verba 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 29. 139 
 
 tas, pudor, pudicitia 1 " in civitate manerent :" esset vero ti- 
 mendum, quonam modo id ferret civitas ? Nunc enim quis 
 est, qui non probet ? qui non laudet ? qui non unum post 
 hominum memoriam 18 T. Annium plurimum reipublicae 
 profuisse, maxima lsetitia populum Romanum, cunctam 
 Italiam, nationes omnes affecisse, et dicat. et sentiat ? Non 
 queo, Vetera ilia populi Romani gaudia quanta fuerint judi- 
 care. Multas tamen jam summorum 19 imperatorum claris- 
 simas victorias aetas nostra vidit ; quarum nulla neque tarn 
 diuturnam attulit laetitiam, nee tantam. Mandate hoc 21 me- 
 moriae, judices. Spero multa vos liberosque vestros in re- 
 publica bona esse visuros: in his singulis ita semper existi- 
 mabitis, vivo P. Clodio, nihil eorum vos visuros fuisse. In 
 spem maximam, et, quemadmodum confido, verissimam ad- 
 ducti sumus, hunc ipsum annum, hoc ipso summo viro 21 con- 
 sule, compressa hominum licentia, cupiditatibus fractis, leoi- 
 bus et judiciis constitutis, salutarem civitati fore. Num quis 
 igitur est tarn demens, qui hoc, P. Clodio vivo, contingere 
 potuisse arbitretur ? Quid ? ea, quae tenetis, privata atque 
 vestra, dominante homine furioso, quod jus perpetuae pos- 
 sessionis 22 habere potuissent ? 
 
 XXIX. Non timeo, 1 judices, ne odio inimicitiarum me- 
 arum inflamniatus, libentius haec in ilium evomere videar, 
 quam verius. Etenim etsi praecipuum' 2 esse debebat, tamen 
 ita communis erat omnium ille hostis, ut in communi odio 
 
 nuda ponderantur. Abram. right of property (mancipium) ' per- 
 
 17. Pudor, pudicitia'] Hefer the petuee' is added to make it express that 
 former to the mind, the latter to the idea. 
 
 body. Skct. XXIX. 1. Non timeo] Hav- 
 
 18. Post horn, memoriam'] Since ing now detailed ull the enormities 
 men began to record actions. We of JMilo, Cic. apprehensive that the 
 say, ' within the memory of man.' feelings of the Judges did not ac- 
 
 19. Summorum] Marius, Sylla. company him in his exaggerations, 
 
 20. Hoc] He foretels that they will resolves to give them a palpable proof 
 attribute every future blessing to the of their abhorrence for Clodius. This 
 removal of Clodius, and he bids them he does by supposing him recalled to 
 note that he now said so. life ; the bare thought astounded 
 
 21. Summo viro] Pompcy, ap- them. Nay he adds Pompey would 
 pointed to be sole consul, (Introd 4.) not recall him. Therefore Clodius 
 had passed some salutary laws against was a tyrant and his murder meri- 
 bnbery and corruption, and attempt- torious. 
 
 ed to reform the state. 2. Etsi vracipuum] Sc. ' odium 
 
 '22. Possessionis] ' Posscssio' being mcum ;' being banished by Clodius, 
 
 merely, per mum, and giving no my brother nearly killed, my family 
 
140 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 paene aequaliter versaretur 3 odium meum. Non potest dici 
 satis, ne cogitari quidem, quantum in illo sceleris, quantum 
 exitii fuerit. Quin sic 4 attendite, judices : nempe haec est 
 quacstio de interitu P. Clodii. Fingite animis: libera? enim 
 sunt cogitationes nostra?, et, quae volunt, sic intuentur, ut ea 
 cernimus, 5 qua? videmus; fingite igitur cogitatione imagi- 
 nem hujus conditionis mea? : si possim efficere, ut Milo- 
 nem absolvatis, 6 sed ita si P. Clodius revixerit. Quid 
 vultu extimuistis? quonam modo 7 ille vos vivus afficeret, 
 quos mortuus inani cogitatione percussit ? Quid ? si ipse 
 Cn. Pompeius, 8 qui ea virtute, ac fortuna est, ut ea potuerit 
 semper, qua? nemo praeter ilium : si is, inquam, potuisset, ut 
 quaestionem de morte P. Clodii ferre, sic ipsum ab inferis 
 excitare, utrum putatis potius facturum fuisse ( etiamsi prop- 
 ter amicitiam 9 vellet ilium ab inferis revocare, propter rem- 
 publicam nonfecisset. Ejus igitur mortis sedetis ultores, eujus 
 vitam si putetis per vos restitui posse, nolitis: et de ejus 
 nece lata quaestio est, qui si eadam lege rcvivisccre posset, 
 lata lex nunquam esset. Hujus ergo interfector si esset, in 
 confitendo ab iisne poenam timeret, quos liberavisset V 
 
 persecuted, my property confiscated, 
 my house burned, &c. 
 
 3. Pane annul, vers.'] Was almost 
 on an equality with ; i. e. did not 
 much exceed it. 
 
 4. Quin sic] As the ' quantum' 
 of Clodius's guilt admitted neither of 
 expression nor conception, he thought 
 the judges might best approximate to 
 the idea of it, by supposing his re- 
 call to life. 
 
 5. Cernimus] Cerno (rptVw, from 
 KpiOl, barley) 1. I sift. 2. view se- 
 parately, discern. Hence it is stronger 
 than ' video.' Tusc. i. 20. Nos enim 
 ne nunc quidem oculis cernimus ea 
 quae videmus. 
 
 6. Ut Milonem absolvatis, &;c] Cic. 
 artfully connects the acquittal of Mi- 
 lo with the reanimation of Clodius ; 
 as well to keep the former idea be- 
 fore the minds of the judges; as to 
 reconcile them to it the more, when 
 they should perceive it to be relieved 
 from such a fearful condition. 
 
 7. Quonum modo] The mere ima- 
 
 gination of Clodius dead affected you ; 
 a fortiori would the reality of Clodius 
 living. 
 
 8. Quid si ipse Cn. Pompeius] 
 Nay Pompey, the best and bravest 
 man alive, would not, if he could, 
 recall Clod, to life. Therefore his 
 death must have been a public be- 
 nefit. 
 
 9. Amicitiam] Supr. 8.n. 8. 
 
 10. Ergo si esset, &c] Therefore, 
 were Milo the perpetrator of so glo- 
 rious a deed, he mould have confessed 
 it. Hence inf. ' confiteretur, jmmm, 
 &c. ;' also c. 31, ' Uteretur eadem 
 coiifasione T. Annius ;' and ' Consci- 
 entia sua niteretur ;' all which ex- 
 pressions depend upon this first 
 supposition. " Frequently the im- 
 perf. subj. is used instead of the 
 pluperf. in both clauses of a hypothe- 
 tic, though the event referred to is 
 completely passed. The English 
 phrase would lead to the pluperf." 
 Zumpt'sLat. G. p. 301. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 30. 141 
 
 Graeci homines 11 deorum honores tribuunt iis viris, qui 12 
 tyrarmos necaverunt. Quae ego vidi Athenis ! quae aliis in 
 urbibus Graeciae! quas res divinas talibus institutas viris! 
 qnos cantiis ! 13 qua? carmina ! prope ad imraortalitatis et 
 religionem et memoriam 14 consecrantur. Vos tanti con- 
 servatorem populi, tanti sceleris ultorem, non modo honori- 
 bus nullis afficietis, sed etiam ad supplicium rapi patie- 
 mini ? Confiteretur, 15 confiteretur, inquam, si fecisset, et 
 raagno animo, et libenter 16 se fecisse, libertatis omnium 
 causa ; quod esset ei certe non confitendum modo, verum 
 etiam praedicandum. 
 
 XXX. Etenim, si id 1 non negat, ex quo nihil petit, 
 nisi ut ignoscatur, dubitaret id fateri, ex quo etiam prae- 
 mia laudis essent petenda ? Nisi vero 2 gratius putat esse 
 vobis sui se capitis, quam vestri 3 defensorem fuisse ; quum 
 praesertim in ea confessione, si grati esse velletis, honores 
 assequeretur amplissimos. Si factum 4 vobis non proba- 
 retur, (quamquam qui poterat salus sua cuique non pro- 
 bari?) sed tamen si minus fortissimi viri virtus civibus 
 grata cecidisset: 5 magno animo constantique cederet ex 
 ingrata civitate. Nam quid esset ingratius, quam laetari 
 
 11. Graci homines] The mention that Milo actually slewClodius. Hence 
 of * liberavisset' was enough to his supposition here, that had Milo 
 lead his mind to Greece, the land of done so, the deed being noble,he would 
 liberators. ' Homines' is added to surely have confessed it. But he 
 Graeci' in opposition to ' deorum' did not, therefore he was innocent, 
 which follows. 16. Libenter] Al. libente, to agree 
 
 12. Viris qui, &;c] i. e. Tyrannici- with ' animo.' It qualifies ' fecisse.' 
 des. Abram. adduces Aratus, Ti- Sect. XXX. 1. Etenim si id] 
 moleon, Pelopidas and Brasidas, for Sc. that he slew Milo in self-defence. 
 ' the other cities of Greece ;' Harmo- An a fortiori argument. 
 
 dius and Aristogiton, for 'Athens.' 2. Nisi vero] ' Unless truly, &c.' 
 
 13. Quos cantus] These songs which is absurd. Supr. 3. n. 10. 
 were usual at the public sacrifices 3. Vestri] Al. insert ordinis ; but as 
 and private entertainments. The the Judices were not taken from any 
 Schol. on Aristophanes quotes one particular ' order' this word is pro- 
 which began thus : $i\raQ' 'Appose perly omitted by Em. and ' capitis' 
 7rw riOvntaq. Ni7<roic 5' lv paica- understood. 
 
 pujv 01 Qaviv tlvai, &c. 4. Si factum] That Milo slew 
 
 14. Immort. memoriam] i. e. To Clodius, not in self-defence, but in 
 a veneration and fame which shall your defence. He reasons on this 
 never die. We say ' The immortal supposition all through to ' niteretur,' 
 memory.' infra. 
 
 15'. Confiteretur, &;c] Even through 5. Minus grata cecidisset] Had 
 this extra causam defence Cic. denies proved displeasing. 
 
142 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 taeteros, lugere eum solum, propter quera ceteri laetaren- 
 tiit? Quamquam 6 hoc animo semper omnes fuimus in pa- 
 triae proditoribus opprimendis, ut, quoniam nostra futura 
 esset gloria, periculum quoque et invidiam nostram pu- 
 taremus. Nam quae mihi ipsi tribuenda laus esset, quum 
 tantum 7 in consulatu meo pro vobis ac liberis vestris ausus 
 essem, si id, quod conabar, sine maximis dimicationibus 
 meis me esse ausurum arbitrarer? quae mulier scelera- 
 tum ac perniciosum civem occidere non auderet, si peri- 
 culum non timeret? Proposita invidia, morte, poena, qui 
 nihilo segnius rempublicam defendit, is vir vere 8 pu- 
 tandus est. Populi grati est, praemiis afficere bene me- 
 ritos de republica cives; viri fortis, ne suppliciis quidem 
 moveri, ut fortiter fecisse poeniteat. Quamobrem uteretur 
 eadem confessione T. Annius, qua Ahala, 9 qua Nasica, qua 
 Opimius, qua Marius, qua nosmetipsi: et, si grata respublica 
 esset, laetaretur ; si ingrata, tamen, in gravi fortuna consci- 
 entia sua niteretur. 10 
 
 Sed 11 hujus beneficii gratiam, judices, Fortuna 12 populi 
 Romani, et vestra felicitas, et dii immortales, sibi deberi 
 putant. Nee vero quiscmam aliter arbitrari potest, nisi qui 13 
 nullam vim 14 esse ducit, numenve divinum ; quern neque 
 
 6. Quamquam'] The usual correc- only impediment. They therefore 
 tion. He had supposed (what was inspired him with the idea of attack- 
 hardly possible) that had he slain ing Milo in the very place where 
 Milo in its defence his country would he had most outraged the laws, (c. 
 not thank him for so doing; he 33.) He did so and fell. And this 
 would therefore abandon so ungrate- leads to the peroration, 
 ful a country yes ungrateful to 7. Tantum] The suppression of Ca- 
 make the author of their joy the tiline's conspiracy, 
 only sorrowful, and yet (quanquam 8. Vir vere] ' Vere' refers to ' vir ; 
 &c.) this is whatwe patriots allexpect not * putandus est.' 
 danger and odium, without which 9. Qua Ahala Nasica, fyc] Supr. 
 where in fact would be our merit? n. 17. &c. 
 
 Wherefore if Annius had slain a ty- 10. Niteretur] Sustentaretse. Em- 
 rant, he would have frankly con- man. 
 
 fessedit; rejoiced if his country ap- 11. Sed] But so far from Milo 
 
 proved ; if not rejoiced at the con- having any claim, the Fortune, &c. 
 
 sciousness of having done his duty. 12. Fortuna] Ovid. Fast. v. 729. 
 
 Sed But unhappily for his fame, he Nee te praetereo populi fortuna po- 
 
 did not. The fortune of Rome and tentis Publica, cui templum luce 
 
 the Gods claim all the merit. They sequente datum est. 
 
 had long borne with his enormities, 13. Nisi qui] Except the atheist, 
 
 to which Milo (c. 32.) was the 14. Vim] Al. majestatem. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 31. 143 
 
 imperii vestri magnitude), 15 neque sol ille, nee cceli sig- 
 norumque 16 motus, nee vicissitudines rerum atque ordines 
 movent, neque, id quod maximum est, majorum nostro- 
 rum sapientia; qui sacra, qui caeremonias, 17 qui auspicia 
 et ipsi sanctissime coluerunt, et nobis, suis posteris, pro- 
 diderunt. 
 
 XXXI. Est, est profecto ilia vis: neque in his corpo- 
 ribus atque in hac imbecillitate 1 nostra inest quiddam, 
 quod vigeat et sentiat, et non inest 2 in hoc tanto naturae 
 tarn praeclaro motu. Nisi forte 3 idcirco esse non putant, 
 quia non apparet, nee cernitur: proinde quasi 4 nostram 
 ipsam mentem, qua sapimus, qua providemus, qua haec 
 ipsa agimus 5 ac dicimus, videre, aut plane, qualis, aut ubi 
 sit, sentire possimus. Ea vis, ea est igitur ipsa, 6 qua? saepe 
 incredibiles huic urbi felicitates 7 atque opes attulit, illam 
 perniciem 8 extinxit, ac sustulit; cui primum mentem in- 
 jecit, ut vi irritare ferroque lacessere fortissimum virum 
 auderet, vincereturque ab eo, quern si vicisset, habitants 
 esset impunitatem et licentiam sempiternam. 9 Non est hu- 
 mano 10 consilio, ne mediocri quidem, judices, deorum im- 
 mortalium cura, res ilia perfecta. Religiones, 11 mehercule, 12 
 ipsae, quae illam belluam cadere viderunt, commosse 13 se 
 
 15. Imperii magnitudo] This se- this very cause. Manil. 1. 5. 
 
 lection of proofs for the existence of 6. Ea est ipsa] Al. omit est. But 
 
 a deity, shews how ill-qualified the it is better retained. ' This then is 
 
 noblest uninspired genius was to the providence, this the very provi- 
 
 form rational ideas on this subject. dence which, &c.' 
 
 16. Cccli signorumq;] Hendiad. for 7. Felicitates'] Some of these are 
 1 caelestium signorum.' stated by Plutarch in his book ' de 
 
 17. Cceremonias~) Supr. 2. n. 17. Fortuna Rom.' 
 
 Sect. XXXI. 1. Imbecillitate] 8. Illam perniciem] Clodius. 
 
 (From in, not, and baculus, bacillus, 9. Sempiternam] i. e. All his life. 
 
 a staff) 1. weakness attendant on old Hor. Servit aeternum qui paivo nesci- 
 
 age. 2. weakness in general. et uti. 
 
 2. Neque et non inest] Nor is 10. Non est humano] Therefore 
 there in these mortal frames an ac- not by Milo's. 
 
 tive thinking principle without its be- 11. Religiones] Sc. redes, arae, cas- 
 ing in like manner in the system of remoniae, or rather the gods which 
 nature; i. e. if it be in the former, belong to them, and which alone 
 u fortiori it is in the latter. can be said ' to bestir themselves, 
 
 3. Nisi Jorte] Supr. 3. n. 10. &c.' 
 
 4. Proinde quasi] The order is 12. Mehercule] i. e. Hercules me 
 ' proinde quasi possimus videre nos- servet ; the same as Medius fidius. 
 train, &c. aut plane sentire qualis, Supr. 28. n. 10. 
 
 &c.' 13. Commoiisse] ' Commovere se' 
 
 5. i/trc ipsa agimus, fife.] Plead dicuutur aliquid molirentur. Em. 
 
144 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 videntur, et jus in illo suum retinuisse. 14 Vos enim jam, 
 Albani 15 tumuli atque luci, vos, inquam, imploro, atque ob 
 tester, vosque Albanorum obrutae arae, sacrorum populi 
 Romani sociae et aequales, 15 quas ille, praeceps amentia, 
 caesis prostratisque sanctissimis lucis, substructionum insa- 
 nis 17 molibus oppresserat : vestrae turn, arae, vestrae religio- 
 nes viguerunt, 18 vestra vis valuit, quam ille omni scelere 
 ]X)lluerat ; tuque ex tuo edito monte, Latiaris 19 sancte Ju- 
 piter, cujus ille lacus, 20 nemora, finesque saepe omni nefa- 
 rio stupro et scelere macularat, aliquando ad eum puni- 
 endum oculos aperuisti : vobis ilia?, vobis vestro in con- 
 spectu serae, 21 sed justae tamen et debitae poenae solutae 
 sunt. Nisi forte 22 hoc etiam casu factum esse dicemus, ut 
 ante ipsum sacrarium 23 Bonae Deae, 24 quod est in fundo T. 
 Sextii Galli, in primis honesti et ornati adolescentis, ante 
 ipsam, inquam, Bonam Deam, quum proelium commi- 
 
 14. Retinuisse] Maintained, as- 
 serted. They seemed heretofore to 
 have waived it. 
 
 15. Albani, #c] Clodius had a 
 villa in the Alban land ; and it 
 would appear that in the building 
 of it he had destroyed some old graves 
 and altars, attached to Mons Alba- 
 nus, where the Latins feria; were 
 celebrated. Mons Albanus was co- 
 vered with trees ; but we may sup- 
 pose that every little hillock and grove 
 was the site of an altar for these 
 occasions. The Delph. suggests that 
 the ' tumuli' may have been the se- 
 pulchres of the old Albans. Quint, 
 xii. 10. notes the sublimity of this 
 address. Also, vii. 2. he gives it as 
 an instance of airooTpotpt). 
 
 16. Sociaz et aiquales] For the La- 
 tins had by treaty certain sacred rites 
 in common with the Romans, par- 
 ticularly the Latinie Feria:, first ap- 
 pointed by Tarquin for one day. 
 Liv. i. 55. Under the consuls they 
 were extended to four ; Liv. vi. 42 j 
 by whom they were always cele- 
 brated before they set out to their 
 provinces. On these occasions forty - 
 seven Latin cities assembled at Mons 
 Albanus; an ox was sacrificed, and 
 
 each of them received a part. 
 
 17. Iisa/m] Quales insani faci- 
 unt ; vast, huge. ' Substructionum', 
 Supr. 20. 
 
 18. Viguerunt] Exerted their ener- 
 gy ; he had said ' commovisse.' 
 
 19. Latiaris'] Al. Latialis, i. e. who 
 presides over Latium. Yet ' Latiale 
 caput' is perhaps the temple of Ju- 
 piter on the Alban mount. Lucan, i. 
 535. 
 
 20. Lacus] At the foot of Mons 
 Albanus is the lake of that name, 
 an oval sheet of water about six or 
 seven miles in circumference, Liv. v. 
 19. 
 
 21. Serte] Hor. Od. 10. 2.31. 
 
 22. Msi forte] Supr. 3. n. 10. 
 Cic. thought it absurd to deny a pro- 
 vidential interference in the fact of 
 his death happening in the very pre- 
 sence of the goddess whose rites 
 he had profaned. Before he had said it 
 was ' Ante fundum Clodii', &c. 
 
 23. Sacrarium] The dirain. is sa- 
 cellum', a shrine, chapel. 
 
 24. Bona: Dete] 'kyaQr, Ota. Hoc 
 nomine terra ipsa culta est a Koma- 
 nis, quia omnium nobis ad victum 
 bonorum causa est. Macrob. Saturn, i. 
 12. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 32. 
 
 145 
 
 sisset, primum illud vulnus acciperet, quo teterrimam 25 mor- 
 tem obiret : ut non absolutus judicio illo 26 nefario videre- 
 tur, 27 sed ad banc insignem poenam reservatus. 
 
 XXXII. Nee vero non eadem ira deorum banc ejus 
 satellitibus 1 injecit amentiam, ut sine imaginibus, sine can- 
 tu 2 atque ludis, 3 sine exsequiis, sine lamentis, 4 sine lauda- 
 tionibus, sine funere, 6 oblitus cruore et luto, spoliatus illius 
 supremi diei celebritate, 7 cui concedere etiam inimici so- 
 lent, ambureretur 8 abjectus. Non luisse credo fas, clarissi- 
 morum virorum formas 9 illi teterrimo parricida3 aliquid de- 
 coris afterre, neque ullo in loco potius mortem 10 ejus la- 
 cerari, quam in quo vita esset damnata. 
 
 Dura mibi, medius fidius, 11 jam Fortuna populi Romani 
 et crudelis videbatur, 12 quae tot annos ilium in banc rem- 
 
 25. Teterrimam] When speaking of 
 this murder as the act of Milo he 
 employed a euphemism ; ' Fecerunt 
 id servi Milonis, 6cc.' c. 10. n. 30 ; here 
 a studied exaggeration. 
 
 26. lllo~\ Wherein he was tried for 
 the violation of her mysteries. Supr. 
 5.n. 11. 
 
 27. Ut videretur] So that he seem- 
 ed, &c. ; not ' in order that.' Supr. 1. 
 n. 13. 
 
 Sect. XXXII. 1. Ejus satelliti- 
 bus] Sext. Clodius and his gang. 
 
 2. Cantu] Nsenia. Gell. xx. 2. calls 
 the performers ' siticines.' Ovid. Fast. 
 vi. 6'60, ' tibicines.' Pers. iii. 103. 
 speaks of trumpets. Also Virg. xi.192. 
 
 3. Ludis'] Of gladiators which 
 were sometimes exhibited at the fu- 
 nerals of great men. But players 
 and buffoons formed part of the pro- 
 cession, of whom the ' Archimirnus' 
 supported the character which the 
 person when alive had borne. Suet. 
 Vesp. 19. 
 
 4. Lament is] ' Sc. of women em- 
 ployed for the occasion called ' pra> 
 licae,' and by Virg. ' funerae.' After 
 singing the funeral dirge in the pro- 
 cession, they raised the ' lament' at 
 the pile. ' Lamentum' qu. lacryma- 
 mentum. 
 
 5. Laudationibus] At the funerals 
 VOL. I. 
 
 of illustrious Eomans, after the body 
 of the deceased had been exposed for 
 seven or eight days at his house, and 
 duly lamented, it was carried to the 
 forum accompanied by a procession of 
 the leading citizens, where an eu- 
 logium was pronounced generally by 
 the nearest relative of the deceased ; 
 or if he declined the office, by some 
 man of eloquence. The origin of the 
 custom is attributed by Plut. to Va- 
 lerius Publicola who honoured his col- 
 league's obsequies with a funeral ora- 
 tion. 
 
 6. Funere] A procession with light- 
 ed torches, from 'funes accensi,' which 
 accompanied it. Val.Max. iii. 6. 4. 
 
 7. Celebritate] i. e. Sollennitate 
 exsequiarum, a crowded funeral pro- 
 cession. 
 
 8. Ambureretur] C. 13. Semuslu- 
 latum. 
 
 9. Formas] Images. The ancestors 
 of Clodius were most noble. 
 
 10. Mortem] i.e. Cadaver. Etfunus 
 lacerum tellus habet. yEn. ix. 491. 
 So in Greek Qovoq, Eurip. Orest. 985. 
 28. n. 10. 
 
 11. Medius fidius] Supr. 28. n. 10. 
 
 12. Dura videbatur] i. e. I did 
 think the goddess of Roman fortune 
 cruel in bearing so long with Clodi- 
 us j but I now confess my error ; she 
 
 o 
 
146 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 publicam insultare videret et pateretur. Polluerat 13 stupro 
 sanctissimas religiones ; senatus gravissima decreta 1 * perfrege- 
 rat ; pecunia 15 se palam a judicibus redemerat ; vexarat in tri- 
 bunatu senatum,i6 omnium ordinum consensu pro salute rei- 
 publicae gesta 17 resciderat ; me patria 18 expulerat ; bona di- 
 ripuerat; 19 domum incenderat; liberos, 20 conjugem meam 
 vexaverat ; Cn. Pompeio 21 nefarium bellum indixerat ; ma- 
 gistratuum, privatorumque csedes effecerat; domum 22 mei 
 Iratris incenderat; vastarat Etruriam; multos sedibus ac 
 fortunis ejecerat; instabat, urgebat; capere ejus amentiam 
 civitas, Italia, provincial, regna non poterant; incidebantur 2J 
 jam domi leges, quae 24 nos nostris servis addicerent ; 25 nihil 
 erat cujusquam, quod quidem ille adamasset, quod non hoc 
 ajino suum fore putaret. Obstabat ejus cogitation ibus nemo, 
 praeter Milonem. Ipsum ilium, 26 qui poterat obstare, Cn. 
 
 knew better the time and agent for 
 punishing him. 
 
 13. Polluerai] He now enumerates 
 the enormities of Clodius, most of 
 which are touched on before. Supr. 
 27. &c. Of course the pollution of 
 the mysteries of the Bona Dea stands 
 first. 
 
 14. Senatus decreta] Supr. 5. n. 
 12. They had ineffectually voted 
 * ejus supplicio sollennes religiones 
 expiandas.' 
 
 15. Pecunia'] Alluding to the trial 
 for sacrilege. Supr. 5. n. 12. 
 
 16. Vexarat senatum] Principally 
 by inducing the consuls to foibid their 
 mourning for Cic. 
 
 17. Gesta] Cicero's acts against the 
 conspirators. 
 
 18. Me patria] Introd. 1. 
 
 19. Bona diripuerat] Dom. 24. 
 
 20. Liberos Ac] Dom. 23. 
 
 21. Cn. Pompeio] Sup. 7. and Sext. 
 32. This is of course an exaggeration. 
 So is ' magistratuum caedes effecerat.' 
 Sext.35. The slaves of Clodius attack- 
 ed the tribunes Sextius, Fabricius, and 
 Cispius, and much bloodshed was 
 caused ; but they escaped. 2so doubt 
 many ' private" persons suffered, as 
 the piles of dead bodies in the forum 
 equalled the slaughter of Cinna. 
 Sext. 36. . 
 
 22. Domum] Att. iv. 3. 
 
 23. Incidebantur] This being due 
 only to laws actually ratified, was a 
 proof of the insolence of Clodius. 
 His laws were engraved on brass be- 
 fore he entered on the magistracy in 
 which he was to bring them for- 
 ward ! 
 
 24. Qua <5fc] He here alludes to 
 a law by which freedraen, now a nume- 
 rous class at Rome, were permitted to 
 vote among the rural instead of the 
 city tribes. Supr. 12. n. 21. These 
 city tribes were four in number, and 
 were first formed by Fabius, the cen- 
 sor, thence called Maximus, who col- 
 lected into them the mob of the fo- 
 rum, &c. which heretofore was dis- 
 persed among all the tribes, and cre- 
 ated disturbance wherever they went. 
 Liv. ix. 46. While the freedmen 
 were limited to these four tribes, they 
 could do little mischief ; but Clodius 
 wished to extend their sphere of action 
 to the thirty-one rustic tribes. 
 
 25. Addicerent] Often used in the 
 sense of ' to sell.' Hence, here 
 ' should dispose of us to our slaves,' 
 i. e. make them and us exchange 
 places. Phil, ii.21. Vendita atque 
 addicta sententia. 
 
 26. Ipsum ilium] Pompey. ' Re- 
 ditu in gratiam,' supr. 8. n. 8. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cat. 33. 147 
 
 Pompeium, novo reditu in gratiam quasi devinctum arbitra- 
 batur ; Caesaris potentiam, 27 suam potentiam dicebat ; bo- 
 norum animos etiam in meo casu contempserat : Milo unus ur- 
 gebat. 
 
 XXXIII. Hie dii immortales, ut supra clixi, 1 mentem illi 
 perdito ac furioso dederunt, ut huic faceret 2 insidias. Ali- 
 ter perire pestis ilia non potuit : nunquam ilium respublica 
 suo jure esset ulta. Senatus, credo, 3 praetorem eum cir- 
 cumscripsisset. 4 Ne quum solebat 5 quidem idfacere inprivato 
 eodem hoc, aliquid profecerat. An consules in praetore co- 
 ercendo fortes fuissent? Primum, Milone occiso, habuisset 
 suos 6 consules. Deinde quis in eo praetore consul fortis 
 esset, per quem tribunmn, virtutem consularem 7 crudelis- 
 sime vexatam esse meminisset ? Oppressisset omnia, pos- 
 sideret, teneret ; lege nova, 8 qua? est inventa apud eum cum 
 reliquis legibus Clodianis, servos nostros, libertos suos fe- 
 cisset ; prostremo, nisi eum dii immortales in earn mentem 
 impulissent, ut homo effceminatus fortissimum virum cona- 
 retur occidere, hodie rempublicam nullam haberetis. An 
 ille praetor, ille vero consul, si modo haec templa 9 atque ipsa 
 
 27. Ctsaris potentiam] Caesar was Att. i. 10. 13. Supr. 32. n. 14. * Se- 
 
 now pursuing his victories in Gaul, natus gravissima decreta perfrege- 
 
 leaving Pompey to conduct the home rat.' 
 
 department. Crassus the preceding 6. Suos] Hypsaeus and Scipio, his 
 
 year had lost his life in Parthia. nominees. 
 
 Sect. XXXIII 1. Supra dixi] 7. Virtutem consularem] Cicero's 
 
 Sc. c. 31. ' Cui primum mentem in- of course. Al. virum. 
 
 jecit, ut vi irritare ferroque lacessere, 8. Lege nova] Ern. connects this 
 
 &c.' with the preceding ' teneret.' But 
 
 2. Huicfaceret] Milo, as before. there is no doubt that the law is re- 
 
 3. Credo] Ironical ; as usual. ferred to by which Clodius gave the 
 
 4. Circumscripsisset] Restrained libertines the right of suffrage among 
 him in the exercise of his power, the rustic tribes. Supr. 32. n. 24. 
 Att. vii. 9. ' Si tribunus plebis nota- Cic. here exaggerates, by using the 
 tus, aut senatusconsulto circumscrip- word ' servos' absolutely ; but it is 
 tus sit.' Phil. xiii. 9. ' Parata de obvious, as well from the nature of 
 ciicumscribendo adolescente (Octa- the thing, as the words, *. qui in li- 
 vio) sententia consularis.' bertate morarentur' in the restored 
 
 5. Nequum solebat] Not even when passage, c. 13. that freedmen are de- 
 it used to attempt this in the case of signed. The claim which Clodius 
 Clodius ranking merely as a private would thereby have on their services 
 citizen, had it effected any thing. An may justify the expression, ' suos li- 
 a fortiori argument. The attempt may bevtos.' 
 
 refer to the trial for incest, supr. 5. n. 9. Hcec templa] Which surrounded 
 12. wherein Clodius baffled the senate, the forum. Supr. 1. n. 9. 
 
148 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 moenia stare, eo vivo, tamdiu, et consulatum ejus expectare 
 potuissent, ille denique vivus mali nihil fecisset, qui mortuus, 
 uno ex suis satellitibus 10 Sex. Clodio duce, curiam incen- 
 derit? Quo quid miserius, quid acerbius, quid luctuosius 
 vidimus ? Templum 11 sanctitatis, amplitudinis, mentis, 12 con- 
 silii publici, 13 caput urbis, 14 aram sociorum, portum 15 omni- 
 um gentium, sedem ab uni verso populo Romano concessam 
 uni ordini, inflammari, exscindi, funestari ? 16 neque id fieri 
 a multitudine 17 imperita, quamquam esset miserum id ipsum, 
 sed ab uno ? qui quum tantum ausus sit ustor 18 pro mortuo, 
 quid signifer pro vivo non esset ausus? In curiam potissi- 
 mum abjecir, ut earn mortuus incenderet, quam vivus ever- 
 terat. Et sunt, qui de via Appia 19 querantur, taceant de 
 curia ? et qui ab eo spirante 19 forum putent potuisse defendi, 
 cujus non restiterit cadaveri curia? Excitate, excitatc ip- 
 sum, si potestis, ab inferis. Frangetis impetum vivi, cujus 
 vix sutsinetis furias insepulti ? nisi vero sustinuistis eos qui 
 cum facibus 20 ad curiam cucurrerunt, cum falcibus ad Castoris, 
 
 10. Satellitibus] Properly the body- 
 guard of a king ; but used by the Ro- 
 mans, who hated every thing regal, to 
 dignity, ' bravos, accomplices, aiders 
 and abettors in crime.' 
 
 11. Templum'} Manil. 24. n. 2. ; 
 sanctitatis,' i. e. where sanctity, 
 or inviolable honour, holds its seat ; 
 and ' amplitudinis,' majesty. Manil. 
 1. n. 6. Cineas, the deputy of Pyr- 
 rhus, described the senate as an 
 assemblage of kings. 
 
 12. Mentis] Wisdom. 
 
 13. Consilii publici] Grav. says, 
 ' consilii pub.' est 'ipse senatus ; 
 i. e. he takes 'consilium,' to mean 
 ' council.' But as ' Templum ipsius 
 senatus,' (i. e. the Curia) is ra- 
 ther an unmeaning expression, it 
 appears better to explain the words 
 with Abram. ' in quo ad reip. salutem 
 excubatur,' i. e. of deliberation for 
 the public good. 
 
 14. Urbis] Al. orbis. And 'aram,' 
 the asylum. 
 
 15. Portum] Off. ii. 8. Regum, 
 populorura, nationum, portuserat ac 
 
 refugium senatus. 
 
 16. Funestari] For a place was con- 
 sidered to be polluted by a dead 
 body. 
 
 17. A multitudine] The mob ge- 
 nerally act under the excitement of 
 the moment ; but Sext. Clodius acted 
 by premeditation, which was worse. 
 
 13. Ustor] Al.ultor; but neither, 
 according to Ern. is opposed to 
 ' signiferi,' as mortuus' is to ' vi- 
 vus.' 
 
 19. Via Appia] On which Clodi- 
 us was killed. Supr. 7. n. 7. Cic 
 thought the burning of the senate- 
 house a sufficient set off against the 
 Appian way and ancestral monuments 
 of Clodius. 
 
 19. Ab eo spirante] From him alive. 
 
 20. Falcibus] Al. facibus. But * fal- 
 ces' were a species of halbert em- 
 ployed in breaking into houses, &c. 
 We may suppose that the temple of 
 Castor was a depot of arms which the 
 
 mob wished to obtain possession of . Pis. 
 5. Arma in templo Castoris constitu- 
 ebantur. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 34. 
 
 149 
 
 cum gladiis toto foro volitarunt. 21 Csedi vidistis populum Ro- 
 manum, concionem gladiis disturbari, 22 quum audiretur si- 
 lentio M. Coelius 23 tribunus plebis, vir et in republica fortis- 
 simus, et in suscepta causa firmissimus, 24 et bonorum voluntati 
 et auctoritati senatus deditus, et in hac 2S Milonis sive invi- 
 dia, sive fortuna, singulari, divina et incredibili fide. 
 
 XXXIV. Sed jam satis multa de causa: 1 extra causam 
 etiam nimis fortasse multa. Quid restat, nisi ut orem ob- 
 testerque vos, judices, ut earn misericordiam tribuatis for- 
 tissimo viro, quam ipse non implorat : 2 ego etiam, repug- 
 nante hoc, ei imploro, et exposco 1 Nolite, si in nostro 
 omnium fletu nullam lacrymam adspexistis Milonis ; si 
 vultum semper eundem, si vocem, si orationem stabilem ac 
 non mutatam videtis, hoc minus ei parcere ! Haud scio, an 
 multo etiam sit adjuvandus magis. Etenim si in gladiatoriis 
 pugnis, et in infimi generis 3 hominum conditione 4 atque for- 
 tuna timidos et supplices, et, ut vivere liceat, obsecrantes, 
 etiam odisse 5 solemus ; fortes, et* 5 animosos, et se acriter ip- 
 
 21. Volitarunt] Ranged through. 
 It expresses a sort of licence and 
 impunity in outrage. In Sen. p. R. 
 3. 'Cum ferro et facihus homines 
 tota urbe volitantes.' 
 
 22. Disturbari] Driven here and 
 there, dispersed. 
 
 23. M. Ca-lius] When the fate of 
 Clodius was known at Rome, the 
 tribune Coelius, a friend of Milo, col- 
 lected his adherents, and began to ex- 
 plain the outrages that led to Clo- 
 dius's death. He was interrupted by 
 the other tribunes, Plancus and Q. 
 Pompey, who, with an armed mob, 
 dispersed the meeting, and slew num- 
 bers. Coelius and Milo escaped in 
 the dress of slaves. Ascon. 
 
 24. Firmissimus'} He even opposed 
 the arrangements of Cn. Pompey re- 
 garding this trial ; till Pompey threat- 
 ened to put down his opposition by 
 force. Ascon. 
 
 25. In hoc, <Sfc] ' Singulari' qua- 
 lifies both ' invidia' and ' fortuna.' 
 
 Sect. XXXIV. 1. De causa] 
 Sc. wherein he proved Clodius the 
 aggressor, c. 12. 27. 'Extra cau- 
 
 sam,' wherein he proved that Milo's 
 act was praiseworthy, even suppos- 
 ing it intentional, c. 27. 34. Supr. 
 2. n. 20. The rest is peroration. 
 
 2. Quam ipse non implorat] For 
 Milo had not submitted to the usual 
 tricks for mollifying the judges; the 
 tears, the suppliant gesture, and 
 mourning garb. This, which had 
 offended Pompey and the judges, 
 Cic. endeavours to palliate. Quint, 
 vi. 1. 
 
 3. Infimi generis] Slaves, of which 
 rank the gladiators at this time gene- 
 rally were. Vid. supr. 2, where the 
 gladiators of Milo are called by 
 Cic. ' servi.' Subsequently the no- 
 bles of Rome did not disdain to be- 
 come gladiators, and exhibit on the 
 stage. Juv. viii. 200. 
 
 4. Conditione] Explained by ' for- 
 tuna,' rank, situation. Balb. 10. 
 Servos quorum jus et fortunae con- 
 ditio infima est. 
 
 5. Odisse] i. e. To demand their 
 death from the magistrate. This 
 was done by a well-known signal. 
 
 verso pollice vulgi Quem- 
 
 02 
 
150 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 sos inorti offerentes, servare 7 cupimus ; eorumque nos masis 
 miseret, qui nostram misericordiam non requirunt, quam qui 
 illam efflagitant : quanto hoc magis iu fortissimis civibus 
 facere debemus? Me quidem, judices, exanimant et inter - 
 imunt ha? voces Milonis, quas audio assidue, et quibus in- 
 tersum quotidie. " Valeant, valeant, inquit, cives mei, valeant; 
 sint incolumes, sint florentes, sint beati ; stet ha?c urbs pra^- 
 clara mihique patria carissima, quoquo modo erit merita de 
 me; 8 tranquilla 9 republica cives mei, (quoniam mihi cum illis 
 non licet,) sine me ipsi, sed per me tamen, perfruantur. 
 Ego cedam, atque abibo. Si mihi republica bona frui non 
 licuerit, at carebo mala. Et quam primam 10 tetigero bene 
 moratam 11 et liberam civitatem, in ea conquiescam. O f'nis- 
 tra, inquit, suscepti mei labores ! o spes fallaces ! o cogitati- 
 ones inanes mese ! Ego quum tribunus plebis, republica op- 
 pressa, me senatui dedissem, quern extinctum acceperam ; 
 equitibus Romanis, quorum vires erant debiles : bonis \ iris, 
 qui omnem auctoritatem Clodianis armis abjecerant: mihi 
 unquam bonorum presidium defuturum putarem? Ego, 
 quum te (mecum enim saepissime loquitur) patriae reddidis- 
 sem, mihi putarem in patria non futurum locum? Ubi nunc 
 senatus est, quern secuti sumus ? ubi equites Romani illi, illi, 
 inquit, tui ? 12 ubi studia municipiorum ? 13 ubi Italiae voces ? 14 
 
 libet occidunt populariter. Juv. iii. 11. Bene moratam] (From twos) 
 
 36. possessed of good institutions and 
 
 6. Fortes et, 5fc] Tusc. ii. 17. morals ; where the turbulence of a 
 Gladiatores quas plagas perferunt 1 Clodius is unknown. The following 
 Quomodo illi qui bene instituti sunt, apostrophe (O frustra, &c.) is no- 
 accipere plagam malunt quam tur- ticed by Quint, vi. 1, as an instance 
 piter vivunt ? Quis mediocris gla- of the propriety of putting suitable 
 diator ingerauif? quis, &c. exclamations in the mouths of the 
 
 7. Seivare~\ Sc. pollices premendo. accused, even when prayers are not 
 Plin. xxviii. 2. Pollices quum fave- allowed. 
 
 arnus premere etiam proverbio ju- 12. Illi, inquit, tui~\ Cicero's 
 
 beraur. Hor. Serm. i. 18. 69. Fau- equestrian extraction is not so much 
 
 tor utroque tuum spectabat pollice alluded to here, as the friendship of 
 
 ludum. Turneb. ii. 6. the knights, which he had gained, as 
 
 8. Merita de we] Treated me. well by his general attention to their 
 ' Mereri de aliquo' est conferre in interests, as his exertions in effecting 
 quempiam aliquid boni aut mali. the celebrated junction between them 
 Forcel. and the senate. 
 
 9. Tranquilla'] Clodius, the prime 13. Studia municipiorum] So ar- 
 morer of every disturbance, being re- dent in the cause of your recall from 
 moved. exile. Supr. 15. Pis. 15. 
 
 10. Quam primam] Al. primum. 14. Voces] Ferendo de te suffra- 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 35. 
 
 151 
 
 ubi denique tua ilia, M. Tulli, quae plurimis fuit auxilio, vox 
 atque defensio ? mihine ea soli, qui pro te toties morti me 
 obtuli, nihil potest opitulari?" 15 
 
 XXXV. Nee vero ha?e,i judices, ut ego nunc, flens, 2 sed 
 hoc eodem loquitur vultu, quo videtis. Negat enim se, ne- 
 gat, ingratis 3 civibus fecisse, quae fecerit : timidis et omnia 
 circumspicientibus pericula, non negat. Plebem 4 et infimam 
 multitudinem, quae, P. Clodio duce, fortunis vestris 5 immi- 
 nebat, earn, quo tutior esset vita vestra, [suarn] se fecisse 
 commemorat, ut non modo virtute 7 flecteret, sed etiam tri- 
 bus 8 suis patrimoniis deliniret : nee timet ne, quum plebem 
 muneribus placarit, vos non conciliarit meritis in rempubli- 
 cam singularibus. Senatus erga se benevolentiam tempo- 
 ribus his ipsis saepe esse perspectam ; vestras vero, et vestro- 
 rum ordinum 9 occursationes, 10 studia, sermones, quemcun- 
 
 gio. Abram. But it rather alludes 
 to the acclamations with which he 
 was accompanied in his route through 
 Italy to Rome. Ad Quir. p. R. 8. 
 ' Tanta consensione ltaliae.' Pis. 
 15. 
 
 15. Opitulari] * Opem tulo' (i. 
 e. fero). Verbs which contain a noun 
 in their composition usually govern a 
 dative. So ' ausculto, credo, &c.' 
 
 Sect. XXXV. 1. Neijue vero 
 hece] Wishing to praise the kind- 
 ness of ' the good' to Milo, Cicero 
 here begins by representing the firm- 
 ness and resignation which he ex- 
 hibited as resulting from their feeling 
 towards him. 
 
 2. Flens] Cic. should have recol- 
 lected the rebuke of iEsch. to De- 
 mos., in Ctes. 71. Ovtoq icXa'tu ptv 
 pqiov, 7] d\\oi yt\u><Tt. 
 
 3. Ingratis] Displeased at, disap- 
 proving his conduct. So Graev. ; 
 and it seems a good sense to say, it 
 is not that they dislike my conduct, 
 but that they are afraid (timidis) to 
 speak out.' However, ingratitude 
 seems to be implied in these words, 
 inf.; 'qui beneficio cives suos vice- 
 rint.' 
 
 4. Plebem, S;c] The construction 
 here is, anacoluthun; there being no 
 
 word to govern these accusatives. 
 ' Infimam multitudinem,' slaves j as 
 before. 
 
 5. Fortunis vestris] This was the 
 best excuse for the notorious largesses 
 of Milo which Cic. had to offer. He 
 spent his fortune to save yours from 
 being plundered. 
 
 6. Suam] His friend ; favourable 
 to him. Hor. Ep. 9. ' Ventis non 
 suis.' But Orel, omits it ; and then 
 'ut,' which was before illative so 
 that, becomes, in order that (supr. 
 l.n. 3.), and the constr., ' fecisse ut 
 flecteret,' i. e. ' flexisse.' So inf. 38. 
 ' utinam fecissent ut.' 
 
 7. Virtute] Alluding to the firm- 
 ness and bravery which Milo dis- 
 played in curbing the licentiousness 
 of the mob. No doubt, his three 
 patrimonial possessions had due in- 
 fluence. 
 
 8. Tribus] Sc. those of his father, 
 Papius ; of his maternal grandfather, 
 C. Annius, by whom he had been 
 adopted ; and of his mother. But it is 
 not clear how the second and third 
 differ. Abram. conjectures that his 
 mother had derived an estate from 
 her mother, independent of her hus- 
 band, which Milo enjoyed. 
 
 9. Vestrorum ordinum] He means 
 
1.52 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 que 11 cursum fortuna dederit, secum se ablaturum 12 esse di- 
 cit. Meminit etiam, sibi vocem praeconis 13 modo defuisse, 
 quam minime desiderarit; populi vero cunctis suffragiis, 
 quod unum cupierit, se consulem declaratum : nunc denique, 
 si haec [arma] u contra se sint futura, sibi facinoris suspicio- 
 nem, non facti crimen 15 obstare. Addit haec, quae certe vera 
 sunt: Fortes et sapientes viros non tam praemia sequi 
 solere recte faetorum, quam ipsa recte facta ; 16 se nihil in vita, 
 nisi praeclarissime fecisse, siquidem nihil sit praestabilius 
 viro, quam periculis patriam liberare ; beatos esse, quibus ea 
 res honori fuerit a suis civibus; nee tamen eos miseros, qui 
 beneficio cives suos vicerint: sed tamen, ex omnibus prae- 
 miis virtutis, si esset habenda ratio pramiiorum, amplissi- 
 mum esse praomium, gloriani ; esse banc unam, qua? brevi- 
 tatem vitae posteritatis memoria consolaretur ; quae efficeret, 
 ut absentes adessemus, mortui viveremus: banc denique 
 esse, cujus gradibus etiam homines in coelum viderentur ad- 
 scendere. "De me, inquit, semper populus Romanus, 
 semper omnes gentes loquentur, nulla unquam obmutescet 
 vetustas. Quin hoc tempore ipso, quum omnes a meis ini- 
 micis faces meae 17 invidiae subjiciantur, tamen omni in 
 hominum coetu, gratiis agendis, 18 et gratulationibus baben- 
 
 senators, knights, and ' tribuni ;vra- Supr. 16. n. 5. 
 
 rii.' Supr. l.n.4. 17. ilk] 'Againstme;' the eb- 
 
 10. Occursationes] ' Occursatio' ject. genit., which is properly ex- 
 imports a running to meet one out of pressed by the personal pronoun ; as 
 respect ; respectful greetings. * vestri curam gero.' Zumpt's L. 
 
 11. Quemcunque, 5pc.j So Virg. Gram. c. 70. 
 
 ^E-n. iv. 654. Vixi, et quern dederat 18. Gratiis agendis"] Not ' in gra- 
 
 cursum fortuna, peregi. tiis, &c.' as ' in coetu ;' but ' cele- 
 
 12. Ablaturum] He means, ' in bramur gratiis agendis, &c.' ' Gra- 
 memory.' tias agere,' is to return thanks in per- 
 
 13. Praconis'] By whom the per- son for favours conferred; 'gratula- 
 son was declared duly elected. Yet, tiones habere,' is to present congra- 
 sometimes this was done by the pre- tulatory addresses to one on account 
 siding magistrate. Muren. 1. * lllo of distinguished success. So here, 
 die quo Comitiis centuriatis L. Mu- the former may have been called forth 
 renam consulem renunciavi.' Supr. by the advantages which the Eiru- 
 13. n. 11. rians, e. g., gained through Milo's 
 
 14. Arma] Which Pompey had exertions ; the subject of the latter 
 disposed in the forum. But Orel, may have been the glory to which 
 omits the word. such exertions entitled him. ' Ser- 
 
 15. Facti crimen'] The actual mones,' refers to conversations about 
 crime. Juv. xiii. 210. him in his absence. 
 
 16. llecte facta] Good actions. 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 36. 
 
 1.53 
 
 dis, et omni sermone celebramur. Omitto Etruriae festos 19 
 et actos, et institutos dies : centesima lux est haec ab in- 
 teritu P. Clodii, et, opinor, altera : 20 qua fines imperii populi 
 Romani sunt, non solum fama jam de illo, sed etiam laetitia 
 peragravit. Quamobrem ubi corpus hoc sit, non, inquit, 
 laboro, 21 quoniam omnibus in terris 22 et jam versatur, et 
 semper habitabit nominis mei gloria." 
 
 XXXVI. Haec tu 1 mecum saepe, his absentibus : sed 
 iisdem audientibus, haec ego tecum, Milo. Te quidem, 
 quum isto animo es, satis laudare non possum : sed, quo est 
 ista magis clivina virtus, eo majore a te dolore divellor. Nee 
 vero, si mihi eriperis, 2 reliqua est ilia tamen ad consolandum 
 querela, ut his irasci possim, a quibus tan turn vulnus acce- 
 
 19. EtruritE festos'] ' Actos,' in 
 consequence of the death of their op- 
 pressor ; ' institutos,' to record the 
 memorv of so happy an event. It 
 was usual for a people to institute 
 
 feasts in honour of a benefactor. So 
 the Syracusans instituted the ' Mar- 
 cellea,' in honour of M. Claudius 
 Marcellus (Verr. iv. 21.63.); and 
 the Asiatics, the ' Mucia,' in honour 
 of Q. Mucius. Verr. iv. 21. 
 
 20. Centesima lux et altera] The 
 date of the rencounter, as given by 
 Cic. (supr. 10.) was the twentieth of 
 January ; and the pleadings, ac- 
 cording to Ascon., took place on the 
 8th of April ; the interval is seventy- 
 eight days ; and if to this we add, an 
 intercalary month of twenty-three 
 days, inserted between the twenty- 
 third and twenty-fourth of February, 
 the sum is one hundred and one, as 
 in the text. Those who contend that 
 alter,' added to numerals, signifies 
 ' duo,' must reckon the twentieth of 
 January, inclusive. There does not, 
 however, appear to be any decided in- 
 stance where ' alter' must be so taken. 
 Vid. Virg., Ec. viii. 29. Liv. iii. 
 33. Wherever one or first is either 
 expressed or obviously implied, al- 
 ter,' no doubt, signifies two or second; 
 otherwise, it imports only ' another' 
 added to whatever precedes. Vid. 
 
 Forcel. If, however, as Scaliger 
 (de emend, temporum ii.) shows, 
 the intercalary month contained, al- 
 ternately, twenty-two and twenty- 
 three days, and if it were twenty- 
 two this year, we will be obliged to 
 translate ' the hundreth and first,' 
 since the remainder of Jan. 12 days, 
 Febr. 28 days, the intercalary month 
 22, March 31, and 8 days of April, 
 amount only to 101. 
 
 21. Laboro] Curo, anxius sum. 
 
 22. Omnibus in terris] Opposed 
 to ubi,' the place of the body. 
 
 Sect. XXXVI. 1. He* to] Sc. 
 from ' Valeant, &c.' supr. 34. But 
 * haec ego, &c' is ' Te quidem, &c* 
 following, ' His absentibus' is added 
 to preserve Milo from the imputa- 
 tion of arrogance ; who merely poured 
 his high-minded complaints and re- 
 solves into the bosom of a friend ; 
 and as this demeanour was ill cal- 
 culated to excite the commiseration 
 of the judges, Cic. is obliged to im- 
 plore that pity for his own sake which 
 he despairs of obtaining for Milo's. 
 
 2. Nee vero si eriperis] Cic. com- 
 plains that he has not even the poor 
 consolation left of feeling angry at 
 those who inflict the wound. There- 
 fore they ought not to inflict it ; but 
 pardon Milo. 
 
154 M. T. CICERONTS ORATIO 
 
 pero. Non enim inimici mei te mihi eripient, sed amicissi- 
 mi : non male aliquando de me meriti, 3 sed semper optime. 
 Nullum unquam, judices, mihi tantum dolorem inuretis* 
 (etsi, quis 5 potest esse tantus ?) sed ne hunc quidem ipsum, 
 ut obliviscar, quanti me semper feceritis. Quae si vos 
 cepit oblivio, aut si in me aliquid offendistis, 6 cur non id 
 meo capite 7 potius luitur, quam Milonis ? Praeclare enim 
 vixero, si quid mihi accident 8 prius, quam hoc tantum mali 
 videro. Nunc me una consolatio sustentat, quod tibi, T. 
 Anni, nullum a me 9 amoris, nullum studii, nullum pietatis 
 officium defuit. Ego inimicitias potentium 10 pro te appetivi ; 
 ego meum saepe corpus et vitam objeci armis inimicorum 
 tuorum ; ego me plurimis pro te supplicem abjeci ; bona, 
 tbrtunas meas ac liberorum meorum in communionem tuo- 
 rum temporum 11 contuli ; hoc denique ipso die, si qua vis 
 est parata, si qua dimicatio capitis 12 futura, deposco. Quid 
 jam restat? quid habeo [quod dicam,] quod faciam pro 
 tuis in me meritis, nisi ut earn fbrtunam, quaecunque erit 
 tua, ducam meam ? Non recuso, non abnuo : vosque ob- 
 secro, judices, ut vestra beneficia, quae in me contulistis, 
 aut in liujus salute augeatis, aut in ejusdem exitio occasura 
 esse videatis. 13 
 
 3. Male de me meriti] Deserved 9. A me] On my part. 
 
 ill at my hands. 10. Potentium} The party of Clo- 
 
 4. Inuretti] Properly, * shall dius, and perhaps Pompey. 
 brand;' a forcible expression for 11. Tuorum temporum] Manil. 1. 
 'inflict.' Supr. 12. 'Leges inus- n. 17. 
 
 torus.' Muren. 4. Cat. ii. 11. 12. Dimicatio capitis] Al. d'nni- 
 
 5. Etsi quisy fyc] Though what nutio, which was any loss of liberty 
 (other) pain can be so acute as this or the rights of citizens. The loss 
 (sc. depriving me of Milo) ; but, of the city and family was, ' dimi- 
 not even this will you inflict on me nutio maxima ;' loss of the city 
 to the degree that I shall forget, &c. ' media;' and any change of family, 
 Understand, then, inuretis tantum * minima.' Adam. This is alluded 
 before * ut obliviscar.' to by Hor., Carm. 5. 42. Capitis 
 
 6. Aliquid offendistis] i. e. Quoad minor,' one degraded. 
 
 aliquid. 'Offendo' (like (TKavSaXiZkt 13. Occasura esse videatis] It often 
 
 in the Greek Test.) is here, 'I run happens, as here, that the verb pre- 
 
 foul of, am displeased with.' B. ceding two clauses suits the first only, 
 
 ('iv. ii. 32. At, credo, si Caesarem and requires to be modified before the 
 
 probatis, in me oflfenditis. second. Thus it is right to say, ' I 
 
 7. Id meo capite] Why is not that entreat to enhance your favours by my 
 offence rather atoned for by my death, friend's acquittal;' but not, ' I en- 
 
 8. Si quid mild acciderit] Manil. treat you to see them about to be 
 20. n. 1. cancelled by his condemnation.' The 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 37. 155 
 
 XXXVII. His lacrymis non movetur Milo. Est quo- 
 dam incredibili robore anirai : exsilium ibi esse putat, ubi 
 virtuti non sit locus ; mortem naturae 1 finem esse, non poanam. 
 Sit hie ea mente, qua natus est. Quid vos, judices, quo 
 tandem animo eritis ? Memoriam Milonis retirebitis, ip- 
 sum ejicietis ? et erit dignior locus in terris ullus, qui 
 banc virtutem 2 excipiat, quam hie, qui procreavit ? Vos, 
 vos appello, fortissimi viri, 3 qui multum pro republica san- 
 guinem eftudistis : vos in viri et in civis invicti 4 appello peri- 
 culo, centuriones, vosque milites ; vobis non modo inspec- 
 tantibus, sed etiam armatis, et huic judicio praesidentibus, 
 hsec tanta virtus ex hac urbe expelletur ? exterminabitur ? 
 projicietur? O me miserum! 5 o infelicem ! revocare tu me 
 in patriam, Milo, potuisti per hos : ego te in patriaper eos- 
 dem retinere 6 non potero ? Quid respondebo liberis meis, 
 qui te parentem alternm 7 putant ? quid tibi, Q. frater, qui 
 nunc abes, 8 consorti mecum temporum illorum ? me non 
 potuisse Milonis salutem tueri per eosdem, per quos nostram 
 ille servasset? At in qua causa non potuisse? Qua? est 
 grata gentibus. 9 A quibus non potuisse ? . Ab iis, qui max- 
 ime P. Clodii morte acquierunt. 10 Quo deprecante ? Me. 
 Quodnam ego concepi tantum scelus, aut quod in me tantum 
 iacinus admisi, 11 judices, quum ilia indicia communis exitii 
 indagavi, 12 patefeci, protuli, exstinxi ? 13 Omnes in me me- 
 
 modifi cation may be, ' I tell you, I fectum, quia id fieri oportuisset, fa- 
 warn you that you shall, &c.' teretur 1 
 
 Sect. XXXVII. 1. Nalurte] 6. Retinere] Which should be 
 
 Appointed by nature. Sail. Cat. easier than 'revocare. 5 
 
 53. Mortem aerumnarum requiem, 7. Parentem alternm] As being 
 
 non cruciatum esse, &c. the restorer of their Jirst. ' Liberis,' 
 
 2. Hanc virtutem] i. e. ' Virum of course, Marcus and Tullia. 
 virtute praeditum ;' as Hor. Od. iii. 8. Qui nunc abes] Namely, as 
 24. 31. 'Virtutem incolumem odi- Caesar's lieutenant in Gaul. 
 mus,'&c. ' VirtusScipiadae,'Sat. ii.l. 9. Grata gentibus] Supr. 35. 
 
 3. Fortissimi viri] The guards Qui fines imperii populi Rom. sunt, 
 were in hearing of Cicero. non solum fama de illo, sed etiam 
 
 4. Viri et avis invicti] i. e. ' Viri lastitia peragravit. 
 
 invicti et civis invicti.' lO.^cguieruntJYVeredelighted with. 
 
 5. O me miserum!] Quint., vi. 1, 11. In me admisi] ' Have I commi- 
 notices the propriety of the advocate tted,' Supr. 23. n. i.l9. Hor.Tu nihil 
 undertaking the task of exciting pity, admittesin te formidine pcenae. 
 
 when it would be unbecoming in the 12. Indagavi] Vid. Cat. iii., for 
 
 defendant. Nam quis ferret, says a full statement of his detection of 
 
 he, Milonem pro capite suo suppli- the conspiracy, 
 
 oantem, qui a se virum nobilem inter- 13. Exttinxi] Cicero, carried away 
 
156 
 
 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO 
 
 osque redundant ex fonte illo u dolores. Quid me reducem 
 esse voluistis ? an ut, inspeetante me, expellerentur ii, per 
 quos essem restitutus? Nolite, obsecro vos, pati, mihi 
 acerbiorem reditum esse, quam fuerit ille ipse discessus. 
 Nam qui possem putare me restitutum esse, si distrahor ab 
 iis, per quos restitutus sum ? 
 
 XXXVIII. Utinam 1 dii immortales fecissent : (pace tua, 
 patria, dixerim ; metuo enim, ne scelerate dicam in te, quod 
 pro Milone dicam pie :) utinam P. Clodius non modo vive- 
 ret, sed etiam praetor, 2 consul, dictator esset potius, quam 
 hoc spectaculum viderem ! O, dii immortales ! fortem et a 
 vobis, judices, conservandum virum ! "Minime, 3 minime, in- 
 quit. Immo vero pcenas ille debitas luerit : nos subeamus, 
 si ita necesse est, non debitas." Hiccine vir patria? natus, 4 
 usquam nisi in patria, 5 morietur ? aut, si forte, pro patria ? 
 hujus vos animi monumenta 6 retinebitis, corporis in Italia 7 
 nullum sepulcrum esse patiemini ? hunc sua quisquam sen- 
 
 by his eloquence, added this word, 
 which does not apply to ' indicia 
 communis exitii,' but to * commune 
 exitium,' understood from that ex- 
 pression. 
 
 14. Redund. ex fonte Mo] 'Flow 
 from the conspiracy of Catiline,' 
 thus : I suppressed that conspiracy, 
 and thereby excited the hatred of 
 Clodius. This produced my banish- 
 ment; which, again, engaged Milo 
 in my recall. Hence the odium was 
 transferred to him, and he is now to 
 be banished, which causes my grief. 
 Ergo ( Redundant, &c.' Introd. 1. 
 
 Sect. XXXV11I.1. Utinam] 
 *' A difference is to be marked be- 
 tween the pres. and perf. ; and imperf. 
 and pluperf. of the subj. with ' uti- 
 nam.' With the former pair an 
 action is conceived in the mind, which 
 may or may not actually exist ; with 
 the latter pair it excludes the idea of 
 actual existence." Zumpt's Lat.G.75. 
 So ' utinam dii faciant, &c.' is, ' would 
 that the gods may,' as they can ; 
 1 utinam fecissent' ' would that they 
 had, &c.,'but they did not. 
 
 2. Picctor] He begins with the 
 
 first office which Clod, did not hold. 
 
 3. Minime, c] We may sup- 
 pose that Milo motioned a negative 
 on Cicero's wish. * Utinam .... 
 dictator esset.' Let him, ' he adds,' 
 meet his deserts, and I care not for 
 personal consequences,' 
 
 4. Patria: natus] Off. i. 7. Non 
 nobis solum nati sumus, ortusq ; 
 no*tri partem patria vindicat. But 
 patriae natus' intimates that he was 
 framed by nature for the especial pur- 
 pose of saving his country. So ' na- 
 tus abdomini suo' is applied to Ga- 
 binius. Pis. 17 j ' naturally a gor- 
 mandizer.' 
 
 5. Nisi in patria] JEti. x. 781. Et. 
 dulces moriens reminiscitur Argos. 
 Hence the poet Waller's wish ' to 
 die, like the stag, where he was roused.' 
 
 6. Animi monumenta] Sc. his pub- 
 lic services recorded in the history of 
 his country ; opposed to * corporis 
 sepulcrum.' 
 
 7. In Italia] The importance at- 
 tached to a burial in one's native land, 
 may be seen exemplified in the prayer 
 of Hector to Achilles, Iliad, xxii. 
 254 ; of Mezentius, iEn. x. 904 ; 
 
PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 29. 
 
 157 
 
 tentia ex hac urbe expellet., quern omnes urbes expulsum a 
 vobis ad se vocabunt ? O terram illam beatam, quae hunc 
 virum exceperit : hanc ingratam, si ejecerit : miseram, si 
 amiserit ! Sed finis 8 sit : neque enim prae lacrymis jam loqui 
 possum ; et hie se lacrymis defendi vetat. Vos oro 9 obtes- 
 torque, judices, ut in sententiis ferendis, quod sentietis, id 
 audeatis. Vestram virtutem, justitiam, fidem (mihi credite) 
 is maxime 10 probabit, qui in judicibus legendis, optimum, et 
 sapientissimum, et fortissimum quemque delegit. 
 
 of Turnus, JEn. vii. 935, and of Po- 
 lynices. Eurip. Phoeniss. 1460. 
 
 8. Sedjinis] For my tears prevent 
 my words ; as well as the wish of 
 Milo to depend solely on the good- 
 ness of his cause. 
 
 9. Vos oro, fc] Having wound up 
 the feelings of the judges to the high- 
 est pitch, he now affects to call upon 
 them to attend only to the dictates of 
 justice, &c. 
 
 10. Is maxime] Pompey, who 
 being the prime mover of the whole 
 proceeding is here presented, in con- 
 clusion, to the minds of the judges, 
 as the friend of justice and of Milo. 
 
 The plan, then, of this admirable 
 speech is extremely simple. It con- 
 tains thirty-eight seel ions. Of these, 
 the exordium occupies, c. 1. 2; then 
 follows the refutation of the jmrju- 
 dicia, c. 2 8 ; the narration, c. 9 
 11 ; the direct confirmation, consist- 
 ing of ten arguments, (noticed in 
 order in the notes,) c. 12 26 ; the 
 indirect confirmation or merit of slay- 
 ing such a tyrant as Clodius, c. 27 
 33 ; and lastly, the peroration, 34 
 38. The arrangement of the direct 
 proofs is different in different com- 
 mentaries ; that of Melancthon has 
 been nearly followed. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION 
 
 FOR 
 
 Q. LIGARIUS. 
 
 1. In the year of the city 703, Q. Ligarius accompanied C. 
 Considius Longus, who had been appointed pro-praetor of Africa, 
 into his province, as lieutenant, and on that governor retiring from 
 his office, was by him nominated to the command. In the follow- 
 ing year the civil war broke out between Caesar and Pompey ; 
 and Ligarius, preferring friends and home to the glitter of a 
 dangerous command, withstood the offers and entreaties of the 
 Roman citizens and provincials who were almost all in Pompey \s 
 interest, to join them, and hold the province for Pompey. In 
 the mean time, P. Atius Varus who had been the predecessor 
 of Considius in that province, and the warm friend of Pompey, 
 coming to Utica, was not, though a private man, backward in ac- 
 cepting the office which Ligarius had rejected. At this juncture 
 L. ./Elius Tubero, who had been appointed over the province oi' 
 Africa by the Senate, arrived there, and found it already in 
 the hands of Varus. (Caes. B. C. i. 30.) Being prevented from 
 landing in Africa, he proceeded with his son Quintus into Mace- 
 donia, and made his complaint to Pompey, who being in the mean 
 time informed by Varus of the defeat of Curio, Caesar's general, 
 and of the province being his own, declined to interfere. 
 
 2. During the various struggles of the parties, Ligarius con- 
 tinued in Africa, and covertly at least, assisted the Pompeian 
 cause. As Africa persevered in its opposition to the authority 
 of Caesar long after Pompey was slain, so those who were 
 concerned in maintaining that opposition incurred in a higher 
 degree the resentment of Caesar. On the capture of Adrume- 
 tum however, Ligarius, owing to some mitigating circumstances, 
 had his life granted and permission to remain there in exile. 
 
 In the mean time the brothers of Ligarius, who had been 
 ever the firm supporters of Caesar, his kinsmen and influential 
 friends, particularly C. Pansa and Cicero, ceased not to suppli- 
 cate Caesar to restore him to his country. But in the end o 
 
160 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the year 707, Q. JElius Tubero, who had never forgiven Ligarius 
 for having, either on his own authority, or that of Varus, pre- 
 vented him, three years before, from landing in Africa, brought 
 against him a charge de vi, i. e. of assisting the enemies of his 
 country ; or, as Cicero extenuatingly states it, i Q. Ligarium in 
 Africa fuisse.' [Cicero, however, afterwards admits his being a 
 Pompeian, when he says ' qui causam habet meliorem quam tu, 
 aut, ut tu vis, parem.' And indeed without this admission Tu- 
 bero's charge would be utterly absurd.] Cicero defends Ligarius 
 in the following oration. 
 
 3. As Caesar was well aware of the facts of the case, the 
 orator proceeds directly to his defence, and at once admits that 
 Ligarius was in Africa during the war. But here he makes a 
 distinction. For dividing all the time into three parts; 1. the 
 period of his lieutenancy under Considius ; 2. of his government 
 after Considius's departure, and 3. that which followed Varus's 
 arrival, he pronounced him free from all blame in the first and 
 second ; and acting under compulsion in the third, c. 1.2. He 
 then compares the cause of Tubero and of himself with that of 
 Ligarius, and concludes that Tubero should not have accused a 
 man infinitely less culpable than himself, c. 3. He then shews 
 that Tubero was ignorant of the tendency of his charge, which, 
 as Ligarius was already in banishment, could only be to take 
 away his life. This cruelty he severely censures, and yet he 
 thinks it is exceeded by the attempt to prevent the pardon of 
 Ligarius from being granted, c. 4. 5. Cicero then defends the 
 cause of Pompey from the charge of ' wickedness,' which Tubero, 
 by predicating it of Ligarius, one of the party, would thereby 
 fix upon it. c. 6. He then enters into a more particular com- 
 parison of the causes of Ligarius and Tubero, and proves that 
 of the latter infinitely the worse, c. 7. 9. Lastly he alludes to 
 the peculiar manner of his pleading before Caesar ; how he for- 
 gets the technicalities of the advocate and throws himself on his 
 mercy as a parent, c. 10. He adds, however, that Caesar by 
 granting his request will confer an eternal favour on the Ligarii, 
 his brothers, on the Brocchi, on the Sabines, and on many 
 Roman knights, c. 11. He concludes with an exhortation to 
 Caesar to follow up the noble example which he had set in lately 
 pardoning Marcellus, since the best foundation of true greatness 
 is clemency to the conquered, c. 12. 
 
 4. The effect produced by this oration was the acquittal and 
 pardon of Ligarius. It were to be wished that history had here 
 dropped the curtain ; for the name of Q. Ligarius appears among 
 the assassins of Caesar. App. B. C. ii. 13. But justice overtook 
 
INTRODUCTION. 161 
 
 him ; for the same historian adds (iv. 22.) that he perished alon^ 
 with his brother in the proscription. 
 
 It is worthy of remark that Tuberos's oration against Ligarius 
 wag extant in Quintilian's time, who thinks (x. 1 .) that there 
 is an advantage in comparing it with Cicero's. Vid. also xi. 1 . 
 where he gives a specimen of Tubero's address. It is in answer 
 to an obvious retort to which he exposed himself, that he too 
 was in Africa. Quintilian well remarks that no man can with 
 the smallest propriety, reproach another with what he has himself 
 been guilty of, unless there are some points of difference in the 
 cases ; ' persona, setas, tempus, causa, locus, animus.' He pro- 
 ceeds: * Tubero, juvenem se patri haesisse, ilium a senatu missum 
 non ad bellum, sed ad frumentum coemendum, ait : Ligarium et. 
 perseverasse, et non pro Cn. Pompeio, inter quern et Caesarem 
 dignitatis fuerit contentio, quum salvam uterque rempublicam 
 vellet, sed pro Juba atque Afris inimicissimis populo Romano 
 stetisse.' It is likely then, that Ligarius was not the passive 
 spectator of the hostile struggle which Cicero represents him to 
 have been. 
 
 p2 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 PRO 
 
 QUINTO LIGARIO, 
 
 AD C. CiESAREM, 
 ORATIO. 
 
 I. Novum crimen, 1 C. Caesar, et ante hunc diem 2 inaudi- 
 tum, propinquus meus 3 ad te, 4 Q. Tubero 5 detulit, Q. Liga- 
 
 Sect. I. 1. Novum crimen'] Iro- 
 nically, as if he said, * A dreadful 
 charge, this, Caesar, that Ligarius 
 was in Africa ! (as if you had not 
 pardoned even your Pharsalian foes 
 before now ;) and what is worse still, 
 Pansa, no mean authority, has had 
 the hardihood, trusting, no doubt, to 
 his intimacy with you, (as nothing 
 less could warrant such a commu- 
 nication,) to confess this fact ! I 
 am, therefore, completely at a loss, 
 for (as no one could defend) I was 
 prepared to deny the charge which, 
 being so new (i. e. notorious) you, of 
 course, could have no means of learn- 
 ing, either of yourself or from other 
 sources.' Quint, iv. 1, not only no- 
 tices this irony but explains its use. 
 1 Quid enim agebat aliud ironica ilia, 
 quam ut Caesar minus se in rem tan- 
 quam non novam intenderet?' And 
 again, * Nisi cui divina ilia pro Liga- 
 
 rio ironia displicet.' Yet Trapezunt. 
 denies that there is any irony here. 
 ' Novum crimen inauditum,' is, by 
 some, supposed to be taken from the 
 speech of Tubero. 
 
 2. Hunc diem] Most likely the 
 last day of November, a. v. 707. 
 For this wa6 the ' year of con- 
 fusion/ and it was the day preced- 
 ing the first of the two intercalary 
 months inserted between November 
 and December, that the brothers and 
 friends of Ligarius met to entreat 
 Caesar, at his house ; and Cic, it is 
 supposed, immediately after proceed- 
 ed to address him in the forum. 
 Fam. vi. 15. 
 
 3. Propinquus meus] Cicero himself 
 explains this matter, inf. c. 7 ; from 
 which it appears likely that the elder 
 Tubero had married into the ' gens 
 Tullia,' and hence the affinity (post 
 affines) between the parties. He 
 
164 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 rium in Africa fuisse ; 6 idque C. Pansa, 7 praestanti vir in- 
 genio, fretus fortasse ea familiaritate, quae est ei tecum, 8 
 ausus est confiteri. Itaque, quo me vertam, nescio. Paratus 
 enim veneram, quum tu id neque 9 per te scires, neque au- 
 dire aliunde potuisses, ut ignoratione tua ad hominis miseri 
 salutem abuterer : 10 sed quoniam diligentia inimici 11 inves- 
 tigatum est id quod latebat, confitendum est, ut opinor; 
 praesertim quum meus necessarius, 12 C. Pansa, fecerit, ut id 
 jam integrum 13 non esset : omissaque controversial 4 omnis 
 oratio ad misericordiam tuam conferenda est; qua pluri- 
 mi 15 sunt conservati, quum a te non liberationem culpa?, 16 sed 
 errati veniam impetravissent. Habes igitur, Tubero, 17 quod 
 est accusatori maxime optandum, confitentem reum, sed 
 
 here refers to it obviously to show that 
 hi6 predilection should be in favour 
 of the accuser ; and, therefore, that 
 his confidence must be great in the 
 innocence of Ligarius. 
 
 4. Ad te] Who are now the arbi- 
 ter of all our fates. Therefore it 
 must be something of importance, 
 no doubt. 
 
 5. Q. Tubero] The family of Tu- 
 bero belonged to the ' AHia. gens.' 
 It was remarkable for frugality, as 
 Val. Max., iv. 3, and vii. 5, tes- 
 tifies. Also Plut. Paul. Ai.mil. 5. 
 They had often, however, obtained 
 the offices of the state. This Tubero, 
 after failing in his charge against 
 Ligarius, according to Pompon, ap- 
 plied himself to the study of civil 
 law. 
 
 6. In Africa fuisse] Quint, ix. 4. 
 notices and commends the placing of 
 this ' initium senarii' in the end of 
 the 'caput,' or period, which he 
 supposed to terminate here. 
 
 7. Pansa] This distinguished Cae- 
 sarian (Fam. vi. 13.) was consul 
 with Hirtius, a. u. 710, and being 
 wounded in the battle at Mutina, 
 supporting the republic against Mark 
 Antony, died the following day of his 
 wounds at Bologna. 
 
 8. Fam., qua: est ei tecum] This 
 
 was very great; but such a mighty 
 confession required it all. 
 
 9. Quum tu neque, c\c] This was 
 very likely, indeed, in Caesar ! 
 
 10. Abuterer] Take advantage of. 
 Mil. 2. n. 19. 
 
 11. Diligentia inimici] It re- 
 quired, forsooth, extraordinary pains 
 to investigate what every body knew. 
 ' Inimici,' Tubero. 
 
 12. Meus necessarius] * Necessa- 
 rius,' though generally a relation by 
 blood or marriage, often means ' a 
 particular friend.' So Sull. i. 1. L. 
 Torquatus, meus familiaris et ami- 
 cus. 
 
 13. Integrum] i. e. Undecided one 
 way or other; for I can no longer 
 avail myself of ' denial,' i. e. of 
 proving an alibi. 
 
 14. Controversia] Debate on a 
 law question, for which Cic. was 
 prepared. 
 
 15. Qua plurimi] Sc. the Tube- 
 ros and others. 
 
 16. Culpa] Voluntary ; errati,' 
 involuntary ; sc. the case of himself 
 and friends. 
 
 17. Habes Tubero] Quint, iv. 1, 
 produces this as an example of the 
 effect of the apostrophe; and adds, 
 ' languescit vis omnis, nobis dicen- 
 tibus, Habet igitur Tubero, c.' 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 1 
 
 165 
 
 tamen ita confitentem, se in ea parte 18 fuisse, qua te, Tubero, 
 qua virum omni laude dignum, patrem tuum. Itaque prius 
 de vestro 19 delicto confiteamini necesse est, quam Ligarii 
 ullam culpam reprehendatis. Q. enim Ligarius, quum es- 
 set 21 adhuc nulla belli suspicio, legatus in Africam 22 cum C. 
 Considio profectus est : qua in legatione et civibus 23 et so- 
 ciis 2 * ita se probavit, ut decedens Considius provincia, satis- 
 facere hominibus non posset, si quemquam alium provincia? 
 prsefecisset. 25 Itaque Q. Ligarius, 26 quum diu recusans nihil 
 profecisset, provinciam accepit invitus : cui sic praefuit in 
 pace, ut et civibuset sociis gratissima esset ejus integritas et 
 fides. Bellum 27 subito exarsit r 8 quod, qui erant in Africa, 
 ante audierunt geri, quam parari. Quo audito, partim cupi- 
 ditate 29 inconsiderata, partim caeco 30 quodam timore, primo 
 
 18. Ea parte] Sc. the party of 
 Pompey. 
 
 19. De vestro] 'Vestro,' sc. of 
 you and your father. 
 
 20. Delicto Ligarii culpam] We 
 saw before, that culpa' is heavier 
 than ' delictum.' If Cic. thought so, 
 they must be here used ironically. 
 But such distinctions are not uni- 
 formly observed. 
 
 21. Quum esset, c] He distin- 
 guishes three periods, all without 
 charge against Ligarius, of which the 
 first is, his lieutenancy. Quint, iv. 
 2, notices the propriety of the advo- 
 cate giving a variety to the narration, 
 by introducing arguments, pathos, 
 &c, as Cic. does here. Also xi. 3, 
 he brings this as an instance of a 
 narration requiring ' manum prola- 
 tam, amictum recidentem, gestum 
 distinctum, &c.' 
 
 22. In Africam'] Sc. the Roman 
 province, composed of the kingdom of 
 Carthage. SoSallust Jug. 13. ' Vic- 
 tus ex praelio confugit in provinciam.' 
 
 23. Et civibus] Roman citizens 
 who traded in the Province. Sail. Jug. 
 47. ' Mercari Italici generis multi.' 
 
 24. Sociis] Properly, avp.p.a\oi 
 whereas the provincials were virnKooi. 
 Yet the latter, according to Graev., 
 were frequently called ' socii/ by a 
 
 euphemism, and are so here. 
 
 25. Provincice profecisset] It was 
 customary for the provincial governor, 
 on his departure, to leave the quaestor 
 or lieutenant, as vice-governor. 
 The questor being the more usual 
 choice, Cicero, to prevent the infer- 
 ence that Ligarius had, by unworthy 
 means, procured an office to which 
 he was not entitled, adds that the 
 provincials would have no other. 
 
 26. Itaque Q. Lig.] The second 
 period ; partly peace, partly war. 
 In both Ligar. was, ' sine crimine 
 notus.' Vid. inf. 2. for the third. 
 
 27. Bellum] The civil war between 
 Caesar and Pompey. 
 
 28. Exarsit] A usual metaphor. 
 Horn. GTEtyavog 7ro\t/tioio GtSye. 
 
 Virg. quibus arserit armis. It 
 
 ceased, however, to be a metaphor, in 
 reference to Crcsar, who, without wait* 
 ing for the Transalp. legions, passed 
 the Rubicon, and, with the rapidity 
 of a flame, overspread the lands of 
 Italy. Plut. Pomp. 60. No wonder, 
 then, that he says, ' qui in Africa ante 
 audierunt geri, quam parari.' 
 
 29. Cupiditate] Sc. studium par- 
 tium, sive partialitas. Gr&v. 
 
 30. Coco] Reddente caecos ; i. e. 
 as he calls it in the Marcel, (c. 
 5.), 'falso et inani.' But they may 
 
166 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 salutis, post etiam stiidii sui quaerebant aliquem ducem : 
 quum Ligarius domum spectans, 31 et ad suos redire cupiens, 
 nullo se implicari negotio passus est. Interim P. Atius 
 Varus, 32 qui praetor Africam obtinuerat, 33 Uticam 34 venit. 
 Ad eum statim 35 concursura est. Atque ille non mediocri 
 cupiditate arripuit imperium, 36 si illud imperium esse potuit, 
 quod ad privatum clamore multitudinis imperitae, nullo pub- 
 lico consilio deferebatur. Itaque Ligarius, 37 qui omne tale 
 negotium cuperet effugere, paullum 38 adventu Vari con- 
 quievit. 
 
 II. Adhuc, 1 C. Caesar, Q. Ligarius omni culpa vacat. 
 
 have had an indistinct dread of the 
 war reaching Africa, as it had done 
 in the time of Sylla, a. u. 671, when 
 Pompey conquered Domitius. In- 
 trod. Manil. 11. To this we may 
 refer their partiality (studii sui) for 
 Pompey, who, on that occasion, had 
 made many friends among the Afri- 
 cans. 
 
 3 1 . Quum domum spectans] " When 
 quttm stands at the end of a sentence 
 it often implies more than mere con- 
 temporaneous existence of events, and 
 serves to direct the reader's mind to 
 some inference to be drawn from their 
 being so. So here, ' a war broke out ; 
 while Ligarius, all the time, did not 
 allow himself, 6cc.' intimating, that 
 this was not the conduct of a deter- 
 mined enemy of Caesar." Zumpt's Lat. 
 G. c. 75. ' Domum spectans' Cae- 
 sar considered neutrality innocent; 
 Pompey, criminal. Cicero, therefore, 
 urges the domestic views of Liga- 
 rius. Avoiding every public em- 
 ployment, he thought of nothing but 
 to be with his brothers, who had re- 
 mained at Rome and kept aloof from 
 the civil war, when he might have 
 made himself the leader of the forces 
 in Africa. 
 
 32. Varus'] This celebrated Pom- 
 peian leader, having lost his cohorts 
 at Auximum in Italy, came to Africa 
 in flight. He there seized on the 
 province for Pompey, raised two 
 
 legions, and assisted by Juba, re- 
 duced it all to obedience. But, being 
 defeated by Caesar, he fled to Spain, 
 and was killed in the battle of Mun- 
 da. 
 
 33. Preetor Africam obtinuerat] 
 The governor of Africa was called in- 
 differently praetor, i. e. pro-praetor, or 
 pro-consul. So. Phil. ii. 38. It was 
 the year preceding Considius's that 
 Varus had been in office, lntrod. 1. 
 
 34. Uticam] A seaport town of 
 Africa, on the river Bagrada, founded 
 by Phoenicians ; and celebrated by 
 the ' noble death' of Cato. 
 
 35. Ad eum statim] i. e. Because 
 he had been praetor there formerly, 
 and was known to be the friend of 
 Pompey. 
 
 36. Imperium] A military com- 
 mand, but here conferred by the pro- 
 vincial mob, unauthorised by either 
 the Roman people or senate, who had 
 appointed Tubero to that command. 
 Infr. 7. Una est profectus cum iis, 
 &c.' 
 
 37. Itaque Lig.] 'The third period, 
 after the arrival of Varus Ligarius 
 still clear. 
 
 38. Paullum] Not altogether ; for 
 he submitted, afterwards, to the com- 
 mand of Varus. This he excuses 
 on the plea of necessity. Inf. 'ne- 
 cessitatis crimen, est, &c.' 
 
 Sect. II. 1. Adhuc, %c] Vid. 
 Quint, iv. 2, who considers this 
 
PRO Q. L1GARIO, Cap. 2. 
 
 167 
 
 Domo est egressus non modo nullum ad bellum, sed ne ad 
 minimam quidem suspicionem belli : legatus in pace pro- 
 fectus, in provincia pacatissima ita se gessit, ut ei 2 pacem 
 esse expediret. Profectio certe animum tuum non debet 
 offendere. Num igitur remansio? Multo minus. Nam 
 profectio voluntatem habuit non turpem, 3 remansio etiam ne- 
 cessitatem honestam. 4 Ergo haec duo tempora carent cri- 
 mine : unum quum est legatus profectus ; alterum quum 
 efflagitatus 5 a provincia, propositus Africa? est. Tertium est 
 tempus, quo post adventum Vari in Africa restitit : quod si 
 est criminosum, necessitatis crimen est, non voluntatis. An 
 ille/si potuisset illinc ullo modo evadere, Uticae potius, 
 quam Romae, 7 cum P. Atio, quam cum concordissimis fratri- 
 bus, 8 cum alienis esse, quam cum saiis maluisset ? Quum 
 ipsa legatio plena desiderii ac sollicitudinis fuisset, propter 
 incredibilem quendam fratrum amorem, hie aequo animo 
 esse potuit, belli discidio 9 distractus a fratribus ? Nullum 
 igitur 10 babes, Caesar, adhuc in Q. Ligario signum aliense 
 a te voluntatis: cujus ego eausam, animadverte, quaeso, qua 
 
 recapitulation part of the narra- 
 tion ; whereas others, e. g. Abram., 
 are disposed to refer it to the confir- 
 mation. 
 
 2. Ei] Referred by the commen- 
 tators to Ligarius, as if the sense 
 were * bad men find it their interest 
 to excite war rather than preserve 
 peace ; not so Ligarius.' But the 
 question was not as to the abstract 
 merit or demerit of Ligarius, which 
 Caesar did not, perhaps, regard, but 
 whether he were chargeable with ex- 
 citing the provincials to war, i. e. to 
 declare against Caesar. This Cic. 
 denies, because he conducted him- 
 self so as to make it the interest of 
 the province to preserve the profound 
 peace which it enjoyed. Besides, if 
 Ligarius were meant, the grammati- 
 cal construction would require ' sibi.' 
 Schel. v. i. p. 277. To 'ei,' there- 
 fore, supply ' provincial.' Quint, iv. 
 2., varies the words thus : ' sic eum 
 provincial pracfuisse, ut Mi pacem ex- 
 pediret ; where ' illi' is surely ' pro- 
 vincial' 
 
 3. Volant. non turpem'] A * Li- 
 totes,' for, ' highly to his credit ;' 
 for a provincial command was an 
 object of honourable ambition. 
 
 4. Necessitatem honestam] ' Neces- 
 sity,' because he could not resist the 
 commands of the pro-consul, backed 
 by the importunity of the province ; 
 ' honourable' to be so commanded 
 and importuned. Or the latter may 
 mean, ' such as would influence every 
 honourable mind.' 
 
 5. Efllagitatus] i. e. Flagitando 
 impetratus. Patric. 
 
 6. An Me, fyc.~\ Probable argu- 
 ments why Ligar. was not a volunteer 
 in the cause of Pompey, and cer- 
 tainly not very strong ones. 
 
 7. Roma] Where his brothers re- 
 mained, if not neutral, attached to 
 Caesar's cause. 
 
 8. Concordissimis fratribus] One 
 of them, T. Ligarius, the quaestor, ur- 
 banus, is mentioned, inf. c. 12. 
 
 9. Discidio] ' Discidium' propria 
 corporum, a discindo ' dissidium,' 
 animorum a dissideo. Forcel. 
 
168 
 
 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO 
 
 fide 11 defendam : prodo 12 meam. O clementiam admirabi- 
 lem, atque omni laude, 12 praedicatione, Uteris, monumentis- 
 que decorandam! M. Cicero 13 apud te defendit, 1 * alium in 
 ea voluntate 15 non fuisse, in qua se ipsum confitetur fuisse, 
 nee tuas tacitas cogitationes extimescit, nee, quid tibi de 
 alio audienti, de seipso occurrat, reformidat. 
 
 III. Vide quam non reformidem : vide, quanta lux libe- 
 ralitatis 1 et sapientiae tuae mihi apud te dicenti oboriatur ! 2 
 Quantum potero, voce contendam, 3 ut populus hoc Roma- 
 nus exaudiat : suscepto bello, 4 Caesar, gesto 5 etiam ex magna 
 parte, nulla vi 6 coactus, judicio meo ac voluntate ad ea 
 arma profectus sum, quae erant sumpta contra te. Apud 
 quern 7 igitur hoc dico ? Nempe apud eum, qui, quum hoc 
 sciret, 8 tamen me, antequam vidit, reipublicae reddidit ; qui 
 
 10. Nullum igitur, #c] This be- 
 ing the general conclusion of the 
 three periods, shows the meaning of 
 ' culpa,' ' crimen,' &c. preceding ; sc. 
 
 * aliens a te (Caesare) voluntatis.' 
 
 11. Fi(W\ The honest zeal of a 
 'pajtronus' to his client. 
 
 12. Prodo'] Al. cum prodo. 
 
 12. Laude, c] Laus judicio bo- 
 noram virorum ; prsdicatio sermoni- 
 bus; literae historiis ; monumenta la- 
 pidibus continentur. Abram. 
 
 13. M. Cicero] Quint, vi. in fine. 
 
 14. Defendit] Urges in defence. 
 
 15. Ea voluntate] He does not say 
 
 * party,' for in that he was ; but ' in- 
 clination,' for he was there of necessity. 
 
 Sect. III. 1. Liberalitatis] Treat- 
 ment befitting freemen, generosity, 
 clemency ; and lest it might appear 
 rashly exerted, he adds ' sapientiae.' 
 The two words then, may be consi- 
 dered a sort of Hendiad, equivalent to 
 ' considerate generosity.' 
 
 2. Lux oboriatur] Phil. i.2. ' lux 
 qujedam oblata,' where some read 
 
 * oborta ;' ' oboriatur' is ' subito ori- 
 atur.' Manil. 12. n. 15. 
 
 3. Voce contendam] i.e. 'Voce con- 
 tenta dicam ;' speak at the pitch of 
 my voice. Sometimes t voce' is 
 suppressed, as orat. pro Flac. 16. 
 ' Vociferarer, et quantum maxime 
 
 possem contenderem.' Similarly Dem. 
 de Cor. 46. ri ditruvapnv rw- 
 ai o<p6pa ; Fabr. 
 
 4. Suscepto bello] Quint, ix. 2. re- 
 marks that in this candid confession 
 Cic. ' non solum ad utilitatem Li- 
 garii respicit, sed raagis laudare vic- 
 toris clementiam non potest.' Fam. 
 vi. ad Caecinam, Cic. says suscep- 
 tum bellum quiescente me, depulsum 
 ex Italia manente me.' 
 
 5. Gesto etiam] Caesar passed the 
 Rubicon in the beginning of the year 
 704 ; and having in less than two 
 months traversed the entire of Italy, 
 he chased Pompey out of Brundu- 
 sium. Cic. did not join Pompey 
 till the end of May, after Caesar had 
 set out to Spain. 
 
 6. Nulla vi] Cic. was requested 
 by Caesar and his friends to remain, 
 but on a principle of gratitude, be- 
 cause Pompey had procured his return 
 from exile, he joined him in Greece. 
 But Ligarius's was ' necessitatis cri- 
 men.' 
 
 7. Apud quern ] This self-inter- 
 rogation and reply is noticed and ap- 
 proved of by Quint, iv. 2. 
 
 8. Hoc sciret] Cic. amplifies the 
 favour, from the circumstances attend- 
 ing the conferring of it. 1 . Of time. 
 ' It was done at once, before he saw 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 3. 
 
 169 
 
 ad me ex /Egypto literas misit, 9 ut essem idem, qui fuis- 
 sem ; qui quum ipse imperator 10 in toto imperio populi Ro- 
 mani unus esset, esse me alterum 11 passus est ; a quo, hoc 
 ipso 12 C. Pansa mihi nuntium perferente, concessos fasces 1 " 
 laureatos tenui, quoad tenendos 14 putavi ; qui mihi turn de- 
 nique se salutem putavit dare, si earn 15 nullis spoliatam orna- 
 mentis dedisset. Vide, quaeso, 16 Tubero, ut, qui de meo 
 facto non dubitem dicere, de Ligarii non audeam confiteri ! 
 
 me. 2. Place even from /Egypt. 3. 
 Comparison admitting me his equal 
 4. Concomitants of rank the con- 
 cession of the fasces. 5. The con- 
 junction of safety and dignity. 
 Fabr. 
 
 9. Literas misit] By Philotimus. 
 Att. xi. 24; Fam. xiv. Epist. ult. 
 Redditre mihi jam tandem sunt a 
 Caesare literse satis liberales.' ' Ex 
 iEgypto,' whither Caesar pursued 
 Pompey after the battle of Pharsa- 
 lia. 
 
 10. Imperator} Tiberius id quoque 
 Blaeso tribuit, ut Imperator legioni- 
 bus salutaretur; prisco erga duces, 
 honore, qui, bene gesta repub., gau- 
 dio et impetu victoris exercitus concla- 
 mabantur. Tacit, iii. 74. 
 
 11. Alterum'] Cicero being obliged 
 to accept a province, had by lot 
 Cilicia, where he subdued a band of 
 robbers which infested mount Ama- 
 nus. For this exploit he was saluted 
 Imperator by the soldiers, and applied 
 to the senate to be allowed a triumph 
 at Rome, which was unanimously 
 agreed to, but prevented from taking 
 place by the breaking out of the civil 
 war. ' Unum alterum' are not to 
 be taken, strictly, as if Caesar and 
 Cicero were really the only ' Impera- 
 tores' now existing ; but as if Caesar 
 had by his glory eclipsed the fame of 
 all others, and yet permitted Cicero 
 his title. Manut. says, ' concessis 
 fascibus laureatis, insignibus imperii.' 
 Inf. n. 13. Att. x. 3. Caesar Impe- 
 rator Ciceroni Imperatpri, salutem. 
 
 12. Hoc ipso] The very same Pansa 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 who ventured to confess that Ligarius 
 had been in Africa. 
 
 13. Fasces] 'PaGdovQ. Hence the 
 lictors are called by Plut. padSx ot - 
 They were at this time six in num- 
 ber, and had their wands or fasces 
 wreathed with laurel. Cicero's prov- 
 ed an annoyance rather than any thing 
 else, as he was unable to move around 
 Brundisium without them. Att. vii. 
 9. Fam. ii. 16. ' sed incurrit hsec 
 nostra laurus non solum in oculos sed 
 etiam invoculas malevolorum. 
 
 1 4. Quoad tenendos] Namely till Oct. 
 a.u. 707, when he had been in com- 
 mand four years, Att. xi. Ep. ult. Fam. 
 xiv. 20. Fabr. 
 
 1 5. Si earn, fyc] So Marcel. 1 1 . ' A te 
 non conservato solum, sed etiam orna- 
 to.' And, Att.ii.6,hewritesthatOppius 
 and others informed him of Caesar's 
 intentions to pardon and honour him ; 
 and Caesar did at Brundisium alight 
 from his chariot and converse with 
 him in the most friendly manner. 
 Of all this Cicero's well known charac- 
 ter affords an easy solution. For da- 
 re dedisset,' al. reddere redderet. 
 
 16. Vide, qiucso] i. e. ' See Tubero, 
 how [probable it is that] I should not 
 boldly acknowledge Ligarius's fault, 
 if it existed, who hesitate not to de- 
 clare my own!' meaning 'not pro- 
 bable at all.' Quint, v. 10, speaking 
 of arguments, calls this, ex difficili- 
 ore ;' for if Cic. confessed his own 
 defection he accomplished a more dif- 
 ficult task than to confess another's. 
 But as he denies Ligarius's fault, the 
 inference is that it did not exist. 
 Q 
 
170 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Atque haec propterea 17 de me dixi, ut mihi Tubero, quum 
 dese 13 eadem dicerem, ignosceret: cujus ego industriae glo- 
 riaeque faveo, 19 vel propter propinquam cognationem, 20 vel 
 quod ejus ingenio studiisque delector, vel quod laudem ado- 
 lescentis propinqui existimo etiam ad meum aliquem fructum 
 redundare. 21 Sed hoc quaero, quis putet esse crimen, fuisse 
 in Africa Ligarium? Nempe is, qui 22 et ipse in eadem 
 Africa esse voluit, et prohibitum 23 se a Ligario queritur, et 
 certe contra ipsum Caesarem est congressus armatus 24 . Quid 
 enim, Tubero, 25 tuus ille districtus in acie Pharsalica 26 gla- 
 dius agebat ? cujus latus ille mucro petebat ? 27 qui sensus 28 
 erat armorum tuorum ? quae tua mens ? oculi I 29 manus ? ar- 
 dor animi ? quid cupiebas ? quid optabas ? Nimis urgeo : 
 
 17. H<tc propterea] Tubero could 
 not object to Cic. as treating him 
 harshly, if he put him on the same 
 footing with himself. 
 
 18. Da se] Sc. ' Tuberone.' Cic. 
 for emphasis uses the reciprocal pron. 
 instead of the demonst. when no am- 
 biguity arises. 
 
 19. Faveo] For three reasons : 1. 
 He is my relation. 2. His pursuits 
 are congenial to mine. 3. I expect 
 to reap some advantage from his 
 glory. 
 
 20. Cognationem] He had said above 
 ' propinquus meus,' and says below 
 ' necessitudines quae mihi sunt cum L. 
 Tuberone, &c.' Manut. wonders that 
 be should confound in these passages, 
 the ordinary distinction of ' cognatio' 
 and ' affinitas.' But he does not ; for 
 
 * affinitas' applies to the father j and 
 
 * cognatio,' to the son. 
 
 21. Redundare] i. e. Referri, per- 
 tinere.' So. Cat. i. 12. verendum 
 mihi, ne quid invidiae mihi in poste- 
 ritatra redundaret. Mil. 37. 
 
 22. Nempe si qui] Quint, xi. 1. 
 mentions that the charge sometimes 
 happens to admit of a retort, as here, 
 fee 
 
 23. Prohibitum] Sc. from landing 
 in Africa. 
 
 24. Congressus armatus] Sc. at 
 Pharsalia. lN'ow Ligarius was merely 
 
 in Africa, and did not fight there. 
 
 25. Quid enim Tubero] This para- 
 graph is favoured with reiterated no- 
 tices by Quint. In viii. 4. it is given 
 as an instance of amplification by 
 synonymous words ; viii. 5. of perso- 
 nification ; ix. 2. of urgent interroga- 
 tions and of cnroorpoipri, and lastly 
 xi. 3. of pronunciation. 
 
 26. Acie Pharsalica] QapoakoQ 
 iroXig OeeaaXiaQ, anb 4>ap<xa\ th 
 'AKpioitt. Steph. 
 
 27. Mucro petebat] Nam punctim 
 non caesim, llomani hostes feriebant. 
 Sylv. 
 
 28. Sensus] Armissensumtribuit po- 
 etico more. Manut.; what thoughts 
 had your arms? ' quas tua mens' 1 
 what were your own thoughts 1 
 
 29.0culi] Similarly of Turnus,vEn. 
 xii. oculis micat aciibus ignis. 
 
 30. Commoveri adolescens :] Cic. al- 
 tributes to Tubero, the emotions which 
 were excited in Cassar. Quint, ix. 2. 
 Plut. in Cic. x. too, writes that at this 
 burst of eloquence, Caesar let fall the 
 papers which were in his hand and even 
 trembled ; and contrary to his pre- 
 vious resolution pardoned Ligarius. 
 This story however is very doubt- 
 ful ; and some have explained Cssar's 
 emotions by attributing them to an 
 epileptic fit, to which fits he was sub- 
 ject. 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 4. 
 
 171 
 
 commoveri videtur adolescens i 30 ad me revertar. Iisdem in 
 armis 31 fui. 
 
 IV. Quid autem aliud egimus, 1 Tubero, nisi, nt, quod hie 
 potest, 2 nos possemus ? Quorum 3 igitur impunitas, Caesar, 
 tuae clementia3 laus est, eorum ipsorum ad crudelitatem te 
 acuet 4 oratio ? Atque in hac causa nonnihil equidem, Tu- 
 bero, etiam tuam, 5 sed multo magis patris tui prudentiam 
 desidero : 6 quod homo quum ingenio, turn etiam doctrina 7 
 excellens, genus hoc causa? quod esset, non viderit. Nam, 
 si vidisset, quovis profecto, quam isto modo 8 a te agi ma- 
 luisset. Arguis fatentem. Non est satis. Accusas eum, qui 
 causam habet, aut, ut ego dico, meliorem, quam tu, aut, ut 
 tu vis, 9 parem. Haec admirabilia 10 sunt, sed prodigii 11 si- 
 mile est, quod dicam. Non habet earn vim ista accusatio, 
 ut Q. Ligarius condemnetur, sed ut necetur. Hoc egit civis 
 Romanus ante te nemo. Externi isti sunt mores. 12 Usque 
 
 31. Iisdem in armis] i. e. In the 
 camp of Pompey ; for he was not in 
 the battle of Pharsalia. Fam. xviii. 9. 
 Att. xi. 4. 
 
 Sect. IV. 1. Quid aliud egimus] 
 Contrive, aim at. Off. i. 13. Id agunt, 
 ut viri boni esse videantur. Quint, v. 
 13. Fortissime defendentis est dicere 
 ' quid aliud, &c.' 
 
 2. Hie potest] Quas opes Caesar 
 habet nos haberemus. Fabrit. Quint, 
 ix. 2. remarks here ' Admirabiliter 
 utriusque partis facit bonarn cau- 
 sam.' 
 
 3. Quorum, tyc] Sc. the Tuberos. 
 Quint, viii. 5. adduces this as instance 
 of ornamental enthymeme. Cic. had 
 already proved the cause of Tubero 
 unjust. 
 
 4. Acuet] rrapoZwii. Fabr. 
 
 5. Nonnihil t uam~\ For the youth 
 of the son rendered him somewhat 
 excusable. 
 
 6. Desidero] Feel the want of, miss. 
 Manil. 2.n.23. 
 
 7. Doctrina] The son excelled in 
 jurisprudence, the father in the know- 
 ledge of history. Q. Frat. i. 1. 3. Gell. 
 vi. 3. 
 
 8. Itto modo] He explains it inf. 
 
 Non habet earn vim ista accusatio, 
 ut Ligar. condemnetur sed ut nece- 
 tur. 
 
 9. Ut tu vis] Who say that he bore 
 arms against Caesar which you did 
 too. Cic. here acknowledges him a 
 Pompeian. Introd. 2. 
 
 10. Haze admirabilia] i. e. napa- 
 doa. Al. insert non modo. 
 
 11. Prodigii] Qu. ' prodicium' 
 from * prodico.' Divin. i. 42. Quae 
 enim ostendunt, portendunt, mons- 
 trant, prodicunt, ostenta, portenta, 
 monstra, prodigia, dicuntur. These are 
 attempted to be distinguished. Thus 
 Fronto : in ostento raritas facit admi- 
 rationem j in monstro rectus naturae 
 ordo vincitur ; in portento differtur 
 eventus ; in prodigio detrimentum sig- 
 nificatur. 
 
 12. Externi sunt mores] He al- 
 ludes to the Valerian and Porcian 
 laws which rendered the persons 
 of Roman citizens in a manner sa- 
 cred; whereas the fickle Athenians, 
 e. g. put to death their best citizens, 
 Socrates and Phocian, the Cartha- 
 ginians commonly crucified their un- 
 successful generals, and the Persians 
 were equally cruel. Plut. Artax. 25. 
 
172 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 ad sanguinem 13 incitare solent odium aut levium Graecorum, u 
 aut immanium 15 barbaromm. Nam quid aliud agis? ut 
 Romaene sit? ut domo careat ? ne cum optimis fratribus, 
 ne cum hoc T. Broccho 16 avunculo suo, ne cum ejus filio, 
 consobrino 17 suo, ne nobiscum vivat? ne sit in patria ? Num 
 est? num potest magis carere his omnibus, quam caret? 
 Italia prohibetur, exsulat. 18 Non tu ergo hunc patria pri- 
 vare, qua caret, sed vita, vis. 19 At istud, 20 ne apud eum 
 quidem dictatorem, 21 qui omnes, quos oderat, morte mul- 
 tabat, quisquam egit isto modo. Ipse jubebat occidi, nul- 
 lo postulante; 22 praemiis 23 etiam invitabat. 24 Quae tamen 
 crudelitas ab hoc eodem 25 aliquot annis post, 26 quem tu nunc 
 crudelem esse vis, vindicata est. 
 
 V. " Ego vero istud non postulo," inquies. 1 Ita meher- 
 cule existimo, Tubero. Novi enim te, novi patrem, novi 
 domum, nomenque vestrum, studia denique generis, 2 ac 
 
 13. Sanguinem~\ Necem. Eurip. 
 Orest. 400. IlvXddng 6 avvdpCbv al- 
 pa, &c. 
 
 14. Levium Gracorum] * Levitas 
 propria Graecorum.' Flac. 24. 
 
 15. Immanium] Marcel. 3. Domu- 
 istigentes immanitate barbaras. 
 
 16. Broccho] A cognomen of the 
 Furian family. He was Ligarius's 
 uncle by the mother's side. 
 
 17. Consobrini] Qu. ' cousororini,' 
 properly the sons of two sisters; 
 whereas the sons of a brother and 
 sister, which it appears by the word 
 1 avunculo,' Ligarius and Brocchus 
 were, are called * amitini.' But this 
 is not strictly observed. 
 
 18. Exsulat] Sc. at Adrumetum. 
 Introd. 2. 
 
 19. Sed vita vis] This harsh mo- 
 nosyllabic termination is supposed to 
 intimate the horror of Cic. at the cruel 
 conduct of Tubero. 
 
 20. Istud] Sc. ' privare vita.' Pa- 
 ir ic. 
 
 21. Dictatorem] Sylla. 
 
 22. Nullo postulante] The ' pos- 
 tulatio' was the first and necessary 
 step in every trial. It was a request 
 from the plaintiff to the ' quaesitor' or 
 
 presiding judge, to be allowed to pre- 
 pare his charge, and that a day be 
 named for hearing it. Fam. viii.6. Sylla 
 did not wait for this tedious process. 
 
 23. Pra:miis] Namely of two ta- 
 lents, even though a son killed his 
 father, and a slave his master. Plut. 
 Syll. 31. 
 
 24. Invitabat] Sc. to murder j not 
 to accuse. 
 
 25. Ab eodem] Nempe Caesare. 
 
 26. Aliquot annis] About seven- 
 teen. For Sylla was dictator a. u. 
 671, and Caesar conducted this pro- 
 secution, when aedile in 690. His 
 plan was to reckon in the number of 
 the ' Sicarii' those who had killed or 
 received money for killing persons pro- 
 scribed. Among those proscribed was 
 Faustus the son of Sylla. He also 
 restored to the sons of the proscribed 
 the privilege of holding magistracies, 
 which Sylla's law forbade. Suet. 
 Jul. 11. 
 
 Sect. V. L. Istud inquies] 
 You will tell me you do not want 
 blood. 
 
 2. Generis] i. e. gentis, the JEIxslti ; 
 of which the Tuberos were a ' familia,' 
 among the Lamiae, Paeti, Cati, &c. 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 5. 
 
 173 
 
 familiae vestrae, virtutis, 3 humanitatis, doctrinae, 4 plurima- 
 mm artium atque optimarum, nota sunt mihi omnia. Ita- 
 que certo scio, vos non petere sanguinem : sed parum at- 
 tenditis. Res enim eo spectat, 4 ut ea poena in qua adhuc 
 Q. Ligarius sit, non videamini esse contenti. Qua? est igi- 
 tur alia, prater mortem? Si enim in exsilio est, sicuti est, 
 quid amplius postulatis ? An, ne ignoscatur? Hoc vero 
 multo acerbius, 5 multoque est durius. Quod nos domi pe- 
 tiimus 6 precibus et lacrymis, strati 7 ad pedes, non tarn 
 nostra? causa? fidentes, quam hujus humanitati, 8 id ne impe- 
 tremus, pugnabis ? et in nostrum fletum irrumpes ? 9 et nos 
 jacentes ad pedes, supplicum voce prohibebis ? lu Si quum 
 hoc domi 11 faceremus, quod et fecimus, et, ut spero, 1 * non 
 frustra, 13 fecimus, tu derepente irrupisses, et clamare ccepis- 
 ses : " C. Caesar, 14 cave ignoscas, cave te fratrum pro fratris 
 vsalute obsecrantium misereatur :" 15 nonne omnem humanita- 
 tem exuisses? Quanto hoc durius, quod nos domi petiimus, 
 id te in foro oppugnare ! et in tali miseria multorum, 16 per- 
 fugium misericordiae 17 tollere? Dicam plane, C. Caesar, 
 
 3. Studia generis vivtutis~] The 
 first is the subjective, the second the 
 objective, genitive. Zumpt's L.gram. c. 
 70. i. e. ' The zeal for virtue, learning, 
 &c. belonging to your race and line- 
 age.' Cat. i. 5. 
 
 4. Doctrinte] Cic. frequently al- 
 ludes to the learning and parts of the 
 yElians. De Or. i.56. Tuscul. iv. 2. 
 Muren. 36. 
 
 4. Res eo spectat] He accuses them 
 of unintentional cruelty ; because Li- 
 garius being already in exile any pu- 
 nishment must be worse than that, i.e. 
 must be death. Introd. 2. 
 
 5. Hoc inullo acerbius'] This denial 
 of pardon is harder than death itself. 
 The love of country was strong in the 
 Romans, and hence. the misery of 
 perpetual exile. Vid. the peroration 
 of ' the Milo.' 
 
 6. Demi petiimus] For Cic. had 
 lately addressed Caesar at his house, 
 not to clear Ligarius from Tubero's 
 charge, but restore him from exile. 
 Supr. 1. n. 2. 
 
 7. Strati] Al. prostrati, and supr. 
 
 gravius for durius. 
 
 8. Humanitati] Mercy. Arch. J . 
 n. 19. 
 
 9. Irrumpes] Vi irrues dum nos 
 flentes Cacsari supplicamus. Fabr. 
 
 "10. Supplicum voce prohibebis] Sup- 
 plicare non permittes. Fabr. 
 
 1 1 . Domi] Sc. Caesar's. 
 
 12. Spero] Arbitror. Sylv. 
 
 13. Non frustra] Cic. was aware 
 that the appeal made at Caesar's house 
 had not been ineffectual. Now if 
 the attempt to nullify that effect at the 
 time that it was produced, wejg cruel 
 in Tubero, how much more so when it 
 was made in the forum and by a cri- 
 minal impeachment ? 
 
 14. C. C<esar] npo<7ti)7ro7roiia. 
 
 15. Misereatur] Impers. for ' mise- 
 reat ;' and so quoted by Priscian, lib. 
 viii. 
 
 16. Miseria multorum] Pompe- 
 ians who like Ligarius were in exile 
 from their native country. 
 
 17. Perfug. misericord ice] The re- 
 fuge of mercy 3 i. e. the refuge which 
 
 Q2 
 
174 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quod sentio. Si in hac tanta tua fortuna 18 lenitas tanta non 
 esset, quantam tu per te, per te, inquam, obtines, 19 (intelligo, 
 quid loquar), 20 acerbissimo luctu 21 redundaret ista victoria. 
 Quam multi enim essent de victoribus, qui te crudelem esse 
 vellent, quum etiam de victis 22 reperiantur ! quam multi, 
 qui, quum a te nemini ignosci 23 vellent, impedirent cle- 
 mentiam tuam, quum etiam ii, quibus ipse ignovisti, nolint 
 te in alios esse misericordem ! Quod si probare Caesari 
 possemus, in Africa Ligarium omnino nonfuisse; si honesto 
 et misericordi mendacio 24 saluti civi calamitoso esse velle- 
 mus : tamen hominis non esset, in tanto discrimine et peri- 
 culo civis, refellere et coarguere nostrum mendacium ; si es- 
 set alicujus, ejus certe non esset, qui in eadem causa et 
 ibrtuna fuisset. Sed tamen aliud est errare 25 Caesarem nol- 
 le, aliud nolle misereri. Turn diceres r 26 " Cave, Caesar, 
 credas : fuit in Africa Ligarius : tulit arma contra te." 
 Nunc quid dicis ? " Cave ignoscas." Haec nee hominis, 
 nee ad hominem 27 vox est: qua qui apud te, C. Caesar, 
 utetur, suam citius abjiciet humanitatem, quam extorquebit 
 tuam. 
 
 VI. Ac primus aditus 1 et postulatio 2 Tuberonis haec, ut 
 opinor, fuit : velle 3 se de Q. Ligarii scelere dicere. Non 
 
 the wretched find in Caesar's clemen- consultum esse. 
 
 cy. 25. Errare] Verum ignorare. Fabr. 
 
 18. Fortuna] Felicitate, evrvxia ; Tubero might fairly wish to obviate this 
 and ' lenitas,' clemency. Fabr. ignorance by discovering ' the lie.' 
 
 19. Per te obtines] Possess natu- But that is quite different from 'nolle 
 rally. misereri.' 
 
 20. Intelligo quid loquar] Quint. 26. Diceres] i. e. You, Tubero, or 
 viii. 6. reckons this as a species of any friend of Caesar, might fairly say, 
 aposiopesis. " Tacuit enim illud quod &c. 
 
 nihilominus accipimus, * non deesse 27. Nee ad hominem] But to some 
 
 homines, qui ad crudelitatem eum monster. 
 
 impellerent.' " Sect. VI. 1 . Primus aditus] Sup- 
 
 21. Luctu] Metaph. for ' cruore j' posed to be taken from the speech of 
 hence ' redundaret.' Tubero ; the terms of which he pro- 
 
 22. De victis] Among whom were ceeds to censure. 
 
 the Tuberos. Supply after victis, 2. Postulatio] Synonym, with ' adi- 
 
 4 to wish it.' tus.' Vid. c. 4. n. 22. Fam. viii. 6. 
 
 23. Nemini ignosci] * Ignosci' used (Caelius adCic.) ' Illud mihioccurrit 
 impers., as actively it governs the da- quod inter postulationem et nominis 
 tive- Mil. 24. n. 21. delationem, uxor aDolabelladiscessit. 
 
 24. Honesto mendacio] Splendide Fabr. 
 
 mendax.'Hor. Gloriose mentiri. Mil. 3. Velle se] The usual form of the 
 
 27. n. 5. and saluti esse' servare. Al. ' postulatio.' 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 6. 
 
 175 
 
 dubito, quin admiratus sis, 4 vel quod de nullo alio quisquam, 
 vel quod is," qui in eadem causa fuisset, vel quidnam novi 
 [facinoris] aflferret. Scelus tu illud vocas, Tubero ? cur ? 
 isto enim nomine ilia adhuc causa caruit. Alii errorem 5 
 appellant ; alii timorem ; qui durius, spem, cupiditatem, 
 odium, pertinaciam ; qui gravissime, temeritatem : scelus, 
 praeter te, adhuc nemo. Ac mihi quidem, 6 si proprium et 
 verum nomen nostri mali quaeratur, fatalis quaedam calami- 
 tas incidisse videtur, et improvidas hominum mentes occit- 
 passe: ut nemo mirari debeat, humana consilia divina 
 necessitate 7 esse superata. Liceat esse miseros, 8 quamquam 
 hoc victore esse non possumus. Sed non loquor de nobis ; 9 
 de illis loquor, qui occiderunt. Fuerint 10 cupidi, fuerint 
 irati, fuerint pertinaces : sceleris vero crimine, furoris, par- 
 ricidii, 11 liceat Cn. Pompeio mortuo, 12 liceat multis aliis ca- 
 rere. Quando 13 hoc quisquam ex te, Caesar, audivit, aut 
 
 4. Quin admiratus sis] He imagines 
 three causes of Caesar's admirution, 1. 
 that against no other Pompeian had 
 the charge of wickedness been made ; 2. 
 that it should be made by an associate 
 in guilt ; 3. what new atrocity he 
 might adduce. 
 
 5. Aliierrorem] An ascending series : 
 'errorem/ in the Pompeians, who acted 
 conscientiously ; ' timorem' in those 
 who were really afraid of Caesar's tyran- 
 ny ; ' spem,' sc. of arriving at honours 
 and commands ; ' cupiditatem,' the 
 feeling of party men who looked no 
 farther than their party ; ' odium,' 
 groundless hatred of Caesar; perti- 
 naciam/ downright obstinacy in the 
 cause they had espoused ; temerita- 
 tem,' an inconsiderate eagerness for 
 war. All these had some truth, the 
 charge of wickedness none. 
 
 6. Ac mihi quidem~\ Cic. laid the 
 blame where it could well be borne, 
 on ' fate/ So Marcel. 5. ' Ad ilia 
 arma fato sumus nescio quo com- 
 pulsi.' 
 
 7. Divina necessitate} A periphrasis 
 for ' fato.' 
 
 8. Liceat esse miseros] Not sceles- 
 tos,' and yet even this with a Caesar 
 
 for our judge is impossible. ' Licet' 
 sometimes admits a dative after esse. 
 Mihi negligenti esse non licet. Att. 
 i. 16. 
 
 9. A r oftis] Sc. vivis. 
 
 10. Fuerint] Admit they were, 
 &c. 
 
 11. Paricidii] Mil. 7. n. 6. Here 
 perhaps the parental relation of our 
 country is alluded to. 
 
 12. Liceat Cn. Pomp, mortno] On 
 the principle of nil de mortuis,' it 
 was worse to charge the dead than the 
 living ; and worse still a Pompey. 
 He had no hesitation to name Pom- 
 pey before Caesar, who as he testi- 
 fies ' ad Caecinam' Fam. vi. 6, nun- 
 quam nisi honorificentissime Pompei- 
 um appellat.' 
 
 13. Quando, &;c] Cic. here en- 
 deavours to enlist Caesar in his cause. 
 1. By pointing out his motive in the 
 war, ' contumelias propulsare/ 2. 
 By his anxiety for a peace, ' pacem 
 e6se cupiebas/ which he could not 
 have felt had his opponents been 
 ' scclerais.' 3. By his preservation 
 of Cic. himself. ('Mihi vero, Caesar, 
 &c/) 
 
176 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tua quid aliud arma voluerunt, nisi a te contumeliam 14 pro- 
 pulsare ? 15 quid egit tuus ille invictus exercitus, nisi ut siuim 
 jus 16 tueretur, et dignitatem tuam ? Quid ? tu quum pacem 
 esse cupiebas, 17 idne agebas, ut tibi cum sceleratis, an ut cum 
 bonis ci vibus conveniret ? Mihi vero, Caesar, 18 tua in me maxima 
 merita tanta certe non viderentur, si me, ut sceleratum, a te 
 conservatum putarem. Quomodo autem tu de republica bene 
 meritus esses, si tot sceleratos incolumi dignitate esse volu- 
 isses ? Secessionem 19 tu illam existimasti, Caesar, initio, non 
 bellum : non hostile odium, sed civile dissidium, 20 utrisque 
 cupientibus rempublicam salvam, sed parti m consiliis, 21 partim 
 studiis a communi utilitate aberrantibus. Principum dignitas 
 erat paene par ; 22 non par fortasse eorum, qui sequebantur : 23 
 causa turn dubia, 24 quod erat aliquid in utraque parte, quod 
 probari posset ; nunc melior certe ea judicanda est, quam 
 etiam dii 25 adjuverunt. Cognita vero dementia tua, quis 
 
 14. Contumeliam] Sc. in recalling 
 him from Gaul before his command 
 was expired, requiring him to stand 
 in person for the consulship, and in- 
 stead of voting him a triumph, insist- 
 ing on his giving an account of his 
 administration. 
 
 15. A te propulsare] Not to 
 offer it. So ' nisi ut jus suum tue- 
 retur' not overturn that of others.' 
 Patric. 
 
 16. Stiumjus] Sc. that of the army; 
 but of the army as composed of citi- 
 zens whose rights were involved in the 
 treatment of Caesar. For many of them 
 had voted for admitting Caesar's claim 
 to stand for the consulship in his ab- 
 sence, but the law was neglected, and 
 therefore their rights. 
 
 17. Pacem cupiebas] Caesar's anx- 
 iety for peace is fully testified by Cic. 
 in his epistle to Tiro (Fam. xvi. 11) 
 and to Caecina, Fam. vi. Vid. also 
 Att. ix. 8. and B. C. iii. 8. 
 
 18. Mihi vero Caesar] Supr. n. 13. 
 
 19. Secessionem'] A mild word for 
 defection or revolt ; taken from the 
 early secessions of the Romans to 
 ]Mons Sacer, Janiculum, &c. by 
 adopting which he frees Caesar from 
 the charge of exciting a civil war. 
 
 20. Dissid-um] Supr. 2. n. 9. 
 where this is shewn to apply to the 
 mind. 
 
 21. Partim consiliis] ' Some through 
 upright views ; others again, through 
 party feelings.' The persons meant 
 by partim, partim,' are not to be 
 considered as making up the whole 
 ' utrisque,' else Caesar should be in- 
 cluded, which cannot be intended. 
 
 22. Pane par] Lucan decides dif- 
 ferently. Pompey, he says, ' stat mag- 
 ni nominis umbra, sed non in Caesare 
 tantum Nomen erat nee fama Ducis.' 
 Abram. And so did Cic. in writing 
 to his friend Att. vii. 11. The 
 reader maycompare Cicero's account of 
 Pompey's exploits in the Lex Manil. 
 with Caesar's account of Caesar's in 
 his Commentaries, and judge for him- 
 self. 
 
 23. Eorum qui sequebantur] For 
 nearly all the ' optimates' were in Pom- 
 pey's camp. So Velleius ii. 49. Pom- 
 peium senatus auctoritas ; Caesarem 
 militum armavit fiducia. Att. vii. 2. 
 
 24. Causa turn dubia] He did not 
 think so when writing to Atticus, vii. 
 2. ' Causam solum ilia causa non ha- 
 bet ; caeteris rebus abundat.' 
 
 25. Quam etiam dii, fyc] So. Luc. 
 
PRO Q. L1GARIO, Cap. 7. 
 
 177 
 
 non earn victorlam probet, 26 in qua occiderit nemo, nisi ar- 
 matus ? 
 
 VII. Sed, ut omittaii) communera causam, veniamus ad 
 nostram. 1 ' Utrum tandem 2 existimas facilius fuisse, Tubero, 
 Ligarium ex Africa exire, an vos in Africam non venire ? 
 Poteramusne, 3 inquies, quum senatus censuisset ? 4 Si me 
 consulis, 5 nullo modo. 6 Sed tamen Ligarium senatus idem 
 legaverat. 7 Atqueille eo tempore 8 paruit, quum parere se- 
 natui necesse erat ; vos turn paruistis, quum paruit nemo, 
 qui noluit. 9 Reprehendo igitur ? Minime vero. Neque 
 enim licuit aliter vestro generi, 10 nomini, familiae, discipli- 
 ne. Sed hoc non concedo, ut, quibus rebus gloriemini in 
 vobis, easdem in aliis reprehendatis. 11 Tuberonis 12 sors con- 
 jecta 13 est ex senatus consulto quum ipse non adesset, mor- 
 bo etiam impediretur : statuerat excusare. 13 Ha?c ego novi 
 propter omnes necessitudines, quae mihi sunt cum L. Tube- 
 
 i. 128. Victrix causa Deisplacuit, sed 
 victa Catoni. Quint, v. 11. admits of 
 the propriety of an appeal to divine 
 authority, and quotes this passage ; 
 and Livy, xxi. 10. says 'eventus belli, 
 velut aequus judex, unde jus stabat, 
 ei victoriam dedit.' 
 
 26. Quis 7ionprnbet~\ i.e. The Gods 
 decided which cause was the better ; 
 but it is only the experience of your 
 clemency that will gain to your vic- 
 tory a hearty approval. 
 
 Sect. VII. 1. Communem nos- 
 tram] 1. Of all the Pompeians. 2. 
 Ligarius's. 
 
 2. Utrum tandem] He shews the 
 superiority of Ligarius's cause because 
 Tubero went to the province when its 
 fidelity to the republic was doubtful ; 
 and sent by a senate the organ of a 
 party. Not so Ligarius. 
 
 3. Poteramus] Subaudi ' in Afri- 
 cam non venire.' Could we avoid going 
 into Africa ? 
 
 4. Sen. censuisset] Sc. Nos venire 
 debere. 
 
 5. Me consulis] Consult me. ' Mi- 
 hi consulis,' consult for me. 
 
 6. Nullo modo] ' I answer by no 
 means ;' for I never opposed the wish- 
 es of the senate. 
 
 7. Senatus legaverat] This was an 
 undisputed privilege of the senate. 
 Vat. 1 5. ' Quis legatos unquam audivit 
 sine senatusconsulto.' Manil. 19. 
 
 8. Eo tempore] a. u. 703, before 
 the civil war commenced. 
 
 9. Qui noluit] For any who did not 
 choose to obey the senate found a re- 
 fuge with Cffisar. 
 
 10. Generi] Nobili; 'nomini,' iEH- 
 orum ; familiae,'Tuberonum. 
 
 11. In aliis reprehendatis] E. g. ' in 
 Ligario.' 
 
 12. Tuberonis, <fyc] Of Lucius Tu- 
 bero the elder. ' Sors conjecta,' i. e. 
 Tabella Tuberonis nomine inscripta in 
 urnam cum aliis missa est. Forcel. ; 
 these lots being shaken were drawn by 
 a boy. Tibul. i. 1. 'Ilia sacras pueri 
 sortes ter sustulit.' They said also 
 ' provincial vel candidati in sortem 
 conjecti sunt.' Liv. xxx. 1. and Fam. 
 viii. 8. The allotment was preceded 
 by a decree of the senate determining 
 the provinces so to be disposed of. 
 Inf. * senatus sorsque.' 
 
 . 13. Statuerat excusare] Sc. ' mor- 
 bum.' Al. se ; and omnes,' al. com- 
 munes. But, Sext. 17. M. Crassus quo- 
 rum mihi erant omnes amicitiae neces- 
 situdines. 
 
178 
 
 T. M. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 rone. Domi una eruditi, militiae contubernales, 14 post affi- 
 nes, 15 inomni denique vita familiares: magnum etiam vin- 
 culum, 16 quod iisdem semper studiis usi sumus. Scio igitur 
 Tuberonem domi manere voluisse : 17 sed ita quidam age- 
 bant, 18 ita reipublicae sanctissimum nomen opponebant, 19 ut, 
 etiam si aliter sentiret, verborum tamen ipsorum 20 pondus 
 sustinere non posset. Cessit auctoritati amplissimi viri, 21 vel 
 potius paruit. 22 Una estprofectus cum iis, quorum erat una 
 causa; 23 tardius iter fecit, itaque in Africam venit jam 
 occupatam. 24 Hinc 26 in Ligarium crimen oritur, vel ira po- 
 tius. Nam, si crimen 26 est, prohibere ilium voluisse, non 
 minus magnum est, vos Africam, arcem 27 omnium provincia- 
 rum, natam ad bellum 28 contra hanc urbemgerendum, obtinere 
 voluisse, quam aliquem se maluisse. Atque is tamen aliquis, 59 
 
 14. Contubernales'] i. e. military 
 chums. Theme ' taberna,' a tent- 
 plank. The centuries were divided 
 into decuries, each of which quar- 
 tered under one tent. Veget. ii. 13. 
 ' Militia' the social, in which Cicero 
 served under Pompeius Strabo. 
 
 15. Affines] Tubero's wife was of 
 the ' Tulliagens.' Supr. l.n. 3; and 
 Att. xiii. 20. 
 
 16. Magnum vinculum] Quint, i. 2. 
 arguing for a public education, says 
 'Mitto amicitias quae ad senectutem us- 
 que firmissimae durant, religiosa quan- 
 dam necessitudine imbutae. Neque enirn 
 est sanctius sacris iisdem quam studiis 
 initiari. 
 
 17. Voluisse] i. e. ' Wished and 
 might ;' for the argument goes to shew 
 that he was free to act as he pleas- 
 ed. 
 
 18. Quidam agebat] Catonem hie 
 innuit. Grut. 
 
 19. Opponebant] Sc. to Tubero's in- 
 clination. 
 
 20. Ipsorum] Non verborum sed 
 eorum qui verbis illis ad eum utebantur. 
 Patric. 
 
 21. Amplis. viri] Pompey. 
 
 22. Cessit paruit] ' Cedere' vo- 
 luntatis est ; parere' observantiae. 
 Manut. Hence ' paruit' is a correction 
 of the former. 
 
 23. lis una causa] i. e. Agreed 
 
 with him in political sentiments. 
 
 24. In Ajricam occupatam]' Sc. 
 by Varus. 
 
 25. Hinc] Sc. because he was not 
 received into A frica, arises a charge or 
 rather angry pique. 
 
 26. Nam si crimen, fyc] i. e. ' If his 
 wishing to prohibit him from Africa is 
 criminal, your wishing to obtain it 
 rather than that any one else should 
 prefer to have it, is no less criminal.' 
 We are thus obliged to understand po- 
 tius before quam as in Greek p.a\- 
 \ov is often supplied before t). 
 Ern. asks with reason qua; Lati- 
 nitas aliquis se mavult obtinere;' and 
 therefore omits the second ' voluisse,' 
 and se.' So that the translation runs i 
 ' your being more willing to obtain it 
 than that any one else (aliquem) 
 should, is no less criminal.' And this, 
 requiring no ellipsis to be supplied, if 
 warranted by JNISS., is simpler. 
 
 27. Arcem omnium provinciarum] 
 * The strong hold of all the provin- 
 ces ;' as possessing the greatest re- 
 sources. So Cat. iv. 6. * Urbem 
 arcem omnium gentium.' 
 
 28. Natam ad bellum] Fitted by 
 natural position, &c. Hence the Punic 
 wars. 
 
 29. Is aliquis] That any one else' 
 was not Ligarius but Varus. Deiot. 
 3. 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 8. 
 
 179 
 
 Ligarius non fuit. Varus imperium 50 se habere di- 
 cebat; fasces 31 certe habebat. Sed quoquo modo se illud 
 habet, 32 haec querela vestra, Tubero, quid valet ? " Recepti 
 in provinciam non sumus." Quid, si essetis ? 33 Caesarine 
 earn tradituri fuissetis, an contra Caesarem retenturi ? 
 
 VIII. Vide, quid licentiae, Caesar, nobis tua liberalitas 
 det, vel potius audaciae. Si respondent Tubero, Africam, 
 quo senatus eum sorsque 1 miserat, tibi patrem suum tradi- 
 turum fuisse : non dubitabo apud ipsum te, cujus id eum 
 facere interfuit, 2 gravissimis verbis ejus consilium reprehen- 
 dere. Non enim si tibi ea res grata fuisset, esset etiam 
 probata. 3 Sed jam hoc totum 4 omitto: non tarn, ut ne 
 oflfendam tuas patientissimas aures, 5 quam ne Tubero, quod 
 nunquam cogitavit, facturus fuisse videatur. Veniebatis 6 
 igitur in Africam provinciam, imam ex omnibus huic vic- 
 toriae maxime infestam ; 7 in qua erat rex potentissimus, 8 in- 
 
 30. Imperium'] Vid supra. 2. n. 36. 
 It was a usurped command. 
 
 3 1 . Fasces'] He had at least the en- 
 signs of authority. 
 
 32. Quoquo modo se illud habet] i.e. 
 Whether Varus or Ligarius held the 
 command. Quint, v. 13. notices the 
 skill of the pleader, who finds appa- 
 rent contradictions in the charges of 
 his opponent, e. g. Tubero accuses 
 Ligarius of being in Africa at the very 
 time that be complains of being de- 
 nied admission there himself, i. e. ac- 
 cuses Ligarius of a crime, and then 
 complains that he was prevented by 
 Ligarius from committing the same 
 crime. 
 
 33. Quid si essetis?] His argument 
 assumes a disjunctive form: ' You 
 must, if admitted into the province, 
 have held it either for Caesar or 
 Pompey? If you say for Caesar, 
 even Caesar will not approve of such 
 treachery ; and indeed the supposi- 
 tion is monstrous. You must then 
 have held it for Pompey ; and that 
 this was your design, your subsequent 
 ronduct proves. For as soon as you 
 found yourself excluded, you with- 
 drew to Pompey. Why then com- 
 plain that you were prevented from 
 
 fighting against Caesar ? Falsely 
 boast then, if you will, that had 
 you been allowed to land, you would 
 have delivered Africa to Caesar ; for 
 it only sets your treachery in a stronger 
 light.' This appears to be the drift 
 of the argument in the eighth section. 
 Sect. VIII. 1. Senatus eum sors- 
 que] Supr. 7. n. 13. * Eum,' the elder 
 Tubero, not the ' respondent.' 
 
 2. Cujus interfuit] Whose inte- 
 rest it was that Tubero should do so. 
 
 3. Non enim si grata probata] 
 Nam aliud est gratum habere, aliud 
 probare. Abram. For what promotes 
 a man's interest is generally agreeable 
 to him, however his conscience may 
 disapprove of the means employed. 
 
 4. Hoc totum] Sc. the supposed 
 perfidy of Tubero. 
 
 5. Patientissimas aures] For he had 
 said above ' vide quid licentiae, Caesar, 
 nobis tua liberalitas det, vel potius au- 
 daciae.' Hence Caesar would listen 
 most patiently to his censures on 
 Tubero's designs ; but inasmuch as 
 they were not really Tubero's he will 
 omit their statement. 
 
 6. Veniebatis] Attempted to en- 
 ter. 
 
 7. Maxime infestam] Owing to its 
 
180 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 imicus huic causae, 9 aliena voluntas conventus 9 firmi atque 
 magni. Quaero, quid facturi fuistis? Quamquam quidfac- 
 turi fueritis, non dubitem, quum videam, quid feceritis ? 10 
 Prohibiti estis in provincia vestra pedem ponere, 11 et prohi- 
 bit^ ut perhibetis, summacum injuria. Quomodo idtulistis? 
 Acceptae injuria? querelam ad quern detulistis? Nempe 
 ad eum, cujusauctoritatem 12 secuti, in societatem belli vene- 
 ratis. Quod si Caesaris causa in provinciam veniebatis, 
 ad eum profecto exclusi provincia venissetis. Venistis ad 
 Pompeium. Ergo quae est haec apud Caesarem querela, 
 quum eum accusatis, a quo queramini vos prohibitos con- 
 tra Caesarem bellum gerere ? Atque in hoc quidem vel cum 
 mendacio, si vultis, gloriemini per me licet, vos provinciam 
 fuisse Caesari tradituros, etiam si 13 a Varo et quibusdam aliis 
 prohibiti essetis. Ego autem confitebor culpam esse Ligarii, 
 qui vos tantae laudis 14 occasione privaverit. 
 
 IX. Sed vide, quaeso, C. Caesar, constantiam 1 ornatissimi 
 viri, L. Tuberonis ; quam ego, quamvis ipse 2 probarem, ut 
 probo, tamen non commemorarem, nisi a te cognovissem im- 
 primis earn virtutem solere laudari. Quae fuit igitur un- 
 quam in ullo homine tanta constantia ? constantiam dico ? 3 
 nescio, an melius patientiam 4 possim dicere. Quotus enim 
 
 early connexion with Pompey. Supr. intimates that a regard for Pompey was 
 
 1 n. 30. the inducement of Tubero, not the j us- 
 
 8. Hex potent issimus] Juba. tice of his cause. 
 
 9. Huic causa:] As ' huic victo- 13. Etiam '] Although you had 
 riae,' Caesar's. been prevented by Varus, yet had 
 
 9. Conventus'] Cum a magistra- you not, that you intended delivering 
 tibus judicii causa populus congrega- the province to Caesar. Al. nisi. 
 
 tur. ' Fest. But this meaning, answer- 14. Qui vos tanta' laudis~\ Ironical ; 
 
 ing to our assizes, does not apply here ; their greatest disgrace had been to have 
 
 the import being simply a meeting of so acted. 
 
 Roman citizens attached to Pompey. Sf.ct. IX. 1. Constan.] Bit- 
 Em. makes it the nom. plur., but, as ter irony 'the levity of adastard' 
 this would require ' alieni' or the as ' patientiam' infr. also implies, 
 like to be understood, Orel, properly 2. Quamvis ipse, fc] ' Though 
 refers it to ' voluntas' as the geni- highly approving of it myself, as I 
 tive. ' Firmi' ad opes ; * magni' ad do, yet, &c.' A hero like Caesar 
 multitudinem refert. Manut. could not but approve of firmness of 
 
 10. Quid feceritis] ' What you did;' character. 
 
 sc. joined Pompey. 3. Constantiam dico] Mil. 24. 
 
 11. Pedem ponere] He was not n. 3. 
 
 even allowed to land his sick son. 4. Patientiam] The name of this vir- 
 
 Caes. B. C i. 29. tue is here taken to express passivc- 
 
 12. Eum cujus auctoritatem] Cic. ness uuder insult.' It is a continu- 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 9. 
 
 181 
 
 istud quisque fecisset, 5 ut, a quibus 6 in dissensione civili non 
 esset receptus, essetque etiam cum crudelitate rejeetus, ad 
 eas ipsas rediret ? Magni cujusdam animi 7 atque ejus viri 
 est, quem de suscepta causa propositaque sententia nulla con- 
 tumelia, nulla vis, nullum pericnlum posset depellere. Ut 
 enim 8 cetera paria Tuberoni cum Varo fuissent, honos, nobi- 
 litas, 9 splendor, ingenium, quae nequaquam fuerunt : hoc certe 
 praecipuum Tuberonis fait, quod justo 10 cum imperio ex sena- 
 tusconsulto in provinciam suam venerat. Hinc prohibitus, nori 
 ad Caesarem, ne iratus ; n non domum, ne iners ; non ali- 
 quam 12 in regionem, ne condemnare causam illam, quam se- 
 cutus esset, videretur : in Macedoniam adCn. Pompeii castra 
 venit, in earn ipsam causam a qua erat rejectus cum injuria. 
 Quid? quum ista res nihil commovisset ejus l3 animum, ad 
 quem veneratis ; lansuidiore, credo, studio 14 in causa fuistis: 
 tantummodo in prrcsidiis 15 eratis ; animi vero a causa abhor- 
 rebant. An, ut fit 16 in bellis civilibus, nee in vobis magis, 
 
 ation of the irony. 
 
 5. Quotus -fecisset] ' How seldom 
 had an individual so acted that, &c.' 
 Quotus,' like ' tantus,' often used 
 for diminution. 
 
 6. A quibus'] He means Varus, and 
 ' ad eas ipsas' does not mean that he 
 returned to Varus, but to Pompey, 
 whom Varus supported. 
 
 7. Magni animi] Continuation of 
 the irony. 
 
 8. Ut enim, fyc] For admitting 
 their equality in the following parti- 
 culars ; which was by no means the 
 case, Tubero having the superiority 
 in them all. 
 
 9. Nobilitas] For the ' JEMa. 
 gens' was ' vetusto nobilis ab La- 
 mo' (Hor. Od. iii. 17), and had 
 formed alliances with the Scipios ; 
 the ' Atia' was rather obscure till 
 ennobled by Augustus Caesar, the son 
 of Atia, the daughter of M. Atius 
 Balbus. 
 
 10. Justo] Regular, i.e. appoint- 
 ed by the senate, not as Varus's 
 ' clamore multitudinis imperitae.' 
 Supr. 1. So Phil. i. 2. ' Dictato- 
 rs nomen quod saepe justum fuisset.' 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 11. A r e iratus] Sc. against Pom- 
 pey, under whose authority Varus 
 acted. 
 
 12. Aliquam] i. e. ' Aliam quam ;' 
 any other country free from war. 
 
 13. 1-jus] Pompey 's, who knew 
 too well the zeal and abilities of 
 Varus to reprove him for holding 
 Africa. 
 
 14. Lavguidiore, credo, studio] 
 Ironical ; for Tubero, notwithstand- 
 ing all the affronts offered him by 
 Pompey, was obstinate in his oppo- 
 sition to Caesar. 
 
 15. In prccsidiis] Praesidium is, 1, a 
 body of men, * qui pra-sidebant aliquo 
 loco extra castra ;' 2. the place where 
 they guarded, a station, a post; 3. the 
 protection afforded by guards. It is 
 here in the second sense, ' the military 
 posts, the camp of Pompey,' which, 
 forsooth, theTuberos frequented with 
 their body (corpore), while their 
 hearts (animi) were elsewhere. 
 
 16. Ut Jit, <3fc] Cic. asserts, 1. 
 that all coveted victory ; 2. that he 
 himself, with all his eagerness for 
 peace, did so too. And this qua- 
 lified self-accusation permitted him, 
 
182 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quam in reliquis, 17 omnes vincendi studio tenebamur? Pacis 
 equidem semper auctor 18 fui : sed turn sero. Erat enim 
 amentis, 19 quum aciem videres, pacem cogitare. Omnes, om- 
 nes, inquam, vincere volebamus: tucerte praecipue, qui in 
 eum locum 20 venisses,ubi tibi esset pereundum, nisi vicisses. 
 Quamquam, 21 ut nunc se res habet, non dubito, quin hanc 
 salutem 22 anteponas illi victoriae. 
 
 X. Haec ego non dicerem, Tubero, si aut vos constantia? 
 vestrae, aut Caesarem beneficii sui poeniteret. Nunc quaero, 1 
 utrum vestras injurias, 2 an reipublicae persequamini. Si rei- 
 publicao : quid de vestra in ea causa 3 perseverantia respon- 
 debitis ? Si vestras : videte ne erretis, qui Caesarem vestris 
 inimicis iratum fore putetis, cum ignoverit suis. 
 
 ltaque num 4 tibi videor, Caesar, in causa Ligarii occupatus 
 esse? num de ejus facto dicere? Quidquid dixi, ad imam 
 summam 5 referri volo vel humanitatis, vel cleraentiae, vel 
 
 3. to charge Tubero with a more ar- 
 dent desire for it, because he had 
 shown his partiality to Pompey and 
 hatred towards Caesar so openly, that 
 if the latter were victorious, he could 
 expect nothing but death at his 
 hands. 
 
 17. In reliquis] Sc. of our party, 
 not, as Patric, the Caesarians. Hence 
 the following ' equidem,' i. e. ' ego- 
 quidem.' I, to be sure, was an ex- 
 ception. 
 
 18. Auctor] Phil. ii. 10. 'Pacis, 
 concordia;, auctor esse non destiti.' 
 
 19. Erat amentis] This 'folly' 
 was not left untried, as appears from 
 the case of Musonius Rufus, a stoic 
 philosopher, recorded by Tacit. (Hist, 
 ii i- 81-5 who ' permixtus manipulis, 
 bona pacis, et discrimina belli disse- 
 rens, armatos monebat.' The generality 
 laughed at him, many were tired lis- 
 tening, some jostled and trod on him, 
 till, through the threats of some and 
 advice of others, he gave up his ill- 
 timed philosophy. 
 
 20. In eum locum] Sc. Pompey's 
 camp, where Cic. did not remain 
 during the battle of Pharsalia, having 
 retired to Dyrrachium, with M. Var- 
 
 ro and Cato. Divinat. 1. Manut. 
 But it appears better to translate it 
 generally, * you have come to such a 
 pass that.' 
 
 21. Quamquam] A correction. 
 And yet now that Cesar has granted 
 you pardon. 
 
 22. Hanc talutem] Safety with 
 him to victory with Pompey. This 
 arose from the extreme clemency and 
 exalted character of Caesar. 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Nunc quttro] A 
 dilemma, by which he convicts Tu- 
 bero either of political profligacy oi 
 cruelty of disposition. 
 
 2. Vestras injurias] Objectively, 
 the wrongs which you suffered from 
 Ligarius. Zumpt. L. Gram. c. 
 70. 
 
 3. In ea causa] The cause of Pom- 
 pey, and your's as well as Ligarius's. 
 
 4. ltaque num, &;c.] He now 
 throws himself and his suit on the 
 mercy of Caesar ; and begs to dis- 
 abuse him if he imagined he was 
 pleading the cause of Ligarius. It 
 was altogether an appeal to his hu- 
 manity, occ. 
 
 5. Summam] KiQakaiov, caput. 
 Fabr. 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 10. 
 
 183 
 
 misericordiae tuae. Causas, Caesar, egi multas quidem te- 
 cum, 6 dum te in foro" tenuit ratio honorum tuorum : certe 
 nunquam hoc modo, "Ignoscite, judices, erravit; lapsus 
 est ; non putavit : 8 si unquam posthac." 9 Ad parentem sic 
 agi solet : 10 ad judices, " Non fecit, non cogitavit, falsi tes- 
 tes, fictum crimen." Die, te, Caesar, de facto Ligarii judi- 
 cem 11 esse : quibus in praesidiis 12 fuerit, qua3re. Taceo. Ne 
 haec quidem colligo, 13 quae fortasse valerent etiam apud ju- 
 dicem : ' Legatus 1 * ante bellum profectus, relictus in pace, 
 bello oppressus, in eo ipso non acerbus, totus 15 animo et 
 studio tiius.' Ad judicem sic agi solet : sed ego ad paren- 
 tem loquor: 'Erravi, temere feci, poenitet ; ad clementiam 
 tuam confugio, delicti veniam peto ; ut ignoscas, oro.' Si 
 
 6. Causas multas tecum] Cae- 
 sar's talents as an orator are testified 
 by his cotemporaries. According to 
 Quintilian, (x. 1,) he was the only 
 man fit to be a rival of Cicero : since 
 (in his pithy expression) 'eodem ani- 
 mo dixit quo bellavit.' Suet. Jul. 
 55. 56. Plut. Caas. 3. 
 
 7. Dum te in foro'] In his twenty- 
 first year, he accused Dolabella; and 
 continued his pleadings till nearly 
 forty. This is what he calls ' ratio 
 honorum,' the course of your honours. 
 The praetorship was obtained in the 
 fortieth year. Mil. 9. n. 6. 
 
 8. Xon putavit] Ovk <^i]9t\. Dem. 
 Phil.iii. 14, remarks that it is a shame 
 when a thing has happened, to say, 
 r 'C yp v iftiiOt] ravra ytvkoBai ; 
 and it is the proverbial resource of 
 the fool to say, ' non putiiram.' 
 Quint, vi. 13, says that deprecation is 
 unsuited to regular trials, and is only 
 to be used before judges who are at 
 liberty to pronounce sentence just as 
 they please ; e. g. Caesar. 
 
 9. Si unquam posthac] Terence, 
 Phor. i. 2, gives the phrase more 
 fully. ' Nunc omitte quaeso hunc : 
 ceterum Posthac si quicquam, nihil 
 precor.' And Plautus, Casina, v. 4, 
 more fully still : ' Si unquam post- 
 hac tale admisero, Nulla causa est 
 quin virgis verberes.' 
 
 10. Ad parentem sic agi solet] Re- 
 fer this to 'certe nunquam hoc modo.' 
 As an advocate, Cic. seldom em- 
 ployed it. Perhaps he hints, too, 
 that Caesar was 'parens patriae.' 
 
 11. Die, te -judicem]He bids Cae- 
 sar to imagine himself a judge of Li- 
 garius, and to put to him, as counsel, 
 the usual questions. Quint., vi. 1, 
 considers that when the parties con- 
 cerned in a trial are brought forward 
 speaking, it constitutes a species of 
 prosopopoeia, which he pronounces 
 useful in exciting favourable emo- 
 tions in the hearts of the judges. 
 
 12. Quibus in prxsidiis] In Pom- 
 pey's or in Caesar's ? Supr. ix. 15. 
 
 13. Colligo] The technical term 
 for collecting proofs for a trial. Phil, 
 ii. 17. 'Haec ut colligeres, &c.' 
 Deiot. 12. 'At quam acute collecta 
 crimina.' It seems, however, in 
 these cases not merely to intimate 
 ' collecting,' but also, ' drawing in- 
 ferences' (its proper meaning, u<ru\- 
 Xoyt&ii) from the charges adduced. 
 
 14. Legatus, %c] Cicero, profess- 
 ing to be silent, and throw himself on 
 the sole mercy of Caesar, nevertheless 
 contrives to bring forward, in one 
 view, the most prominent points of 
 his defence. 
 
 15. Totus] Al. turn etiam tntus. 
 1 Animo et studio ;' in heart and af- 
 
184 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 nemo impetravit, arroganter : si plurimi, tu idem fer opem, 
 qui spem dedisti. An sperandi 16 Ligario causa non sit, quum 
 mihi apud te locus sit etiam pro altero deprecandi ? Quam- 
 quam neque in hac oratione 17 spes est posita causae, nee in 
 eorum studiis, 18 qui a te pro Ligario petunt, tui necessarii. 
 
 XI. Vidi enim et cognovi, quid maxime spectares, quum 
 pro alicujus salute multi laborarent i 1 causas 2 apud te rogan- 
 tium gratiosiores esse, quam vultus ; neque spectare, quam 
 tuus esset necessarius is, qui te oraret, sed quam illius, pro 
 quo laboraret. Itaque tribuis tu quidem 3 tuis ita multa, ut 
 mihi beatiores 4 illi esse videantur interdum, qui tua liberali- 
 tate fruuntur, quam tu ipse, qui illis tarn multa concedis. 
 Sed video tamen, apud te causas, ut dixi, rogantium valere 
 plus, quam preces, ab iisque te moveri maxime, quorum jus- 
 tissimum dolorem videas in petendo. In Q. Ligario 5 con- 
 
 fection, though prevented by circum- 
 stances from proving it in deed. 
 
 16. An sperandi] Quint., v. 10, 
 calls this ' comparatio ex difficiliore ;' 
 for it was obviously more difficult 
 for Cicero, who was already in- 
 debted to Caesar for his own, to 
 urge the pardon of another, than 
 for that other to hope for a par- 
 don. But this being done, Caesar 
 would hardly forfeit the glory of his 
 clemency, gained in pardoning the 
 one, by refusing the same pardon to 
 the other. Abram. Supr. 3.n. 16. 
 
 17. Neque in hac oratione, fyc] 
 Neither in my deprecatory speech, 
 nor the affectionate interference of 
 your personal friends. 
 
 18. In eorum studiis] Sc. 'in 
 Caesarem,' not ' in Ligarium.' 
 
 Sect. XI. 1. Laborarent] Sol- 
 liciti essent et te precarentur. Sylv. 
 
 2. Causas] The reasons which the 
 entreating parties have for pressing 
 their suit. ' Gratiosiores,' of more 
 influence with you. Al. gratiores, and 
 Em. graviores, who allows, that men 
 are called ' gratiosi,' but not things. 
 
 3. Itaque quidem] 'Accordingly, 
 you do not, to be sure, deny your own 
 friends any favour, as the preceding 
 
 remark (neque te spectare quam tuus 
 esset necessarius) might lead a per- 
 son to suppose so far from that, 
 you are above measure liberal to 
 them ; still I see (sed video tamen) 
 that the causes, &c.' 
 
 4. Beatiores] Dives, says Varr. 
 iv. 17, a divo qui, ut deus, nihil in- 
 digere videtur ; beatus qui multa bo- 
 na possidet. Cic. does not mean 
 that they were * happier' than Cae- 
 sar, but as we say, 'better off' 
 ' wealthier.' Caesar was so gene- 
 rous that he left himself in a worse 
 situation than the recipients of his 
 bounty. This accords with the ac- 
 count of Sail. Cat. c. 61. ' nihil de- 
 negare quod dono dignum esset.' 
 
 5. In Q. Ligario] And this intro- 
 duces the case of Ligarius. He here 
 reasons syllogistically. Thus the 
 major (Vidi enim, cScc.) is shortly : 
 Just grounds (causas) for inter- 
 ference in the suppliants usually 
 avail with Caesar. The friends of 
 Ligarius have the justest grounds, 
 (minor). Therefore, &c. In esta- 
 blishing the minor he is able to enu- 
 merate all the friends of Ligarius who 
 are interested in his fate. Fabr. And 
 this he proceeds to do. 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 11. 
 
 185 
 
 servando multis tu'quidem gratum facies 6 necessariis tuis : sed 
 hoc, 7 quaaso, considera, quod soles. Possum fortissimos 
 viros, Sabinos, 8 tibi probatissimos, 9 totumque agrum Sabi- 
 mim, florem Italia?, ac robur reipublicaa proponere. Nosti 
 optime homines. Animadverte horum omnium mcestitiam 
 et dolorem : hujus T. Brocchi, 10 de quo non dubito, quid 
 existimee, lacrymas squaloremque 11 ipsius et filii vides. Quid 
 de fratribus 12 dicam ? Noli, Caesar, putare, de unius capite 15 
 nos agere. Aut tres tibi Ligarii in civitate retinendi sunt, 
 aut tres ex civitate exterminandi. Quodvis exsilium his est 
 optatius, quam patria, quam domus, quam dii penates, uno 
 illo exsulante. Si fraterne, si pie, si cum dolore 14 faciunt, mo- 
 veat pietas, moveat germanitas, 15 valeat tua vox 16 ilia, qua? vi- 
 cit. Te enim dicere audiebamus, nos, omnes 17 adversarios 
 putare, nisi qui nobiscum essent : te omnes, qui contra te 
 non essent, tuos. Videsne 18 igitur hunc splendorem, omnem 
 hanc Brocchorum domum, hunc L. Marcium, 19 C. Caese- 
 
 6. Gratum facies] Gratificabere, 
 %apiy. Fabr. 
 
 7. Hoc] Causas rogantium. 
 Pair. 
 
 8. Stbinos] The first in his enu- 
 meration : Ligarius was of Sabine 
 origin ; and it was usual for the whole 
 people of a district to appear at Rome 
 in defence of a patron or countryman. 
 So the Campanians appeared in fa- 
 vour of Cicero, on his return from 
 tiani>hment. 
 
 9. Probatissimos] Plut. writes, 
 that they afforded Caesar an asylum 
 (luring the proscription of Sylla, and 
 lie may have tried and proved their 
 valour in his legions. 
 
 10. Brocchi] Ligarius's maternal 
 uncle and his sons ; the second in 
 his list. Supr. 4. n. 16. 
 
 1 1 . Squaloremque] The garb of 
 mourning. Mil. 8. n. 2. Squalent 
 municipia.' 
 
 12. Fratribus] Titus, who is men- 
 tioned infr., and, it is supposed, Mar- 
 cus. The third in the li?t of Ligarius's 
 friends. 
 
 13. Unius capite] Vita, salute. 
 Fabr, 
 
 14. Fraterne pie cum dolore] 
 These words apply particularly to 
 the third class, but intimate the 
 general conclusion ; sc. * that the 
 prayers of Ligarius's friends ought 
 to have weight with you.' The cor- 
 responding words lacrymas pie- 
 tas germanitas,' are, it is observa- 
 ble, in the reverse order. 
 
 15. Germanitas] Brotherhood ; 
 from ' germanus,' qu. eodem ger~ 
 mine profectus' Fest. ; or ' eadem 
 genetrice manans,' Serv. ; properly, 
 a full brother ; sometimes a half- 
 brother. 
 
 16. Valeat tua vox] He strength- 
 ens his conclusion by the testimony 
 of Caesar, and the contrast which 
 Pompey's conduct exhibited. 
 
 17. Nos omnes] Vid. Matthew, 12. 
 36, and Luke, 9. 50. 
 
 18. Videsne] The fourth class of 
 friends in general, comprising also 
 the second. ' Splendorem' is the 
 proper epithet of the equestrian order, 
 as, majesty of the people, and au- 
 thority of the senate. 
 
 19. L. Marcium] A Roman knight, 
 related to Ligarius by marriage. 
 
 r2 
 
186 
 
 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO 
 
 tium, 20 L. Corfidium, 21 hosce omnes equites Romanos qui ad- 
 sunt veste mutata, 22 non solum uotos tibi, verum etiam pro- 
 batos viros ? Tecum fuerunt. 23 Atque his irascebamur, 24 et 
 hos requirebamus, 25 et his nonnulli etiam miuabantur. Con- 
 serva igitur tuis suos : 26 ut, quemadmodum cetera qua3 dicta 
 sunt a te, sic hoc verissimum reperiatur. 
 
 XII. Quod si penitus perspicere posses concordiam Li- 
 gariorum, omnes fratres tecum judicares fuisse. 1 An potest 
 quisquam dubitare, quin, si Q. Ligarius in Italia esse po- 
 tuisset, in eadem sententia futurus fuerit, in qua fratres fue- 
 runt? Quis est, qui horum consensum conspirantem et 
 pene conflatum 2 in hac prope aequalitate 3 fraterna non no- 
 verit? qui hoc nOn sentiat, quidvis prius futurum fuisse, 
 quam, ut hi fratres diversas sententias fortunasque seque- 
 rentur ? Voluntate igitur omnes tecum fuerunt : tempes- 
 tate 4 abreptus est unus ; qui, si consilio 5 id fecisset, esset 
 corum similis, quos tu tamen salvos esse voluisti. Sed 
 
 20. Ca , setinm] Perhaps the same 
 as was deprived of his tribuneship for 
 tearing the laurel crown from oft the 
 statue of Caesar. Suet. Jul. 70. 
 
 21. Corfidium] By a ' lapsus me- 
 morial' Corfidius was here mentioned, 
 though previously dead. Cic. re- 
 quests Atticus, (xiii. 44,) to be 
 careful in having the name erased 
 from all the copies ; which, how- 
 ever, was not effected. 
 
 22. Equites veste mutata'] Sordi- 
 dati. Fabr. No less than twenty 
 thousand knights changed their garb 
 in the case of Cicero. Mil. 14. n. 
 
 9- 
 
 23. Tecum fuerunt] Al. fuisse. 
 This did not require them to be ac- 
 tually in Caesar's camp. It was 
 enough that they did not join Pom- 
 pey. Te omnes qui contra te non 
 essent tuos.' 
 
 24. Irascebamur] Therefore their 
 deserts towards you are enhanced by 
 their being the objects of the hatred 
 and threats of the Pompeians. Mar- 
 cel. 6. 
 
 25. Hos requirebamus] i.e. Missed, 
 felt annoyed at the absence of. So 
 
 Supr. 5. Patris tui prudentiam re- 
 quiro. Mil. 1. n. 5. 
 
 26. Tuis suos] i. e. To those who 
 by their neutrality are proved to be 
 your friends, preserve their own. 
 * Hoc,' then, means, your considering 
 all these your friends who did not ap- 
 pear against you. 
 
 Sect. XII. 1. Tecum -fuisse] Sc. 
 to have remained at Rome. 
 
 2. Conspirantem conjiatum] 'Con- 
 cordant, and as it were, moulded into 
 one.' One of the meanings of con- 
 flare is, ' to fuse metals ;' which 
 may supply the metaphor here. 
 
 3. sEqualitate] 'O/iijXiirtp. Ean- 
 dem tribus Ligariis aetatem fuisse 
 significat. Abram. This bond of 
 love is frequently noticed. So AZn. 
 ix. 275, lulus makes it a reason for 
 his peculiar regards towards Eurya- 
 lus. Eurip. Phceniss. 338. a7n)vr]g 
 bfioTTTipa. 
 
 4. Tempestate] yEn. i. 108. Tres 
 Notus abreptas in saxa latentia tor- 
 quet. 
 
 5. Consilio] ' Intentionally ;' which 
 he did not. 
 
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 12. 
 
 187 
 
 ierit G ad bellum ; dissenserit non a te solum, verum etiam 
 a fratribus : hi te orant tui. Equidem, 7 quum tuis omnibus 
 negotiis interessem, memoria teneo, qualis turn T. Ligarius 
 quaestor urbanus 8 fuerit erga te et dignitatem tuam. Sed 
 parum est, 9 me hoc meminisse : spero etiam te, qui obli- 
 visci 10 nihil soles, nisi injurias, quoniam hoc est animi, 
 quoniam etiam ingenii 11 tui, te, aliquid de hujus quaestoris 
 officio cogitantem, etiam de aliis quibusdam quaestoribus 12 
 rem iniscen tern recordari. Hie igitur T. Ligarius, qui turn 
 nihil egit 13 aliud, (neque enim haec divinabat) nisi ut tu 
 eum tui studiosum et bonum virum judicares, nunc a te sup- 
 plex fratris salutem petit. Quam hujus admonitus officio 14 
 quum utrisquehis dederis, tres fratres optimos et integerri- 
 mos, non solum sibi ipsos, neque his tot ac talibus viris, 
 neque nobis necessariis suis, sed etiam reipublicae condona- 
 veris. Fac igitur, quod de homine nobilissimo et clarissimo, 
 M. Marcello, restituto fecisti nuper 15 in curia, nunc idem in 
 foro de optimis et huic omni frequentise probatissimis fira- 
 
 6. Sed ierit] But take it in the 
 worst point of view, admit that he did 
 go to the war, that he did, &c. 
 
 7. Equidem] Cic. testifies to the 
 merits of T. Ligarius, who in his quaes- 
 torship, Lentulus and Philippus, coss., 
 paid Caesar a sum of money voted to 
 him out of the public treasury, to sup- 
 port his army in Gaul. Fam. i. 7. 
 This payment Cic. (Prov. Cons. 11.) 
 strenuously supported. Others refer 
 it, improperly, to his permitting Cae- 
 sar to plunder the treasury at the be- 
 ginning of the civil war. But Cic. then 
 took no concern in Caesar's affairs. 
 
 8. Quastor urbanus] Hi aera- 
 rium curabant, ejusque pecunias ex- 
 pensas et acceptas in publicas tabu- 
 las referebant. Ascon. 
 
 9. Sed parum est] He connects 
 Caesar's memory of it with his own. 
 
 10. Qui ohlivisci] Quint, vi. 4. 
 
 11. Animi ingenii] Temper, na- 
 tural disposition. 
 
 12. Aliis qutestoribus] Some of 
 whom may have opposed the grant 
 alluded to, supr. n. 7. Patr. refers it 
 to their preventing him from breaking 
 
 into the treasury, as mentioned, supr. 
 n. 7. 
 
 13. Nihil egit] Had no object in 
 view, was quite disinterested ; for he 
 had no prophetic vision of your won- 
 derful exaltation. Others make ' haec' 
 the present calamity of his brother. 
 
 14. Officio] Precibus quas pro 
 fratre fundit. Patric. To translate 
 ' admonitus officio,' admonished by his 
 services, seems to give too arrogant a 
 meaning. 
 
 15. Quod fecisti nuper] Caesar had 
 lately pardoned M. Marcellus, who 
 had been a strenuous supporter of the 
 Pompeian cause. After the battle of 
 Pharsalia he retired to Mitylene with 
 the intention of spending the remain- 
 der of his life in retirement ; but the 
 entreaties of his brother, C. Marcellus, 
 and his numerous friends, procured 
 an unwilling pardon from Caesar. For 
 this act of clemency, Cic. returned Cae- 
 sar thanks, (Fam. iv. 4.) in a speech, 
 which in the opinion of several emi- 
 nent scholars has not been transmitted 
 to us. This loss has been attempted 
 to be supplied in the oration ' pro 
 
188 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO PRO Q. LIGARIO. 
 
 tribus. Ut concessisti ilium senatui, sic da hunc populo, 
 cujus voluntatem 16 carissimam semper habuisti : et, si ille 
 dies tibi gloriosissimus, populo Romano gratissimus fuit, 
 noli, obsecro, dubitare, C. Caesar, similem illi gloriae lau- 
 dem quam saepissime quaerere. Nihil est enim lam po- 
 pulare, quam bonitas ; nulla de virtutibus tuis plurimis nee 
 gratior, nee admirabilior, misericordia est ; homines 17 enim 
 ad deos nulla re proprius accedunt, quam salutem hominibus 
 dando. Nihil habet nee 18 fortuna tua majus, quam ut pos- 
 sis, nee natura tua melius, quam ut velis servare quamplu- 
 rimos. Longiorem 19 orationem causa forsitan postulat, tua 
 certe natura breviorem. Quare, 20 quum utilius esse arbitrer 
 te ipsum, quam aut me, aut quemquam, loqui tecum, finem 
 jam faciam : tantum te [ipsum] admonebo, si illi absenti 
 salutem dederis, praesentibus his omnibus te daturum. 
 
 Alarcello,' by some pompous rheto- fiaXiffra fiifxu<r9ai tuq Qihq vrav 
 
 rician of the Augustine age. Vid. tvipyerwaiv. So Flin. ii. 7. Deus 
 
 Schutz and Orel. Marcellus did not est mortali juvare mortalera. Lastly, 
 
 live to reach his native country, being Shakesp. No ceremony that to great 
 
 assassinated at Athens by a confi- ones 'longs, Not the king's crown 
 
 dential friend, P. Magius Chilo. nor the deputed sword Become them 
 
 16. Cujus voluntatem, &c] i. e. half so well as mercy docs. 
 Courted popularity. Cat. iv. 5. So 18. Habet nee, <Sfc] Quint, viii. 5. 
 Sext. 45, Cic. says, that those whose notices the liveliness of this turn from 
 actions and words were intended to the third to the second person. ' Ita 
 please the people were ' populares ;' quae erant rerum propria, fecit homi- 
 while those who regulated their plans nis.' The compliment i3 very elegant, 
 so as to approve them ' cuique opti- 19. Longiorem] Caesar's clemency, 
 mo,' were ' optimates.' But then so often noticed already, here affords 
 who is meant by ' cuique optimo V even a pretext for concluding. 
 
 17. Homines, enim, &;c.] This sen- 20. Quare] He concludes with 
 timent is noticed by Strabo, x. T Et; leaving the most important consider- 
 yup Upt]Tai raro, tovq avOpwnovg ation impressed on the mind of Caesar. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION 
 
 FOR 
 
 KING DEIOTARUS. 
 
 Deiotarus was a noble tetrarch of Gallogrsecia,* or Galatia, 
 who in the several wars in which the Romans had been engaged 
 in Asia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and Syria, (inf. c. 13,) had often 
 afforded powerful aid to their generals, and proved himself a zea- 
 lous and faithful ally. These services did not go unnoticed nor 
 unrewarded. Hence Cicero, Phil. xi. 13, asks, " Quae de illo 
 viro Sulla, quae Murena, quae Servilius, quae Lucullus, quam 
 ornate, quam honorifice, quam graviter saepe in senatu praedica- 
 verunt? Quid de Cn. Pompeio loquar ? qui unum Deiotarum in 
 toto orbe terrarum ex animo amicum, vereque benevolum, unum 
 fidelem populo Romano, judicavit." The latter general, indeed, 
 for his services against Mithridates, presented him with Armenia 
 Minor, (Eutrop. vi. 14,) and had him recognized by the senate as 
 king; the highest honour which the senate could bestow. (Manil. 
 5. n. 11.) Harusp. 13. 
 
 2. When the civil war broke out between Caesar and Pompey, 
 he adhered to the cause of his benefactor, and not only supplied 
 him with military aid, but was himself in the battle of Pharsalia. 
 (Caes. B. C. iii. 4.) After the defeat of Pompey, true to his 
 principles of supporting the republic, he immediately sent a sup- 
 ply of men and money to Caesar to Alexandria. Inf. c. 5. In 
 
 * Gallograecia is a region of Asia, bounded by Phrygia, Bithynia, and Ar- 
 menia Minor. It was founded by a colony detached from the great Gaulish 
 emigration under Brennus, b. c. 270, which crossed the Hellespont, and 
 mingling with some Graecian colonies, gave the country the name of Gallo- 
 graecia, the inhabitants of which continued to speak the Celtic language in the 
 days of St. Jerome, 600 years after their emigration. It was also called Ga- 
 latia by the Greeks from yaka, lac, owing to the whiteness of their bodies, 
 as Livy, xxxviii. 21, testifies. So /En. viii. 660 turn lactea colla Auro in- 
 nectuntur. 
 
190 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the mean time, Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, to whom, out 
 of the vast dominions of his father, Pompey had only conceded 
 the Cimmerian Bosphorus, invaded the dominions of Deiotarus and 
 Ariobarzanes, with a view to recover from the former Armenia 
 Minor, and from the latter, Cappadocia. Deiotarus, there- 
 fore, applied for protection to Domitius Calvinus (Hist. B. Alex. 
 33,) whom Caesar had left as pro-consul of Asia. Domitius, 
 after a useless attempt to bring Pharnaces to terms of peace, 
 assisted by Deiotarus, proceeded to hostilities against that prince, 
 but with so little success that he was obliged to retire with his 
 scattered forces into Asia, Deiotarus having thus, by his zeal in 
 supporting the interests of the Caesarian party, deserved a pardon 
 (* meruit veniam,' Schol.) for his Pharsalian error, as soon as he 
 learned that the Roman general, proceeding against Pharnaces, had 
 arrived in the precincts of Gallograecia, waited on him in the 
 garb of a suppliant (B. Alex. 67,) and in consideration of his 
 former services, his age, dignity, and the prayers of his friends, 
 received a pardon, and was permitted to resume the ensigns of 
 regal dignity. About certain claims, however, which the neigh- 
 bouring tetrarchs made on Gallograecia, Caesar decided nothing ; 
 but taking with him all Deiotarus's cavalry, and a legion trained 
 in the Roman discipline, he proceeded against Pharnaces, whose 
 speedy defeat is recorded in Caesar's memorable letter to the 
 senate, ' veni, vidi, vici.' 
 
 3. Caesar, after this victory, proceeding to Asia, by the route 
 of Gallograecia and Bithynia, became the guest of Deiotarus. Of 
 Caesar's deportment towards his royal host, Cicero, when he was 
 not afraid to tell the truth, thus speaks, Phil. ii. 37 : M Com- 
 pellarat hospitem praesens, computarat, pecuniam imperarat, in 
 ejus tetrarchiam ex Graecis comitibus collocarat, Armeniam ab- 
 stulerat a senatu datam." ^this ' Graecian attendant,' to whom 
 he gave the tetrarchy of the Trogini, (a part of Gallograecia,) was 
 Mithridates Pergamenus, whom he had made king of the Bos- 
 phorus. To Deiotarus he left the remainder of Gallograecia with 
 the title of King. (C. 5. " Eum amplissimo regis honore et no- 
 mine affeceris.") When Caesar returned from Spain, a. u. 708, 
 Castor, the grandson of Deiotarus, by a daughter who was mar- 
 ried to one Saocondarius, accused his grandfather of a design to 
 murder Caesar, when he was his guest in Gallograecia. Castor's 
 conduct and motives are variously represented.* The most pro- 
 
 * Era., in his argument says, ' Graves inimicitiae intercedebant Deiotaro 
 cum Castore, filio Saocondarii.' The Schol. Post cum genero, i. e. Saocon- 
 dario, litem habuit.' Era. ' Abducto ab avo medico Phidippo, Castor misit 
 
INTRODUCTION. 191 
 
 bable account is, that his father, hoping to ingratiate himself with 
 Caesar, and obtain a part of Deiotarus's kingdom, sent his son to 
 Rome, for the purpose of accusing his grandfather; and that while 
 there, he found means to corrupt Phidippus, a physician, sent by 
 his grandfather, as part of the embassy to conduct his defence. 
 This embassy waited on Cicero, who readily undertook the cause 
 of his old* friend, and argued it before Caesar, within the walls of 
 his own palace. 
 
 4. As in the oration for Milo, the fears of the orator, arising 
 from the guards which surrounded the forum, afforded him mat- 
 ter for an exordium, so here a statement of his fears, and their 
 causes, serves a similar purpose. This statement occupies the first 
 and second sections, c. 1. 2. The orator then proceeds to show 
 that the accusers basely grounded the hope of success on their 
 knowledge of the differences which had fallen out between Caesar 
 and Deiotarus, and implores him to banish from his mind every 
 shadow of grudge, and in the recollection of Deiotarus's services 
 to himself after, to forget that he was in the field of Pharsalia. 
 c. 3. 5. 
 
 Cicero then addresses himself to the charge itself, sc. that 
 Deiotarus planned the assassination of Caesar, when he was his 
 guest in Gallognecia. This he disproves ; first, from the well- 
 known probity of Deiotarus, and next, from his consummate 
 wisdom and prudence. His own interests should have deterred 
 him from attempting such a deed ; and common sense from using 
 the means assigned, c. 6. 7. 
 
 5. It remained to disprove two corroborating circumstances 
 adduced by his opponents : first, that Deiotarus had enrolled a 
 large army against Caesar ; next, that he harboured disloyal 
 thoughts and alienated feelings towards the Roman general.- 
 These he answers, c. 8. 9 ; not without adding his severe repre- 
 hension of the inhuman and unnatural conduct of Castor, c. 10. 
 11. As no accusation, however trivial, was beneath the notice of 
 Castor, he lastly charged his grandfather with receiving accounts 
 from Blesamius, one of his deputies, of the unpopularity of Cae- 
 sar at Rome, the paucity of plaudits bestowed by the populace, 
 &c. This is refuted, c. 12. 
 
 eum cum legato Romam.' The Schol. ' Gener misit qui Deiotarum accusarent.' 
 And Cic. himself, inf. 7, says that Deiotarus sent Phidippus along with his 
 legates, and that Castor, who was then at Rome, did there administer the 
 bribe. So much for Ernesti's accuracy. 
 
 * When Cic. was pro-consul of Cilicia, a. u. 702, he contracted a warm 
 friendship for Deiotarus, who gave him substantial proof of his regard, in 
 supplying him with troops and money. 
 
192 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In the peroration he endeavours to effect a thorough recon- 
 ciliation between Deiotarus and Caesar, by dwelling on the virtues 
 of the king, his services to the republic, his gratitude for the 
 clemency he had experienced ; and lastly, by imploring an ex- 
 tension of it now to a royal family in distress, c. 13. 15. 
 
 6. This oration was made about the month of October or No- 
 vember, a. u. 708, commonly called the year of confusion. 
 Cajsar had triumphed on the calends of October, after his return 
 from Spain, and appointed Q. Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius, 
 consuls for the last three months of the year. "We saw that the 
 oration for Ligarius was pronounced about the first intercalary 
 calends, and this speech followed soon after. 
 
 In December, he sent it, copied out, to Dolabella, accom- 
 panied with a letter, in which he mentions it in terms which be- 
 speak unwonted modesty in the writer. " Oratiunculam pro Deio- 
 taro tibi misi, quam velim sic leges ut causam tenuem et ino- 
 pem, nee scriptione magnopere dignam. Sed ego hospiti veteri 
 et amico munusculum mittere volui levidense, crasso filo, cujus- 
 modi ipsius solent essent munera." Sylvius, forgetting the dis- 
 sembled vanity of Cicero's exordium for Archias, " Siquid est in 
 me ingenii judices, quod sentio quam sit exiguum," can only ac- 
 count for the epithets \ tenuem et inopem' by the fact that Cicero 
 gained little for his client. But this is not certain. Caesar, in- 
 deed, made no immediate decision, but adjourned the cause till he 
 should be able to examine into it fully on the spot. This, itself, 
 was a victory to Deiotarus, and as the time never arrived, the 
 king, on hearing of the death of Caesar, seized upon his dominions, 
 suo Marte ;' Phil. ii. 37 ; and subsequently supported the republi- 
 can party, led on by Brutus and Cassius. 
 
 It is worth notice, that Brutus had already defended Deiotarus, 
 before Caesar, at Nice, a city of Liguria, where he met him on his 
 return from Spain ; and had spoken in a tone of freedom and 
 vehemence that gave Caesar cause to reflect on the fierce and in- 
 domitable temper of Brutus. Att. xiv. 1. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 PRO 
 
 REGE DEIOTARO, 
 
 AD C. CiESAREM, 
 ORATIO. 
 
 I. Quum in omnibus causis gravioribus, C. Caesar, initio 
 dicendi commoveri soleam 1 vehementius, quam videtur vel 
 usus, 2 vel aetas mea 3 postulare : turn 4 in hac causa ita me 
 multa perturbant, ut, quantum 5 mea fides studii mihi affe- 
 
 Sect. I. 1. Com. soleam] This is a 
 common complaint of Cic. Caecil. 13, 
 he says, that with all his experience 
 in pleading, when the day of trial 
 comes ' non solum commoveor ani- 
 mo, sed etiam toto corpore perhor- 
 resco.' Cluent. 18. ' Semper equi- 
 dem magno cum metu incipio dice- 
 re ;' and he adds, ' that he never 
 pleads without feeling himself as it 
 were on trial for his abilities and in- 
 tegrity lest he might be chargeable 
 with impudence, for undertaking what 
 he could not perform ; or with base- 
 ness or negligence, for not perform- 
 ing what he could.' 
 
 2. Vel usus] If we consider that 
 Cicero, five-and-twenty years before 
 this time, said of himself, (Caecil. 
 13,) 'ejusdem aetatis aut nemo aut 
 pauci plures causas defenderint,' we 
 may have some notion of his expe- 
 rience. 
 
 3. JEtas mea] Sixty-two. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 4. Quum soleam turn] ' The 
 subj. is joined with quum, followed 
 by turn, when the two propositions 
 are not merely distinguished from each 
 other, but when that with quum is 
 given under the form of a cause. So 
 -Arch. 4. Idque quum per se dignus 
 putaretur, turn auctoritate et gratia 
 Luculli ab Heracleensibus impetra- 
 vit. Also, Agr. iii. 3. This causal 
 force of quum seems gradually to 
 have been lost sight of.' Zumpt c. 76*. 
 Hence, Manut. enumerates, amon<* 
 the causes of Cicero's fears, his habit 
 of feeling strongly, &c. Inf. n. 7. 
 
 5. Quantum, $c] i.e. 'Quantum 
 studii, &c.' ' As much ardour of 
 mind as a sense of duty [towards a 
 client] inspires me with.' The for- 
 cible meaning attached to 'fides' so 
 used, may be inferred from its vio- 
 lation forming one in Virgil's cata- 
 logue of crimes, ' Fraus innexa cli- 
 enti.' JEu. vi. 609. 
 s 
 
194 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 rat 6 ad salutem regis Deiotari 7 defendendam, tantum facul- 
 tatis timor detrahat. Primum 7 dico pro capite fortunis- 
 que 8 regis : quod ipsum etsi non iniquum 9 est in tuo dum- 
 taxat periculo, tamen est ita inusitatum, 10 regem capitis reum 
 esse, ut ante hoe tempus non sit auditum. Deinde eum 
 regem, quern ornare antea cuncto cum senatu 11 solebam, 
 pro perpetuis ejus in nostram rempublicam meritis, 12 nunc 
 contra atrocissimum crimen 13 cogor defendere. Accedit, ut 
 accusatorum alterius crudelitate, 14 alterius indignitate 15 con- 
 
 6. Afferat] Volenti, cum signifi- 
 catione benevolentiae ; detrahat,' in- 
 vito cum indicio doloris, dixit. Afa- 
 nut. Marcel. 4. Quantum operi- 
 bus tuis diuturnitas detrahet, tantum 
 afferet laudibus. 
 
 7. Salutem regis Deiot.] Every word 
 is here emphatic. The safety not of a 
 man, but of a king ; not of a king, 
 but of a king Deiotarus, whose servi- 
 ces to the Roman empire have been 
 so numerous. Manut. 
 
 7. Primum] Cic. adduces four 
 causes to account for his fears. 1. 
 His client being a king ; 2. the cru- 
 elty of one accuser (the son-in-law) ; 
 and meanness of the other (a slave) ; 
 3. the fact of the virtual plaintiff, 
 Caesar, being also judge; 4. the place 
 where the trial was held, sc. the house 
 of Caesar. To which may be prefixed 
 * his habit of feeling strongly in all 
 important causes' (n. 4). 
 
 8. Pro capite fortunisque] Here is 
 no anti-climax ; the sentence by 
 which an offender * capite minuitur,' 
 did not of necessity deprive him also 
 of his fortune. He might be only 
 deprived of civil rights and exiled. 
 Ahram. and V. E. But v. 11. n.2. 
 
 9. Quod ipsum iniquum] ' And 
 although this procedure is fair enough, 
 at least (dumtaxat) where your dan- 
 ger is concerned.' Cic. feared to 
 offend Caesar, by urging too far the 
 rarity of a royal culprit ; which might 
 reflect on his justice in admitting 
 such a prosecution. The charge 
 against Deiotarus affected Caesar's 
 safety. On dumtaxat,' vid. Mil. 
 
 2. n. 15. 
 
 10. Est ita inusitatum] This was 
 too good a precedent not to be fol- 
 lowed up. Thus Antony, (Plut. 
 36,) put to death Antigonus, king 
 of Judaea, and bound Artaxes, king 
 of Armenia with silver chains. Dio 
 lib. 49. So Augustus had Phraates 
 ' minor genibus,' (Hor. Ep. i. 12.27,) 
 not to mention Herod and his sons, 
 who were often put on trial before 
 Roman judges. Joseph, xvi. 7.14. 
 
 11. Ornare cuncto senatu] So 
 Harusp. 13. ' Hunc Deiotarum saepe 
 a senatu regali nomine dignum existi- 
 matum, clarissimorum imperatorum 
 testimoniis, &c.' Phil. ii. 37. ' De 
 rege Deiotaro, populo Rom. amicis- 
 simo.' Introd. 1. 
 
 12. Perpetuis meritis] Phil. xi. 
 13. ' Deiotari cujus benevolen- 
 tiam in populum Rom. est ipsius 
 (cqualis atati ; qui non solum socius 
 imperatorum nostrorum in bellis, ve- 
 rum dux copiarum suarum, &c.' 
 Sylla, Murena, Servilius, Lucullus, 
 and Pompey, had expressed in the 
 senate their grateful acknowledgments 
 for the important services of Deio- 
 tarus in the Asiatic wars. 
 
 13. Atrociss. crimen] Of having at- 
 tempted Caesar's life. Mil. 8. n. 10. 
 
 14. Alterius crudelitate] The 
 second cause of his fear. The charge 
 of cruelty is usually brought against 
 prosecutors to prejudice the judges 
 against them. So of Tubero (Ligar. 
 5,) he says ' nonne omnem humani- 
 tatem exuisses V ' Alterius' here is 
 Castor. Hence the emphatic ' cru- 
 
PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 1. 
 
 195 
 
 turber. Crudelem Castorem, ne dicam sceleratum et im- 
 pium ! 16 qui nepos avum in discrimen capitis adduxerit, ado- 
 lescentiaeque suae terrorem 17 intulerit ei, cujus senectutem 
 tueri et tegere debebat, commendationemque ineuntis aetatis 
 ab impietate at ab scelere duxerit ; avi servum, 18 corniptum 
 praemiis, ad accusandum dominum impulerit et a legatorum 
 pedibus abduxerit. 19 Fugitivi 20 autem, dominum accusan- 
 tis, 21 et dominum absentem, et dominum amicissimum nos- 
 tra? reipublicae, quum os 22 videbam, quum verba audiebam : 
 non tam afflictam regiam conditionem 23 dolebam, quam de 
 fortunis communibus 24 extimescebam. Nam, quum more 
 majorem de servo 25 in dominum ne tormentis quidem 26 quaeri 
 liceat ; in qua quaestione dolor veram vocem elicere 27 possit 
 
 delis Castor' following. 
 
 15. lndignitate] For Phidippus 
 was a slave ; and slaves were not al- 
 lowed to give evidence against their 
 masters. Mil. 22. n. 13. 
 
 16. Sceleratum impium] Crude- 
 litas in alienos ; in propinquos pro- 
 prie scelus et impietas est. Manut. 
 
 16. Aepos] His daughter's son. 
 
 17. Adolescentia terrorem, tyc.~] 
 For young men at Rome found it a 
 ready way of gaining commendation, 
 to accuse the magistrates, to whom, 
 therefore, they were in some sort a 
 terror. Off. ii. 14. 
 
 18. Avi servum'] Phidippus the 
 physician who had been sent to Rome 
 by Deiotarus, on an embassy, to de- 
 fend him against Castor's charge. 
 lntrod. 3. 
 
 19. Legatorum pedibus abduxerit] 
 Phidippus was seduced from the feet 
 of the legates, his appropriate po- 
 sition as being a slave. 
 
 20. Fugitivi] Not'only a runaway 
 slave, but a slave that designs as 
 much ; a vagabond. 
 
 21. Dominum accusantis] To ac- 
 cuse a master is unjust ; an absent 
 master, more unjust ; a master 
 strongly attached to our republic, 
 most unjust. Hence the consum- 
 mate impudence (os) of Phidippus. 
 
 Manut. 
 
 22. Os~] Impudence. So Verr. 
 iv. 20. ' Nostis os hominis, nos- 
 tis audaciam.' ' Verba' goes a 
 step farther in audacity. It was 
 bad enough for the wretch to show 
 his face ; but to speak was worse 
 still. 
 
 23. Afflictam conditionem] The 
 wretched pass to which royalty is 
 come. 
 
 24. De fortunis communibus'] For 
 who can be safe if slaves are permit- 
 ted to turn informers 1 The usual 
 artifice of Cic. to connect the issue of 
 the question in hand with the general 
 interests. Manil. 2. n. 12. Mil. 
 1. n. 20. Inf. 11. n. 3. 
 
 25. De servo] Mil. 22. n. 13. 
 
 26. Ne tormentis quidem] Not even 
 is the involuntary (tormentis) evidence 
 of a slave allowed against his master, 
 much less the voluntary accusation 
 (accuset solutus). 
 
 27. Elicere] (From ' lacio,' I en- 
 tice.) 1. Entice out; 2. (without 
 the idea of blandishment) extract, 
 elicit. 
 
 28. Exortus est] Intimating the 
 impudence of Phidippus here starts 
 up a slave. So speaking of Gyges, 
 Off. iii. 9, rex exortus est Lydiae. 
 Ter. Hecyr.ii. 1.16. Tu solaexorere, 
 
196 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 etiam ab invito : exortus est 28 servus, qui, quem in eculeo ap- 
 pellare 29 non posset, eum accuser 30 solutus. 
 
 II. Perturbat me, C. Caesar, etiam illud 1 interdum : quod 
 tamen, quum te penitus recognovi, 2 timere desino ; re enim 
 iniquum 3 est, sed tua sapientia fit aequissimum. Nam di- 
 cere apud eum de facinore, contra cujus vitam consilium 
 facinoris inisse arguare, 4 si per se ipsum consideres, grave 
 est; nemo 5 enim fere est, qui sui periculi judex, non sibi se 
 aequiorem, quam reo praebeat : sed. tua, C. Caesar, praestans 
 singularisque natura nunc mihi metum minuit. Non enim 
 tarn timeo, quid tu de rege Deiotaro, quam intelligo, quid 
 de te ceteros velis judicare. 6 Moveor etiam loci ipsius inso- 
 lentia, 6 " quod tantam causam, 7 quanta nulla unquam in discep- 
 tatione versata 8 est, dico intra domesticos parietes, dico extra 
 conventum et earn frequentiam, in qua oratorum studia niti 9 
 solent : in tuis oculis, in tuo ore vultuque acquiesco; 10 te 
 
 quae perturbes haec impudentia tua. 
 
 29. Appellor*] A weak word for 
 ' accusare ;'- name the name of. So 
 Off. i. 25. Cavendum est, ne majore 
 poena iisdem de causis alii plectantur, 
 alii ne appellentur quidem. For 
 eculeus/ vid.Mil. 21. n. 21. 
 
 30. Accuset] Ern. not observing 
 that ' exortus est' represents the ac- 
 tion as just concluded, would read, 
 * accusaret.' 
 
 Sect. II. 1. Illud] This circum- 
 stance ; sc. your being judge in your 
 own case. The third cause of his 
 fear. 
 
 2. Penitus recognovi] Thoroughly 
 understood your justice, clemency, 
 &c. 
 
 3. Iniquum] To be, at once, plain- 
 tiff and judge. 
 
 4. Arguare] i. e. ' Reus argua- 
 tur.' The second pers. is used thus, 
 to give a lively, pointed turu to the 
 sentence. 
 
 5. Nemo, fyc] This principle of 
 self-love is proverbial. A. Gell. xii. 
 5. ' Natura omnium rerum ita nos 
 genuit ut nihil quicquam esset ca- 
 rius nobis quam nosmetipsi.' 
 4 ./Equiorem' does not mean ab- 
 
 stractly just,' but favourable, kind.' 
 6. Quid judicare] Namely, that 
 you are a friend of justice and hu- 
 manity. By this praise of Caesar he 
 hints what Caesar ought to be ; par- 
 ticularly that it was foreign to his 
 clemency to condemn in his own 
 cause. Caesar's anxiety to be thought 
 mild and forgiving is noticed by Suet, 
 c. 75. 
 
 6. Loci insolentia] The fourth 
 cause. Quint, iv. 1 . Cicero's usual 
 theatre was the forum ; here the 
 house of Caesar, where there was no 
 surrounding band (conventum) by 
 which the orator is inspired to emu- 
 lation. Mil. 1. n. 7. 
 
 7. Tantam causam] It concerned 
 the life and fortunes of a king. 
 
 8. Disceptatione versata] Came on 
 trial. 
 
 9. In qua niti] The preposition 
 is often omitted. But vid. Mil. 7. 
 cujus in vita nitebatur.' Ern. 
 From signifying ' to depend upon,' it 
 comes to mean ' to derive support 
 and encouragement.' Horn. II. ix. 
 441. Ovd" ayopkuiv, Xva r avdpeg 
 apiirpnrktQ TiKkQaai. 
 
 10. Acquiesco] Valde quiesco, ob- 
 
PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 2. 
 
 197 
 
 unum 11 intueor ; ad te unum omnis mea spectat oratio. Quae 
 mihi ad spem obtinendae veritatis 12 gravissima sunt, 13 ad mo- 
 tum animi et ad omnem impetum dicendi contentionemque 14 
 leviora. Hanc enim, C. Caesar, causam si in foro dicerem, eo- 
 dem audiente et disceptante te, 15 quantam mihi alacritatem 15 
 populi Romani concursus afferret ! Quis enim civis ei regi 
 non faveret, cujus omnem aetatem 16 in populi Romani bellis 
 consumptam esse meminisset ? Spectarem curiam, 17 intuerer 
 forum, coelum denique testarer ipsum. Sic, quum et deorum 
 immortalium, et populi Romani, et senatus 17 beneficia in re- 
 gem Deiotarum recordarer, 18 nullo modo mihi deesse posset 
 oratio. 19 Quae quouiam 20 angustiora parietes faciunt, actioque 
 causae 21 maxime debilitatur loco ; tuum est, Caesar, qui pro 
 
 lector, fruitionem capio. Sylv. 
 Arch. 6. n. 4. Mil. 37. n. 10. 
 
 11. Te unum, c.~\ In you, alone, 
 have I my hopes reposed ; there be- 
 ing no applauding crowd to look 
 to. 
 
 12. Obtinendte veritatis] i.e. Pro- 
 banda?. So Quint. 23. Non ad ob- 
 tinendum mendacium, sed ad verum 
 probandum auctoritatem adjuvare. 
 But ' Veritas' here is, of course, sy- 
 nonymous with ' causa.' 
 
 13. Gravissima sunt] When the 
 passions are excited in judges, they 
 are easily turned from the truth. 
 Quint, v. 8. Hence at Athens all 
 attempts to rouse the feelings were 
 forbidden. Now, Caesar being sole 
 auditor, there was no hopes of in- 
 flaming his passions : therefore, what 
 was most important in making good 
 the truth, Cic. had ; though it was 
 of little weight in rousing the elo- 
 quence and ardour of the speaker. 
 
 14. Contentionem] Cicero, Off. ii. 
 14, says that oratory is two-fold, 
 ' sermo et contentio ;' and he adds 
 that the latter, as being synonymous 
 with eloquence, is the more efficient 
 in procuring glory and fame. 
 
 15. Disceptante te] Disceptator, 
 i. e. rei sententiaeque moderator. 
 Part. Orat. 3. Abram. V. E.; a 
 president or judge. 
 
 15. Alacritatem] What vigour 
 and ardour of mind. 
 
 16. Omnem atatem] He had assist- 
 ed the Romans in the first Mithridatic 
 war, in the time of Sylla, a. u. 6fjb. 
 It was now 708. 
 
 17. Curiam] Because it was con- 
 tiguous to the forum where the cause 
 should be pleaded. This, it would 
 appear, (caelum testarer,) was ' sub 
 dio,' like the Athenian rfXiacrrai. 
 Ccel. 28. Val. Max. viii. 1, who 
 mentions a heavy rain falling on 
 L. Piso, while receiving sentence. 
 Also Plin. xix. 1, ' Marcellus, Au- 
 gusto xi. consule, velis forum inum- 
 bravit, quantum mutatis moribus 
 Catonis censoris, quia sternendum 
 muricibus censuerat.' 
 
 17. Deorum pop. Rom. senatus] 
 These answer to ' ccelum forum 
 curiam,' and, as usual, are in the 
 reverse order. Ligar. 11. n. 14. (Si 
 fraterne, &c.) 
 
 18. Recordarer] For ' commemo- 
 rarem ;' antecedens pro consequents 
 Em. 
 
 19. Deesse oratio] Manil. 1. 
 Oratio deesse nemini potest. 
 
 20. Qu<e quouiam] And since the 
 confining walls contract these advan- 
 tages of the orator. 
 
 21. Actioque causa] Manil. 1. 
 n. 5. 
 
 s2 
 
198 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 multis saepe dixisti, 22 quid nunc mihi animi sit, ad te ipsum 
 referre, 23 quo facilius turn aequitas tua, turn audiendi diligen- 
 tia minuat hanc perturbationem meara. 
 
 Sed antequam 24 de accusatione ipsa dico, de accusatorum 25 
 spe pauca dicam. Qui quum videantur neque ingenio, 26 ne- 
 que usu atque exercitatione rerum 27 valere, tamen ad hanc 
 causam non sine aliqua spe et cogitatione venerunt. 
 
 III. Iratum te regi 1 Deiotaro fuisse non erant nescii ; af- 
 fectum ilium 2 quibusdam incommodis et detriments propter 
 ofFensionem ammi 3 tui meminerant ; teque quum huic iratum, 
 turn sibi amicum 4 cognoverant ; quumque apud ipsum te de 
 tuo periculo dicerent, fore putabant, ut in exulcerato 5 animo 
 facile fictum crimen insideret. 6 Quamobrem hoc nos primum 
 metu, C. Caesar, per fidem et constantiam et clementiam 7 tu- 
 am, libera, ne residere in te ullam partem iracundiae suspice- 
 mur. Per dexteram 8 te istam oro, quam regi Deiotaro hos- 
 
 22. Qui pro multis sepe dixisti] 
 Ligar. 10. Causas egi multas et qui- 
 dem tecum, where vide note. 
 
 23. Ad te ipsum referre] To put 
 yourself in my place, and give me 
 the indulgence which you should then 
 require. 'Ad conciliandum judicis 
 animum valet plurimum, ut. animi 
 nostri affectionem ipse suscipiat.' Sylv. 
 
 24. Antequam, 3fc] He wishes to 
 remove any latent hatred which Cae- 
 sar might cherish against Deiotarus, 
 as a Pompeian, before he proceeds 
 to the charge itself. 
 
 25. Accusatorum] Castor and Phi- 
 dippus. Introd. 3. 
 
 26. Neque ingenio] It is contrary 
 to Cicero's usual practice to lower the 
 character of his opponents ; but here 
 he does so to show their audacity in 
 impeaching a king, and that they 
 must rely for success on Caesar's well- 
 known prejudices against Deiotarus. 
 Sylv. 
 
 27. Exercitatione rerum] Sc. fo- 
 rensium. ScheL V. E. 
 
 Sect. III. 1. Iratum te regi] 
 Hence Phil. ii. 37. ' Quis cuiquam 
 amicior quam Deiotaro Caesar ? aeque 
 ac buic ordini, &c.' 
 
 2. Affectum ilium] i. e. ' Ilium 
 (Deiotarum) affectum fuisse quibus- 
 dam, &c, meminerant.' He does 
 not say ' affecisti ilium' as being too 
 harsh. Caesar had deprived him of 
 pait of his tetrarchy and also of Ar- 
 menia Minor, which he owed to 
 Pompey. Divin. ii. 37. Introd. 3. 
 
 3. Offensionem a7iimi] Owing to 
 your displeasure. 
 
 4. Sibi amicum] Sc. to Castor, not 
 to Phidippus who was a slave. Ma- 
 nut. Perhaps they may be extended 
 to mean Castor and his party, e. g. 
 Saocondarius. 
 
 5. Exulcerato] Ira gravi percito. 
 Sylv. As Caesar would be called on 
 to negative this supposition, so it is 
 a tacit exhortation to justice. 
 
 6. Insideret] So Mil. 26. ' Si 
 tibi penitus inhaesisset ilia suspicio,' 
 where al. insidisset. 
 
 7. Fidem, constantiam , clementiam] 
 The grand requisites of a judge. 
 Iracundiae,' the former resentment 
 of Caesar against Deiotarus. 
 
 8. Dexteram] Numa, according to 
 Livy (i.), instituted sacred rites to 
 Fides ; and considered its peculiar 
 seat to be in the right hand. So Plin. 
 
PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 3. 
 
 199 
 
 pes hospiti porrexisti : 9 istam, in quam, dexteram, non tam in 
 bellis, neque in prceliis, quam in promissis et fide firmio- 
 rem. 10 Tu illius domum inire, tu vetus hospitium 11 renovare 
 voluisti; te ejus dii penates acceperunt ; te amicum et pla- 
 catum Deiotari regis arae focique 12 viderunt. Quum facile 
 exorari, Caesar, turn semel 15 exorari soles. Nemo unquam 
 te placavit inimicus, qui ullas resedisse inte simultatis 14 reli- 
 quias senserit. Quamquam 15 cui sunt inauditae cum Deio- 
 taro querelae tuae ? Nunquam tu ilium accusavisti, ut hostem, 
 sed ut amicum officio parum functum, quod propensior in 
 Cn. Pompeii amicitiam fuisset, quam in tuam. Cui tamen 
 ipse rei 15 veniam te daturum fuisse dicebas, si, quum aux- 
 ilia Pompeio, vel etiam filium misisset, ipse excusatione 
 aetatis usus esset. Ita quum maximis 17 eum rebus liberares, 
 perparvam amicitiae culpam 18 relinquebas. Itaque non so- 
 lum in eum non animadvertisti, sed omni metu liberavisti, 
 hospitem agnovisti, regem 19 reliquisti. Neque enim ille 
 
 ii. 37. Abram. 
 
 9. Porrexisti] When, in proceed- 
 ing against Pharnaces, from the Alex- 
 andrian war, you partook of the hos- 
 pitality of Deiotarus. Introd. 3. 
 
 10. AW tam -Jirmiorem] Tam is 
 found in all MSS., and confirmed by 
 Priscian, iii. p. 79. Supply, there- 
 fore, with Forcel. ' firmam' after 
 tam. ' Not so steady in war, as 
 doubly steady in the performance of 
 promises.' Schutz however omits, 
 and Matth. brackets it. 
 
 11. Vetus hospitium] Caesar, not 
 having served in the East, had never 
 been the guest of Deiotarus, as Pom- 
 pey and Cicero were ; yet ' renovare' 
 forbids us to understand it of the 
 ' hospitium publicum, 'mentionedSext. 
 4. There may have been a hospitable 
 friendship between Caesar and Deio- 
 tarus, which Caesar here voluntarily 
 renewed. 
 
 12. Ara focique] For the heathens 
 had their religious rites, and kings 
 had private altars in their palaces. 
 Delph. 
 
 13. Quum facile turn semel~] Not 
 only easily induced to forgive, but to 
 
 forgive heartily (semel, once for all.) 
 
 14. Simultatis] Of grudge or en- 
 mity. 
 
 15. Quamquam, &;c.] * Though 
 why dwell on this. For by whom 
 have your expostulations with Deio- 
 tarus been unheard 1 Every one 
 knows the drift of them. You never 
 accused him as an enemy, &c.' 
 
 16. Cui tamen ipse rei] Caesar 
 would have overlooked Deiotarus's 
 sending aid to Pompey, or even send- 
 ing his son to command them, had he, 
 taking advantage of the pretext of 
 old age (he was then above sixty) 
 remained at home himself : but 
 his being found in the field of Phar- 
 salia, Caesar thought, made the mat- 
 ter quite personal. [When Crassus, 
 a. u. 700, went to Parthia, Deiotarus 
 was extremely old. Plut. Crass. 17. 
 
 17. Maximis] ' When you ac- 
 quitted him of any serious crime ;' 
 i. e. in sending his son and auxiliaries 
 to Pompey. 
 
 18. Amicitia culpam] Deiota- 
 rus's was not only a very trifling fault, 
 but it was the fault of friendship, not 
 of enmity. 
 
200 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 odio tui progressus, 20 sed errore communi 21 lapsus est. Is 
 rex, quern senatus hoc nomine saepe honorificentissimis de- 
 cretis appellavisset, 22 quique ilium ordinem ab adolescentia 
 gravissimum sanctissimumque duxisset, 23 iisdem rebus est 
 perturbatus, 24 homo longinquus 25 et alienigena, quibus nos in 
 media republica nati semperque versati. 
 
 IV. Quum audiret, senatus consentientis auctoritate arma 
 sumpta : consulibus, praetoribus, tribunis plebis, nobis 1 im- 
 peratoribus rempublicam defendendam datam : 2 movebatur 
 animo, 3 et vir huic imperio amicissimus de salute populi 
 Romani extimescebat, in qua etiam suam inclusam videbat. 
 In summo tamen timore quiescendum* sibi esse arbitrabatur. 
 Maxime vero perturbatus est, ut audivit, consules ex Italia 
 profugisse, omnesque consulares, 5 (sic enim nuntiabatur,) 
 
 19. Regent] For Caesar left him 
 his old kingdom of Gallograecia, ex- 
 cept the tetrarchy of the Trogini, but 
 deprived him of the rest of his domi- 
 nions. 
 
 20. Progressus] For he did not 
 proceed to the war (ad bellum Sylv, 
 through hatred of you, but was led 
 astray by the general error, namely, 
 of thinking that the Roman empire 
 followed the consuls and senate, and 
 was therefore in Pompey's camp. 
 
 21. Errore communi] Ligar. 6. 
 Alii errorem, alii timorem, alii spem, 
 &c/ 
 
 22. Rex appellavisset] Supr. 1. 
 a. 11. 
 
 23. Duxisset] Esteemed. 
 
 24. Perturbatus] Inf. 4. Maxi- 
 me vero perturbatus est, ut audivit, 
 consules ex Italia profugisse, &c. 
 This is the Jirst excuse for Deiota- 
 rus's joining Pompey. 
 
 25. Longinquus, tyc] For if those 
 who were born and living in the heart 
 of the republic, yet mistook the true 
 state party, a fortiori, might Deiota- 
 rus, a foreigner, living at a distance. 
 .Nati' refers to 'alienigena,' and * ver- 
 sati' to ' longinquus.' So Mil. 28. 
 4 In longinquus, in propinquos.' 
 Manil. 9. Nimia longinquitate lo- 
 
 corum. 
 
 Sect. IV. 1. ]S T o6/s] Al. novis. 
 But Cic. had just returned from Ci- 
 licia, and in expectation of a triumph, 
 was now at the city, a regular * im- 
 perator.' So ad Div. xvi. 11. ' Pos- 
 
 teaquam senatus nobis qui pro- 
 
 consules sumus negotium dederat ut, 
 
 2. Cotisulibtis datam] Ca?s. B. 
 Civ. i. 4, says that the usual decree, 
 * Dant operam consules, praetores, 
 tribuni plebis, quique pro consulibus 
 sunt ad urbem, ne quid respublica 
 detrimenti capiat,' was made on the 
 seventh of January, a. u. 705, in the 
 consulship of L. Lentulus and C. 
 Marcellus, which caused the friends 
 of Caesar to take refuge at Ravenna, 
 where he then was. Vid. ad. Div. 
 xvi. 11. Mil. 26. n. 14. 
 
 3. Movebatur animo, #c] i. e. 
 1 Vir amiciss. huic imp. movebatur 
 animo et extimescebat, &c* 
 
 4. Quiescendum] I thought ft my 
 duty to remain neutral. Ligar. 1. 
 ' Adventu Vari quievit.' Att. ix. 10. 
 
 5. Omnes consulares] Not all, for 
 Cic. Ser. Sulpicius, and others re- 
 mained. There is a similar exag- 
 geration, Phil. ii. 22, where there is 
 no ('sic enim nuntiabatur,') because 
 
PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 4. 
 
 201 
 
 cunctum senatum, totam Italiam esse effusam. 6 Talibus enim 
 nuntiis et rumoribus patebat ad Orientem 7 via, nee ulli veri 
 subsequebantur. Nihil ille de conditionibus 8 tuis, nihil de 
 studio concordia? et pacis, nihil de conspiratione audiebat 
 certorum hominum 9 contra dignitatem tuam. Quae quum ita 
 essent, tamen usque eo se tenuit, 10 quoad a Cn. Pompeio ad 
 eum legati literaeque venerunt. Ignosce, 11 ignosce, Caesar, 
 si ejus viri auctoritati rex Deiotarus cess it, quern nos omnes 12 
 secuti sumus ; in quern quum dii atque homines omnia or- 
 namenta congessissent, turn tu ipse 13 plurima et maxima. 
 Neque enim, si tuae res gestae ceterorum laudibus obscurita- 
 tem attulerunt, idcirco Cn. Pompeii memoriam amisimus. 
 Quantum nomen 1 * ejus fuerit, quantae opes, quanta in omni 
 genere bellorum gloria, quanti honores 15 populi Romani, 
 quanti senatus, quanti tui, quis ignorat ? Tanto ille superi- 
 ores vicerat gloria, quanto tu omnibus praestitisti. Itaque 
 Cn. Pompeii bella, victorias, triumphos, consulatus, admi- 
 rantes numerabamus : tuos enumerare non possumus. 16 
 
 Caesar was then no longer an object 
 of flattery or fear. 
 
 6. Ese effusam] Were dispersed. 
 For on hearing of the march of Cae- 
 sar towards the city, the optimates 
 fled, and joined Pompey in Greece, 
 Lucan. Pharsal. v. 30. Manut., 
 however, supplies ' ad belluro contra 
 te gerendura,' which does not suit the 
 context. 
 
 7. Ad Orientem] i. e. to Asia, 
 where Deiotarus was. ' Ulli veri,' 
 sc. ' Rumores.' 
 
 8. Conditionibus] Pompey demand- 
 ed that Caesar should deliver his 
 army and province to a successor, 
 previously to his suing for a second 
 consulship. Caesar offered to dis- 
 band his array if Pompey did the 
 same. Ad. Div. xi.28. DeB. C. i. 8. 
 
 9. Certorum hominum] The con- 
 suls Lentulus and Marcellus, to whom 
 may be added Domitius, Bibulus, 
 Scipio, Cato, &c, who all, in their 
 opposition to Caesar, betrayed motives 
 quite distinct from love of country. 
 
 10. Se tenuit] Namely, at home. 
 
 11. Ignosce] Pardon the man so 
 circumstanced in regard of Pompey, 
 who, from his high command in the 
 republic, and his intercourse with 
 Deiotarus in the Mithridatic war, had 
 naturally great influence over him. 
 The second excuse. 
 
 12. Nos omnes] Yet, nevertheless, 
 have been pardoned. 
 
 13. Tu ipse] Caesar and Pompey, 
 united by the affection and prudence 
 of Julia, and acting in the true spi- 
 rit of their triumvirate, readily voted 
 eacli other the highest offices and 
 honours ; but Julia may be also 
 meant. 
 
 14. Quantum nomen] Vid. Introd. 
 Manil. for some account of Pompey. 
 Also, Balb. 9. Lucan. Phars. i. 
 135 ' stat magni nominis umbra.' 
 
 15. Quanti honores] Sc. in eum 
 collati fuerint. Patric. 
 
 16. Tuos non possumus] This is 
 moderate, compared with Marcel, i. 
 2. ' Nullius flumen ingenii, &c.' 
 
202 
 
 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO 
 
 V. Ad eum igitur 1 rex Deiotarus venit, hoc misero fatali- 
 que 2 bello, quern antea justis 3 hostilibusque bellis 4 adjuverat, 
 quocum erat non hospitio 5 solum, verum etiam familiaritate 
 conjunctus : et venit 6 vel rogatus, ut amicus; vel arcessitus, 
 ut socius ; vel evocatus, 7 ut is, qui senatui parere didicisset : 
 postremo venit, ut ad fugientem, non ut ad insequentem, 8 id 
 est, ad periculi, non ad victoriae societatem. Itaque, Phar- 
 salico prcelio facto, 9 a Pompeio discessit ; spem infinitam 10 
 persequi noluit ; vel officio, 11 si quid debuerat, vel errori, si 
 quid nescierat, satisfactum esse duxit ; domum se contulit ; 
 teque Alexandrinum bellum 12 gerente, utilitatibus 13 tuis pa- 
 
 Sect. V. 1. Ad eum igitur'] The 
 third excuse is drawn from antecedent 
 circumstances. He had been the old 
 ally, host, and friend of Pompey. 
 
 2. Fatali] The usual resource of 
 Cicero, when guilt or imprudence 
 seeks excuse. Ligar. 6. ' Fatalis 
 quaedam calamitas, &c.' Marcel 5. 
 ' Fato nescio quo reip. misero funes- 
 toque.' 
 
 3. Justii] Decreed by the senate, 
 e. g. the Mithridatic. 
 
 4. Hostilibus. bellis] In conflict 
 with a foreign foe, in opposition to 
 civilibus. For ' hostis' was anciently 
 1 peregrinus.' The assistance alluded 
 to here was afforded in the Mithrid. 
 war, which Pompey terminated. 
 
 5. Hospitio] The friendship ex- 
 isting between those who were bound 
 mutually to entertain one another. 
 They were known to each other by 
 the tessera hospitalis,' and Jupiter 
 Hospitalis was witness of the league. 
 * Familiaritas,' however, was a step 
 higher, being a habit of intimacy 
 between dear friends. Off. ii. 8. 
 ' Familiaritates araantium nos ami- 
 corum.' Horn. 11. xvii. 150. iipa 
 ZtTvov Kai iralpov. 
 
 6. Et venit, #c] The fourth ex- 
 cuse from the concomitant circum- 
 stances. 
 
 7. Evocatus] * Veterans, sum- 
 moned again to take the field.' They 
 were exempted from standing guard, 
 
 and from working in the lines, and 
 only fought in the field with the ge- 
 neral. Lips. i. 8. Fam. xv. 4 ; 
 Suet. Aug. 10. As applied to Dei- 
 otarus, Abram. thinks that it im- 
 plies that he attended, not so much 
 to aid, as pay respect to Pompey. 
 
 8. Insequentem] i. e. Not to a 
 victorious general but a retreat- 
 ing friend. For Pompey had fled 
 from Italy. Therefore Deiotaras's 
 conduct was perfectly disinterested. 
 
 9. Pharsalico prcelio facto] The 
 fifth excuse from the subsequent con- 
 duct of Deiotarus. He immediately 
 withdrew from the war, and hence- 
 forward assisted Caesar. Plut., how- 
 ever, says that he escaped in the 
 same vessel as Pompey. Perhaps 
 he landed at Cyprus, and proceeded 
 thence to Galatia. 
 
 10. Spem infinitam] A vague hope 
 of renewing the war. 
 
 11. Officio] Which he owe J to 
 Pompey ; ' errori,' in thinking that 
 the whole republic was attached to 
 the Pompeian cause. 
 
 12. Alexandrinum bel.] Wherein 
 Caesar restored Cleopatra to the 
 throne of Egypt, and conquered 
 Ptolemy. Liv. Epit. cxii. 
 
 13. Utilitatibus] These are enu- 
 merated inf. His aiding Domitius, 
 sending money (most probably) to 
 Sextus Caesar, frequently auctioning 
 his goods to raise supplies, &c. 
 
PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 5. 
 
 203 
 
 ruit. Ille exercitum Cn. Domitii/ 4 amplissimi viri, suis tec- 
 tis et copiis sustentavit ; ille Ephesum ad eum, 15 quern tu 
 ex tuis fidelissimum et probatissimum omnibus delegisti, 
 pecuniam misit ; ille iterum, ille tertio, auctionibus factis,15 
 pecuniam dedit, qua ad bellum uterere ; ille corpus suum 
 periculo objecit, tecumque in acie contra Pharnacem 17 luit, 
 tuumque hostem esse duxit suum. 18 Quae quidem a te in 
 earn partem accepta sunt, C. Caesar, ut eum amplissimo re- 
 gis honore et nomine aflfeceris. 
 
 Is igitur, 19 non modo a te periculo liberatus, sed etiam 
 honore amplissimo ornatus, arguitur domi te suae interficere 
 voluisse. Quod tu, 20 nisi eum furiosissimum judicas, suspi- 
 cari profecto non potes. Ut enim omittam, 21 cujus tanti 22 
 sceleris fuerit, in conspectu deorum penatium 23 necare hos- 
 pitem ; cujus tantae importunitatis, 2 * omnium gentium atque 
 omnis memoriae clarissimum lumen 25 exstinguere ; cujus 
 tantae ferocitatis, victorem orbis terrarum non extimescere ; 
 cujus tarn inhumani et ingrati animi, a quo rex appellatus 
 
 14. Cn. Domitius~\ Introd. 
 
 15. Ad eum] To Q. Fufius Ca- 
 lenus, says Caelius Secundus ; but 
 Abram. suggests Sextus Caesar, the 
 praefect of Syria, Dio. lib. xlvii., as 
 Calenus was then governor of Achaia. 
 
 16. Auctionibus factis] Deiotarus 
 several times auctioned the furniture 
 of his palace to raise supplies for 
 Caesar ; first in the Alexandrian war ; 
 again in the Pontic war ; lastly in the 
 African war. 
 
 17. In acie contra Pharnacem] In- 
 trod. 
 
 18. Tuum suum~\ Nay, Phar- 
 naces was more the enemy of Deio- 
 tarus than Caasar. Introd.2. The ex- 
 piession is found in Mil. 32. Cansaris 
 potentiam, suam potentiam ducebat.' 
 
 19. Is igitur] The state of the 
 question or case is : the man whom 
 you relieved from every apprehension 
 of danger, and honoured most highly, 
 is accused of wishing to assassinate 
 you at his house. This is sufficiently 
 improbable, as he proceeds to show. 
 
 20. Quod tu] The first procf of 
 
 improbability deduced from the per- 
 sonal character of Deiotarus. It 
 would argue downright madness in 
 the most prudent of men. 
 
 21. Ut omittam'] He enumerates, 
 by pretending to omit, five marks of 
 improbability : the reverence due to 
 the tutelary gods, the dignity of Cae- 
 sar, his fortune, the favours he had 
 bestowed on Deiotarus, the grati- 
 tude of Deiotarus, and lastly, his 
 danger if he had attempted Caesar's 
 life. 
 
 22. Cujus tantae] ' Cujus,' from 
 ' quis,' not ' qui ;' of what so, &c. 
 
 23. Conspectu penatium] IJor. 
 Carm. ii. 13. 6. penetralia Sparsisse 
 noctumo cruore Hospitis. 
 
 24. Importunitatis] 1. Unseason- 
 ableness ; and so Manut. would un- 
 derstand it here. ' Alienissimo tem- 
 pore extinguere, &c.' But it is ra- 
 ther 2. Barbarity, wickedness 
 
 Verr. v. 54. Ex tuo scelere, impor- 
 tunitate, crudelitate. 
 
 25. Lumen] Caesar. Mil. 12. 
 Lumen curiae. 
 
204 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 esset, in eo tyrannum inveniri : 2fi ut haec omittam, cujus tanti 
 furoris fuit, omnes reges, quorum multi erant finitimi, 27 omnes 
 liberos populos, 28 omnes socios, omnes provincias, omnia de- 
 nique omnium arma contra se unum excitare? Quonam ille 
 modo cum regno, cum domo, cum conjuge, cum carissimo 
 filio distractus 29 esset, tanto scelere non modo perfecto/ sed 
 etiam cogitato? 
 
 VI. At, credo, 1 haec homo inconsultus et temerarius non 
 videbat. Quis consideratior illo? Quis tectior? 2 quis pru- 
 dentior I Quamquam 3 hoc loco Deiotarum non tam ingenio 
 et prudentia, quam fide et religione vitas defendendum puto. 
 Nota tibi est, C. Caesar, hominis probitas, noti mores, nota 
 constantia. 4 Cui porro, 5 qui modo populi Romani nomen 
 audivit, Deiotari integritas, gravitas, virtus, fides non audita 
 est ? Quod igitur 6 facinus nee in hominem imprudentem 
 cadere posset, propter metum praesentis exitii, nee in facino- 
 rosum, nisi esset idem amentissimus, id vos et a viro optimo 
 et ab homine minime stulto 7 cogitatum esse confingitis. At 
 
 26. Tyrannum inveniri] To be 
 discovered a despot over the man that 
 named you a king. 
 
 27. Multi Jinitimi] A brum, enu- 
 merates Sadalus, king of Thrace, 
 Cotys, Rascipolis, Ariobarzanes, JVli- 
 thridates Pergamenus. Many of 
 these were the beneficiaries of Caesar, 
 and might reasonably have been ex- 
 pected to avenge his death. 
 
 28. Liberos populos] The repub- 
 lican states yet found in the Roman 
 empire. 
 
 29. Distractus"] Torn to pieces 
 with his kingdom, family, &c. So 
 Graev. 'discerptus.' Sull. 20. 'Mem- 
 bra divellere ac distrahere.' * Dis- 
 tractus cum' is interpreted, torn 
 from.' ' Cum Clean the dissidet.' 
 Acad. iv. 17. 
 
 30. Non modo perfecto~] I do not 
 say perpetrated, &c. 
 
 Sect. VI. 1. Credo] An objec- 
 tion. All that you have mentioned 
 as improbable in Deiotarus, becomes 
 easy if he is a rash and inconsiderate 
 man, But quis consideratior illo V 
 
 2. Quis tectior] A\. rectior. Km. 
 brackets, Weiske omits, these words 
 as spurious ; but they are not to be 
 interpreted in an unfavourable sense ; 
 perhaps a metaphor taken from the 
 gladiatorial art. Orel. 
 
 3. Quamquam] The usual ' cor- 
 rection,' (Mil. 2. n. 18,) which 
 shows tectior to be the true reading 
 supr. Deiot. was a prudent, wary 
 man ; but he was more he was an 
 honest man. 
 
 4. Probitas mores constantia] A 
 man may be honest yet rough in his 
 manners ; he may possess honesty and 
 courtesy, yet want Jirmness. Deiot. 
 united them all. Manut. 
 
 5. Cui porro] Nay, farther; a cor- 
 rection of the preceding sentence I 
 said that Deiotarus's virtues were 
 known to you ; nay, the whole world 
 has heard of them. 
 
 6. Quod igitur] Me draws the con- 
 clusion from the acknowledged pro- 
 bity and prudence of Deiotarus. 
 
 7. Minime stulto] i. e. Sapientissi- 
 mo. Cluent. 26. ' Minime avarus 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 6. 
 
 205 
 
 quam non modo non credibiliter, sed ne suspiciose 8 quidem : 
 Quum, inquit, 9 in castellum 10 Luceium venisses, et domum 
 regis, bospitis tui, devertisses, locus erat quidam, in quo 
 erant ea composita, quibus rex te munerare 11 constituerat. 
 Hue 12 te e balneo, 13 priusquam accumberes, ducere volebat. 
 Erant enim armati, qui te interficerent, in eo ipso loco collo- 
 cati. En crimen, en causa, cur regem fugitivus, dominum 
 servus accuset. Ego mehercule, 14 C. Caesar, initio, quum 
 est ad me 15 ista causa delata, Phidippum medicum, servum 
 regium, qui cum legatis missus esset, ab isto 16 adolescente 
 esse corruptum, suspicione sum percussus : medicum, in- 
 dicem subornavit; 17 finget videlicet aliquod crimen veneni. 
 Etsi a veritate longe, tamen a consuetudine criminandi non 
 multum res abhorrebat. Quid ait medicus? 18 Nihil de 
 
 is visus est, &c.' Manut. Similarly, 
 by a species of litotes, we say, ' he 
 is no fool.' 
 
 8. Suspiciose] i. e. Place the 
 charges on one side, the life of Deio- 
 tarus on the other and, so far from 
 their being in them grounds for pro- 
 bability, there are none even for sus- 
 picion. This he proceeds to prove. 
 
 9. Inquit~] Sc. the accuser. 
 
 10. Castellum] This diminutive 
 of 'castrum,' is a fort raised in a 
 territory, to defend it against the in- 
 cursions of an enemy ; or on its bor- 
 ders, to guard the passes ; or lastly, 
 it formed a part of the regular en- 
 campment itself. As, owing to the 
 security which these 'castella' af- 
 forded, towns were often built near 
 them, we need not wonder at so many 
 names of towns in Britain retaining 
 traces of connexion with them. 
 Chester and Chelsea, we may sup- 
 pose, were kcit' IZoxrjv, the ' cas- 
 trum' and ' castellum' of the Ro- 
 mans. In this case, Deiot. had a 
 palace in the vicinity of Luceium, 
 in which Caesar was first entertained. 
 For it appears (c. 7,) that it was 
 not until the following day that Cae- 
 sar reached this castle, where he was 
 again entertained ; yet here Cic. says 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 ' Luceium venisses, et domum regis 
 devertisses.' This can only be cleared 
 by supposing the ' castle' in the 
 neighbourhood of the palace, and 
 Manut. says ' Oppidi pars munitior a 
 Deiotari domo sejuncta.' 
 
 11. Munerare] More frequently 
 deponent. The Roman generals were 
 usually presented with costly gifts 
 from the eastern kings and allies. 
 
 12. Hue] The place where the 
 gifts were displayed. Inf. eo ipso 
 loco.' 
 
 13. E balneo] For the bath before 
 dinner was Roman etiquette. Va- 
 tin. 13. ' Cui debalneis exeunti, toga 
 pulla data est?' 
 
 14. Ego mehercule, fyc] The first 
 circumstance connected with the 
 charge, and which shows its impro- 
 bability is, that a physician was privy 
 to the secret, yet that the sword 
 preferred to poison. w as 
 
 15. Quumest ad me] When Deio- 
 tarus's embassy intrusted the defence 
 to me. 
 
 16. Ab isto] Castore. ' Isto,' 
 here, intimates contempt. 
 
 17. Subornavit] Al. subornabit. 
 but he imagines the action past to in- 
 timate its greater certainty. 
 
 18. Medicus] Emphatic in op- 
 
206 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 veneno. At id fieri potuit primo occultius in potione, vel in 
 cibo : deinde 19 etiam impunius fit, quod, quum est factum, 
 negari potest. 20 Si palam te interemisset ; 21 omnium in se 
 gentium non solum odia, sed etiam arma convertisset : si 
 veneno ; Jovis illius quidem hospitalis 22 numen nunquam 
 celare potuisset, homines fortasse celavisset. Quod igitur et 
 occultius conari, et efficere cautius potuit ; id tibi, 23 et me- 
 dico callido, et servo, ut putabat, fideli, non credidit: de 
 armis, de ferro, de insidiis celare te noluit ?** At quam fes- 
 tive 25 crimen contexitur ! Tua te, inquit, 26 eadem, quae 
 semper, fortuna 27 servavit. Negavisti turn te inspicere 5 * 
 velle. 
 
 VII. Quid postea? an Deiotarus, re illo tempore non 
 perfecta, 1 continuo dimisit exercitum ?* nullus erat alius in- 
 sidiandi locus? At eodem te, quum coenavisses, rediturum 
 dixeras : itaque fecisti. 3 Horam unam aut duas eodem loco 
 armatos, ut collocati fuerant, retinere magnum 4 fuit? Quum 
 
 position to ' veneno.' 
 
 19. Primo deinde] The two ad- 
 vantages of the hout ; ' it is more 
 secret and has more impunity.' 
 
 20. Quod negari potest] Al. quic- 
 quid negari potest. 
 
 21. Interemisset] Inter often signi- 
 fies the completion of the action to 
 which it is joined ; so ' interminari, 
 interire, interficere.' 
 
 22. Hospitalis] Zivis. ^En. i. 735. 
 ' Jupiter, hospitibusnam te dare jura 
 loquuntur.' He was so worshipped 
 for turning Lycaon, who had slain 
 his guests, into a wolf. 
 
 23. Id tibi] Phidippo. Very 
 likely, forsooth, that Deiotarus, who 
 was not trusted in the way of his pro- 
 fession poison, should be privy to 
 arms, swords, and an ambush. Hor. 
 bat. ii. 1. 52. 
 
 24. Celare te noluit] i. e. Did not 
 conceal from you the more difficult 
 and dangerous, yet would not intrust 
 the easier and safer road. 
 
 25. At quam festive] Similarly, 
 inf. ' At quam acute collectacrimina !,' 
 f Contexitur,' like the Greek vtyaivu). 
 We say trumped up a story or 
 
 charge.' 
 
 26. Inquit] The accuser. 
 
 27. Fortuna] e. g. The surrender, 
 by Cassius, of eighty ships to Caesar, 
 at the Hellespont. 
 
 28. Inspicere] Sc. the gifts pre- 
 pared for Caesar by the king. 
 
 Sect. VII. 1. Re perfecta] Simi- 
 larly Phil. ii. 11, Rem confecisset, 
 i.e. ' occidisset.' Abram. 
 
 2. Dimisit exercitum] The pompou* 
 words of Thraso in Terent. Eun. iv. 
 6, to his gang of slaves, when dis- 
 missing them after an unsuccessful 
 project, here are perhaps imitated, 
 1 jam dimitto exercitum.' It must 
 have produced a ludicrous effect to 
 address a few hired bravos by the 
 dignified appellation of ' exercitus ;' 
 and therefore tended to ' dilute' the 
 charge by setting it in a ridiculous 
 point of view. 
 
 3. Itaque fecisti] i. e. ' Et ita fe- 
 cisti ;' and you did return thither after 
 supper. 
 
 4. Magnum] A mighty matter. 
 Mil. 15. n. 16. Abram. quotes Horn. 
 11. v. 303./uya tpyov ; also xi. 733, 
 and elsewhere. But it does not bear 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 7. 
 
 207 
 
 in convivio comiter 5 et jucunde fuisses, turn illuc isti, 6 ut 
 dixeras. Quo in loco Deiotarum talem erga te cognovisti, 
 qualis rex Attalus 7 in P. Africanum fuit : cui magnificentis- 
 sima dona, ut seriptum legimus, usque ad Numantiam 8 mi- 
 sit ex Asia; qua? Africanus, inspectante exercitu, accepit. 
 Quod quum praesens Deiotarus, regio 9 et animo et more, fe- 
 cisset; tu in cubiculum discessisti. Obsecro, Caesar, repete 
 temporis illius memoriam, pone ilium ante oculos diem, 
 vultus 10 hominum te intuentium 11 atque admirantium recor- 
 dare ! Num qua? trepidatio ? num qui tumultus ? num quid, 
 nisi moderate, nisi quiete, nisi ex hominis gravissimi et 
 sanctissimi disciplina ? 12 Quid igitur causae excogitari po- 
 test, cur telotum 13 voluerit, ccenatum noluerit occidere ? In 
 posterum, inquit, diem 14 distulit, ut, quum in castellum Lu- 
 ceium ventum esset, ibi cogitata perficeret. Non video 
 causam loci mutandi : 15 sed tamen acta res criminose est. 
 
 in these passages the ironical sense in 
 which Cic. used it. 
 
 5. Comitef\ Perhaps, ' acceptus' 
 may be understood ; or rather, ' co- 
 miter,' for ' comis.' So in Greek t^ei 
 icaXuig. Besides signifying, ' cour- 
 teously,' ' comiter,' is varied in Livy, 
 xxxviii. 1 1 , (where he introduces a for- 
 mula, found also Balb. 16,) by ' sine 
 malo dolo.' 
 
 6. Illuc isti] You proceeded to the 
 place where the gifts were. 
 
 7. Attalus'] A lapsus memoriae,' 
 for ' Antiochus.' Liv. Epit. 57. ' Sci- 
 pio amplissima munera, missa sibi ab 
 
 Antiocho rege Syriae pro 
 
 tribunali accepturum se ipse dixit.' 
 This was Africanus Minor. Mil.3.n. 1 1. 
 
 8. Numantiam] Where Scipio was 
 then commanding ; ' in Asia,' where 
 Deiot. reigned. Manil. 20. n. 6. 
 
 9. Regio] /3a<Ti\iKwc i. e. splen- 
 didly. When Alexander was asked 
 how Porus should be treated he replied 
 fia<ri\iKu>G ; and affirmed that every 
 thing due to him was contained in 
 that single word. Plut. Alex. 60. 
 
 10. Vultus] Qui sermo quidam 
 tacitus mentis est. Pis. 1. Mil. 23, 
 Cic. appeals to the ' looks' of Milo 
 in proof of his innocence j ' qui vul- 
 
 tus, quae oratio.' 
 
 11. Intuentium] So Manil. 14. Si- 
 cut aliquem de ccelo de- 
 
 lapsum intuentur. These ' gazers' 
 were collected to see Caesar receiving 
 the presents of Deiotarus. 
 
 12. Disciplina] Every thing was im 
 keeping with a well regulated family, 
 and none of that hurry and distur- 
 bance inseparable from the execution 
 of guilty enterprises. 
 
 13. Lotum] i. e. Lavatum vel lau- 
 turn. Supr. 6. ' E balneo priusquam 
 accumberes.' Att. xiii. ep. ult. speak- 
 ing of Caesar : ' Post horam octavam 
 in balneum.' 
 
 14. In posterum diem] Supr. 6. n. 10. 
 This proves that the ' castle' and 
 palace were distinct, as supr. 6, it 
 appeared they were contiguous. 
 
 15. Loci mutandi] Either, of the 
 supposed conspirators changing the 
 place of their operations, which is the 
 more probable sense, or, as Manut., 
 of Caesar himself changing his abode. 
 Cic. does not see the reason for such 
 a change, because in fact there was 
 none ; but nevertheless the accusers 
 ' made it the subject of the gravest 
 charges.' ' Criminose' is explained 
 by the following words, which con- 
 
208 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Quum, inquit, vomere 16 te post coenam velle dixisses, in 
 balneum te ducere cceperunt. 16 Ibi enim erant insidiae. At 
 te eadem tua ilia fortuna servavit: in cubiculum te ire 
 malle dixisti. Dii te perduint, 17 fugitive ! ita non modo 
 nequam et improbus, sed etiam fatuus et amens 18 es. Quid ? 
 ilie signa senea 19 in insidiis posuerat, quae e balneo in cu- 
 biculum transferri non possent? Habes 20 crimina insidiarum. 
 Nihil enim dixit amplius. Horum, inquit, eram conscius. 21 
 Quid turn? ita demens ille erat, ut eum, quem conscium 
 tanti sceleris habebat, a se dimitteret? Romam etiam mit- 
 teret, ubi et inimicissimum sciret esse nepotem suum, et 
 C. Caesarem, cui fecisset 22 insidias? praesertim quum is 
 unus esset, qui posset de absente se indicare? 23 Et fra- 
 tres meos, 2 ^ inquit, quod erant conscii, in vincula con- 
 jecit. Quum igitur eos vinciret, quos secum habebat; te 
 
 taining a fresh charge of conspiracy 
 to assassinate, Cic. proceeds to show 
 its improbability and folly. 
 
 16. Vomere] i. e. 'E/xtrucz/vagere, 
 as he calls it. Att. xiii. 52. This 
 disgusting practice did not argue 
 Cassar a drunkard; for Sueton. Jul. 
 55. says, Vini parcissimum ne ini- 
 rnici quidem negaverunt.' It was ra- 
 ther a sort of compliment to Deiot., 
 intimating that he intended to pass 
 the evening cheerfully with him. 
 Seneca, alluding to this custom, says 
 they vomit that they may eat, and 
 eat that they may vomit.' (Consol. ad 
 Helv. 9.) Vid. also Sueton. Vitel. 
 12. and Midd. life of Cic. c. vii. 
 
 16. Caperunt] Sc. Deiotarus's 
 agents. 
 
 17. Perduint] The ancient form 
 for ' perdant.' The formula is one 
 of imprecation, and generally bestow- 
 ed on accusers or witnesses who may 
 have evinced great want of probity. 
 It is often found in the comic poets. 
 Terent. Phorm. iv. 4. 
 
 18. Futuus et amens] Because 'ac- 
 ta res criminose ;' it was altogether 
 an improbable charge. 
 
 19. Signa tenea] Was it bronze sta- 
 tues, and not armed men, that he had 
 placed in ambush 1 
 
 20. Habes, #c] There are the 
 charges for you ; and you may judge 
 of their importance ! 
 
 21. Horum conscius] Phidippus 
 conceived that evidence of his privity 
 should establish the credit of all that 
 he had said. Cic. denies that Dei- 
 ot. would in that case have trusted 
 Phidippus to visit Rome, where Cas- 
 tor his hostile grandson was, and also 
 the much-injured Caesar. 
 
 22. Cui fecisset] i. e. According to 
 their account. 
 
 23. Indicare] When he (Phidip- 
 pus) was the only person who could 
 inform upon him in his absence. 'Ab- 
 sente;' for had Deiot. been at Rome, 
 he might have prevented Phidippus 
 from informing Caesar. Al. vindicare, 
 referring ' is unus esset qui,' to 
 Caesar. 
 
 24. Fratres meos] ' You say that 
 I was the only one who could give 
 information on Deiotarus.' 1 reply 
 that there were others, e. g. my bro- 
 thers who have been imprisoned be- 
 cause they were privy to the plot.' 
 Then rejoins Cic, did Deiot. impri- 
 son those persons whom he had under 
 his own eye, and send you to Rome 
 
 unbound, to carry with you the same 
 dangerous secret?' 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 8. 
 
 209 
 
 solutum Romam mittebat, qui eadem scires, quae illos scire 
 dicis ? 
 
 VIII. Reliqua pars 1 accusationis duplex fuit : una, re- 
 gem semper in speculis 2 fuisse, quum a te animo esset 3 ali- 
 eno ; altera, exercitum eum contra te magnum comparasse. 
 De exercitu dicam breviter, ut cetera. Nunquam* eas co- 
 pias rex Deiotarus habuit, quibus inferre bellum populo 
 Romano posset ; sed quibus fines suos ab excursionibus hos- 
 tium et latrociniis tueretur, et imperatoribus nostris auxilia 
 mitteret. Atque antea 5 quidem majores copias alere pote- 
 rat : nunc exiguas 6 vix tueri potest. At misit ad Caecili- 
 uiii 7 nescio quern: sed eos, quos misit, quod ire nolue- 
 runt, in vincula conjecit. Non quaero, quam veri simile 
 sit, aut non habuisse regem, quos mitteret, aut eos, quos 
 misisset, non paruisse; aut, qui dicto audientes in tanta 
 
 Sect. V t III. 1. Reliqua pars'] The 
 first part of the charge was the at- 
 tempted assassination of Caesar ; the 
 rest of it argued only disaffection 
 towards him ; 1 . in attending too much 
 to unfavourable rumours about Caesar ; 
 2. in levying a large army against 
 him. The latter point, (with which 
 he connects the charge of holding a 
 correspondence with one Caecilius a 
 Pompeian, as also of supplying Cae- 
 sar with inferior cavalry,) he answers 
 first in the remainder of this section. 
 
 2. Speculis'] ' Speculum' in quo 
 specimus imaginem ; ' specula' de 
 qua prospicimus. Varr. v. 8. * Esse 
 in speculis,' to be on the watch, to 
 observe. Verr. ii. 16. Nunc homi- 
 nes in speculis sunt : observant, &c. 
 Cic. explains it fully himself, inf. c. 
 9. * Eo tempore mittebat qui rumores 
 Africanosexciperent, etadsereferrent.' 
 
 3. Quum esset] * Sum' having no 
 present part, 'quum esset' supplies its 
 place. 
 
 4. Nunquam] Not even in the 
 zenith of his prosperity before the 
 civil war. ' Eas quibus,' i. e. ' tales 
 ut.' Hence the subj. ' posset.' 
 
 5. Antea] Sc. before Caesar depriv- 
 ing him of part of his dominions. 
 When Cic, was proconsul of Cili- 
 
 cia Deiot. brought to his assistance 
 thirty cohorts of infantry, and two 
 thousand cavalry. Att. vi. 1. 
 
 6. Exiguas] Absolutely ' small or 
 trifling;' but ' parvas* relatively so. 
 Hence its propriety here. Tueri' pro- 
 perly < to maintain in safety* as tu- 
 eretur,' preceding; often, as here, 'to 
 maintain.' So Phil. ii. 25. ' domus 
 quam nunc male tuetur.' 
 
 7. Cxcilium] Q. Caecilius Bassus, 
 a Pompeian noticed, ad Div. xii. IB. 
 and Liv. Epit. cxxvii. The latter 
 says ' Bellum in Syria Caecilius Bas- 
 sus eques Rom. Pompeianarum par- 
 tium excitavit, et relicto a legione 
 Sexto Caesare, quae ad Bassum tran- 
 sient, occisoque.' Cic. to suit his 
 purpose speaks of him here contemp- 
 tuously, but Phil. xi. 13. he says 
 ' Est Q. Caecilii Bassi, privati illius 
 quidem, sed fortis et praeclari viri ro- 
 bustus et victor exercitus.' To him 
 however Deiot. was accused of sending 
 forces, and of imprisoning those who 
 refused to go. To this Cic. answers: 
 1. that it is improbable the king had 
 any to send ; 2. improbable that they 
 should refuse to go ; 3. improbable that 
 if they did refuse, the punishment 
 was not death, 
 
210 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 re* non fuissent, eos vinctos potius, quam necatos [fuisse]. 
 Sed tamen quum ad Caecilium mittebat, utrum 8 causam il- 
 lam victam esse nesciebat, an Caecilium istum, magnum 
 hominem putabat ? quem profecto is, qui 9 optime nostros 
 homines novit, vel quia nosset, vel quia non nosset, contcMii- 
 neret. Addidit etiam 10 illud, equites non optimos mi>isx\ 
 Veteres, 11 credo, Caesar: nihil ad tuum equitatum: sed mi- 
 sit ex iis, quos habuit, electos. Ait nescio quem ex co 
 numero servum 12 judicatum. Non arbitror; non audivi. 
 Sed in eo, etiam si accidisset, culpam regis nullam fuisse 
 arbitrarer. 
 
 IX. Alieno autem 1 a te animo fuit. Quomodo ? Spe- 
 ravit, credo, 2 difficiles tibi Alexandriae fore exitus, propter 
 regionis naturam et fluminis. 3 At eo ipso tempore pecuniam 
 
 8. In tanta re] Namely waging war 
 against Caesar. 
 
 a. Utrum, &ic] When Deiot. sent 
 troops to Caecilius, he must either have 
 been ignorant that the Pompeian 
 cause was ruined (causam illam vic- 
 tam, ) or have conceived Caecilius an 
 important man ; neither of which is 
 at all likely. Therefore he did not 
 send them. 
 
 9. Is qui, $c] Deiot. who, as pos- 
 sessing an accurate knowledge of eveiy 
 Roman, must despise Caecilius. For 
 if he knows him, he despises his in- 
 significance ; if he does not, he des- 
 pises him for not attracting his notice. 
 Similarly, Phil. ii. 7. ' O miser, sive 
 ilia tibi nota non sunt, sive sunt. ;' 
 andc. 22. 'O miserum si intelligis, 
 miseriorem si non intelligis.' 
 
 10. Addidit etiam'] Namely, the 
 accuser; and 'misisse' against Phar- 
 naces. 
 
 11. Veteres] Not 'veterans,' but 
 * his old ones/ i. e. the troops which 
 Caesar had had at Alexandria, and 
 which were trained in Roman disci- 
 pline ; still they were nothing in com- 
 parison of Caesar's. So de Orat. ii. 6. 
 ' nihil ad Persium ;' nothing in com- 
 parison of Persius. 
 
 12. Scrii/m] For slaves were not 
 allowed to serve, particularly in ca- 
 
 valry. Cic. did not believe the charge ; 
 at least if true it must have arisen 
 from necessity, as in exigencies even 
 slaves were enrolled. The construc- 
 tion is: ' nescio quem judicatum/uissc 
 servum.' 
 
 Sect. IX. 1. Alieno autem'] The 
 former secondary charge, which he 
 now proceeds to answer. 
 
 2. Speravit, credo] Had Deiot. been 
 disaffected towards Caesar, finding 
 him beset with difficulties in Alex- 
 andria, he would have neglected to 
 lend him assistance. The reverse was 
 the fact. ' Credo' is ironical; ' he 
 hoped, forsooth, that you should ne- 
 ver extricate yourself;' i. e. he hop- 
 ed no such thing as his conduct 
 proved. 
 
 3. Regionis Jluminis] This al- 
 ludes no doubt to the island of Pharus, 
 opposite to which Alexandria was 
 built on the western channel of the 
 Nile (fluminis.) The difficult nature 
 of the approach to Alexandria is 
 noticed by many authors. Polyhist. c. 
 45. ' Alexandria insidioso accessu ad- 
 itur, fallacibus vadis, caeco mari, &c.' 
 Similarly Plin. v. 32. Ammianus calls 
 them ' fallaces et insidiosos accessus.' 
 Of course the ' exitus' would be as 
 difficult. The dangers which Caesar 
 encountered there are noticed by Suet- 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 9. 
 
 211 
 
 dedit, 4 exercitum 5 aluit ; ei, quern Asia? praefeceras, nulla in 
 re defuit ; tibi victori, 6 non solum ad hospitium, sed ad 
 periculum etiam atque ad aciem praesto fuit. Secutum 
 est bellum Africanum. 7 Graves de te rumores 8 sparsi, qui 
 etiam furiosum ilium Caecilium 9 excitaverunt. Quo turn 
 erga te rex animo fuit ? 10 qui auctionatus sit, seseque exspo- 
 liare maluerit, quam tibi pecuniam non subministrare. At 
 eo, inquit, tempore 11 ipso Nicaeam 12 Ephesumque 13 mittebat, 
 qui rumores Africanos exciperent, 14 et celeriter ad se refer- 
 rent. Itaque quum esset ei nuntiatum, Domitium 15 nan tra- 
 gic) periisse, te in castello 16 circumsideri : de Domitio dixit 
 
 on. Jul. 64, by Florus, Dio, and 
 others. 
 
 4. Pecuniam dedit'] He had said 
 Supr. 5. ' Utilitatibus tuis paruit.' 
 
 5. Exercitum] Of Domitius Calvi- 
 nus ' quem Asiae prajfeceras.' So Hist. 
 B. Alex. 25. Cn. Domitium Cal- 
 vinuin cui Caesar Asiam finitimas- 
 que provincias administrandas trans- 
 diderat.' Introd. 2. 
 
 6. Victori] In Egypt. Introd. 2. 
 Deiot. not only entertained Caesar, but 
 accompanied him against Pharnaces, 
 bringing along his ' Roman' legion 
 and all his cavalry. B. Alex. 67. 
 
 7. Bellum Africanum] Caesar after 
 his speedy conquest of Pontus, de- 
 laying only a few days in Italy, pro- 
 ceeded to Africa, where Scipio and 
 Cato, assisted by king Juba, had 
 hoisted the standard of the repub- 
 lic. 
 
 8. Graves rumores] The republi- 
 can forces had gained some slight 
 ;.d vantages in Africa, which being ex- 
 aggerated by their friends into a re- 
 port that Caesar was killed, gave a 
 colour to Caecilius and others to re- 
 new the war in Syria. 
 
 9. Furiosum Cacilium] Supr. 8. n. 7. 
 
 10. Quo rex animo fuit] A trium- 
 phant argument of his friendly feel- 
 ings towards Caesar, The graves 
 rumores' had no other effect on Deiot. 
 than to quicken his benevolence. His 
 very furniture was put to the hammer 
 and the proceeds remitted to Caesar. 
 
 As ' auctionor' is depon. ' bona, sup- 
 pellectilem' or the like is under- 
 stood. 
 
 11. At eo tempore] Cic. had in- 
 stanced the sacrifices of Deiot. The 
 accuser shews that these were the 
 effect of fear, because at that very 
 time, Deiot. was collecting every idle 
 rumour to Caesar's disadvantage. As 
 Cic. could not deny this, he fixed on 
 an improbable circumstance in the 
 charge, and against it directs the 
 shafts of his eloquence. 
 
 12. Nicitam] H ice was the capital of 
 Bithynia, situated on the lakeAscanius. 
 It was remarkable as being the town 
 where the first general council was 
 held, a. i). 325. Hence the ' Ni- 
 cene' creed. 
 
 13. Ephesum] A city of Asia Mi- 
 nor, remarkable for populousness. 
 Plin. v. 25. calls it ' lumen Asiae.' 
 It and Nicasa being maritime towns, 
 were likely to have the earliest in- 
 telligence from Africa. 
 
 14. Qui rumores eiciperent] Hence 
 the accusation, supr. 8. ' re gem in spe- 
 culis fuisse.' 
 
 15. Domitium] Sc. Calvinum. After 
 the defeat of Pharnaces, Domitius 
 stayed a short time to arrange the af- 
 fairs of Asia and then followed Cae- 
 sar to Africa. It was reported that 
 he was lost on the voyage thither. 
 
 16. Te in castello] Bather, in his 
 camp,' at least that was suggested. 
 Hist. B. Afric. 19. &c. 
 
212 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 versum Grsecum eadem sententia, qua etiam nos habemus 
 Latnum: 
 
 " Pereant amici, 17 dum una inimici intercidant :" 
 quod ille, 18 si esset tibi inimicissimus, nunquam tamen dixis- 
 set. Ipse enim mansuetus; versus immanis. Qui autem 
 Domitio poterat esse amicus, qui tibi esset inimicus ? 19 Tibi 
 porro inimicus 20 cur esset, a quo, quum vel interfici, belli 
 lege, 21 potuisset, regem et se et filium 22 suum constitutos esse 
 meminisset ? Quid deinde ? furcifer 23 quo progreditur I ait, 
 hac laetitia- 4 Deiotarum elatum vino se obruisse, in convivi- 
 oque nudum saltavisse. 5 Quae crux 26 huic fugitivo potest 
 satis supplicii afferre ? Deiotarum saltantem quisquam, aut 
 ebrium vidit unquam ? Omnes sunt in illo rege regiae vir- 
 tutes ; quod te, Caesar, ignorare non arbitror ; sed praecipue 
 singularis et admiranda frugalitas. 27 Etsi hoc verbo scio lau- 
 dari reges non solere. Frugi hominem 28 dici, non multum 
 
 17. Pereant, amki, fyc] 'Eppiroi 
 0t\oc avv i\^PV' Plut. De Discr. 
 Am. et Adul. The Latin poet from 
 whom the verse is taken is not 
 known. 
 
 18. Quod ille] He shows that Dei- 
 otarus's disposition forbade the idea 
 of his repeating so unfeeling a verse. 
 But this is very doubtful, as it is 
 stated by Plutarch that he was cruel 
 to his children and by Strabo, that 
 he put to death his daughter and her 
 husband, Saocondarius. 
 
 19. Amicus immJcws] For the 
 king's application of the verse was, 
 Pereat Dormtius dum una Caesar in- 
 tercidat.' Cic. shows that the double 
 character of friend to Domitius and 
 enemy to Caesar was a contradiction ; 
 therefore he could not have uttered 
 the verse. 
 
 20. Tibi inimicus] And again, the 
 verse assumed that Caesar was ' ini- 
 micus Deiotaro;' but this could not 
 be, as Deiotarus was the recipient of 
 innumerable favours from Caesar. 
 
 21. Belli lege] As fighting against 
 him inPharsalia. 
 
 22. Regem et se et ft Hum] Hence 
 inf. c. 14. ' Propone tibi duos reges.' 
 
 23. Furcifer] Phidippus, who as 
 being a fugitive slave, was liable to 
 the punishment of carrying on his 
 neck a ' furca,' or species of cross. 
 
 24. Hac latitia] Namely, at hear- 
 ing of Caesar's disasters. 
 
 25. Nudum saltavisse] Pis. 10. 
 ' quum ipse nudus in convivio salta- 
 ret.' Muren. 7. ' Nemo fere saltat 
 sobrius, nisi forte insanit, neque in 
 convivio moderato et honesto.' Hence 
 appears the infamy attached by the 
 Romans to dancing. 
 
 26. Que crux] ' Crux' is a pun- 
 ishment proper to slaves. Lips, de 
 Cruce, i. 12. 
 
 27. Frttgalitas] He adds, ' admi- 
 randa,' sc. in a king. It here includes 
 temperance, and therefore negatives 
 the charge of ebriety. Tusc. Quaest. 
 iii. 16. ' Haud scio an recte ea vir- 
 tus ouxppoavvn appellari possit.' 
 Again, ' Frugalitas, ut opinor, a fru- 
 ge : qua nihil melius a terra oritur.' 
 
 28. Frugi hominem] * Frugi' is 
 the usual epithet of a slave. Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 7. ' Mancipiura domino et 
 
 frugi.' So Fam. v. 6. Decius li- 
 brarius Sextii, homo frugi 1 Donat. 
 says, ' frugi, utilis et necessarius, a 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 9. 
 
 213 
 
 habet laudis in rege : fortem, 29 justum, severum, gravem, 
 magnanimum, largum, beneficum, liberalem ; hae sunt re- 
 giae laudes: ilia privata 30 est. Ut volet, quisque accipiat : 
 ego tamen frugalitatem, id est, modestiam et temperantiam, 
 virtutem esse maximam judico. Haec in illo est ab ineunte 
 aetate, 31 turn a cuncta Asia, 32 turn a magi strati bus 33 legatis- 
 que nostris, turn ab equitibus Romanis, 3 * qui in Asia nego- 
 tiati sunt, perspecta et cognita. Multis ille quidem gradibus 
 officiorum 35 erga rempublicam nostram ad hoc regium no- 
 men ascendit : sed tamen quidquid a bellis populi Romani 
 vacabat, 36 cum hominibus nostris consuetudines, amicitias, 37 
 res rationesque jungebat : ut non solum tetrarcha 38 nobilis, 
 sed optimus paterfamilias, 39 et diligentissimus agricola 40 et 
 
 frugibus, quae quod his fruamur, dictae 
 sunt.' 
 
 29. Fortem, c] ' Fortem' in fa- 
 cing dangers ; ' justum' in giving 
 every man his own ; ' severum' in 
 being swayed neither by prayers nor 
 bribes from rectitude ; ' gravem' in 
 maintaining equanimity of temper, 
 neither elated too much by prosperity, 
 nor depressed by adversity ; ' magna- 
 nimum' in looking with disdain on 
 all the petty greatness of common 
 men ; ' largum ' in exhibiting boun- 
 tiful liberality ; ' beneficum' in doing 
 good for its own sake, and ' libera- 
 lem' in bestowing with a noble and 
 generous spirit. 
 
 30. Ilia privata'] Frugality is the 
 virtue of the subject ; the former car' 
 *$XV V f l he king ; and to obviate 
 any mistake, he defines it by ' modes- 
 tiam, et temperantiam.' Tusc. iii. 8. 
 Manut. thinks Cicero insincere in this 
 praise, and that he calls the cause 
 ' tenuem et inopem,' in allusion to this 
 stinginess. Introd. 6. 
 
 31. H(ec ab ineunte atate] He 
 reasons thus : Deiotarus was en- 
 gaged, from his youth up, in per- 
 forming all the public and private 
 duties of a monarch. Such persons 
 are not likely to disgrace their old 
 age by dancing. Therefore, neither 
 did Deiotarus. 
 
 32. Cuncta Asia] Asia Minor, 
 comprising Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, 
 Lydia. Manil. Introd. 4. 
 
 33. Magistral Urns] From the pro- 
 consul to the quaestor. 
 
 34. Equitibus Ro7n.] Who farmed 
 the public revenues. Also, perhaps, 
 merchants trading on their private 
 account. Manil. 12. n. 17. 
 
 35. Gradibus officiorum'] Similarly 
 Milo, 35. Hanc denique esse, cujus 
 gradibus homines in ccelum videantur 
 ascendere. 
 
 36. Quidquid vacabat] What- 
 ever leisure he had, he spent in form- 
 ing connexions, &c. * Quidquid' 
 here refers to time. 
 
 37. Consuet. amicit.] Refer these 
 words to ' magistratibus legatisque,' 
 supr., and ' res rationesque' to 'equi- 
 tibus Romanis.' 
 
 38. Tetrarcha] Mil. 28. n. 8. 
 
 39. Paterfamilias] ' A master of 
 slaves ; the father of a family. ' This 
 relative differs from ' pater' in not 
 necessarily implying the having of 
 children. It often, as here, imports 
 ' a careful person, an economist.' 
 Quint. 3. 
 
 40. Agricola] Among royal far- 
 mers,' Pliny enumerates Hiero, Phi- 
 lometor, Attalus, Archelaus. As 
 long as- virtue is respected in a nation, 
 so long will the pursuit of husbandry 
 
214 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 pecuarius 41 haberetur. Qui igitur 42 adolescens, nonduin 
 tanta gloria praeditus, nihil unquam, nisi severissime et 
 gravissime, fecerit; is ea existimatione, eaque aetate sal- 
 tavit? 
 
 X. Imitari potius, Castor, 1 avi tui mores disciplinamque 
 debebas, quam optimo et clarissimo viro fugitivi ore 2 maledi- 
 cere. Quod si saltatorem avum 3 habuisses, neque eum 
 virum, unde pudoris pudicitiaeque 4 exempla peterentur, 
 tamen hoc maledictum minime in illam aetatem 5 conveniret. 
 Quibus ille studiis ab ineunte aetate se imbuerat, non saltan- 
 di, 6 sed bene ut armis, optime ut equis uteretur ; 7 ea tamen 
 ilium cuncta jam, aetate exacta, 8 defecerant. Itaque Deiotarum 
 quum plures in equum sustulissent, quod haerere in eo 9 senex 
 
 be so too. Cic. Senect. 59. Ni- 
 hil tarn regale videri quam studium 
 agri colendi.' 
 
 41. Pecuarius] A grazier ; also a 
 farmer of the public pastures. Manil. 
 b\ n. 14. The antiquity and respect- 
 ability of the ' shepherd' is evidenced 
 by the * shepherd kings' by the 
 epithets of iro\vfii)\oQ, iroXvfitiTTig, 
 &c, applied by the ancient poets to 
 the most illustrious characters, and 
 by the transference of the very name 
 of shepherd to the highest office 
 known among men iroifitvtg \au>i>. 
 Vid. Varr. de Re R. ii. 1. Abrarn. 
 in loc. 
 
 42. Qui igitur, fc] The con- 
 clusion of his argument ; in which 
 ' adolescens' is opposed to ' ea aetate,' 
 i. e. old age ; nondum tanta gloria 
 praeditus' to ' ea existimatione,' and 
 ' severissime, 6cc. fecerit' to ' saltavit ;' 
 where the first and second in each are, 
 it will be observed, in an inverted 
 order, not the third. Ligar. 11. n. 
 14. Similarly, Fara. xi. 98. An quod 
 adolescens praestiu, quum etiam er- 
 rare cum excusatione possem, id nunc 
 aetate praecipitata commutem, ac me 
 ipse retexam? 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Imitari Castor] Ci- 
 cero, Rabir, Post. 1, says that it is 
 almost a gift of nature, for people to 
 
 follow up the praise and glory of 
 their family ; not so Castor. 
 
 2. Fugitivi ore] Phidippus's. 
 
 3. Saltatorem avum] If your grand- 
 father had been a professor of dancing, 
 which he was not, yet ought his years 
 to have exempted him from this railing 
 accusation. For even his laudable 
 pursuits, his military exercise, and 
 horsemanship, are given over ; much 
 less is he fitted for dancing. 
 
 4. Pudoris pudicitiaque] Modesty 
 and chastity. Impudens ab animo, 
 impudicus a corpore laborat. Cat. ii. 
 11. Ex hac parte pugnat pudor, il- 
 linc petulantia ; hinc pudicitia, il- 
 linc stuprum. Phil. ii. 7. 
 
 5. Ilium atatem] Patric. notes 
 that ' illam' here does not signify a 
 remote age of Deiotarus, but the age 
 of Deiotarus remote from Rome. 
 
 6. Saltandi] i. e. Saltaret' as 
 1 uteretur' following. 
 
 7. Equis uteretur] Horsemanship 
 was the first branch of a princely edu- 
 cation. 
 
 8. Jam, state exacraJTusc. Quaest. i. 
 3. Eorum qui exacta aetate moriuntur, 
 fortuna laudatur. Eight years before, 
 when Deiotarus assisted Crassus, he 
 was an old man, and Dio Cass, calls 
 him virtpyfipovra, when he aided 
 Brutus. Supr. 13. n. 16. 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 10. 
 
 215 
 
 posset, admirari solebamus. 10 Hie vero adolescens, 11 qui me- 
 us in Cilicia miles, in Graecia commilito fuit, quum in illo 
 nostro exercitu equitaret cum suis delectis equitibus, quos 
 una cum eo ad Pompeium pater 12 miserat, quos concursus 13 
 facere solebat ! quam se jactare ! quam ostentare ! quam ne- 
 mini in ilia causa 14 studio et cupiditate concedere ! Quum 
 vero, exercitu amisso, 15 ego, qui pacis auctor 16 semper, post 
 Pharsalicum autem prcelium suasor fuissem armorum non de- 
 ])onendorum, 16 sed abjiciendorum, hunc ad meam auctorita- 
 tem 17 non potui adducere, quod et ipse ardebat studio ipsius 
 belli, et patri satisfaciendum esse arbitrabatur. Felix ista 
 domus, 18 quae non impunitatem solum adepta sit, sed etiam 
 accusandi licentiam : calamitosus Deiotarus, qui ab eo, qui 
 in iisdem castris fuerit, non modo apud te, sed etiam a suis 
 accusetur! 19 Vos vestra 20 secunda fortuna, Castor, non potes- 
 tis sine propinquorum calamitate esse content! ? 
 
 9. Harereineo] Hor. Carm.: iii. 24. 
 
 Nescit equo rudis 
 
 Haerere ingenuus puer. 
 
 10. Admirari solebamus'] This, 
 probably, occurred in Pompey's camp 
 before the battle of Pharsalia. 
 
 11. Adolescens] Castor was in Ci- 
 cero's army in Cilicia, and in Pom- 
 pey's, in Greece. Therefore his ac- 
 complishments were well known to 
 Cic. 
 
 12. Pater] Saocondarius, whom 
 Cic. keeps before Caesar's mind, as 
 being once as great a foe as Deiota- 
 rus. 
 
 13. Quos concursus] What crowds 
 were collected to look at him ! Cic. 
 designedly leaves their motive in col- 
 lecting dubious, but the following 
 words sufficiently show that it was 
 to ridicule him. 
 
 14. Nemini in ilia causa] As Cic. 
 mentioned the father, so he takes 
 care to set forth the alacrity of the 
 young Pompeian, of which he had 
 himself been witness. 
 
 15. Exercitu amisso] Pompey had 
 about 15,000 men killed, and 24,000 
 taken prisoners. Bel. C. iii. 81. 
 
 16. Pacis auctor] Ligar. 9. n. 18. 
 16. Non deponendorum] For that 
 
 they should have been before the war ; 
 ' abjiciendorum,' without making 
 any terms. The latter shows his ea- 
 gerness to terminate the civil war. 
 He uses the same word in writing to 
 Marcellus. 
 
 17. Ad meam auctoritatem] As 
 Cic. could not prevail on Castor to 
 desist from war, owing to his military 
 ardour, and his wish to satisfy his fa- 
 ther, we may infer that both father 
 and son were determined foes of Cae- 
 sar. 
 
 18. Felix ista domus] Cic. com- 
 pares the fortunes of the two families, 
 in order to excite odium against the 
 one, and pity towards the other. They 
 were both in Pharsalia. Mark the 
 consequence. Castor is not only re- 
 stored to Caesar's favour, but per- 
 mitted to accuse others. Deiotarus 
 is allowed to be arraigned by one who 
 was in Pharsalia as well as he who 
 is his own grandson, and before Cae- 
 sar, at once the injured party and the 
 judge. 
 
 19. Qui ab eo accusetur] Non 
 modo should be transposed and placed 
 after qui. Orel. 
 
 20. Vos vestra] i. e. Castor and 
 his father. 
 
216 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 XI. Sint sane 1 inimicitiae, quae esse non debebant. 
 Rex enim 1 Deiotarus vestram familiam abjectam et ob- 
 scuram e tenebris in lucem evocavit. Quis tuum patrem 
 ante, qui esset, quam cujus gener esset, audivit ? Sed 
 quamvis ingrate et impie necessitudinis nomen repudia- 
 ritis, tamen inimicitias hominum more 2 gerere poteratis, 
 non ficto crimine insectari, non expetere vitam, non capi- 
 tis 2 arcessere. Esto : 3 concedatur haec quoque acerbitatis et 
 odii magnitude Adeone, 4 ut omnia vitae salutisque com- 
 munis atque etiam humanitatis jura violentur ? Servum sol- 
 licitare verbis, spe promissisque corrumpere, abducere do- 
 mum, 5 contra dominum armare : hoc est, non uni propin- 
 quo, 6 sed omnibus familiis nefarium bellum indicere. Nam 
 istacorruptela servi, si non modo impunitafuerit, sed etiam a 
 tanta auctoritate 7 approbata : nulli parietes nostram salutem, 
 nulla? 8 leges, nulla jura custodient. Ubi enim id, quod in- 
 
 Sect. XI. 1. Sint sane, fy?.] Ad- 
 mit the existence of enmity between 
 the families which gratitude and 
 piety forbid still you might have 
 entertained it like human beings, and 
 not be thirsting for blood like savage 
 feattk. 
 
 1. Rex enim] Refer 'enim' to 
 non debebant.' Deiot. had raised 
 his son-in-law to honour and dis- 
 tinction. A grateful return he met 
 with ! ' Ingrate' alludes to the fa- 
 vour, ' impie' to the tie of relation- 
 ship. 
 
 2. Hominum more'] i. e. Not to 
 prefer false charges ; not to seek to 
 take away the life, &c. 
 
 2. Capitis] It is not easy to see 
 how Deiotarus's life could be en- 
 dangered by any judicial decision of 
 Caesar. Accordingly, ' pro capite,' 
 supr. 1, was explained by ' diminuti- 
 one capitis ;' and, indeed, ' causa 
 capitis' was applied to any civil ac- 
 tion, where, beside the loss of for- 
 tune, character was at stake. Quint. 
 9. 13. Off. i. 12. It is easily 
 conceivable, however, that Caesar 
 could teach the man convicted of at- 
 tempting his life, that it should not 
 
 be done with impunity. 
 
 3. Esto] It might be supposed that 
 Cic. having convicted Castor of in- 
 gratitude and impiety, should be 
 obliged to stop there, as crimes so 
 heinous, hardly admitted of ampli- 
 fication. But here his art appears in 
 seeming to concede all this as trivial, 
 that he may charge Castor with at- 
 tempting to shake the foundations of 
 human society, and to declare war 
 against mankind. Similarly, supr. 
 1, 'non tarn afflictam regiam con- 
 ditionem quum de fortunis commu- 
 nibus extimescebara.' 
 
 4. Adeone] Supply ' concedi de- 
 bet.' Pa trie. 
 
 5. Abducere domum] i. e. To en- 
 tice Phidippus from the legates of 
 Deiotarus to his house. Supr. 1. 
 ALn.x. 79, abducere pactas. 
 
 6. Uni propinquo] Deiotaro. 
 
 7. Tanta auctoritate] Sc. Caesar's. 
 Such is Caesar's authority, that ap- 
 probation is implied in impunity being 
 permitted. 
 
 8. Nulli nulla] Similar repeti- 
 tions for emphasis are frequent. Phil, 
 ii. 22. Tu, tu istas faces incendisti, 
 Antoni. 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 11. 
 
 217 
 
 tus 9 est atque nostrum, impune evolare potest, contraque 
 nos pugnare ; fit in dominatu 10 servitus, in servitute domi- 
 natus. O tempora, 11 O mores ! Cn. Domitius 12 ille, quern 
 nos pueri consulem, censorem, pontificem maximum vidimus, 
 quum tribunus plebis M. Scaurum, 13 principem civitatis, in 
 judicium populi 14 vocasset, Scaurique servus ad eura clam 1 "' 
 domum venisset, et crimina in dominum delaturum se esse 
 dixisset: prehendi hominem jussit, ad Scaurumque deduci. 
 Vide, quid intersit; etsi inique Castorem cum Domitio 
 comparo : 16 sed tamen ille inimico servum remisit : tu 16 ab 
 avo abduxisti : ille incorruptum audi*e noluit ; tu corrupisti : 
 ille adjutorem 17 servum contra dominum repudiavit ; tu 
 etiam accusatorem adhibuisti. At semel 18 iste est corruptus 
 
 9. Id quod intus] Namely, the 
 slaves who reside in our families. 
 
 10. Fit in dominatu, $c] It makes 
 a slave of the master, a master of 
 the slave. 
 
 11. tempora] How changed! 
 ' O mores' how unlike what they 
 were ! He proves both by compar- 
 ing Domitius and Castor. 
 
 12. Cn. Domitius'] The father of 
 L. Domitius ^Enobarbus, who fell in 
 Pharsalia.Phil.ii.il. Scaurus had 
 refused to choose him among the au- 
 gurs. He, therefore, in return, ac- 
 cused Scaurus of not duly attending 
 to the worship of the Penates. Plut. 
 (de Adul. et Am.) reverses the names 
 in this transaction ; but Val. Max. 
 vi. 5, corroborates Cicero's statement, 
 and adds 'quern populus turn propter 
 alias virtutes, turn hoc nomine liben- 
 tiuset coss. et censorem et pont. max. 
 fecit.' He was consul a. u. 657 ; 
 and censor with L. Crassus, the ora- 
 tor. Perhaps he owed his popularity 
 no less to a law by which he gave 
 the people a voice in the election of 
 priests. Agr. ii. 7. 
 
 13. M. Scaurum] Sc. vEmilium. 
 Arch. 3. n. 25. He varies the title of 
 1 princeps senatus,' which the censors 
 had six times conferred on him, by 
 saying ' princeps civitatis.' 
 
 14. Judicium populi] These trials 
 VOL. I. 
 
 were at first held in the Comitia cu- 
 riata, Mil. 3. n. 9. ; afterwards in the 
 Comitia centuriata and tributa. In 
 the former, the superior magistrates 
 were generally the accusers, in the 
 latter the inferior, among whom the 
 tribunes ranked ; so that Domitius 
 being now tribune, this cause was 
 tried before the comitia by tribes. 
 Hence the account of Ascon. ' that 
 Scaurus was acquitted by a majority 
 of nine- and- twenty tribes.' 
 
 15. Clam] By night. 
 
 16. Etsi inique comparo] For 
 Domitius was a man of character and 
 honour, not so Castor. So Pis. 4, 
 comparing Metellus Celer and Piso, 
 he says, ' facio injuriam fortissimo 
 viro mortuo, qui ilium cum hac 
 importuna bellua conferam.' 
 
 16. Ille tu] This species of or- 
 nament from antithesis is common. 
 Verr. iv. 52. Conferte hanc pacem 
 cum illo bello ; hujus praetoris ad- 
 ventum cum illius imperatoris vic- 
 toria ; hujus libidinis cum illius con- 
 tinentia, &c.' M. Marcellus and Ver- 
 res are the persons compared. Also, 
 Dem. deCor. 80. 
 
 17. Ille adjutorem] He rejected the 
 services of the slave ; you not only ac- 
 cepted them, but made him an accuser. 
 
 18. At semel] The MSS. here ap- 
 pear uniform, but Weiske suspects 
 
 u 
 
218 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 a vobis ? Nonne, quum esset productus, et quum tecum fu- 
 isset, refugit ad legatos ? Nonne etiam ad hunc Cn. Domi- 
 tium 19 venit ? Nonne, audiente hoc Ser. Sulpicio/ claris- 
 simo viro, qui timi casu apud Domitium ccenabat, et hoc T. 
 Torquato/ 1 optimo adolescente, se a te corruptum, tuis pro- 
 missis in fraudem 22 impulsum esse confessus est ? 
 
 XII. Quae est ista tarn impudens, tarn crudelis, tarn 
 immoderata inhumanitas? Idcirco in banc urbem venis- 
 fi, 1 ut hujus urbis jura et exempla corrumperes, domes- 
 ticaque 2 immanitate nostra? civitatis humanitatem inqui- 
 nares ? 
 
 At quam acute collecta 3 crimina ! Blesamius, 4 inquit. 
 (ejus enhn nomine, viri optimi, nee tibi ignoti, maledice- 
 bat 5 tibi,) ad regem scribere solebat, 6 te in invidia esse ; 
 
 some mistake, and would correct the 
 text. This seems unnecessary. The 
 imputation on Castor is this ; that 
 after Phidippus had received his first 
 hribe, and given his testimony, he ac- 
 knowledged before respectable wit- 
 nesses that it was false, and that he 
 had been corrupted. But he now 
 persists in the same tale. The in- 
 ference drawn by Cicero is, that the 
 bribe must have been repeated. V. E. 
 
 19. Hunc Cn. Domitium] Caisar, 
 it is probable had an audience of his 
 officers around him, among whom 
 might be Domitius Calvinus, or per- 
 haps the younger ^Enobarbus, men- 
 tioned Phil. ii. 11, who was after- 
 wards a conspirator. 
 
 20. Ser. Sulpicio] Whose eulo- 
 gium forms the subject of the ninth 
 Philippic, which see. He and Tor- 
 quatus were present, as ' hoc' inti- 
 mates. Soinfr. 14, ' huic Blesamio,' 
 Arch. 9, * Hujus proavus Cato,' and 
 Ligar. 3. 'hoc C. Pansa.' 
 
 21. T. Torquato] One of the Man- 
 lian family, perhaps the Titus men- 
 tioned Plane. 11. 
 
 22. Fraudem] i. e. Vitium. Mil. 
 Boni nullo emolumento impelluntur 
 in fraudem. Phil. 11. Nihil queror 
 de Dolabella qui turn e>t impulsus, 
 inductus, elu*us. 
 
 Sect. XII. 1 . Idcirco venisti] Hac 
 ad accusatorem iwooTpofrj nihil ef- 
 ficacius. Mattut. 
 
 2. Domestical Asiatic and barba- 
 rous. 
 
 3. Acute collecta"] Ironically, for 
 Castor's charges were rather an in- 
 vective against the tyranny ot 
 
 than an injurious accusation of Deio- 
 tarus. ' Collecta,' composita et con- 
 ficta ut nihil sit quod pugnet. Sylv. 
 Ligar. 10. n. 13. 
 
 4. Blesamius] "With Hieras and 
 Antigonus formed the embassy sent 
 toy Deiotarus to plead his cause be- 
 fore Caesar. Inf. 15. Him the ac- 
 cusers pretended to be a spy. 
 
 5. Maledicebat] Sc. Phidippus 
 did ; by repeating slanders of his own 
 invention as if uttered by Blesamius. 
 The slanders were, 1. That Caesar was 
 disliked by the people and considered 
 a tyrant j 2. that the placing of his 
 statue in the capitol among those of 
 the Rncient kings of Rome had given 
 general offence. 3. That he was not 
 applauded at the public games and 
 theatre. 
 
 6. Scribere solebat] Namely from 
 Borne ; for it would appear that the 
 embassy had reached Rome from the 
 king some time before the trial came 
 on. 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 12. 
 
 219 
 
 tyrannum existimari ; statua 7 inter reges posita animos ho- 
 minum vehementer ofFensos ; plaudi tibi non solere. Non- 
 ne intelligis, Caesar, ex urbanis malevolorum sermunculis s 
 haec ab istis esse collecta? Blesamius tyrannum Caesarem 
 scriberet ? Multorum enim civium capita 9 viderat ; multos 
 jussu Caesaris vexatos, verberatos, necatos, multas afflic- 
 tas et eversas domos, armatis militibus refertutn forum. 10 
 Quae semper in civili victoria sensimus, 11 ea te victore non 
 vidimus. Solus, solus, inquam, es, C. Caesar, cujus in vic- 
 toria ceciderit nemo, nisi armatus. 12 Et quern nos liberi, 
 in summa populi Romani libertate nati, non raodo non 
 tyrannum, sed etiam clementissimum in victoria ducimus : 
 is Blesamio, qui vivit in regno, 13 tyrannus videri potest ? 
 Nam de statua quis queritur, una praesertim, quum tarn 
 multas videat ? 14 Valde enim 15 invidendum est ejus statuis, 
 cujus tropaeis non invidemus ! Nam, si locus 16 affert in- 
 vidiam, nullus locus est, ad statuam quidem, Rostris 
 
 7. Statua] This statue is noticed 
 by Sueton. Jul. 80, and had in fact 
 given public offence. ' Praegravant 
 cstera facta statuam inter re- 
 ges, suggestum in orchestra, et anaph- 
 ora humano fastigio decerni sibi pas- 
 sus est.' 
 
 8. Sermunculis] Mere rumours ; 
 from ' sermo,' as ' homo, homuncu- 
 lus.' 
 
 9. Multorum capita] Nempe sine 
 corporibus. From this discription of 
 what a tyrant's acts would be we are 
 to infer that Caesar was not a tyrant. 
 1 Enim' refers to a supposed propo- 
 sition ' haud mirum' or the like. 
 ' Well may Blesamius write, that Cae- 
 sar is a tyrant, for, &c.' 
 
 10. Armatis forum] For Appian, 
 lib. ii. says that Caasar removed from 
 his person the praetorian cohorts 
 which during the war had attended 
 him as guards, satisfied with the civic 
 attendants; and Veil. Pater, ii. 57. 
 that when warned to guard an empire 
 by arms, which arms had acquired, 
 he replied that he prefered death to 
 living in dread of it. 
 
 11. Semper sensimus] Under Ma- 
 
 rius, Cinna, Sylla. 
 
 12. Cujus armatus] Ligar. 6. 
 
 13. Qui vivit in regno] i. e. Who is 
 the subject of a despotic monarch ; 
 opposed to ' nos liberi.' 
 
 14. Tarn multas videat] These were 
 not to be seen in the capitol, for only 
 those of the kings and of Jun. Bru- 
 tus stood there, but throughout the 
 city, and particularly in the forum, 
 which being a much more conspicu- 
 ous (clarior) place than where the 
 royal statues were placed, ought to 
 excite odium still more, if odium there 
 were. The forum was the usual 
 place for the statues of great men to 
 be set up. 
 
 15. Valde enim] Supply here as 
 above ; ' No wonder there should be 
 complaints about it, for, &c.' The 
 turn is ironical, i. e. he means ' non 
 valde invidendum est.' ' Tropaea' 
 were more conspicuous still than sta- 
 tues. Arch. 9. n. 14. 
 
 16. Nam si locus, $c] ' Nam' is 
 here 'deinde.' ' Again if the place, 
 &c.' In the Rostra particularly were 
 the statues of the legates killed by the 
 Fidenates. Liv. iv. 17. Phil.ix. 2. 
 
220 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 clarior. De plausu 17 autem quid respondeam ? qui nee 
 desideratus unquam a te est, et nonnunquam, obstupefac- 
 tis hominibus, ipsa admiratione compressus est, et fortas- 
 se eo preterm issus, quia nihil vulgare te dignum videri 
 potest. 
 
 XIII. Nihil a me arbitror 1 praetermissum, sed aliquid 
 ad extremam causae partem 2 reservatum. Id autem ali- 
 quid 3 est, te ut plane Deiotaro reconciliet oratio mea. 
 Non enim jam metuo, 4 ne tu illi succenseas : illud vereor, 
 ne tibi ilium succensere 5 aliquid suspicere. Quod abest 
 longissime, mihi crede, Caesar. Quid enim retineat 6 per te, 
 meminit, non quid amiserit ; 7 neque se a te multatum ar- 
 
 17. Plausu] His answer is three- 
 fold : 1 . You never courted popular 
 applause ; therefore no wonder if it 
 is not bestowed. 2. Men's minds were 
 so astounded by your exploits that 
 they were incapable of raising their 
 voice. 3. The people omitted it be- 
 cause it was trite and unworthy of 
 you. 
 
 Sect. XIII. 1 .Nihil a me arbitror'] 
 Before so consummate a rhetorician as 
 Caesar, it was useless to have recourse 
 to the ordinary rules, one of which is 
 to conceal every appearance of art. 
 Cic. therefore affects to make a dis- 
 play of art to conceal it more effectu- 
 ally. 
 
 2. Extremam partem] The pero- 
 ration, the fittest place for discussing 
 the most important point. 
 
 3. Id aliquid] Ligar.7. n. 29. Cic. 
 wishing to reconcile the parties has 
 first to shew that there is no cause for 
 resentment on either side. With re- 
 gard to Caesar he assumes that what 
 he has urged is enough to allay his 
 angry feelings ' non metuo ne tu illi 
 succenseas ;' it remained to shew 
 that he had no grounds to suspect that 
 any sucli were harboured by Deiota- 
 rus. His reasons are : 1. Deiot. is 
 sensible that what he lost he deserved 
 to lose, nay that Caesar was compelled 
 to make the vanquished assist him in 
 removing his brave associates, and to 
 this no reasonable man could object. 
 
 And if Antiochus the Great bore simi- 
 lar treatment with equanimity, much 
 more should a petty sovereign like 
 him. Besides he had the support 
 derivable from the conciousness of 
 suffering for an involuntary error, not 
 so Antiochus. 2. He owed to Cae- 
 sar's generosity what he retained, his 
 hereditary dominions, and regal title ; 
 which latter was to him every thing. 
 3. He had two sources of consolation 
 left, of which he could not be de- 
 prived. The decrees of the Roman 
 generals and senate in his favour, 
 and the consciousness of his own 
 virtue, (Multa se arbitratur, &c.) 
 [These he illustrates to ' Haec ille 
 reputans.'] 4. He has a letter from 
 Caesar himself encouraging him to 
 hope for the best, c. 14. by which he 
 was greatly cheered and inspired. 
 All this shews that Deiot. is fully 
 sensible of his obligations to Caesar, 
 and is therefore deserving of being 
 received into his friendship. 
 
 4. Non jam metuo] Trusting in 
 your faith, your steadiness, and cle- 
 mency. Supr. 3. 
 
 5. Tibi ilium succensere] On ac- 
 count of losing so much of his domi- 
 nions. 
 
 6. Quid retineat] His life, name 
 of king, and part of Galatia. In- 
 trod. 3. 
 
 7. Quid amiserit] Armenia and the 
 tetrarchy of the Trogini. 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 13. 
 
 221 
 
 bitratur ; sed, quum existimaret, multis tibi multa 8 esse 
 tribuenda, quo minus a se, qui in altera parte 9 fuisset, ea 
 sumeres, non recusavit. Etenim si Antiochus Magnus 10 ille, 
 rex Asiae, quum, posteaquam a Seipione 11 devictus, Tauro 
 tenus 12 regnare jussus esset, omnemque hanc Asiam, quae 
 est nunc nostra provincia, 13 amisisset, dicere est solitus, be- 
 nigne sibi a populo Romano esse factum, quod nimis magna 
 procuratione 14 liberatus, modicis regni terminis uteretur : 
 potest multo facilius se Deiotarus consolari. Ille enim 
 furoris multam sustinuerat : 15 hie erroris. Omnia tu Dei- 
 otaro, Caesar, tribuisti, quum et ipsi et filio 16 nomen regium 
 concessisti. Hoc nomine retento atque conservato, nullum 
 judicium de se senatus imminutum putat. Magno animo 
 et erecto est, nee unquam succumbet inimicis, ne fortunae 
 quidem. 17 Multa se arbitratur et peperisse ante factis, et 
 habere in animo atque virtute, quae nullo modo possit 
 amittere. Quae enim fortuna, aut quis casus, aut quae tan- 
 ta possit injuria omnium imperatorum 18 de Deiotaro de- 
 creta delere ? Ab omnibus enim iis ornatus est, qui, pos- 
 teaquam in castris esse potuit per aetatem, 19 in Asia," Cap- 
 
 8. Multis tibi multa, c] Sylv. un- 
 derstands this to mean that, many 
 Pompeians were called on to contri- 
 bute much to Caesar ;' in which view 
 few will concur. Dio. relates that 
 fourteen new praetors, and fifteen 
 quaestors, were appointed, and the se- 
 nators increased to nine hundred. 
 
 9. Qui in altera parte] ' Altera' 
 is milder than contraria.' Patric. 
 
 10. Antiochus Magnus] Manil. 6. 
 n. 2. Sext. 27. 
 
 11. Seipione] L. Scipio Asiaticus, 
 the brother of A fricanus Major, who 
 was his lieutenant in this war. 
 
 12. Tauro tenus ] Sext. 27. 'Intra 
 montem Taurum,' i. e. he was depriv- 
 ed of all his dominions on the Roman 
 side of Mount Taurus. 
 
 13. Asiarn nunc provincia] Manil. 
 2, n. 6. 
 
 14. Nimis magna procur.] The care 
 of too extensive dominions. Sail. Jug. 
 14. ' Regni Numidiae procurationem 
 (ixistimarem meam.' If Antiochus so 
 consoled himself for such losses, a 
 
 fortiori may Deiotarus ; for the one 
 madly attacked the Roman people at 
 the instigation of Hannibal and the 
 ^Etolians, the latter followed Pompey, 
 as deeming his cause the better. l)ci- 
 ot. therefore has innocence on his 
 side. Ovid seems to decide diffe- 
 rently as to the consolation : ' Quaa 
 venit indignae poena, dolenda veit,' 
 Ep. v. 8 ; and so will people in general. 
 
 15. Multam sustinuerat] So pro 
 Dom. 38. Eandem (poenam) ego 
 subibo et sustinebo.' 
 
 16. Etjilio] He is mentioned, Phil, 
 xi. 13. ' Summa in filio spes, summa 
 ingenii indoles, summa virtus.' 
 
 17. Ne fortuna: quidem] Much 
 harder to contest with, than ' inimi- 
 ci ;' yet inasmuch as he possesses 
 many things over which she has no 
 control, the decrees of your generals, 
 the votes of the senate, he is able to 
 defy her power. 
 
 18. Omnium imper.] Introd. 1. 
 
 19. Per cetatem] Seventeen. 
 
 20. In Asia] Sylla and Lucullus 
 
 ^ u 2 
 
222 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 padocia, Ponto, Cilicia, Syria, bella gesserunt : senatus vero 
 judicia de illo tarn multa, tamque honorifica, quae publicis 
 populi Romani Uteris monumentisque 21 consignata sunt, quae 
 unquam vetustas obruet, aut quae tanta delebit oblivio I 
 Quid de virtute ejus dicam ? quid de magnitudine auimi, 
 gravitate, constantia? quaeomnes docti 23 atque sapientes sum- 
 ma, quidam etiam sola bona esse dixerunt, bisque, 24 non 
 modo ad bene, sed etiam ad beate vivendum, contentam 
 virtutem esse. Haec ille reputans et dies noctesque cogi- 
 tans, non modo tibi non succenset, (esset enim non so- 
 lum ingratus, sed etiam amens,) verum omnem tranquil- 
 litatem et quietem senectutis acceptam refert 25 clementiae 
 tuae. 
 
 XIV. Quo quidem animo 1 quum antea fuit, turn non du- 
 bito, quin tuis Uteris, quarum exemplum legi, quas ad eum 
 Tarracone 2 huic Blesamio 3 dedisti, semagis etiam erexer it, 4 
 ab omnique sollicitudine abstraxerit. Jubes enim eum bene 
 sperare et bono esse animo : quod scio, te non frustra scri- 
 bere solere. Memini enim iisdem fere verbis 4 ad me te scri- 
 bere, meque tuis Uteris bene sperare non frustra esse jussum. 
 
 were assisted by him in nearly all these ad beate' i.e. ' jucunde et feliciter,' 
 
 provinces ; Murena in Cappadocia, and this the Peripatetics deny. 
 
 Pontus, and Phrygia ; in Syria, Bib- Tusc. quaest. lib. v. 
 
 ulus ; in Cilicia, Cicero and Servilius 25. Acceptam refert'] Sets down to 
 
 Isauricus. the account of your clemency. 
 
 21. Literis monumentisque] Ligar. Sect. XIV. 1. Quo animo] As 
 2. n.12. supr. 13, magno et'erecto' amind 
 
 22. Vetustas obruet] Mil. 35. fortified by reflecting on what fortune 
 ' Nulla unquam obmuteret vetustas.' had left as well as taken away, and 
 Temporis vetustas, hominum oblivio. on its own virtues. 
 
 Manut. 2. Tarracone] Tarraco, a city of 
 
 23. Omnes docti] Plato, Aristotle, Spain, situate in the Mediterranean, 
 and others, divided good into pleasure, now Taragona. It was the capital of 
 utility, and virtue ; and called vir- Tarraconensis, and in it Caesar held 
 tue chief, in comparison of the others; all his levies after the subjugation of 
 but the Stoics denying that any thing the Pompeys. 
 
 had a right to come into cumparison 3. Huic Blesamio] Who is now 
 
 with virtue, declared it the sole good, present, waiting the issue of this tri- 
 
 The Epicureans Plato did not hold al. Cic. here intends to remind Cae- 
 
 to be * sapientes.' Marcel. 6. ' Non sar of his promise, 
 
 modo summa bona sed etiam audebo 4. Erexerit] Supr. 13. ' Magno 
 
 sola dicere.' animo et erecto est.' 
 
 24. Hisque] i.e. Who held the ' so- 4. Iisdem verbis] This letter was 
 
 la ;' or Stoics. ' Non modo ad bene,' sent from Egypt by Pansa. The 
 
 for this they allconfeis; ' sed etiam words were, ' utessem idem qui fu- 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 14. 
 
 223 
 
 Laboro equidem 5 regis Deiotari causa, quocum 6 mihi ami- 
 citiam respublica conciliavit, hospitium voluntas utriusque 7 
 conjunxit, familiaritatem 8 consuetudo attulit, summam vero 
 necessitudinem magna ejus officia 9 et in me et in exercitum 
 meum effecerunt : sed quum de illo 10 laboro, turn de multis 
 amplissimis viris, quibus semel 11 ignotum a te esse oportet, 
 nee beneficium tuum in dubium vocari, nee hcerere in animis 
 hominum sollicitudinem sempiternam, nee accidere, ut quis- 
 quam te timere incipiat eorum, qui semel a te sint liberati ti- 
 more. Non debeo, 12 C. Caesar, quod fieri solet in tantis pe - 
 riculis, tentare, quonam modo dicendo misericord iam tuam 
 commovere possim. Nihil opus est. Occurrere ipsa solet 1J 
 supplicibus et calamitosis, nullius oratione evocata. 14 Pro- 
 pone tibi duos reges, 15 et id animo contemplare, quod oculis 
 non potes. Dabis profecto misericordiae, quod iracundia? 
 denegasti. Multa sunt tuaj dementia? monumenta : sed 
 maxime eorum incolumitates, 16 quibus salutem dedisti. Quae 
 
 issem.' Ligar. 3. n. 9. 
 
 5. Laboro equidem"] But knowing 
 causas rogantium apud te gratiosi- 
 ores esse quam preces.' (Ligar. 11. ) 
 I will tell you my reasons for being 
 interested for Deiotarus. 
 
 6. Quocum, #c] Cic. takes the 
 highest ground ; ' I loved him be- 
 cause he was the friend of my coun- 
 try.' Then follow the steps to ' sum- 
 ma necessitudo.' 
 
 7. Voluntas utriusque] For 'hos- 
 pitium' was often a matter of form, 
 or the inclination was all on one side. 
 Not so here. 
 
 8. Familiaritatem] Supr. 5. n. 5. 
 
 9. Officia] While pro-consul of 
 Cilicia. Introd. 3. 
 
 10. Sed quum de illo] Cio. wishes 
 to set the cause on the widest founda- 
 tion. The question is one of general 
 interest : ' if, after what is past, you 
 still harbour resentment against Deio- 
 tarus, the same may be expected by 
 all who owe their life to your clemen- 
 cy, and doubts and fears take posses- 
 sion of their minds. Let them know, 
 then, that once pardoned they are still 
 pardoned.' There is a noble free- 
 
 dom in this address which we seek in 
 vain in the ' pro Marcello.' 
 
 11. Semel] "A7ra, once for all. 
 Supr. 3. ' Quum facile exorari Caesar, 
 turn semel exorari soles.' So in the 
 Timon of Lucian airai SsCoxQw, 
 once for all, be it decreed. iLn.xi.41 8, 
 Procubuit moriens et humum semel 
 ore momordit. 
 
 12. Non debeo] Cicero, affecting 
 to reject any appeal to the clemency 
 of Caesar, makes a strong appeal. 
 
 13. Ipsa solet] Is wont of itself 
 to anticipate the claims of the wretch- 
 ed. ' Ipsa' avri) fteftavla. ' Oc- 
 currere.' So Pers. i. 62. ' Posticae 
 occurrite sannae.' 
 
 14. Evocata] Elicited. This word, 
 ' occurrere' and ' commovere' are 
 used metaphorically. Manut. 
 
 15. Duos reges] Perhaps Deio- 
 tarus, the father and the son : but 
 see inf. 15. V. E. Abram. conjec- 
 tures that the son may have been 
 better liked by Caesar, and therefore 
 joined with the father. 
 
 16. Incolumitates] ' Incolumes' 
 are those who are uncondemned. 
 Arch. 5, n. 3. Balb. II. < Cives 
 
224 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 si in privatis 17 gloriosa sunt, multo magis commemorabun- 
 tur in re<*ibus. Semper regiuin nomen in hac civitate 
 sanctum 18 fait : sociorum vero regum et amicorum sanctissi- 
 
 mum. 19 
 
 XV. Quod nomen hi reges ne amitterent, te victore, ti- 
 muerunt : retentum vero et a te confirmatum posteris etiam 
 stiis tradituros 1 esse confido. Corpora 2 vero sua, pro sa- 
 lute regum suorum hi legati tibi regii tradunt, Hieras, 
 et Blesamius, et Antigonus, tibi nobisque omnibus jam 
 diu noti, eademque fide et virtute prreditus Dorylaus, qui 
 nuper cum Hiera 3 legatus est ad te missus, turn ivi_um 
 amicissimi, 4 turn tibi etiam, ut spero, probati. Exquire 
 de Blesamio, 5 numquid ad regem contra dignitatem tuam 
 scripserit Hieras quidem causam omnem suscipit, et crimi- 
 
 indemnati et incolumes.' 
 
 17. In privatis] i. e. Collata in 
 privatos ; so of * in regibus.' Patric. 
 
 18. Sanctum] For kings were 
 thought to be under the protection of 
 the gods. So Caesar, in a funeral 
 oration over his aunt, says, ' Est 
 ergo in genere sanctitas regum, <jui 
 plurimum inter homines pollent, &c.' 
 Sueton. Jul. 6. Manil. 9.n. 16. 17. 
 
 1 9. Sociorum regum sanctissi- 
 mum] This might be designed by 
 Cicero as hinting to Cesar, that his 
 present titles might satisfy him- 
 self. This oration was delivered late 
 in the year 708. In the following 
 February Mark Antony offered Caesar 
 the diadem. Le Clerc. V.E. 
 
 Sect. XV. 1. Posteris traditu- 
 ros] This confidence was disappointed. 
 Amyntas succeeded in Gallograecia, 
 and it was afterwards made a pro- 
 vince. Strab. xii. 
 
 2. Corpora] Either as sureties, or 
 to suffer any punishment awarded 
 against their master. The Schol. 
 edited byMaius says that those legates 
 came to Rome to defend their master 
 against the charge of disloyalty to 
 Caesar (alieno animo) ; and when 
 there, were called on to answer this 
 present charge, Phidippus having 
 been in the mean time corrupted. 
 
 This account agrees very well with 
 this voluntary offer of their persons 
 for their master's safety . 
 
 3. Xuper cum Hiera] It is not 
 known why Hieras, who makes one 
 of the envoys, is here said to have 
 come with Dorylaus. Weiske ob- 
 serves that Dorylaus may have been 
 deputed by another petty sovereign 
 who had some favour to solicit from 
 Caesar. This king may have been 
 Ariobarzanes, the sovereign of Cap- 
 padocia ; (V. E.) and with him Hie- 
 ras may have found it convenient to 
 come after the other two. 
 
 4. Amicissimi] This word and ' pro- 
 bati' have usually been interpreted in 
 the nom. but there seems no occasion 
 to compliment them a second time, 
 ' regum' may as well be interpreted 
 
 * inter reges' as * erga reges.' V. E, ; 
 i. e. they were usually referred to 
 
 * legati ;' but may be referred to * regis' 
 understood. 
 
 5. Exquire de Blesamio] As the 
 weight of the prosecution lay in the 
 testimony of Phidippus, Cic. wished 
 to conclude with impressing on the 
 mind of Caesar the opposing testimo- 
 nies of men of integrity. Supr. 12, the 
 charge against Blesamsus is given and 
 refuted. ' Exquire,' tormentis ex- 
 torque. Sylv. 
 
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 15. 
 
 225 
 
 nibus illis pro rege se supponit 6 reum; memoriam tuam 
 implorat, qua vales 7 plurimum ; negat unquam se a te in 
 Deiotari tetrarchia pedem discessisse ; 8 in primis finibus 9 
 tibi se praesto fuisse dicit, usque ad ultimos prosecutum ; 
 quum e balneo 10 exisses, tecum se fuisse, quuin ilia rau- 
 nera inspexisses ccenatus, quum in cubiculo recubuisses; 
 eandemque assiduitatem tibi se praebuisse postridie. 11 Quam- 
 obrem, si quid eorum, quae objecta sunt, cogitatum 12 
 sit, non recusat, quin id facinus suum 13 judices. Quocir- 
 ca, C. Caesar, velim existimes, hodierno die sententiam tu- 
 am, aut cum summo dedecore 14 miserrimam pestem impor- 
 taturam 15 esse regibus, 16 aut incolumem famam cum salute : 
 quorum alterum 17 optare, illorum crudelitatis est ; alterum 
 conservare, 18 clementiae 19 tuae. 
 
 6. Hieras se supponit] Is willing 
 to suffer for his master. 
 
 7. Qua vales] Phil. ii. 4. ' Fuit 
 in illo ingenium, ratio, memoria, lite- 
 rature.' 
 
 8. Pedem discessisse] i. e. The 
 length of a foot. We have a similar 
 expression. As Hieras never left 
 you, he is therefore qualified to decide 
 on the truth of the charge. He at- 
 tended you both during your stay in the 
 palace and the next day at Luceium. 
 As none of the attempts charged 
 could have been made without his 
 privity, he calls on you to deem them, 
 if any there were, to have been his, 
 and try him accordingly. 
 
 9. Finibus] Deiot. had waited on 
 Caesar on the borders of Galatia, and 
 was then accompanied by Hieras. ln- 
 trod. 2. 
 
 10. Balneo] Supr. 6. The bath 
 preceded the supper, and so it was in- 
 tended, should the inspection of the 
 gifts ; but Caesar refusing to go, it was 
 put off till after supper. Hence ' cce- 
 natus.' 
 
 11. Postridie] The day of the 
 castle and bed-chamber scene. Supr. 
 6. 
 
 12. Cogitatum] A Deiotaro. 
 
 13. Facinus suum] Deem it as bad 
 as if he himself had perpetrated it. 
 
 14. Dedecore] Of the king's, not 
 Caesar's. 
 
 15. Importaturam] Generally used 
 in a bad sense, as the numerous ex- 
 amples of Forcel prove. Hor. Ep. 
 i. 13.4. ' Odium importes.' Off. ii. 
 5. Si quid incommodi importetur.' 
 Sext. 69. 
 
 16. Regibus] Either emphatically 
 for ' Deiotarus' or taking in his son. 
 
 17. Quorum alterum] The former 
 of which it is of a piece with the 
 cruelty of the accusers to wish for ; 
 the latter, the part of your clemency 
 to preserve inviolate. 
 
 19. dementia] It was not unadvis- 
 edly that Cic. concludes his address 
 with ' clementiae tuae ;' this being an 
 attribute on which Caesar prided him- 
 self greatly, and to an excess of which, 
 perhaps, he owed his untimely end. It 
 is a rhetorical maxim to insert what- 
 ever is striking and important in the 
 beginning of a speech, to make the 
 judges attentive, and in the end to 
 fix it in their memory. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATIONS 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 LUCIUS CATILINE. 
 
 1. Though the pages of Sallust form the best introduction to 
 the Catilinarian orations of Cicero, yet it may be of use to connect 
 with the notices of Catiline which they contain, some of the 
 references to his history, found in other writers, and in the 
 speeches of Cicero himself. 
 
 2. Catiline was born about a. v. 645. His high patrician 
 pretensions (Sail. Cat.) are supported by the list of quaestors 
 and praetors supplied to the republic by the Sergian family. His 
 father, however, was poor ; which seems to be the only excuse 
 for the son becoming an agent of the atrocities of Sylla ; and 
 staining himself with the blood of Q. Cascilius, his own brother- 
 in-law, and M. Marcius Gratidianus, (Val. Max. ix. 2.) He 
 was quaestor, a. u. 676, and ten years after, praetor; which 
 led to his obtaining the province of Africa, the following year, 
 687 ; to which also we are obliged to refer the conspiracy of Piso, 
 Sail. Cat. 18, in which Catiline had a share.* His rapacity 
 in Africa demanded an accusation, which was conducted by 
 Pub. Clodius. Catiline was consoled by the rank of his ad- 
 vocate, the consul Torquatus;f (Sulla, 29.) and escaped by 
 bribing the prosecutor, (de Harusp. 20.) In the mean time 
 his conduct in the proscription of Sylla was not forgotten. He 
 
 * Catiline left his province before the end of the year, on pretence of 
 suing for the consulship, as Cic. (in Tog. Cand.) testifies ; and was prevented 
 by the African deputies who followed to impeach him. Cic, however, does 
 not explain how Catiline could be a competitor for the consulship, the year 
 after holding the praetorship. Hooke viii. 9. n. w. 
 
 t Yet this is the Torquatus whom Catiline this very year conspired to 
 murder. Sail. Cat. 18. Torquatus had indeed heard of the conspiracy, but did 
 not believe it. Sulla, 29. 
 
228 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 was arraigned, a. u. 689, of murder by Lucullus * or Luceius, 
 and was nearly ranking Cicero among his advocates. Att. i. 2. 
 ' Hoc tempore, Catilinam, competitorem nostrum defendere co- 
 gitamus.' The issue is given shortly, Att. i. 16. ' Catilinam 
 bis absolutum esse.' 
 
 3. But this was a busy year with Catiline ; as besides this 
 trial he canvassed for the consulship against Cicero; and others, 
 Att. i. 1. and laid a second plot against his country. This 
 is detailed by Sail. c. 17; who gives Catiline's speech to 
 the conspirators, c. 20, and states that this attempt promoted 
 Cicero's views, who was elected consul, c. 23. Catiline, how- 
 ever, transferred his suit to the following year, and persevered 
 in his designs, Sail. Cat. 26. Through the weak confidence 
 of Curius, Cicero learned the whole plot, but waiting for some 
 overt act of Catiline, he hesitated to interfere. The day of 
 the consular election (2 1st of Oct.) drew near, and Cicero being 
 informed that Catiline intended to attack him and his friends 
 at the Comitia, had the election deferred to the 28th. In the 
 mean time in a senate held on the 21st, he charged Catiline 
 openly with his designs, who acknowledged himself the will- 
 ing leader of the mob.f The Senate forthwith issued their 
 high decree, arming Cic. with supreme authority. J The elec- 
 tion came ; Silanus and Murena were appointed ; and this drove 
 Catiline ' extrema omnia experiri.' Sail. Cat. 26. Accordingly 
 he despatched his emissaries into the provinces, and calling a 
 meeting of the leading conspirators at the house of M. Porcius 
 Lseca, on the sixth of November he professed his readiness to take 
 the field, if Cicero were killed. This task was undertaken by 
 Cornelius and Vargunteius, who engaged to slay the consul the 
 next morning at his house. Sail. Cat. 27, 28. 
 
 Cicero having learned this design by Curius, took the proper 
 measures to defeat it ; and convening the senate on the following 
 
 * Ascon. reads Lucullus ; but it is probable that Luceius, whose speech 
 against Catiline he afterwards quotes, is meant, especially as he says ' qui 
 postea eundem honorem petiit ;' but we read of no Lucullus being after 
 this a competitor for the consulship, whereas Luceius was a competitor 
 with Caesar and Bibulus. Att. iv. 6. As to L. Paullus, who, on the authority 
 of Sallust. c. 31., is usually given as the accuser of Catiline on this trial, 
 it appears that it was ' lege Plautia de vi,' not ' lege de sicariis,' that he ar- 
 raigned Catiline. 
 
 t A few days before, he had addressed to Cato the strong expression ' in- 
 cendium meum ruina restinguam,' which Sallust says was elicited by a speech 
 of Cicero's and the reproaches of the senate. Muren. 25. Sail. Cat. 3. 
 
 X Sallust places the issuing of this decree after the day of election, whereas 
 Cic. says, Cat. i. 2. that he was then in possession of it twenty days a 
 round number for eighteen ; but exact enough to shew that Sallust is in error. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 229 
 
 day, the eighth of November, to the temple of Jupiter Stator, to 
 inform them of this new atrocity, he was surprised to find Cati- 
 line in attendance. Roused with indignation at this matchless 
 audacity, he gave vent to his feelings in that speech which is 
 called 
 
 THE FIRST CATILINARIAN ORATION. 
 
 4. In this speech Cicero ' gloriously offends' against the rules 
 of the Rhetoricians; for it is neither 'judicial,' as being made 
 in the senate, nor ' deliberative,' as it supports or opposes no 
 proposition. It is, in short, a violent invective against Catiline, 
 wherein the orator upbraids his audacity, for appearing in the 
 senate, when he knew that his designs were discovered ; c. 1 5; 
 advises his departure from the city, where his crimes had made 
 him infamous, c. 6 9 ; but corrects himself as he finds that 
 Catiline intends to join his followers in Etruria. c. 9 10. Lastly, 
 he defends the expulsion of Catiline from the city when his death 
 would have appeared preferable, on the ground that the latter 
 would have afforded a temporary relief; whereas, the former, by 
 removing the associates of Catiline, would effect a radical cure 
 of the evils of the state, c. 11 13. He concludes with en- 
 couraging the senate, and praying to Jupiter to take vengeance 
 on the enemies of the state, c. 13. 
 
 5. The effect of this speech on Catiline is stated by Sallust, 
 Cat. 31. He denied the charges of Cicero, boasted of his pa- 
 trician blood, and upbraided Cicero with the meanness of his 
 birth. He was replied to by a simultaneous shout of * traitor' 
 from the senators ; upon which, he flung himself out of the 
 senate, and, at midnight, set out for the camp of Mallius. 
 Cicero, on the following day, having convoked an assembly of 
 the people, explained the motives of his conduct in permitting 
 Catiline to depart. This forms 
 
 THE SECOND CATILINARIAN ORATION. 
 
 In this address to the people, Cicero first congratulates 
 them on the departure of Catiline, which alone he thought a 
 victory, c. 1. He then apologizes for permitting so dangerous a 
 man to escape, when he might have apprehended him, and shows 
 that it was not his fault, but that of the times ; for, however 
 guilty Catiline might be, that many would be found to disbe- 
 lieve, many to justify the allegations made against him ; while 
 the odium likely to accrue from his punishment, would prevent 
 Cicero from being able to punish his accomplices, c. 2. And so 
 far was he from fearing Catiline as an extern enemy, that he felt 
 
 vol. i. x 
 
230 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 grieved at his not taking with him his traitorous associates, who 
 remaining behind, were more to be feared, c. 3. Hence he ex- 
 horts them either to leave the city or keep themselves quiet : in fai- 
 lure of which, he hints that they may expect condign punishment, 
 c. 5. He then refutes the assertion of those who say that he had 
 forced Catiline into exile, by showing that it was to Mallius he was 
 gone, not to Massilia; nor should he object to bear the odium of hav- 
 ing forced him into exile, if it were true as it was a circumstance 
 rather to be wished than complained of. c. 7. He then proceeds to 
 classify the associates of Catiline who remained at Rome : 1 . Men in 
 debt, who had estates sufficient, if sold, to satisfy their creditors. 
 c. 8. 2. Men who are both in debt and ambitious of preferment. 
 3. Sullanian colonists, c. 9. 4. A motley group of a lower grade, 
 whom idleness and extravagance had plunged into debt. 5. Par- 
 ricides, assassins, &c. 6. Rakes, gamesters, &c. c. 10. To all 
 these he shows that ample forces can be opposed, and even if there 
 were not, yet is there such an inherent difference in the causes, 
 that the very gods will crown with success the efforts of virtue 
 against vice and profligacy, c. 1 1 . Hence he exhorts the citi- 
 zens to hope the best, c. 12, and repeats his advice to the as- 
 sociates of Catiline, either to leave the city or keep quiet within 
 it assuring the people that the public peace will be preserved, 
 and advising them to implore the gods to shield their country 
 from harm. c. 13. 
 
 6. Cicero had rightly conjectured that the Mallian camp was 
 the real destination of Catiline ; and Sallust informs us, c. 36, 
 that as soon as his arrival there was known at Rome, the senate 
 decreed him and Mallius traitors, and ordered the necessary 
 levies to oppose them and guard the city. In the mean time, the 
 deputies of the Allobrogians, a Gallic state then much oppressed 
 with debt, which they had come to Rome to seek relief from, 
 were invited to join in the conspiracy, through whom Cicero 
 was informed of the particulars of a plan among the associates of 
 Catiline, to set fire to the city, and while the dismay was general, 
 to break out and join Catiline. 
 
 Cicero took the necessary measures to defeat this design, but 
 not until the deputies had obtained, from the principal conspirators, 
 letters and an oath to show their couutrymen, and which in the 
 hands of Cicero afforded decisive evidence of their guilt. 
 
 Cicero then, early on the third of December, summoned the 
 senate to the Temple of Concord, in whose presence he conviots 
 the conspirators by these undeniable proofs. The senate ordered 
 them into custody, and assigns their punishment to Cicero. Late 
 on the same day, in an assembly of the people, the consul 
 made the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 231 
 
 THIRD C ATI LIN A RI AN ORATION. 
 
 7. In it he first recounts the detection of the conspiracy, c.l 5. 
 As the decree of the senate had not been transcribed, he next 
 repeats from memory the heads of it to the people, for their in- 
 formation the thanks to himself, his colleague, and the praetors ; 
 the directions for imprisoning the conspirators, and the suppli- 
 cation voted to the gods, c. 6, Sail. c. 47 ; and he desires the citi- 
 zens to consider the conspiracy as now completely quashed, c. 7; 
 and proves that it was all owing- to the good providence of the 
 gods, c. 8. 9. He advises the citizens duly to perform the sup- 
 plication decreed to the gods, c. ] ; and adds that as for himself, 
 the only reward he sought was the eternal remembrance of 
 that day, c. 11. Finally he conjures them to prevent his pa- 
 triotic actions from turning to his detriment, and to continue, as 
 before, guarding their homes, c. 12. 
 
 8. It remained to decide upon the actual punishment which 
 it would be right to inflict on the conspirators ; and on the fifth 
 of December, a senate was convoked to consider this important 
 question. 
 
 Two opinions were proposed, one of Silanus, consul elect 
 which recommended the immediate capital punishment of the 
 conspirators, the other of Caesar, who advocated a perpetual 
 imprisonment throughout the corporate towns of Italy. Before 
 the votes were taken, Cicero rose, and spoke 
 
 THE FOURTH CATILINARIAN ORATION. 
 
 9. After thanking the fathers for their anxiety about his 
 welfare, he entreats them to think rather of themselves and 
 their country, c. 1. 2. He then shews that the prisoners had 
 been condemned by the decision of the senate, and that their 
 punishment must be fixed before that night, c. 3. He next 
 lays before the fathers the two propositions, not without shewing 
 his leaning towards that of Silanus, c. 4. 6. But lest a doubt as 
 to whether the consul had forces sufficient to carry a severe sen- 
 tence into execution, might indispose some minds to vote for 
 such a sentence, he shews that he was quite equal to preserve 
 the peace, and was backed by a wonderful zeal in men of every 
 rank. c. 7. 8. His inference is, that the senate, thus supported, 
 should not be backward in supporting the people, c. 9. Finally 
 he expresses his contempt for any odium to which his patriotic 
 endeavours may expose him, as compared with the glory of 
 saving his country ; and exhorts them ever to bear in mind 
 
232 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 his consulship, to protect his son, if any mishap should be- 
 fall himself, and manfully and firmly to decide on the punish- 
 ment of the arraigned. 
 
 We learn from Sallust, (c. 50.) that the proposition of Cato, 
 who followed Cicero, and which was in effect the same as that of 
 Silanus, sc. recommending capital punishment, was adopted, and 
 that Cicero that very night carried it into effect. The fate 
 of Catiline is briefly told. He was slain in battle in the be- 
 ginning of the following year, a. u. 692, in the Pistorian 
 district, by the troops of the republic, under the command of 
 Petreius, the lieutenant of C. Antonius, the colleague of Cicero. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 IN 
 
 LUCIUM CATILINAM, 
 
 ORATIO I. 
 
 I. Quousque 1 tandem abutere/ 2 Catilina, patientia nos- 
 tra ? 3 quamdiu etiam furor iste tuus [nos] eludet ? 5 quern ad 
 tinem 6 sese efFrenata jactabit audacia? 7 nihilne 8 te noctur- 
 num presidium Palatii, 9 nihil urbis vigilise, 10 nihil timor po- 
 
 Sect/I. 1. Quousque, Sic] Quint. 
 ix. 2. notices the energy which is here 
 imparted by the use of the interroga- 
 tion, and Muretus finds in the initial 
 iambuses, paeons, &c. sublimem 
 quendam et plenum dignitatis sonum.' 
 Major's Hec. 85. th -Kort : -rrore de- 
 notes extreme impatience, as ' tandem' 
 in Latin. Sail. 20. * quousque tan- 
 dem, &cc.' 
 
 2. Abutere'] Misapply trample 
 upon ; sc. by making use of it to con- 
 firm, not correct your audacity. Mil. 
 2. n. 19. 
 
 1. Nostra] Of the consuls, more 
 particularly, but also of the senate, 
 who had shewn their patience in the 
 lenity of their decree. Muren. 25. 
 Neque tamen satis severe pro rei in- 
 dignitate decrevit. 
 
 ~t. Kludet] ' Eludere,' is l.to make 
 an end of play. 2. get the better at 
 play, conquer. Hence, as here, to 
 Milt over, to mock. 
 
 ti. Quern ad Jinem] In what will 
 your audacity end? ' Sese jactabit ;' 
 
 fling, praecipitate itself. Curt. v. 6. 
 Similarly, Eurip. Ilippol. Ti rsp/xa 
 roXfitjg, leal Spaanc, yevrjatTai. 
 Mn ret. 
 
 7. Ejfrenata jactabit audacia f] 
 Muretus here notices, not without 
 reason, the repetition of the vowel a, 
 as contributing to express the fullness 
 of Cicero's passion ; and contrasts it 
 with Cupio me esse clementem, 
 &c,' inf., where a contrary feeling is 
 exhibited. It might be fairly asked 
 how far such a comparison would 
 support the modern enunciation of 
 that vowel in a neighbouring country. 
 
 8. Nihilne, 5fc.J The repetition ef 
 ' nihil' here affords an example of the 
 figure called Epanaphora. 
 
 9. Nocturnum presidium Palatii] 
 Which was only placed therein dan- 
 gerous times. Palatium, the Palatine 
 hill, so called from Pallanteum, a city 
 of Arcadia, JEn. viii. 51, was the most 
 ancient and famous of the hills of 
 Rome ; for on it was shewn the cot- 
 tage of Romulus, and it was the site 
 
 x 2 
 
234 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I 
 
 pulij 11 nihil concursus bonorum omnium, nihil hie munitissi- 
 mus habendi senatus locus, 11 nihil horum ora 12 vultusque 
 moverunt? patere tua consilia non sentis ? 1 3constrictam u jam 
 omnium horum conscientia teneri conjurationem tuam non 
 vides? quid proxima, quid superiore 15 nocte egeris, ubi 
 iueris, quos convocaveris, 16 quid consilii ceperis, quern nos- 
 trum ignorare arbitraris '? O tempora ! O mores ! Senatus 
 heec intelligit, consul videt : 17 hie tamen vivif. 18 Vivit? im- 
 
 of the splendid mansion of Augustus ; 
 whence our application of the word 
 ' palace' is taken. 
 
 10. Vigilia] Sail. Cat. 30. Item 
 decrevere ut Romae per totam urbem 
 vigiliae haberentur, iisque minores ma- 
 gistrate praeessent. Muret. The Ro- 
 mans under the Republic had no 
 regular police, and only employed 
 sentinels on occasions of alarm from 
 foreign or domestic foes, conflagration, 
 or the like. Liv. iii. 6 ; who men- 
 tions that the Senators performed the 
 duty of city guards. Vid. also xxxix. 14. 
 Augustus appears to have appointed a 
 police to guard the city against fires. 
 Suet. 30. ' Adversusincendiaexcubias 
 nocturnas vigilesque commentus est.' 
 
 11. Timor populi] Cic. for one, was 
 so much afraid, that he came to the 
 Campus Martius ' cum ilia lata in- 
 signique lorica non quae tegeret, ve- 
 rum ut omnes boni .... ad presidium 
 meum concurrerent. Muren. 26. And 
 this is the ' consursus bonorum' which 
 follows, where some read consensus, 
 others conventus, but Cicero's words 
 are ' boni concurrerent.' 
 
 11. Hie locus] The temple of 
 Jupiter Stator. Inf. 5. Magna est ha- 
 benda huic ipsi Jovi Statori, antiquis- 
 simo custodi hujus urbis, gratia. 
 
 12. Horum ora] For the senators, 
 on the enhance of Catiline, quitted 
 the benches to which he came. Inf. 
 7. Advent? tuo ista subsellia vacue- 
 facta sunt. 
 
 13. Patere non sentis] From all 
 these circumstances can you not infer 
 the detection of your schemes 1 
 
 14. Constrictam] The metaphor is 
 
 taken from chaining a wild beast, to 
 which he compares the conspiracy. 
 15. Proximo superiore] So Arch. 5. 
 Proximis censoribus, superioribus, pri- 
 mis 1 ' Proximus' is the nearest to 
 to the present', whether future, or 
 past. Thus inf. 6. ' Ruinas fortuna- 
 rum, impendere tibi proximis idibus 
 senties.' But here it refers to the 
 past, and ' proxima' is the last, ' supe- 
 riore' the second last night. We are 
 not informed where Catiline spent 
 the last night, but we know that he 
 spent the night preceding it, in the 
 house of M. Porcius Laeca, with the 
 conspirators. Inf. c. 4 ; and as Cic, 
 Sull. 18. informs us, that that was the 
 night ' quae consequuta est posterum 
 diem nonarum Nov.' i. e. the sixth 
 of Nov., we infer that the speech 
 was made on the eighth. For the 
 following day, we may suppose, Cic. 
 spent in detailing how the attempt of 
 Cornelius and Vargunteius was frus- 
 trated, (Sail. Cat. 28.) and convening 
 the senate for the following day. This 
 is stated incorrectly in the Delph. 
 
 16. Quos convocaveris] Muretus has 
 carefully collected the names of those 
 that were said to belong to the conspi- 
 racy to the number of forty ; but as 
 the principal of them are found in Sal- 
 lust, it did not appear necessary to 
 transcribe them. 
 
 17. Senatus videt] This senarian 
 has not escaped the sagacity of Mure- 
 tus, who remarks, from Aristotle, that 
 the Iambus is the proper diction of the 
 multitude, and Hor. says of it alternis 
 aptum sermonibus.' It is more strange 
 then that so few senarians appear, 
 
IN L. CATILINAx\I, Cap. 1, 
 
 235 
 
 mo vero etiam in senatum 19 venit : fit publici consilii par- 
 ticeps : notat et designat 20 oculis ad caedem unumquemque 
 nostrum. Nos autem, viri fortes, 21 satisfacere reipublica? 
 videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitemus. Ad mortem te, 
 Catilina, duci jussu consulis 22 jampridem oportebat; 23 in te 
 eonferri pestem istam, quam tu in nos omnes jamdiu ma- 
 ehinaris. 24 An vero 25 vir amplissimus, P. Scipio, 26 pontifex 
 maximus, Ti. Gracchum, 27 mediocriter labefactantem statum 
 reipublicae, privatus interfecit : Catilinam [vero,] orbem ter- 
 rae caede atque incendiis vastare cupientem, nos consules 
 ])erferemus ? Nam ilia nimis antiqna praetereo, quod Q. 
 Servilius Ahala 28 Sp. Maelium, novis rebus studentem, 21 ' 
 manu sua 30 occidit. Fuit, fuit 31 ista quondam in hac re- 
 publica virtus, ut viri fortes acrioribus suppliciis civem per- 
 niciosum, quam acerbissimum hostem coercerent. Habe- 
 mus senatuscousultum in te, Catilina, vehemens et grave : 
 non deest reipublicae consilium, neque auctoritas hujus or- 
 dinis : 3 ~ nos, nos, dico aperte, consules desumus. 
 
 than that a solitary one is found. Arch. 
 1. n. 2. 
 
 18. Hie tnmen rivit] Instead of 
 being condemned by the senate, ap- 
 prehended by the consul, and capital- 
 ly punished. Muret. 
 
 19. In senatum] For he was of prae- 
 torian rank. 
 
 20. Notat et designat] As those 
 who are about to offer a sacrifice, 
 mark the victims out of the flock. 
 Muret. 
 
 21. Viri fortes] Irony. For bra- 
 vt ry does not consist in caution. 
 Muret. 
 
 22. Jvssn consulis] For Cic. was 
 armed with supreme authority, which, 
 ' more Romano,' empowered him to 
 punish with death. Sail. Cat. 29. 
 Hence, Cic. Mil. 26. remarks that 
 Pompey, under the same authority, 
 * in Milonem animadvertere ipse et 
 more majorum et suo jure posset.' 
 
 23. Ad mortem oportebat] This 
 is his proposition, which he enforces 
 by the example of others. ' Jampri- 
 dem,' inf. 2. ' vicesimum jam diem, &c. 
 
 24. Machinaris] Metaphora ab 
 architectis desumpta. Delph. \\ ould 
 not ' machinari pestem' then be a 
 mixed metaphor 1 Take it then with 
 Muret. in the proper force of pijya- 
 vttoQai. 
 
 25. An vero, fyc] The opposition 
 here, as Quint, remarks, holds in four 
 respects: 1. Scipio, a private man, 
 is contrasted with Cicero, a consul ; 
 2. Gracchus with Catiline; 3. a slight 
 attempt against the constitution with 
 massacre and conflagration ; 4. The 
 Roman republic with the whole 
 world. 
 
 26. P. Scipio] Mil. 3. n. 18. 
 
 27. Ti. Gracchum] Mil. 3. n. 16. 
 
 28. Q. Serv. Ahala] Mil. 3. n. 17. 
 
 29. Nuvis rebus studentem] New- 
 TipiZovra. Muret. 
 
 30. Manu sua] 'E/i0ari/cwc. Muret. 
 
 31. Fuit, fuit] Dem. de Cor.60. 6k 
 
 tOTIV, HK tCTTlV, OTTUJQ TJUapTETt, 
 
 avdptQ ' AQi)valoi. 
 
 32. Hujus ordinis] Neither the 
 counsel nor authority of this order is 
 wanting to the republic. 
 
236 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. 
 
 II. Decrevit quondam Senatus, ut L. Opimius consul vi- 
 deret, ne quid respublica detrimenti caperet. IN ox nulla 
 intercessit : interfectus est propter quasdam scditionum 
 suspiciones C. Gracchus, 1 clarissimo patre, avo, majoribus : 
 occisus est cum liberis M. Fulvius, 2 consularis. Simili sena- 
 tusconsulto, C. Mario et L. Valerio consulibus permissa est 
 respublica. Num unum diem postea L. Satuminuni 3 tribu- 
 num plebis, et C. Servilium Praetorem, mors ac [rei pub- 
 lic*] poena remorata est? At nos vicesimum jam diem* pa- 
 timur hebescere aciem horum auctoritatis. 5 Habemus enim 
 hujusmodi senatusconsultum, verumtamen inclusum in ta- 
 bulis, tanquam [gladium] in vagina reconditum : quo ex 
 MMiatusconsulto confestim 6 interfectum te esse, Catilinu. 
 venit. Vivis: et vivis non ad deponendam, sed ad contir- 
 mandam audaciam. Cupio, 7 Patres conscripti, me esse cle- 
 mentem : cupio in tantis reipublicse periculis non dissolu- 
 tum 8 videri: sed jam me ipse mertiae nequitiaeque condemno. 
 Castra sunt in Italia contra rempublicam in Etruriae faucibus 9 
 collocata : crescit in dies singulos hostium numerus : eorum 
 autem imporatorem castrorum ducemque hostium intra 
 moenia atque adeo in senatu videmus, intestinam aliquam 
 quotidie perniciem reipublicae molientem. Si te jam, Cati- 
 lina, comprehendi, 10 si interfici jussero, credo, 11 erit veren- 
 dum mihi, ne non 1 - hoc potius omnes boni serius a me, quam 
 quisquam crudelius factum esse dicant. Verum ego hoc, quod 
 
 Sect. II. 1. L. Opimius C. gent, as the following words ' iner- 
 (hacchus] Mil. 3. n. 19. tiae nequitiaeque' show. Dera. calls 
 
 2. M. Fulvius] He was joined in it pq.Qvp.ia. 
 
 commission with C. Gracchus, to di- 9. Etruria faucibus'] At Fesulac, 
 
 vide the public lands ; and, with his where the camp of Mallius was. 
 
 sons, was slain by Opimius and the Sail. Cat. 27. 
 
 nobles, together with three thousand 10. Si te comprehendi'] A Pha- 
 
 men, a. v. 631. liecian hendecasyllabic verse, 
 
 3. Mario Safur/j.] Mil. 3. n. sisting of a spondee, dactyl, and three 
 20. trochees). Mur. Supr. 1. n. 1. 
 
 4. Rem. diem] Introd. 3. 11. Credo] Ironiae nota. Muret. 
 
 5. Aciem auctoritatis] A meta- But if that means that credo' here 
 phor from a sword, which becomes a signifies I do nor believe,' it cvi- 
 simile in ' inclusum in tabulis tan- dently contradicts the sense. Explain 
 quam, &c.' it then with Manut. * non dubito.' 
 
 (j. Confestim] ' Con fari.' We 12. Verendum ne non] Ne non 
 
 say, ' no sooner said than done.' with verbs of fearing is equivalent to 
 
 7. Cupio, cjc] Supr. 1. n. 7. ut, the negatives cancelling each 
 
 8. Dissolutiun] Too lax or indul- other. Epis. v. 18. Unum vereor 
 
IN L. CATIL1NAM, Cap. 3. 237 
 
 jampridem factum esse oportuit, certa de causa 13 nondum 
 adducor, ut faciam. Turn denique interficiam te, quum jam 
 nemo tarn improbus, tam perditus, tarn tui similis inveniri 
 poterit, qui id non jure factum esse fateatur. Quamdiu 
 quisquam erit, qui te defendere audeat, vives: et vives ita, 
 ut nunc vivis, multis meis et firmis pra?sidiis obsessus, ne 
 commovere te contra rempublicam possis. Multorum te 
 etiam oculi et aures non sentientem, sicut adhuc fecerunt, 
 speculabuntur atque custodient. 
 
 III. Etenim quid 1 est, Catilina, quod jam amplius ex- 
 pectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare ccetus nefarios, nee 
 privata domus 2 parietibus continere voces conjurationis tua? 
 potest ? si illustrantur, 3 si erumpunt omnia ? Muta jam is- 
 tam mentem, 4 mihi crede : obliviscere ca?dis, atque incen- 
 diorum. Teneris undique : luce sunt clariora nobis tua con- 
 silia omnia : qua? etiam mecum licet recognoscas. 5 Memi- 
 nistine, me ante diem xn 6 Kalendas Novembres dicere in 
 senatu, fore in armis certo die, qui dies futurus esset ante 
 diem vi 7 Kal. Novembres, C. Mallium, 8 audaciae satellitem 
 atque administrum tua? ? Num me fefellit, Catilina, non 
 modo res tanta, tam atrox, tam incredibilis, verum id quod 
 multo magis est admirandum, dies ? Dixi ego idem in se- 
 
 ne senatus Pompeium noli dimittere ; 5. Recognoscas] 1. To recognise; 
 
 i.e. vereor ut velit. Zumpt, c. 76. 2. (as here) to call to mind. Forcel. 
 
 -Mil. 18. n. 7. 6. Ante diem xii.] Al. in ante 
 
 13. Certa de causa] This 'certain diem; for which construction vid. 
 
 reason' is fully explained in the Mil. 10. n. 4. He means the 21st 
 
 second oration, c. 2. of October, the day appointed origi- 
 
 Sect. 111. 1. Etenim quid, c.~\ nally for holding the comitia. ln- 
 
 This is a rhetoric artifice to introduce trod. 3. 
 
 what he had discovered about the 7. Ante diem vi.] And so Sail, 
 
 conspiracy ; * Meministine, &c.' Cat. 30. C. Mallium, arma cepisse, 
 
 2. Nox privata domus] Introd. ante diem vi. Kal. Nov. The 27th of 
 3. Oct. 
 
 3. IUustrantur] Referring to ' nox 8. C. Mallium] Al. Manlium; but 
 tenebris ;' ' erumpunt' to ' privata the Manlian family was patrician, 
 domus parietibus.' Muret. This Mallius had been a centurion 
 
 4. Muta jam mentem] He does under Sylla, and was one of the mili- 
 uot mean his 'mind;' for that was tary colonists whom he had settled at 
 gone too far to be changed ; but his Fesula;. Cat. ii. 7. 9. Having 
 1 present purpose ;' which being so come to Rome to forward the elec- 
 completely thwarted, Catiline might tion of Catiline, he was afterwards 
 be reasonably expected to adopt ano- dispatched to Fesulae to begin the 
 ther; i. e. to set out to Mallius. war. Sail. Cat. 24. 27. 
 
238 M. T. CICEROMS ORATIO 1. 
 
 until, csedera te optimatum contulisse in ante diem v 9 Kalen- 
 das Novembres, tum, quuni raulti principes civitatis Roma 
 non tain sui conservandi, 10 quam tuorum consiliorum repri- 
 mendorum causa profugenmt. Num infitiari potes, te illo 
 ipso die meis praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclusum, corn- 
 move re te contra rempublicam non potuisse, (juum tu dis- 
 cessu ceterorum, 11 nostra tamen, qui remansissemus, 12 ca?de 
 contentum te esse dicebas ? Quid ? quum tute Pra?- 
 neste 13 Kalendis ipsis Novembribus occupaturum, noc- 
 turno impetu esse confideres : sensistine, illam coloniam 1 * 
 meo jussu, meis praesidiis, custodiis, vigiliisque esse muni- 
 tam ? Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, 15 quod ego non 
 modo non audiam, sed etiam non videam planeque sen- 
 tiam. 
 
 IV. Recognosce tandem mecum noctem illam superio- 
 rem 1 : jam intelliges multo me vigilare acrius ad salutem, 
 quam te ad pemiciem reipublica?. Dico te priori nocte ve- 
 nisse inter falcarios 2 (non agam obscure) in M. Laeca* ( Io- 
 nium : convenisse eodem complures 3 ejusdem amentia? sce- 
 lerisque socios. Num negare audes I Quid taces ? Con- 
 vincam, si negas. Video enim esse hie in senatu quosdam, 
 qui tecum unaluerunt O dii immortales! ubinam gentium 
 
 9. In ante diem v.] The 28th of ticed by Sallust. 
 
 Oct. Introd. 3. The Delph. says, 'in 14. Coloniam] Supposed by Ma- 
 
 die qui esset ante diem in quern dilata nut. to have been planted by Sylla, 
 
 fuerant Comitia.' But 'in ante diem' (Agr. ii. 28,) who planted several 
 
 is the same as ante diem.' Mil. 10. military colonies. A. Gell., xvi. 13, 
 
 n. 4. mentions that the inhabitants peti- 
 
 10. Non tarn sui conservandi] i.e. tioned Tiberius to be admitted to the 
 Those ' principes civitatis' consider- rank of a corporate town instead of a 
 ately withdrew themselves from the colony. 
 
 city ; not through personal fear, but 15. Nihil agit moliris cogitas'] 
 
 lest they should be slain along with An ascending series ; for it was more 
 
 the consul; and, of course, no body difficult to ascertain the attempts than 
 
 left to oppose Catiline ! the acts of Cat. ; but to arrive at his 
 
 11. Ditcessu ceterorum] Sc. the thoughts, more difficult still. Muret. 
 
 ' principes' noted above. Sect. XIV. 1. Superiorem] Last 
 
 12. Remansissemus] So Sail. Cat. night but one. We say, 'ere last 
 27. Seque ad exercitum profectu- night' sc. came. Introd. 3. 
 
 rum, si Ciceronem oppressissent.' 2. Inter falcarios] ' Falcarius' is, 
 
 13. Prajnest e] Praeneste was a town properly, a scythe-maker. Hence the 
 of Latium, about twenty-four miles street where they dwelt was called 
 from Rome, which we may suppose * inter falcarios.' Sull. 18. 
 Catiline to have attempted to seize 3. Complures] Sail. Cat. 17, 
 on and garrison, though it is not no- names eleven senators who were 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 5. 239 
 
 sumus ? quam rempublicam habemus ? in qua urbe vivimus ? 
 Hie, hie sunt, in nostro numero, Patres eonscripti, in hoc 
 orbis terra? sanctissimo gravissimoque consilio, qui de meo 
 nostrumque omnium interitu, qui de hujus urbis, atque adeo 
 orbis* terrarum exitio cogitent. Hosce ego video consul, et 
 de republica sententiam rogo ! et, quos ferro trucidari opor- 
 tebat, eos nondum voce vulnero ! Fuisti inter apud La?- 
 cam 5 ilia nocte, Catilina : distribuisti partes Italia? : G statuisti 
 (juo quemque proficisci placeret: delegisti, quos Roma? relin- 
 queres, 7 quos tecum educeres : descripsisti urbis partes 8 ad in- 
 cendia : confirmasti, te ipsum jam esse exiturum : dixisti paul- 
 lulum tibi esse etiamtum mora?, quod ego viverein. 9 , Reperti 
 sunt duo equites Romani, 10 qui te ista cura liberarent, et sese 
 ilia ipsa nocte paullo ante lucem me meo in lectulo interfec- 
 turos 11 pollicerentur. Ha?c ego omnia, vix dum etiani 12 ccetu 
 i dimisso, comperi: domum meam majoribus pra?sidiis 
 munivi atque firmavi : exclusi eos, quos tu mane ad me sa- 
 lutatum miseras, quum i 111 ipsi venissent; quos ego jam mul- 
 tis ae Minimis viris ad me id ventures temporis esse pra?- 
 dixeram. 
 
 V. Qua? cum ita sint, 1 Catilina, perge quo coepisti : egre- 
 aliquando ex urbe: patent porta?: proficiscere. Ni- 
 mium din te imperatorem tua ilia Malliana castra desi de- 
 rant. Educ tecum etiam omnes tuos ; si minus, 2 quamplu- 
 rinios. Pur^a url)em. Magno me metu liberabis, dum- 
 
 privy to the plot. 10. Duo equites Romani] Sallust, 
 
 4. Hujusurbis orfrw] napiixijrtiQ. Cat. 28, saysotte C. Cornelius ; and 
 Muret. ; i. e. he thinks there is an is so far corroborated by Cicero, Sull. 
 attempt at alliteration in these words. 18. But the second, according to 
 
 5. Apad Ltecam] Sail. Cat. 27. Sallust, was L. Vargunteius, a senator. 
 Sull. 18. Plutarch and Appian differ still fai - 
 
 6. Partes Italic] Sail. Cat. 27. ther from Cicero. 
 
 C. Mallium Fesulas, atque in earn 11. Me intcrfectu.~] Sail. Cat. 28. 
 
 partem Etrurias, Septimium quendam De improviso imparatum confodere. 
 
 Camertem in agrum Picenum, C. Ju- 12. Vix dum etiam] Curius . . . 
 
 lium in Apuliam. Introd. 3. propere per Fulviam dolum enun- 
 
 7. Roma: relinqutres] Lentulus, ciat. Sail. Cat. 28, where also, 
 Cethegus, &c. Sail. Cat. 32. ' sicuti salutatum, &c.,' agreeing 
 
 8. Urbis partes] Sail. Cat. 43. with Cicero's account. 
 
 Statilius et Gabinius duodecim simul StcT. V. 1. Que cum ita sint] 
 
 oppoituna loca urbis incenderent. Cic. sums up his argument by con- 
 
 9. Dixisti viverem] Sail. Cat. eluding that Catiline should at once 
 27. Eum [Ciceronem] suis consiliis leave the city. 
 
 multum offirere.' 2. 5tminu] But if not all. 
 
240 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO I. 
 
 modo inter me atque te mums 3 intersit. Nobiscum versari 
 jam diu tius non potes : non feram, non patiar, non sinam. 
 Magna diis immortalibus habenda est gratia, atque huic ipsi 
 Jovi Statori, 4 antiquissimo custodi hujus urbis, quod hanc 
 tarn tetram, tarn horribilem, tamque infestam reipublicae 
 pestem toties jam eflfugimus. Non est saepius in uno homi- 
 ne 5 summa salus periclitanda reipublicae. Quamdiu mihi, 
 consuli designato, 6 Catilina, insidiatus es, non publico me 
 praesidio, sed privata diligentia defendi. Quum proximis 
 comitiis 7 consularibus me consulem in campo, et competi- 
 tores tuos interficere voluisti, compressi tuos nefarios conatus 
 amicorum praesidio 8 et copiis, nullo tumultu publice conci- 
 tato : denique, quotiescunque me petisti, 9 per me tibi obstiti ; 
 quamquam videbam, perniciem meam cum magna calamitate 
 reipublicae esse conjunctam. Nunc jam aperte rempubli- 
 cam universam 10 petis : templa deorum immortalium, tecta 
 urbis, vitam omnium civium, Italiam denique totam, ad exi- 
 tium et vastitatem vocas. 
 
 Quare, quoniam id, quod primum, 11 atque hujus imperii 1 - 
 disciplinaeque majorum proprium est, facere nondum audeo : 
 faciam id, quod est ad severitatem lenius, ad communem sa- 
 lutem utilius. Nam, si te interfici jussero, residebit in re- 
 publica reliqua conjuratorum manus. Sin tu (quod te jam- 
 dudum hortor) exieris, exhaurietur ex urbe tuorum comituni 
 magna et perniciosa sentina 13 reipublicae. 14 Quid est, Catilina ? 
 
 3. Murus] A city wall. simo praesidio fortissimorura virorum. 
 
 4. Diis atque Jovi Statori] i. e. 9. Me petisti] A metaphor taken 
 To the gods, and, in particular, to from the gladiators. 
 
 Jupiter Stator. Muret. quotes Tpwac 10. Rempub, universam, c\c] An 
 
 ts Kai"EKTopa vrjvtri niXaaai ; and amplification by an enumeration of 
 
 1 Reliquias Danaum atque iinmitis the parts, the whole being first posit- 
 
 Achilli.' 'Stator,' i.e. 'qui fugam ed. Conversely in Pis. 1, he proceeds 
 
 sistit.' Liv. i. 12. from the parts to the whole : ' Oculi, 
 
 5. In uno /to/nine] Catiline ; though supercilia, frons, vultus denique to- 
 some, induced by Cicero's egregious tus.' Muret. 
 
 vanity, refer it to himself. 11. Id quod primum] Sc. to have 
 
 6. Consuli desig.] Introd. 3. The you put to death. 
 
 consuls were L. Caesar andC. Figu- 12. Hujus imperii] The consular 
 lus. authority amplified by the decree 
 
 7. Proximis comitiis] At which ' Ne <juiddetrimenti, 6cc.' 
 
 Cic. presided, and Silanus and Mu- 13 . 6>n(iiia] is, 1. The bottom of 
 
 rena were designated. a ship, where the bilge-water is ; 2. 
 
 8. Amicorum prasidio] Muren. the bilge-water itself. Hence, meta- 
 26. Descendi in campum cum firmis- phorically, the dregs of society ;' 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 6. 
 
 241 
 
 num dubltas id, me imperante, facere, quod jam tua sponte 
 faciebas v ? Exire ex urbe jubet consul hostem. 15 Interrogas 
 me, num inexsilium? Non jubeo: 16 sed si me consulis, 
 suadeo. 
 
 VI. Quid est enim, 1 Catilina, quod te jam in hac urbe 
 delectare possit? in qua nemo est, extra istam conjurationem 
 perditorum hominum, qui te non metuat ; nemo, qui non 
 oderit." Quae nota domestical turpitudinis non inusta 3 vita' 
 tua? est? quod privatarum rerum dedecusnon haeret infamia^ ? 
 quae libido ab oculis, 4 quod facinus a manibus unquam tills, 
 quod flagitium a toto corpore abfuit ? cui tu adolescentulo, 
 quern corruptelarum illecebris irretisses, non aut ad auda- 
 ciam ferrum, aut ad libidinem iacem 5 praetulisti? Quid 
 vero ? nuper, quum morte superioris uxoris novis nuptiis do- 
 mum vacuefecisses, 6 nonne etiam alio incredibili scelere hoc 
 scelus cumulasti i quod ego praetermitto, et facile patior si- 
 leri, ne in bac civitate tanti facinoris immanitas aut exstitissc, 
 aut non vindicata esse videatur. Praetermitto ruinasfortunarum 
 
 which would be cleared out (exhau- 
 rietur) by the departure of Catiline. 
 Quint, viii. 6. Cicero recte * senti- 
 nam reip.' dixit, faxlitatem hominum 
 significans. 
 
 14. Reip.'] This word is bracketed 
 by Ern., and ' tuorum comitum' sus- 
 pected by Heuman. It is to be ex- 
 plained, however, on the principle 
 that a single substantive often go- 
 verns two genitives, one having gene- 
 rally an active or possessive force, the 
 other a passive; thus Caes. B. G. i. 
 30, ' Helvetiorum injuria? populi 
 Homani ;' injuries committed by 
 by the Helvetii (active) against the 
 Roman people (passive). So here 
 trans. ' the canaille of the republic 
 made up of your companions.' Schell. 
 Lat. Gram. vol. i. p. 364. Sch., 
 however, would take ' reip.' as the 
 dat. on ' perniciosa,' transposing the 
 words. 
 
 15. Consul hostem'] These are 
 more emphatic, according to Muret., 
 than ' Cicero Catilinam.' 
 
 16. Non jubeo] For exile was not 
 a punishment by the Roman law ; 
 
 but rather the consequence of the 
 penalty enacted. So ' aqua et igni 
 interdici' was equivalent to banish- 
 ment. 
 
 Sect. VI. 1. Quid enim] He 
 proceeds ' suadere' to his advice ; 
 namely, to leave the city ; and he oc- 
 cupies the three following sections in 
 stating his reasons for that advice, 
 which were any thing but conciliatoi y 
 towards Catiline, lntrod. 4. 
 
 2. Metuat oderit] Hence Phil. i. 
 14, * Oderint dum metuant;' those 
 passions being naturally allied. 
 
 3. Nota iuusta] A metaphor 
 from branding slaves. 'What stig- 
 ma, &q,' Barbarum compunctis no- 
 tis Thraciis. Off. ii. 7. Mil. 12. 
 n. 17. 
 
 4. Libido ab oculis] Hence such 
 phrases as ' patrantes oculi.' Pers. 
 Sat. i. 18. 
 
 5. Facem] Namely, to light him 
 on the way to his haunts. Sail. Cat. 14. 
 
 6. Morte vacuej ecisses] Al. va- 
 cuam j'ecisses . The parallel passage 
 in Sallust ' necato filio, vacuam do- 
 mum scelestis nuptiis fecisse,' would 
 
 Y 
 
242 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. 
 
 tuarum, quas omnes impendere tibi proximis Idibus 7 senties : 
 ad ilia venio, quae non ad privatam ignominiam vitiorum 
 tuorum, non ad domesticam tuam difficultatem 8 ac turpitu- 
 dinem, sed ad summam rempublicam, 9 atque ad omnium 
 nostrum vitam salutemque pertinent. Potestne tibi haec lux, 
 Catilina, aut hujus cceii spiritus esse jucundus quum scias 
 liorum esse neminem, qui nesciat, te pridie Kalendas Janu- 
 arias, 10 Lepido et Tullo consulibus, stetisse in comitio cum 
 telo V 1 manum, consulum et principum civitatis interficien- 
 dorum causa, paravisse ? sceleri ac furori tuo non mentem 
 aliquam, aut timorem tuum, sed fortunam populi Romani ob- 
 stitisse? Ac jam ilia omitto. Neque enim sunt aut ob- 
 scura, aut non multa post commissa. 12 Quoties tu me desig- 
 i latum, quoties consulem interficere conatus es ! quot ego 
 tuas petitiones ita conjectas, ut vitari non posse viderentur, 
 
 lead us to explain Cicero thus : That 
 oh the death of his wife, Catil. cleared 
 his house for a new connexion with 
 Aurelia Orestilla, by murdering his 
 son (' hoc scelus'). Then alio in- 
 credibili scelere* will be his marriage 
 with his own daughter. Tog. Cand. 
 ' Kx eodem stupro tibi et uxorem et 
 riliam invenisti.' But the more ob- 
 vious explanation is, that Catil. by 
 the death of his former wife (hoc sce- 
 lus) prepared his house for a new 
 connexion ; and to this added the 
 murder of his son (alio incredibili 
 scelere). 
 
 7. Prosimii Idibus] For the ides 
 was the regular day for the payment 
 of the interest or principal of money 
 lent, Hor. Epod. 2. Sat. i. 6 ; and 
 Catiline's creditors were growing im- 
 portunate. Muret. explains it of the 
 ides of November, on which day 
 Cicero had proposed the ' Tabulae 
 auctionariae,' Cat. ii. 8, by which 
 he should be obliged to sell all his 
 estates to satisfy his creditors. But 
 the former seems to be the better in- 
 terpretation. 
 
 8. Ditficultatem] 'Avopiav, apn- 
 \aviav. Muret. We say, in the same 
 waty, * pecuniary difficulties.' 
 
 9. Summam remp.] A I. reip. 
 
 Summa resp.' means the safety of 
 the whole republic. 
 
 10. Pridie Kal. Jan.] Introd. Sail. 
 Cat. 18. This is usually called the 
 first conspiracy. It arose from the 
 disappointed ambition of Autronius 
 and Sulla, the consuls elect, who 
 being turned out of office for bribery, 
 joined Catiline, then accused by 
 Clodius, in a plot to murder Cotta 
 and Torquatus, who had been ap- 
 pointed consuls in their room. This 
 took place about the fifth of Decem- 
 ber, and on the first of January, when 
 the consuls met in the comitium, to 
 make the usual retiring addresses to 
 the people, Catiline attended in arms. 
 According to Suetonius's most impro- 
 bable account, (Jul. 9,) the defec- 
 tion of Crassus and Caesar caused 
 the execution of the plot to be de- 
 ferred to the fifth of February ; and 
 it was finally frustrated by Catiline's 
 prematurely giving the signal for 
 slaughter. 
 
 11. Telo] Mil. 24. n. 25, and for 
 'comitium,' Manil. 15. n.7. 
 
 12. Post commissa] His after offen- 
 ces. Al. jio?j multo postea, which is 
 rather obscure. Cicero gives two rea- 
 sons for omitting the detail of the 
 first conspiracy. 1 . It was well- 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 7. 
 
 243 
 
 parva quadam declinatione, et, ut aiunt, corpore 13 eftugi ! 
 Nihil agis, nihil assequeris, [nihil moliris:] 14 neque tamen 
 conari ac velle desistis. Quoties jam tibi extorta est sica 
 ista de manibus ? quoties vero excidit casu aliquo la et elap- 
 sa est ? [tamen ea carere diutius non potes :] qua? qui- 
 bus abs te initiata sacris 15 ac devota sit, nescio, quod earn 
 necesse putas consulis in corpore defigere. 
 
 VII. Nunc vero, quae tua est ista vita ? Sic enim jam 
 tecum loquar, non ut odio permotus esse videar, quo debeo, 
 sed ut misericordia, qua? tibi nulla debetur. Venisti paullo 
 ante in senatum. 1 Quis te ex hac tanta frequentia, tot ex tuis 
 amicis ac necessariis salutavit? 2 Si hoc post hominum me- 
 morianr contigit nemini, vocis exspectas contumeliam, quuin 
 -is Lrravissimo judicio taciturnitatis oppressus? Quid? quod 
 adventu tuo ista subsellia 4 vacuefacta sunt ? quod omnes con- 
 sulares, qui tibi persa?pe ad caedem constituti fuerunt, simul 
 atque assedisti, partem istam subselliorum nudam atque ina- 
 nem reliquerunt ? Quo tandem animo hoc tibi ferendum 
 putas ? Servi mehercle mei si me isto pacto metuerent, ut 
 te metuunt omnes cives tui, domum 5 meam relinquendam 
 
 known ; 2. there was no lack of sub- 
 sequent crimes : e. g. attempting his 
 (Cicero's) own life. 'Ilia' from the 
 preceding sentence is subject to 
 4 sunt.' 
 
 13. Quot petitiones for/we] Gla- 
 diatorial terms. So JEn. v. 438. 
 Corpore tela modo atque oculis vigi- 
 lantibus exit. 
 
 14. [Nihil moliris] These words, 
 bracketed by Orel., are not found in 
 ;ill MSS. Al. insert here, quod mihi 
 latere valeat in tempore, which, be- 
 sides being an unusual construction 
 of lateo,' are not found in some 
 MSS. 'In tempore' is tv Kaiptp, at 
 the due time. 
 
 15. Excidit casu aliquo] Supr. 
 Fortunam reip. obstitisse. 
 
 16. Initiata sacris] The ' sica' was 
 consecrated for the purpose of sacri- 
 ficing the victim. Cicero insinuates 
 that Catiline's dagger was so dedi- 
 cated, and his victims the consuls. 
 'Consulis' then alludes to Cotta and 
 
 Torquatus as well as Cicero. 
 
 Sect. VII. 1. Venisti in sena- 
 tum] Sail. Cat. 31. 
 
 2. Quis salutavit] Cat. ii. 6. ' Quis 
 senator eum appellavit 1 quis saluta- 
 vit 1 quis, &c.' 
 
 3. Post hominum memoriam] ' In 
 the memory of man ;' i. e. as far back 
 as any records reach. It is often ap- 
 plied to time in general. Off. ii. :3. 
 Cratippus princeps hujus memoriae 
 philosophorum,' of this age. Arch. 
 1. n. 7. Mil. 28. n. 18. 
 
 4. Subsellia'] (' Sub sella') so 
 called in contra-distinction to the 
 ' curulis sella ;' for, we learn from 
 Ascon. that they were occupied by the 
 minor magistrates. Hence the word 
 is applied to the senatorial benches, 
 which bore a similar relation to the 
 consul's chair. 
 
 5. Servi domum] This is very 
 emphatic, as if he said : 'If my 
 slaves, whose lord I am, and whose 
 fear of me ought to be the most abject, 
 
244 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. 
 
 putarem : tu tibi urbem non arbitraris ? et si me meis civibus 
 injuria 6 suspectum tarn graviter atque offensum viderem ; ca- 
 rere me adspectu civium, quam infestis oculis omnium con- 
 spici mallem : tu, quum 7 conscientia scelerum tuorum agnos- 
 cas odium omnium justum et jam tibi diu debitum, dubitas, 
 quorum mentes sensusque 8 vulneras, eorum adspectum prae- 
 sentiamque vitare ? Si te parentes 9 timerent atque odissent 
 tui, neque eos ulla ratione placare posses ; ut opinor, ab 
 eorum oculis aliquo concederes : nunc te patria, qua? com- 
 munis est omnium nostrum parens, odit ac metuit, et jamdiu 
 te 10 nihil judicat, nisi deparricidio suo cogitare. Hujus tu 
 neque auctoritatem vereoere, neque judicium sequere. ne- 
 que vim pertimesces ? fQuae tecum, 11 Catilina, sic agit, 1 '- et 
 quodam modo tacita loquitur: " Nullum aliquot jam annis 13 
 lacinus exstitit, nisi perte: nullum flagitium sine te : tibi 
 uni multorum civium neces, 14 tibi vexatio direptioque socio- 
 nim 16 impunita fuit ac libera : tu non solum ad negligcndas 
 leges et quaestiones, verum etiam ad evertendas perfringen- 
 dasque 16 valuisti. Superiora ilia, quamquam ferenda 17 non 
 iuerunt, tamen, ut potui, tuli : nunc vero me totam esse in 
 
 dreaded me, as your fellow-citizens, 
 who owe you no duty, do you, I 
 should abandon ray house, my home, 
 my undoubted property. Will not 
 you, then leave the city over which 
 you have no claim, &c.,&c* 
 
 6. Injuria] Undeservedly. 
 
 7. Tu qtium, fc] A fortiori 
 should you, deservedly odious to your 
 citizens, shun their sight. 
 
 8. Sensus] Oculos. Manut. 
 
 9. Si te parentes] Cicero had il- 
 lustrated the necessity of Catiline's 
 departure from the city, 1. by the 
 case of a master and his slaves ; 2. 
 by the instance of unjust resentment 
 in one's fellow-citizens. Now he 
 urges the dislike of parents to a child, 
 which drives the child from under the 
 paternal roof: so ought the hatred of 
 our country, the general parent, cause 
 the exile of Catiline. [Demos., how- 
 ever, makes our country the child of 
 all. Phil. iv. 10.] 
 
 10. Jamdiu te] i.e. 'Te cogitare 
 nihil nisi, &c.' Al. dete; which ap- 
 
 pears to be the reading of all IISS. 
 Lambinus first omitted the preposi- 
 tion, in which he has been followed 
 by other editors. 
 
 11. Qua: tecum] TTpooionoiroiia, 
 or personification. Muret. supposes 
 it imitated from the Crito of Plato, 
 who there introduces the laws speak- 
 ing. Inf. 11. Quint., ix. 2, remarks 
 of this figure ' Mire quum variant 
 orationem, turn excitant .... Urbes 
 etiam popu/ique vocem accipiunt.' 
 
 12. Agit] Pleads with. 
 
 13. Aliquot jam annis] Perhaps 
 from his quaistorship, a. v. 676. 
 
 14. Multorum neces] In the pro- 
 scriptions of Sylla. Introd. 2. 
 
 15. Sociorum] He means the Afri- 
 cans. Introd. 2. 
 
 16. Negligendas perfringen.] He 
 ' neglected' the laws by committing 
 crimes; and 'broke through them,' 
 by evading their penalty ; e. g. by the 
 prevarication of Clodius. Introd. 2. 
 
 17. Quamquam ferenda] Similarly 
 to Terentia, he writes ' Cetera, quam- 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 3. 345 
 
 metu propter te iraum: quidquid increpuerit, 18 Catilinam 
 timeri : nullum videri contra me consilium iniri posse, quod 
 a tuo scelere abhorreat ; non est ferendum. Quamobrem 
 discede, atque hunc mihi timorem eripe : si est verus, ne op- 
 primar ; sin falsus, ut tandem aliquando timeri desinam." 
 
 VIII. Haec si tecum, ut dixi, patria loquatur, nonne im- 
 pel rare debeat, etiam si vim adhibere 1 non possit ? Quid ( 
 quod tu te ipse in custodiam- dedisti I quid? quod, vitandce 
 suspicionis causa, apud M. Lepidum 3 tehabitare vellc dixisti ? 
 a quo non receptus, etiam ad me venire ausus es, atque, ut 
 domi meae te asservarem, rogasti. Quum a me quoque id 
 responsum tulisses, me millo modo posse iisdem parietibus 
 tuto esse tecum, qui magno in periculo essem, quod iisdem 
 mcenibus contineremur; ad Q. Metellum* prsetorem venisti. 
 A quo repudiatus, ad sodalem tuum, virum optimum/ M. 
 Marcellum 6 demigrasti : quern tu videlicet et ad custodien- 
 dum te diligentissimum, et ad suspicandum sagacissinrdm, et 
 ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam longe 
 videtur a carcere" atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui se ipse 
 jam digniim custodia judicarit? Qua? quum ita sint, Catili- 
 na, dubitas, si emori aequo animo non potes, 8 abire in aliquas 
 terras, et vitam istam, multis suppliciis justis debitisque erep- 
 tam, iug solitudinique mandare . /! ' 
 
 <]uam ferenda non sunt, feramus.' of course, different from the ' foruV 
 
 Manut. simo viro,' infr., whom Cic. after- 
 
 18. Quid, increp.] ' Quidquid in- wards defended. The Delph. thinks 
 
 crepuisset pertimescentem.' Pis. 41. otherwise. He had a son, Caius, a 
 
 A metaphor taken from timid persons conspirator, whom Sextiua expelled 
 
 startled by the slightest noise. I.E. from Capua. Sext. 4. Bothwereen- 
 
 \ III. 1. Vim udhibere] gaged in the conspiracy. 'Sodalem,' 
 
 Hot. Od. iii. 28.4. a 'boon-companion;* a vud-sedeo. 
 
 1. Custodiam] Sc. * liberam ;' into 7. Carcere] Qu. ' Co-arcer,' a 
 
 the keeping of some private person. ' co-arcere.' 
 
 ;). M. Lepidum] Consul with \'ol- 8. Si emori potes] 'If you can- 
 
 catius, a. u. 687. not bear to die.' He had shown (c. 
 
 4. Q. Metellum] Sc. Celerem. 6,) that Catiline could no longer 
 
 Sail. Cat. 30. Q. Metellus Celer, live at Rome (Potestne hrec lux, &c). 
 
 praetor, in agrum Picenum missus The only alternative was death or ex- 
 
 est. He was consul two years after ile. And he hints, that if he remained 
 
 with L. Afranius. at Rome, he might prepare for death. 
 
 "). Virum optimum] Said ironical- Gr<ev. supposes ' self-murder,' but 
 
 ly. Quint, ix. 2, introduces it to ex- that was not to be expected from Cati- 
 
 emplify irony as a ' trope' or figure line. Ern. prefers morari as better 
 
 of diction ; distinct from irony, a opposed to abire. 
 ' scheme' or figure of thought. 0. Fuge mandare] ' Mandare fu- 
 
 t>. M. Marcellum] This Marcus is, gas' profugere ;' mandare solitudini' 
 
 Y 2 
 
246 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. 
 
 " Refer," 10 inquis, " ad senatum :" id enim postulas ; et, 
 si hie ordo placere sibi decreverit, te ire in exsilium, obtem- 
 peraturum te esse dicis. Non referam, id quod abhorret a 
 meis moribus: et tamen faeiam, ut intelligas, 11 quid hi de to 
 sentiant. E^redere ex urbe, Catilina : libera rempublicam 
 raetu : in exsilium, si hanc vocem exspectas, proficisoere. 1 - 
 Quid est, Catilina ? eequid attendis, ecquid animadvertis 
 horum silentium ? Patiuntur ; tacent. Quid exspectas auc- 
 toritatem loquentium, quorum voluntatem tacitorum perspi- 
 cis ? At si hoc idem huic adolescenti optimo, P. Sextio, 13 si 
 fortissimo viro, M. Marcello, dixissem : jam mihi consuli, 
 lioc ipso in templo, 14 jure optimo senatus vim et manus intu- 
 lisset De to autem, Catilina, quum quiescunt, probant : quum 
 patiuntur, decemunt: quum tacent, clamant. Neque hi so- 
 lum, quorum tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita vilissima : 
 sed etiam illi equites 15 Romani, honestissimi atque optimi viri, 
 ceterique fortissimi cives, qui circumstant senatum, quorum 
 tu et frequentiam videre, et studia perspicero, et voces paullo 
 ante exaudire potuisti. Quorum ego vix abs te jamdiu ma- 
 nus ac tela contineo : eosdom facile adducam, ut te ha^c, quae 
 jampridem vastare studes, relinquentem, usque ad portas 
 prosequantur. 16 
 
 IX. Quamquam 1 quid loquor? te ut ulla res frangat? tu 
 ut unquam te corrigas ? tu ut ullam fugam meditere " tu ut 
 ullum exsilium cogites? Utinam* tibi istam mentem dii 
 Immortales duint! tametsi video, si mea voce perterritui ire 
 in exsilium animum induxeris, quanta tempestas invidiam no- 
 
 fugere hominum societatem. Delph. exile. 
 
 10. Refer] For the consul gener- 16. Prosequantur] It was an an- 
 ally proposed the decrees. cient custom to convoy to the gates 
 
 11. Ut intelligas] Namely, by or bounds of the country, persons 
 their silence. 'Patiuntur; tacent.' going into exile. Cat. ii. 1. Egre- 
 
 12. Proficiscere] Here Cic. may dientem urbe prosecuti sumus. In 
 be supposed to make a pause, waiting Greek they said irpoTrtfiiruv. Eurip. 
 to see if Catiline would depart. Hippolyt. 1102. Muret. 
 
 V. K. Sect. IX. 1. Quamquam, %c.] A 
 
 13. P. Sextio] He was now the correction. He knew it was a waste 
 quaestor of C. Antonius, Cicero's of words to expect Catiline to go into 
 colleague ; and was afterwards de- exile. 
 
 fended by Cicero. Vid. Sext. 2. Utinam, Sfc] For the ancients 
 
 14. Hoc templo] Of Jupiter Sta- thought that the gods inspired men 
 tor. Supr. 5. n.4. with various passions and designs, 
 
 15. Sed etiam illi equites, <Sfc] Sc. whether good or bad. Mil. 33. Hie 
 intimate that they wish you to go into dii mentem dederunt illi peidito ut 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 9. 247 
 
 bis, si minus in praesens tempus/ recenti memoria scelerum 
 tuorum, at in posteritatem impendeat. Sed est mihi tanti ;* 
 dummodo ista privata sit calamitas, et a reipublieae pericu- 
 lis sejungatur. Sed tu 5 ut vitiis tuis commoveare, ut legum 
 pcenas pertimescas, ut temporibus reipublicae concedas, non 
 est postulandum. Neque enim is es, Catilina, ut te aut pu- 
 dor a turpitudine, aut metus a periculo, aut ratio a furore 
 revocarit. Quamobrem, ut saepe jam dixi, proficiscere : ac, 
 si 6 mihi inimico, ut praedicas, tuo conflare vis invidiam ; rec- 
 ta 7 perge in exsilium: vix feram 8 sennones hominum, si id 
 feceris : vix molem istius invidiam, si in exsilium ieris jussu 
 eonsulis, sustinebo. Sin autem servire mea? laudi et gloria* 
 mavis; egredere cum importuna sceleratorum manu : con- 
 fer te ad Mallium : 9 concita perditos cives : secerne te a bonis : 
 infer patriae bellum ; exsulta impio latrocinio, 10 ut a me non 
 ejectus ad alienos, sed invitatus ad tuos isse videaris. Quanu 
 quam quid ego te invitem, a quo jam sciam esse praemissos, 
 qui tibi ad Forum Aurelium 12 praestolarentur 13 armati ( cui 
 sciam pactam et constitutam esse cum Mallio diem ? a quo 
 etiam aquilam illam 1 * argenteam, quam tibi ac tuis omnibus 
 pcrnieiosam esse confido et funestam futuram, cui domi tiwe 
 
 liuic faccret in?idias. ' Duint' antique mones,' as Muret. remarks, taken ' in 
 
 pro dent. malam partem j' the censorious ob- 
 
 3. In prccsens tempus] For ' pra;- servations. 
 
 senti tempore.' So Manil. 12. 'in 9. Mallium'] Supr. c. 3. n. 8. 
 
 praedonum potestatem.' 10. Latrocinio] Rebellion. ' Im- 
 
 4. Est mihi tanti] Al. Est tanti. pio.' as being against ' patria ejus, 
 ' It is of small importance, xc.' Forcel. communis omnium parens.' 
 
 But the negative is generally added. 12. Forum Aurelium] A market - 
 
 Mil. 22. ' Id non est tanti, &c.' V r . town of Etruria, so called from its 
 
 E. turns it: ' Still your exile will be founder Aurelius, supposed to be the 
 
 so far of service.' But this is not so same who made the Aurelia Via from 
 
 obvious. Hor. A. P. 304. Rome to Pisa?. 
 
 5. Sed tu, fyc] R-efer the three 13. Praestolarentur] From 'praesto,' 
 following clauses each to its appro- qu. ' prasstulo' to be ready for wait 
 priate source, which Cic. subjoins; for ; scil. to accompany you to Fesulre. 
 sc. 'pudor metus ratio.' 14. Aquilam illam] As in auguries 
 
 6. Ac si mihi, c. Sin autem, c] the flight, of the eagle was held the 
 lie shows by a dilemma that Catiline most auspicious, so it became the 
 ought to go into exile. ' Whether standard of the Roman legion. It 
 you wish to injure or serve my fame, was usually made of silver, with wings 
 you ought to go.' expanded, and holding a thunder-bolt 
 
 7. ltecta] Sc. via. Palair. Ellips. in its talons. Of this eagle, Sallust, 
 315. V. E. Cat. 59, says ' quam bello Cimbrico 
 
 8. Vix feram] Ironical ; and ' ser- C. Marius in cxercitu habuis.se dice- 
 
248 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. 
 
 .sacrarium 15 scelerum tuomm 16 constitutum fuit, sciam esse 
 praemissam ( Tu ut ilia diutius carere possis, quam vene- 
 rari, ad caedem proficiscens, solebas ? a cujus altaribus saepe 
 istam impiam dexteram ad necem civium translulisti ( 
 
 X. Ibis tandem aliquando, 1 quo te jampridem tua ista cu- 
 piditas efFrenata ac furiosa rapiebat. 2 Neque enim tibi baec 
 res 3 aftert dolorem, sed quandam incredibilem voluptatem. 
 Ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas exercuit. lor- 
 tuna servavit. Nunquam tu non modo 4 otium, sed ne bellum 
 quidem, nisi nefarium concupisti. Nactus es ex perditis,' 
 atque ab omni non modo fbrtuna, verum etiam spe derelic- 
 
 batur.' 
 
 15. Sacrarium] Muret. here quotes 
 Dio Cassius's description of a species 
 of eagle, with a portable temple as a 
 covering, which the Roman legions 
 sometimes had for their ensign, and 
 applies it to the eagle of Catiline. 
 I3ut it is evident that the ' sacrari- 
 um' here meant, was quite distinct 
 from the portable vewc fiiKpbcof Dio ; 
 as it contained * altaria,' at which 
 Catiline offered sacrifices to the eagle 
 us a deity. Forcel. quotes this pas- 
 sage under the examples of a meta- 
 phorical use of ' sacrarium.' But 
 there seems to be no reason for doubt- 
 ing the actual erection of a chapel to 
 the eagle. So Yirg. Georg. iv. 542. 
 Quatuor his aras alta ad delubra de- 
 orum Constitue. 
 
 16. Scelerum tuomm] These words 
 appear harsh, because the * sacrari- 
 um' being in honour of the eagle, we 
 should hardly expect it to be anything 
 more ; whereas it served the double 
 purpose of a shrine to preserve the 
 eagle, and an altar for Catiline, at 
 which to practise his impieties. To 
 another person, indeed, the 'sacra- 
 rium' would be one ' sacrorum,' not 
 'scelerum.' So, Cat. ii. 11. * Sce- 
 lus' is opposed to ' pietas.' * Mine 
 pietas (pugnat) ; illinc scelus.' Inf. 
 ii. 6. 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Tandem aliquando] 
 Et ad tarditatem et ad difficultatern 
 indicandam valet. Muret. "We say, 
 
 at long and last.' Cat. ii. 1. 
 
 2. l\ia ista rapiebat] Yid. supr. 
 1. n. 7, ou the reiteration of a. 
 
 3. Here res] Bellum contra patri- 
 am. Manut. 
 
 4. Non modo] As usual, for ' non 
 modo non ;' being followed by ne 
 quidem.' As non is sometimes ex- 
 pressed, sometimes omitted, Doctor 
 Hunter was led to investigate the 
 principle on which this variety de- 
 pended, and has laid down the fol- 
 lowing rules : 1. ' When the same cir- 
 cumstance is meant to be denied in 
 both clauses, and its name placed 
 after ' ne quidem,' non maybe omit- 
 ted.' Thus here the common circum- 
 stance is, as usual, contained in the 
 verb. 2. ' When both clauses a it- 
 negative, denying nut a common cir- 
 cumstance, but each clause a sepa- 
 rate and distinct one, the 6econd ne- 
 gative is necessary.' Li v. iv. 3. 
 ' .Nor. modo non patricium sed ne ci- 
 vem quidem Romanutu, &c. ;' v. 38. 
 ' Non modo non tentato certamine, 
 sed ne clamore quidem reddito.' 
 Zumpt, c. 83, merely says, that if the 
 verb is inserted in the first proposi- 
 tion, the negative will be also. Cut 
 it often happens there is no verb, e. g. 
 Liv. i. 40. 'Non modo civicae, sed 
 ne ltalicae quidem stirpis.' Hunter's 
 principle is therefore more general. 
 Vid. his notes on I -ivy. 
 
 5. Ex perditis, &;c] The construc- 
 tion is, ' Conflatam ex perditis et ex 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 11. 
 
 249 
 
 tis, conflatam improborum manum. Hie tu qua laetitia per- 
 iruere ? quibus gaudiis exsultabis ? quanta in voluptate bac- 
 chabere, quum in tanto numero 6 tuorum neque audies viruni 
 boiium quemquam, neque videbis ? Ad hujus \ita3 7 studium 
 meditati illi sunt, 8 qui feruntur, 9 labores tui : jaeere humi non 
 modo ad obsidendum stuprum, 10 verum etiam ad facinus obe- 
 undum : vigilare non solum insidiantem somno maritorum, 11 
 verum etiam bonis occisorum. Habes, ubi ostentes illam 
 praeclaram tuam patientiam 12 famis, 13 i'rigoris, inopioe rerum 
 omnium ; quibus 14 te brevi tempore contectum esse senties. 
 Tantum profeci turn, quum te a consulatu repuli, 15 ut exsul 
 potius tentare, quam consul vexare rempublicam posses : at- 
 que ut id, quod esset a te scelerate suseeptum, latrocinium 
 potius, quam bellum 16 nominaretur. 
 
 XI. Nunc, ut a me, Patres conscripti, quandam prope 
 
 derelictis ab omni fortuna ah om- 
 
 ni spe.' So Cm. B. G. iii. 13. 
 ' Naves ab asstu derelictac.' The de- 
 scription agrees with Sallust's ac- 
 count, Cat. 21. Quibus mala omnia 
 abunde erant, sed neque res neque 
 spes bona ulla. 
 
 6. Quum in tanto numero, fyc.~\ i. e. 
 When you will be completely freed 
 from the presence of a good man, 
 which you ever held the greatest an- 
 noyance. 
 
 7. Ad hujus vita, $c] In one 
 MS. the prepos. is omitted, and could 
 well be spared. V. E. 
 
 8. Meditati sunt] The perfect of 
 this verb is often passive, as here. 
 
 9. Qui feruntur'] Ad gloriam tu- 
 am narrantur. Manut. So Arch. 9. 
 Nostra semper feretur et praedicabi- 
 tur, &c.' Similarly inf. ii. 5. ' Stu- 
 prorum et scelerum exercitatione as- 
 seufactus fortis ab istis pr#dicaba~ 
 tur.' 
 
 10. Obsidendum stuprum] Watch 
 an opportunity to commit. Ov. Amor, 
 i. 9. 25. ' Nempe maritorum som- 
 nis utuntur amantes.' This was a 
 common practice ; but Catiline ex- 
 tended it from amours to murder and 
 robbery. 
 
 11. Insidiantem maritorum'] This 
 answers to ad obsidendum stuprum' 
 preceding ; and ' insidiantem bonis 
 occisorum' to ' ad facinus obeundum.' 
 Graev. asks, who are the * occisi,' 
 and prefers ' otiosorum ;' i. e. ' of 
 the peaceably disposed.' But Cic. 
 means that ' ad facinus obeundum' 
 was not merely ' insidiari bonis,' 
 ' but insidiari bonis eorum quos prius 
 occiderat.' He first murdered, and 
 then robbed his victims. 
 
 12. Illam pra:claram tuam patien- 
 tiam] Manut. conceives that Cic. in- 
 timates his extreme contempt for 
 Catiline's patience, by these termi- 
 nations. So Muren. 9. Operarum 
 harum quotidianarum putat esse con- 
 sulatum. 
 
 13. Famis, <3fc] Sail. Cat. 5.-- 
 Corpus inediae patiens, algoris, vigi- 
 liae, supra quam cuiquam credibile 
 sit. Cat. ii. 5. 
 
 14. Quibus] Sc. 'fame, frigoie, 
 &c.' 
 
 15. A consulatu repuli] This may 
 allude to Catiline's suit along with 
 Cicero, wherein by his orat. in Tog. 
 Cand. he mainly contributed to the 
 defeat of Catiline ; or to a subsequent 
 time, when Catiline, during the con- 
 
250 
 
 M. T. C1CERONIS ORATIO I. 
 
 justam patriae querimoniam detester 1 ac deprecer : percipite, 
 quseso, diligenter, quae dicam, et ea penitus animis vestris 
 mentibusque mandate. Etenim, si mecum patria, qua? mihi 
 vita mea multo est carior ; si cuncta Italia ; si omnis nes- 
 publica loquatur : 2 " M. Tulli, quid agis ? tune eum, quem 
 esse hostem comperisti, quem ducem belli futurum vides. 
 quem exspectari imperatorem in castris hostium sentis, auc- 
 torem sceleris, principem conjurationis, evocatorenr servo- 
 rum 4 et civium perditorum, exire patiere, ut abs te non 
 emissus ex urbe, sed immissus 5 in urbem esse videatur ( non 
 hunc in vincula duci, non ad mortem rapi, non summo gup- 
 plicio mactari 6 imperabis ? Quid tandem impedit 7 te ? 
 Mosne ma jorum ? At persaepe 8 etiant privati in mc repub- 
 lica perniciosos cives morte multarunt. An leges, 9 qua* de 
 civium Romanorum supplicio rogatae sunt I at nunquam in 
 bac urbe ii, qui a republica defecerunt, civium jura tenue- 
 runt. An invidiam posteritatis times ? Pneelaram vero 
 
 sulate of Cicero, attempted to stand 
 for the consulship. Krn. prefers the 
 latter, as ' repel lo' is not applicable 
 to a competitor. Sail. Cat. 26. Post- 
 quam dies comitiorum venit et Cati- 
 linae neque petitio neque insidiae quas 
 consuli fecerat, &c. It is easy to con- 
 ceive how Cic. may, by his autho- 
 rity and influence, have prevented 
 his election. V. K. notices an opinion 
 that a paronomasia is designed in 
 ' exsul consul.' 
 
 16. Latrocinium bellum] Cicero 
 intimates, that if Catiline had been 
 elected consul, his attempt might have 
 been dignified with the appellation of 
 1 helium.' As it was, it claimed to be 
 no better than ' latrocinium,' or a 
 marauding expedition. A magistrate 
 only could proclaim war. 
 
 Sect. XL 1. Detester] 1. To 
 invoke ; 2. invoke against, curse ; 3. 
 invoke to depart from, to deprecate, 
 as here. 
 
 2. Patria loquatur] Supr. 7. 
 n. 11. 
 
 .3. Evoeatorem~\ We say 'recruit- 
 ing-officer, enlister.' 
 
 4. Servorum] Yet Catiline after- 
 
 wards rejected the slaves. Sail. Cut. 
 63. 
 
 5. Emissus immissus] Quint, ix. 
 3. notices this instance of parono- 
 masia. 
 
 6. Mactari] From ' raacte,' an 
 interjection made use of at sacrifices, 
 when the offering was made, and 
 which is found in all cases, came 
 ' mactus,' appeased or honoured. 
 Hence ' mactare,' to appease with ;:n 
 offering, to sacrifice to. .En. iv. 07. 
 Mactant lectas de more bidentes.' 
 Hence ' to honour, augment, &c. ;' 
 and when followed by ' supplicio, 
 morte, &c.' to load with i. e. to 
 punish. Inf. 13. ' .Eternis suppli- 
 ers mactabis.' Harusp. 20. 
 
 7. Quid tandem impedit] Cicero, 
 arguing disjunctively, shows that 
 neither precedent, nor laws, nor the 
 dread of future obloquy, forbade the 
 punishment of Catiline. 
 
 8. At persape, c] e. g. Scipio 
 Nasica, a private man, slew Tib. 
 Gracchus. A fortiori, Cic, the con- 
 sul, may slay Catiline. Supr. 1. n. 
 26. Pro Dom. 34. 
 
 9. An leges] Sc. the Valerian, 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 12. 251 
 
 populo Romano refers gratiam, 10 qui ie, hominem per te cog- 
 nitum, 11 nulla commendatione majomm, 12 tarn mature 13 ad 
 summum imperium u per omnes honorum gradus 1 -' extulit, si 
 propter invidiam, aut alicujus periculi metum, salutem civi- 
 um tuorum negligis. Sed, si quis 16 est invidia? metus : num 
 est vehementius severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia, quam in- 
 ertias ac nequitia? pertimescenda ? An, quuni bello vastabi- 
 tur Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta ardebunt, turn te non exis- 
 timas invidia? incendio conflagraturum ?" 
 
 XII. His ego sanctissimis reipublica? vocibus, et eorum 
 hominum, qui idem sentiunt, mentibus pauca respondebo. 1 
 Ego, si hoc optimum factum judicarem, Patres conscripti, 
 Catilinam morte multari : unius usuram hora? gladiatori 2 isti 
 advivendum non dedissem. Etenim, si summi viri 3 et cla- 
 rissimi cives, Satumini, et Gracchorum, et Flacci, et stipe- 
 riorum complurium sanguine non modo se non contamina- 
 runt, sed etiam honestarunt : certe mihi verendum non erat, 
 ne quid, hoc parricida civium* interfecto, invidia? mihi in 
 ]x>steritatem 5 redundaret. Quod si ea mihi maxime impen- 
 deret : tamen hoc animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute par - 
 
 Porcian, Sempronian. Sail. Cat. 53. Sect. XII. 1. Pauca respondebo] 
 
 For Romanorum many MSS. give re- Cicero's short reply is this : * If I 
 
 ovum. thought it for my country's good, that 
 
 10. Prceclaram refers gratiam] Catiline should die, no dread of con- 
 You make a fine return. sequences should prevent me from 
 
 11. Per te cognitum] Sc. a 'no- punishing him with death. But I 
 vus homo,' or man who was the first think, it better to let him escape, as 
 in his family to hold a curule magis- this will rid the city of all his ruffian 
 tracy. Sail. Cat. 23. Brut. 25. train. 
 
 12. Nulla mojorum] No ances- 2. Gladiatori] 1. A swoid-cutler ; 
 tral images. Sail. Jug. 85. 2. a sword-fighter, and, owing to the 
 
 13. ram mature] For Cic. obtain- infamous character of gladiators, 3. it. 
 ed all the offices of the state ' suo was synonymous with * sicarius,' or 
 anno.' Agr. ii.2. Mil. 9. n. 6. assassin. Phil. vi. 7. The emperor 
 
 14. Summum imperium] The con- Constantine first abolished the use of 
 sulship ; for the dictatorship, as them, and finally Honorius. 
 
 being an extraordinary magistracy, 3. Summi viri] Sc. Marius, Nasi- 
 
 was not reckoned. ca, Opimius, &c. Mil. 3. 
 
 15. Omnes gradus] Quaestorship, 4. Parricida eivium] ' Fraterno 
 edileship, praetorship. parricidio,' Cluent. 11. ' Parricida 
 
 16. Sed si quis, &"c] But admitting liberum,' Liv. iii. 50. These terms 
 your feais of your country's haired, are applied to such crimes, when any 
 does not that hatred fall as much on special duty is besides violated. Em. 
 
 -pine as the severe minister? V. E. 
 '1 herefore do not spare Catiline. 5, Invidi* in posteritatem] Supr. 
 
252 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. 
 
 tarn, <zloriam, non invidiam putarem. Quamquam nonnulli 
 sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea, quae imminent, non 
 videant, aut ea, quae vident, dissimuleut : qui spem Ca- 
 tilina? 6 mollibus sententiis aluerunt, conjurationemque nas- 
 centem non credendo corroboraverunt : 7 quorum auctori- 
 tatem secuti multi, non solum improbi, verum etiam im- 
 |)eriti, si in hunc animadvertissem, 8 crudeliter et regie lactam 
 esse dicerent. Nunc intelligo, si iste, quo intendit, in Mal- 
 liana castra pervenerit, neminem tarn stultum fore, qui non vi- 
 deat conjurationem esse lactam, neminem tarn improbum, qui 
 non fateatur. Hoc autem uno interfecto, intelligo banc reipub- 
 licae pestem paullisper reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi 1 " 
 posse. Quod si se ejecerit, secumque suos eduxerit, et eo- 
 dem ceteros undique collectos naufragos 11 aggregaverit : ex- 
 stinguerur atque delebitur non modo bare tarn adulta rei- 
 publicaepestis, verum etiam stirpsac semen 12 malorum om- 
 nium. 
 
 XIII. Etenim jamdiu, 1 Patres conscripti, in bis periculis 
 conjurationis insidiisque versamur : sed, nescio quo pacto, 2 
 omnium scelerum ac veteris furoris et audacia* maturitas in 
 nostri consulatus tempus erupit. 3 Quod si ex tanto latroci- 
 
 1 1 . Invidiam posteritatis times? &c. 
 
 6. Spem Catilina] The Delph. says, 12. Eistinguetur semen] The me- 
 1 de occupando consulatu ;' rather taphors here appear to be mixed. 
 ' de occupanda republica.' Sail. Cat. However, ' exstinguo' importing ' to 
 5. ' Lubido maxima reip. capien- destroy life,' may well apply to 
 dae.' adulta pestis ; while ' deleo,' i. e. 
 
 7. Aluerunt nascentem corro- 'de-oleo' (or olesco) is nearly related 
 boraverunt] A metaphor perhaps from to ' stirps' and 'semen.' V.E. well 
 rearing the young of animals. remarks : Never was adventured a 
 
 8. Animadvertissem] Sc. supplicio. more unfortunate prediction ! Great 
 Palairet, Ellips. 290. and immediate evil befell Cicero, 
 
 9. liegie] At Rome synonymous himself; the liberties and consti- 
 with ' tyrannically.' Phil. ii. 32. tution of his country, in the event, 
 'Quern negant regem/ i. e. tyran- were sacrificed. 
 
 num. He is speaking of Caesar. Sect. XIII. 1. Jamdiu] From 
 
 10. Reprimi comprimi] Quint, the consulship of Tullus and Lepidus, 
 ix. 3, notices this as an example of a. v. 687. 
 
 an elegant paronomasia, ' quod posi- 2. Nescio quo pacto] Ocnow not 
 
 turn est in distinguendam rei proprie- how it is. 
 
 tatem ;' sc. that ' reprimi' is tempo- 3. Maturitas erupit] Mil. 23. n. 
 
 rary ; ' comprimi' permanent. 15. 'Erumpo' well applies to the 
 
 11. Natifragos] 1. Persons having bursting forth of a full harvest. Virg. 
 suffered shipwreck; 2 having ship- Georg. i. 50, somewhat differently, 
 wrecked their property ; bankrupts, says ' ruperunt horrea messes.' 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 13. 253 
 
 nio 4 iste unus tolletur ; videbimur fortasse ad breve quod- 
 dam tempus cura et metu esse relevati : periculum autem re- 
 sidebit, et erit inclusum penitus in venis 5 atque in visceribus 
 reipublicae. Ut ssepe homines aegri morbo gravi, quum 
 a3stu febrique jactantur, si aquam gelidam biberint, primo 
 relevari videntur ; deinde multo gravius vehementiusque 
 afflictantur ; sic hie morbus, qui est in republica, relevatus 
 istius poena, vehementius, vivis reliquis, ingravescet. Quare, 
 Patres conscripti, secedant improbi, secernant se a bonis, 
 unum in locum congregentur, muro denique, id quod saepe 
 jam dixi, secemantur a nobis, desinant insidiari domi sua? 
 consuli, 6 circumstare tribunal prsetoris urbani, 7 obsidere cum 
 gladiis curiam, malleolos 8 et faces ad inflammandam urbem 
 comparare ; sit denique inscriptum in fronte uniuscuj usque, 
 quid de republica sentiat. 9 Polliceor hoc vobis, Patres con- 
 scripti, tantam in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam, tantam 
 in vobis auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus Romanis virtu- 
 tern, tantam in omnibus bonis consensionem, ut Catilinae pro- 
 fectione omnia patefacta, illustrata, oppressa, vindicata esse 
 videatis. 
 
 Hisce ominibus, 10 Catilina, cum summa reipublica? salute 
 et cum tua peste ac pernicie, cumque eorum exitio, qui se 
 
 . tanto latrocinio] i. e. La- 8. Malleolos] Mil. 24. n. 9. 
 tronum cohorte. Sch. Oft', ii. 11. Is 9. Sit denique quid de republica 
 
 *ibi, ne in latrocinio quidem, relin- sentiat] The favourers of Catiline, 
 
 quit locum.' when in danger, will disclose their 
 
 5. Periculum interns] The con- apprehensions by their countenances ; 
 
 spiracy is here compared to a fever, the friends of their country will show 
 
 The patient is the republic ; and the opposite emotions. V. E. 
 punishment of Catiline the cold 10. Hisce ominibus] Cic. usually 
 
 water. omits the prep, cum in this expression, 
 
 (>. Consuli] Alluding to the two which Livy inserts. ' Cum bonis po- 
 
 Ttoman knights, supr. 4, or as Sal- tius ominibus, &c.' Praef. ad Hist, 
 
 lust Cat. 28, C. Cornelius, and L. Hisce' refers to the preceding sen- 
 
 Vargunteius. tence, as if he said: 'With these 
 
 7. Pratoris urbani] L. Valerius omens of your country's weal and the 
 
 Flaccus. Sail. Cat. 45. Flacc.l. Along fate of yourself and party, (deducible 
 
 with him were in office Q. Pompeius from the extraordinary diligence of 
 
 Pvufus, Q.pletellus Celer, C. Pomp- the consuls, &c, which, I warn you, 
 
 tinius, Lentulus Sura, and some will end in putting down and punkh- 
 
 others. Circumstare' alludes to the ing your wicked attempt,) go to, 
 
 intimidation used to prevent him &c.' ' Cum summa reip., &c.,' L 
 
 from condemning the Catilinarian only a fuller statement of ' hisce omi- 
 
 dehtors. nibus,' and a superstitious Roman 
 
 z 
 
254 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. 
 
 tecum omni scelere parricidioque junxerunt, proficiscere ad 
 impium bellum ac nefarium. 11 Turn 12 tu, Jupiter, qui iis- 
 dem, quibus haec urbs, auspiciis 13 a Romulo es constitutus ; 
 quem Statorem hujus urbis atque imperii vere 14 nominamus : 
 hunc et hujus socios a tuis aris ceterisque 15 tempi is, a tectis 
 urbis ac moenibus, a vita fortunisque civium omnium arcebis : 
 et omnes inimicos bonorum, hostes patriae, latrones Italia?, 
 scelerum fcedere inter se ac nefaria societate conjunctos, 
 a?ternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis. 16 
 
 would readily deduce a bad omen 
 from such words, so solemnly pro- 
 nounced. 
 
 11. Impium nefarium'] Referring 
 to ' scelere parricidioque,' preceding ; 
 and pan-indium' to the filial re- 
 lation in which Catiline stood to his 
 country. 
 
 12. Turn] This particle was used 
 with peculiar emphasis in prayers, 
 oaths, and treaties. Mure. 
 
 13. Iisdem, quibus auspiciis] 
 Though Romulus, on founding the 
 city, instituted sacred rites Diis 
 aliis Albano ritu ; Greco, Herculi,' 
 yet we have no account of his having 
 built any temple to Jupiter, before the 
 
 one to Jupiter Feretrius on his gain- 
 ing the ' spolia opima;' which was 
 soon followed by another to Jupiter 
 Stator, to which Cic. perhaps alludes. 
 Its dedication was so early that he 
 may be excused from making it con- 
 temporaneous with the foundation of 
 the city. Liv. i.7. 10. 12. Supr. 5. 
 n. 4. 
 
 14. Vere] It was no idle appel- 
 lation. 
 
 15. Aris ceterisque] For * tem- 
 plura' was the genus comprehending 
 all inaugurated places, whether sacri- 
 fices were offered in them or not. 
 
 16. Mactabis] Supr. 10. n. 6. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 IN 
 
 LUCIUM CATILINAM, 
 
 SECUNDA* 
 
 AD QUIRITES 
 
 ORATIO. 
 
 ?. Tandem aliquando, 1 Quirites, L. Catilinam, furentem 
 audacia, 2 scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae nefarie molientem, 
 vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitantem, ex 
 urbe vel ejecimus, 3 vel emisimus, vel ipsum egredientem ver- 
 bis prosecuti sum us. 4 Abiit, 5 excessit, evasit, erupit Nulla 
 
 * Vid. Introd. 5. 
 
 Sect. I. 1. Tandem aliquando'] 
 As the most effectual way to concili- 
 ate the people, Cic. begins his speech 
 with the difficulty which he encoun- 
 tered in effecting the removal of Cati- 
 line from the city, and the danger from 
 which it was thereby freed. This na- 
 turally led him to a justification of his 
 conduct in letting Cat. escape. In- 
 trod. 5. 
 
 2. Furentem audacia] Muret. here 
 remarks, that as audacity produces a 
 species of madness, so madness, by 
 distending the breast and lungs, caus- 
 es a thick breathing or panting. 
 Hence ' anhelantem scelus ;' and as 
 this will show itself in acts, he adds, 
 4 pestem molientem, &c.' 
 
 3. Ejecimus] Ejicio' is applied to 
 
 an unwilling departure ; for Catiline 
 had first to take off Cic. ; ' emitto' to 
 a willing ; for the discovery of his 
 plans did not permit him to stay j but 
 in both, the cause is extrinsic. Ano- 
 ther supposition is egredi' that he 
 left the city of his own accord, as 
 wishing to be with Mallius. Muret. 
 Hence 'ipsum' is used, i. e. 'sua 
 sponte,' like avrbe in Greek. 
 
 4. Prosecuti sumus] We accom- 
 panied him on his departure with our 
 maledictions, but we made no use of 
 force. ' Verbis' refers to ' hisce omi- 
 nibus' in the end of the preceding 
 oration. 
 
 5. Abiit, <Sfc] These verbs Doe- 
 ring explains, as allusive to the mode- 
 of catching wild animals by means of 
 nets. The first applies to simple es- 
 
256 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II 
 
 jam pernicies a monstro 6 illo atque prodigio moenibus 7 ipsis 
 intra moenia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum hujus 
 belli domestici ducem sine controversia 8 vicimus. Non 
 enim jam 9 inter latera 10 nostra sica ilia versabitur : non in 
 campo, non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra domes- 
 ticos parietes pertimescemus. Loco illo motus 11 est, quum 
 est ex urbe depulsus. Palam jam cum hoste, nullo impedi- 
 ente, belium justum 12 geremus. Sine dubio perdidimus 13 
 hominem, magnificeque vicimus, quum ilium ex occultis in- 
 sidiis in apertum latrociniura conjecimus. Quod 14 vero non 
 cruentum mucronem, ut voluit, extulit, quod vivis nobis 15 
 egressus est, quod ei ferrum de manibus extorsimus, quod 
 incolumes cives, quod stantem urbem reliquit : quanto tan- 
 dem ilium moerore afflictum esse et profligatum 16 putatis ? 
 Jacet ille nunc prostratus, Quirites, et se perculsum atque 
 abjectum esse sentit, et retorquet oculos 17 profecto saepe ad 
 banc urbem, quam ex suis faucibus ereptam esse luget : qua 4 
 
 cape : excessit, to this, before the nets 
 are set : evasit , to the escape of the 
 animal from the net : erupit, to his 
 breaking through it In whatever 
 mode Catiline may be said to have 
 removed himself, is indifferent to the 
 orator. V. E. But Scheller properly 
 gives these verbs as an example of 
 oratorical amplification by synony- 
 mous terms. V. ii. p. 314. 
 
 6. Monstro'] For an unnatural son 
 was called ' a monster ;' but Catiline 
 was such to his parent land. 
 
 7. Mocnibus] ' Domibus, aedifictis.' 
 ITic igitur manna muro complexus est. 
 Flor. i. 4. Gr<ev. But why then add 
 ' ipsis?' Cic. means to say, that other 
 enemies of the state formed their plans 
 of destruction against the city, without 
 its walls, which were therefore useful 
 as a defence ; but Catiline laid his 
 within the walls, and thus defeated 
 the very object of having walls at all. 
 This could now no longer take place. 
 
 8. Sine controversial i.e. Sine du- 
 bio, arptKsutg. Muret. 
 
 9. Non jam, <$fc] To show the 
 magnitude of the danger which was 
 now removed, he briefly reviews the 
 
 enormities of Catiline. Muret. 
 
 10. Inter latera] E. g. when he 
 appeared in the comitiura, ' cum 
 telo.' ' In campo' refers to the elec- 
 tion-day of Murena when Cic. ap- 
 peared, ' cum ilia lata insigniq ; lorica.' 
 Muren.26, Introd. 3. *Foro curia 
 domesticos parietes' are explained, 
 Or. i. 1 3 : ' Desinant insidiari domi 
 sua. consuli, circumstare tribunal prae- 
 toris obsidere cum gladiis curiam.' 
 
 11. Loco motus] 'Has lost his 
 vantage-ground j J a metaphor from 
 war. 
 
 12. Belium justum] A regular war, 
 opposed to ' occultis insidiis,' infr. 
 Liv. xxxix. 2, 'justo praelio devicit.' 
 
 13. Perdidimus] 'AiruXsoaptv. 
 Muret. Have undone. 
 
 14. Quod, &;c] But in that; with 
 regard to this that. 
 
 15. Vivis nobis] Me vivo. Muret.; 
 for he adds, ' incolumes cives, &c/ 
 The same is intimated by * mucro- 
 nem non cruentum.' 
 
 16. Prqfligatum] Properly, 'dash- 
 ed prostrate.' Hence 'jacet ille, &c.' 
 So also 'perculsum.' 
 
 17. Retorquet oculos] As the wild 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 2. 
 
 257 
 
 quidem laetari mihi videtur, quod tantam pestem evomuerit 18 
 forasque projecerit. 
 
 II. At si quis 1 est talis, quales esse omnes 2 oportebat, qui 
 m hoc ipso, 3 in quo exsultat et triumphat* oratio mea, me 
 vehementer accuset, quod tam capitalem 5 hostem non com- 
 prehenderim potius, quam emiserim : non est ista mea cul- 
 pa, Quirites, sed temporum. 6 lnteremptum esse L. Cati- 
 linam, et gravissimo supplicio affectum jampridem oporte- 
 bat : idque a me et raos ma jorum, et hujus imperii 7 severitas, 
 et respublica postulabat. Sed quam multos 8 fuisse putatis, 
 qui quae ego deferrem, non crederent ? quam multos, qui 
 propter stultitiam non putarent? quam multos, qui etiam 
 defenderent J 9 quam multos, qui propter improbitatem fave- 
 rent ? Ac si, sublato illo, depelli a vobis omne periculum 
 judicarem : jampridem ego L. Catilinam non modo invidiam 
 meae, 10 verum etiam vitae periculo sustulissem. Sed quum 
 viderem, ne vobis quidem omnibus 11 re etiam turn probata, 
 
 beast that wistfully eyes the prey 
 which has been snatched from itsjuws. 
 So 11. xi. 546. Qijpi toico/c, 'Evrpo- 
 irakt^onivoQ. 
 
 18. Evomuerit] The metaphor 
 which Cic. so frequently changes, is 
 here taken from the sick, who are 
 often so relieved. 
 
 Sect. II. 1. At si quis,&:c.] Cic. 
 proceeds to argue the question, which 
 stands thus: either Catiline conspired 
 or he did not. If he did, he deserved 
 death ; if he did not, why banish him 1 
 Cic. admits that he deserved death, 
 but justifies his exile as being more 
 lor the public good. Muret. 
 
 2. Quales esse omnes] For then 
 there would be no hazard in slaying 
 ( 'atiline. 
 
 3. Hoc ipso] Sc. the departure of 
 Catiline. 
 
 4. Triumphat] As if over a fallen 
 foe. 
 
 5. Capitalem'] Who persecutes 
 even to death. So Hor. Sat. i. 7. 13. 
 ' Ira capitalist 
 
 6. Sed temporum] Of these wretch- 
 ed times which find even Catiline sur- 
 rounded with many 'qui, qua3 ego 
 
 deferrem, non crederent; qui, &c* 
 (ut infr.) 
 
 7. Hujus imperii] Sc. theconsular. 
 Cic. means when armed with the de- 
 cree, ' Ne quid detrimenti, <lxc. ; 
 and he informs us, supr. i. 2, that 
 often on the very day it passed, pub- 
 lic offenders (e. g. C. Gracchus) suf- 
 fered. Mil. 26. n. 14. 
 
 8. Quam muliiKi] There were three 
 classes of men who would have ex- 
 claimed against Cic. if he had put Ca- 
 tiline to death : 1. those who attri- 
 buted Cicero's opposition to political 
 hatred; 2. men of weak judgment, 
 who doubted the existence of any 
 danger to the republic ; 3. the parti - 
 zans of Catiline. Introd. 5. ' \ou 
 putarent,' not duly estimate. 
 
 9. Etium defenderent] Sc. earn ; 
 and to ' faverent' ei. Em. Weiske, 
 indeed, would supply 'quae ego de- 
 ferrem ;' but as it cannot be supplied 
 to both propositions, the pronoun 
 seems better. 
 
 10. Invidia mew] Odium against 
 me. Mil. 35. n. 17. 
 
 1 1 . A r e vobis quidem omnibus] ' The 
 conspiracy having not even then (after 
 
 A 2 
 
258 
 
 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO If. 
 
 si ilium, uterat meritus, morte multassem, fore, lit ejitssocios 
 invidia oppressus persequi non possem: rem hue deduxi 1 -. 
 ut turn palam pugnare possetis, quum hostem aperte videre- 
 tis. Quern quidem ego hostem, Quirites, quam vehemen- 
 ter 13 foris esse timendum putem, licet hinc intelligatis, 14 quod 
 illud etiam moleste fero, quod ex urbe parum comitatus 13 
 exierit. Utinam ille omnes secum suas copias eduxisset ! 
 Tongilium mihi 1G eduxit ; quem amare in praetexta [calum- 
 nia] 17 coeperat: Publicium et Munatium; 18 quorum 19 aes alie- 
 num 20 contractum in popinam 21 nullum reipublicae motum 
 
 all the discoveries I had made) been 
 proved to the satisfaction even of you 
 all,' much less did the generality 
 believe it. 
 
 12. Rem hue deduxi, fyc.] No other 
 measure seems to offer itself to the 
 imagination of Cic but either, on the 
 one hand, putting Catiline to death in 
 an extra-judicial manner, or, on the 
 other, forcing on a civil war. The at- 
 tempt to punish him by due course of 
 law, might, in Cicero's judgment, per- 
 haps have been in vain nay, might 
 have led to still greater evils ; but he 
 might have stated his reasons, or at 
 least glanced at them, for not resort- 
 ing to the latter measure. V. E. 
 
 13. Quam vehementer] Said iron- 
 ically. * How little.' 
 
 14. Licet Intel.] i. e. ut intelli- 
 gatis. The argument is this : A 
 strong proof of my contempt for Ca- 
 tiline, as an open enemy, is supplied 
 by the fact, that I should feel rejoiced 
 at hearing of his army being reinforc- 
 ed. And why ? because this would 
 make his accomplices in the ciiy, like 
 himself, open enemies. 
 
 15. Parum comhatus] About three 
 hundred accompanied him. 
 
 16. Mihi] As if he said ' to oblige 
 me, forsooth ;' a redundant use of the 
 pronoun, to be found in all languages. 
 Horn. 11. vi. 486. Aaiftoi'uj, ut) p.oi 
 r* \itjv aKaxilio Ovfitij. Juv. Sat. 
 iii. 199 tabulata tibi jam tertia fu- 
 mant. Shakspeare. ' It mounts me 
 into the brain, &c.' 
 
 17. Calumnia] This word, which 
 is found in several MSS. is incapable 
 of any good meaning. In the nom. 
 case, it would be, ' whom calumny 
 (i. e. false accusation) had early 
 made its favourite ; i. e. he was fond 
 of false accusations from his youth (in 
 praetexta). In the abl. again, it would 
 be 'by way of pretence,' while he was 
 really the paramour of another. Graev. 
 rejects, and Orel, brackets it. A!. 
 armare, insinuating that such an equip- 
 ment would not make an opponent 
 very formidable in the 6eld. 
 
 18. Publi. Munat.] Sc. eduxit. 
 
 19. Quorum] The Delph. un- 
 derstands this to mean ' to whom ;' 
 contracted, namely by Catiline. 
 But the debt here must be contrast- 
 ed with one that might easily ex- 
 cite disturbance in the state, e.g. that 
 of the noble and powerful, and con- 
 sequently must mean the personal en- 
 gagements of Publicius and Munatius, 
 from which, evidently, no danger 
 could arise. Vid. Sail. Cat. 16, where 
 speaking of this period he says. ' Stag- 
 nant aes alienum in omnibus terris.' 
 
 20. JEs alienum] As ' aes meum' 
 imported the money belonging to me 
 myself, (' meo sum pauper in aexe,' 1 
 have not much money of my own ; I 
 am poor but not in debt) so ' aes ali- 
 enum' came to mean ' money be- 
 longing to another,' i. e. debt. 
 
 21. Popinam] Mil. 24. n. 14. 
 A\,popina. 'Motum' al. metum. 
 
' 
 
 IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 3. 259 
 
 afferre poterat : reliquit quos viros ! quanto alieno aere ! 
 quam valentes ! quam nobiles ! 
 
 III. Itaque ego ilium exercitum, et Gallicanis 1 legionibus, 
 et hoc delectu, quern in agro Piceno et Gallico 2 Q. Metel- 
 lus 3 habuit, et his copiis, qua? a nobis 4 quotidie comparantur, 
 magno opere contemno, collectum ex senibus desperatis, 5 ex 
 agresti luxuria, 6 ex rusticis 7 decoctoribus, ex iis, qui vadimo- 
 nia deserere, 8 quam ilium exercitum maluerunt : quibus ego 
 non modo si aciem exercitus 9 nostri, verum etiam si edictum 10 
 
 Sect. III. 1. Gallicanis] Lamb, 
 inserts pr<e, which must be at least 
 understood ; or the construction may 
 be absolute; 'I despise that army, 
 there being the Gallican legions, &c.' 
 1 Gallicanis' merely imports, sta- 
 tioned in Gaul ;' not ' composed of 
 Gauls,' as the Delph. explains it, 
 who makes them Transalpine too. 
 But Cic. calls Piso's grandfather, 
 who had settled at Placentia, on the 
 river Po, ' Gallicanus.' Vid. Pison. 
 Frag. ; and, inf. 12, he says, ' agrum 
 Gallicanum' for ' Gallicum.' Vid. 
 next note. 
 
 2. Piceno Gallico] Varr.de R. R. 
 
 iys *Ager Gallicus Romanus 
 vocatur qui viritim cis Ariminum da- 
 tus est, ultra agrum Picenum.' Brut. 
 14. This 'Gallicus ager' then, was 
 not in Cisalpine Gaul at all, but in 
 Central Italy, below Ariminum. It 
 was so called from the 'Galli Seno- 
 nes,' who had been expelled from it, 
 and whose name still appears in the 
 modern ' Senigaglia.' Hence we find 
 it so frequently joined with Picenum, 
 another district of Umbria contiguous 
 to it. Vid. Ca3s. B. C. i. 29, where 
 ' Gallia Picenumq.' occurs. 
 
 3. Metellus] Sail. Cat. 30, only 
 mentions 'Picenum,' and Muret., 
 mistaking the meaning of ' Gallico,' 
 accounts for Metellus raising a levy in 
 Gaul, by the transfer which Cic. is 
 known to have made of the province 
 <>f Macedonia to his colleague, Anto- 
 nius, in return for Gaul, which had 
 fallen to his lot; and to which he 
 
 imagines Cic. sent Metellus, instead 
 of going himself. He forgot, how- 
 ever, that it was the year following 
 that in which the consuls held office, 
 that they assumed the command of 
 the consular provinces. 
 
 4. Qua a nobis] For the senate had 
 decreed a levy of soldiers. Sail. Cat. 
 30. 
 
 5. Desperatis] Either ' who are 
 past hope' of bettering their fortunes 
 otherwise than by joining Catiline ; 
 or 'of whom, worn out by debauchery, 
 we have nothing to hope or fear.' 
 
 6. Agresti luxuria] i. e. ' Ex 
 agrestibus luxuriosis ;' the abstract 
 for the concrete. 
 
 7. Rusticis] This word and ' agres- 
 ti' intimate that the profligates and 
 insolvents of the country towns had 
 flocked to the standards of Catiline ; 
 1 rusticus' being often used to signify 
 an inhabitant of the colonies and free- 
 towns in opposition to * urbanus,' a 
 resident at Rome. Arch. 10. Sext. 
 45. It would appear that Cicero 
 thought even worse of this descrip- 
 tion of persons than he did of similar 
 characters in the city. 
 
 8. Vadimonia deserere] A person's 
 neglecting to attend the courts on the 
 day that he bailed another to attend, 
 or another bailed him ; to forfeit one's 
 recognizance. Such persons were 
 declared infamous, and their property 
 handed over to their creditors. 
 Muret. 
 
 9. Aciem exercitus] Our army in 
 battle array. ' Exercitus' is usually 
 
260 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II 
 
 praetoris ostendero, concident. Hos, quos video volitare iii 
 ibro, 11 quos stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire : 
 qui nitent unguentis, qui fulgent purpura, 12 mallem secum 
 suos milites eduxisset : 13 qui si hie permanent, memen- 
 tote, non tam exercitum ilium esse nobis, quam hos, qui ex- 
 ercitum deseruerunt, pertimescendos. Atque hoc etiam sunt 
 timendi magis, quod, quid cogitent, me scire sentiunt, neque 
 tamen permoventur. Video, cui 14 Apulia sit attributa, qui 
 habeat Etruriam, qui agrum Picenum, qui Gallicum, qui sibi 
 lias urbanas insidias 15 caedis atque incendiorum depoposcerit. 
 Omnia superioris 16 noctis consilia ad me delata esse sentiunt : 
 patefeci in senatu hesterno die : Catilina ipse pertimuit, pro- 
 iugit : hi quid exspectant? Nae 17 illi vehementer errant, m 
 illam meam pristinam lenitatem 18 perpetuam sperant iu- 
 turam. 
 
 IV. Quod exspectavi, jam sum assecutus, ut vos omnes 
 factam esse aperte conjurationem contra rempublicam vide- 
 retis. Nisi vero si quis est, qui Catiiinae similes cum Cati- 
 
 oinitted, which standing alone signifies 
 a disciplined army ; f agnien, ' an army 
 on march ; ' copiee,' forces in ge- 
 nera). 
 
 10. Edictum] Which declares 
 them infamous, and delivers their 
 property to their creditors. 
 
 11. 'Volitare inforo] De Or. i. 38. 
 Moving about with an ostentatious 
 or insolent air.' This the ' forum' per- 
 mitted ; not so the ' curia,' at which 
 they were stationary, while watching 
 to effect the ruin of their country. 
 Oelph. explains, it ' think of nothing 
 but money-making !' 
 
 12. Fulgent purpura'] i.e. 'Are 
 of the highest rank.' Purple was at 
 first the garb 6f royalty. vSo Virg. 
 ' purpura regum.' Afterwards, either 
 the senators, whose latus clavus, or 
 knights, whose augustus cluvus was of 
 purple, might be said ' fulgere pur- 
 puia.' 
 
 13. Mallem eduxisset] Sc. ' ut 
 duxisset.' 
 
 14. Video cui] C. Julius, accord- 
 
 ing to Sallust, c. 27 ; but to him ' vi- 
 deo' is inapplicable, as he was sent 
 by Catiline before he departed him- 
 self. So of Mallius and Septimius 
 Camera, who had been despatched to 
 Etruria and Picenum. It is uncer- 
 tain, then, to whom Cic. alludes. 
 
 15. Qui urbanas insidias] Cethe- 
 gus, Statilius, Gabinius, Sec. Introd. 
 6. Sail. Cat. 43. 
 
 16. Superioris] The night last but 
 two. Compare Or. i. 1 . * Quid 
 proxima, quid superiore nocte, &c.' 
 and inf. ' patefeci in sen. hesterno 
 die.' 
 
 17. AV| i. e. Nat, truly. This 
 particle expresses a strong affirma- 
 tive, and is sometimes written ne. 
 Cic. generally prefixes it to a pro- 
 noun, contrary to the practice of other 
 authors. Nat. D.ii. 1. Tusc. i. 30. 
 Fam. vii. 1. ButTerent. Andr. ' Fa- 
 ciunt nae intelligendo, &c.' 
 
 18. Lenitatem] For he had the 
 decree ' ne quid detrimenti, &c.,' yet 
 advised flight. 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 4. 261 
 
 Una sentire 1 non putet. Non est jam lenitati locus: severi- 
 tatem res ipsa flagitat. Unum etiam nunc concedam : exe- 
 ant, proficiscantur, ne patiantur desiderio sui 2 Catilinam mi- 
 serum tabescere. 3 Demonstrabo iter : Aurelia via* profectus 
 est. Si accelerare volent, ad vesperam consequentur. O 
 fortunatam rempublicam, si quidem banc sentinam 5 bujus 
 urbis ejecerit ! Uno 6 mehercule Catilina exbausto, relevata 
 mihi et recreata respublica videtur. Quid enim mali 7 aut 
 sceleris fingi aut excogitari potest, quod non ille conceperit ! 
 quis tota Italia veneficus, s quis gladiator, quis latro, quis si- 
 carius, quis parricida, quis testamentorum subjcctor, 9 quis 
 circumscriptor, 10 quis ganeo, 11 quis nepos, 12 quis adulter, 
 quae mulier infamis, quis corruptor juventutis, quis corrup- 
 tus, quis perditus inveniri potest, qui se cum Catilina non 
 familiarissime vixisse fateatur ? qua? caedes per hosce annos 
 sine illo facta est ? quod nefarium stuprum non per ilium ? 
 Jam vero quae tanta in ullo unquam homine juventutis ille- 
 cebra 13 fuit, quanta in illo, qui alios ipse amabat turpissime, 
 aliorum amori flagitiosissime serviebat, aliis fructum libidi- 
 num, aliis mortem parentum, non modo impellendo, verum 
 etiam adjuvando, pollicebatur. Nunc vero quam subito, non 
 solum ex urbe, verum etiam ex agris, 14 ingentem numerum 
 
 Sect. IV. 1. Sen tire cum'] Agree a counterfeit for a genuine will or 
 
 in sentiments with. deed. 
 
 2. Desiderio sui] With longing 10. Circumscriptor] So in Greek, 
 after them. 7rtpiypa<ptvc,. It means one in ge- 
 
 3. Tabescere] A metaphor from neral who practises deception and 
 consumptive persons (tabidis). fraud, but is often limited to the en- 
 
 4. Aurelia via] Or. i. 9. n. 12. It led snarers of pupils and youth. Juv. 15. 
 through Etruria. Phil. xii. 9. Tres 125. ' pupillum ad jura vocantem 
 viaj : a supero mari, Flaminia ; ab in- Circumscriptorem.' Phil. xiv. 3. 
 fero, Aurelia ; media, Cassia. ' Adolescentulos circumscribunt.' 
 
 5. Sentinam] Or.i. 5. n. 13. Here 11. Ganeo] From ' ganea,' which 
 too, it signifies not the container, but is 1. a subterraneous room ; 2. a 
 the thing contained. Hence ' ex- bagnio. A yT, terra, vel yavoq, 
 hausto' following. laetitia. 
 
 6. Uno] A fortiori, would it be 12. Nepos] 1. a grandson; 2. a 
 relieved if they were all cleared out. grandmamma's favourite ; a prodigal. 
 
 7. Quid mali] This general head 13. lllecebru] In lacio. In corn- 
 he afterwards amplifies by enumerat- position a becomes either 6 or i. So 
 ing the parts. Muret. gradior, ingrfedior; lacio illicio. 
 
 8. Quis venejicus] Vid. Sail. Cat. 14. Ex agris] Hence supr. 3 ; 
 14. for a similar enumeration. 'agresti luxuria, rusticis decoctori- 
 
 9. Suhjector] One who substitutes bus.' 
 
262 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. 
 
 perditorum hominum collegerat ? Nemo, non modo 15 Romap, 
 sed nee ullo in angulo totius Italia?, oppressus aere alieno 
 fuit, quem non ad hoc incredibile sceleris foedus adsciverit. 
 V. Atque ut ejus di versa studia in dissimili ratione 1 per- 
 spicere possitis ; nemo est in ludo gladiatorio paullo ad fa- 
 cinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilinae esse fateatur : 
 nemo in scena levior 2 et nequior, qui se non ejusdem prope 
 sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem tamen, stuprorum 
 et scelerum exercitatione assuefactus, frigore, et fame, s et 
 siti, ac vigiliis perferendis, fortis ab istis praedicabatur, quum 
 industrial subsidia, atque instrumenta virtutis, in Iibidine au- 
 daciaque* consumeret. Hunc vero si secuti erunt sui comi- 
 tes: si ex urbe exierint desperatorum hominum flagitiosi 
 greges : O nos beatos, 5 O rempublicam fortunatam, O prae- 
 claram laudem consulatus mei ! Non enim jam sunt medi- 
 ocres hominum 6 libidines, non humanae 7 audaciae, ac toleran- 
 da? : nihil cogitant, nisi caedes, nisi incendia, nisi rapinas : 
 patrimonia sua profuderunt: fortunas suas abliguricrunt : res 
 eos jampridem, fides 8 deficere nuper ccepit : eadem tamen 
 ilia, quae erat in abundantia, libido permanet. Quod si in 
 
 15. Nan modo"] i. e. ' Non modo 
 non;' not only not at Rome, where 
 Catiline would have no difficulty in 
 collecting debtors, but not even, &c. 
 The usual tie quidem is here omitted, 
 probably on account of ' nee ullo,' 
 which follows, being emphatic. ' Non 
 modo sed nee' is very rare. Vid. 
 Tursel. de Lat. part.; and Or. i. 10. 
 n. 4. 
 
 Sect. V. 1 . In dissimili ratione] 
 This does not mean * to set his varied 
 pursuits in a different point of view,' 
 but ' to show you his varied pursuits 
 in the most opposite course or scenes 
 of life;' e. g. as a gladiator and 
 play actor. Cael. 5. ' Neque ego un- 
 quam fuisse tale monstrura in ter- 
 ris ullum puto, tam ex contrariis, di- 
 versisque inter se pugnantibus naturae 
 studiis, cupiditatibusque conflatum.' 
 
 2. Nemo levior] No debauched 
 player. As ' gravis' signifies dig- 
 nified, high-minded, so levis' is 
 mean, worthless. Hence synony- 
 
 mous with ' nequara.' Gell. vii. 11. 
 
 3. Frigore et fame] Al. frigori et 
 fami, referring them to ' assuefactus.' 
 
 But this word is often joined to an 
 abl. De. Or. iii. 10. Quorum ser- 
 mone assuefacti qui erunt, 6cc.' 
 Caes. B. G. iv. 1. 'A pueris nullo 
 officio aut disciplina assuefacti.' Or. 
 i. 10. Trans. ' Was lauded by his 
 followers as a brave man, owing to 
 his enduring, &c. 
 
 4. Libidine audacia] Refer these 
 respectively to * stuprorum' and ' sce- 
 lerum.' 
 
 5. nos, beatos] How happy shall 
 Ibe! 
 
 6. Hominum] Used in contempt ; 
 ' of those wretches.' 
 
 7. Humane] i. e. Only befitting 
 the species of brutes. 
 
 8. Fides] Credit. Caes. B. C. iii. 
 1. ' Cum fides angustior neque cre- 
 ditae pecuniae solverentur.' Manil. 
 7. n. 12. 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 5. 263 
 
 vino et alea comissationes 9 solum et scorta quaererent, essent 
 illi quidem desperandi, sed tamen essent ferendi. Hoc vero 
 quis ferre possit, inertes homines fortissimis viris insidiari, 
 stultissimos prudentissimis, ebriosos 10 sobriis, dormientes 
 vigilantibus ? qui mihi 11 accubantes in conviviis, complexi 
 mulieres impudicas, vino languidi, confecti cibo, sertis re- 
 dimiti, 12 unguentis obliti, debilitati stupris, eructant 13 sermo- 
 nibus suis caedem bonorum, atque urbis incendia. Quibus 
 ego confido impendere fatum 14 aliquod : et pcenas jamdiu 
 improbitati, nequitia?, sceleri, libidini debitas, aut instare 
 jam plane, aut certe jam appropinquare. Quos si meus con- 
 sulatus quoniam sanare non potest, sustulerit : non breve nes- 
 cio quod 15 tempus, sed multa secula propagarit 16 reipublicae. 
 Nulla est enim natio, 17 quam pertimescamus : nullus rex, qui 
 bellum populo Romano facere possit. Omnia sunt externa 
 unius 18 virtute terra manque 19 pacata : domesticum bellum 
 manet : intus insidiae sunt : intus inclusum periculum est : 
 intus est hostis. Cum luxuria nobis, cum amentia, cum sce- 
 lere certandum est. Huic ego me bello ducem profiteor, 
 Quirites; suscipio inimicitias hominum perditorum. Qua? 
 sanari- poterunt, quacunque ratione sanabo : quae resecanda 
 crunt, non patiar ad perniciem civitatis manare. ?1 Proinde 
 
 9. Comissationes] From Kwfiog, im- 16. Propagarit] 1. To lay a stock 
 port revellings after supper ; con- in the ground that plants may spring 
 vivium,' at supper. Hence ' in vino,' from it ; 2. To enlarge or prolong, 
 in their cups. 17. Nulla est natio] It was during 
 
 10. Ebriosos] Drunkards; ' ebrii,' Cicero's consulship that Mithridates, 
 drunken. betrayed by his son, Pharnaces, at 
 
 1 1. Miki] Expletive, as supr. c. 2. Amisus, was killed, at his own desire, 
 n. 16. Here, too, it implies contempt by a Gallic soldier. lie was the only 
 on the part of the speaker. formidable opponent the Romans then 
 
 12. Redimiti] Qu : ' redimiciti,' had. 
 
 from ' amicio ;' and ' serta,' wreaths, 18. Unius] Pompey. 
 
 U bong plaited. 19. Terra marique] 'By land,' 
 
 13. Eructant] Inter ructandum Mithridates; ' by sea,' the pirates, 
 meditantur et jactant. Foicel. It re- 20. Qutz sanari] Ovid. Met. i. 
 lers to ' Vino languidi, confecti cibo.' 190, ' immedicabile vulnus Ense 
 
 14. Fatum] Here ' calamity, mis- recidendum est, ne pars sincera tra- 
 bap.' Conversely Hor. Carm. S. hatur.' 
 
 27, 'bona fata;' and Juv. Sat. 7. 21. Manare] Al. manere. But 
 
 189. ' Exempla novorum Fatorum the metaphor is not from amputating 
 
 transi.' Vid. Phil. ii. 1. a limb, but cutting out a corroding 
 
 15. Nescio quod] To intimate some ulcer. Hence the propriety of * ma- 
 nifling period. nare.' 
 
264: M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. 
 
 aut exeant, aut quiescant : aut, si et in urbe, et in eadem 
 mente permanent ; ea, quae merentur, 22 exspectent. 
 
 VI. At etiam sunt, 1 Quirites, qui dicant, a me in exsilium 
 ejectum esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo assequi possem, 
 istos ipsos ejicerem, qui haec loquuntur. Homo videlicet 
 timidus et permodestus vocem consulis ferre non potuit: si- 
 mul atque ire in exsilium jussus est, paruit, ivit. 2 Hesterno 
 die, 3 quum domi meae paene interfectus essem, senatum in 
 aedem Jovis Statoris 4 convocavi : rem omnem ad patres con- 
 scriptos detuli. Quo quum Catilina venisset, quis eum se- 
 nator appellavit? quis salutavit? quis denique ita adspexit, 
 ut perditum civem, ac non potius, ut importunissimum hos- 
 tem ? Quin etiam principes ejus ordinis partem illam sub- 
 selliorum, ad quam ille accesserat, nudam atque inanem 
 reliquerunt. Hie ego vehemens ille consul, 5 qui verbo cives 
 in exsilium ejicio, quaesivi 6 a Catilina, in noctumo conventu 
 apud M. Laecam fuisset, necne. Quum ille, homo audacissi- 
 mus, conscientia convictus, primo reticuisset : patefec i ce- 
 tera ; quid ea nocte egisset, quid in proximam 7 constituisset, 
 quemadmodum esset ei ratio totius belli descripta, edocui. 
 Quum haesitaret, quum teneretur ; quaesivi, quid dubitaret 
 proficisci eo, quo jampridem pararet: quum anna, quum se- 
 cures, quum fasces, 8 quam tubas, quum signa militaria, quum 
 aquilam 9 illam argenteam, cui ille etiam sacrarium scelerum 
 
 22. Qua merentur'] Ultimum sup- yesterday that Cicero narrowly es- 
 
 plieium. Muret. caped assassination, but yesterday 
 
 Sect. VI. 1. At etiam sunt] It that he convened the senate. Muret. 
 was objected to Cic. that he had 4. JEdem Statoris] Or. i. 5. n. 4. 
 forced Catiline to go into exile by 5. Vehemens ille consul] As Cati- 
 
 his threats and invectives. He ad- line's friends call me. 
 duces several reasons to prove the 6. Quecsivi] Not with the tone of 
 
 contrary: 1. from Catiline's disposition authority, but merely to gain infor- 
 
 ' Homo videlicet, &c.' who was mation. Supr. n. 1. 
 too audacious to listen to a simple 7. In proximam] Muret. refers to 
 
 advice from him ; 2. that he merely the future : ' For the next,' namely, 
 
 asked some questions, quaesivi a that fixed for his departure. So'prox* 
 
 Catilina,' regarding his conduct, 6cc, imis Idibus.' Or. i. 6. 
 &c. 8. Fasces] By thus previously 
 
 2. Ivit] Al. quievit ; al. omit it. preparing the emblems of authority, 
 Em. supposes an omission here, and Catiline disclosed his intentions, 
 suggests, sed res sic habet, as Cicero though invested with no legal pow- 
 goes on to explain his defensive line ers, of assuming the command. Sail, 
 of conduct. 36. I'. E. 
 
 3. Hesterno die] This is to be 9. Aquilam sacrarium] Or. i. 9. 
 taken with 'convocavi.' It was not n. 14.15. 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 7. 265 
 
 domi suae fecerat, scirem esse praemissam. In exsilium 10 eji- 
 ciebam, quern jam ingressum esse in bellum videbara ? Ete- 
 nim, credo, Mallius iste, eenturio, qui in agro Fesulano 11 
 castra posuit, bellum populo Romano suo nomine indixit : 
 et ilia castra nunc non Catilinam ducem exspectant : et ille, 
 ejectus in exsilium, se Massiliam, 12 ut aiunt, non in haec cas- 
 tra cont'eret. 
 
 VII. O conditionem miseram, 1 non modo administrandae, 
 verum etiam conservandae reipublicae ! Nunc, si L. Cati- 
 lina, consiliis, laboribus, periculis meis circumclusus ac de- 
 bilitatus, subito pertimuerit, sententiam mutaverit, deseruerit 
 suos, consilium belli faciundi abjecerit, ex hoc cursu sceleris 
 et belli, iter ad fugam atque in exsilium 2 converterit : non 
 ille a me spoliatus armis audaciae, non obstupefactus ac per- 
 territus mea diligentia, non de spe conatuque depulsus, sed 
 indemnatus, innocens, in exsilium ejectus a consule vi et 
 minis esse dicetur : et erunt, qui ilium, si hoc fecerit, non 
 improbum, sed miserum : me non diligentissimum consulem, 
 sed crudelissimum tyrannum existimari velint. Est mihi 
 tanti, 3 Quirites, hujus invidiam falsae atque iniquae tempesta- 
 tem subire, dummodo a vobis hujus horribilis belli ac nefarii 
 periculum depellatur. Dicatur sane ejectus esse a me, dum- 
 modo eat in exsilium. Sed mihi credite, non est iturus. 
 Nunquam 4 ego a diis immortalibus optabo, Quirites, in- 
 vidiam meae levandae causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exercitum 
 hostium, atque in armis volitare audiatis : sed triduo tamen 
 
 10. In exsilium] As Cat. had made Hor. Ep. xvi. 17. ' Phocaeorum Velut 
 every preparation for raising the profugit execrata civitas.' It was a 
 standard of rebellion in Umbria, usual retreat for exiled Romans, as 
 Cic. could not be said to have ex- appears by its being the residence of 
 pelled him from Rome. L. Scipio Asiaticus and Milo. Sext. 
 
 11. Mallius Fesulano] Or. i. 35. 3. 
 
 12. Massiliam] In Gallia Nar- Sect. VII. 1 . conditionem mi~ 
 bonensis. So Sail. Cat. 34. * Massi- seram] Wherein a statesman's con- 
 Ham in exilium proficisci.' This city duct is so misrepresented. This he 
 was founded B. C. 600, by a colony illustrates Nunc, si, &c.' 
 
 of Phocaeans from Ionia, who being 2. Fugam exsilium] Amplifica- 
 
 besieged by Harpagus, a general of tory merely. 
 
 Cyrus, and on the point of surrender- 3. Est tanti] Or. i. 9, n. 4. V. E. 
 
 ing, formed the design of leaving their This groundless odium I am willing to 
 
 city, and having cast into the sea a sustain. 
 
 mass of iron, bound themselves by 4. Nunquam, fyc.] Cic. wished to 
 
 an oath not to return till it should set himself right with his fellow-citi- 
 
 emerge from the deep. Herod, i, 165. zens, regarding his predictions about 
 
 a A 
 
266 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO If. 
 
 audietis : multoque magis illud timeo, 5 ne mihi sit invidio- 
 sura aliquando, quod ilium emiserim potius, quam quod 
 ejecerim. Sed quum sint 6 homines, qui ilium, quum profec- 
 tus sit, ejectum esse dicant, iidem, si interfectus esset, quid 
 dicerent? Quamquam 7 isti, qui Catilinam Massiliam ire 
 dictitant, non tarn hoc queruntur, quam verentur. 8 Nemo 
 est istorum tam misericors, qui ilium non ad Mallium, quam 
 ad Massilienses ire malit. Ille autem, si mehercules hoc, 
 quod agit, 9 nunquam ante cogitasset, tamen latrocinantem 
 se interfici mallet, quam exsulem vivere. Nunc vero, quum 
 ei nihil adhuc praeter ipsius voluntatem cogitationemque acci- 
 dent, nisi quod vivis nobis Roma 10 profectus est : optemus 
 potius, ut eat in exsilium, quam queramur. 
 
 VIII. Sed cur tamdiu 1 de uno hoste loquimur : et de eo 
 hoste, qui jam fatetur se esse hostem, et quern, quia, quod 
 semper volui, murus interest, non timeo : de his, qui dissi- 
 mulant, qui Roma? remanent, qui nobiscum sunt, nihil dici- 
 mus? quos quidem ego, si ullo modo fieri possit, 2 non tam 
 ulcisci studeo, quam sanare, et ipsos placare 3 reipublicae ; 
 neque, id quare fieri non possit, si me audire volent, intelli- 
 go. Exponam* enim vobis, Quirites, ex quibus generibus 
 hominum istae copiae comparentur : deinde singulis medici- 
 
 Catiline, who might think that he these words, and ' ad Mallium ad 
 
 could have little objection to Cata- Massilienses/ contain a sort of paro- 
 
 line's taking up arms, were it only nomasia. 
 
 to demonstrate his own sagacity. 9. Hoc quod agit] Conspiring 
 
 5. Multo magis timeo] I do not against his country. 
 
 fear any odium likely to arise from 10. Vivis nobis] Whilst I am ali?e. 
 
 the banishment of Catiline, for 1 did Supr. 1, n. 15. 
 
 not cause it ; but from permitting his Sect. VTII. I. Sed cur tamdiu] 
 
 escape, instead of inflicting on him Transitio est. Muret. 
 
 summary vengeance. 2. Si possit] Al. posset. Weiske 
 
 6. Quum sint] If I am accused of suspects that these words are a mar- 
 banishing Catiline, because he left ginal gloss, as they do not accord 
 the city j much more should I have with neque id intelligo, immediately 
 been blamed had I put him to death, following. V. E. But when he wrote 
 
 7. Quamquam] Mil. 2. n. 18. the words he did not think of si me 
 And yet those who repeat, &c, are audire volent/ which, in Cicero's 
 not so sincere in their complaints, opinion, was quite enough to take 
 as in their fears that those com- away any impossibility. 
 
 plaints are groundless : for then 3. Jpsos placare] To reconcile 
 
 they should have no opportunity of even them to the republic, 
 
 rising on the ruin of their country. 4. Exponam] From a candid e*- 
 
 3. Queruntur verentur] Perhaps position, Cic. proposes to conciliate 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 8. 
 
 267 
 
 nam consilii atque orationis 5 meae, si quam potero, 6 afteram. 
 Ununi genus est eorum, qui, magno in aere alieno, majores 
 etiam possessiones habent, quarum amore adducti dissolvi 7 
 nullo modo possunt. Horum hominum species est hones- 
 tissima ; 8 sunt enim locupletes : voluntas vero et causa im- 
 pudentissima. Tu agris, tu aedificiis, tu argento, tu familia, 
 tu rebus omnibus ornatus et copiosus sis : 9 et dubites de pos- 
 sessione detrahere, acquirere, ad fidem ? 10 Quid enim ex- 
 spectas ? Bellum ? Quid ? Ergo in vastatione omnium 
 tuas possessiones sacrosanctas 11 futuras putas ? An tabulas 
 novas . ?12 Errant, qui istas a Catilina exspectant. Meo bene- 
 ficio tabula? novae 13 proferentur : verum auctionariae. 1 * Neque 
 enim isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla salvi esse 
 possunt. Quod si maturius facere voluissent, neque (id 
 quod stultissimum est) certare cum usuris fructibus praedio- 
 rum; 15 et locupletioribus his et melioribus civibus utere- 
 
 his audience. 
 
 5. Medicinam orationis] The 
 healing influence of my advice, and 
 of my eloquence, exerted in explain- 
 ing and enforcing that advice. 
 
 6. Si quam potero] For, as the 
 Schol. remarks, ' tria genera vitiorum 
 cum remedio ; tria sine remedio.' 
 The first, second, and third, as will 
 be observed, stand in the former 
 predicament, the remainder in the 
 latter. 
 
 7. Dissolvi] Liberari alieno aere. 
 Muret. Em. conjectures dissolvere ; 
 nam aes ipsura, non homo qui debet, 
 ilissolvi dicitur. Dissolvi, Scheller in- 
 terprets, separari: they cannot en- 
 dure parting with their possessions : 
 Sic enim sum complexus otium, ut 
 ab eo divelli non queam.' Att. ii. 6. 
 Orel, rightly says, that dissolvi has a 
 middle force ' to clear their scores so 
 as to get a receipt in full.' For ad- 
 ducti, Weiske would read uddicti, 
 Hrn. adstricti. 
 
 8. Honestissima] Of high rank and 
 making a splendid appearance. V. E. 
 
 9. Tu sis] 'Are you, &c, and 
 yet hesitate, &c.' 
 
 10. Ad fidem] i. e. Acquirere 
 
 aliquid ad fidem ; in some degree to 
 improve your credit. 
 
 1 1 . Sacrosanctas] So that none 
 may violate them. Muret. 
 
 12. Tabulas novas'] A compulsory 
 arrangement by law, compelling the 
 creditor to accept a part of his debt, 
 in full for the whole. This measure 
 Catiline had promised to adopt. Sail. 
 21. V.E. Muret. strangely supposes 
 it to mean Catiline's burning the 
 books of the money-lenders. 
 
 13. Novce] He plays on the word. 
 They shall be new tables, but not in 
 their sense. 
 
 14. Auctionaria] By which their 
 property, or a sufficient portion of it, 
 would be exposed to sale, and their 
 debts paid. V. E. This is his first 
 remedy. 
 
 15. Certare pr<diornm] 'To 
 struggle against the interests of 
 money with the proceeds of their 
 possessions ;' i. e. to attempt paying 
 the interest of money by the income 
 of their estates. We may infer that 
 the contest was unequal, from the 
 
 folly of waging it ; i. e. that the in- 
 come did not cover the accumulated 
 interest and hence the propriety of 
 
268 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. 
 
 mur. 16 Sed hosce homines minime puto pertimescendos, 
 quod ant deduci de sententia possunt; aut, si permanebunt, 
 magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra rempublicam, quam 
 arma laturi. 
 
 IX. Alterum genus est eorum, qui quamquam premuntur 
 aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspectant : rerum potiri 1 
 volunt : honores, quos quieta republica desperant, perturba- 
 ta 2 consequi se posse arbitrantur. Quibus hoc praecipien- 
 dum 3 videtur, unum scilicet et idem, quod ceteris omnibus, ut 
 desperent, se id, quod conantur, 4 consequi posse : primurn 
 omnium, me ipsum vigilare, adesse, providere reipublicae : 
 deinde magnos animos esse in bonis viris, magnam concor- 
 diam, maximam multitudinem, 5 magnas praeterea copias mi- 
 litum ; deos denique immortales huic invicto populo, claris- 
 simo imperio, pulcherrimae urbi, contra tantam vim sceleris, 
 praesentes 6 auxilium esse laturos. Quod si jam sint id, (mod 
 cum summo furore cupiunt, adepti : num illi in cinere ur- 
 bis, et in sanguine 7 civium, quae mente conscelerata 8 ac 
 nefaria concupierunt, consules se ac dictatores, aut etiam 
 reges sperant futuros ? Non vident, se cupere id, quod si 
 adepti fuerint, fugitivo alicui, aut gladiatori 9 concedi sit ne- 
 cesse ? Tertium genus est aetate jam affectum, 10 [sed tamen] 
 
 selling out a part to save the remain- or eorum. Sch. supposes equitum, 
 tier. cavalry, as opposed to militum, in- 
 
 16. Uteremur] Experiremur, like fantry, following. V. E. 
 
 xpdouat in Greek. Verr. vii. 59. 6. Prttsentes] Propitious. Or. iii. 
 
 1 Hie vide, quam me sis usurus aequo.' 8. ' Ita praesentes opem et auxilium 
 
 How reasonable you will find me. nobis tulerunt.' Virg. Eel. i. 42. 
 
 17. Quod deduci'] By showing Nee tarn praesentes alibi cognoscere 
 them that they must pay, or else thej divos. Hor. Ep. ii. 1. ' Praesenti 
 will be auctioned out. tibi maturos largimur honores.' 
 
 Sect. IX. 1. Potiri rerum] To 7. Cinere sanguine] Refer to 
 possess supreme power ; but ' potiri ' caedes incendium ;' * ferro flam- 
 rebus,' to obtain or enjoy, &c* So maque' which he has so often used. 
 Sail. Cat. 48, Potiri urbis ;' and on Supr. 1. Or. iii. 1. 
 the same principle, Hor. Carm. iii. 8. Conscelerata] Con only for eu- 
 30, Daunus agrestium Regnavit po- phony. Muret. 
 pulorum. 9. Fugitivo gladiatori] For sup- 
 
 2. Perturbata] Sc. ' republica.' posing Catiline successful, his fol- 
 
 3. Hoc pr&cipiendum] The remedy lowers must be rewarded, and the 
 in the second case. most daring of these were, or might 
 
 4. Id quod conantur] To over- be, slaves and gladiators. 
 
 throw the state. 10. JEtate affectum] Supr. 3. 
 
 5. Max. mult.] Some word, Wetz. Collectum ex seniims desperatis.' 
 and Em. think, is deficient ; populi, They were chiefly veterans of Sylla, 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 10. 
 
 269 
 
 exercitatione robustum : quo ex genere iste est Mallius, 11 cui 
 nunc Catilina succedit. Hi sunt homines ex iis coloniis, 12 
 quas Sulla constituit : quas ego universas civium esse opti- 
 morum, et fortissimorum virorum sentio : 13 sed tamen hi sunt 
 coloni, qui se in insperatis repentinisque pecuniis sumptuo- 
 sius insolentiusque jactarunt. 14 Hi dum sedificant, tamquam 
 beati : 15 dum praediis, lecticis, familiis magnis, conviviis ap- 
 paratis 10 delectantur, in tantum a?s alienum inciderunt, ut, si 
 salvi esse velint, Sulla sit iis ab inferis excitandus. Qui 
 etiam nonnullos agrestes, 17 homines tenues 18 atque egentes, 
 in eandem illam spem rapinarum veterum impulerunt : quos 
 ego utrosque, Quirites, in eodem genere praedatorum direp- 
 torumque pono. Sed eos hoc moneo : 19 desinant furere ac 
 proseriptiones et dictaturas 20 cogitare. Tantus enim illorum 
 temporum dolor inustus 21 est civitati, ut jam ista non modo 
 homines, sed ne pecudes quidem mihi passurae 22 esse vi- 
 deantur. 
 
 X. Quartum genus est sane varium, 1 et mixtum, et tnrbu- 
 ientum: qui jampridem premuntur: qui nunquam emer- 
 
 as he now shews. 
 
 11. Iste Mallius] Or. i. 3. n. 8. 
 ' Cui succedit,' is gone to join. 
 
 12. Ex iis coloniis] Sylla had 
 planted no less than forty-seven mi- 
 litary colonies after his victory over 
 the Marians. 
 
 13. Quas univer. sen.'] ' Which, 
 i- a body, 1 hold to be, &c.' 
 
 14. In insperatis juctarunt~\ The 
 preposition has been here inserted by 
 Km., avowedly without any autho- 
 rity, and in the opinion of Scheller 
 anil Weiske, unnecessarily. Se jac- 
 hire, without a prep, governing the 
 following noun, are found. Cat. iv. 
 5. Vug. Eel. vi. 74. V. E. Vid. 
 Sail. Cat. 11. 16, where the soldiers 
 of Sylla are similarly described. 
 
 15. Tamquam beati] As if they 
 were really wealthy, whereas they 
 only possessed a temporary supply, 
 derived from plunder. 
 
 16. Conviviis apparatis] Similarly, 
 Phil. ii. 39. Prandiorum appara- 
 tus,' and Lucian TroXvrtXi'i StX-rva. 
 
 17. Nonnullos agrcstes] ' Ex agres- 
 
 ti luxuria ex rusticisdecoctoribus.' 
 
 18. Homines tenues] lta eleganter 
 vocantur pauperes. Rose. A. 31. 
 Quid si accedit eodem, ut tenuis ante 
 fueris 1 Muret. 
 
 19. Sed eos hoc moneo] The remedy 
 for the third class. The remainder 
 were past remedy. 
 
 20. Proscrip. dictat.] The per- 
 petual dictatorship and proscriptions 
 of Sylla were fresh in the minds of 
 his veterans. 
 
 21. Dolor inustus] Supr. 6. n. 3. 
 Mil. 36. n. 4. 
 
 22. Pecudes passurai] This seems 
 strongly figurative. Possibly an al- 
 lusion is designed to some incident 
 during Sylla's proscription, where 
 great barbarity was practised to ani- 
 mals. Weiske. V. E. 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Varium] For they 
 laboured under no single disease of 
 the mind, as ambition or pride, but 
 ' in aere alieno vacillant' are totter- 
 ing under a load of debt, contracted 
 of old, through indolence, imprudence, 
 and extravagance. 
 
 A A 2 
 
270 
 
 M. T. C1CERONIS ORATIO II. 
 
 gent ; 2 qui partim inertia, partim male gerendo negotio, par- 
 tim etiam sumptibus, in vetere a?re alieno vacillant ; qui 
 vadimoniis, judiciis, proscriptionibus 3 bonorum defatigati, 
 permulti et ex urbe et ex agris se in ilia castra conierre 
 dicuntur. Hosce ego non tam milites acres, quani intitia- 
 tores 4 lentos esse arbitror. Qui homines primum 5 si stare 
 non possunt, corruant : sed ita, ut non modo civitas, 6 sed no 
 vicini quidem proximi sentiant. Nam illud non intelligo, 
 quamobrem, si vivere honeste non possunt, perire turpiter 
 velint: aut cur minore dolore perituros se cum multis, quam 
 si soli pereant, arbitrentur. Quintum genus est parricida- 
 rum, 7 sicariorum, denique omnium facinorosorum : quos ego 
 a Catilina non revoco ; nam neque divelli ab eo possunt : et 
 pereant sane in latrocinio, quoniam sunt ita multi, ut eos ca- 
 pere career non possit. Postremum 8 autem ^enus est, non 
 solum numero, verum etiam genere ipso atque vita : quod 
 proprium est Catilina?, de ejus delectu, immo vero de coni- 
 plexu 9 ejus ac sinu ; quos pexo 10 capillo, nitidos, aut imber- 
 
 2. Emergent] Men of broken for- 
 tunes are called ' naufragi ;' the me- 
 taphor is here pursued. Pers. Sat. iii. 
 33. ' Et alto Deroersus, summa rur- 
 sus non bullit in unda.' 
 
 3. Vadim. judic. proscript.] The 
 regular legal order of proceeding 
 against insolvents in Rome, is here 
 observed. They fail in appearing ; 
 judgments against them are obtained ; 
 their effects are seized, and, after a 
 certain delay, pass to their creditors. 
 Weiske. V. E. 
 
 4. Infitiatores lentos] 'Lentos' is 
 opposed to ' acres,' and the sense is, 
 that by denying, they put off their 
 creditors from time to time. But vid. 
 Muret. Var. Lect. iii. 18. 
 
 5. Primum] Quum dixerit pri- 
 mum' videbatur additurus ' deinde,.' 
 Est igitur avaKoXaOov. Muret. 
 
 6. Non modo civitas] He had said 
 above ' vacillant' they stagger ; now 
 be adds ' corruant' let them tumble 
 down ; not indeed as they would 
 wish, so as to shake the republic to 
 its base ; but so that not even their 
 nearest neighbour, much less the city, 
 
 may hear the fall. Lucian Char. 
 Mo-yic rai roTc yttrooiv t$aice<r0v- 
 roc r5 7rrftaroc. He seems to 
 hint that it would be more respecta- 
 ble to be their own executioners than 
 that their country should put them to 
 death as traitors. Hence Manut. 
 explains : ' Turpiter' civili bello ; 
 ' cum multis' Catilinae sociis. 
 
 7. Parricidarum] Mil. 7. n. 6. 
 
 8. Postremum] We here learn that 
 this word admits of two senses. '1 "his 
 class was not only the last in point of 
 order, but worst in point of morals. 
 Supply the ellipsis thus: 'The last 
 kind is so, not only in, &c, but also 
 in, &c.' 
 
 9. Complexu, fyc] It is not ne- 
 cessary to urge the meaning of this 
 expression further than ' most inti- 
 mate,' or the like. Fam. xiv. 4. 
 ' Quid ? Cicero meus quid aget 1 
 Isle vero sit in sinu semper et com- 
 plexu meo V 
 
 10. Pexo] This intimates effemi- 
 nacy. Hence Hor. Carm. i. 12. 
 ' Hunc et incomptis Furius capillos, 
 Sec' Muret, 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 11. 
 
 271 
 
 bes, aut bene barbatos 11 videtis : manicatis et talaribus tu- 
 nicis ; u velis amictos, 13 non togis : quorum omnis indus- 
 tria vitae, et vigilandi labor in antelucanis ccenis 14 expromi- 
 tur. In his gregibus omnes aleatores, omnes adulteri, omnes 
 impuri impudicique versantur. Hi pueri tarn lepidi ac 
 delicati, 15 non solum amare et amari, neque psallere ld et sal- 
 tare, sed etiam sicas vibrare, et spargere venena didicerunt : 
 qui nisi exeunt, nisi pereunt, etiam si Catilina perierit, sci- 
 tote hoc in repnblica seminarium Catilinarium futurum. 
 Verumtamen 17 quid sibi isti miseri volunt ! num suas secum 
 mulierculas sunt in castra ducturi? quemadmodum autem 
 illis carere poterunt, his prsesertim jam noctibus? 18 quo au- 
 tem pacto i Hi Apenninum, atqne illas pruinas ac nives 19 per- 
 terent ? nisi idcirco se facilius hiemem toleraturos putant, 
 quod nudi in conviviis saltare 20 didicerunt. 
 
 XI. O bellum magno opere pertimescendum, quum banc 
 sit habiturus Catilina scortorum 1 cohortem praetoriam ! 2 In- 
 struite nunc, Quirites, contra has tarn praeclaras Catilina? 
 
 11. Bene barbatos] With large 
 beards. For if we translate ' spruce' 
 there is no opposition between it and 
 ' imberbes,' which is evidently in- 
 tended. Bene barbati,' are full- 
 grown young men ; ' imberbes' 
 youths, called, Att. i. 14, ' barba- 
 tuli.' The custom of shaving was 
 introduced into the city, from Sicily, 
 by P. Licinius Menn, a. l. 454. 
 
 12. Manicatis tunicis] ' Tunics 
 furnished with sleeves.' These were 
 held an unmanly apparel. A. Gell. 
 vii. 12. Virg. ix. 616. Et tunicae 
 manicas et habent redimicula mitral.' 
 
 13. Velis amictos] To show the 
 looseness and thin texture of their 
 gowns. Men of gravity chose gowns 
 of opposite qualities. Hor. Ep. i. 
 19. Exiguaeque togae simulet textore 
 Catonem. 
 
 14. Antelucanis ca:nis] Suppers 
 protracted till the dawn. Arch. 6. 
 n. 15. 
 
 15. Delicati] Mil. 10. n.21. 
 
 16. Psallere] Al. cantare ; but 
 Sail. (Cat. 25,) uses ' psallere et 
 saltare.' As to ' semin. Catilinarium,' 
 Orel, defends it by Cato 48. ' Po- 
 
 marium seminarium atque oleagine- 
 um.' The remark of Sen. then, that 
 this would mean 'a seminary instituted 
 by Catiline,' seems not well-founded. 
 He reads, however, Catilinarum, and 
 cites, Phil. xiii. 2. ' Seminarium judi- 
 cum tertia) decuriae.' 
 
 17. Verumtamen, fyc] Non jam 
 ad pueros dicit sed ad amatores ip- 
 sorum. Muret. Hence mulierculas.' 
 
 18. His jam noctibus] Novem- 
 ber was then arrived. 
 
 19. Apen. nives] Similarly Virg. 
 Eel. x. 47. ' Alpinas, an dura, nives, 
 et frigora Rheni, 6cc.' 
 
 20. lYudi saltare] Deiot. 9, n. 
 25 ; to which add Dem. Olyn. ii. 7. 
 o'Lovq fiiBvaOivraQ bp^tiaOat routura 
 ola iyuj vvv ukvoj 7rpoc vfiag dvofid- 
 aai. 
 
 Sect. XI. 1. Scortorum] This 
 term is sometimes applied to males. 
 Sext. 17. ' Cum scurrarum locuple- 
 tium scorto, cum, &c. quos homi- 
 nes.' Al. Scortatorum. 
 
 2. Cohortem praetoriam] As ' prae- 
 tor' is any leader, civil or military, 
 ' praetoria cohors' is the general's 
 guard. Festus says that Scipio Afri- 
 
272 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. 
 
 eopias vestra praesidia vestrosque exercitus : et primum gla- 
 diatori illi confecto 3 et saucio, consules imperatoresque ves- 
 tros opponite : deinde contra illam naufragorum ejectam 4 
 ac debilitatam manum, florem totius Italiae ac robur educite. 
 Jam vero urbes 5 coloniarum ac municipiorum respondebunt 7 
 Catilinae tumulis 8 silvestribus. Neque vero ceteras eopias, 
 ornamenta, 9 praesidia vestra, cum illius latronis inopia atque 
 egestate debeo confer re. Sed, si, omissis his rebus omni- 
 bus, quibus nos suppeditamus, 10 eget ille, senatu, 11 equitibus 
 Romanis, populo, urbe, aerario, vectigalibus, cuncta Italia, 
 provinciis omnibus, exteris nationibus, si, his rebus omissis, 
 ipsas causas, quae inter se confligunt, contendere 12 velimus : 
 ex eo ipso, quam valde illi jaceant, intelligere possumus. Ex 
 hac enim parte pudor pugnat, illinc petulantia : 13 hinc pudi- 
 citia, illinc stuprum : hinc fides, illinc fraudatio : hinc pie- 
 tas, illinc scelus : hinc constantia, illinc furor : hinc hones- 
 tas, illinc turpitudo : hinc continentia, illinc libido : denique 
 aequitas, temperantia, fortitudo, prudentia, virtutes omnes 
 certant cum iniquitate, cum luxuria, cum ignavia, cum teme- 
 ritate, cum vitiis omnibus : postremo copia cum egestate, 
 bona ratio cum perdita, mens sana cum amentia, bona deni- 
 que spes cum omnium rerum desperatione confligit. Jn 
 hujusmodi certamine ac proelio, nonne, etiam, si hominum 
 
 canus first formed this corps, and an ground, a mound, which, covered with 
 imitation of it by Augustus, gave woods, (silvestribus,) would be a fit- 
 rise to the famous praetorian guards, ting retreat for Catiline's adherents, 
 which so frequently disposed of the Al. cumulis ; but * urbes' requires 
 imperial diadem. ' tumulis.' Supr. n. 5. 
 
 3. Confecto] The technical word 9. Ornamenta'} By these theDelph. 
 for a wounded gladiator. Similarly would understand senatum, equites 
 I lor. Ep. ii. 2. 97. Caedimur et to- Rom., aararium, &c.' butForcel. 'ali- 
 tidem plagis consumimus hostem.' quis apparatus,' equipment, accou- 
 
 4. Ejectam] Properly applied to trements. 
 
 naufragi.' 10. Suppeditamus] Arch. 5. n. 4. 
 
 5. Urbes] Muret. tires. Al. arces, Supply * quibus antem' before 'eget.' 
 which is thought to be supported by 11. Senatu, &;c] This enumer- 
 Liv. xxvii. 18. ' Nee tumulos nee ation is worthy of notice as contain- 
 arcem ne mare quidem armis obstitis- ing Cicero's opinion concerning the 
 se suis, &c.' But ' coloniarum ac relative dignity of the grand consti- 
 municipiorum' may be put for the ruents of the empire. 
 
 people who inhabit them, to whom 12. Contendere] To compare. Hor. 
 
 ' urbes' will apply. Ep. i. 10. 26 ' qui Sidonio conten- 
 
 7. Respondebunt] Similes sunt dere callidus ostro Nescit Aquinatem 
 cum ironia. Mannt. Hor. Ep. ii. 2. potantia vellera succum.' Rose. A. 
 48 non responsura lacertis. 33. Manil. 13. n. 5. 
 
 8. Tumulis] (A tumeo) a rising 13. Pudor petulantia, c] This 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 12. 
 
 273 
 
 studia deficiant, dii ipsi immortales cogent ab his praeclaris- 
 simis virtutibus tot et tanta vitia superari ? 
 
 XII. Quae quum ita sint, 1 Quirites, vos, quemadmodum 
 jam antea, 2 vestra tecta custodiis vigiliisque 3 defendite : 
 mihi, 4 ut urbi sine vestro motu ac sine ullo tumultu satis es- 
 set praesidii, consultum ac provisum est. Coloni omnes mu- 
 nicipesque vestri, certiores a me facti de hac nocturna excur- 
 sione Catilinae, facile urbes suas finesque defendent : gladia- 
 tores, quam sibi ille maximam manum et certissimam fore 
 putavit, quamquam meliore 5 animo sunt, quam pars patrici- 
 orum, potestate tamen nostra continebuntur. Q. Metellus, 
 quern ego, prospiciens hoc, in agrum Gallicanum Picenum- 
 que 7 praemisi, aut opprimet 8 hominem, aut omnes ejus motus 
 conatusque prohibebit. Reliquis autem de rebus constituen- 
 dis, maturandis, agendis, 9 jam ad senatum referemus, quern 
 vocari videtis. 
 
 Nunc illos, qui in urbe remanserunt, atque adeo qui con- 
 tra urbis salutem omniumque vestrum in urbe a Catilina 
 relicti sunt, quamquam sunt hostes, tamen, quia nati sunt 
 tives, monitos eos 11 etiam atque etiam volo. Mea lenitas 
 
 passage is valuable for determining 
 the precise meaning of several words. 
 E. g. ' scelus' is not merely a breach 
 of morals, but an affront to religion ; 
 * furor,' not only madness, but any 
 conduct opposite to the firm, even 
 tenor of the good citizen's, conduct. 
 
 Sect. Xll. 1. Qua quum ita sint] 
 The peroration. Introd 5. 
 
 2. Jam antea, c] Here many 
 MSS. and editors read ante, and in- 
 troduce dixi, or diximus. As Cic. 
 had not in fact so said, edixi has been 
 proposed. Cat. i. 3. Sail. 30. V. E. 
 
 3. Custodiis vigiliisque'] By day 
 and night. Or. i. 1. * Nocturnum 
 presidium.' Also n. 10, and Mil. 25. 
 n.7. 
 
 4. Mihi consultum est] i. e. A 
 me; for ' ego consului.' 
 
 5. Quamquam meliore] ' Quam- 
 quam' is here, as in Phil. ii. 24, a 
 correction: 'And yet, attached as it 
 may be to Catiline, it is better affected 
 to the state than certain patricians 1 
 Could name. But with all its at- 
 
 tachment, it shall be kept within 
 the bounds of duty.' Non, therefore, 
 is not required before meliore, as Ern. 
 thought. Sail. Cat. 17, gives a list of 
 senators engaged in the conspiracy. 
 
 6. Continebuntur] The gladiators 
 were distributed among different pro- 
 vincial towns. Sail. 30. V. E. Refer 
 ' potestate nostra' to the consular au- 
 thority. 
 
 7. Gallican. Picen.] Supr. 3. n. 
 1.3. 
 
 8. Aut opprimet] To put doion the 
 man will be Ins first aim; if he fails 
 in that, he will next endeavour to 
 render his attempts harmless. 
 
 9. Constituend. agend.] So Sail. 
 Cat. 1, ' Priusquam incipias consul- 
 to, et, &c. mature facto opus est.' 
 Muret. 
 
 10. Nati cives] For the conspi- 
 rators, he hints, had among them en- 
 franchised slaves, gladiators, &c. 
 Those that remained in the city, how- 
 ever, were native citizens. 
 
 11. Monitos eos] The pronoun is 
 
274 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. 
 
 adhuc si cui solutior 12 visa est, hoc exspectavit, ut id, quod 
 latebat, erumperet. 13 Quod reliquum est, 14 jam non possum 
 oblivisci, meam hanc esse patriam, me horum esse consulem : 
 mihi aut cum his vivendum, aut pro his esse moriendum. 
 Nullus est porta? custos, nullus insidiator via? : si qui exire 
 volunt, consulere sibi possunt ; qui vero in urbe se commo- 
 verit, 15 cujusegonon modo factum, sed inceptum ullumcona- 
 tumve contra patriam deprehendero; sentiet 16 in hac urbe es- 
 se consules vigilantes, esse egregios magistratus, 17 esse fortem 
 senatum, esse arma, esse carcerem : 18 quern vindicem ne- 
 fariorum ac manifestorum scelerum majores nostri esse vo- 
 luerunt. 
 
 XIII. Atque haec omnia sic agentur, Quirites, ut res max- 
 ima minimo motu, pericula summa nullo tumultu, bellum 
 intestinum ac domesticum, post hominum memoriam crudel- 
 issimum ac maximum, me uno togato duce 1 et imperatore, 
 sedetur. Quod ego sic administrabo, Quirites, ut, si ullo 
 modo fieri poterit, ne improbus quidem quisquam in hac 
 urbe poenam sui sceleris sufferat. Sed si vis manifesta? au- 
 daciae, si impendens patriae periculum me necessario de hac 
 animi lenitate deduxerit: 2 illud profecto perficiam, quod i.i 
 tanto et tarn insidioso bello vix optandum 3 videtur, ut Deque 
 bonus quisquam intereat, paucorumque poena vos jam omnes 
 
 omitted by Ern. and other editors. rated. This was more than a vain 
 
 V. E. threat in Cic. Vid. Sail. Cat. 62. 
 
 12. Solutior] Opposed to ' seve- Sect. XIII. 1. Togato duce] 
 rior,' or the like. Mil. 13. n. 13. When the consuls set out on any mi- 
 
 13. Erumperet] Mil. 23. n. 15. litary expedition, they changed their 
 
 14. Quod reliquum est] Sc. 'quoad gowns for a military dress. This con- 
 quod, ficc' spiracy, Cic. promises, shall be quell- 
 
 15. Se eommoverit] Mil. 31. n. 13, ed whilst he wears the garb of peace, 
 where qui is, by accident, omitted be- V. E. Hence the boast which cost 
 fore ' aliquid.' him so dear : ' Cedant arma togae.' 
 
 16. Sentiet] Verbum usitatum in 2. Deduxerit] Where many sub- 
 comminando. Terent. * Sentiet qui jects are named, the last being of im- 
 vir siem.' Muret. portance and expressed in several 
 
 17. MagUtrat us] Tribunes. Weishe. words, the verb is often found in the 
 V. K. singular, as sedetur in the preceding 
 
 18. Career.] Cic. here declares sentence. Weiske. Al. deduxerit. 
 that the intention of the old Romans, V. E. 
 
 in building a prison, was to punish the 3. Quod vix optandum] People 
 
 evil-doer ; whereas, Ulpian says, that seldom wish impossibilities, at least 
 
 it was to deter him from committing it is useless to do so. So Manil. 9. 
 
 crimes. But it does not appear how ' Tantum victus efficere potuit, quan- 
 
 these two objects can be well sepa- turn iucolumis nunquam est ausus op- 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 13. 
 
 27, 
 
 salvi esse possitis. Quae quidem ego neque mea prudentia, 
 neque humanis consiliis fretus polliceor vobis, Quirites ; sed 
 multis, et non dubiis deorum immortalium significationibus, 4 
 quibus ego ducibus in hanc spem sententiamque sum ingres- 
 sus : qui jam non procul, 5 ut quondam solebant, ab externo 
 hoste atque longinquo ; sed hie praesentes suo numine atque 
 auxilio sua templa atque urbis tecta defendunt : quos vos, 
 Quirites, precari, venerari 6 atque implorare debetis, ut, quani 
 urbem pulcherrimam, florentissimam potentissimamque esse 
 voluerunt, bane, omnibus hostiimi copiis terra marique supe- 
 ratis, a perditissimorum civium nefario scelere defendant. 
 
 tare. Hence ' vix opt.' is like our 
 expression ' hardly to be thought of,' 
 applied to things unlikely to take 
 place. The note of Manut. is : Po- 
 tius enim optandum videtur ut in tan- 
 to, &c, multi improbi morte multa- 
 rentur ;' i. e. he took ' optandum' in its 
 ordinary sense, but referred it only to 
 * paucorum poena ;' which the struc- 
 ture of the sentence seems to forbid. 
 
 4. Significationibus'] The verb sig- 
 nifico was appropriate to the Arus- 
 pices. Tibull. ii. 1. 26. De Div. i. 1. 
 4 Quid sibisignificent, trepidantia con- 
 sult exta.' Metam. xv. 576. V. E. 
 A bright flame stated by Plut. Cic. 
 20, to have issued from the altar at 
 Cicero's house, while his wife and the 
 
 matrons were sacrificing to Bona Dea, 
 is usually given as an instance of these 
 omens. 
 
 5. Non jam procul] The vulgar 
 thought that the gods varied their dis- 
 tance from a place according as their 
 assistance was required; but still that 
 they acted so much the better for be- 
 ing near at hand. Hence he says 
 ' praesentes.' The Delph. refers 'pro- 
 cul, &c.' to the occasions in which the 
 Romans were unsuccessful, e. g. the 
 Gallic and second Punic war; but 
 this is unnecessary. 
 
 6. Venerari] To beseech, Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 6. Si veneror stultus nihil 
 horura. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 IN 
 
 LUCIUM CATILINAM, 
 
 TERTIA* 
 
 AD QUIRITES 
 ORATIO. 
 
 I. Rempublicam, 1 Quirites, vitamque omnium vestrum, 
 bona, 2 fortunas, conjuges, liberosque vestros, atque hoc do- 
 micilium clarissimi imperii, fortunatissimam 3 pulcherrimam- 
 que urbem, hodierno die, 4 deorum immortalium summo erga 
 vos amore, 5 laboribus, consiliis, periculisque meis, 6 ex flamma 
 atque ferro, 7 ac paene ex faucibus fati 8 ereptam, et vobis con- 
 servatam ac restitutam videtis. Et, si 9 non minus nobis jucundi 
 atque illustres sunt ii dies, quibus conservamur, 10 quam illi, 
 
 * Vid. Introd. 7. 
 
 Sect. I. 1. Remp.] An amplifi- 
 cation ; as Or. i. 5. n. 10 ; < univer- 
 sam remp. petis.' 
 
 2. Bona] Td vnap\ovTa, syno- 
 nymous with ' fortunas.' Muret. 
 The Delph., however, restricts the 
 latter to ' pecuniae.' 
 
 3. Fortunatissimam'] Ev8aifioviara' 
 
 Tt)V. 
 
 4. Hodierno die] The third of 
 Deer. Introd. 6. Att. ii. 1. 
 
 5. Deorum amore] Post deos se- 
 ipsum ponendo, beneficium auget, 
 Schol. 
 
 6. Periculis meis] Cic. does not 
 
 seem to make any account of his col- 
 league, C. Antony. 
 
 7. Flamma ferro] Or. ii. 9. n. 7. 
 
 8. Faucibus jati] An obvious 
 metaphor from wild beasts ; ' fati,' 
 here, is merely ' death,' as Ktjp with 
 the Greeks. Phil. ii. 1. 
 
 9. Et, si non minus] Et si, seems 
 put for quod si, as in the Phormio of 
 Terence ' et si tibi res sit cum eo leno- 
 ne ;' where Donat. remarks, that et 
 is not only a connective but incep- 
 tive particle. Muret. 
 
 10. Jucundi quibus conservamur] 
 This is natural. So Hor. Carm. iii. 
 8, ' Voveram dulces epulas, et album 
 
 B B 
 
278 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. 
 
 quibus nascimur; quod salutiscertalaetitia est,nascendi incerta 
 conditio, 11 et quod sine sensu nascimur, cum voluptate serva- 
 mur : profecto, quoniam ilium, qui hanc urbem condidit, ad 
 deos immortales 12 benevolentia famaque sustulimus, 13 esse 
 apud vos posterosque vestros in honore debebit is, 14 qui ean- 
 dem hanc urbem conditam amplificatamque servavit. Nam 
 toti urbi^ 15 templis, delubris, tectis ac mcenibus subjectos 
 prope jam ignes circumdatosque restinximus ; iidemque gla- 
 dios in rempublicam destrictos retudimus, mucronesque eo- 
 rum a jugulis vestris dejecimus. Qua? quoniam in senatu 
 illustrate, patefacta, comperta sunt per me ; vobis jam ex- 
 ponam breviter, Quirites : ut et quanta, et quam manifesta, 
 et qua ratione investigata et comprehensa sint, vos, qui ig- 
 noratis, et exspectatis, 16 scire possitis. 
 
 Principio, 17 ut Catilina paucis 18 ante diebuserupit ex urbe, 
 quum sceleris sui socios, hujusce nefarii belli acerrimos 
 duces Roma? reliquisset: semper vigilavi 19 et providi, Qui- 
 rites, quemadmodum in tantis et tam absconditis insidiis 
 salvi esse possemus. 
 
 Libero caprum prope funeratus Arbo- 
 ris ictu.' 
 
 1 1 . Nascendi incerta conditio] So 
 the Trausi, a Thracian tribe, used to 
 lament over the birth, and rejoice at 
 the death, of a human being. Herod. 
 v. 4. 
 
 12. Ad deos immortales] The apo- 
 theosis of Romulus is told Liv. i. 
 16. Vid. also Aurel. Vict. c. 2. 
 llor. Carm. iii. 3 r Hac Quirinus 
 Martis equis Acheronta fugit;' and 
 Kp. ii. 1. ' Romulus deorum in 
 templa recepti.' Numa added a fla- 
 men, called Quirinalis, and appoint- 
 ed a feast called Quirinalia, which 
 was held on the seventeenth of Fe- 
 bruary. 
 
 13. Famaque sustulimus] ' Sus- 
 ccpit autera vita hominum consuetu- 
 doque communis, ut benefices excel- 
 lentes viros in coelum, famaac volun- 
 tate, tollerent.' De Nat. Deor. ii. 
 24. Tusc. i. 12. V. E. 
 
 14. Debebit is] Having shown that 
 Romulus, the founder of the city, was 
 deified, he hints that its preserver is 
 
 no less deserving of immortal renown. 
 
 15. Toti urbi] Al. totius vrbis ; 
 but it is agreeable to Cicero's manner 
 to proceed from the whole to its parts. 
 Snpr. n. 1. 
 
 16. Exspectatis] The MSS. here 
 vary. Al. ex actis ; from the records 
 of the senate's proceedings. The 
 latter reading Weiske adopts, but 
 suggests a different interpretation and 
 punctuation ; you, who have not the 
 means of knowing the facts by refer- 
 ence to the senate's recorded pro- 
 ceedings.' V. E. 
 
 17. Principio] Narratio est. 
 Muret. 
 
 18. Paucis] Twenty-four. On 
 'erupit,' vid. Mil. 23. n. 15. 
 
 19. Semper vigilavi] This modest 
 exposition of his own diligence is al- 
 lowable in an orator, where his au- 
 dience is to be conciliated. The 
 * vigils' of kings and statesmen are 
 long on record. Horn. U. Oit xp>l 
 7ravvi>xiov ^a\rjfopov avSpa xa- 
 Qtvdtiv, &c. 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 2. 
 
 279 
 
 II. Nam turn, quum ex urbe Catilinam ejiciebam, (non 
 enim jam vereor hujus verbi 1 invidiam, quum ilia- magis sit 
 timenda, quod vivus exierit,) sed turn, quum ilium extermi- 
 nari 3 volebam, aut reliquam conjuratorum manum simul ex- 
 ituram, aut eos, qui restitissent, infirmos sine illo ac debiles 
 fore putabam. 4 Atque 5 ego, ut vidi, quos maximo furore et 
 scelere esse inflammatos 6 sciebam, eos nobiscum esse, et Ro- 
 mae remansisse : in eo omnes dies noctesque consumpsi, ut, 
 quid agerent, quid molirentur, sentirem ac viderem : ut quo- 
 niam auribus vestris, propter incredibilem magnitudinem 7 
 sceleris, minorem fidem faceret oratio mea, rem ita compre- 
 henderem, ut turn demum animis saluti vestrae provideretis, 
 quum oculis 8 maleficium ipsum videretis. ltaque ut com- 
 peri, 9 legatos Allobrogum belli Transalpini et tumultus 1J 
 
 Sect. II. 1. Hujus verbi] Sc. 
 ' ejiciebam.' Or. ii. 1. 
 
 2. Ilia] Sc. invidia' the odium 
 likely to accrue from his being per- 
 mitted to depart alive. 
 
 3. Exterminari] Ex terminis age- 
 re topi'uv to banish. 
 
 4. Nam turn putabam] In the 
 present sentence the remark may be 
 pardoned, that eighteen words, more 
 than a third of the whole, terminate 
 with the letter m. In Greek, not one 
 word terminating with that letter has 
 been discovered. V. E. [We may 
 conjecture that the letter m was not 
 nearly so marked a sound with the 
 Latins as with us, from the fact of its 
 being lost (at least in verse) before 
 vowels ; in which predicament are 
 one half of the m's in this sentence. 
 That the Greek v. so often represented 
 in Latin by m, was likewise a weak 
 letter, appears from its being often 
 lost in Greek- Latin words, as UXd- 
 Tuiv, Plato. The French nasals may 
 give us a notion how this was done.] 
 
 5. Atque] Scheller proposes Atqui. 
 These words are frequently confound- 
 ed by transcribers. V. E. 
 
 6. Furore injiammatos] Verr. v. 
 62. Ipse inflammatus scelere et 
 furore, Sec' 
 
 7. Propter magnitudinem, &;c] For 
 
 the more atrocious the acts, the great- 
 er the difficulty of giving them cre- 
 dence. 
 
 8. Oculis] Pleonastic, but empha- 
 tic, being opposed to ' auribus ves- 
 tris' preceding. So inf. 8. ' ut eos 
 poene oculis videre possemus.' 
 
 9. Comperi] By means of Q. Fa- 
 bius Sanga, the patron of the Allo- 
 brogian state. Sail. Cat. 41. The 
 Allobrogians were a people of Gal- 
 lia Narbonensis. Their chief town 
 was Vienna, on the Rhodanus 
 (Rhone), below Lugdunum (Lyons). 
 Ilor. Epod. xvi. 6. Novisque rebus 
 infidelis Allobrox. Their dialect 
 was barbarous. Hence Juv. vii. 144. 
 Rufum, qui toties Ciceronem Allo- 
 broga dixit. IntroJ. 6. 
 
 10. Tumulfus Gallici] A war in 
 Italy or Cisalpine Gaul was usually 
 called 'tumultus,' because it alarm- 
 ed the city. Liv. vii. 9. Cic. Phil, 
 viii. 1, says it was ' gravius quam 
 bellum ;' and accuses the senate of 
 ignorance, for calling the war against 
 M. Antony ' tumultus,' as a softer 
 word than ' bellum/ But Livy also 
 must share in this charge, who says 
 of an alarm created by the Sabines, 
 tumultus fuit verius quam bellum,' 
 intimating that it did not deserve tha 
 name of a war. Besides if it were 
 
280 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. 
 
 Gallici excitandi causa a P. Lentulo 11 esse sollicitatos, eos- 
 que in Galliam ad suos cives, 12 eodemque itinere 13 cum lite- 
 ris mandatisque ad Catilinam esse missos, comitemque iis 
 adjunctum T. Vulturcium, 14 atque huic datas esse ad Catili- 
 nam literas : facultatem mihi oblatam putavi, ut, quod erat 
 difficillimum, quodque ego semper optabam adiis immortali- 
 bus, tota res non solum a me, sed etiam a senatu et a vobis 
 manifesto deprehenderetur. Itaque hesterno die 15 L. Flac- 
 cum et C. Pomptinum, praetores, fortissimos atque amantis- 
 simos 16 reipublica; viros, ad me vocavi : rem omnem exposui : 
 quid fieri placeret, ostendi. Illi autem, qui omnia de repub- 
 lica praeclara atque egregia sentirent, sine recusatione ac 
 sine ulla mora negotium susceperunt, et, quum advesperasce- 
 ret, occulte ad pontem Mulvium 17 pervenerunt, atque ibi in 
 proximis villis 18 ita bipartito fuemnt, ut Tiberis inter eos et 
 pons interesset. Eodem autem et ipsi sine cujusquam sus- 
 picione, multos fortes viros eduxerunt, et ego ex pr^fectum 1 ' 1 
 Reatina complures delectos adolescentes, quorum opera in 
 republica assidue utor, pra?sidio cum gladiis miseram. In- 
 
 ' gravius,' why object to its appli- 
 cation to Antony 1 The distinction, 
 therefore, as a general one, appears 
 quite unfounded. 
 
 11. P. Lentulo] Inf. 6. n. 8. 
 
 12. Cives] For the whole country 
 was called ' civitas.' Sail. Cat. 41. 
 ' Cujus patrocinio civitas, &c.' 
 
 13. Eodem. itinere] For returning 
 into Gaul, they would take Etruria 
 on their way, and the Mallian camp. 
 
 14. Vulturcium] A native of Cro- 
 to. Sail. Cat. 44. 
 
 15. Hesterno die] Late in the 
 evening. Flacc. 40. ' O nox ilia, 
 quae pcene ae tern as huic urbi tenebras 
 attulisti !' 
 
 16. Fortissim. amant.] The former 
 shows the ability, the latter the will, 
 to serve their country. Flaccus after 
 this service was made governor of 
 Asia ; and owed his acquittal, on a 
 charge of extortion in that office, to 
 the eloquence of Cicero. Pomptinus 
 was promoted to the government of 
 Gaul j and procured a triumph for 
 
 reducing these very Allobrogians to 
 subjection. 
 
 17. Pontem Mulvium] Now ' Pon- 
 te Molle' about three miles from the 
 Roman forum. At this bridge the 
 Via Flaminia commenced. Alt. iii. 
 33. 
 
 18. Villis] Not ' villages* as Dun- 
 can, but * country-houses.' And 
 bipartito fuerunt,' were in two par- 
 ties ; i. e. the praetors had each a de- 
 tachment of soldiers, and took post on 
 opposite sides of the river. ' Eos' 
 then must not be restricted to the 
 praetors alone ; and lest it should, 
 Cic. adds ' Eodem autem et ipsi et 
 ego, &c.' But, lest you may think 
 this strange, both the praetors them- 
 selves brought out, &c. and I had 
 sent. This use of ' autem' in sup- 
 plying a link in a chain of reasoning, 
 is common. Top. 2. 
 
 19. Prafectura] So called from the 
 prefects that came annually from 
 Rome to administer justice. Reate 
 was a town of the Sabines, on- the 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 3. 281 
 
 tarim tertia fere vigilia exacta, 20 quum jam pontem Mulviimi 
 magno comitatu legati Allobrogum ingredi inciperent, una- 
 que Vulturcius, fit in eos impetus : educuntur et ab illis 
 gladii, et a nostris. Res erat praetoribus nota solis : 21 igno- 
 rabatiir a ceteris. 
 
 III. Turn, interventu Pomptini atque Flacci, pugna, qua? 
 erat commissa, sedatur. Literae, quaecunque erant in eo co- 
 mitatu, integris signis, praetoribus traduntur : ipsi compre- 
 hensi, ad me, quum jam dilucesceret, 1 deducuntur. Atque 
 horum omnium scelerum improbissimum machinatorem Cim - 
 brum 2 Gabinium statim ad me, nihil dum suspicantem, vo- 
 cavi. Deinde item arcessitur L. Statilius, et post eum C. 
 Cethegus. Tardissime autem Lentulus venit, credo quod 
 literis dandis, praeter consuetudinem, 3 proxima nocte vigi- 
 larat. 4 Quum vero summis ac clarissimis hujus civitatis vi- 
 ris, qui, audita re, frequentes ad me mane convenerant, lite- 
 rasa me prius aperiri, quam ad senatum deferri, placeret ! ne, 
 si nihil esset inveutum, temere a me tantus tumultus injec- 
 tus civitati videretur : negavi me esse facturum, ut de periculo 
 publico non ad consilium 5 publicum rem integram 6 deferrem. 
 Etenim, Quirites, si ea, quae erant ad me delata, reperta non 
 essent : 7 tamen ego non arbitrabar in tantis reipublicae peri- 
 culis mihi esse nimiam diligentiam pertimescendam. Sena- 
 tum frequentem celeriter, ut vidistis, coegi. 8 Atque interea 
 
 Nar, an eastern branch of the Tiber. 3. Pmtor consuetudinem'] Allud- 
 
 20. Tert. fere vig. exactd] Qua- ing to the slothful disposition of Len- 
 tuor fere horis antequam dilucesceret. tulus. Hence inf. 7. ' P. Lentuli 
 Muret. somnum,' and Sail. Cat. 58. ' So- 
 
 21. Pratoribus solis] Sallust, cordia atque ignavia Lentuli.' 
 however, says that the Allobrogian 4. Vigilarat] Had sat up writing 
 deputies were also in the secret. letters. 
 
 Cat. 41. 5. Consilium'] This word written 
 
 Sect. HI. 1. Quum jam diluc] with s is repeatedly used to signify 
 
 So that the whole business occupied 'the senate.' Pro Dom. 28. ' Sum- 
 
 the fourth watch. Supr. 2. n. 20. mum est populi Rom. consilium se- 
 
 2. Cimbrum] Sallust (c. 17,) natus.' 
 
 calls him P. Gabinius Capito. Mu- 6. Integram] Just as it was. Ligar. 
 
 ret. conceives ' Cimber'to be the cog- 1. n. 13. Liv. ii. 5. ' Res integra 
 
 nomen, and that he may have had refertur ad Patres.' 
 
 two. He belonged to the equestrian 7. Reperta non essent] Namely, by 
 
 order, as did also Statilius ; but Ce- the letters and confusion of Gabinius, 
 
 thegus was of the gens Cornelia,' &c. 
 
 and a senator. 8, Senatum ut vidistis co'cgi] In 
 
 BB 2 
 
282 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. 
 
 statim, admonitu Allobrogum, 9 C. Sulpicium, 10 praetorem. 
 fortem virum, misi, qui ex aedibus Cethegi, si quid telorum 
 esset, efferret. Ex quibus ille maximum sicarum numcruni. 
 et gladiorum extulit. 
 
 IV. Introduxi Vulturcium sine Gallis i 1 fidem ei publican), 
 jussu senatus, 2 dedi : hortatus sum, ut ea, quae sciret, sine 
 timore indicaret Turn ille, quum vix se ex magno timore 
 recreasset, 3 [dixit:] a P. Lentulo se habere ad Catilinani 
 mandata 4 et literas, ut servorum praesidio 5 uteretur, et ad ur- 
 bem quam primum cum exercitu accederet: id autem eo 
 consilio, ut, quum urbem omnibus 6 ex parti bus, quemadmo- 
 dum descriptum distributumque erat, incendissent, caedem- 
 que 7 infinitam civium fecissent, praesto esset ille, 8 qui et luiii- 
 entes exciperet, 9 et se cum his urbanis ducibus 10 conjungeret. 
 Introducti autem Galli, jusjurandum sibi et literas a [P.] 
 Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio ad suam gentem datas esse dix- 
 orunt: atque ita sibi ab hisetaL. Cassio n esse prascriptum, 
 ut equitatum 12 in Italiam quam primum mitterent: pedestres 
 sibi copias non defuturas : Lentulum autem sibi confirmasse 
 ex fatis Sibyllinis 13 haruspicumque responsis, se esse tertium 
 
 the temple of concord, erected on ra- vitia repudiet V 
 
 ther an elevated spot within view of 6. Omnibus] Sail. (Cat. 43,) says 
 
 the forum". V. E. twelve; Plutarch, Cic. 18, one hun- 
 
 9. Admonitu Allob.] This shows dred. The aqueducts, too, were to be 
 that they were privy to the conspi- guarded, that no one should procure 
 racy. water to extinguish the flames. 
 
 10. C. Sulpicium] Plut., Cic. 19, 7. Cedent] The only exception 
 testifies the same. made by Lentulus was, the children 
 
 Sect. IV. 1. Sine CaUis] Of of Pompey. Plut. Cic. 18. 
 course that the parties being examin- 8. Presto ille] Catiline. 
 cd separately, any collusion might be 9. Exciperet] A venatoribus sump- 
 prevented, turn. Muret. So Horn. 11. iii. 107. 
 
 2. Jussu senatus] Which was ne- drftypLtvog iv npcSoKycn. Hor. Carm. 
 cessary for the consul to give assur- iii. 12. ' Celer . . . excipereaprum.' 
 ance of impunity ('fidem dedi'). 10. Urbanis ducibus] Whom Cati- 
 Rabir. 10. 'Quae fides, qui potuit line had left to conduct matters in the 
 sine senatus consulto dari V city. 
 
 3. Recreasset] Al. recepisset. But 11. L. Cassio] Inf. 7. 'Nee Cas- 
 Tusc. i. 24. ' Collegit se et recrea- sii adipem.' He had been competitor 
 vit.' with Cic. for the consulship. 
 
 4. Mandata] Sc. verbal. 12. Equitatum] The cavalry of 
 
 5. Serv. presidio] Sail. Cat. 63. the Gauls was highly celebrated. 
 
 ' Interea servitia repudiebat, &c.' 13. Fatis Sibyllinis] Sail. Cat. 
 
 This, it appears, displeased Lentulus, 47, says libris Sibyllinis,' and he 
 
 who asks, c, 45, 'quo consilio ser- makes the elevation of Lentulus to de- 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 5. 
 
 283 
 
 ilium Cornelium, 14 ad quern regnum hujus urbi, at que im- 
 perium pervenire esset necesse : Cinnam ante se et Sullam 15 
 tuisse : eundemque dixisse, latalem 16 hunc esse annum ad in- 
 teritum hujus urbis atque imperii, qui esset decimus annus 
 post Virginum absolutionem, 17 post Capitolii autem incen- 
 sionem vicesimus. 18 Hanc autem Cethego cum ceteris 
 controversiam fuisse dixerunt : quod Lentulo et aliis, cedent 
 Saturnalibus 19 fieri, atque urbem incendi placeret ; Cethe- 
 go- nimium id longum videri. 
 
 V. Ac, ne longum sit, Quirites, tabellas 1 proferri jussimus, 
 quae a quoque dicebantur data?. Primum ostendimus Ce- 
 thego signum : cognovit. Nos linum incidimus : legimus. 
 
 pend upon their authority, and not 
 on the * haruspicum responsis ;' to 
 which alone he refers the calamitous 
 ' twentieth year;' nor does he men- 
 tion the ' acquittal of the vestals' at 
 all. 
 
 14. Tertium Cornelium] In the 
 1 gens Cornelia' were the Syllaj, Cin- 
 nae, Lentuli, &c. Certain impostors 
 {yonrtg Plut.) persuaded the super- 
 stitious Lentulus that the tyrannical 
 cruelties of Sylla and Cinua were 
 ' regna ;' to a third of which he was 
 destined. It is said that the ominous 
 words were tria R. R. R. pessima.' 
 These the Greeks referred to the Cap- 
 padocians, the Cilicians and Cre- 
 tans ; the Romans to three Cornelii. 
 Or. iv. 1. ' P. Lentulus suum no- 
 men fatale ad perniciem reip. pu- 
 tavit.' 
 
 15. Cinna Sullu] These two 
 great men, though ot the same pa- 
 trician family, look opposite sides in 
 politics : Cinna being a partisan of 
 Marius, while Sylla supported the 
 optimates.' It was during the ab- 
 sence of Sylla, in the JUithridatic 
 war, that Cinna obtained his short- 
 lived power. It is doing the great- 
 est violence to language to apply 
 ' regnum' to the detestable tyranny of 
 either one or other. 
 
 10'. Futalem] Fated. Hor. Ep. ii. 
 1. ' Tatalesque labores.' 
 
 17. Virginum absolutionem] Their 
 advocate was M. Piso. Brut. 67. 
 Fabia, the sister of Terentia, the wife 
 of Cicero, is usually mentioned as 
 one, but it cannot be shown that her 
 case occurred ten years before. It is 
 alluded to by Cic, Tog. Cand., who 
 says ' nulla culpa subesset.' 
 
 18. Post Cupitolii viceshnus] 
 Therefore it happened, a. u. 670. 
 Tac. Hist. iii. I'l. It was rebuilt by 
 Q. Catulus in the consulship of Hor- 
 tensius and Metellus Creticus, a. u. 
 684. 
 
 19. Saturnalibus'] We learn from 
 Macrobius, i. 10, that the seventeenth 
 of December was the anniversary of 
 this feast. Hence Hor. Sat. ii. 7. 
 4 Libertate Decembri.' It was so 
 called from Saturn, under whose 
 reign there were no slaves. It was 
 at first limited to one day, Liv. ii. 21 ; 
 but was afterwards extended to five, 
 or according to some, seven. This 
 attack on the city may be alluded to 
 by Virg. ii. 265. lnvadunt urbem 
 somno vinoque sepultam.' 
 
 20. Cethego] Hence inf. 7. * C. 
 Cethegi furiosam temeritatem.' Sail, 
 too, (Cat. 43, J says ' datura ferox, 
 manu promtus, maximum bonum in 
 celeritate putabat.' Or. iv. 6. ' Ce- 
 thegi furor in vestra caede bacchan- 
 tis.' 
 
 Sect. V. 1. Tabellas] i. e. Li- 
 
234 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. 
 
 Erat scriptum ipsius manu 2 x\llobrogum senatui et populo. 
 sese, quae eorum legatis confirmasset, esse facturum: orare, 
 ut item illi facerent, qua? sibi legati eorum recepissent. 3 Turn 
 Cethegus, qui paullo ante aliquid tamen 4 de gladiis ac sicis. 
 quae apud ipsum erant deprehensae, respondisset, dixissetque, 
 se semper bonorum ferramentorum studiosum fuisse : reci- 
 tatis literis debilitatus atque abjectus, conscientia convictus, 
 repente conticuit. 5 Introductus est Statilius : cognovit et 
 manum suam. Recitatae sunt tabellae in eandem fere sen- 
 tentiam: confessus est. Turn ostendi tabellas Lentulo, et 
 quaesivi, cognosce retne signum. Annuit " Est vero, in- 
 quam, notum signum, 6 imago avi tui, clarissimi viri, qui 
 amavit unice 7 patriam et cives suos : quae quidem te a tanto 
 scelere etiam muta revocare debuit."Leguntur eadem ra- 
 tione ad senatum Allobrogum populumque literae. Si quid 
 de his rebus dicere vellet, feci potestatem. 8 Atque ille pri- 
 mo quidem negavit : 9 post autem aliquanto, toto jam indicio 
 exposito atque edito, surrexit : 10 quaesivit a Gallis, quid sibi 
 esset cum iis : quamobrem domum suam venissent ; itemque 
 a Vulturcio. Qui quum illi breviter constanterque respon- 
 
 teras. Pis. 17. ' Ne turn quidem, vis conscientiae.' And inf., \ quanta 
 
 tabulas Roroam cum laurea mittere conscientiae vis esset ostendit.' 
 
 audebas?' These tablets were usually 6. Notum signum} The ancients 
 
 bound with a thread, and sealed with had miniatures of themselves or an- 
 
 the writer's seal. cestors on their seals. The ' avus' 
 
 2. Ipsius manu] For men of rank at of Lentulus was P. Lentulus, consul. 
 Home, on ordinary occasions em- a. u. 591, and ' princeps senatus.' 
 ployed amanuenses. Cat. iv. 6. It may be added that 
 
 3. Recepissent] Had engaged to other impressions were sometimes 
 do. Phil. v. 18. ' Promitto, recipio, used. Thus Sylla sealed with a re- 
 C. Cajsarem talem semper fore, &c.' presentation of the fall of Jugurtha, 
 Al. pr<ecepissent. As 'sese' preced- Augustus with the image of a sphinx, 
 ing, so ' sibi' is to be referred to Ce- &c, M*cenas with a frog. 
 
 thegus, not to 'legati.' 7. Amavit unice] 'EpufxiTiKuic,, the 
 
 4. Tamen] In some MSS. tamen is country and citizens that you are 
 omitted ; but it seems to intimate planning to destroy. 
 
 that Cethegus at first had attempted 8. Feci potestatem] Granted per- 
 
 some defence, though he afterwards mission. Sail. Cat. 48. ' Neque 
 
 yielded. amplius potestatem faciundam.' 
 
 5. Repente conticuit] This is so 9. Negavit] Sc. se velle quic- 
 unlike what might have been expect- quam de his rebus dicere. Muret. 
 
 ed from the character of Cethegus, 10. Surrexit] Senators spoke stand- 
 
 c. 4. n. 20, that Weiske suspects ing. Of course Lentulus had no 
 
 some error or omission. We can only notion as yet that the deputies had 
 
 say with Cic, Mil. 23, Magna est betrayed him. 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 6. 285 
 
 dissent, per quern 11 ad eum, quotiesque venissent, quaesis- 
 sentque ab eo, nihilne secum esset de tatis Sibyllinis locutus : 
 turn ille subito, scelere demens, quanta conscientiae vis esset, 
 ostendit. Nam, quum id posset infitiari, repente praeter opi- 
 nionem orftaium confessus est. Ita eum non modo ingenium 
 illud, et dicendi exercitatio, 12 qua semper valuit, sed etiam, 
 propter vim sceleris manifesti atque deprehensi, impuden- 
 tia, qua superabat omnes, improbitasque defecit. Vultur- 
 cius vero subito proferri literas atque aperiri jussit, quas 
 sibi a Lentulo ad Catilinam datas esse dicebat. Atque ibi 
 vehementissime perturbatus Lentulus, tamen et signum suum 
 et manum cognovit. Erant autem scriptae sine nomine, sed 
 ita : ' Qui sim, 13 ex eo, quern ad te misi, scies. Cura, ut vir 
 sis, et quern in locum 14 sis progressus cogita, et vide, quid 
 jam tibi sit necesse. Cura, ut omnium tibi auxilia adjungas, 
 etiam infimorum.' Gabinius deinde introductus, quum pri- 
 mo impudenter respondere ccepisset, ad extremum nihil ex 
 iis, quae Galli insimulabant, negavit. Ac mihi quidem, 
 Quirites, quum ilia certissima sunt visa argumenta atque in- 
 dicia sceleris, tabellae, signa, manus, denique uniuscuj usque 
 confessio, turn multo ilia certiora, 15 color, oculi, vultus, taci- 
 turn itas. Sic enim obstupuerant, sic terram intuebantur, sic 
 furtim nonnunquam inter se adspiciebant, ut non jam ab aliis 
 indicari, sed indicare se ipsi viderentur. 
 
 VI. Indiciis expositis atque editis, Quirites, senatum con- 
 sului, de summa republica 1 quid fieri placeret. Dicta? 
 sunt a principibus 2 acerrimae ac fortissimae sententiae, quas 
 
 11. Per quern] Sc. Umbrenus. well represented some of the advan- 
 lle is mentioned in the following sec- tages of public examination, com- 
 tion, and Sail. Cat. 40. pared with written testimony. Black- 
 
 12. Dicendi exercitatio] Cic, in stone, iii. 23. V. K. 
 
 Brut. 64, reckons him among the Sect. VI. 1. De summa rep.] Al. 
 
 orators, the equals of Hortensius. reip. The public safety. This was 
 
 13. Qui sun] The terms of this the usual form whenever the motion 
 letter do not exactly agree with Sal- was not specified. 
 
 lust, 44. This in the text probably 2. A principibus] Muret. here no- 
 is the more correct transcript. tices an iambic tetrameter. The opi- 
 V. E. nions and votes of the consuls elect 
 
 14. Quern in locum] For the senate were usually taken first. Sail. Cat. 
 had decreed him a public enemy. 50 ; next, of the princeps senatus, 
 There was now, therefore, no way of then of the consulares, praetorii, &c. 
 retreat. in order. It was usual to ask the 
 
 15. Multo ilia certiora] Here are opinion of the praetors, aediles, &c. 
 
286 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. 
 
 senatus sine ulla varietate 3 est consecutus. Et quoniam non- 
 dum est perscriptum senatusconsultum, ex memoria vobis, 
 Quirites, quid senatus censuerit, exponam. Primum mihi 
 gratia? verbis amplissimis aguntur, 4 quod virtute, consilio, 
 providentia mea, respublica periculis sit maximis liberata : 
 deinde L. Flaccus et C. Pomptinus, 5 praetores, quod eoruni 
 opera forti fidelique usus essem, 6 merito ac jure laudantur : 
 atque etiam viro forti, collegae meo, 7 laus impertitur, quod 
 eos, qui hujus conjurationis participes fuissent, a suis et a 
 reipublicae consiliis 8 removisset. Atque ita censuerunt, ut 
 P. Lentulus 9 quum se praetura abdicasset, turn in custodi- 
 am 10 traderetur : item que uti C. Cethegus, L. Statilius, P. 
 Gabinius, qui omnes praesentes 11 erant, in custodiam tra- 
 derentur: atque idem hoc decretum est in L. Cassium, qui 
 sibi procurationem incendendae urbis depoposcerat : in M. 
 Caeparium, 12 cui ad sollicitandos pastores Apuliam esse at- 
 tributam, erat indicatum : in P. Furium, 13 qui est ex iis co- 
 
 elect, before the rest of their order. 
 So Cic., Verr. v. 14, among the pri- 
 vileges of an aedile elect, places an- 
 tiquiorem in senatu sententiae dicen- 
 dae locum.' 
 
 3. Sine ulla var.] Without a dis- 
 senting voice. Al. Sine mora. V. K. 
 
 4. Gratia aguntur] Mil. 35. n. 
 
 5. Flaccus Pomptinus] Supr. 2. 
 n. 16. 
 
 6. Usus essem] Had found. Or. ii. 
 8. h. 16. 
 
 7. College meo] C. Antonius, who 
 was under strong suspicion of favour- 
 ing Catiline. Sail. 21. Cic. had se- 
 cured him to the republic by ceding 
 to him the province of Macedonia 
 (' pactione provincial Sail. 26,) for 
 the mal-administration of which he 
 was afterwards sentenced to perpetual 
 banishment. Liv. Epit. ciii. He 
 was afterward* restored, it is sup- 
 posed by Julius Caesar. Phil. ii. 38. 
 
 8. Consi/iis] Suis,' counsels af- 
 fecting Antonius in his private capa- 
 city ; ' reip.' as consul. So Brut. I. 
 ' Cessit e vita suo raagis, quam civium 
 cuorum tempore.' But as this dis- 
 
 tinction is rather forced, Sch. would 
 omit reipub. or write de repub. 
 
 9. P. Lentulus.] Sc. Sura. He 
 had been consul with Aufidius, a. v. 
 682, but was, the following year, re- 
 moved from the senate by the censors, 
 Gellius and Lentulus. In order to 
 regain the senatorian dignity, he was 
 obliged to commence the gradation of 
 offices anew. This accounts for a 
 man, ' quiconsulare imperium Romac 
 habuerat,' Sail. 55, now holding the 
 office of praetor. As there was a tem- 
 ple to imprison a magistrate, this 
 office he was obliged to lay down. Or. 
 iv. 3. 
 
 10. Custodiam] Eig idtou.ov <j>v- 
 \aciiv. Plut Cic. 19. ' In liberis 
 custodiis.' Sail. 47. 
 
 1 1 . Omnes prasentet] For those 
 mentioned afterwards had, probably, 
 not been then apprehended. 
 
 12. Cxparium] He was a native 
 of Tarracina, and was one of those 
 afterwards strangled in prison. Sail. 
 55. 
 
 13. P. Furium] Being of Fesu- 
 lae, it is conjectured that he is the 
 ' Fesulanus' who fell in the battle at 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 6. 287 
 
 lonis, quos Fesulas L. Sulla deduxit : in Q. Manlium Chilo- 
 nem, qui una com hoc Furio semper erat in hac Allobrogum 
 sollicitatione versatus : in P. Umbrenum, libertinum homi- 
 nem, a quo primum Gallos ad Gabinium 1 * perductos esse 
 constabat. Atque ea lenitate senatus est usus, Quirites, ut 
 ex tanta conjuratione, tantaque vi ac multitudine domestico- 
 rum hostium, novem hominum perditissimorum poena, 15 re- 
 publica conservata, reliquorum mentes sanari posse arbitra- 
 rentur. Atque etiam supplicatio 16 diis immortalibus pro 
 singulari eorum merito meo nomine decreta est, Quirites: 
 quod mihi primum post hanc urbem conditam tomato con- 
 tigit : et his decreta verbis est, Quod urbem incendiis, 
 caede cives, Italiam bello liberassem.' Quae supplicatio si 
 cum ceteris supplicationibus conferatur, Quirites, hoc inter- 
 sit, 17 quod cetera? bene gesta, haec una, conservata republica, 
 constituta est. Atque illud, quod faciendum primum fuit, 
 factum atque transactum 18 est. Nam P. Lentulus, quam- 
 quam patefactus indiciis et confessionibus suis, judicio sena- 
 tes, non modo praetoris jus, verum etiam civis amiserat, 
 tamen magistratu se abdicavit: ut, quae religioC. Mario, cla- 
 rissimo viro, non fuerat, quo minus C. Glauciam, 19 de quo 
 
 Pistoria. Sail. 59. his suffering punishment when re- 
 
 14. Gallos ad Cabin.] Sail. 40, duced to the rank of a citizen. For 
 says that it was to the house of D. it was considered a matter of con- 
 J>rutus the deputies were taken, and science not to punish magistrates who 
 Gabinius sent for there. had been appointed at the comitia 
 
 15. Novem poena] Of these, five established by auspices. To do so 
 were put to death. Sull. 11. ' Quin- would have been ' obstringere popu- 
 que hominibus comprehensis atque lum Rom. religione ;' Phil. ii. 33. 
 confossis.' To avoid this, it was usual to oblige 
 
 16. Supplicatio] This honour is the magistrates who were impeached 
 repeatedly mentioned by himself and to resign ; which we find was the 
 other writers. Sull. 30. Quint, ii. case with Lentulus. Or. iv. 3. 'P, 
 17. ' Supplicationes, qui maximus Lentulum, ut se abdicaret practura, 
 honor victoribus bello ducibus datur, co'rgistis.' And it is with this re- 
 in toga meruit.' L. Cotta was the striction that the word ' abdicavit' 
 senator who proposed it. Phil. ii. 6. must be here understood, as it is ab- 
 
 17. Intersit] Al. interest. Modes- surd to suppose that Lentulus re- 
 tius est intersit; rSro Sia^epoi av. signed office merely to free his prose- 
 Lrn. cutors from the odium attached to the 
 
 18. Factum atq. transactum] Tech- punishment of those who, in the eye 
 nical phraseology, expressing that all of religion, were ' sacrosancti.' 
 
 had been in due form completed. 19. C. Glauciam] A creature of 
 
 V. E. This important point was the Saturninus, whom he raised to the 
 
 resignation of Lentulus, with a view to praHorship, and designed to make 
 
288 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO III. 
 
 uihil nominatim erat decretum, praetorem occideret, ea nos 
 religione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo liberaremur. 
 
 VII. Nunc, quoniam, 1 Quirites, sceleratissimi periculo- 
 sissimique belli nefarios duces captos jam et comprehensos 
 tenetis, existimare debetis, omnes Catilinae copias, omnes 
 spes atque opes, his depulsis urbis periculis, concidisse. 
 Quern quidem ego quum ex urbe pellebam, hoc providebam 
 animo, Quirites, remoto Catilina, nee mihi esse P. Lentuli 
 somnum, 2 nee L. Cassii adipem, 3 nee C. Cethegi furiosam 
 temeritatem* pertimescendam. Ille erat unus timendus ex 
 his omnibus, sed tamdiu, dum mcenibus urbis continebatur. 
 Omnia norat, omnium aditus tenebat: 5 appellare, tentare, 
 sollicitare poterat, audebat : erat ei consilium ad facinus ap- 
 tum : consilio autem neque lingua, neque manus deerat. 
 Jam ad certas res conficiendas certos homines delectos ac 
 descriptos habebat. Neque vero, quum aliquid mandave- 
 rat, confectum putabat. Nihil erat, quod non ipse obiret, 
 occurreret, vigilaret, laboraret: frigus, sitim, famem ferre 6 
 poterat. Hunc ego hominem tarn acrem, tarn paratum, tarn 
 audacem, tam callidum, tarn in scelere vigilantem, tarn in 
 perditis rebus diligentem, nisi ex domesticis insidiis in cas- 
 trense latrocinium compulissem, (dicam id, quod sentio, 
 Quirites,) non facile banc tantam molem mali a cervicibus 
 vestris depulissem. Non ille 7 nobis Saturnalia constituisset, 
 neque tanto ante exitii ac fati diem reipublicae denuntiasset, 
 neque commisisset, ut signum, ut literae suae testes denique 
 
 consul. He was slain by Marius in 2. Lentuli somnum] Cic. here af- 
 
 the capitol, along with his patron, fects to speak contemptuously of the 
 
 Liv. Epit. 69. Mil. 3. n. 2. abilities of Lentulus, but he else- 
 
 Cic. seems to think the senate, and where admits his talents as an orator, 
 
 therefore himself, deserving of great A long course of vice had, it is proba- 
 
 praise, for their piety in respecting ble, impaired his powers. Supr. 3. 
 
 those scruples which Marius had n. 3. 
 
 disregarded, yet Marius had not the 3. Cassii adipem] Supr. 4. n. 11. 
 ground for punishing Glaucia that 4. Cethegi temeritatem] Supr. 4. 
 
 they had for punishing Lentulus, n. 20. 
 Lentulus being named in the decree. 5. Omnium aditus tenebat] ' Sola 
 
 Sect. VII. 1. Nunc quoniam, viri molles aditus et tempora noras.' 
 
 3fc] Cic. proceeds to encourage the iEn. iv. 425. V. E. 
 citizens, and point out the importance 6. Frigus ferre] Or. i. 10. ' Pa- 
 
 of Catiline's expulsion from the city tientiam famis, frigoris, &c.' 
 which had enabled him so easily to 7. Non ille, fyc] He would not, 
 
 crush his remaining accomplices. like the others, have appointed so dis- 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 8. 283 
 
 manifesti sceleris deprehenclerentur. Quae nunc, illo absente, 
 sic gesta sunt, ut nullum in privata domo furtum unquam sit 
 tarn palam inventum, quam haec tanta in republica 8 conjura- 
 tio manifesto inventa atque deprehensa est. Quod si Cati- 
 lina in urbe ad hanc diem remansisset : quamquam, quoad 
 fait, omnibus ejus consiliis occurri atque obstiti, tamen, lit 
 levissime 9 dicam, dimicandum nobis cum illo fuisset, neque 
 nos unquam, dum ille in urbe hostis fuisset, tantis periculis 
 rempublicam, tanta pace, tanto otio, tanto silentio, liberas- 
 semus. 
 
 VIII. Quamquam 1 haec omnia, Quirites, ita sunt a me ad- 
 ministrata, ut deorum immortalium nutu atque consilio et 
 gesta et provisa esse videantur. Idque quum conjectura 
 consequi possumus, quod vix videtur humani 2 consilii tan- 
 tarum rerum gubernatio esse potuisse ; turn vero 3 ita praesen- 
 tes* his temporibus opem et auxilium nobis tulerunt, 5 ut eos 
 paene oculis 6 videre possemus. Nam, ut ilia omittam, 7 visas 
 nocturno tempore ab occidente 8 faces ardoremque coeli, 9 ut 
 fulminum jactus, ut terra? motus, ceteraque, qua? tarn multa, 
 nobis consulibus, facta sunt, ut haec, quae nunc fiunt, canere 
 dii immortales viderentur : hoc certe, Quirites, quod sum 
 
 tant a day for the execution of his not only may we conjecture this, that 
 
 schemes, &c. The Saturnalia was the direction, &c, but what is more, 
 
 about a fortnight from the present they have so obviously, &c.' ' Quum 
 
 time. Supr. 4. n. 19. turn, generally gives a greater empha- 
 
 8. In republica'] Opposed to ' pri- sis to the latter of the two propositions 
 vata domo.' Al. rempublicam, i. e. united, which is often increased by 
 conspiracy against the republic. the addition of vero, certe, &c. to turn.' 
 
 9. Ut levissime'] He merely says Zumpt, c. 63. 
 
 'dimicandum,' when he might have 4. Prccsentes] Nee tam praescntes 
 presented to their view a picture of the alibi cognoscere divos. Virg. Eel. 1. 
 horrors of a civil war. 5. Opem tulerunt] By warning us 
 Sect. VIII. 1 . Quamquam] ' And as they did of the conspiracy and dan- 
 yet all these difficult affairs have been ger that threatened the republic. Inf. 
 conducted by me so prosperously as to 'Haec, quae nunc fiunt, canere dii 
 put it past dispute that they were ow- immortales viderentur.' ' Canere,' 
 ingto the special interposition of pro- praedicere. 
 vidence.' As usual he gives weight 6. Oculis] Supr. 2. n. 8. 
 to his own acts by attributing them to 7. Nam ut omittam] Cic. himself, 
 the gods. de Divinat. i. 11, describes these pro- 
 
 2. Vix humani] Mil. 31. Non digies, as well as what occurred in the 
 est humano consilio, ne mediocri consulship of Cotta and Torquatus. 
 quidem, deorum immortalium cura, 8. Ab occidente] De parte Gallia? 
 &c. Schol. 
 
 3. Idque quum turn vero] ' And 9. Faces ardoremque cali] Probably 
 
 c c 
 
290 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. 
 
 dicturus, neque praetermittendum, neque relinquendum 10 est. 
 Nam profecto memoria tenetis, Cotta et Torquato consuli- 
 bus, 11 complures in Capitolio turres 12 de coelo esse percus- 
 sas, quum et simulacra deorum immortalium depulsa sunt, 
 et statua? veterum hominum dejecta?, et legum aera 13 lique- 
 facta ; tactus est etiam ille, qui hanc urbem condidit, Romu- 
 lus : u quem inauratum in Capitolio parvum atque lacten- 
 tem, 15 uberibus lupinis inhiantem fuisse meministis. Quo 
 quidem tempore quum haruspices 16 ex tota Etruria 17 con- 
 venissent, caedes atque incendia, et legum interitum, et bel- 
 lum civile ac domesticum, et totius urbis atque imperii oc- 
 casum appropinquare dixerunt, nisi dii immortales omni 
 ratione placati, suo numine prope fata ipsa flexissent. 18 Ita- 
 que illorum responsis tunc et ludi decern per dies facti sunt, 
 neque res ulla, qua? ad placandum deos pertineret, praeter- 
 missa est: iidemque jusserunt, simulacrum Jovis facere 
 majus, et in excelso collocare, et contra, atque 19 ante fuerat, 
 ad orientem convertere : ac se sperare dixerunt, si iliud sig- 
 num, quod videtis, solis ortum, et forum, curiamque conspi- 
 ceret, fore, ut ea consilia, quae clam essent inita contra salu- 
 tem urbis atque imperii, illustrarentur, ut a senatu populo- 
 
 the Aurora borealis. V. E. the victim whose entrails were in- 
 
 10. Pretermit. relinquend.] Prae- spected ; from arvix,' a ram, or ' hara,' 
 termittimus ea, quae ne attingimus a hog-sty. 
 
 quidem : relinquimus jam suscepta. 17. Ex tota Etruria] Thence the 
 Muret. Romans borrowed their arts of divina- 
 
 11. Cotta cousulibus] a. u. 688. tion. Div.i. 12. 41. V. E. 
 
 Dio, lib. 38, notices these prodi- 18. Nisi dii prope fata ipsa jiti- 
 
 gies. issent] These are the words of Cic. 
 
 12. Turres] Al. res: which Ern. himself, certainly not of the Haru- 
 and Sch. adopt. Among the objects spices : by them some specific cere- 
 afterwards enumerated as struck with monies probably would be pointed 
 lightning, towers are not named, out, in order to avert the divine ire ; 
 Y. E, in the performance of which, no doubt, 
 
 13. Legum era] The brazen tablets due regard would be required to the 
 on which the laws were engraved, interests of the learned Haruspices. 
 T\ E. Cic. employs the qualifying prope : the 
 
 14. Romulus] i. e. The statue of theological notions of the Greeks and 
 Romulus. Romans seem not to invest the Gods 
 
 15. Lactentetn] JEn. viii. 630. with this power. ' Desine fata deum 
 Mavortisin antro Procubuisse lu- flecti sperare precando.' ^En. vi.376. 
 pam gemiuosque huic ubera circum. V. E. 
 
 &c.' 19. Et contra atque] 'And con- 
 
 16. Haruspices] A word of Etrus- trary to its former position.' 'Atque' 
 can origin. ' Arviga,' or ' haruga' is is ' than.' 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 9. 291 
 
 que Romano perspici possent Atque illud ita collocan- 
 dum consules illi 20 locaverunt : 21 sed tanta fuit operis tarditas, 
 ut neque a superioribus consulibus, neque a nobis ante hodi- 
 ernum diem collocaretur. 
 
 IX. Hie quis 1 potest esse, Quirites, tarn aversus a vero, 
 tarn praeceps, tarn mente captus, 2 qui neget, haec omnia, 
 qua? videmus, 3 praecipueque banc urbem, deorum immortali- 
 um nutu atque potestate administrari I Etenim quum esset 
 ita responsum, caedes, incendia, interitumque reipublica? 
 comparari, et ea per cives: 4 quae turn propter magnitudinem 
 scelerum nonnullis incredibilia videbantur: ea non modo 
 cogitata a nefariis civibus, verum etiam suscepta esse sen- 
 sistis. Illud vero nonne ita praesens 5 est, ut nutu Jovis Op- 
 timi Maximi 6 factum esse videatur, ut, quum hodierno die 
 mane per forum meo jussu et conjurati, et eorum indices 7 in 
 iedem Concordia? 8 ducerentur, eo ipso tempore signum sta- 
 tueretur? 9 quo collocato, atque ad vos senatumque converso, 
 omnia et senatus, et vos, quae erant contra salutem omnia 
 cogitata, illustrata et patefacta vidistis. Quo etiam majore 
 sunt isti odio supplicioque digni, qui non solum vestris do- 
 miciles atque tectis, sed etiam deorum templis atque delubris 
 sunt funestos ac nefarios ignes inferre conati. Quibus ego 
 si me restitisse dicam, nimium mihi sumam, et non sim 
 ferendus: ille Jupiter restitit: ille Capitolium, ille haec 
 templa, ille banc urbem, ille vos omnes salvos esse voluit. 
 Diis ego immortalibus ducibus hanc men tern, Quirites, volun- 
 tatemque suscepi, atque ad baec tanta indicia perveni. Jam 
 vero ilia Allobrogumsollicitatio 10 sic a Lentulo ceterisque do- 
 
 20. Consules Mi] Cotta and Tor- 6. Optimi Max.] The highest epi- 
 quatus. thets of Jupiter. 
 
 21 . Locaverunt'] Contracted to have 7. Indices'] Vulturcius and his train, 
 it so placed. So Phil. ix. 7. ' Quan- 8. JEdem Concordia] Where he was 
 tique locaverint, Sec' Pers. Sat.vi.47. about to hold the senate. This tem- 
 
 Sf.ct. IX. 1. Hie quis, c. Cic. pie appears to have been situated on 
 
 reasons similarly in Mil. 30, 31. the capitol. Phil. ii. 8. 
 
 2. Mente captus] llapaKOiroq. 9. Eo ipso tempore statueretur] 
 
 3. Qua videmus] The system of Wonderful coincidence! taking place, 
 nature. no doubt, in obedience to the nod 
 
 4. Per cives] Al. perditis civibus, et of Jupiter Opt. Max. and of Cicero. 
 per cives perditos. Most probably Ci- V. E. 
 
 cero would adhere to the words of 10. Allobrogum sollicitatio] Sail. 39. 
 
 the response ; and the latter readings ' Lentulus, quoscumque idoneos cre- 
 
 are interpolated. V. E. debat, sollicitabat.' Among these were 
 
 5. Itaprasens] So providential. Supr. the envoys of the Allobrogians. c. 40. 
 8. n. 4. Em. suspects that suspecta or the like 
 
292 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO HI. 
 
 mesticis hostibus, tanta restam dementer credita etignotis et 
 l)arbaris,commissaequeliterae nunquara essent profecto, nisi a 
 diis immortalibus huic tanta? audacise consilium esset 
 ereptum. Quid vero ? ut homines Galli ex civitate male 
 pacata, 11 qua? gens 12 una restat, qua? populo Romano bellum 
 facere et posse et non nolle videatur, spem imperii et 
 rerum amplissimarum ultro sibi a patriciis hominibus ob- 
 latam negligerent, vestramque sal litem suis opibus ante- 
 ponerent: id non divinitus 13 factum esseputatis? pra?sertim u 
 qui nos non pugnando, sed tacendo superare potuerunt. 
 
 X. Quamobrem, Quirites, quoniam ad omnia pulvinaria 1 
 supplicatio dccreta est, celebratote illos dies 2 cum conjugi- 
 bus ac liberis vestris. Nam multi saepe honores diis im- 
 mortalibus justi habiti sunt ac debiti, sed profecto justio- 
 res nunquam. Erepti enim estis ex crudelissimo ac miser- 
 rimo interitu, et erepti sine caede, sine sanguine, sine cxor- 
 citu, sine dimicatione ; togati, me uno togato duce 3 et impe- 
 ratore vicistis. Etenim recordamini, 4 Quirites, omnes civiles 
 dissensiones, neque solum eas, quas 6 audistis, sed eas, 6 quas 
 vosmet ipsi meministis et vidistis : L. Sulla P. Sulpicium 7 op- 
 pressit: ex urbeejecit C.Marium,cnstodem s hujusurbis,mul- 
 tosque fortes viros partim ejecit ex civitate, partim interemit. 
 
 has fallen out after hostibus. As it stands 3. Togato duce] Hence his boast . 
 
 the construction is i ' Now again, that Cedant arma toga, c\c.' 
 
 tampering with the Gauls, a matter of 4. Etenim recordamini] He com- 
 
 such importance, would never have pares this conspiracy with former at- 
 
 thus been so madly entrusted to those tempts of a similar nature ; and in- 
 
 envoys, at once strangers and barbari- fers from its superior atrocity, that 
 
 ans, nor the letters so committed by never were divine honours more de- 
 
 Lentulus, &c, unless, &c.' served. 
 
 11. Malepacata] Half-conquered. 5. Eas quas] E. g. The secessions to 
 
 12. Qua gens, Sfc] This was five Mons Sacer and Aventinus. 
 
 years before Caesar began his course of 6. Sed eas] Which he is about to 
 victories in Gaul. mention. 
 
 13. Divinitus] Manil. 15. n. 14. 7. P. Sulpicium] An eloquent and 
 
 14. Praserlim] i. e. Praesertim cum powerful tribune of the people, who, 
 essent homines qui. a. u. 665, passing several popular 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Pulvinaria] Mil. 27. laws in an unjustifiable way, was op- 
 
 n. 15. posed by the consul Sylla, and killed 
 
 2. Illos dies] The females and boys by his own slave. Sylla gave the 
 
 formed processions, and sang hymns in slave his freedom as a reward, but 
 
 praise of the Gods. How many days had him hurled down the Tarpeian 
 
 the supplication was directed to con- rock as a punishment for his treachery, 
 
 tinue, does not appear. V. E. H or. Veil. Paterc. ii. 18. Sulpiciusis one of 
 
 Carm. iv. 15. ' Cum prole matronis- the speakers in the De Oratore. 
 
 que nostris, &c.' 8. Custodem] This speech being ad- 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 10. 
 
 29; 
 
 Cn. Octavius, 9 consul, armis ex urbe collegam suum expulit; 
 omnis hie locus acervis corporum et civium sanguine redun da- 
 vit. Superavit postea Cinna cum Mario. 10 Turn vero, clarissi- 
 misviris interfectis, lumina civitatis exstincta sunt. Ultus est 
 hujus victoria? crudelitatem postea Sulla ; ne dici quidem 
 opus est, quanta deminutione civium, et quanta calamitate 
 reipublicae. Dissensit M. Lepidus a clarissimo et fortissimo 
 viro, Q. Catulo. 11 Attulit non tarn ipsius 12 interitus reipublicae 
 factum, quam ceterorum. Atque illae dissensiones 13 [erant hu- 
 jusmodi,] 14 Quirites, quae non ad delendam, sed ad commu- 
 tandam 15 rempublicam pertinerent: non illi nullam esse 
 rempublicam, sed in ea, quae esset, se esse principes, neque 
 hanc urbem conflagrare, sed se in hac urbe florere volue- 
 runt : atque illae tamen omnes dissensiones, quarum nulla 
 exitium reipublica? quaesivit, ejusmodi fuerunt, ut non 
 reconciliatione concordiae, sed internecione civium dijudi- 
 catae sint. In hoc autem uno post hominum memoriam max- 
 imo crudelissimoque bello, quale bellum nulla unquam bar- 
 baria cum sua gente 16 gessit, quo in bello lex haec fuit a 
 Lentulo, Catilina, Cassio, Cethego constituta, ut omnes, qui 
 
 dressed to the citizens, Cic. does not 
 pass over their old favourite, JMarius, 
 without bestowing on him a favoura- 
 ble epithet. It may allude to his 
 conduct in the Cimbric war. Manil. 
 20. n. 7. 
 
 9. Cn. Octavius] The colleague 
 of the celebrated Cinna, a. v. 667, 
 whose attempt to incorporate the ci- 
 tizens admitted on the conclusion of 
 the social war, with all the tribes, he 
 
 fully opposed ; and according 
 to Plut., near ten thousand of the 
 new citizens were slain. The battle 
 was fought in the forum. Hence ' om- 
 nis hie locus, &c.' 
 
 10. Cinna cum Mario] The conse- 
 quence of Octavius's victory was the 
 departure of Cinna from Rome. At 
 Capua he prevailed on a Roman 
 army to join him, and having, to give 
 credit to his party, recalled Marius, 
 whom Sylla, now in Asia, had banish- 
 ed, entered the city, where as Cic. says, 
 ' lumina civitatis exstincta sunt.' 
 Among these were M. Antonius the 
 
 orator, Catulus, Crassus, and Octa- 
 vius. De Orat. iii. 
 
 11. Lepidus Catulo] These were 
 consuls a. u. 675, the year in which 
 Sylla died. Lepidus revived the Ma- 
 rian party, and was opposed by Catu- 
 lus and Pompey. Manil. Introd. 13. 
 
 12. Non tarn ipsius] For he was a 
 turbulent citizen. lie died, however, 
 a natural death. 
 
 13. lllce. dissensiones] 1. Between 
 Sylla and Sulpicius. 2. Between 
 Octavius and Cinna. 3. Between 
 Sylla and the Marians. 4. Be- 
 tween Lepidus and Catulus. All of 
 those terminated in the slaughter of 
 the citizens ; not so the present. 
 
 14. Erant hujusmodi] These words, 
 probably interpolated, are expunged 
 by Matth. V. E. 
 
 15. Commutandam] For it was a 
 struggle between the optimates and 
 popular party for supreme command. 
 
 16. Barbaria sua gente] No barba- 
 rous nation, with its own people. 
 Arch, 8. a, 18. 
 
 c c 2 
 
294. M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO HI. 
 
 salva urbe 17 salvi esse possent, in hostium numero duceren- 
 tur, itame gessi, Quirites, ut omnes salvi conservaremini : et, 
 (jiiiim hostes vestri tantum civium superfuturum putas- 
 sent, quantum infinitae caedi restitisset, tantum autern urbis, 
 quantum flamma obire non potuisset, et urbem et cives ls 
 integros incolumesque servavi. 
 
 XL Quibus pro tantis rebus, Quirites, nullum ego a vobis 
 praemium virtutis, nullum insigne honoris, nullum monu- 
 mentum laudis postulo, praeterquam hujus diei memoriam 
 sempiternam. In animis ego vestris omnes triumphos me- 
 os, 1 omnia ornamenta honoris, monumenta gloriae, laudis in- 
 signia condi et collocari volo. Nihil me mutum 2 potest de- 
 lectare, nihil taciturn, nihil denique hujusmodi, quod etiuiu 
 minus digni assequi possint. Memoria vestra, Quirites. 
 nostra? res alentur, sermonibus crescent, literarum monu- 
 mentis inveterascent et corroborabuntur ; 3 eandemque diem 
 intelligo, quam spero aeternam fore, et ad salutem urbis, et 
 ad memoriam consulatus mei propagatam :* unoque tem- 
 pore in hac republica duos cives^ exstitisse, quorum alter fi- 
 nes vestri imperii non terroe, sed coeli regionibus 6 termina- 
 ret, alter ejusdem imperii domicilium sedemque servaret. 
 
 17. Salva urbe] Should the design bably in view, which agrees with 
 fail, of burning the city. Weiske. 'propagatam' inf. Mil. 12. n. 13. 
 V. E. 4. Eandemque propagatam'] In 
 
 18. Et urbem et cives] Cic. fre- this sentence some undetected error 
 quently reverses the order in the se- remains. Orel, suggests eandemque 
 cond enumeration, as here. diem intelligo atque spero a-ternam 
 
 Sect. XI. 1. Triumphos meos] He fore, et ad salutem urbis, et memorium 
 
 anticipates the probability of a tri- consulatus mei propagatum iri, uno 
 
 umph from the provincial command tempore, <5fc. V. E. As it stands, it 
 
 which usually followed the consulship, is almost hopeless to attempt giving 
 
 This honour he never enjoyed, though it any consistent meaning. Perhaps, 
 
 the senate would have voted it to him however, 'eandem diem,' like ' qua 
 
 after the proconsulship of Cilicia, had sc. tempora,' Arch. 5, may be the 
 
 the public affairs permitted it. It accusative of time ; and taking ' in- 
 
 was then on the eve of the great civil telligo' in the sense of * judico,' as 
 
 war. Or. iv. 4, * alter intelligit, &c.' the 
 
 2. Nihil mutum] No mute memo- translation may run : 'And (among 
 rial ; as for instance, a statue ; nor these memorabilia,) I think it will be 
 silent, as for instance, a triumph, one, that on the same day, which I 
 Delph. trust, &c and at one and the 
 
 3. Alentur crescent corroborav.] same time, there have appeared two 
 A beautiful gradation. Or. i. 12. n. citizens, &c.' 
 
 7, the metaphor was supposed to be 5. Duos cives] Himself and Pom- 
 
 from rearing young animals. The pey. V. E. 
 
 reaiingof trees, however, is more pro- 6. Ca:H regionibus] The horizon 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 12. 295 
 
 XII. Sed, quoniam earum rerum, quas ego gessi, non est 
 eadem fortuna atque conditio, quae illorum, qui externa bella 
 gesserunt : quod mihi cum his vivendum est, quos vici ac 
 subegi ; illi hostes aut interfectos aut oppressos reliquerunt : 
 vestrum est, Quirites, si ceteris sua recte facta prosunt, mihi 
 mea ne quando obsint, providere. Mentes enim hominum 
 audacissimorum sceleratae ac nefariae ne vobis nocere possent, 
 ego providi : ne mihi noceant, vestrum est providere. Quam- 
 quam, 1 Quirites, mihi quidem ipsi nihil jam ab istis noceri 
 potest. Magnum enim est in bonis presidium, quod mihi in 
 perpetuum comparatum est: magna 2 in repubhca dignitas, 
 quae me semper tacita defendet : magna vis est conscientiae, 
 quam qui negligent, quum me violare volent, se ipsi indica- 
 bunt. Est etiam in nobis is animus, Quirites, ut non modo 
 nullius audaciae cedamus, sed etiam omnes improbos ultro 
 semper lacessamus. 3 Quod si omnis impetus domesticorum 
 hostium depulsus a vobis, se in me unum converterit : vobis 
 erit providendum, Quirites, qua conditione posthac eos esse 
 velitis, qui se pro salute vestra obtulerint invidiae periculis- 
 que omnibus. Mihi quidem ipsi quid est, quod jam ad vi- 
 tas fructum possit acquiri, praesertim quum neque in hono- 
 re vestro, 4 neque in gloria virtutis quidquam videam altius, 
 quo quidem mihi libeat adscendere ? Illud perficiam pro- 
 fecto, Quirites, ut ea, quae gessi in consulatu, privatus tuear 
 atque omem : ut, si qua est invidia 5 in conservanda republica 
 suscepta, laedat invidos, mihi valeat ad gloriam. Denique 
 ita me in republica tractabo, ut meminerim semper, quae 
 gesserim, curemque, ut ea virtute, 6 non casu, gesta esse vide- 
 
 itself. ' Itegiones' for ' limites' is template any higher dignity than the 
 
 common. Arch. 10. n. 9. Similarly consulship. The dictatorship was an 
 
 Virg. ' Famam qui terminet astris.' extraordinary magistracy, to which 
 
 Ilor. Carm. i. 1. Sublimi feriam si- no citizen could honestly aspire, 
 
 dera vertice. 5. Ut si qua invid.] Cic. antici- 
 
 Sect. XII. 1. Quamquam'] A pated the odium which afterwards 
 
 correction. * And yet, citizens, I almost overwhelmed him. 
 
 cannot now, &c.' Mil. 2. n. 18. 6. Ea virtute, 3fc] Fam. v. 2. 
 
 2. Magna, $c] Mil. 23. n. 6. 'IIujus temeritati si virtute atque 
 
 3. Cedamus lacessamus'] Borrowed animo non xestitissem ; quis esset, 
 from war. Cic. will, of course, qui me in consulatu non casu potius 
 maintain his ground against every as- existimaret, quam consilio fortera 
 sault ; but he will do more he will fuisse V Cic. then wished to avoid 
 carry the war into the enemy's ter- the predicament of those who ' do 
 ritory. good by chance, and blush to find it 
 
 4. Honore vestro] Cic. did not con- fame.' 
 
296 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO III. 
 
 antur. Vos, Quirites, quoniam jam nox 7 est, veneramini 
 ilium Jovem, custodem 8 hujus urbis ac vestrum, atque in ves- 
 tra tecta discedite : et ea, quamquam jam periculum est de- 
 pulsum, tamen aeque ac priore nocte fecistis, custodiis vigi- 
 liisque defendite. Id ne vobis diutius 9 faciendum sit, atque 
 ut in perpetua pace esse possitis, providebo, 10 Quirites. 
 
 7. .lam nox'] Plut. Cic. 19, testifies he will speedily bring the conspira- 
 that this oration was pronounced near tors to condign punishment. 
 
 night. 10. In perpetua. pace providebo] 
 
 8. Jovem custodem] Jupiter Stator. A magnificent promise : in its peifor- 
 Or.i. 5. mance he could not but fail. V. 7\ 
 
 P. /</ ne diutius] Cic. hints that 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 IS 
 
 LUCIUM CATILINAM, 
 
 QUARTA* 
 
 HABITA IN SENATU, 
 
 ORATIO. 
 
 1. Video, 1 Patres conscripti, in me omnium vestriim ora 
 atque oculos esse conversos. Video, vos non solum de vestro 
 ac reipublicae, verum etiam, si id depulsum sit, de meo peri- 
 culo esse sollicitos. Est mihi jucunda in malis, et grata in 
 dolore, vestra erga me voluntas : sed earn, per deos immor- 
 tales ! quaeso, deponite, atque obliti salutis mea?, de vobis ac 
 de liberis vestris cogitate. Mihi [quidem] si haec conditio 
 consulatus 2 data est, ut omnes acerbitates, omnes dolores cru- 
 ciatusque perferrem : feram non solum fortiter, sed etiam 
 libenter, dummodo meis laboribus 3 vobis populoque Romano 
 dignitas salusque pariatur. Ego sum ille consul, Patres con- 
 scripti, cui non forum,* in quo omnis aequitas continetur ; non 
 campus, consularibus auspiciis consecratus ; non curia, sum- 
 mum auxilium omnium gentium : non domus, commune perfu- 
 gium ; non lectus, ad quietem datus : non denique haec sedes 
 
 * Vid. Introd. 8. terms ' Data est' fataliter conces- 
 
 Sect. I. I. Video] This speech sa. Muret. 
 is of the deliberative kind, there being 3. Laboribus'] 'QSiat. Hence 
 
 tvro opinions to be contrasted. ' pariatur.' Virg. Georg. iv. 340. 
 
 2. Ha-c conditio cons.] If the con- Primos LucinaB expertae labores.' 
 sulship were granted me on these 4. Cui non forum, c] The at- 
 
298 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. 
 
 honoris, sella curulis, 5 unquam vacua mortis periculo atque 
 insidiis fuit. Ego multa tacui, 6 multa pertuli, multa concessi, 
 multa meo quodam dolore, in vestro timore, 7 sanavi. Nunc, si 
 hunc exitum 8 consulatus mei dii immortales esse voluerunt, 
 ut vos, patres conscripti, populumque Romanum ex caede 
 miserrima, conjuges liberosque vestros, virginesque Vestales 9 
 ex acerbissima vexatione, templa atque delubra, 10 hanc pul- 
 cherrimam patriam 11 omnium nostrum ex fbedissima flamma, 
 totam Italian! ex bello et vastitate eriperem : quaecunque 
 mihi uni proponetur fortuna, subeatur. Etenim, si 12 P. Len- 
 tulus suum nomen, inductus a vatibus, ls fatale 14 ad perniciem 
 reipublicae fore putavit : cur ego non laeter, meum consulatum 
 ad salutem reipublicae prope fatalem exstitisse ? 
 
 II. Quare, Patres conscripti, consulite vobis, prospicite 
 patriae, conservate vos, conjuges, liberos fortunasque vestras, 
 populi Romani nomen salutemque defendite: mihi parcere, 
 ac de me cogitare desinite. Nam primum debeo sperare, 
 omnes deos, 1 qui huic urbi praesident, pro eo mihi, ac me- 
 reor, relaturos gratiam 2 esse ; deinde, si quod obtigerit, 3 
 
 tacks in the various places here enu- 
 merated are noticed, Or. i. 5. 6. 
 
 5. Sella curulis] These words, 
 perhaps originally a gloss from the 
 margin, are found in all MSS. They 
 are omitted by Era., Weiske, and 
 Scheller. V. E. The objection is, 
 that the ' curule chair' is not here in- 
 tended, but the chief seat in the se- 
 nate, where the consul sat. 
 
 6. Malta tacui] This prudent si- 
 lence might be dictated by the sus- 
 picion, that many besides those dis- 
 covered, were implicated in the con- 
 spiracy. V. E. E. g. Crassus, Cae- 
 sar, &c. 
 
 7. In vestro timore] Whilst your 
 alarm prevailed. On conjecture some 
 editors give sine vestro. V. E. 
 
 8. Exitum'] The issue. The 
 Delph. takes it literally ' exitus 
 ejus consulatus imminebat,' for it 
 was now the nones of the last month ; 
 but that seems unnecessary. 
 
 9. Vestales] Who kept the sacred 
 fire of Vesta. Th. karla, focus. 
 
 10. Templa delubra] Manil. 24. 
 
 n. 2. Arch 9. n. 23. 
 
 11. Patriam] Sc urbem ; to which 
 alone ' flamma' is applicable. Sail. 
 58. ' Conjuravere patriam incen- 
 dere.' 
 
 12. Etenim, si] Contraria hie, tan- 
 quam paria, comparantur. Muret. 
 
 13. Vatibus] By the Sibylline 
 books, and the interpretations of the 
 Haruspices. Catil. iii. 4. The fatal 
 name was Cornelius. V. E, 
 
 14. Fatale] Not 'fatal,' but 
 ' fated.' Marcel. 10. ' fatalique bello.' 
 Hor. Ep. ii. 1. ' Notaque/arn/i por- 
 tenta labore subegit.' Or. iii. 4. n. 16. 
 
 Sect. II. 1. Omnes deos] Cic. 
 does not specify them, because the 
 Romans wished the name of their tu- 
 telary God, and the Latin name of 
 the city to be unknown. Macrob. 
 iii. 9. 
 
 2. Mihi relat. gratiam] Not strict- 
 ly. For 1st, it was Jupiter, not Cic. 
 who did the service. Hence Or. iii. 9. 
 ' quibus ego si me restitisse dicam, 
 nimium mihi sumam ; ille Jupiter res- 
 titit.' 2nd, * Referre' implies a bene- 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 2. 
 
 299 
 
 aequo animo paratoque moriar. Neque enim turpis 4 mors 
 forti viro potest accidere, neque immatura 5 consulari, nee 
 misera 6 sapienti. Nee tamen ego sum ille 7 ferreus, qui fra- 
 tris carissimi 8 atque amantissimi praesentis moerore non mo- 
 vear, horumque omnium lacrimis, a quibus me circumsessum 
 videtis. y Neque meam mentem non domum ssepe revocat 
 exanimata uxor, abjecta metu filia, et parvulus filius, quern 
 mihi videtur amplecti respublica tamquam obsidem 10 consu- 
 latus mei: neque ille, qui exspectans hujus exitum diei, 
 adstat in conspectu meo gener. 11 Moveor his rebus omni- 
 bus, sed in earn partem, 12 ut salvi sint vobiscum omnes, 
 etiam si vis aliqua me oppresserit, potius, quam et illi, et nos 
 una reipublicae peste pereamus. Quare, Patres conscripti, 
 incumbite ad reipublicae salutem : circumspicite omnes pro- 
 cellas, quae impendent, nisi providetis. Non Ti. Gracchus, 13 
 qui iterum tribunus plebis fieri voluit : non C. Gracchus, 
 qui agrarios 14 concitare conatus est : non L. Saturninus, qui 
 
 fit received, but the gods are not re- 
 cipients of favours. 
 
 3. Obtigerit] Should I be doomed 
 to fall ; accident is the verb usually 
 found in similar phrases ; Ern. there- 
 fore condemns the use of the verb in 
 the text, and doubts its authenticity. 
 V. E. Manil.20. n. 1. 
 
 4. Turpis] Al. gravis. Quintil, vi. 
 3. ; which Sch. introduces into his 
 text ; adding, ' turpem mortem forti 
 viro accidere non posse, non attinebat 
 mouere.' V. E. Why not ? Turpis* 
 is when a man dies in a cowardly, 
 disgraceful manner. 
 
 5. Immatura] For this would im- 
 ply that the career of glory had not 
 been completed ; which did not hold. 
 Phil. ii. 46. ' Etenim si abhiuc annos 
 prope viginti, &c.' 
 
 6. Misera] For the wise man is 
 perpetually happy. Muret. He means 
 the Stoic philosopher. 
 
 7. Ille] i. e. Talis, ejusmodi. Ern. 
 
 8. Fratris cariss.] Q. Cicero, who, 
 according to Plut. Cic. 20, instigated 
 his brother to put the conspirators to 
 death. 
 
 9. A quibus videtis] ' Videtts' 
 
 refers to all the senators ; and a 
 quibus,' to the equites and others who 
 surrounded the chair of Cic. and even 
 the senate-house, byway of affording 
 protection. Phil. ii. 7. ' Quis eques 
 Rom. &c.' Sail. 49. Circumses- 
 sum' is ' circumdatum.' Ern. 
 
 10. Tanquam obsidem] For the 
 childless were considered to have no 
 stake in the country, nor connexion 
 with it. Cicero's son was now in his 
 second year. Att. i. 1. 
 
 11. Gener] C. Calpurnius Piso. 
 Tullia's other husbands were Crassi- 
 pes and Dollabella. Manut. conceives, 
 * in conspectu,' to mean outside the 
 senate-house, as Piso was only quaes- 
 tor in the consulship of Gabinius 
 and L. Piso a. u. 695, five years after 
 this time. 
 
 12. In earn partem] ' In such a di- 
 rection.' i. e. My solicitudes are so di- 
 rected as to secure the general safety 
 along with your own. 
 
 13. Ti. Gracchus] For the Gracchi 
 and Saturninus, vid. Mil. 3. n. 11. 
 19.20. 
 
 14. Agrarios] Promoters of agra- 
 rian laws. 
 
300 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. 
 
 C. Memmium 15 occidit, in discrimen aliquod, atque in ves- 
 trae severitatis judicium adducitur : tenentur ii, qui ad urbis 
 incendium, ad vestrum omnium caedem, ad Catilinam acci- 
 piendum, Romae restiterunt. Tenentur literas, signa, manus, 
 denique uniuscuj usque confessio : sollicitantur Allobroges : 
 servitia excitantur : Catilina arcessitur : id est initum consi- 
 lium, ut, interfectis omnibus, nemo ne ad deplorandum qui- 
 dem reipublicae nomen, atque ad lamentandain tanti imperii 
 calamitatem relinquatur. 
 
 III. Haec omnia indices detulerunt, rei confessi sunt ; vos 
 multis jam judiciis 1 judicastis: primum, quod 2 jnilii gratias 
 egistis singularibus verbis, et mea virtute atque diligentia, 
 perditorum hominum patefactam esse conjurationem decre- 
 vistis : deinde quod P. Lentulum, ut se abdicaret praetura, 
 coegistis: 3 turn quod eum, et ceteros, de quibus judicastis, 
 in custodiam dandos censuistis, maximeque, quod meo nomi- 
 ne supplicationem 4 decrevistis, qui honos togato habitus 
 ante me est nemini; postremo hesterno die praemia legatis 
 Allobrogum, Titoque Vulturcio dedistis amplissima. Qua* 
 sunt omnia ejusmodi, ut ii, qui in custodiam uominatim 5 
 dati sunt, sine ulla dubitatione a vobis damnati esse vide- 
 antur. 
 
 Sed ego institui referre ad vos, Patres conscripti, tam- 
 quam integrum, et de facto, quid judicetis, et de poena, 
 quid censeatis. Ilia praedicam, quae sunt consulis. Ego 
 magnum in republica versari lurorem, et nova quaedam 
 misceri et concitari mala jampridem videbam : sed hanc 
 tantam, tam exitiosam haberi conjurationem a civibus, nun- 
 quam putavi. Nunc, quidquid est, quocunque vestrae men- 
 tes inclinant atque sententiae, statuendum vobis ante noc- 
 
 15. C. Memmium~\ This family, ac- peated from Or. iii. 6. 
 cording to Virgil, derived its descent 3. P. Lentulum coegistis'] Or. iii. 
 from Menestheus. vEn. v. 116. He is 6. n. 9. How magistrates were corn- 
 noticed Brut. 36. Font. 7. pelled to resign their offices does not 
 
 Si-ct. III. 1. Judiciis] By your appear, and indeed the proceeding 
 
 determinations on the several occa- seems a most unjustifiable one. Sail, 
 
 sions enumerated. Al. indiciis. V. E. 47. 
 
 Cic. however, notwithstanding these 4. Supplicationem] Or. iii. 6. 
 prajudicia, will lay the matter fairly 6. Notninatim] He means Lentul us, 
 
 before the senate to be decided a- Cethegus, &c. Vid. Sail. 47 ; who 
 
 new. states to whom they were given in 
 
 2. Primum, quod, jc] This is re- charge. 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 4. 
 
 301 
 
 tern 6 est. Quantum facinus ad vos delatum sit, videtis. 
 Huic si paucos putatis affines esse, vehementer erratis. La- 
 tius opinione disseminatum est hoc malum : manavit non 
 solum per Italiam, verum etiam transcendit 7 Alpes, et ob- 
 scure serpens, multas jam provincias occupavit. Id op- 
 primi sustentando 8 ac prolatando nullo pacto potest. Qua- 
 cunque ratione placet, celeriter vobis vindicandum est. 
 
 IV. Video duas adhuc esse sententias : unam D. Sila- 
 ni, 1 qui censet, eos, qui haec delere conati sunt, morte esse 
 multandos : alteram C. Caesaris, 2 qui mortis poenam remove t, 
 ceterorum suppliciorum omnes acerbitates amplectitur. 
 Uterque et pro sua dignitate et pro rerum magnitudine in 
 summa severitate versatur. Alter eos, qui nos omnes, qui 
 populum Romanum vita privare conati sunt, qui delere im- 
 perium, qui populi Romani nomen exstinguere, punctum 
 temporis 3 frui vita et hoc communi spiritu, non putat opor- 
 tere : 4 atque hoc genus poena? 5 saepe in improbos cives in 
 hac republica esse usurpatum recordatur. Alter intelligit, 1 ' 
 
 6. Ante noctem] For two reasons: 
 1st, The risk was greater, of a forci- 
 ble rescue, or of escape of the per- 
 sons, by night, than by day. 2nd, No 
 decree was legal, if pronounced be- 
 fore sunrise or after sunset. A. Gell. 
 xiv. 7. Seneca de tranquil. Vit. Ma- 
 jores nostri novam relationem post 
 horam decimam in senatu fieri veta- 
 bant.' 
 
 7. Transcendit] Is elegantly appli- 
 ed to crossing very high mountains. 
 Somn. Scip. 6. ' Nam aut tuum 
 aut cujusquam nostrum nomen vel 
 Caucasum hunc, quem cernis, trans- 
 cendere potuitV Verburg. 
 
 8. Sustentando] ' Morando,' ut ad 
 Q. Frat. ii. 6. ^Edificationem Arcani 
 ad tuum adventum sustentari placebat. 
 Manut. 
 
 Sect. IV. 1. Unam D. Silani] 
 Silanus was consul elect, and after- 
 wards voted for Tiberius Nero's mo- 
 tion : that (according to Appian) the 
 accused should be imprisoned till 
 Catiline's attempt be put down, and 
 that the matter be then fully in- 
 vestigated. And Plut. Cic. 21. says 
 
 that after Caesar's speech he rose up 
 and explained ' ultimum supplicium' 
 by 'incarceration.' 
 
 2. C. Casaris] Praetor elect. Sail. 
 51. He was thought by some to have 
 a share in the conspiracy. Cic. did 
 not think so. Sail. 49. 
 
 3. Punctum temporis] A moment ; 
 the ace. of time how long. 
 
 4. Alter eos non putat oportere] 
 With all these designs these persons 
 were charged, but Cicero omits to 
 mention that as yet they had not been 
 put on their defence, they had not 
 been heard, they had not been con- 
 victed. Some of them were probably 
 more guilty than others ; and possi- 
 bly, some one or more not guilty in 
 any degree. V. E. 
 
 5. Hoc genus poena] Or. i. 11. 
 * Persaepe etiam privati in hac rep. 
 perniciosos cives morte multarunt.' 
 But this must have been before the 
 passing of the Porcian law. Sail. 
 53. 
 
 6. Alter intelligit] i. e. Is of opi- 
 nion. Or.iii. 11. n. 4. Sail. 53. 
 
 D D 
 
302 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. 
 
 mortem a diis immortalibus non esse supplicii causa 7 con- 
 stitutam, sed aut necessitatem naturae, 8 aut laborum ac mise- 
 riarum quietem 9 esse. Itaque earn sapientes 10 nunquam in- 
 viti, fortes 11 etiam saepe libenter oppetiverunt. Vincula vero, 
 et ea sempiterna, certe ad singularem pcenam nefarii scele- 
 ris inventa sunt. Municipiis dispertiri jubet. Habere vi- 
 detur ista res iniquitatem, 12 si imperare velis: difficultatem, 
 si rogare. Decernatur tamen, si placet. Ego enim susci- 
 piam, 14 et, ut spero, reperiam, qui id, quod salutis omnium 
 causa statueritis, non putent 15 esse suae dignitatis recusare. 
 Adjungit gravem pcenam municipibus, si quis eorum vincu- 
 la ruperit : horribiles custodias circumdat, et digna scelere 
 hominum perditorum sancit, ne quis eorum poenam, quos 
 condemnat, aut per senatum, aut per populum levare possit : 16 
 eripit etiam spem, 17 quae sola hominem in miseriis consolari 
 solet. Bona praeterea publicari 18 jubet : vitam solam relin- 
 quit nefariis hominibus ; quam si eripuisset, multos uno dolore 
 dolores 19 animi atque corporis, et omnes scelerum pcenas ad- 
 em isset. Itaque ut aliqua in vita formido improbis esset 
 posita, apud inferos ejusmodi quaedam illi antiqui suppli- 
 cia impiis constituta esse voluerunt i 20 quod videlicet 21 in- 
 
 7. Mortem non supplicii causa] position. 
 
 The author of the book of Genesis 14. Suscipiam] In me recipi- 
 
 thought differently. Vid. c. 2. v. 17. am. 1 Nanut. 1 will take upon me to 
 
 8. Necessitatem natura] By which find. 
 
 whatever is compounded must be re- 15. Qui non putent] Persons who 
 
 solved into its original elements. will not, &c. 
 
 9. Laborum quietem] Eurip. He- 16. Ne quis levare possit] Sail. 55. 
 rac. 596 to yap Qavttv Katutv The penalty was, the being declared 
 ukyiorov <pdpuaKoi' voui'^tTai. a public enemy. 
 
 Muret. 17. Eripit spem] Eurip. Phoen. 407. 
 
 10. Earn sapientes] For knowing AlS' i\Triceg fiooKuai Qvyadag. 
 death to be the result of a law of na- 18. Publicari] Under the Empe- 
 ture they willingly obey it. Tors they said * confiscare,' from 
 
 11. Fortes] E. g. Codrus, Curtius, ' fiscus,' the privy-purse > and we 
 the Decii, and afterwards Cato. have followed them. 
 
 12. Iniquitatem] Because the city 19. Multos uno dolore] Al. multu^ 
 from which a conspirator should es- uno dolore. Ern. 
 
 cape was to be ranked as an enemy 20. Apud inferos voluerunt] Vid. 
 
 to Rome. Muret. Inf. ' Adjungit Warburton, D. Leg. iii. 2. 3, where 
 
 gravem poenam municipibus, &c.' Cicero's opinions, as here expressed, 
 
 But Cic. might at least have tried to are discussed. Arch. ii. n. 16. 
 redress the * injustice' and overcome 21. Videlicet] Said ironical ly.Tusc 
 
 the 'difficulty.* i,5. 6- f. , 
 
 13. Deccmatar] Sc. Caesar's pro- 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 5. 303 
 
 telligebant, his remotis, non esse mortem ipsam pertimes- 
 -eendam. 
 
 V. Nunc, Patres conscripti, ego mea, video, quid inter- 
 mit. 1 Si eritis secuti sententiam C. Caesaris : quoniam hanc 
 is in republicaviam, quae popularis habetur, 2 secutus est, for- 
 tasse minus erunt, hoc auctore et cognitore 3 hujusce senten- 
 tial, mihi populares impetus pertimescendi : sin illam alte- 
 ram, nescio, an amplius mihi negotii contrahatur. Sed 
 tamen meorum periculorum rationes utilitas reipubliea> 
 vincat. Habemus enim a C. Caesare, sicut ipsius dignitas 
 et majorum ejus amplitudo postulabat, sententiam tamquam 
 obsidem 4 perpetuae in rempublicam voluntatis. Intellectum 
 est, quid intersit inter levitatem 5 concionatorum, 6 et animum 
 vere popularem, saluti populi consulentem. Video de istis, 
 qui se populares haberi volunt, abesse non neminem, 7 ne de 
 capite videlicet civium Romanorum sententiam ferat. Is et 
 nudiustertius 8 in custodiam cives Romanos dedit, et supplica- 
 tionem mihi decrevit, et indices 9 hesterno die maximis prae- 
 miis affecit. Jam hoc nemini dubium est, qui reo custodiam, 
 cuiaesitori 10 gratulationem, indici praemium decrevit, quid de 
 tota re et causa judicarit. At vero C. Caesar intelligit, legem 
 Semproniam 11 esse de civibus Romanis constitutam : qui au- 
 iem reipublicae sit hostis, eum civem esse nullo modo posse : 
 
 Sect. V. 1. Mea quid intersit] pie against the nobles. 'Concio' also 
 
 i. e. ' Quoad quid sit inter mea nego- is cften taken in a bad sense. Att. 
 
 tia.' In what respects my interests iv. 3. 
 are concerned. 7. Non neminem] To what indivi- 
 
 2. Popularis habetur] Att. xvi. 16. dual senator Cicero here alludes, is 
 Popularis erat, ut noras. Vid. Sext. .not known. The charge of incon- 
 45, for the distinction between ' po- sistence, on account of his concur- 
 pulares' and ' optimates.' rence in the former votes, and his not 
 
 3. Cognitore'] Al. monitore : the being present on this occasion, is by 
 author and supporter of a measure, no means evident ; not even if that 
 Arusp. Resp. 21. V. E. were his motive, which Cicero as- 
 
 4. Tamquam obsidem] As it were a cribes to him. V. E. 
 
 of his always pursuing the 8. Nudius] i. e. ' Nunc dies ;' 
 
 path of true popularity. Cael. 32. and ' nudiustertius' is three days 
 
 ' Habet a M. Caelio resp. duas accu- ago ; or, more strictly, the day before 
 
 sationes, vel obsides periculi, vel pig- yesterday. 
 
 nora voluntatis.' Muret. So Corn. 9. Indices] Vulturcius, &c. 
 
 N. Phoc. 2. Negavit esse periculum, 10. Qucesitori] Not strictly. Cic. 
 
 seque ejus rei obsidem fore. could only be so named as bringing 
 
 5. Levitatem] Al. lenitatem. the accused to trial, not as being their 
 
 6. Concionatorum] Demagogues, judge. 
 
 whose business was to excite the peo- 11. Legem Semproniam] This was 
 
304 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. 
 
 denique ipsum latorem legis Seraproniae jussu populi 12 pce- 
 nas reipublicae dependisse. Idem ipsum Lentulum largito- 
 rem et prodigum 13 non putat, quum de pernicie populi Ro- 
 many et exitio hujus urbis, tam acerbe, tamque crudeliter 
 cogitarit, appellari posse popularem. Itaque homo mitissi- 
 mus atque lenissimus non dubitat P. Lentulum aeternis tene- 
 bris vinculisque mandare et sancit in posterum, ne quis hu- 
 jus supplicio levando se jactare, 1 * et in pernicie populi Ro- 
 mani posthac popularis esse possit. Adjungit etiam pub- 
 licationem 15 bonorum, ut omnes animi cruciatus et corporis, 
 etiam egestas ac mendicitas consequatur. 
 
 VI. Quamobrem sive hoc statueritis, dederitis mihi comi- 
 tem ad concionem, populo carum atque jucundum; sive 
 Silani sententiam sequi malueritis, facile me atque vos a cni- 
 delitatis vituperatione defendetis; atque obtinebo, earn multo 
 leniorem fuisse. 1 Quamquam, 2 Patres conscripti, qua? po- 
 test esse in tanti sceleris immanitate punienda crudelitas? 
 Ego enim de meo sensu judico. Nam ita 3 mihi salva repub- 
 lica vobiscum perfrui liceat, ut ego, quod in hac causa vehe- 
 mentior sum, non atrocitate animi moveor, (quis enim est me 
 mitior?) sed singulari quadam humanitate et misericordia. 
 Videor enim mihi hanc urbem videre, lucem orbis terrarum 
 atque arcem 4 omnium gentium, subito uno incendio conci- 
 dentem : cerno animo sepultam patriam, miseros atque in- 
 
 a law of C. Gracchus, de capite ci- doubtless, profusion in entertainments 
 
 vium,' that no citizen should be con- and gifts to the people. Off. ii. 16. 
 
 demned to death except by the people. V. E. This agrees with Sallust's ac- 
 
 Cic. affects to consider the conspira- count of him, Cat. 40. 
 tors as no longer citizens ; and, there- 14. Se jactare] We say, 'shew 
 
 tore, without the pale of this law. off,' ' affect popularity.' 
 
 12. Jussu pop.] Without any au- 15. Publicationem] Supr. 4. n. 
 thority from MSS. or earlier edition, 18. 
 
 Km. confidently changes this to in- Sect. VI. 1. Atque obtinebo 
 
 jtissv. That any sentence against C. leniorem fuisse] Al. leviorem. This 
 
 Gracchus was passed or ratified by the sentence Matth. omits, but with in- 
 
 people, or that their assent in any sufficient authority. V. E. 
 
 form was obtained we have no proof ; 2. Quamquam] A correction. 
 
 but Cicero may have inferred that as- Mil. 2. n. 18. 
 
 sent from their not interfering to pre- 3. Ita] Is here used to introduce 
 
 serve his life, as well as from other an optative. So Att. v. 15. 'Ita vi- 
 
 circumstances to us unknown. Subse- vara, ut maximos sumtos facio.' Also 
 
 quent editors, Beck, Schutz, Weiske, Verr. v. 14. 
 
 Matthiae, and Wetzel have not here 4. Arcem] The citadel of the 
 
 followed Ern. V. E. whole world. The Delph. thinks 
 
 13. Largit. et prodigum] Meaning, there is an allusion to the 'asylum' 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 6. 305 
 
 sepultos acervos civium : versatur mihi ante oculos adspectus 
 Cethegi, 5 et furor in vestra caede bacchantis. Quum vero 
 mihi proposui regnantem 6 Lentulum, sicut ipse se ex fatis 
 sperasse confessus est, purpuratum esse hunc Gabinium, 7 
 cum exercitu venisse Catilinam, turn lamentationem matrum- 
 iamilias, 8 tarn fugam virginum atque puerorum, ac vexatio- 
 nem 9 virginum Vestalium perhorresco : et, quia mihi vehe- 
 menter haec videntur misera atque miseranda, idcirco in eos, 
 qui ea perficere voluerunt, me severum vehementemque 
 praebeo. 10 Etenim quaero, si quis paterfamilias, liberis suis a 
 servo interfectis, uxore occisa, incensa* domo, supplicium de 
 servo non quam 11 acerbissimum sumpserit : utrum is clemens 
 ac misericors, an inhumanus et crudelissimus esse videatur { 
 mihi vero 12 importunus ac ferreus, qui non dolore ac cruciatu 
 nocentis suum dolorem cruciatumque lenierit. Sic nos in 
 his hominibus, qui nos, qui conjuges, qui liberos nostros tru- 
 cidare voluerunt : qui singulas uniuscujusque nostrum do- 
 mos, et hoc universum reipublicae domicilium delere conati 
 sunt: qui id egerunt, ut gentem Allobrogum in vestigiis 13 hu- 
 jus urbis atque in cinere deflagrati imperii collocarent : si 
 vehementissimi fuerimus, misericordes habebimur: sin remis- 
 siores esse voluerimus, summae nobis crudelitatis in patriae 
 civiumque pernicie fama subeunda est. Nisi vero cuipiam 
 L. Caesar, 14 vir fortissimus et amantissimus reipublicae, cru- 
 
 o'f Romulus, but improbably. important religious rites, would be 
 
 5. Adspectus Cethegi] Or. iii. 4. among the first to feel the effects of a 
 n. 20. sacrilegious fury. 
 
 6. Regnantem] Alluding to the 10. Prabeo] ' Prae habeo/ hold 
 Sibylline verses (ex fatis) by which forth, show myself. 
 
 he was destined to monarchy. 11. Non quam] The non is added 
 
 7. Purpuratum Gabinium'] As from Lactant. de ira i. 17 ; who so 
 one of the titled attendants in the fu- quotes the passage. For an example 
 ture royal court of Lentulus. Tusc. of the cruelty with which Romans 
 Qu. i. 43. V. E. punished the slaves whose master was 
 
 8. Matrumfamilias] ' Familias,' killed, vid. Tac. xiv. 42. 
 
 the old gen. of ' familia' is added to 12. Mihi vero] Nay to my view he 
 ' pater, mater, and filius,' to distin- would seem not only inhuman, &c, 
 guish them as forming part of a family but also devoid of the least spark of 
 establishment ; to whom, therefore, feeling, who, &c. 
 any injury done is the more heinous, 13. Investigiis] In the vestiges 
 as affecting private and domestic which would remain after the bum- 
 peace. Sail. Cat. 43. ing of the city. Hence he adds, ' in 
 
 9. Vexationem] Persecution. cinere deflagrati imperii.' 
 
 These, having the care of the most 14. L. Caesar] Was the son of L. 
 
 D D 2 
 
306 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. 
 
 delior nudiustertius est visus, quum sororis suae, foeminae 
 lectissimae, virum 15 praesentem et audientem, 16 vita privan- 
 dum esse dixit, quum avum jussu consulis 17 interfectum, 
 filiumque 18 ejus impuberem, legatum a patre missum, in car- 
 cere necatum esse dixit. Quorum quod simile factum ( 
 quod initum delendae reipublicae consilium ? Largitionis 
 voluntas turn in republica versata est, et partium quaedam 
 contentio. Atque illo tempore hujus avus 19 Lentuli, claris- 
 simus vir, armatus Gracchum est persecutus : ille etiam 
 grave turn vulnus accepit, ne quid de summa republica mi- 
 tt ueretur : hie ad evertenda fundamenta reipublicae Gallos* 
 arcessit, servitia concitat, Catilinam vocat, attribuit nos tru- 
 cidandos Cethego, ceteros cives interficiendos Gabinio, 
 urbem inflammandam Cassio, totam Italiam vastandam diri- 
 piendamque Catilinae. Veremini, 21 censeo, ne in hoc scelere 
 tarn immani ac nefario nimis aliquid severe statuisse videa- 
 mini ; quum multo magis sit verendum, ne remissione poena? 
 crudeles in patriam, quam ne severitate animadversionis 
 nimis vehementes in acerbissimos hostes fuisse videamur. 
 
 VII. Sed ea, quae exaudio, Patres conscripti, dissimulare 
 non possum. Jaciuntur 1 enim voces, quae perveniunt ad 
 aures meas,eorum, qui vereri videntur, ut 2 habeam satis prae- 
 sidii ad ea, quae vos statueritis hodierno die, transigunda. 
 Omnia et pro visa, et parata, et constituta sunt, Patres con- 
 scripti, quum mea summa cura atque diligentia, turn multo 
 etiam majore populi Romani ad summum imperium retinen- 
 
 Julius Caesar, who had married the senate. Or. iii. 5. n. 6. Val. Max. 
 
 daughter of M. Fulvius Flaccus, the v. 3. 
 
 unfortunate partner in the enterprize 20. Gallos] The Allobrogians. 
 
 and punishment of C. Gracchus. This enumeration contains nothing 
 
 Veil. Pat. ii. 7. new. 
 
 15. Sororis virum] Lentulus. 21. Veremini] Al. vereamini. 
 This Julia was mother of M. Antony, ' Censeo' is ' credo.' 
 
 of whom Cic. says, Phil. ii. 24, ' O Sect. VII. 1. Jaciuntur] Al. 
 
 miserae mulieris foecunditatem cala- jactantur ; which Scheller and 
 
 mitosam ! Weiske defend. Rem jactare in 
 
 16. Prasentem et audientem] In senatu.' Liv. iii. 10. xxii. 23. 
 the senate. ' Jactare voces.' Liv. i. 46. pre- 
 
 17. Jussu consults] Opimius. ces,' iv. 42. V. E. Em. says, 
 Mil. 3. n. 19. 'Jactantur conveniret amicis Catili- 
 
 18. Filiumque] About eighteen nae. At hie loquuntur viri boni, 
 years old. His elder brother had amici causa? Cic, sed timidi.' 
 fallen fighting by his father's side. 2. Vereri ut] Fear that I have 
 
 19. Hujus avus] The prince of the not. Mil. 18. n. 7. Introd. 9. 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 7. 307 
 
 dum, et ad communes fortunas conservandas voluntate. 
 Omnes adsunt omnium ordinum homines, omnium denique 
 aetatum : plenum est forum, plena templa circa forum, 3 pleni 
 omnes aditus hujus loci ac templi. Causa enim est post 
 urbem conditam haec inventa sola, in qua omnes sentirent 
 unum atque idem, praeter eos, qui, quum sibi viderent esse 
 pereundum, cum omnibus potius quam soli perire voluerunt. 
 Hosce ego homines excipio et secerno libenter : neque enim 
 in improborum civium, sed in acerbissimorum hostium nu- 
 mero habendos puto. Ceteri vero, dii immortales ! qua fre- 
 quentia, quo studio, qua virtute ad communem dignitatem 
 salutemque consentiunt ? Quid ego hie equites Romanos com- 
 memorem ? qui vobis ita summam 4 ordinis consiliique conce- 
 dunt,utvobiscum de amore reipublicae certent: quosex mul- 
 torum annorum dissensione 5 ad hujus ordinis societatem 6 con- 
 cordiamque revocatos, hodiernus dies vobiscum atque haec 
 causa conjungit : quam conjunctionem si in consulatu confir- 
 matam meo perpetuam in republica tenuerimus, confirmo 
 vobis, nullum posthac malum civile ac domesticum ad ullam 
 reipublicae partem esse venturum. Pari studio defendendae 
 reipublicae convenisse video tribunos aerarios, 7 fortissimos 
 viros : scribas 8 item universos : quos quum casu hie dies ad 
 aerarium frequentasset, video ab exspectatione sortis 9 ad com- 
 munem salutem esse conversos. Omnis ingenuorum adest 
 
 3. Templa circa forum'] Mil. 1. a union of the senators and knights 
 n. 9. against the plebeians. Being based 
 
 4. Summam'] i. e. ' Locum pri- on self interest, however, this union 
 mum inter ordines, et jus de rep. de- was of short duration. Hooke. viii. 9. 
 liberandi ac decernendi.' Em. But 6. Ad hujus ordinis societ.] i. e. 
 Scheller observes that this use of the Conjunctionem in republ. quam corn- 
 word is rare. munem sibi cum senatu putant. 
 
 5. Ex multorum annorum diss.] Em. 
 
 About sixty sc. from the passing of 7. Tribunos ararios] Through 
 the Sempronian law, by which the them the pay passed to the army, 
 'judices' were chosen out of the V. E. We say, 'paymasters.' 
 ' equites.' These, by the Cornelian 8. Scribas] An order of citizens to 
 law of Sylla, were again confined to whom was entrusted the transcribing 
 the senators ; but the Aurehan law of the public acts, and taking notes of 
 had, a. u. 683, about seven years the proceedings of the magistrates, 
 ago, re-admitted the knights. The Their order is called by Cic. * hones- 
 disputes consequent on these changes, tus.' Verr. iii. 79. 
 Cic. had laboured to remove ; and 9. Frequentasset ab exspectatione 
 had so far succeeded as to form what sortis] They had happened, that day, 
 lie called 'optima respublica;' i.e. to be assembled in considerable num- 
 
308 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. 
 
 multitudo, etiam tenuissimorum. Quis est enim, cui non 
 haec templa, adspectus urbis, possessio libertatis, lux deni- 
 que haec ipsa, et hoc commune patriae solum quum sit ca- 
 rum, turn vero dulce atque jucundum ! 
 
 VIII. Operae pretium est, Patres conscripti, libertinorum 
 hominum 1 studia cognoscere : qui sua virtute fortunam hujus 
 civitatis 2 consecuti, hanc vere suam patriam esse judicant ; 
 quam quidam hinc nati et summo nati loco, 3 non patriam 
 suam, sed urbem hostium esse judicaverunt. Sed quid ego 
 hosce homines ordinesque commemorem, 4 quos privatae for- 
 tunae, quos communis respublica, quos denique libertas, ea, 
 quae dulcissima est, ad salutem patriae defendendam excita- 
 vit? Servus est nemo, qui modo 5 tolerabili conditione sit ser- 
 vitutis, qui non audaciam civium perhorrescat ; qui non 
 haec stare capiat: qui non tantum, quantum audet, et quan- 
 tum potest, conferat ad communem salutem, voluntatis. 
 Quare si quern vestrum forte commovet hoc, quod auditum 
 est, lenonem quendam Lentuli 6 concursare circum tabernas, 
 pretio sperare sollicitari posse animos egentium atque imperi- 
 torum, est id quidem cceptum atque tentatum: sed nulli 
 sunt inventi tarn aut fortuna miseri, aut voluntate perditi, 
 qui non ipsum ilium sellae 7 atque operis et quaestus quotidia- 
 ni locum, qui non cubile ac lectulum 8 suum, qui denique non 
 cursum nunc otiosum vitae suae salvum esse velint. Multo 
 vero maxima pars eorum, qui in tabernis sunt, immo vero 
 (id enim potius est dicendum) genus hoc universum, aman- 
 tissimum est otii. Etenim omne eorum instrumentum, om- 
 
 bers, in order to distribute by lot tbeir Matth. Why waste time in enumer- 
 
 several offices for the coming year. atingthem? 'Quid ego ilia com- 
 
 V. E. memoro ?' Mil. 7. V. E. 
 
 Sect. VIII. 1. Libeitinorum ho- 5. Qui mfldo,fyc.] For slavery had 
 
 minum] i. e. Of the order of liber- its gradations. Thus the ' atri- 
 
 tines or freedmen. Liberti' was the enses' et ' ordinarii' ranked higher 
 
 name given them in relation to their than the ' vacarii* and 'mediastini.' 
 
 former masters. Muret. 
 
 2. Fortunam civitatis] The lot 6. Lenonem Lentuli] Sail. 50, 
 which the right of citizenship bestows, says 'Liberti et pauci ex clientibus 
 The MSS. much vary in this passage. Lentuli opifices, &c., sollicitabant.' 
 V. E. 7. Sella] i. e. Artiricium quod se- 
 
 3. Summo nati loco] E. g. Lentu- dendo exercetur, unde sellularii, se- 
 lus. dentary mechanics. Forcel. 
 
 4. Quid commemorem] Al. com- 8. Cubile ac lectulum] Forte vilius 
 memoro, adopted by "VVeiske and 'cubile' quam ' lectus/ quum illud 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 9. 309 
 
 nis opera ac quaestus frequentia civium sustentatur, alitur 
 otio : quorum si quaestus, occlusis 9 tabernis, minui solet, 
 quid tandem incensis futurum fuit. 10 
 
 IX. Quae quum 1 ita sint, Patres conscripti, vobis populi 
 Romani praesidia non desunt : vos ne populo Romano deesse 
 videamini, providete. Habetis consulem ex plurimis peri- 
 culis 2 et insidiis, atque ex media morte, non ad vitam suam 
 sed ad salutem vestram reservatum : omnes ordines 3 ad con- 
 servandam rempublicam mente, voluntate, studio, virtute, 
 voce consentiunt ; obsessa facibus et telis impiae conjurati- 
 onis, vobis supplex manus tendit patria communis : vobis se, 
 vobis vitam omnium civium, vobis arcem et Capitolium, vobis 
 aras Penatium, 4 vobis ilium ignem Vestae perpetuum ac sem- 
 piternum, vobis omnia templa deorum atque delubra, vobis 
 muros atque urbis tecta commendat. Praeterea de vestra 
 vita, de conjugum vestrarum ac liberorum anima, de for- 
 tunis omnium, de sedibus, de focis vestris, hodierno die 5 vo- 
 bis judicandum est. Habetis ducem, memorem vestri, 
 oblitum sui, quae non semper facultas datur : habetis omnes 
 ordines, omnes homines, universum populum Romanum, id 
 quod in civili causa hodierno die primum videmus, uniim 
 atque idem sentientem. Cogitate, quantis laboribus funda- 
 tum imperium, quanta virtute stabilitam libertatem, quanta 
 deorum benignitate auctas exaggeratasque fortunas una nox 6 
 quam paene delerit. Id ne unquam posthac non modo con- 
 fici, sed ne cogitari quidem 7 possit a civibus, hodierno die 
 providendum est. Atque haec, non ut vos, qui mihi studio 
 
 talpis a Virg. Georg. i. 183, assig- stanced the knights, tribunes of the 
 netur. Delph. treasury, scribes, and libertines. He 
 
 9. Occlusis] In war, tumult, or was addressing the senate. 
 
 public mourning ; ' incensis,' if the 4. Penatium] Cic. Nat. Deor. 27, 
 
 conspirators had effected their designs, derives ' penates' from penus,' a gene- 
 
 Muret. ral name for food ; or from ' penitus.' 
 
 10. Futurum fuit] Al. est. In the The names of the Roman 'penates' 
 present tense, the verb indicates that are not well ascertained, some reckon- 
 the fire is now about to be set to them, ing Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva; 
 JMatth. V. E. others adding Vesta and Mercury; 
 
 Sect. IX. 1. Qua: quum, &;c] but Var. says, ' nee eorum nume- 
 
 The peroration, wherein Cic. recom- rum, nee nomina sciri.' 
 
 mends the senate to support the pro- 5. Hodierno die] To intimate the 
 
 position of Silanus. Introd. 9. urgency of the case. Schol. 
 
 2. Ex plurimis periculis, fyc] In- 6. Una nox] That of the Satur- 
 
 trod. 3. nalia. Catil. iii. 4. V. E. 
 
 3. Omnes ordines] He had just in- 7. Non modo ne quidem] Or. 
 
310 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. 
 
 paene praecurritis, excitarem, locutus sum : sed ut mea vox, 
 quae debet esse in republica princeps, officio functa consulari 
 videretur. 
 
 X. Nunc antequam, Patres conscripti, ad sententiam 1 re- 
 deo, de me pauca dicam. Ego, quanta manus est conjura- 
 torum, quam videtis esse permagnam, tantam me inimicorum 
 multitudinem suscepisse video: sed earn esse judico tur- 
 pem et infirmam, contemptam et abjectam. Quod si ali- 
 quando alicujus furore et scelere concitata manus ista plus 
 valuerit, quam vestra ac reipublicae dignitas : me tamen me- 
 orum tactorum atque consiliorum nunquam, Patres conscrip- 
 ti, pcenitebit. Etenim mors, quam illi mihi fortasse minitan- 
 tur, omnibus est parata : 2 vitae tantam laudem, quanto vos me 
 vestris decretis honestatis, nemo est assecutus. Ceteris 
 enim semper bene gestae, mihi uni conservatae reipubli- 
 cae 3 gratulationem decrevistis. Sit Scipio 4 clarus ille, cu- 
 jus consilio atque virtute Hannibal in Africam redire atque 
 ex Italia 5 decedere coactus est: ornetur alter eximia laude 
 Africanus, 6 qui duas urbes huic imperio infestissimas Cartha- 
 ginem Numantiamque delevit : habeatur vir egregius L. 
 Paullus ille, 7 cujus currum rex potentissimus quondam et 
 nobilissimus, Perses honestavit : sit in aeterna gloria Mari- 
 us, 8 qui bis Italiam obsidione et metu servitutis liberavit : 
 anteponatur 9 omnibus Pompeius, cujus res gestae atque vir- 
 tutes iisdem, quibus solis cursus, regionibus 10 ac termini's 
 continentur. Erit profecto inter horum laudes aliquid loci 
 
 10. n. 4. to put himself in competition. The 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Ad sententiam] Sc. first is Scipio Africanus, of whom vid. 
 
 rogandam ; to the collecting of the Manil. 16. n. 13. 
 votes. 5. In Africam ex Italia] "Yort- 
 
 2. Mors omnibus parata] Eurip. pov irportpov. Muret. 
 
 Alcest. 798. Bporolg airaoi Kar9a- 6. Alter Africanus] Manil. 20. 
 
 viiv o^eiXtrai. Muret. n. 5. So Muren. 28. ' Bis consul 
 
 3. Bene gestae conservator reip.] fuerat P. Africanus, et duos terrores 
 i.e. Ob bene gestam rempublicam. hujus imperii, Carthaginem Xuraan- 
 ' Quarum gratulationem exspectavi.' tiamque deleverat.' 
 
 Fam. v. 7. Al. bene gesta corner- 7. Paullus] He triumphed over 
 
 rata rep. V. E. ' Gratulatio' est Perses, jl. v. 637. Vid. Plut. in 
 
 supplicatio qua diis giatias agebant. vita. 
 Phil. xiv. 6. Grev. 8. Marius] Manil. 20. n. 7. 
 
 4. Sit Scipio] Cic. shows his splen- 9. Anteponatur] Deiot. 4. 'Tan- 
 did powers of oratory by the variety to ille superiores vicerat gloria quan- 
 of lights in which he has set the five to, &c.' 
 
 generals, with whom he has chosen 10. Regionibus] Arch. 10. n. 9. 
 
IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 11. 311 
 
 nostras glorias : nisi forte majus est patefacere nobis provin- 
 cias, quo exire possimus, quam curare, ut etiam illi, qui ab- 
 sunt, 11 habeant, quo victores revertantur. Quamquam est 12 
 uno loco 13 conditio melior externa? victorias, quam domes- 
 ticas, quod hostes alienigenae aut oppressi serviunt, aut recep- 
 ti 1 * beneficio se obligatos putant: qui autem ex numero 
 civium, dementia aliqua depravati, hostes patriae semel esse 
 coeperunt, eos, quum a pernicie reipublicae repuleris, nee vi 
 coercere, nee beneficio placare possis. Quare mihi cum per- 
 ditis civibus aeternum bellum susceptum esse video : quod 
 ego vestro, bonorumque omnium auxilio, memoriaque tan- 
 lorum periculorum, quae non modo in hoc populo, qui ser- 
 vatus est, sed etiam in omnium gentium sermonibus ac men- 
 tibus semper haerebit, a me atque a meis facile propulsari 
 posse confido. Neque ulla profecto tanta vis reperietur, 
 qua? conjunctionem 15 vestram equitumque Romanorum, et 
 tantam conspirationem bonorum omnium perfringere jet labe- 
 factare possit. 
 
 XT. Quae quum ita sint, Patres conscripti, pro imperio, 
 pro exercitu, pro provincia, quam neglexi, 1 pro triumpho, 
 ceterisque laudis insignibus, quae sunt a me propter urbis 
 vestraeque salutis custodiam repudiata, pro clientelis hospi- 
 tiisque provincial i bus, quae tamen urbanis opibus non minore 
 labore tueor, quam comparo : 2 pro his igitur omnibus rebus, 
 et pro meis in vos singularibus studiis, proque hac, quam 
 perspicitis, ad conservandam rempublicam diligentia, nihil 
 aliud a vobis, nisi hujus temporis totiusque mei consulatus 
 memoriam postulo : quae dum erit vestris mentibus infixa, 
 firmissimo me muro saeptum esse arbitrabor. Quod si meam 
 
 11. Illi qui absunt~\ Alluding to the coalition noticed supr. 7. n. 5. 
 Pompey, now engaged in the Mith- Sect. XI. 1. Pro imperio ne- 
 ridatic war. Cic, Off. i. 22, intro- glexi] These relate to the province, 
 duced Porapey acknowledging ' frus- to the government of which Cicero 
 tra M triumphum tertiurn deportatu- was entitled on the expiration of his 
 ruin fuisse, nisi meo in remp. bene- consulate, and which he resigned, 
 ticio, ubi triumpharet, habiturus es- Had he accepted it, he might have ob- 
 H.' tained a triumph with the honours at- 
 
 12. Quamquam'] A correction. tending it, and the benefit of connect- 
 Mil. 2. n. 1$. ing himself with the clients and hos- 
 
 13. Uno loco] In one respect. pites, which such a command pro- 
 V. 7.. daces. Plut. Cic. 12. V. E. Or. iii. 
 
 14. Recepti] Sc. 'in amicitiam.' 11. n. 1. 
 
 Received into alliance. 2. Non minore labore tueor, quam 
 
 15. Conjunctionem] Alluding to comparo] Dem. says similarly, %a\t- 
 
312 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. 
 
 spem vis improborum fefellerit atque superaverit, commendo 
 vobis parvum meum filium ; cui profecto satis erit praesidii, 
 non solum ad salutem, verum etiam ad dignitatem, si ejus, 
 qui haec omnia suo solius periculo conservaverit, ilium esse 
 filium memineritis. Quapropter de summa salute vestra, 
 populique Romani, Patres conscripti, de vestris conjugibus 
 ac liberis, de aris ac focis, de fanis ac templis, de totius ur- 
 bis tectis ac sedibus, de imperio, de libertate, de salute 
 Italia?, deque universa republica decernite diligenter, ut in- 
 stituistis, ac fortiter. Habetis enim eum consulem, qui et 
 parere vestris decretis non dubitet, et ea, quae statueritis, 
 quoad vivet, defendere et per se ipsum prsestare 3 possit. 
 
 Tr&Ttpov ilvai to (fivXaTTtiv r Krr/- by Cato in a subsequent harangue, 
 
 aaaQai t dyaOct. Ursin. prevailed in the senate : the conspi- 
 
 3. Per se ipsum prastare] Take on rators were strangled the same night, 
 
 himself and execute, on his own re- in the prison. V. E. Vid. Hooke, 
 
 sponsibilrty : quoad is introduced be- viii. 9, for reasons why this speech 
 
 fore possit in some MSS. was never pronounced. 
 
 The opinion of Cicero, confirmed 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATIONS 1 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 MARCUS ANTONIUS 
 
 1. J. Cesar and M. Antony were consuls, a. u. 709. Caesar 
 was also dictator, and Lepidus, master of the horse. The first day of 
 that year was remarkable for the opposition given by M. Antony 
 to his colleague, who, on the prospect of setting out to the Par- 
 thian war to revenge the fall of Crassus, was proceeding to no- 
 minate Dolabella to succeed him in the consulship, which he in- 
 tended to resign, when he was opposed by Antony ; who, as augur, 
 threatened to interpose his negative, Phil. ii. 32. His persisting 
 in this opposition, and the fact of Caesar being obliged, about this 
 time, to be strongly guarded in passing Dolabella's house, (Att. 
 xiii. 52,) show clearly the hollow nature of his greatness. No 
 doubt, Caesar, though he did not withdraw his nomination, (Phil. i. 
 13,) was obliged to make such concessions to Antony, as offended 
 the impetuous Dolabella. The feast of the Lupercal was held on 
 the fifteenth of February ; at which the offer of a crown was made 
 to Caesar by Antony, and rejected (Phil. ii. 34). This circum- 
 stance, however, probably hastened his fate ; for, on the Ides of 
 March, he was assassinated. 
 
 2. There is no complete list of the conspirators : Cicero says 
 of them, (Phil. ii. 11,) " Partim obscuris, partim adolescenti- 
 bus," but Brutus and Cassius, the leading praetors of the year, 
 were the principal men. Cicero was not among the conspirators, 
 though Antony, to excite odium against him, charged him with 
 being privy to it (Phil. ii. 12). The real reason of his being 
 
 * It appears from Plut. (Cic. 48,) that Cic. himself affixed the name of 
 Philippics to these orations : Avrog re yap 6 Kinkpuiv thc kut 'Avtuvi* 
 Xoyc 4>i\i7T7riKc i-n'iypa-tyt. 
 
 E 
 
314 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 passed over is given by Plutarch (Cic.42), namely his timidity 
 and aged caution. After the deed was done, the conspirators 
 fled to the capitol, and Antony to his house. On the day after the 
 Ides but one, i. e. the seventeenth of March, the senate met in 
 the temple of Tellus, and Cicero, though reluctantly, attended 
 (Phil. ii. 35) ; for, even then, armed men were surrounding the 
 senate. It was on this occasion that he made his celebrated 
 speech, recommending an amnesty, or general forgiveness of in- 
 juries (Phil. i. 1), and the settlement of the republic on its old 
 basis. This speech is not extant except in the pages of Dio 
 Cassius (1. xliv. 63). Antony, who had ventured to summon the 
 senate, spoke also to the same effect, and offered his own son as a 
 hostage of his sincerity. It was decreed that there should be no 
 judicial inquiry concerning Caesar's death that his acts and 
 decrees should be ratified, and that he should have a public fune- 
 ral, the conducting of which was to be intrusted to Antony. 
 Then it was that the conspirators descended from the capitol, 
 which they had seized, and were entertained by the Caesarians ; 
 Brutus supping with Lepidus, and Cassius with Antony. 
 
 3. It was on the following day, or eighteenth, according to 
 Appian, that the provinces of the empire were decreed to the 
 conspirators : Crete, it is said, to Brutus, Africa to Cassius, to 
 Trebonius, Asia, to Cimber, Bithynia, and to D. Brutus, Cisal- 
 pine Gaul. Some of these provinces had been previously con- 
 ferred by Caesar, who, in anticipation of a protracted stay in 
 Parthia, had nominated the principal magistrates for two (some 
 say five) years in advance. 
 
 Then came the funeral, and the erection of the column in the 
 forum, inscribed " Parenti Patriae." It was the violent conduct 
 of the mob, on this occasion, and their treatment of Helvius 
 Cinna, whom they mistook for Cornelius Cinna, the praetor, who 
 had lauded the conspirators as tyrannicides, that induced Brutus 
 and Cassius to leave the city. For this purpose, Antony readily 
 procured a decree setting aside the restriction on the city praetors, 
 by which a longer absence than ten days was forbidden. Phil. ii. 1 3. 
 Accordingly, they retired to Lanuvium, about fifteen miles from 
 Rome. But D. Brutus, having endeavoured in vain to obtain, first 
 a guard, and next, an honorary legation for the conspirators, 
 withdrew to his assigned province, Cisalpine Gaul ; while Tre- 
 bonius set out privately to Asia, Cimber to Bithynia, and Cicero 
 to his villas ! 
 
 . 4. Antony had previously made some popular laws, particularly 
 one, by which he abolished the dictatorship (Phil. i. 1), and had 
 inspired the republican party with such confidence, by his punish- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 315 
 
 merit of the Psendo-Marius, that they agreed to a personal inter- 
 view with him, which he contrived to make satisfactory. The 
 conduct and fate of this Marius make it credible, that while 
 Cicero and the conspirators were thus withdrawn from the city, 
 the greatest confusion reigned there; partly owing to the veterans, 
 who, enraged at the murder of their general, committed every 
 excess, partly to those desperate characters, who, like Marius, 
 hoped to raise their fortunes in times of public anarchy. Still 
 the conspirators had a considerable body of the people in their 
 favour, as appears by the plaudits which were bestowed on the 
 conspirators at the Megalensian games, on the seventh of April 
 (Att. xiv. 2), and subsequently, in July, at the praetor's shews 
 (Phil. i. 15). 
 
 5. In the mean time, Antony, with all his fair appearances, 
 was not slow in undermining the republican cause. He had 
 emissaries in the different towns, buying and storing grain, so 
 that Cicero (Att. xiv. 3) was unable to procure supplies for his 
 workmen at Tusculanum. The veterans, too, who were in and 
 about the city, receiving assignments of lands for their services, 
 were easily gained by the obvious motives of revenge and plunder 
 (Phil. i. 2). To render the prospects of the republicans still more 
 gloomy, it appears from a letter of Cicero (Att. xiv. 5), written 
 on the eleventh of April, that some of the Gallic legions, remark- 
 able for their devotion to Caesar, were approaching the city, 
 already environed by the intended Parthian array and the veter- 
 ans ; while Brutus and Cassius kept within doors ! In the mean 
 time Antony left Rome, on a tour or progress through Italy, with 
 the intention of engaging the veterans in the different colonies in 
 his cause. He had previously appointed the first of June for the 
 meeting of the senate ; and left Dolabella, whom he admitted as 
 his colleague in the consulship, in charge of the city ; who, in this 
 capacity, gained great credit with the senate, by his firmness in 
 opposing the mob, and overthrowing the pillar which had been 
 built in the forum (Phil. i. 2). It was in this state of affairs that 
 Octavius, afterwards Augustus, who was then at Apollonia, in 
 Greece, waiting to accompany Caesar to Parthia, hearing of his 
 uncle's death, returned to Italy; and we find him, on the nine- 
 teenth of April, on a visit to Cicero, at Puteoli, who then hesi- 
 tated to join him, as he afterwards imprudently did. In this per- 
 plexity, Cicero first meditated a journey to Greece, and communi- 
 cated to Atticus (xiv. 12) his doubts and his intentions. In the 
 mean time Antony, who had returned to Rome, was making every 
 use of Caesar's papers, which had fallen into his hands, to 
 
316 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 strengthen his interests. For about the end of May, Cicero 
 writes to Cassius (Fam. xii. 1), " ut adhuc quidem actum est, 
 
 non regno, sed rege liberati videremur Tabulae figuntur ; 
 
 immunitates dantur ; pecuniae maximae describuntur, exsules 
 reducuntur ; senatusconsulta falsa referuntur, &c, &c." The 
 first of June, the time appointed for the meeting of the senate, 
 was drawing nigh, and Cicero returned to Rome to be present 
 Antony, however, appeared, attended by a military guard, which 
 so intimidated the senators that they fled (Phil. ii. 42). Cicero 
 retired to Tusculanum; thence, on the third of June, he wrote to 
 Atticus (xv. 9), expressing great indignation at a report that a 
 decree was to be passed on the Nones, appointing Brutus comp- 
 troller of grain for Asia, and Cassius for Sicily. It was true, 
 however, and the subject of much deliberation among the parties, 
 before it was accepted (Att. xv. 11). This shows that the re- 
 publican ardour was fast cooling in the breasts of the people, and 
 it determined Cicero to withdraw from Italy, till he should see 
 what turn affairs might take. His resolution being to visit Athens, 
 where his son was then studying, and not to return before the 
 first of January, when Hirtiusand Pansa entered on their consul- 
 ship ; he determined to take the usual route by land to Brundi- 
 sium, and thence to Buthrotum, in Epims. He was obliged, how- 
 ever, to alter his purpose, owing to the veterans of Caesar, that 
 were stationed in the south of Italy, and Brundisium (Phil. i. 3). 
 He then resolved on sailing from Puteoli, and proceeding through 
 the straits. He did set sail from Pompeianum about the middle 
 of July (Att. xvi. 3), and proceeding slowly round the coast, he 
 stopped at Velia, and had an interview with Brutus (Phil. i. 4), 
 which proved to be the last. 
 
 7. We find in the first Philippic a full account of his move- 
 ments from this time. On the thirty-first of August he arrived 
 at Rome, and, though expressly summoned by Antony, who no 
 doubt, hoped by acting on his fears, to gain his approval of the 
 measures to be proposed, he did not attend the senate. This so 
 provoked Antony, that he gave utterance to those threats against 
 Cicero, which are alluded to in the first Philippic (c. 5), and 
 from which, in a great degree, originated his subsequent oppo- 
 sition to Antony. Plutarch writes that the soldiers of Antony 
 actually visited Cicero's house, and were with difficulty induced 
 to retire on receiving his pledges. But it is likely that he him- 
 self records the worst. Cicero attended the senate the following- 
 day, and pronounced the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 317 
 
 FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION. 
 
 8. In this speech Cicero first explained the reasons of his de- 
 parture from the city, and unexpected return, c. 1 4. After 
 animadverting on Antony's treatment of him, for not being pre- 
 sent in the senate, on Piso's motion, c. 5. 6, he addresses him- 
 self to the question before the house whether Caesar's acts are 
 to be maintained and shows that no one is farther from main- 
 taining them than Antony himself; who, to suit his own views, 
 is virtually violating Caesar's most important laws. Of this he 
 gives instances, c. 7 10. After deprecating the resentment at 
 least ungenerous resentment of Antony, c. 11, he directs himself 
 to Dolabella, who was present, and Antony, who was absent, and 
 exhorts them to pursue the true path of glory, which he points 
 out, and defines, c. 12 15. This speech so irritated Antony, 
 that he resolved to keep no measures with him, and commanded 
 his attendance on the twentieth of September. This command, 
 Cicero, by the advice of his friends, declined to obey. The day 
 came, and Antony, who had been studying for seventeen days 
 previous, in theTiburtine villa of Scipio, (Phil. v. /,) made a most 
 intemperate speech against Cicero, the general drift of which may 
 be collected from Cicero's reply, which is contained in the 
 
 SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION. 
 
 9. This oration is supposed to be made on the same day as 
 Antony's (c. 43), but it was never actually delivered, nor more 
 than handed about in manuscript among Cicero's friends, Att. 
 xv. 13; xvi. 11, at least till Antony was declared a public 
 enemy. Besides a refutation of the charges of Antony, it con- 
 tains a severe stricture upon his whole life, and is thought to have 
 given rise to that irreconcileable enmity which terminated in his 
 death. Juv. x. 119. 
 
 In the exordium a comparison is instituted between Antony, 
 Catiline, Clodius, &c, c. 1. Then follows a reply to various 
 charges of Antony: of violated friendship of ingratitude to the 
 preserver of his life of having, during his consulship, filled the 
 capitol with armed men of refusing burial to Lentulus, his step- 
 father of abetting the murder of Clodius of causing the civil 
 war, by exciting enmity between Caesar and Pompey, and of ad- 
 vising Caesar's assassination, c. 2 14. A severe reprehension 
 of Antony follows, for censuring Cicero's conduct in the camp of 
 Pompey, c. 15, for denying that his friends left him bequests, 
 
 e e 2 
 
318 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 c. 16, and this part of the speech concludes by noticing the mea- 
 gre results of Antony's long- study under the tuition of Sext. 
 Clodius. c. 17. 
 
 10. Then follows the second part of the oration, in which is 
 reviewed the life of Antony: his youth, c. 18 ; his conduct 
 under Gabinius, in the affairs of Ptolemy, c. 19 ; his quaestorship 
 under Caesar, c. 20, and his venal tribuneship, c. 21 23. His 
 acts, immediately after the battle of Pharsalia, are next reviewed, 
 c. 24 25: then his insolent invasion of Pompey's property after 
 the return of Caesar from Alexandria, c. 26 28. His courage 
 is next called in question, for not accompanying" his patron to 
 Spain, who allowed him, on his return, to be sued for the price of 
 Pompey's estate, c. 29. Then follows the notice of his attempted 
 journey into Spain, c. 30, 31, of his servile conduct towards 
 Caesar after his return, and his perfidy to Dolabella, c, 32, 33. 
 A description of his offering a diadem to Caesar, at the Lupercal 
 games, is given c. 34, his presiding at Caesar's funeral, c. 35, and 
 pronouncing his funeral eulogium, c. 36. Various acts of injus- 
 tice : the sale of immunities, kingdoms, &c, are next dwelt on, and 
 his base conduct in the progress through Italy, subsequent to 
 Caesar's death, c. 37 41. Cicero then notices his violation of 
 Caesar's laws on his return to Rome, and neglecting even the 
 rites due to his patron's memory, 42, 43. Lastly, death is held 
 out as the necessary consequence of his violation of public libertv, 
 c. 44. 
 
 In conclusion, he compares the pretensions of Antony and 
 Caesar, and infers, that if the Roman people did not endure Caesar, 
 much less would they Antony ; that therefore Antony should 
 abandon his design against the liberty of his country ; that, as 
 for himself, he was prepared for death ; his only wish being, first, 
 to leave his country free, and next that every traitor might meet 
 his deserts, c. 45, 46. 
 
 11. In order to connect with it the ninth philippic (the 
 intermediate orations being omitted) it may be briefly observed, 
 that on the ninth of October, Antony set out for Brundisium, to 
 gain over to his cause four legions which had been sent forward 
 into Macedonia by Caesar, but which, on hearing of his death, 
 had returned to Italy. With these he succeeded so badly (only 
 one, the Alaudae, declaring for him, Hooke x. 12,) that returning 
 hastily to Rome, he soon set out for Gaul, which he claimed as 
 his province, and which D. Brutus was holding for the senate. 
 He finally besieged D. Brutus in Mutina, whose cause Cicero as- 
 sisted at Rome, with those eloquent effusions which compose the 
 third, fourth and fifth philippics. He was opposed, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 319 
 
 however, by a strong faction of Antony's friends, who, under pre- 
 tence of recommending peace, prevented Antony from being declar- 
 ed a public enemy, and obliged Cicero to rest satisfied with an em- 
 bassy to him, consisting of three senators, Piso, Philip, and Sul- 
 picius. Cicero, in the mean time, found it necessary, on the 
 departure of the ambassadors, to encourage the minds of his party, 
 who were strongly inclining to peace with Antony and this he 
 executes in the sixth and seventh philippics. The 
 eighth he pronounced on the return of the embassy with the 
 demands of Antony, and after the senate had declared his war a 
 tumult. Sulpicius, one of the ambassadors, who left Rome in a 
 bad state of health, died when he had nearly reached his desti- 
 nation ; and, on a motion being made in the senate, to honour him 
 with a public funeral, it gave Cicero an opportunity of pronounc- 
 ing that noble eulogium on his character and services, which con- 
 stitutes the 
 
 NINTH PHILIPPIC. 
 
 12. This speech does not require a lengthened analysis. 
 After praising the patriotism of Ser. Sulpicius, who had hazarded 
 his life to serve his country, c. 1, he commends the consul, Pansa, 
 for his alacrity in summoning the senate, and replies to an objec- 
 tion of Servilius that a statue was only due 10 him who had died 
 by the sword in the service of his country, 2 5. He adds, 
 among his reasons, that Sulpicius himself would prefer a brazen 
 statue, and concludes with a particular account of its position, 
 inscription, &c. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 IN 
 
 MARCUM ANTONIUM, 
 
 PRIMA 1 
 
 ORATIO. 
 
 I. Antequam 1 de republica, Patres conscripti, dicani ea, 
 quae dicenda hoc tempore arbitror, exponam vobis breviter 
 consilium et profectionis et reversion is mea?. 2 Ego quum 
 sperarem, aliquando ad vestrum consilium auctoritatem- 
 que 3 rempublicam esse revocatam, manendum mihi statue- 
 bam, quasi in vigilia quadam consulari ac senator ia. 4 Nee 
 vero usquam discedebam, nee a republica dejiciebam ocu- 
 los, 5 ex eo die, quo 6 in aedem Telluris 7 convocati sumus. 
 
 9 Vid. Introd. 8. 
 
 . I. 1. Antequam] This 
 speech being of the deliberative kind, 
 does not require a regular exordium. 
 Cicero, therefore proceeds at once to 
 the proposition and division of his sub- 
 ject. 
 
 2. Reversionis mete] Reversio is a 
 return occasioned by accidental cir- 
 cumstances ; * reditus,' when it is 
 designed. Att. xvi. 7. Manut. Yet 
 1 reditus' is afterwards used by Cic, 
 to express this very return. Phil. ii. 
 30. 
 
 3. Auctoritatem] For the senate 
 could not be said to have any autho- 
 
 rity, when Caesar, as perpetual dic- 
 tator, was directing every measure as 
 he pleased. 
 
 4. Consulari ac senatorial Cicero 
 was both ex-consul and senator. The 
 former, it is implied, demanded great- 
 er vigilance than the latter. Cicero 
 exerted both. 
 
 5. Usquam discedebam dejiciebam 
 oculos] The metaphor is here taken 
 from sentinels on duty. 
 
 6. Ex die, quo] Phil. ii. 35, 
 Post diem tertium veni in sedem 
 Telluris, et quidem invitus, cum om- 
 nes aditus armati obsiderent.' Introd. 2. 
 
 7. Aldem Telluris] This temple, 
 
322 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 In quo templo, 8 quantum in me fuit, jeci fundamenta pacis, 9 
 Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum, 10 Graecum etiam 
 verbum 11 usurpavi, quo turn in sedandis discordiis usa erat 
 civitas ilia, atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione 
 sempitema delendam censui. Praeclara turn oratio M. 
 Antonii ; 12 egregia etiam voluntas ; pax denique per eum et 
 per liberos 13 ejus cum praestantissimis civibus 14 confirmata 
 est. Atque his principiis reliqua consentiebant. Ad deli- 
 berationes eas, quas habebat domi de republica, principes 
 civitatis 15 adhibebat; ad hunc ordinem res optimas defere- 
 
 dedicated to Tellus or Ops, stood in 
 the forum not far from the Capitol. 
 The senate was, of necessity, held in 
 a sacred place ; and it is probable 
 that this one was most convenient for 
 the parties. The conspirators were 
 then in the Capitol. Appian, however, 
 says it lay contiguous to Antony's 
 house, as owing to the gladiators of 
 Decimus Brutus, he did not dare to 
 summon the senate to the Curia, 
 which lay nearer the Capitol. 
 
 8. Templo] ' ./Edes,' a building 
 erected to a deity, without auguries ; 
 ' templum,' a place, or building, duly 
 consecrated. The temple of Tellus 
 was both. 
 
 9. Jeci fundamenta pacts] This 
 speech of Cicero is not extant in 
 Latin. Introd. 2. 
 
 10. Atheniensium exemplum] In 
 the last year of the Peloponnesian 
 war, the Athenians were so far reduc- 
 ed, as to make it a question with their 
 enemies, whether the city and very 
 name of Athens should not be de- 
 stroyed. The Spartans, however, 
 being unwilling, as they expressed it, 
 to put out one of the eyes of Greece, 
 the city was allowed to stand, but its 
 fortifications and fleet were destroyed, 
 and thirty men, the creatures of its 
 oppressors, appointed to govern it 
 Their acts of cruelty roused up an 
 avenger in Thrasybulus, who had 
 fled from their tyranny to Phyle, a 
 strong castle in Attica, and who, col- 
 lecting together a small band of his 
 
 countrymen, seized on the Piraeus, 
 and fortified Munychia. The tyrants, 
 having failed in several attempts to 
 dislodge him, in one of which Critias, 
 their general, was slain, were obliged 
 to yield up the city to Thrasybulus, 
 and go into banishment. They were 
 soon after slain in an attempted in- 
 vasion of Athens. It was then that 
 Thrasybulus brought forward his fa- 
 mous decree or act of amnesty, by 
 which he not only forbade all im- 
 peachments and punishments for what 
 was past, but even the very mention 
 of them. Cicero, after the extinction 
 of Caesar's despotism, did the same. 
 
 11. Grecum verbum] 'Afivt}<TTia. 
 Plut. Cic. Demosthenes employs pit) 
 uvrioiKitKilv in a similar sense. Val. 
 Max. iv. 4. 
 
 12. Oratio M. Antonii] This 
 speech was all about concord and 
 healing measures. Inf. 13. * Quas 
 fuit oratio de concordia,' Phil. ii. 36. 
 
 13. Per liberos] Not strictly ; for it 
 appears that Antony sent only one son 
 asahostage.Phil.ii.36.Inf.13. ' Rei- 
 publicae tuus parvulus filius in Capi- 
 tolium a te missus pacis obses fuit.' 
 He was the son of Antony, by Septi- 
 mia, the daughter of Fadius Bamba- 
 lio. Manil. 12. n. 13. 
 
 14. Prestantissimis civibus] Of 
 course, Brutus, Cassius, and the prin- 
 cipal conspirators. 
 
 15. Principes civitatis] i. e. ' The 
 leading senators.' Sext. 45. ' De- 
 fensors optimatium, ipsique optimates 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 
 
 323 
 
 bat; 16 nihil turn, nisi quod erat notum 17 omnibus, in C. 
 Caesaris commentariis reperiebatur ; summa constantia ad 
 ea qua? quaesita erant, respondebat. Num qui exsules res- 
 tituti? 18 Unum aiebat, 19 praeterea neminem. Num immuni- 
 tates data?? Nulla?, respondebat. Assentiri etiam nos Ser. 
 Sulpicio, clarissimo viro, voluit, ne qua tabula post Idus 
 Martias 21 ullius decreti Caesaris aut beneficii 22 figeretur. 
 Multa praetereo, eaque praeclara ; ad singulare enim M. 
 Antonii factum festinat oratio. Dictaturam, 23 quae jam vim 
 regiae potestatis obsederat, 24 funditus ex republica sustulit. 
 De qua ne sententias quidem dixiinus ; scriptum senatuscon- 
 sultum, quod fieri vellet, attulit ; quo recitato, auctoritatem 23 
 ejus summo studio secuti sumus, eique amplissimis verbis 
 per senatusconsultum gratias egimus. 26 
 
 II. Lux quaedam 1 videbatur oblata, 2 non modo regno, 
 quod pertuleramus, sed etiam regni timore 3 sublato ; mag- 
 numque pignus ab eo reipublicae datum, se liberam civita- 
 tem esse velle, quum dictatoris* nomen, quod saepe jus- 
 
 gravissimi, et clarissimi, cives nume- 
 rantur, et principes civitatis. 
 
 16. Deferebat] Ernesti would 
 read referebat, or understand defere- 
 bat in that sense. For theie is no 
 point in saying that he laid before 
 the senate res optimas,' unless he 
 did so in quality of consul. 
 
 17. Nisi .... notum] Omitted by 
 Ernesti. 
 
 18 liestituti] Scil. a Caesare. 
 
 19. Uvum aiebat'] This, it is pro- 
 bable, was Sextus Clodius, a kinsman 
 of P. Clodius, who was banished for 
 exciting public disturbances on the 
 occasion of his death. Antony had 
 married Fulvia, the widow of Clodius, 
 and was therefore called upon to in- 
 terfere in the case of a relative. The 
 Delph. makes him filius P. Clodii ;' 
 but the son of P. Clodius was proba- 
 bly then residing in Antony's house, 
 who calls him (Alt. xiv. 13), 'in 
 optima spe pverum repositum.' 
 
 20. Scr. Sulpicio'] For the charac- 
 ter of this distinguished civilian, vid. 
 Phil.ix. 
 
 21. Post Idus Manias] The day 
 
 on which Caesar was slain. 
 
 22. Decreti- aut benejicii] ' De- 
 cretum' refers to public, ' benefici- 
 um' to private concerns. 
 
 23. Dictaturam] Sylla and Caesar 
 had been perpetual dictators. 
 
 24. Obsederat] Ernesti conjectures 
 obtinebat. 
 
 25. Auctoritatem] Equivalent to 
 ' sententia,' to which we find it 
 joined elsewhere. Thus Manil. 20, 
 ' Catuli auctoritas et sententia.' 
 
 26. Gratias egimus] Mil. 35. n. 
 18. 
 
 Sect. II. 1. Lux quadam] 'A 
 ray of light,' i. e. safety ; ' lux' for 
 ' salus' is usual in Latin, as 0wc in 
 Greek. 
 
 2. Oblata] Al. oborta ; but Cicero 
 seems to prefer the compounds of 
 'fero,' so 'pertuleramus,' ' sublato, ' 
 following. 
 
 3. Regno regni timore] ' Reg- 
 nuin,' a thing odious at Rome, yet 
 in effect exercised by Caesar. 
 
 4. Dictutoris] This word, derived 
 by Varro from ' dico,' quod a consule 
 diceretur, is evidently from 'dictare.' 
 
324 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 turn 5 fuisset, propter perpetuae dietaturae f ' recentem raemo- 
 riam funditus ex republica sustulisset. Liberatus periculo 
 caedis paucis post diebus senatus ; uncus impactus 7 est fugi- 
 tivo 8 illi, qui in C. Marii nomen invaserat. Atque haec om- 
 nia communiter cum collega. Alia porro propria Dola- 
 bellae 9 : quae, nisi collega abfuisset, 10 credo eis futura fuisse 
 
 The office of dictator, created a. u. 
 252, had been disused for upwards of 
 a century before Sylla, and ended in 
 Caesar. 
 
 5. Justum] Regularly appointed, 
 legal. 'Quod fuisset,' though it had 
 been. 
 
 6. Perpetual dictaturte] Caesar's. 
 It does not appear that this magistracy 
 was voted to him for a longer space 
 than ten years. Dio 48. Cic. no 
 doubt thought this equivalent to per- 
 petual. 
 
 7. Uncus impactus] This does not 
 determine the punishment of the 
 Pseudo-Marius, as the hook was em- 
 ployed to drag the bodies of criminals 
 either to the pile, the Gemoniae 
 Scalae, or the Tiber. It was stuck in 
 the throat, as Juven. ' fixo gutture fu- 
 mant.' The culprit was often stran- 
 gled in prison, his body dragged to 
 the Gemoniae Scalae, and finally 
 thrown into the Tiber. Hence Juv. 
 * Sejanus ducitur unco spectandus, 
 &c.,' and dum jacet in ripa.' The 
 Gemoniae scalae lay near the entrance 
 to the state prison or Tullianum, on 
 the descent from the capitol to the 
 forum. Hence Val. Max. vi. 11, 
 speaking of Q. Caepio, ' Corpus ejus 
 in scabs Gemoniis jacens, magno 
 cum honore totius fori Romani con- 
 spectum est.' ' Gemoniae' is derived 
 either from one Gemonius, who was 
 the first exposed to that place, or from 
 Gemere.' The Greek writers call it 
 simply ova/3a<r/iot. 
 
 8. Fugitivo] This man, called va- 
 riously Chamaces, Hierophilus, Ama- 
 tius; but' who styled himself, (Att. 
 xii. 49.) C. Marius, C.F.C.N., i.e. 
 ' C. Marius, the son of Caius, the 
 
 grandson of Caius,' had given Caesar 
 much trouble during his absence in 
 the Spanish war, by his absurd pre- 
 tensions to relationship with Marius, 
 with Crassus, and even with Cicero, 
 through which he had imposed on 
 many of the towns of Italy. Caesar 
 had these examined into, and finding 
 him a mere impostor, ordered him to 
 be banished. On hearing of Caesar's 
 death, he returned, and pretending to 
 be the son of Marius by Julia, the 
 aunt of Caesar, and therefore related 
 to Caesar himself, he put himself at 
 the head of the mob, proposed to re- 
 venge his death on the conspirators, 
 and built an altar before his pile ; 
 said by some to be the 'columna* 
 which Dolabella demolished. An- 
 tony, however, put him to death with- 
 out trial, which the senate took as | 
 good omen of his intentions towards 
 the conspirators and the republic. 
 
 9. Collega Dolabella] Dolabella 
 was of the Cornelian family, but be- 
 came a plebeian by adoption, in order 
 to stand for the tnbuneship, which he 
 obtained a. u. 796; and about this 
 time, married Tullia, the favourite 
 daughter of Cic. In his tribuneship he 
 committed several illegal acts, which 
 are alluded to inf. c 12. ' Recordare 
 quaeso, Dolabella, &c.' In these he 
 was opposed by Antony, then mas- 
 ter of the horse, and the consequent 
 disturbances were only settled by the 
 return of Caesar from Egypt. He took 
 Dolabella into favour, and raised him 
 to the consulship before he was of 
 competent age, or had been praetor. 
 After Caesar's death, Antony, who, 
 as Augur, had declared his election 
 informal, withdrew his objection, and 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 2. 
 
 !25 
 
 communia. 11 Nam, quum serperet in urbe 12 infinitum malum, 
 idque manaret in dies latius, iidemque bustum 13 in foro face- 
 rent, qui illam insepultam sepulturam 14 eflfecerant, et quo- 
 tidie magis magisque perditi homines cum sui similibus ser- 
 vis tectis ac templis urbis minarentur : talis animadversio 
 fuit Dolabellaj, quum in audaces sceleratosque servos, turn 
 in impuros et nefarios liberos, 15 talisque eversio illius exse- 
 crata? 16 columnar, ut mihi mirum videatur, tam valde reli- 
 quum tempus ab illo uno die 17 dissensisse. Ecce enim 
 Kalendis Juniis, quibus ut adessemus edixerant, mutata ora- 
 
 admitted him as his colleague. For 
 some time he acted a patriotic part, 
 but afterwards joined Antony in op- 
 pressing the republican party ; for 
 setting out for Syria, which province 
 Antony had procured for him, he 
 treacherously put to death Trebonius, 
 the first conspirator who suffered, at 
 Smyrna, in Asia Minor. For this act 
 Cassius, who had previously seized on 
 the province of Syria, took ample ven- 
 geance, by obliging him to kill him- 
 self in Laodicea, when he had be- 
 sieged him with a superior force. 
 
 10. Collega abfuisset] During the 
 months of April and May. Introd. 5. 
 
 11. Communia] Yet Phil. ii. 42, 
 Cic. says, that Antony on hearing 
 of Dolabella's conduct swooned 
 away. 
 
 12. Serperet in urbe~\ ' In urbem' 
 would be ' into the city.' But Cic. 
 means that being there, it spread 
 through it. ' Serpo,' tp7rw, perno. 
 
 13. Bustum] Properly a burned 
 pile, ' locus in quo mortuus est com- 
 bustus,' but here a monument or pil- 
 lar (columna execrata) raised by the 
 mob to Caesar on the spot where the 
 burning took place. Hence Phil. ii. 
 42, ' bustum in foro evertit.' We 
 must not confound it with the pillar 
 described by Suet. Jul. 85, as being 
 made of Numidian stone, and in- 
 scribed ' Parenti Patria: ;' for the 
 mob used it as a sort of altar for a long 
 time (longo tempore) ; whereas Dola- 
 
 bella destroyed the pillar in question 
 about a month from Caesar's death. 
 Att. xiv. 15. 
 
 14. Insepultam sepult.~\ Caesar's 
 funeral was left to Antony to con- 
 duct, who, having made a short fune- 
 ral oration in the forum, (Phil. ii. 36. 
 Tua ilia pulchra laudatio, &c.') was 
 about to proceed with the body to 
 the Campus Martius, where a pile was 
 prepared, when amidst the tumult of 
 grief, some persons set fire to the robes 
 that covered the corpse, and a pile was 
 instantly raised of every thing com- 
 bustible, till the fire burned the house 
 of L. Bellienus. Hence the epithet 
 1 insepulta,' as Phil. ii. 36, ' si funus 
 illud fuit.' Compare ydpog ayapog, 
 &c, of the tragic poets, which Cic. 
 had found imitated in the verse ' Qua 
 tempestate Paris Helenam innuptis 
 junxit nuptiis.' DeOr. iii. 59. Also 
 Lucan. vii. 820, ' funus inhuma- 
 tum.' 
 
 15. Cum audaces servos turn ne- 
 farios liberos] Hence Att. xiv. 15, 
 
 * de saxo in crucem.' The slaves were 
 crucified ; the freeman cast from the 
 Tarpeian rock. 
 
 16. Exsecratar] Perhaps from the 
 unhallowed rites offered at it ; or its 
 being dedicated to a tyrant ; or Do- 
 labella might have used a form of exe- 
 cration. 
 
 17. Ab illo uno die] On which 
 he had demolished the column, pro- 
 bably in April, and reliquum tern 
 
 F F 
 
326 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 nia: nihil per senatum, multa et magna per populum, et 
 absente populo 13 et invito. Consules designati 19 negabant se 
 audere in senatum venire ; patriae liberatores 20 urbe care- 
 bant ea, cujus a cervicibus jugum senile dejecerant : quos 
 tamen ipsi consules 21 et in concionibus et in omni sermone 
 laudabant. Veterani qui appellabantur, 22 quibus hie ordo 23 
 diligentissime caverat, non ad conservationem earum rerum, 
 quas habebant, sed ad spem novarum prasdarum incitabantur. 
 Qua? quum audire mallem, quam videre, haberemque jus 
 legationis liberum, 24 ea mente discessi, ut adessem Kalendis 
 Januariis, quod initium senatus cogendi 25 fore videbatur. 
 
 pus' extends to the second of Sept., 
 the date of this oration. Em. would 
 read primo die. 
 
 18. Per populumpopulo] Antony 
 employed the agency of the populace, 
 but the people were neither present nor 
 consenting. 
 
 19. Consules detignati] Hirtius 
 and Pansa. 
 
 20. Patriet liberatores] Brutus, 
 Cassius, &c. 
 
 21. Ipsi consules] Antony and 
 Dolabella. Supr. n. 9. 
 
 22. Veterani qui appellabantur] 
 Al. appellantur. The name of vete- 
 rans may be here questioned, on ac- 
 count of the abuses practised in the 
 irregular discharge, and rewarding, 
 under that appellation, of many not 
 entitled to it ; or the verb may merely 
 import that they were called up, pro- 
 bably by Antony. V. E. Quint. 
 20. Tribuni igitur appellabantur.' 
 Antony had, in a late progress 
 through Italy, been tampering with 
 the veterans there, and at Rome had 
 many in his pay called by Cic. face- 
 tiously 'Antony's advocates.' Inf. 7. 
 Vhil.ii.39. 
 
 23. Quibvs hie ordd] Various lands 
 in the neighbourhood of Capua and 
 elsewhere were assigned to the vete- 
 rans by the senate. 
 
 24. Jus legationis liberum'] Ex- 
 plained by some, ' the right of em- 
 bassy, free to be accepted bu Cicero or 
 }tot.' But it is the same as ' legationis 
 
 libera,' which is often used by Cicero 
 elsewhere. It was an honorary privi- 
 lege granted to senators who were 
 going abroad on private, or wished for 
 a pretext to withdraw from public 
 affairs, and secured to them all the 
 respect and attention of public func- 
 tionaries. It was called ' libera,' either 
 because the holder was not obliged to 
 lay it down on entering the city, as 
 was the case with other offices, or be- 
 cause it was not restricted in point of 
 time or place. Cic, however, who 
 had laboured to remove it as an op- 
 pression on the provinces, got it limit- 
 ed to a year, which Caesar, if the pas- 
 sage is rightly understood, afterwards 
 extended to five. (Att. xv. 11.) There 
 was a species of it called 'votiva,' 
 which, though more honourable, Cic. 
 declined on this occasion, as unsuited 
 to the deplorable state of the repub- 
 lic. It is remarkable that Cic. (Att. 
 xv. 11.) says ' Dolabella me sibi le- 
 gavit ad 4tum Non. April.' Yet here, 
 in the presence of Dolabella too, 
 1 haberem jus legationis liberum.' 
 Perhaps subsequently to the second 
 of April, he had obtained the latter 
 privilege also, and chose in the senate 
 to mention the more respectable. 
 
 25. Cogendi] Simply * of convening 
 the senate,' without the idea of force. 
 Cicero knew well enough that meet- 
 ings of the senate would be previously 
 held ; but it was of Antony's senate, 
 not the commonwealth's. 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 3. 
 
 32f 
 
 III. Exposui, Patres conscripti, profeetionis consilium : 
 nunc reversionis, qua? plus admirationis habet, breviter ex- 
 ponam. Quum Brundisium, iterque illud, quod tritum in 
 Graeciam est, non sine causa 1 vitavissem, 2 Kalendis Sextili- 
 bus 3 veni Syracusas, 4 quod ab ea urbe transmissio in Grae- 
 ciam laudabatur : qua? tamen urbs mihi conjunctissima, plus 
 una me nocte cupiens retinere, non potuit. Veritus sum, ne 
 meus repentinus ad meos necessarios adventus suspicionis 
 aliquid 5 afferret, si essem commoratus. Quum autem me ex 
 Sicilia ad Leucopetram, 6 quod est promontorium agri Rhe - 
 gini, venti detulissent, 7 ab eo loco conscendi, ut transmitte- 
 rem ; nee ita multum provectus, rejectus austro 8 sum in eum 
 ipsum locum, unde conscenderam. Quumque intempesta 
 nox 9 esset, mansissemque in villa P. Valerii, comitis 10 et fa- 
 
 Sect. III. 1. Brundisium non 
 sine causa] Antony's veterans were 
 stationed in or near Brundisium. Att. 
 xvi. 2. 4. Brundisium was a sea-port 
 of Calabria, the usual one to take ship- 
 ping from for Greece. 
 
 2. Vitavissem] Namely, by sailing 
 from Pompeii round the coast. His 
 object being to visit Athens where his 
 son was then studying, and proceed to 
 Syria, where Dolabella's province lay, 
 he had equipped three gallies for him- 
 self and attendants. Att. xv. 20. 
 During this voyage Cic. wrote some 
 of his most admired treatises, particu- 
 larly his Topics and ' De Gloria.' 
 
 3. Sextilibus] From 'sextus' the 
 sixth month from March, the ancient 
 commencement of the year. It was 
 afterwards named from Augustus. 
 Hence Virg. Eel. iv. 12. incipient 
 inagni procedere menses.' 
 
 4. Syracusas] Syracuse was the 
 capital city of Sicily, an island much 
 attached to Cic. on account of his dis- 
 interested conduct there during his 
 quaestorship ; which they evinced by 
 appointing him their patron at Rome. 
 Hence his advocacy of their cause 
 against Verres. 
 
 5. Suspicionis aliquid] It is not 
 easy to see what this suspicion was. 
 Perhaps he means of raising a party in 
 
 his own favour in that quarter where 
 he was best known and beloved. If 
 so, it is only another proof of the ridi- 
 culous vanity which obscures the cha- 
 racter of that great man. 
 
 6. Leucopetra] i. e. Xevkt) irirpa, 
 the white rock, in which Strabo says 
 the Appenines terminate. Mil. 9. n. 
 15. It was fifty stadia to the east of 
 Rhegium. Arch. 3. n. 12. 
 
 7. Venti detulissent] Fam. xii. 
 25. Quum me Etesiae, quasi boni 
 civis relinquentem officium, prosequi 
 noluerunt. And ' conscendi,' a nau- 
 tical term. Virg. ' Bis denis Phry- 
 gium conscendi navibus aequor.' 
 
 8. Austro.] The usual name for 
 a wind blowing from Epirus, though 
 not strictly a south wind. So Att. vii. 
 2. ' Brundisium venimus ; ita bello 
 nobis flavit ab Epiro lenissimus Aus- 
 ter.' The Etesiae are mentioned as 
 the favourable winds for sailing to 
 Greece. They blew from the north 
 during the months of July and Au- 
 gust. Cicero had proceeded three 
 hundred furlongs before he was driven 
 back. 
 
 9. Intempesta war] Properly from 
 bed-time to midnight, ' inter concu- 
 biam noctem et mediam.' It is, how- 
 ever, often used vaguely. Virg. ' Et 
 lunam in nimbo nox intempesta tene- 
 
328 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 miliaris mei, postridieque apud eundem ventum exspectans 
 manerem, municipes 11 Rhegini complures ad me venerunt ; 
 ex his quidam Roma recentes : a quibus primum accipio M. 
 Antonii concionem ; 12 quae mihi ita placuit, ut, ea lecta, de 
 reversione primum coeperim cogitare. Nee ita multo post 
 edictum Bruti affertur et Cassii ; 13 quod quidem mihi, for- 
 tassse quod eos plus etiam reipublica?, quam familiaritatis 
 gratia, 14 diligo, plenum sequitatis videbatur. Addebant 
 praeterea (fit enim plerumque, ut ii, qui boni quid volunt 
 afferre, affingant aliquid, quo faciant id, quod nuntiant, 
 laetius,) rem conventuram ; Kalendis Sextilibus senatum fre- 
 quentem fore ; Antonium, repudiatis malis suasoribus, 15 re- 
 missis provinciis Galliis, 16 ad auctoritatem senatus esse redi- 
 turum. 
 
 bat.' It is not very obvious why 
 Cicero specifies this time. In the 
 parallel passage in his letters, (Att. 
 xvi. 7.) be merely states in general, 
 that the citizens of Rhegium waited 
 on him while he was staying with Va- 
 lerius, expecting a fair wind. Perhaps 
 it may be to account for his not hear- 
 ing the intelligence a day sooner. If 
 it had not been very late, they might 
 have waited on him at Leucopetra, 
 which was eight miles from Rhegium. 
 As it was, they shewed their respect 
 by proceeding to the country seat of 
 his friend, the following day. 
 
 10. Publii Valerii comitis] He 
 was the companion of Cic. on this 
 occasion ; and happened to have a 
 house on the southern coast of Italy. 
 
 11. Municipes] 'Cives municipii.' 
 Arch. 3. n. 12. 
 
 12. M. Antonii concionem] Appian 
 says that this speech recommended 
 the iecall of Sextus Pompey and his 
 restoration to his paternal property and 
 command. But there is no reason to 
 believe that it was any thing more 
 than a reiteration of the pacific views 
 which hitherto it was his interest to 
 profess. 
 
 13. Edictum Bruti affertur et 
 Cassii] The edict of Brutus and Cas- 
 sius, noticed by Appian, that no pro- 
 
 vince should be given to any person 
 under twenty years of age, cannot be 
 meant here. Cic. alludes to it briefly, 
 Att. xvi. 7. 'Antonii edictum legi a 
 Bruto ; et horum contra ; praeclare 
 scriptum.' Also Brutus and Cassius 
 write to Antony : ' Illud vere quo- 
 modo ferendum sit tute cogita ; non 
 licere praetoribus concordiae et liberta- 
 tis causa, per edictum, de suo jurede- 
 cedere quin consul arma minetur.' 
 This letter, written a few days before 
 Cic. received the edict, nearly identi- 
 fies it. 
 
 14. Fumil. gratia] This seems tu 
 imply that as far as his friendly inter- 
 course with Brutus and Cassius was 
 concerned, he did not think the de- 
 cree/air. Perhaps then de suo jure 
 decedere,' (vid. prec. n.) meant what 
 Veil. Pat. testifies, (ii. 62.) the offer 
 (per edictum) of retiring into banish- 
 ment if the concord of the state were 
 secured. This appeal not suiting 
 Antony's views, was answered by a 
 threat of arms. 
 
 15. Malis suasoribus] Laco, Mus- 
 tela, Numisius, &c. 
 
 16. Galliis] The Transalpine 
 Gaul had been assigned to L. Mu- 
 natius Plancus ; the Cisalpine to De- 
 cimus Brutus. Antony, in order to be 
 near Rome, claimed them both, with 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 4. 
 
 329 
 
 IV. Turn vero tanta sum cupiditate incensus ad reditum, 
 ut mihi nulli neque remi, neque venti satisfacerent : non quo 
 me ad tempus occursurum non putarem, 1 sed ne tardius, 
 quam cuperem, reipublicae gratularer. Atque ego celeriter 
 Veliam 2 devectus, Brutum vidi; 3 quanto meo dolore, non 
 dico. Turpe mihi ipsi videbatur, in earn urbem me audere 
 reverti, ex qua Brutus cederet, et ibi velle tuto esse, ubi ille 
 non posset. Neque vero ilium similiter, atque ipse enim. 
 commotum esse vidi. Erectus enim maximi ac pulcherrimi 
 tacti 4 sui conscientia, nihil de suo casu, multa de vestro que- 
 rebatur. Exque eo primum cognovi, quae Kalendis 5 Sexti- 
 libus in senatu fuisset L. Pisonis 6 oratio : qui quamquam pa- 
 rum erat, (id enim ipso a Bruto audieram) a quibus debue- 
 rat, adjutus, tamen et Bruti testimonio (quo quid potest esse 
 gravius ?) et omnium praedicatione, quos postea vidi, mag- 
 nam mihi videbatur gloriam consecutus. Hunc igitur ut 
 sequerer, 7 properavi, quern praesentes 8 non sunt secuti : non 
 ut proficerem aliquid, (neque enim sperabam id, nee prae- 
 
 *n extension of the ordinary time. 
 Att. xiv. 14. ' Quae scribis, Kal. 
 .fun. Antonium de proviaciis relatu- 
 rum, ut et ipse Galiias habeat et utris- 
 que dies prorogetur, &c.' 
 
 Sect. IV. 1. Non quo non pu- 
 tarem] Al. von quo putarem: his 
 haste was not occasioned by any 
 doubt of not being in time 10 serve his 
 country. Orel. V. E. Without non, 
 ' ad tempus' may mean the first of 
 August. It was the seventh that he 
 heard of Antony's promising con- 
 duct. 
 
 2. Veliam] Velia was a sea-port 
 oi Lucania, contiguous to which Bru- 
 tus was lying with his fleet. The 
 name is derived from Slog, locus ; and 
 is considered by Dionys. Halicar. as 
 digammated. 
 
 3. Brutum vidi] When Brutus 
 left Rome he repaired to Lanuvium, 
 and spent his time for some weeks in 
 visits to Cicero, Lucullus, Sec. In- 
 trod. 6. In the mean time he and 
 Cassius collected a considerable fleet, 
 and at this time, (the middle of Au- 
 gust,) Brutus was lying off the river 
 
 Heles, three miles east of Velia. An 
 account of this interview is given, 
 Att. xvi. 7. 
 
 4. Pulcherrimi j'acli] The slaying 
 of a tyrant. 
 
 5. Kalendis.] The Calends, Nones, 
 and Ides, were the regular days for 
 holding the senate, which Antony 
 convened as usual, though Cicero had 
 not attended for some months. 
 
 6. L. Pisonis] The father of Cal- 
 purnia, Caesar's wife. Phil. v. 7. 
 Against him Cic, whose colouring 
 of a man's character, varied with the 
 medium through which he viewed it, 
 pronounced the violent invective still 
 extant. Thus Caesar, Antony, Dola- 
 bella, &c, are alternately the objects 
 of his highest panegyric and most 
 virulent abuse. Piso was against 
 voting divine honours to Caesar. 
 
 7. Ut sequerer] ' To second,' the 
 proper sense of * sequi,' whose fut. 
 participle is 'sequundus.' i.e. ' se- 
 cundus.' 
 
 8. Prxsentes] The senators pre- 
 sent. 
 
 F F 2 
 
330 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 stare poteram,) sed ut, si quid mihi humanitus accidisset,-' 
 (multa autem impendere videntiir praeter naturam etiam, 
 praeterque fatum, 10 ) hujus tamen diei vocem testem reipub- 
 licae relinquerem meae perpetuae erga se voluntatis. 
 
 Quoniam utriusque consilii causam, Patres conscripti, 
 probatam vobis esse confido, priusquam de republica dicere 
 incipio, pauca querar de hesterna M. Antonii injuria i 11 cui 
 sum amicus, idque me nonnullo ejus officio 12 debere esse, 
 prae me semper tuli. 
 
 V. Quid tandem erat causae, cur in senatum hesterno die 
 tam acerbe cogerer? solusne aberam? an non saepe minus 
 f requentes fuistis ? an ea res agefcmtur, ut etiam aegrotos de- 
 ierri oporteret ? Hannibal, 1 credo, 2 erat ad portas, aut de 
 Pyrrhi pace 3 agebatur ; ad quam causam etiam Appium il- 
 ium,* et caecum, et senem, delatum esse memoriae proditum 
 est. De supplicationibus 5 referebatur ; quo in genere sena- 
 
 9. Humanitus accidisset] To bap- 
 pen in accordance with the lot of hu- 
 manity to befal. Manil. 20. n. 1. 
 
 10. Prater nat. fatum] An am- 
 plification, or hendiad., to intimate a 
 premature death ; as if he said, con- 
 trary to the fate or law, of nature.' 
 Cat. iv. 4. n. 7. Similarly, Dem. de 
 Cor. 59. tov Trie itpappivng cat tov 
 avTopaTov Oavarov, i. e. a natural 
 death, being contrasted with that of 
 the patriot, and Mil. 7, * necessarium 
 mortem,' where, vid. n. 4. Abram., 
 however, takes it to mean a violent 
 death ; i. e. a death arising neither 
 from the course of nature, nor from 
 any series of external causes (fatum), 
 e. g. the fall of a horse, fire, ship- 
 wreck. 
 
 11. Hesterna injuria'] His threa- 
 tening to pull down his house. Inf. 5. 
 n. 8. 
 
 12. Nonnulb ejus officio] After the 
 battle of Pharsalia, Antony was sta- 
 tioned by Caesar at Brundusium to 
 hinder the Pompeians from landing. 
 Cic, however, was permitted to land 
 and had his life spared. Phil. ii. 3. 
 Antony had also attempted to kill Clo- 
 dius, Cicero's great enemy. Mil. 15. 
 u. 12. 
 
 Sect. V. 1. Hannibal) After the 
 battle of Cannae, Hannibal, proceeding 
 towards Rome, pitched his camp on 
 the Anio, three mile3 from the city. 
 Liv. xxvi. 10. Pliny says that he hurl- 
 ed a spear within the walls. Hence it 
 became a proverbial expression for any 
 great danger. 
 
 2. Credo] The context must deter- 
 mine when this word is used ironi- 
 cally, as it appears to be here. 
 
 3. De Pyrrhi pace] This peace was 
 solicited for Pyrrhus by Cyneas, a ce- 
 lebrated Greek orator, who had in- 
 structions to bribe the senators, and 
 even the ladies of Rome. Appius, 
 surnamed Caecus, hearing of it, caused 
 himself to be carried to the senate, 
 where he inveighed so bitterly against 
 Pyrrhus, praying that he were deaf 
 as well as blind, that he might not 
 hear the disgrace of his country ; that 
 the senate decreed to enter on no 
 terms of peace with Pyrrhus as long 
 as he continued in Italy. 
 
 4. Appittm ilium] The great Ap- 
 pius. Mil. 7. n. 7. 
 
 5. Supplicationibus] ' Thanksgiv- 
 ings offered to the gods in the temples. ' 
 When couches (pulvinaria) were 
 spread, and the images of the gods 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 6. 
 
 331 
 
 tores deesse non solent. Coguntur enim non pignoribus, G sed 
 eorum, quorum de honore agitur, gratia ; quod idem fit, 
 quum de triumpho refertur. Ita 7 sine cura consules sunt, ut 
 paene liberum sit senatori, non adesse. Qui quum mihi mos 
 notus esset, quumque de via languerem et mihimet displice- 
 rem, misi pro amicitia, qui hoc ei diceret. At ille, vobis 
 audientibus, cum fabris se domum meam venturum esse 
 dixit. Nimis iracunde hoc quidem, et valde intemperanter. 
 Cujus enim maleficii tanta ista poena est, ut dicere in hoc 
 ordine auderet, se publicis operis disturbaturum publice ex 
 senatus sententia aedificatam domum ? 8 Quis autem unquam 
 tanto damno senatorem coegit ? aut quid est ultra pignus, aut 
 multam ? 9 Quod si scisset, quam sententiam dicturus essem, 
 remisisset aliquid profecto de severitate cogendi. 
 
 VI. An me censetis, Patres conscripti, quod vos inyiti 
 secuti estis, decreturum fuisse, ut parentalia 1 cum supplicati- 
 onibus miscerentur ? ut inexpiabiles religiones 2 in rempubli- 
 
 placed on them, it was called ' lecti- 
 sternium.' 
 
 6. Non pignoribus] Thanksgivings, 
 though made to the gods, yet reflected 
 honour on the individual through 
 whom they were made. * Pignora' 
 were not necessary to collect senators 
 on such complimentary occasions, 
 private friendship towards the indivi- 
 dual being sufficient. The ' pignora' 
 were exacted by the ' apparitors, at 
 the instance of the person who sum- 
 moned the senate, usually the consul, 
 not only for absence, but for contu- 
 macy or other improper conduct. It 
 is likely they consisted of such costly 
 or necessary articles of furniture as it 
 would most inconvenience the owner 
 to want. If a proper apology or 
 excuse were not offered, the consul 
 proceeded 'caedere pignora,' which 
 Gesner will have ' to destroy ;' Forcel- 
 lini, to sell by auction' the forfeits. 
 In the latter sense the ' multa,' a 
 fixed sum, was paid out of the pro- 
 ceeds. Hence it is always said ' pig- 
 nora capere,' ' multam dicere.' Thus 
 Livy (xxxvii. 51.) ' Et pignora capta 
 et multa; dicta:.' Some, however, 
 
 think that ' pignora' and multas' 
 were two distinct ways of punishing 
 senators. De Or. iii. 1 . 
 
 7. Jta] Either * thus,' i. e. in con- 
 sequence of this ; or, ' so careless are 
 the consuls on the subject that, &c.' 
 
 8. Publice aidificatam domum] Ci- 
 cero's house had been demolished 
 by Clodius, and a temple to liberty 
 built on its site. It was rebuilt at the 
 public expense ; which Cic. often 
 boasts of. De Harusp. 8, he says that 
 there were more decrees of the senate 
 about his house, than about any pub- 
 lic work, monument, or temple exist- 
 ing. 
 
 9. Pignus uut multam] Supr. 
 n.6. 
 
 Sect. VI. 1. Parentalia] As 
 ' parricidium' was extended beyond 
 its proper sense to mean any murder, 
 so ' parentalia,' the obsequies of a 
 parent, is taken to mean any obse- 
 quies. They consisted of victims, li- 
 bations, garlands, &c. j and were of- 
 fered at the tomb of the deceased. 
 
 2. Inexpiabiles relig.] ' Religiones' 
 sunt ea ipsa qu<e metum (deorum) af- 
 ferunt. Forcel. ' Inexpiabiles,' inca- 
 
332 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 nam inducerentur ? ut decernerentur supplicationes mortuo ? 3 
 Nihil dico, cui. Fuerit ille L. Brutus,* qui et ipse dominatu 
 regio rempublicam liberavit, et ad similem virtutem et simile 
 factum stirpem 5 jam prope in quingentesimum annum 6 propa- 
 gavit : adduci tamen non possem, ut quemquam mortuum 
 oonjungerem cum immortalium religione ; ut, cujus sepulcrum 
 nusquam 7 exstet, ubi parentetur, ei publice supplicetur. Ego 
 vero earn sententiam dixissem, Patres conscripti, utmeadver- 
 sus populum Romanum, si qui accidisset gravior reipublicae 
 casus, si bellum, 8 si morbus, si fames, facile possem defen- 
 dere; quae partim jam sunt, partim timeo ne impendeant. 
 Sed hoc ignoscant dii immortales, velim, et populo Romano, 
 qui id non probat, et huic ordini, qui decrevit invitus. 
 
 pable of expiation, impious. 
 
 3. Mortuo] Al. mortuorum. There 
 is a certain ambiguity in the expres- 
 sions made use of regarding these sup- 
 plications. Thus Cat. iii. 1. 6, *At- 
 <;ue etiara supplicatio diis immortalibus 
 meo nomine decreta est ;' and Sull. 30. 
 ' Cui uni togato supplicationera sena- 
 tus decrevit.' Here we see thanks- 
 givings decreed to the immortal gods 
 and to Cicero j not, however, in the 
 same sense, the latter merely meaning 
 in honour of Cic. ; or, as it is ex- 
 pressed before, ' meo nomine.' ' Mor- 
 tuo, however, is here used in the first 
 sense, as if Antony reallydid claim di- 
 vine honours for Caesar, and of this 
 Cic. complains. But Suetonius (Jul. 
 84,) mentions a decree procured long 
 before this, ' quo omnia ei divina si- 
 mul et humana decreverat ;' which 
 Antony read at his funeral ; so that Cic. 
 need not have dwelt so strongly on this 
 slight additional absurdity. V. E. well 
 remarks, that these divine honours 
 paid to a mortal might lead, and did 
 lead, to fatal consequences. During 
 the subsequent times of confusion, af- 
 ter the capture of Perugia, Caesar Oc- 
 tavianus, afterwards named Augustus, 
 is stated to have sacrificed at once, on 
 the ides of March, three hundred 
 knights and senators at the altar of the 
 new divinity. Sueton. Octav. 12. 
 
 4. Fuerit L. Brutus] He opposes 
 the greatest patriot to the greatest ty- 
 rant in the annals of his country. 
 
 5. Stirpem] Dionysius Ilalicar. 
 says that Jun. Brutus left neither son 
 nor daughter, and adds, as a proof, 
 that the Junii and Bruti were plebei- 
 ans, as appears from their always hold- 
 ing plebeian offices. However this 
 may be, the tradition favoured the de- 
 scent of M. Brutus from the elder 
 Brutus, and that was enough for Cic. 
 At the request of Brutus, his pedigree 
 was prepared by Atticus. 
 
 6. In quingent. annum] Tarquin 
 was expelled a. u. 244. This ora- 
 tion was delivered a. u. 709. 
 
 7. Nusquam] Al. usquam. The 
 former agrees better with the fact ; for 
 the column built over his ' bustum,' 
 was before this demolished ; unless 
 we consider the sepulchre of his ances- 
 tors to be his own, where it appears 
 from Dio his ashes were deposited. 
 ra yap avrov oi tt\iv9fpoi irpoavei- 
 Xovro, Kai lc to irarpuiov pvtipuov 
 KareQtvTo. Trans. ' Shall the man 
 who has not even a grave for obse- 
 quies, be sacrificed to, as a deity with 
 a temple V ' Usquam' means that the 
 fact of his having a grave overthrows 
 his claims to divine honours. 
 
 8. Si bellum] The state was then 
 at war with Sextus Pompey. 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 7. 333 
 
 Quid ? de reliquis 9 reipublica? malis licetne dicere ? Mihi vero 
 licet, et semper licebit dignitatem tueri, mortem contemnere. 
 Potestas modo veniendi in hunc locum sit : dicendi pericu- 
 lum non recuso. Atque utinam, Patres conscripti, Kalendis 
 Sextilibus 10 adesse potuissem ! non quo profici potuerit ali- 
 quid : sed ne unus modo consularis, quod turn accidit, dig- 
 nus illo honore, dignus republica inveniretur. Qua quidem 
 ex re magnum accipio dolorem, homines amplissimis populi 
 Romani beneficiis usos, 11 L. Pisonem, ducem optima? sen- 
 tentiae 12 non secutos. Idcircone nos populus Romanus con- 
 sules fecit, ut in altissimo amplissimoque gradu dignitatis lo- 
 cati, rempublicam pro nihilo haberemus ? Non modo voce 
 nemo L. Pisoni consularis, sed ne vultu quidem assensus est. 
 Qua?, malum ! est ista voluntaria servitus ? Fuerit qua?dam 13 
 necessaria. Neque ego hoc ab omnibus 14 iis desidero, qui 
 sententiam consulari loco 15 dicunt. Alia causa est eorum, 
 quorum silentio ignosco : alia eorum, quorum vocem re- 
 quiro. 16 Quos quidem doleo in suspicionem populo Romano 
 venire, non modo metus, quod ipsum esset turpe, sed alium 
 alia de causa 17 deesse dignitati sua?. 
 
 VII. Quare primum maximas gratias et ago et habeo 1 L. 
 
 . 9. Quid? de reliquis'] Antony had certain degree of it is necessary, 
 beset the senate with soldiers, and ad- 14. Ab omnibus] For some of the 
 mitted whom he pleased. This did consulars were relatives of Antony ; 
 not augur well for freedom of debate, e. g. Luc. Caesar, his maternal uncle. 
 Having therefore expressed his opi- These Cic. would excuse, 
 nion on the decrees of the preceding 15. Consulari loco] The persons 
 day, Cicero asks, must we stop here 1 who had admission to the place ap- 
 Will Antony's 'advocates' permit us propriated to those of consular or prae- 
 to go no farther in detailing the evils torial dignity, had not all borne those 
 of the times'? As for myself, I will offices: the right to sit there, some- 
 say, they may prevent my entrance times was conferred by the senate, as 
 into the senate at all, but they shall an honour to individuals. V.E. 
 not prevent the free expressions of my 1 6. Requiro] Mil. i. n. 5. Ovid, 
 sentiments when there. One of Ci- Met. vii. 515. ' Multos tamen inde 
 cero's modest assertions. ' requiro, Quos quondam vidi vestra 
 
 10. Kalend. SextiL] When Antony prius urbe receptus.' 
 
 proposed the deifying of Caesar and 17. Alium alia de causa] He hints 
 
 was opposed by Piso. that they secretly favoured the designs 
 
 11. Homines beneficiis usos] E.g. of Antony against his country, or 
 Ser. Sulpicius, Luc. Caesar, C. Mar- aimed at power themselves. 
 
 cellus, Servilius Isauricus, &c. Sect. VII. 1. Gratias et ago et 
 
 12. Optima sententia] Viz. Not habeo] We say, ' habere gratiam' 
 to grant the supplications to Caesar. ' agere gratias;' but if both verbs are 
 
 13. Fuerit qutedam] Admit that a joined, as here, the plural is used. 
 
334 
 
 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO 
 
 Pisoni, qui non, quid efficere posset in republica, cogitavit, 
 sed quid facere ipse deberet : deinde a vobis, Patres con- 
 scripti, peto, ut, etiam si sequi minus audebitis orationem 
 atque auctoritatem 2 meam, benigne me tamen, ut adhuc fe- 
 cistis, audiatis. 
 
 Primum igitur acta Caesaris 3 servanda censeo; non quo 
 probem : 4 (quis enim id quidem potest ?) sed quia rationem 
 habendam maxime arbitror pacis atque otii. Vellem ades- 
 set Antonius, modo sine advocatis. 5 Sed, ut opinor, licet ei 
 minus valere : 6 quod mihi heri per ilium non licuit. Doce- 
 ret me, vel potius vos, Patres conscripti, quemadmodum ipse 
 Caesaris acta defenderet. 7 An in commentariolis et chirogra- 
 phis et libellis se uno auctore 8 prolatis, ne prolatis quidem, 
 sed tantummodo dictis, acta Caesaris firma erunt : quae ille 
 in aes incidit, in quo 9 populi jussa perpetuasque leges esse 
 
 2. Auctoritatem] i.e. 'Kxemplum.' 
 Cicero joins the two as synonymous. 
 Balb. 31. 
 
 3. Acta Casaris] After Cesar's 
 death, while the conspirators were yet 
 in credit, it was proposed in the se- 
 nate, to rescind the acts of Caesar. 
 This, Cic. opposed, because it would 
 offend, and perhaps injure so many, 
 as to endanger the public peace. In 
 the mean time, Calpuraia had Ce- 
 sar's papers and effects conveyed to 
 Antony's house, as a place of safety ; 
 and Antony by gaining over Tiberius, 
 the amanuensis of Caesar, was ena- 
 bled to forge whatever acts or decrees 
 he thought proper. Cicero's com- 
 plaint then was, that the memoranda, 
 which they all knew to be spurious, 
 should be ratified while his laws, if 
 not actually annulled, were violated 
 by counter-edicts. 
 
 4. Non quo probem] For the legis- 
 lator was a tyrant ; or perhaps he 
 means, ' them *U,' for some of them, 
 e. g. the law about provinces, as we 
 shall see, he highly approves of. 
 
 5. Sine advocatis] The veterans in 
 Antony's pay, who the day before sur- 
 rounded the senate. He had some 
 time before this obtained from the 
 senate a guard for his person (Inf. 
 
 11. Phil. ii. 44, and v. 6,) and for 
 this purpose had employed Ityreans, 
 who may be also alluded to here. 
 Ascon. says, " Qui defendit alterum 
 in judicio, aut ' patronus' dicitur si 
 orator est, aut ' advocatus' si jus sug- 
 gerit aut praesentiara suam accommo- 
 dat amico, aut 'procurator/ si ne- 
 gotium suscipit, aut cognitor' si 
 praesentis causam novit et sic tuetur 
 ut suam. " 
 
 6. Licet ei minus valere] Antony 
 was absent on the plea of sickness. 
 
 7' Casaris acta defenderet] For 
 Antony, in violating Caesar's laws, 
 a fortiori, violates his acts, and could 
 not therefore defend them. 
 
 8. Se uno auctore] Either, he 
 being the sole voucher that they were 
 Caesar's,' as Phil. ii. 39, ' Quo auc- 
 tore proferunturV or ' being, himself, 
 the sole author of them,' as Phil. v. 
 4. ' Haec se ex commentariis Caesa- 
 ris, quorum ipse auctor erat agere di- 
 cebat.' So Phil. ii. 37, ' auctorem 
 odimus, acta defendimus.' 
 
 9. In qvui] i. e. ' In doing which, 
 sc. engraving them on brass, he 
 showed his wish that they should 
 continue permanent laws, not tempo- 
 rary enactments.' Vid. Manil. 8. n. 
 4. Some supply, ' aere ;' but, hav- 
 
PH1LIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 7. 
 
 335 
 
 voluit, 10 pro nihilo habebuntur ? Equidem existimo, 11 nihil 
 tarn esse in actis Caesaris, quam leges Caesaris. An, si cui 
 quid ille promisit, id erit fixum, quod idem facere non po- 
 tuit ? ut multis multa promissa non fecit. 12 Qua? tamen 
 multo plura illo mortuo reperta sunt, quam a vivo beneficia 
 per omnes annos tributa et data. Sed ea non muto, non 
 moveo ; summo etiam studio prseclara illius acta 13 defendo. 
 Pecunia utinam ad Opis maneret ! u cruenta 15 ilia quidem, 
 sed his temporibus, 16 quoniam iis, quorum est, non redditur, 
 necessaria. Quamquam ea quoque sit eflfusa, si ita in actis 
 fiat ! Ecquid est, quod tarn proprie dici possit actum ejus, 
 qui togatus 17 in republica cum potestate imperioque versatus 
 sit, quam lex ? Quaere acta Gracchi : leges Sempronia? 13 pro- 
 ferentur. Quaere Sullae, Corneliae. 19 Quid ? Cn. Pompeii 
 
 ing said that Caesar engraved them on 
 brass, surely none would doubt his 
 intention that they (or any laws) 
 should continue there. 
 
 10. Voluit] Perhaps a sarcasm on 
 the despotism of Caesar. ' Consul ro- 
 gavit ; populus voluit, jussit, &c.' 
 
 11. Existimo] This long argument 
 is to prove, that if the acts of Caesar 
 are to be valid, Antony has no colour 
 to annul his laws. 
 
 12. Quod idem non fecit] ' Which 
 promise even he could not perform ;' 
 for it appears better to refer ' idem' to 
 Caesar. ' Facere promissum,' toper- 
 form a promise. Off*, i. 10. 
 
 13. PrcEclara illius acta] i. e. 
 Those which were really for the 
 good of the state. He presently spe- 
 cifies some of them. 
 
 14. Pecunia utinam, $c] Perhaps 
 the connexion here is : I said that I 
 am against altering Caesar's acts, how- 
 ever much I might wish it ; e. g. con- 
 sidering the necessities of the state, it 
 were to be wished that the money 
 plundered from the Pompeians, and 
 kept by Caesar in the temple of Ops, 
 were still untouched ; yet, let it be 
 squandered, if so it be enacted. Now, 
 if I respect such an act of Caesar's as 
 this, may I not expect Antony to re- 
 gard his laws 1 
 
 15. Cruenta] Procured by shed- 
 ding the blood (cruor) of the Pom- 
 peians. 
 
 16. His temporibus] The treasury 
 was so exhausted, during these times, 
 that the public shows could not be 
 celebrated for want of money ; and 
 the Triumviri levied contributions oft" 
 the wealthy. Even ladies, if we be- 
 lieve Appian, were taxed. Vide Hooke 
 x. 15. 
 
 17. Togatus] From 'toga,' (te- 
 go,) because it covered the whole 
 body, is here opposed to ' sagatus' 
 (sagum) the civil to the military 
 robe. It was customary for all the 
 citizens to assume the sagum' in 
 times of war and danger, whether 
 they actually served or not, as we 
 find they did a short time after this, 
 when Antony was declared a public 
 enemy. 
 
 18. Leges Sempronia] Laws were 
 usually named after their proposer, 
 and the nomen,' or name of the 
 'gens,' always preferred. The Grac- 
 chi were of the ' gens Sempronia,' 
 &c. Among these was a judiciary 
 law to tranfer the right of judging 
 from the senate to the equites. 
 
 19. Cornelia] One of these re- 
 versed the above law, and restored 
 the judices to the senate. 
 
336 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tertius consulatus c0 in quibus actis constitit? Nempe in legi- 
 bus. De Caesare ipso si quaereres, quidnam egisset in urbe 
 et in toga : leges multas responderet se et praeclaras tulisse ; 
 chirographa 21 vero aut mutaret, aut non daret ; aut, si dedis- 
 set, 22 non istas res in actis suis dnceret. Sed haec ipsa con- 
 cedo ; quibusdam etiam in rebus conniveo : in maximis vero 
 rebus, id est, legibus, acta Caesaris dissolvi ferendum non 
 puto. 
 
 VIII. Quae lex 1 melior, utilior, optima 2 etiam republica 
 saepius flagitata, quam, ne praetoriae provinciae plus quam an- 
 num, neve plus quam biennium consulares obtinerentur ? 
 Hac lege sublata, videntume vobis Caesaris acta servari I 
 Quid ? lege, quae promulgata est de tertia decuria, 2 nonne 
 omnes judiciariae leges Caesaris dissolvuntur ? Et vos acta 
 Caesaris defenditis, qui leges ejus evertitis ? Nisi forte, 3 si 
 quid memoriae causa retulit in libellum, id numerabitur in 
 actis, et quamvis iniquum et inutile 4 sit, defendetur : quod 
 ad populum centuriatis comitiis tulit, id in actis Caesaris non 
 habebitur. At quae est 5 ista tertia decuria ? Centurionum, 
 inquit. Quid? isti ordini judicatus lege Julia, etiam ante 
 
 20. Pompeii tert. const//.] a. u. liberties of his country before he en- 
 701. Vid. Introd. to Mil. acted this law. 
 
 21. Chirographa] Quae tantum sua 2. De tertia decuria] Caesar had 
 manu in commentariis scripsisset, se reduced the order of the judges to 
 facturum aut daturum. Ern. two, the senators and equites, having 
 
 22. Si dedisset] And, therefore, abolished the Tribuni aerarii, an order 
 could not recall or alter them. added by Cotta. This Antony re- 
 
 Sect. VIII. 1. Qua lex] Caesar placed by a decury of centurions, and 
 
 had sufficient experience, during the thus, in effect, annulled Caesar's law. 
 
 nine years in which he held the pro- 3. Nisi forte] Mil. 3. n. 10. 
 
 vince of Gaul, of the dangers likely 4. Inutile] Mischievous. So 
 
 to result to the government at home, axptiog in Greek. Off. ii. 14. Sedi- 
 
 from men of abilities holding offices tiosus et inutilis civis.' 
 
 so long abroad. He therefore enacted 5. At qua est, fyc] This may be 
 
 this law, which was nullified by a paraphrased : ' But what, says Cic, 
 
 counter-law of two of Antony's crea- is this third decury of yours, Antony? 
 
 tuies, extendingthe Praetorian provin- Of Centurions, he replies: What? 
 
 ces to two, and the consular, to six had not they already a share in the 
 
 years. Hence, Phil. v. 3. * Tribuni judicial office, by the existing laws ? 
 
 plebis tulerunt de provinciis, contra I acknowledge they had ; but it was 
 
 acta Caesaris j ille biennii, iste sexe- accompanied with a slight limitation 
 
 nii-' Hence he uses ' qua sublata,' about property, which I am for re- 
 
 not adding by whom. moving. But surely, Antony, the 
 
 2. Etiam optima] Etiam, perhaps, centurions were not the only persons 
 
 implies that Caesar had destroyed the so restricted ; you know the knights, 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 8. 
 
 337 
 
 Pompeia, Aurelia 6 non patebat? Census praefiniebatur, in- 
 quit. Non centurioni quidem solum, sed equiti etiam Ro- 
 mano. Itaque viri fortissimi atque honestissimi, qui ordines 
 duxerunt, res et judicant et judicaverunt. Non qusero, in- 
 quit, istos. Quicunque ordinem duxit, judicet. At si fer- 
 retis, quicunque equo meruisset, quod est lautius, 7 nemini 
 probaretis ; in judice enim spectari et fortuna debet et dig- 
 nitas. Non quaero, inquit, ista : addo etiam judices mani- 
 pulares 8 ex legione Alaudarum. 9 Aliter enim nostri negant 
 posse se salvos esse. O contumeliosum honorem iis, quos 
 ad judicandum nee opinantes vocatis ! hie enim est legis in- 
 
 also, must have a certain property. 
 And the good effects of this arrange- 
 ment, in reference to the former, are 
 obvious, a most respectable list of 
 centurions, being duly qualified as 
 knights, have been and are judges. 
 This does not suit my purpose, replies 
 Antony. I want every centurion, 
 whether qualified or not, to sit on the 
 bench. But let me tell you, that if 
 you were to propose the admission of 
 every knight which order is more re- 
 spectable than that of centurion it 
 would meet the approbation of none. 
 For property and rank are the only 
 tests of respectability in judges. 
 Away with these, says Antony. I 
 am determined to make the meanest 
 soldiers, of the meanest legion, judg- 
 es, as nothing else will secure the 
 safety of my party. What an insult 
 to this, their decury ! It is as much 
 as to say : ' I want judges who dare 
 not be impartial, and I know where 
 to find them.' But Antony will be 
 disappointed. These insulted men 
 will assert their honour ; and, by the 
 uprightness of their decisions, will res- 
 cue their characters from this foul 
 calumny, and shew themselves wor- 
 thy of the highest, not the meanest, 
 order of judges.' 
 
 6. Aurelia] The judges, from the 
 earliest times, were chosen from the 
 senators. By the Sempronian law of 
 C. Gracchus, the judicial office was 
 transferred to the knights, but was 
 
 afterwards, by the Servilian law, 
 opened to both orders, and having 
 undergone several changes, was at 
 last, by Sylla, confirmed to the sena- 
 tors. But this not giving satisfaction, 
 Cotta threw it open to all the orders 
 of the state, by admitting on the 
 bench, senators, knights, and ' tri- 
 buni aerarii.' By the Pompeian law, 
 however, which the Julian law con- 
 firmed, a certain census was required 
 in the judges. 
 
 7. Quod est lautius] By this it 
 would seen), that a private horseman 
 in the Roman service, who indeed 
 might originally have found and kept 
 his horse, was in superior esteem to 
 an officer of infantry, performing the 
 duties which correspond to those of a 
 captain in ours. Al. laudatius. 
 V. E. 
 
 8. Manipulates] * Bank and file.' 
 They were called ' manipulares,' in 
 contra-distinction to the velites,' or 
 light troops, and the name taken, it is 
 well known, ' ex manipulo vel fas- 
 ciculo fceni perticae longae alligato, 
 quem pro signo primum gerebat.' In 
 a complete legion there were 6,000 
 men ; in a cohort, 600 ; in a mani- 
 ple, 200. 
 
 9. Ex legione Alaudarum] Caesar 
 enrolled a legion of Gauls at his pri- 
 vate expense, and called them Alau- 
 dec : it would appear, from a crest 
 which they wore, resembling that of 
 a lark, ' alauda,' in the Celtic Ian- 
 
 G G 
 
338 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 dex, 10 ut ii res in tertia decuria judicent, qui libere judicare 
 nonaudeant. In quo quantus error est, diiimmortales! eorum, 
 qui istam legem excogitaverunt ! Ut enim quisque sordi- 
 dissimus videbitur, ita libentissime severitate judieandi sor- 
 des suas eluet, laborabitque, ut honestis deeuriis potius dig- 
 nus videatur, quam in turpem jure conjectus. 
 
 IX. Altera promulgata lex est, ut et de vi l et de majes- 
 tate damnati ad populum provocent, si velint. Haec utruni 
 tandem lex est, an legum omnium dissolution Quis est 
 enim hodie, 3 cujus intersit istam legem manere? Nemo 
 reus est legibus illis : nemo, quem futurum putemus. Arm is 
 enim gesta, nunquam profecto in judicium vocabuntur. 
 At res popularis. Utinam quidem aliquid velletis esse po- 
 pulare ! Omnes enim jam cives de reipublicae salute una et 
 mente et voce consentiunt. Qua? est igitur ista cupiditas le- 
 gis ejus ferendae, quae turpitudinem summam habeat, grati- 
 am nullam?* Quid enim turpius, quam qui majestatem 
 
 guage, signifying that bird. [Hence 
 alouette.] Heberden, the translator 
 of Cicero's letters, compares with it, 
 the well-known derivation of Planta- 
 genet. 
 
 10. Hie est legis index] i. e. 
 ' Hoc indicat lex.' We cannot sup- 
 pose that the title or rubric of the law 
 ran so, but that such was its general 
 drift. 
 
 Si-ct. IX. 1. Altera lex devi] 
 The criminal had always been grant- 
 ed the liberty of appeal to the people, 
 as appears from the instance of the 
 Horatii and others in Livy, at least 
 till the time of Sylla ; and long after 
 him, we find C. Rabirius appealing 
 from the Duumvirs to the people. So 
 Suet. (Jul. 12,) ' ut ad populum pro- 
 vocanti nil ajque, ac judicis acerbitas 
 profuerit.' Caesar's law, therefore, 
 must have taken away this appeal, 
 which it was the object of Antony to 
 restore. 
 
 2. Legum omnium dissolution Be- 
 cause, by holding out the hopes of im- 
 punity, it offered unbounded license 
 to the turbulent. 
 
 3. Quis est enim hodie] Enim must 
 
 be referred to an omitted proposition. 
 There is Antony's law of appeal ; 
 what is it but the abolition of all legal 
 institutions 1 And it is quite a gra- 
 tuitous act; for who is now concerned 
 in its enactments, who was at this 
 day aggrieved by Caesar's laws r He 
 pretends, forsooth, that it was neces- 
 sary thus to protect those citizens who 
 had been forward actors in the civil 
 wars. But it is well known, that 
 there neither was, nor is likely to be, 
 any prosecutions for acts done in the 
 heat of civil arms. Why then not 
 have permitted Caesar's laws to re- 
 main, which were doing no harm at 
 present, and would do good hereafter. 
 Antony replies, ' res est popularis.' 
 I did it to please the people. Cicero 
 rejoins, that he is mistaken in this, as 
 the people all wish for the safety of 
 their country. He then shews that 
 the real drift of Antony's law was 
 not to extend the liberty of the peo- 
 ple but, to screen his flagitious fol- 
 loweis by making it useless to bring 
 them to trial, at all. 
 
 4. Gratiam nullam] For it will 
 oblige none. ' Nemo est, &c.' 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 10. 339 
 
 populi Romani minuerit per vim, eum, damnatum judicio, 
 ad earn ipsam vim 5 reverti, propter quam sit jure damnatus? 
 Sed quid plura de lege disputo ? quasi vero id agatur, ut 
 quisquam provocet. Id agitur, id fertur, ne quis omnino 
 unquam istis legibus reus fiat. Quis enim aut accusator tarn 
 amens reperietur, qui, reo condemnato, objici se multitudini 
 conductae velit ? aut judex, qui reum damnare audeat, ut ip- 
 se ad operas mercenarias statim protrahatur ? Non igitur 
 provocatio ista lege datur : sed duae maxime salutares leges 
 quaestionesque tolluntur. Quid est aliud 6 adhortari adole- 
 scentes, ut turbulenti, ut seditiosi, ut perniciosi cives velint 
 esse ? Quam autem ad pestem furor tribunicius impelli non 
 ]X)terit, his duabus quaestionibus de vi et de majestate subla- 
 tis? Quid? quod obrogatur 7 legibus Caesaris, quae jubent, 
 ei, qui de vi, itemque ei, qui majestatis damnatus sit, aqua et 
 igni interdici ? quibus quum provocatio datur, nonne acta 
 Caesaris rescinduntur ? Quae quidem ego, Patres conscripti, 
 qui ilia nunquam probavi, tamen ita conservanda concordiae 
 causa arbitratus sum, ut non modo, quas vivus leges Caesar 
 tulisset, infirmandas hoc tempore non putarem, sed ne illas 
 quidem, quas post mortem Caesaris prolatas esse et fixas vi- 
 detis. 
 
 X. De exsilio reducti a mortuo ; civitas data non solum 
 singulis, sed nationibus 1 et provinciis universis a mortuo ; im- 
 munitatibus infinitis 2 sublata vectigalia a mortuo. Ergo 
 haec, uno, verum Optimo, auctore 3 domo prolata, defend i- 
 mus : eas leges, quas ipse, vobis inspectantibus, recitavit, 
 pronuntiavit, tulit, quibus latis gloriabatur, eisque legibus 
 
 ">. Ipsam vim] To harass the re- iii. 23.) we find ' Quod per legem 
 
 public with a new sedition, arising Clodiam promulgare, abrogare, dero- 
 
 out of his appeal to the mob, from his gare, obrogare sine fraude sua non 
 
 sentence for the old. For a person liceat.' 
 
 appealing to the people, i. e. to an Sect. X. 1. Civitas nationi- 
 
 armed mob, may well be said ' ad bits] To the Sicilians, for instance, 
 
 vim reverti.' Att. xiv. 12. 
 
 6. Quid est aliud] Cic. either 2. Immunit. infiniU] By countless 
 omits or inserts nisi after this form, immunities. 
 
 Phil. v. 2. 3. Uno verum optimo, auctore] 
 
 7. Obrogatur] ' Abrogare,' to ' Antony.' This passage seems to 
 annul a law ; derogare,' to annul confirm the first sense given to this 
 it in part; 'subrogare,' to add a part word, supr. 7. n. 8, else the words 
 to a law ; obrogare, to weaken it by a uno Optimo lose the irony. Domo' 
 counter-law. In one sentence, (Att. should mean Czesar's house. 
 
340 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 rempublicam contineri* putabat, de provinciis, de judi- 
 ciis, 5 eas, inquam, Caesaris leges, nos, qui defendimus acta 
 Caesaris, evertendas putamus? Ac de iis taraen legibus, 
 qua? promulgata? sunt, saltern queri possumus : de iis, qua? 
 jam lata? dicuntur, ne illud quidem licuit. Ilia? enim sine 
 ulla promulgatione lata? sunt ante quam scripta?. 6 Quaerunt, 
 quid sit, cur aut ego, aut quisquam vestrum, Patres con- 
 scripti, bonis tribunis 7 plebis, leges malas metuat. Paratos 
 habemus, qui intercedant; paratos, 8 qui rempublicam reli- 
 gione 9 defendant; vacui metu esse debemus. Quas tu mihi, 
 inquit, intercessiones, quas religiones ? Eas scilicet, quibus 
 reipublica? salus continetur. 10 Negligimus ista, et nimis an- 
 tiqua et stulta ducimus. Forum saepietur ; omnes clauden- 
 tur aditus; armati in pra?sidiis multis locis collocabuntur. 
 Quid turn ? Quod ita erit gestum, id lex erit ; et in a?s in- 
 cidi jubebitis, 11 credo, ilia legitima : ' Consules populum 12 
 jure rogaverunt/ (hoccine a majoribus accepimus jus rogan- 
 
 4. Contineri] This word often 
 means, in Cic., ' to establish' or 
 'strengthen;' as Off. ii. 24, 'nulla 
 res vehementius rempublicam continet 
 quam fides,' and might be so trans- 
 lated here. However the ordinary 
 meaning seems better to express the 
 vanity of Caesar about his darling 
 laws. 
 
 5. De provinciis, de judiciis] The 
 laws for abridging and ascertaining 
 the time during which the provinces 
 were assigned to magistrates ceasing 
 their functions, and for regulating 
 the classes from which the * judices' 
 were drawn. V. E. 
 
 6. Antequam scripts] Not ' drawn 
 up,' absolutely, but before they were 
 drawn up for public inspection. 
 
 7. Bonis tribunis] ' Bonis' has 
 been supposed, like * optimo,' above, 
 to contain an ironical allusion to An- 
 tony's brother, who was a tribune. 
 But the drift of the passage does not 
 require it. Cic. says, ' no matter 
 how good the tribunes, Antony dis- 
 regards them and their vetos.' 
 
 8. Paratos] Paratos' should refer 
 
 to tribunis plebis, preceding. But 
 some considering ' religio,' i. e. 
 'auspicia,' as the proper business of 
 the augurs, referred it to ' augures' 
 understood ; of whom they observed, 
 Antony was one. But tribunes, or 
 indeed, any of the higher magistrates, 
 could observe the heavens. Phil. ii. 
 38. ' Cur autem ea comitia non 
 habuisti? An quia tribunus plebis 
 sinistrum fulmen nunciabat 1 Cum 
 tua quid interest, nulla auspicia, sunt, 
 &c. &c.' 
 
 9. Religione] De coelo servando, 
 obnuntiando, &c. Ern. 
 
 10. Salus continetur] By preventing 
 the passing of bad laws. 
 
 11. Jubebitis] Al. videbitis. But 
 the former contains a sarcasm on the 
 consuls. For credo al. cedo. But 
 Cic. says, ironically, " You will, 1 
 suppose, engrave on brass the laws 
 so passed, not omitting the legal for- 
 mula, ' Consules rogaverunt, &c.' " 
 But permit me to ask ' qui populus 1 
 isne, &c.' 
 
 12. Consules populum, fyc] There 
 is extant the heading of a law in 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 11. 341 
 
 di ?) ' populusque jure scivit.' Qui populus ? isne, qui exclu- 
 sus est ? Quo jure ? an eo, quid vi et armis orane sublatum 
 est ? Atque ego haec dico de futuris; 1J quod est amicorum 
 ante dicere ea, quae vitari possint : quo? si facta non erunt, 
 refelletur oratio mea. Loquor de legibus promulgatis : de 
 quibus est integrum vobis. Demonstro vitia : tollite ! De- 
 nuntio vim, arma : 14 removete ! 
 
 XI. Irasci quidem vos mihi, Dolabella, pro republica 
 dicenti, non oportebat. Quamquam te quidem id factum in 
 non arbitror. Novi facilitatem tuam. Colleiiam tuum 1 aiunt 
 in hac sua fortuna, quae bona ipsi videtur, mibi, ne gravius 
 quidpiam dicam, avorum et avunculi 2 sui consulatum si imi- 
 taretur, fortunatior videretur : sed eum iracundum audio esse 
 factum. Video autem, quam sit odiosum liabere iratum 
 eundem, et armatum, quum tanta praesertim gladiorum sit 
 impunitas. Sed proponam jus, ut opinor, a?(jiium, quod M. 
 Antonium non arbitror repudiaturum. Ego, si quid in vi- 
 tam ejus, aut in mores cum contumelia 3 dixero, quo minus 
 mihi inimicissimus sit, non recusabo. Sin consuetudineni 
 meam, quam in republica semper habui, tenuero, id est, si 
 libere, quae sentiam, de republica dixero: primum deprecor, 
 ne irascatur ; deinde, si hoc non impetro, peto, ut sic irasca- 
 tur, ut civi. Armis utatur, si ita necesse est, ut dicit, sui de- 
 fendendi causa :* iis, qui pro republica, quae ipsis visa erunt, 
 
 these very words, 'Tit. Quintius ko\ov9ov. 
 
 Oisp : Coss : populum jure rog;ivit ; 2. Avorum avuuculi] Antony's 
 
 populusque jure scivit.' paternal grandfather was M. Antony, 
 
 13. Hac dico de futuris] Cicero the orator, consul, a. u. 654; his 
 was, as yet, keeping on terms with maternal grandfather, L. Caesar, con- 
 Antony; and therefore, to soften the sui a.u. 662. His maternal uncle 
 asperity of his remarks, he adds, that wasL. Caesar, consul a. u. 689. His 
 they have wholly a future application, paternal uncle, C. Antonius, is, for 
 The laws are only promulged not obvious reasons, omitted here, 
 enacted ; the neglect of the auspices 3. Si quid cum contumelia'] Can 
 can be corrected, and the armed troops Cicero be said to abide by that test ? 
 removed. Thus may my speech be V. E. 
 
 best refuted, and my fears proved 4. Sui defend i causa] Antony had 
 
 groundless. obtained a guard from the senate on 
 
 14. Denuntio vim, armu'] I pre- this pretext. Phil. v. 6. * Ilia non 
 
 diet that violence will be employed, gravissimis ignominiis sunt no- 
 
 V. E. tanda, quod unus M. Antonius in 
 
 Sect. XI. 1. Collegam tuam] hac urbe post conditam urbem palam 
 
 These words being subject to no in- secum habuerit armatos?' Phil. ii. 
 
 finitive, make the construction ava- 44. 
 
 G G 2 
 
342 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 dixerint, ista arraa ne noceant. Quid hac postulatione 5 dici 
 potest aequius? Quod si, ut mihi a quibusdam ejus fami- 
 liaribus dictum est, omnis eum, quae habetur contra volunta- 
 tem ejus, oratio graviter oflfendit, etiam si nulla inest contu- 
 melia: feremus amici naturam. Sed iidem illi ita me- 
 cum : 6 " Non iidem tibi, adversario Caesaris, 7 licebit, quod 
 Pisoni socero :" et simul admonent quiddam, quod cavebi- 
 mus ; nee erit justior, Patres conscripti, in senatum non 
 veniendi morbi causa, quam mortis. 8 
 
 XII. Sed per deos immortales ! te enim intuens, Dola- 
 bella, qui es mihi carissimus, non possum de utriusque ves- 
 trum errore reticere. Credo enim vos, nobiles 1 homines, 
 magna quaedam spectantes, non pecuniam, ut quidam nimis 
 creduli suspicantur, quae semper ab amplissimo quoque cla- 
 rissimoque contempta est, non opes violentas 2 et populo 
 Romano minime ferendam potentiam, sed caritatem civium 
 et gloriam concupisse. Ea est autem gloria, laus recte fac- 
 torum magnorumque in rempublicam fama meritorum, quae 
 (mum optimi cujusque, turn etiam multitudinis testimonio 
 comprobatur. Dicerem, Dolabella, qui recte factorum fruc- 
 tus esset, nisi te praeter ceteros paullisper esse expertum vide- 
 rem. Quem potes recordari in vita illuxisse tibi diem lae- 
 
 5. Hac postulatione] Donatus says, 
 'petimus precario, poscimus impe- 
 riose, postulamus jure.' 
 
 6. Sed iidem illi ita mecum] Sc. 
 loquuntur.' Thus Virg. JEn. i. 37. 
 ' Haec secum,' sc. locuta est. 
 
 7. Adversario Casaris] Cic. had 
 been a Pompeian. 
 
 8. Quod cavebimus quam mortis'] 
 This is usually explained as if he 
 said, ' The friends of Antony threaten 
 my life ; now if he thought my excuse 
 of ill health, a bad one, surely he 
 cannot object to the force of this 
 that I am in danger of being assas- 
 sinated.' But Cicero, after his boast, 
 c. o, would hardly have recourse to 
 so dastardly a plea ; besides the 
 words ' nee erit,' in construction, de- 
 pend upon ' cavebimus ;' so that the 
 conjecture of Orel, is worth notice, 
 that 'moiti' a- d 'mortis' have, by 
 
 the ignorance of transcribers, changed 
 places. Then it will be : ' and warn- 
 ed by the danger, I shall take care 
 that you may not, when I am slain, 
 have it to say, that Cic. has now a 
 fair excuse for not attending the se- 
 nate.' 
 
 Sect. XII 1. Nobiles] They 
 were both plebeians, Antony by birth , 
 Dolabella by adoption. The ' gens 
 Antonia' consisted of two branches 
 a patrician and plebeian. Mark An- 
 tony, the orator, was the first that in- 
 troduced the consulship into the ple- 
 beian branch. That it was plebeian 
 is past a doubt, as M. Antony was 
 tribune of the people without adop- 
 tion. 
 
 2. Opes violentas] Alluding, per- 
 haps, to Caesar's tyranny. 
 
 3. Paullisper] This word is omit- 
 ted in some MSS. 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 13. 343 
 
 tiorem, quam quum, expiato foro, 4 dissipato concursu impio- 
 rum/priiicipibus sceleris poena affectis, urbe incendio et caedis 
 metu liberata, te domum recepisti ? Cujus ordinis, cujus 
 generis, cujus denique fortunae studia turn laudi et gratu- 
 lationi tuae se non obtulerunt ? Quin mihi etiam, quo auc- 
 tore te in iis rebus uti arbitrabantur, et gratias boni viri age- 
 bant, et tuo nomine gratulabantur. Recordare, quaeso, 
 Dolabella, consensum ilium theatri, quum omnes earum 
 rem m obliti, 6 propter quas fuerant tibi offensi, significarunt, 
 se beneficio novo memoriam veteris doloris abjecisse. Hanc 
 tu, P. Dolabella, (magno loquor cum dolore,) hanc tu, 
 inquam, aequo animo potuisti tantam dignitatem deponere V 
 XIII. Tu autem, M. Antoni, (absentem appello,) unum 
 ilium diem, 1 quo in aede Telluris senatus fait, non omnibus 
 iis mensibus, 2 quibus te quidam, multum a me dissentientes, 
 beatum putant, anteponis ? Quae fuit oratio de concordia ! 
 quanto metu veterani, 3 quanta sollicitudine civitas turn a te 
 liberata est ! Quum collegam tuum depositis inimicitiis, 
 oblitus auspicia* a te ipso augure populi Romani nuntiata, 
 illo primum die collegam tibi esse voluisti, tuus parvulus 
 filius in Capitolium a te missus pacisobsesfuit: quo senatus 
 die laetior '( quo populus Romanus ? qui quidem nulla in 
 concione unquam t'requentior fuit. Turn denique 6 liberati 
 per viros fbrtissimos videbamur ; quia, ut illi voluerunt, li- 
 bertatem pax sequebatur. Proximo altero, tertio, 7 denique 
 
 4. Expiato foro] Alluding to the received from Caesar's bounty. 
 demolition of the column. Supr. 2. This word is omitted by Sch. and 
 
 5. Impiorum] For bestowing di- Wemsdorf. Ern. would read scna- 
 vine honours on a dead man. tus. V. E. 
 
 6. Earum rerum obliti] Supr. 2. 4. Oblitus anspicia] Al. auspicw- 
 n. 9. Among them was, his propos- rum, the pretended auspices ridiculed 
 ing 'novae tabulae,' after the example by Cic. Phil. ii. 33. It did not suit 
 of Catiline. his purpose to do so here. It appears 
 
 7. Tantam dignitatem deponere] that Antony did not give up his op- 
 Dolabella had, by this time (the 3rd position to Dolabella's appointment, 
 of September,) given in his adhesion till after Caesar's death, i. e. till it 
 to Antony. . suited his own purposes. 
 
 Sect. XIII. 1. Unum ilium 5. Tuus parvulus Jilius] Supr. 1. 
 
 diem] The 17th March, lntrod. 2. n. 13., where ' liberos' is found ; but 
 
 2. lis mensibus] Since Caesar's if he uses the word at all, its plural 
 death. form could not be avoided. 
 
 3. Quanto metu veter.] Their 6. Turn denique] For turn demum. 
 alarm may have proceeded from the . 7. Prox. altero, <Sfc] Orel, makes 
 apprehension of losing what they had proximo agree with ' altero ;' ' the 
 
344 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 reliquis consecutis diebus, non intermittebas quasi donum 
 aliquod quotidie afFerre reipublicae : maximum autem illud, 
 quod dictaturae nomen sustulisti. Haec inusta est a te, a te, 
 inquam, mortuo Csesari nota ad ignominiam sempiternam. 
 Ut enim propter unius M. Manlii 8 scelus, decreto gentis 
 Manlia? neminem patricium 9 Marcum Manlium vocari licet : 
 sic tu, propter unius dictatoris odium, nomen dictatoris fun- 
 ditus sustulisti. Num te, quum haec pro salute reipublica? 
 tanta gessisses, fattens tuae, num amplitudinis, num clarita- 
 tis, num gloria? poenitebat? Unde igitur subito tanta ista 
 mutatio ? Non possum adduci, ut suspicer, te pecunia cap- 
 turn: 10 licet, quod cuique libet, loquatur ; credere non est ne- 
 cesse. Nihil enim unquam in te sordidum, nihil humile 
 cognovi. Quamquam solent domestici 11 depravare nonnun- 
 quam: sed novi firmitatem tuam. Atque utinam, ut cul- 
 pam, sic etiam suspicionem vitare potuisses ! 
 
 XIV. Illud magis vereor, ne ignorans verum iter gloriae, 
 gloriosum putes, plus te unum posse, quam omnes, et metui 
 a civibus tuis, quam diligi malis. Quod si ita putas, totam 
 ignoras viam gloriae. Carum esse civem, bene de republics 
 mereri, laudari, coli, diligi, gloriosum est: metui vero, et in 
 odio esse, invidiosum, detestabile, imbeeillum, caducum. 
 Quod videmus etiam in fabulis, ipsi illi, 1 qui u Oderint, dum 
 metuant," dixerit, pernieiosum fuisse. Utinam, Antoni, 
 avum tuum meminisses ! de quo tamen audisti multa ex me 
 
 very next ;' sc. to the seventeenth, first, as being the passion of little 
 
 on which the senate met in the tem- minds. And, indeed, considering the 
 
 pie of Tellus. ' Tertio' is the nine- lavish disposition of Antony, well he 
 
 leenth. Ern., however, reads ' prox- might. Phil. ii. 37. 
 imo, altero.' 1 1. Domestici] He hints here, per- 
 
 8. Af. Maniii] Liv. vi. 20. Af- haps, at Fulvia, who had already 
 ter the battle of Actium, the family ruined Clodius and Curio. The 
 of M. Antony was subjected to the translators render it ' dependents.' 
 same ignominy ; and what is strange, But it is not likely that the word had 
 at the motion of Cicero's son. Dio then this signification. In the Au- 
 Cass. 51. gustan history, it signifies, ' the 
 
 9. Neminem patricium] For there prince's body-guard.' 
 
 were plebeians of the name. Era., Sect. XIV. 1. Ipsi illi] Atjeus, 
 
 however, says there were not at that who was expelled from his kingdom, 
 
 time, and doubts the word patri- Seneca, in quoting the expression, 
 
 cium.' adds, * Sullano saeculo scias scrip- 
 
 10. Pecunia captum] It could turn.' Hence it is probable that it 
 t>nly be accounted for by two passions, was used by Attius, a poet of Sylla's 
 avarice and ambition. He rejects the age, in his tragedy of Atreus. This 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 15. 345 
 
 saepissime. Putasne ilium immortalitatem mereri 2 voluisse, 
 ut propter armorum habendorum 3 licentiam metueretur ? 
 Ilia erat vita, ilia secunda fortuna, libertate esse parem cete- 
 ris, principem dignitate. Itaque, ut omittam res avi tui 
 prosperas, acerbissimum ejus supremum diem malim, quam 
 L. Cinnae 4 dominatum, a quo ille crudelissime est inter- 
 fectus. 
 
 Sed quid oratione te flectam ? Si enim exitus C. Caesaris 
 efficere non potest, ut malis cams esse, quam metui, nihil 
 cujusquam proficiet, nee valebit oratio. Quern qui beatum 
 fuisse putant, miseri ipsi sunt. Beatus est nemo, qui ea lege 
 vivit, ut non modo impune, sed etiam cum summa interfec- 
 toris gloria interfici possit. Quare flecte te, quaeso, et ma- 
 jores tuos respice, atque ita guberna rempublicam, ut natum 
 esse te cives tui gaudeant ; sine quo nee beatus, nee clarus 
 esse quisquam potest. 
 
 XV. Et populi quidem Romani judicia multa ambo ha- 
 betis, quibus vos non satis moveri permoleste fero. Quid 
 enim gladiatoribus 1 clamores innumerabilium civium ? quid 
 populi versus ? quid Pompeii statuae 2 plausus infiniti ? quid" 
 tribunis plebis, qui vobis adversantur ? Parumne haec sig- 
 nificant incredibiliter consentientem populi Romani universi 
 voluntatem ? Quid ? Apollinarium ludorum plausus, vel 
 testimonia potius et judicia populi Romani parum magna 
 vobis videbantur? O beatos illos, qui, quum adesse ipsis 
 
 monarch was a common subject for often obliged to notice Marius as a 
 
 tragedy in all ages. Vide Juv. vii. friend to the republic, Cinna never. 
 
 73. Sect. XV. 1. Gladiatoribus] i.e. 
 
 2. Immortalitatem mereri] Be wil- At the gladiatorial games. Phil. ix. 
 ling to take. Verr. vi. 16. 'Quid 7. The Greeks used iiri rUvrpaytp- 
 arbitramini Rheginos merere velle, lu>v similarly. These games were ex- 
 ut ab iis marmorea Venus ilia au- hibited by C. Antonius, the praetor, in 
 feratur?' the name of M. Brutus. Att. xvi. 2. 
 
 3. Habendorum] This word is 2. Versus] The rude verses which 
 omitted by Sch. : al. metuendorum. the people made in praise of the 
 
 4. Lucii Cimuc] Cat. iii. 10. n. friends and derision of the enemies 
 10. of liberty. Al. concursus. 
 
 5. A quo est inter/.] In this Cic. 2. Pompeii statute] The shews 
 differs from Appian, Plutarch, Flo- were exhibited in Pompey's theatre, 
 rus, &c, who attribute the murder of where the spectators had an oppor- 
 Antony to Marius. Vel. Pater, ii. tunity of shouting at his statue, there- 
 22, reconciles them thus: ' jussu in erected. Status is the dative case. 
 Marii Cinnaeque confossus est.' Cic. 3. Quid n.] i. e. Duobus. As- 
 chose to refer it to Cinna, as he was prenas Nonius and T. Canutius, are' 
 
346 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 propter vim armorum 4 non licebat, 5 aderant tamen et in 
 medullis populi Romani ac visceribus haerebant ! Nisi forte 
 Accio 6 turn plaudi, et sexagesimo post anno palmam dari, 
 non Bruto, putabatis, qui ludis suis ita caruit, ut in illo ap- 
 paratissimo spectaculo studium populus Romanus tribuerit 
 absenti, desiderium liberatoris sui perpetuo plausii et cla- 
 more leniret. 
 
 Equidem is sum, qui istos plausus, quum a popular ihus 
 eivibus 7 tribuerentur, semper contempserim : idemque quum 
 a summis, mediis, infimis, 8 quum denique ab universis hoc 
 idem fit, quumque ii, qui ante sequi populi consensum sole- 
 bant, fugiunt ; non plausum ilium, sed judicium puto. Sin 
 haec leviora vobis videntur, quae sunt gravissima : num etiam 
 hoc contemnitis, quod sensistis, tam caram populo Romano 
 vitam A. Hirtii 9 fuisse ? Satis erat enim, probatum ilium 
 esse populo Romano, ut est; jucundum amicis, in quo vincit 
 omnes ; carum suis, quibus est carissimus : tantam tamen 
 sollicitudinem bonorum, tan turn timorem in quo meminimus { 
 Certe in nullo. 
 
 Quid igitur ? hoc vos, per deos immortales ! quale sit, non 
 interpretamini ? Quid eos de vestra vita cogitare censetis, 
 quibus eorum, quos sperant reipublicae consulturos, vita tam 
 cara sit ? Cepi fructum, Patres conscripti, reversionis meae : 
 
 mentioned by Dio, Appian, &c. as 6. Nisi forte Accio] The play of 
 
 partisans of Augustus, and opponents Atbus was called Tereus not Brutus, 
 
 of Antony. Three tribunes, how- as Manutius says. Att. xvi. v. 'Tuas 
 
 ever, are named, Phil. iii. 9. jam literas Brutus exspectabat, cui 
 
 4. Propter vim armorum] The quidem ego non novum attuleram de 
 fear of the veterans. Tereo Attii, ille Brutum putabat.' 
 
 5. Adesse non licebat'] Brutus was No doubt the story of Junius Brutus 
 at this time at Nesis, a small island had been dramatized. 
 
 near Puteoli, where Lucullus had a 7. Popularibus eivibus] Abram. 
 villa. The proclamation of the games omits the proposition, and under- 
 being, by accident, dated July, in- stands it, ' to citizens seeking popu- 
 stead of Quintilis, gave Brutus much larity.' Cic. means * political men/ 
 uneasiness, as it, in some degree, re- or demagogues * qui sequi consen- 
 cognized the tyranny of Caesar. To sum populi solebant.' So Garat. 
 remedy this, he proposed to have the * When leading citizens dictate this 
 fight of the wild beasts after the Apol- applause.' 
 
 hnarian games, and a new and pro- 8. Summis, mediis, infimis] The 
 perly dated proclamation. Brutus three orders patricians, knights, pie- 
 professed himself more obliged to beians. 
 
 Attius than Antony, for the applause. 9. Hirtii] He was consul elect ; 
 
 Att xvi. 2. and though he had been an ardent 
 
PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 15. 347 
 
 quoniam et ea dixi, ut, quicunque casus consecutus esset, ex- 
 staret constantiae mea3 testimonium, et sum a vobis benigne 
 ac diligenter auditus. Qua? potestas 10 si mihi saepius sine 
 meo vestroque periculo net, utar. Si minus, quantum pote- 
 ro, non tarn mihi me, quam reipublicae reservabo. Mihi 
 fere satis est, quod vixi, 11 vel ad aetatem, vel ad gloriam. 
 Hue si quid accesserit, non tam mihi, quam vobis reipublicae 
 accesserit. 
 
 supporter of Caesar, was considered 10. Quct potestas] i. e. If Antony 
 and proved to be a no less ardent persists in blockading the senate- 
 friend of the commonwealth ; in whose house, I shall not come near it, or 
 cause he fell at Mutina, a few months hazard my life, not that 1 value it for 
 after. It is probable that prayers itself, but that it may be of service to 
 were decreed for his health, which my country. Sup. 11. n. 3. 
 was then bad. Juv. Sat. 283. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 is 
 
 MARCUM ANTONIUM, 
 
 SEC UN DA* 
 
 ORATIO. 
 
 I. Quonam meo fato, 1 Patres conscripti, fieri dicam, ut 
 nemo his annis viginti 2 reipublica? fuerit hostis, qui non hel- 
 ium eodem tempore mihi quoque indixerit ? Nee vero ne- 
 cesse est quemquam a me nominari. Vobiscum ipsi recor- 
 damini. Mihi poenarum illi 3 plus, quam optarem, dederunt ; 
 te miror, Antoni, quorum facta imitere, eorum exitus non 
 perhorrescere. Atque hoc in aliis minus mirabar. Nemo 
 illorum inimicus mihi ftrit voluntarius : omnes a me reipub- 
 lica3 causa 4 lacessiti. Tu, ne verbo quidem violatus, ut au- 
 dacior, 5 quam Catilina; furiosior, quam Clodius, viderere, 
 
 * Vid. Introd. 9. 
 
 Sect. I. 1. Fato] From 'fari,' 
 i. e. ' dictum dei,' here used for hap' 
 or ' fatality.' It is taken in a bad or 
 good sense. So Ovid. r. a. 566, 
 1 Uxorem fato credat obesse suo.' 
 Conversely, Cic. 2. Frat. i. 4. ' Uno 
 meo fato, tu, &c, corruistis.' 
 
 2. Annis viginti] This time had 
 elapsed since the consulate of Cicero, 
 a. v. 690, which was accompanied 
 by the Catilinarian conspiracy : the 
 disturbances excited by Clodius had 
 
 followed, and then the civil wars. 
 
 3. Poenarum illi] Catiline, Clo- 
 dius, &c, vvhose wretched fate is well 
 known. 
 
 4. Reipub. causa] Cic. forgets that 
 revenge first induced him to oppose 
 Catiline, and that he was led by the 
 urgency of his wife, to give evidence 
 against Clodius in the affair of Bona 
 Dea. Mil. Introd. 2. 
 
 5. Ut audacior, ifcJ] i, e. ' Me 
 maledictis lacessisti ita ut viderere 
 audacior quam, &c.' Ultro/ unpro- 
 
 H H 
 
350 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 ultro me maledictis lacessisti, tuamque a me alienationem 
 commendationem tibi ad impios cives fore putavisti. Quid 
 putem ? contemptumne me ? Non video nee in vita, nee in 
 gratia, 6 nee in rebus gestis, nee in hac mea mediocritate in- 
 genii, quid despicere possit Antonius. An in senatu facil- 
 lime de me detrahi posse credidit ? qui ordo clarissimis civi- 
 bus bene gestae reipublicae testimonium multis, mihi uni 7 con- 
 servatae dedit. An decertare mecum voluit contentione 
 dicendi ? Hoc quidem beneficium est. Quid enim plenius, 
 quid uberius, quam mihi et pro me, et contra Antonium 
 dicere ? Illud profecto est. Non existimavit, sui similibus 
 probari posse, se esse hostem patriae, nisi mihi esset inimi- 
 cus. Cui priusquam de ceteris rebus respondeo, de amici- 
 tia, quam a me violatam esse criminatus est, quod ego gra- 
 vissimum crimen judico, pauca dicam. 
 
 II. Contra rem suam 1 me, nescio quando, venisse 2 questus 
 est. An ego non venirem contra alienum 3 pro familiari et 
 necessario ? Non venirem contra gratiam, non virtutis spe, 
 sed aetatis flore 4 collectam ? Non venirem contra injuriam, 
 quam iste intercessoris iniquissimi beneficio 5 obtinuit, non 
 jure praetorio? 6 Sed hoc idcirco commemoratum a te puto, 
 ut te infimo ordini 7 commendares, quum te omnes recorda- 
 
 voked by me. Cic. alludes to An- 
 tony's reply to his first Philippic. In- 
 trod. 8. 
 
 6. Gratia] This was shewn parti- 
 cularly in the general mourning for 
 Cicero's banishmeut, and joy^ at his 
 return. 
 
 7. Mihiuni,$c] Cat. iii. 6. n. 16. 
 Also Phil. xiv. 8. ' Mihi, consuli, 
 supplicatio, nullis armis sumptis, non 
 ob caedem hostium, sed ob conserva- 
 tionem civium, novo inauditoque ge- 
 nere, decreta est.' 
 
 Sect. II. 1. Rem suam] Against 
 Antony's interest. The circumstances 
 to which Cicero here alludes are not 
 now known : it has been conjectured 
 that in a suit in which Q. Fadius 
 Bambalio, father of Antony's first 
 wife, was defendant, and a friend of 
 Cicero, not named, was his opponent, 
 some attempt was made to influence a 
 tribune to interpose illegally, and pre- 
 vent the trial. 
 
 2. Venisse] Scil. in judicium; the 
 judicial term for appearing as the 
 party's advocate. Munut. Muren. 4. 
 4 Turpe existimas, te advocato, ilium 
 ipsum, contra quem veneris, causa 
 cadere.' 
 
 3. Alienum] i. e. Fadius, as ex- 
 plained above. Phil. iii. 6. ' Tuae 
 conjugis, bonae feminae, locupletis 
 certe, Bambalio quidam pater est, 
 homo nullo numero. Nihil illo con- 
 temptius, qui propter haesitantiam 
 linguae, stuporemque cordis cogno- 
 men ex contumelia traxit' 
 
 4. JEtatis Jiore] Inf. 18. 
 
 5. Intercessoris beneficio] Perhaps 
 interposing his negative when he saw 
 the suit likely to terminate in favour 
 of Cicero's friend. 
 
 6. Jure pratorio] The various 
 edicts of the praetors formed into a 
 ' corpus juris' was so called. 
 
 7. Infimo ordini] The plebeian, 
 whose magistrate was appealed to. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 3. 
 
 351 
 
 rentur libertini generum, et liberos tuos, nepotes Q. Fadii, 
 libertini hominis, fuisse. At enim te in disciplinam meam 
 tradideras : (nam ita dixisti ;) domum meam ventitaras. 8 
 Nae tu, si id fecisses, melius famae, melius pudicitiae tuae 
 consuluisses. Sed neque fecisti, nee, si cuperes, tibi id per 
 C. Curionem 9 facere licuisset. Auguratus petitionem mihi 
 te concessisse dixisti. O incredibilem audaciam ! O impu- 
 dentiam praedicandam ! Quo enim tempore 10 me augurem 11 
 a toto collegio expetitum Cn. Pompeius et Q. Hortensius 
 nominaverunt, 12 (neque enim licebat a pluribus nominari,) 
 tu nee solvendo eras, 13 nee te ullo modo, nisi eversa repub- 
 lica, fore incolumem putabas. Poteras autem eo tempore 
 auguratum petere, quum in Italia Curio non esset i u aut turn, 
 quum es factus, 15 unam tribum sine Curione ferre potuisses ? 
 cujus etiam familiares de vi condemnati sunt, quod tui nimis 
 studiosi fuissent. 
 
 III. At beneficio sum tuo usus. Quo? Quamquam 1 
 illud ipsum, quod commemoras, semper prae me tuli. Malui 
 
 Others understand it of the libertines, 
 who might feel complimented by one 
 of their body Fadius, being so sup- 
 ported. 
 
 8. Domum ventitaras] Young no- 
 blemen on assuming the manly gown, 
 used to put themselves under the di- 
 rection of some distinguished orator or 
 philosopher. Pers. Sat. v. 30. 
 
 9. C. Curionem] Curio's youth 
 was notorious for profligacy, which, 
 however, in manhood gave place to 
 ambition. He became a favourite 
 with the aristocracy and opponent of 
 the Triumvirate. Caesar had the ad- 
 dress to gain him over to his cause, 
 and the courage and firmness which 
 he displayed in supporting it, ren- 
 dered him no favourite with Cicero. 
 He fell in Africa, fighting against 
 Sabura, a general of Juba. Inf. 5. n. 6. 
 
 10. Quo tempore.] a.u.700. For 
 he was appointed in place of Crassus, 
 who was slain by the Parthians. 
 
 11. Me augurem, c\c] Tres fece- 
 runt collegium,' was a proverb at 
 Rome. There were originally three 
 augurs ; one for each tribe ; but as 
 
 the tribes increased so did the augurs. 
 There were now fifteen. 
 
 12. 'Nominaverunt] For several 
 ages the colleges of priests nominated 
 their own members. Cn. Domitius 
 a. u. 649, by a law transferred the 
 appointment to the people. This law 
 was annulled by Sylla, and restored 
 by Labienus. It appears from this 
 passage, that the rule was, for two of 
 the college to nominate, and the peo- 
 ple to select out of their nominees. 
 Antony finally restored the right to 
 the college. 
 
 13. Nee solvendo] Sc.aptus. 'Cum 
 solvendo civitates non essent.' Fam. 
 iii. 8. 
 
 14. In Italia Curio non esset] He 
 was then quaestor in Asia. Fam. ii. 
 5.6. 
 
 15. Turn quum es factus] Sc. a.u. 
 703. Curio was tribune of the com- 
 mons the preceding year, and through 
 his influence, backed by Caesar's au- 
 thority, Antony obtained both the 
 augurship and tribuneship. 
 
 Sect. III. 1. Quumquam] Mil. 2. 
 n. 18. 
 
352 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 me tibi debere confiteri, quam cuiquam minus prudenti non 
 satis gratus videri. Sed quo beneficio? quod me Brun- 
 disii 2 non occideris ? Quem ipse victor, qui tibi, ut tute glo- 
 riari solebas, detulerat ex latronibus 3 suis principatum, saJ- 
 vum esse voluisset, in Italiam ire jussisset, 4 eum tu occideres ? 
 Fac potuisse. 5 Quod est aliud, Patres conscripti, beneficium 
 latronum, nisi ut commemorare possint, iis se dedisse vitam, 
 quibus non ademerint? Quod si esset 6 beneficium, nun- 
 quam qui ilium interfecerunt, a quo erant conservati, 7 quos 
 tu ipse clarissimos viros soles appeilare, tantam essent glo- 
 riam consecuti. Quale autem beneficium est, quod te ab- 
 stinueris nefario scelere ? Qua in re non tam jucundum mihi 
 videri debuit, non interfectum a te, quam miserum, te id 
 impune facere potuisse. Sed sit beneficium, quandoquidem 
 majus accipi a latrone nullum potuit : in quo potes me dicere 
 ingratum ? An de interitu reipublicae 8 queri non debui, ne 
 in te ingratus viderer ? At in ilia querela, 9 misera quidem 
 et luctuosa, sed mihi pro hoc gradu, in quo me senatus po- 
 pulusque Romanus collocavit, necessaria, quid est dictum a 
 me cum contumelia ? quid non moderate ? quid non amice '? 
 Quod quidem cujus temperantiae fuit, de M. Antonio 10 que- 
 rentem, abstinere maledicto? praesertim quum tu reliquias 
 reipublicae dissipavisses ; quum domi tuae 11 turpissimo mer- 
 
 2. Quod me Brundisii, fyc] Cicero and therefore undeserving of glory, 
 had been directed by Dolabella, at But they did obtain glory, therefore, 
 the instance of Caesar, to repair to &c. 
 
 Italy immediately; therefore An- 7. A quo erant conservati] Out of 
 tony who commanded there, could this number are generally excepted 
 not have slain Cic, at least by Brutus and Cassius ; but as the con- 
 Caesar's orders, though certainly the spirators were numerous, upwards of 
 general instructions under which An- sixty, it is probable there were more 
 tony was acting, might well have who never owed their life to Caesar, 
 warranted him in doing so, if he had Among those who did were Rubrius 
 been so disposed. Att. xi. n. 7. Rex, Q. Ligarius, Servius Galba, 
 
 3. Ex latronibus] Ex, ' among,' &c. &c. 
 
 not 'over.' Arch. 4. n. 27. 8. De interitu reipublica] Antony 
 
 4. Ire jussisset] Sc. in the letter of was even a greater tyrant than Caesar, 
 Dolabella, which he had written by as appeared by his revoking Caesar's 
 Caesar's direction. useful laws. 
 
 5. Fac potuisse] Jure belli. 9. In ilia querela] Contained in 
 
 6. Quod si esset, c] Cic. argues the first Philippic. 
 
 that it was not a favour to be pre- 10. De M. Antonio] These words 
 
 served by Caesar; for if it were, the are emphatic. 
 
 assassins of Caesar were ungrateful, 1 1. Domi tiuc] Inf.[37.' In gynaeceo; 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 4. 
 
 353 
 
 catu omnia essent venalia ; qimm leges eas, 12 quae nunquam 
 promulgatae essent, et de te, 13 et a te latas confiterere ; quum 
 auspicia augur, 14 intercessionem consul 15 sustulisses ; quum 
 esses foedissime stipatus armatis, 16 quum omnes impuritates 
 pudica in domo 17 quotidie susciperes, vino lustrisque confec- 
 tus. At ego, tamquam mihi cum M. Crasso 18 contentio esset, 
 quocum multae et magna? fuerunt, non cum uno gladiatore 19 
 nequissimo, de republica graviter querens, de homine nihil 
 dixi. Itaque hodie perficiam ut intelligat, quantum a me 
 beneficium turn acceperit. 
 
 IV. At etiam literas, 1 quas me sibi misisse diceret, reci- 
 tavit, homo et humanitatis expers, et vitae communis ignarus. 
 Quis enim unquam, qui paullulum modo bonorum consuetu- 
 dinem nosset, literas ad se ab amico missas, oflfensione aliqua 
 interposita, in medium protulit, palamque recitavit ? Quid 
 est aliud, tollere e vita vita? societatem, tollere 2 amicorum 
 colloquia absentium ? quam multa joca solent esse in epis- 
 tolis, quae, prolata si sint, inepta videantur! quam multa 
 seria, neque tamen ullo modo divulganda ! Sit hoc inhu- 
 
 quo in loco multae res veniere, &c.' 
 
 12. Leges eas] Among these were 
 a law to confer the freedom of the 
 city on the Sicilians ; a law about 
 Deiotarus; an Agrarian law; and a 
 law to abolish the name of dictator. 
 
 13. De te~\ The Licinian and -Ebu- 
 tian laws forbad the legislator or his 
 relatives to have any share in the exe- 
 cution of a law. This was notoriously 
 violated by Antony. 
 
 14. Auspicia augur] Which was 
 of course a more flagrant act in him 
 than an ordinary man. Inf. 33. 
 
 15. Intercessionem consul] This he 
 did, either by stationing guards to 
 prevent the tribunes from entering the 
 forum and senate, or by not promul- 
 gating the laws at all. 
 
 16. Stipatus armatis.] Phil. i. 7. 
 n. 5. 
 
 17. Pudica in domo] Pompey's. 
 Hence inf. 27. Tu ingredi illam do- 
 mum ausus es, &c.' 
 
 18. M. Crasso] Plut. Crass. 13. 
 The ground of their enmity was an 
 
 insinuation of Cicero's, that Crassus 
 had a share in the Catilinarian con- 
 spiracy ; but a reconciliation was at 
 length effected through the good of- 
 fices of young Crassus, who was a 
 pupil and admirer of Cicero's. 
 
 19. Uno gladiatore] ' Unus' is 
 sometimes employed for ' aliquis,' 
 quidam ;' occasionally, contemptu- 
 ously. Forcel. V. E. 
 
 Sect. IV. 1. At etiam literas] 
 Antony having procured from Cxsar 
 the recall of S. Clodius from banish- 
 ment, wrote a polite letter to Cic, 
 apprising him of the fact, and beg- 
 ging his concurrence. Cicero's reply 
 was highly complimentary : ' Ego 
 vero tibi istuc, mi Antoni, remitto ; 
 atque ita ut me a te, quum his verbis 
 scripseris, liberalissime et honorificen- 
 tissime tractatum existimem.' Att. xiv. 
 13. Antony, in his speech, quoted 
 this to shew Cicero's estimation of 
 him a few months before. 
 
 2. Tollere] Al. quam tollere. Trans. 
 In what else consists the robbing life 
 H II 2 
 
354 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 manitatis tuae : stultitiam incredibilem videte. Quid habes, 
 quod mihi opponas, homo diserte, ut Mustelae Tamisio et 
 Tironi Numisio 3 videris ? qui quum hoc ipso tempore stent 
 cum gladiis in conspectu senatus, ego quoque te disertum 
 putabo, si ostenderis, quomodo sis eos inter sicarios 4 defen- 
 surus. Sed quid opponas tandem, si negem, me unquam 
 istas literas ad te misisse? quo me teste convincas? An 
 chirographo ? 5 in quo habes scientiam quaestuosam. 6 Qui 
 possis ? sunt enim librarii manu. Jam invideo magistro tuo, 7 
 qui te tanta mercede, 8 quantam jam proferam, nihil sapere 
 docuit. Quid est enim minus non dico oratoris, sed homi- 
 nis, quam id objicere adversario, quod ille si verbo negarit, 
 longius progredi non possit, qui objecerit? At ego non 
 nego: teque in isto ipso convinco non inhumanitatis solum, 
 sed etiam amentiae. Quod enim verbum in istis Uteris 9 est 
 non plenum humanitatis, officii, benevolentiae ? Omne autem 
 crimen tuum est, quod de te in his literis non male existi- 
 mem ; quod scribam tamquam ad civem, tamquam ad bo- 
 num virum, non tamquam ad sceleratum et latronem. At 
 ego tuas literas, etsi jure poteram a te lacessitus, tamen non 
 proferam : quibus petis, ut tibi per me liceat quendam 10 de 
 exsilio reducere, adjurasque, id te, invito me, non esse fac- 
 turum, idque a me impetras. Quid enim me interponerem 
 audaciae tuae ? quem neque auctoritas hujus ordinis, neque 
 existimatio populi Romani, neque leges ullae possent coer- 
 cere. Verumtamen quid erat, quod me rogares, si erat is, 
 de quo rogabas, Caesaris lege reductus? 11 Sed videlicet 
 
 of its social joys, the robbing it of the rician of Sicily, and favourite of An- 
 
 converse of absent friends, if not in tony. Suet, de Clar. Rhet. 
 
 this? 8. Tanta mercede] Inf. 39, and 
 
 3. Mustelce Numisio] These were more fully, Phil. iii. 9. * En, cur ma- 
 leaders of Antony's gladiators. Phil, gister ejus, ex oratore arator factus, 
 v. 6. viii. 9. V. E. possideat, in agro publico populi Ro- 
 
 4. Inter sicarios] If accused under mani, campi Leontini duo millia juge- 
 the law inflicting punishment on as- rum immunia j ut hominem stolidum 
 sassins. V. E. * Sicarius' from ' sica.' magis etiam infatuet mercede pub- 
 Mil. 6. n. 13. lica.' 
 
 5. Chirographo] A manuscript or 9. Istis lit eris] Att. xiv. 13. Supr. 6. 
 signature. n. 1. 
 
 6. Scientiam qu&stuosam] He insi- 10. Quendam] Sext. Clodius. 
 nuates that Antony forged Caesar's 11. Casaris lege reductus] Phil. i. 
 writing and signature. Inf. 14. 1 . Num qui exsules restituti ? unum 
 
 7. Magistro tuo] Clodius, a rheto- aiebant; praeterea neminem.' 
 
PH1LIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 5. 355 
 
 meam gratiam 12 voluit esse : in quo ne ipsius quidem ulla 
 esse poterat, lege lata. 
 
 V. Sed quum mihi, Patres conscripti, et pro me aliquid, 1 
 et in M. Antonium multa dicenda sint : alterum peto a vo- 
 bis, ut me, pro me dieentem, benigne ; alterum ipse efficiam, 
 ut, contra ilium quum dicam, attente audiatis. Simul illud 
 oro : si meam quum in omni vita, turn in dicendo moderati- 
 onem modestiamque cognostis, ne me hodie, quum isti, ut 
 provocavit, respondero, oblitum esse putetis mei. Non trac- 
 tabo ut eonsulem : ne ille quidem me ut consularem. 2 Etsi 
 ille nullo modo consul, vel quod ita vivit, vel quod ita rem- 
 publicam gerit, vel quod ita f actus est : 3 ego sine ulla contro- 
 versia consularis. Ut igitur 4 intelligeretis, qualem 5 ipse se 
 eonsulem profiteretur, objecit mihi consulatum meura. Qui 
 consulatus, verbo meus, Patres conscripti, re vester fuit. 
 Quid enim ego constitui, quid gessi, quid egi, nisi ex hujus 
 ordinis consilio, auctoritate, sententia? Ha3C tu homo sa- 
 piens, non solum eloquens, apud eos, quorum consilio sapien- 
 tiaque gesta sunt, ausus es vituperare ? Quis autem, raeuni 
 consulatum, praeter P. Clodium, qui vituperaret, inventus 
 est? Cujus quidem tibi fatum, sicuti C. Curioni, manet: 
 quoniam id domi f ' tuae est, quod fuit illorum utrique fatale. 
 Non placet M. Antonio consulatus meus. At placuit P. 
 
 12. Meam gratiam'] He wished, state the merits of his own. 
 forsooth, that I should have the ere- 5. Qualem'] i. e. A had one, being 
 
 dit of the thing ; whereas on his own the reverse of Cic. himself, 
 shewing, there could be none due even 6. Id domi] Fulvia, formerly the 
 
 to himself, the law being of Caesar's wife of Clodius, and then of Curio, 
 
 enactment. Curio fell in Africa, righting on Caesar's 
 
 Sect. V. 1 . Pro me aliquid] side, in a battle with Sabura, the ge- 
 
 Opposed to ' in M. Antonium multa,' neral of king Juba. How Fulvia 
 
 agreeably the remark of Dem. (De caused the death of either does not 
 
 Cor. 2.) o tyvaii iraaiv vTrapx&i appear. In the case of Antony, 
 
 tuiq s-rraivovcriv avrovQ a"x9to9ai. however, there is more truth ; for 
 
 2. Consulem consularem] Cicero after the battle at Philippi, having 
 intimates that these were relative to repair to the east to arrange 
 terms, so that if the consul were affairs there, he left Fulvia at home, 
 wanting in respect to him, it war- She soon quarrelled with Augus- 
 ranted a similar return to the con- tus, and impelled L. Antonius to 
 sul. take arms, setting the example her- 
 
 3. Factus est] You are nominated self, by wearing a sword. Her hatred 
 by Caesar. So inf. 32. ' Jussus est re- to Augustus arose from his repudiat- 
 nunciari consul, et quidem cum ipso.' ing her daughter Clodia ; besides, she. 
 
 4. Ut igitur, 6\c] He is led by the hoped, by causing a rupture with Au- 
 notice of Antony's consulship, to gustus, to withdraw Antony from the 
 
3.S6 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Servilio, 7 ut eum primum nominem ex illius temporis consu- 
 laribus, qui proxime est mortuus : placuit Q. Catulo, 8 cujus 
 semper in hac republica vivet auctoritas: placuit duobus 
 Lucullis, 9 M. Crasso, 10 Q. Hortensio, 11 C. Curioni, 12 C. 
 Pisoni, M\ Glabrioni, M\ Lepido, L. Volcatio, C. Figulo, 
 D. Silano, L. Murenae, qui turn erant consules designati: pla- 
 cuit idem, quod consularibus, M. Catoni ; qui quum multa, 
 vita excedens, 13 providit, 14 turn quod te consulem non vidit. 
 Maxime vero consulatum meum Cn. Pompeius 15 probavit ; 
 qui, ut me primum decedens ex Syria 16 vidit, complexus et 
 gratulans, meo beneficio patriam se visurum esse dixit. Sed 
 quid singulos commemoro ? Frequentissimo senatui sic pla- 
 cuit, ut esset nemo, qui mihi non, ut parenti, gratias ageret ; 
 qui non mihi vitam suam, fortunas, liberos, rempublicam 
 referret acceptam. 
 
 VI. Sed quoniam illis, quos nominavi, tot et talibus riria 
 respublica orbata est: veniamus ad vivos, qui duo 1 de con- 
 sularium numero reliqui sunt. L. Cotta, vir summo ingenio 
 summaque prudentia, rebus iis gestis, quas tu reprehendis, 
 supplicationem decrevit verbis amplissimis, eique illi i])si, 
 quos modo nominavi, consulares, senatusque cunctus assensus 
 est ; qui honos post conditam banc urbem habitus est togato 
 ante me nemini. L. Caesar, 2 avunculus tuus, qua oratione, qua 
 constantia, qua gravitate sententiam dixit in sororis suae vi- 
 rum, vitricum 3 tuum ! Hunc tu quum auctorem et praecep- 
 
 arms of Cleopatra. In this she sue- 13. Vita excedens] At Utica. The 
 
 ceeded, and met him at Sicyon, on story is given with suspicious circura- 
 
 his return ; but died of grief in conse- stantiality, by Plutarch, in his Life 
 
 quence of his neglect of her. The of Cato, c. 67 70. 
 
 story of her cruel triumph over Cicero 14. Providit] i.e. ' Cavit.' 'Cato, 
 
 is better known than worthy of credit, by dying, as well guarded against 
 
 Hooke, x. 15. many evils, as this, that he did not see 
 
 7. P. Servilio] Manil. 23. n. 7. you a consul.' The negative in the 
 
 8. Catulo] Manil. 17. n. 1. latter clause is redundant; as in Greek, 
 
 9. Duobus Lucullis] Introd. Manil. fit) is added to privative verbs. 
 
 and Arch. 15. Pompeius] Cat. iv. 10. n. 11. 
 
 10. M. Crasso] The triumvir, who 16. Decedens ex Syria] After con- 
 fell in Parthia. He was consul with eluding the Mithrid. war. 
 Pompey, a. u. 698. Sect. VI. l.Quiduo] These were 
 
 11. Hortensio] Manil. 17. n. 2. the only two alive, who were consular 
 
 12. C. Cinioni] The elder. He men when he was consul. 
 
 used to call Cicero's consulship a7ro* 2. L. Cesar] Phil. i. 11. n.2. 
 
 0iw<nc. Att. i. 16. 3. Vitricum] Lentulus Sura. Cat. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 7. 357 
 
 torem omnium consiliorum totiusque vitae debuisses habere, 
 vitrici te similem, quam avunculi maluisti. Hujus ego, alie- 
 nus, 4 consiliis consul usus sum : tu sororis filius, ecquid ad 
 eum unquam de republica retulisti ? At ad quos refert ? 
 Dii immortales! ad eos scilicet, quorum nobis etiam dies 
 natales audiendi 5 sunt. Hodie non descendit 6 Antonius. Cur ? 
 Dat natalicia in hortis. Cui ? Neminem nominabo. Putate 
 turn Phormioni alicui, turn Gnathoni, turn etiam Ballioni. 7 
 O foeditatem hominis flagitiosam ! O impudentiam, nequi- 
 tiam, libidinem non ferendam ! Tu quum principem sena- 
 torem, civem singularem, tarn propinquum habeas, ad eum 
 de republica nihil referas : ad eos referas, qui suam rem 8 
 nullam habent, tuam exhauriunt ? 
 
 VII. Tuus videlicet salutaris consulatus, perniciosus 
 meus. Adeone pudorem cum pudicitia 1 perdidisti, ut hoc 
 in eo templo dicere ausus sis, in quo ego senatum ilium, qui 
 quondam florens orbi terrarum praesidebat, consulebam : 2 tu 
 homines perditissimos cum gladiis collocavisti ? 3 At etiam 
 ausus es (quid autem est, quod tu non audeas?) clivum Ca- 
 pitolinum 4 ' dicere, me consule, plenum servorum armato- 
 rum 5 fuisse. Ut ilia, credo, nefaria senatusconsulta fierent, 
 
 iii. 6. n. 9. Vitricus' qu. vatricus,' scendo' became as ' prodire.' 
 
 i. e. 'patricus;' or, from vice pa- 7. Phormioni Ballioni'] The two 
 
 tris.' former, characters in Terence's come- 
 
 4. Alienus] Opposed to ' sororis dies ; the latter, in the Pseudolus of 
 films.' Plautus. Such are Antony's asso- 
 
 5. Natales audiendi] Are thought ciates ! Their real names Cicero does 
 of consequence enough to be commu- not give. V. E. 
 
 nicated to us senators. Heusinger. 8. Suam rem, &;c] Manut. says 
 
 Others interpret, ' are celebrated with that he plays on the word res. '. Cur 
 
 so much noise as to reach us here.' ad eos refers de republica, qui suam 
 
 V. E. nullam rem habent, &c.' 
 
 6. Non descendit] ' The nobles had Sect. VII. 1. Pudor. pudic] 
 their mansions situated on hills.' Mil. 28. n. 17. 
 
 Manut. But Antony was now resid- 2. Senatum consulebam] Was 
 
 ing in the house of Pompey, which it consul of, advised with, 
 
 appears, was in the Carinas, a very low 3. In eo templo collocavisti] Inf. 
 
 situation. Valla accounts for it thus : 8. ' Inter subsellia nostra versentur 
 
 ' Descendo in proelium, descendo in armati.' It was guarded externally, 
 
 forum, descendo in campum dicimus; too. Inf. 44. ' cur armatorum corona 
 
 non quia de loco superiore in inferio- senatus septus est V Phil. iii. 12. 
 
 rem descendimus, sed quia de loco 4. Clivum Capitolinum] The as- 
 
 tuto in locum discriminis, &c.' So cent to the Capitol, called by Hor. 
 
 Hor. Carm. iii. 1. 'hie generosior de- Carm. iv. 2, ' Clivus sacer.' Liv. iii. 
 
 scendat in campum petitor.' Graev. 18. 
 
 thinks that from the specific it came 5. Servorum armatorum] This was 
 
 to have a general meaning, and ' de- contrary to the Roman laws. 
 
358 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO 
 
 vim afferebam senatui. O miser, sive ilia tibi nota non 
 sunt, (nihil enim boni nosti,) sive sunt, qui apud tales viros 
 tarn impudenter loquare ! Quis enim eques Romanus, 
 quis, praeter te, adolescens nobilis, quis ullius ordinis, qui se 
 civem meminisset, quum senatus in hoc templo esset, in clivo 
 Capitolino non fuit ? quis nomen non dedit ? Quamquam 6 
 nee scribae sufficere, nee tabulae nomina illorum capere po- 
 tuerunt. Etenim quum 7 homines nefarii de patriae parricidio 
 confiterentur, consciorum indiciis, sua manu, voce paene lite- 
 rarum coacti, se urbem inflammare, cives trucidare, vastare 
 Ttaliam, delere rempublicam consensisse ; quis esset, qui ad 
 salutem communem defendendam non excitaretur ? praeser- 
 tim quum senatus populusque Romanus haberet ducem, qua- 
 lis si qui nunc esset, tibi idem, quod illis accidit, contigis- 
 set. 8 Ad sepulturam corpus vitrici 9 sui negat a me datum. 
 Hoc vero ne P. quidem Clodius dixit uncjuam. Quem, quia 
 jure ei inimicus iui, doleo a te omnibus vitiis eum esse supe- 
 ratum. Qui autem tibi venit in mentem, redigere in me- 
 moriam nostram, te domi P. Lentuli esse educatum? An 
 verebare, ne non putaremus natura te potuisse tam impro- 
 bum evadere, nisi accessisset etiam disciplina ? 
 
 VIII. Tam autem eras excors, ut tota in oratione tua te- 
 cum ipse pugnares ; ut non modo non cohaerentia inter se 
 diceres, sed maxime disjuncta atque contraria ; ut non tanta 
 mecum, quanta tecum tibi esset contentio ! Vitricum tuum 
 fuisse in tan to scelere fatebare, poena affectum querebare. 
 Ita, quod proprie meum est, laudasti : quod totum est sena- 
 tus, reprehendisti. Nam, comprehensio sontium, mea ; ani- 
 madversio, senatus fuit. Homo disertus non intelligit, eum, 
 quern contra dicit, laudari a se ; eos, apud quos dicit, vitu- 
 
 6. Quamquam, fyc] A correction. 8. Accidit, contigisset] ' Accidit' is 
 Mil. 2. n. 18. The construction is generally said of bad, ' contigit' of 
 ' potuerunt sufficere.' Liv. xxxvi. good fortune. Again, ' accidit' is 
 35. ' Romani quoad sufficere remiges said of what happens by mere chance, 
 potuerunt, &c.' ' contigit* of what happens from cer- 
 
 7. Etenim quum, fc] The best tain, though unforeseen, causes. So 
 construction, perhaps, is : Quum Cic. insinuates that what was a mere 
 nefarii homines, consciorum coacti, accident in the case of Catiline, would 
 confiterentur de p. par. nempe se be a regular cousequence of Antony's 
 consensisse urhem inflammare, &c.' conduct. Em., however, would 
 Ros. A. 41. Utrumeam rem recu- erase one of the verbs. 
 
 sares, an de maleficio confiterere.' 9. Vitrici] Supr. 5.n. 3, 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 8. 
 
 159 
 
 perari. Jam illud cujus est, non dico audacia?, 1 (cupit enim 
 se audacem :) sed, quod minime vult, stultitia?, qua viucit 
 omnes, clivi Capitolini mentionem facere, quum inter sub- 
 sellia nostra versentur armati ? quum in hac cella Concordia?, 
 dii immortales ! in qua, me consule, salutares sententia? dic- 
 ta? sunt, quibus ad hanc diem viximus, cum gladiis homines 
 collocati stent ? 2 Accusa senatum ; accusa equestrem ordi- 
 nem, qui turn cum senatu copulatus 3 fuit; accusa omnes or- 
 dmes, omnes cives, dum confiteare, hunc ordinem, hoc ipso 
 tempore, ab Ityraeis 4 circumsederi. Ha?c tu non propter 
 audaciam dicis tam impud enter, sed, qui tantam rerum re- 
 pugnantiam non videas, nihil profecto sapis. Quid est enim 
 dementius, quam, quum reipublica? perniciosa arma ipse ce- 
 peris, 5 objicere alteri salutaria ? At etiam quodam loco 
 facetus esse voluisti. Qilam id te, dii boni, non decebat ! fi 
 In quo est tua culpa nonnulla. A liquid enim salis a mima 
 uxore 7 trahere potuisti. ' Cedant arma toga?. 8 Quid ? turn 
 noune cesserunt 1 At postea tuis armis cessit toga. Qua?- 
 ramus igitur, utrum melius fuerit, libertati populi Romani 
 
 Sect. VIII. 1. Non dico auda- 
 cia] Vatin. 8. ' Cogitarisne, in illo 
 tuo intolerabili non regno, (namcu- 
 pis id audire) sed latrocinio, augur 
 fieri in Q. Metelli locum.' 
 
 2. Stent] It is remarked that Cic, 
 * in rebus atrocibus,' frequently ends 
 his sentences with a monosyllable. 
 Thus Mil. 4. Insidiatori qu* 
 
 potest afferri injusta nex ? Ligar. 3. 
 ' Ad ea arma profectus sum qua? erant 
 sumpta contra te? Vid., also, Ligar. 
 
 4. n. 19. 
 
 3. Turn copulatus] Cat. iv. 7. n. 
 
 5. The knights, two years after this 
 junction, claiming exemption from a 
 public engagement which they had 
 entered into with the republic, and 
 being thwarted by some decrees of 
 the consuls, came to an open rupture 
 with the senate. 
 
 4. Ityrazis] The inhabitants of 
 Ityraea, a rough mountainous country 
 on the north-east frontier of Syria and 
 the confines of Arabia. Antony had 
 spent some time in Judaea when he 
 joined Gabinius, and may have at- 
 
 tached to himself some of this fierce 
 people. Virgil, Georg. ii. 448, cele- 
 brates their archery. ' Ithyraeos taxi 
 torquentur in arcus.' 
 
 5. Arma ipse ceperis] Appian says 
 they were granted by the senate to 
 protect him from the mob, who were 
 enraged at his slaying the Pseudo- 
 Marius. 
 
 6. Non decebat] Either as being 
 naturally stupid, or, as being in a 
 passion. 
 
 7. Mima uxore] Cytheris, who had 
 formerly lived with Volumnius Eu- 
 trapelus, and with whom Cicero was 
 acquainted. Fam. ix. 26. That An- 
 tony ever married her, as some com- 
 mentators have thought, is improba- 
 ble. V. E. Virg. is thought to al- 
 lude to her Eel. x. : 
 
 Tua, Galle, Lycoris 
 
 Perque nives alium perq ; horrida 
 castra secuta est. 
 
 8. Cedant arma] The whole verse 
 ran : ' Cedant arma togae, concedat 
 laurea laudi,' and Cicero merely 
 meant that war was about to give way 
 
360 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 sceleratorum arma, an libertatem nostram armis tuis cedere. 
 Nee vero tibi de versibus 9 plura respondebo ; tantum dicam 
 breviter: te neque illos, neque ullas omnino literas nosse : 
 me nee reipublicae, nee amicis unquam defuisse, et tamen 
 omni genere monumentoruui meoruin perfecisse operis sub- 
 secivis, 10 ut meae vigiliae meaeque literae, et juventuti utilita- 
 tis, et nomini Romano laudis aliquid aflferrent. Sed haec 
 non hujus temporis : majora videamus. 
 
 IX. P. Clodium meo consilio interfectum esse dixisti. 
 Quidnam homines putarent, si turn occisus esset, quum tu 
 ilium in foro, inspectante populo Romano, gladio stricto in- 
 secutus es, negotiumque transegisses, nisi se ille in scalas 1 ta- 
 bernae 2 librariae conjecisset, iisque oppilatis 3 impetum tuum 
 compressisset ? Quod quidem ego tavisse me tibi fateor, 
 suasisse ne tu quidem dicis. At -Miloni ne favere quidem 
 potui. Prius enim rem transegit, quam quisquam eum fac- 
 turum id suspicaretur. At ego suasi. Scilicet is animus 
 erat Milonis, ut prodesse reipublicae sine suasore non posset ! 
 At laetatus sum. Quid ergo ? in tanta laetitia 4 cunctae civitatis 
 me unum tristem esse oportebat? Quamquam 5 de morte 
 P. Clodii fuit quaestio non satis prudenter ilia quidem con- 
 stituta. Quid enim attinebat nova lege quaeri de eo, qui 
 
 to peace. Others, however, under- seciva opera,' works performed during 
 
 stood it to mean that the highest mi- that time. It is said to be taken 
 
 litary commander, e. g. Pompey, from the division of land, being ap- 
 
 should yield the laurel to Cicero's plied to any surplus which did not 
 
 civic gown. Pis. 30. fall into the regular measurement. 
 
 9. Nee de versibus plura respon- Sect. IX. 1. Scalas] A stair- 
 debu] Whether Antony's wit was di- case. We may suppose it an outer 
 recited against particular verses of the structure, under which there was 
 composition of Cicero, or against such room for concealment and means of 
 employment of his time in general, defence. Hor. Ep. ii. 2. 15. 
 
 does not exactly appear. Cicero finds 2. Tabeitue] i.e. ' Locus clausus 
 
 it convenient to understand Antony tabulis.' ' Nulla taberna meos ha- 
 
 in the latter sense, as reproaching beat neque pila libellos.' Hor. Sat. 
 
 him with the misapplication of his i. 4. 71. 
 
 time. V. E. Cic. wrote a poetical 3. Oppilatis] ' Ob pila,' a pile, 
 
 work on Caesar's wars ; and at the Hence to pile against, to barricade, 
 
 age of sixty used to compose five hun- 4. In tanta latitia] Compare here, 
 
 dred verses a day. iEschines's charge against Demosthe- 
 
 10. Subsecivis] 'Sub seco,' to nes, (c. 29), for omitting the due 
 cut away. Hence ' subsecivum tern- mourning for his daughter ; also, 
 pus,' time cut off from the day, for Dem. de Cor. 88. 
 
 recreation ; spare time and sub- 5. Quamquam, $c] Mil. 2. n. 18. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 10. 
 
 361 
 
 hominem occidisset, quum esset legibus 6 quaestio constituta ? 
 Quaesitum est tamen. Quod igitur, 7 quum res agebatur, 
 nemo in me dixit, id tot annis post tu es inventus qui 
 diceres ? 
 
 Quod vero dicere ausus es, idque multis verbis, opera mea 
 Pompeium a Caesaris amicitia esse dijunctum, ob eamque 
 causam culpa mea civile bellum esse natum ; in eo non 
 tu quidem tota re, sed, quod maximum est, temporibus 
 errasti. 
 
 X. Ego M. Bibulo, 1 praestantissimo civi, consule, nihil 
 praetermisi, quantum facere enitique potui, quin Pompeium 
 a Caesaris conjunctione avocarem. In quo Caesar felicior 
 iuit ; ipse enim Pompeium a mea familiaritate dijunxit. 
 Postea vero, 2 quam se totum Pompeius Caesari tradidit ; quid 
 ego ilium ab eo distrahere conarer ? Stulti erat sperare ; sua- 
 dere impudentis. Duo tamen tempora inciderunt, quibus 
 aliquid contra Caesarem Pompeio suaserim. Ea velim re- 
 prehendas, si potes : unum, ne quinquennii imperium 3 Cae- 
 
 The suppressed proposition is ' If 
 all, as you say, rejoiced at the death 
 of Clodius, why was Milo con- 
 demned?' It was owing to the spe- 
 cial commission appointed, not by 
 the senate, but by Pompey. 
 
 6. Legibus] Scil. the Cornelian 
 law, de sicariis,' &c. 
 
 7. Quod, igitur, fyc] Cic. con- 
 tradicts this, Mil. 18. His words there 
 are ' Scitis, J ud'ices, Juisse, qui in hac 
 rogatione saudenda dicerent, Milonis 
 manu caedem esse factam, consilio 
 vero majoris alicujus.' Perhaps no 
 one expressly named him perhaps 
 he forgot his former assertion. 
 
 Sect. X. 1. Bibulo] Consul with 
 Caesar, a. u. 694. Being a friend of 
 the 'optimates,' he opposed the popu- 
 lar measures of his colleague, particu- 
 larly an Agrarian law for distributing 
 the lands of Campania to 20,000 
 poor citizens, who had each three 
 children or more. Plane. 5. Att. ii. 
 16 19. Not being able to carry 
 this through the senate, Caesar re- 
 ferred it to the people, but was opposed 
 
 by Bibulus, who declared every as- 
 sembly-day holy to the end of the year, 
 and withdrew from all public busi- 
 ness for eight months, except the rei- 
 teration of his declaration (obnunci- 
 atio.) Hence the wits of that time 
 said that the acts were signed Julio et 
 Ccesare Coss., and the verses are well 
 known : 
 ' Non Bibulo quidquam nuper, sed 
 
 Caesare factum est ; 
 Nam Bibulo fieri consule nil rae- 
 
 mini.' 
 During this time Caesar had the ad- 
 dress to secure the neutrality of Pom- 
 
 pey- 
 
 2. Postea vero] i. e. "W hen the first 
 triumvirate was fully formed, a. u. 
 693, and Pompey, on marrying Julia, 
 had made the calls of ambition secon- 
 dary to those of love. 
 
 3. Quinquennii imperii] The se- 
 nate, on the expiration of Caesar's 
 consulship, voted him the charge of 
 the woods and roads as a province. 
 The people, however, on the motion 
 of Yatinius, gave him Cisal. Gaul 
 
 I I 
 
362 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 sari prorogaret: 4 alterum/ ne pateretur ferri, ut absentis ejus 
 ratio haberetur. Quorum si utrumvis persuasissem, in has 
 miserias nunquam incidissemus. Atque idem ego, quum 
 jam 6 opes omnes et suas, et populi Roman i, Pompeius ad 
 Caesarem detulisset, seroque 7 ea sentire coepisset, quae ego 
 mul to ante provideram, inferrique patriae bellum nefarium 
 viderem ; pacis, concordiae, compositionis auctor esse non 
 destiti, meaque ilia vox est nota multis : ' Utinam, Cn. Pom- 
 pei, cum C. Caesare societatem aut nunquam coisses, aut 
 nunquam diremisses! fuit alterum gravitatis, alterum pru- 
 dentiae tuae.' Haec mea, M. Antoni, semper et de Pom- 
 peio, et de republica consilia fuerunt: quae si valuissent, 
 respublica staret, tu tuis flagitiis, egestate, infamia conci- 
 disses. 
 
 and Illyricum for Jive years ; and 
 Transalp. Gaul, having by the death 
 of Metellus Celer, become vacant, it 
 was added by the senate, to prevent a 
 fresh application to the people. 
 
 4. Unumprorogaret] Caesar set 
 out for his province in 695, leaving 
 the command of the city to Pompey 
 and Crassus. In 697 he wintered in 
 Lucca, after three glorious campaigns, 
 and was visited there by Pompey and 
 Crassus, whom he advised to sue for 
 the consulship the following year. 
 They succeeded of course, and Trebo- 
 nius, a tribune, having promulgated a 
 law, that the consular provinces should 
 be held for five years, with the power 
 of raising what forces the proconsuls 
 should think proper, Pompey further 
 enacted, that Caesar should have five 
 years added to his command in Gaul, 
 though there were then two of the for- 
 mer five remaining. This then is the 
 first time intended by Cic. a. u. 698. 
 Yet Cic. expressly opposed the recall 
 of Caesar in 697. Prov. Cons. 8. 
 
 5. Alterum'] When the consulship 
 of Crassus and Pompey expired, Syria 
 was assigned to Crassus as his pro- 
 vince ; to Pompey Spain. Pompey, 
 however, having previously obtained, 
 through means of Cic, a five years' 
 
 command over the public stores and 
 rents of the empire, remained at Rome, 
 governing Spain by his lieutenants. 
 The public disturbances connected 
 with Milo, caused him to be chosen 
 sole consul, a. u. 701 ; and to recon- 
 cile Caesar to this extraordinary as- 
 sumption of power, he proposed a law 
 that Cae?ar should be permitted to 
 stand for the consulship without ap- 
 pearing in person. Yet Cic. Att. vii. 
 1, writes ' ut illi hoc liceret adjuvi, 
 rogatus ab ipso Ravennae de Caelio 
 tribuno plebis.' This is the second time. 
 
 6. Quamjam, &c] Namely, from 
 701, when Pompey, as sole consul, 
 passed the decree in favour of Caesar. 
 Julia was yet living, and perhaps now 
 the sole cement between these ambi- 
 tious men. 
 
 7. Seroque] In the year 702, after 
 Julia's death, it was first moved in the 
 senate to recall Caesar, when two 
 years of his command were still re- 
 maining. Towards the end of this 
 year, an act was passed to consider 
 the case of the consular provinces in 
 the following March ; longer than 
 which, Pompey now first declared, 
 that Caesar should not continue in 
 Gaul. This then appears to be the 
 time here meant by Cicero. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 11. 
 
 363 
 
 XL Sed haec vetera i 1 illud vero reeens, Caesarem meo 
 consilio interfectum. 2 Jam vereor, Patres conscripti, ne, 
 quod turpissimum est, praevaricatorem 3 mihi apposuisse vi~ 
 dear, qui me non solum meis laudibus ornaret, sed etiam 
 oneraret alienis. Quis enim meum in istius gloriosissimi 
 iacti conscientia 4 nomen audivit ? Cujus autem, qui in eo 
 numero fuisset, nomen est occultatum? occultatum dico ? 
 cujus non statim divulgatum ? Citius dixerim, jactasse se 
 aliquos, 5 ut fuisse in ea societate viderentur, quum conscii 6 
 non fuissent, quam ut quisquam celari vellet, qui fuisset. 
 Quam veri simile porro est, in tot hominibus, partim obscu- 
 ris, partim adolescentibus neminem occultantibus, meum 
 nomen latere potuisse ? Etenim si auctores ad liberandam 
 patriam desiderarentur illis auctoribus, Brutos ego impelle- 
 rem, quorum uterque L. Bruti imaginem 7 quotidie videret, 
 alter 8 etiam Ahalae. Hi igitur his majoribus, ab alienis 
 
 Sect. XI. 1. Htec vetera'] We 
 must suppose Cicero to have followed 
 the order of Antony's objections, else 
 he should have treated of Pompey's 
 camp before the death of Caesar. 
 
 2. Ciesarem meo consilio interfec- 
 tum] Antony had placed a statue in 
 the Rostra, inscribed ' Parenti optime 
 merenti' ' ut,' as Cicero adds, ' non 
 modo sicarii sed jam etiam parricidae 
 judicemini.' 
 
 3. Prtevaricatorem] This word, like 
 ' delirus' and some others, is borrowed 
 from husbandry, which was always in 
 great repute at Rome. Thus Pliny, 
 'Arator nisi incurvus praevaricatur.' 
 * Praevaricor,' then is valde varico, 
 rectam lineam praegredior.' The 
 ploughman goes as it were in two 
 furrows, or from one to the other. The 
 transition is easy, to the lawyer who 
 takes a fee from both the parties. 
 Here it means that Cic. employed 
 Antony as a sham-accuser, to bring 
 charges, which, at the expense of 
 others, would redound to his credit. 
 
 4. Quis conscientia'] Al. societate. 
 Who among those who were privy to 
 this noble design. V. E. 
 
 5. Jactasse se aliquos] He alludes, 
 among ethers, to C. Octavius and 
 
 Lentulus Spinther, who, according to 
 Plutarch, hurried to the capitol among 
 the conspirators, and claimed a share 
 of the glory. Antony and Augustus 
 acknowledged their claim by putting 
 them to death. Spinther, however, 
 (Fam. xii. 14.) asserts his share 
 in it. 
 
 6. Conscii] Al. socii. 
 
 7. Imaginem] The ' imago' was 
 generally formed of wax, but it is also 
 taken to stand for the pictures of a 
 family ; the ' statua' was of more du- 
 rable materials, as wood, stone, or 
 brass. The waxen 'imagines,' again, 
 were kept in chests in the ' atrium,' 
 and produced only on the days of 
 public procession or private festivity ; 
 the pictures were suspended in the 
 same place, and were always exposed 
 to view. The ' statuae' were placed 
 in the vestibule, and were only those 
 of the leading and distinguished men of 
 the family, or its living representa- 
 tive ; while the ' imagines' were of 
 all. 
 
 8. Alter] Marcus Brutus was the 
 son of Servilia, a descendant of Servi" 
 lius Ahala, who put to death Sp- 
 Maelius. 
 
 9. Ahalce] This shews that women 
 
364 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 potius consilium peterent, quam a suis ? et foris potius, quam 
 domo ? Quid ? C. Cassius, 10 in ea familia natus, quae non 
 raodo dominatum, sed ne potentiam quidem cujusquam ferre 
 potuit, me auctorem, credo, desideravit : qui etiam sine his 
 clarissimis viris hanc rem in Cilicia ad ostium fluminis C'vdni 
 confecisset, 11 si ille ad earn ripam, quam constituerat, non ad 
 contrariam, naves appulisset. Cn. Domitium non patris in- 
 teritus, 12 clarissimi viri, non avunculi 13 mors, non spoliatio 
 dignitatis, ad recuperandam libertatem, sed mea auctoritas 
 excitavit ? An C. Trebonio 14 ego persuasi ? cui ne suadere 
 quidem ausus essem. Quo etiam majorem ei respublica 
 gratiam debet, qui libertatem populi Romani unius amicitia? 
 
 {)raeposuit, depulsorque dominatus quam particeps esse ma- 
 uit. An L. Tillius Cimber me est auctorem secutus? quern 
 
 brought ' imagines' into the families 
 they married into. 
 
 10. C. Cauivs] There is nothing 
 in Livy, (ii. 14.) to which the expres- 
 sion of Cic. about Cassius can be 
 supposed to allude. He shews, in- 
 deed, that Sp. Cassius became a popu- 
 lar consul, by proposing an Agrarian 
 law and a largess to the people ; and 
 that he was condemned for affecting 
 royalty ; and to this fact Cic. often 
 alludes. What follows about his fa- 
 ther putting him to death, Livy gives 
 as a report, but discredits it. Diony- 
 sius Halicar. (lib. viii.) mentions the 
 same report, but thinks it improbable, 
 because his property was confiscated 
 and his house thrown down, which 
 could not have been the case, if his 
 father had put him to death ; the very 
 right by which he took away the life 
 of his son, securing him the command 
 over his property. As it is probable, 
 then, that Cicero does not allude to this 
 dubious account of C. Cassius putting 
 his son to death, perhaps he may refer 
 to the ambitious spirit of S. Cassius, 
 who, in affecting sovereignty, might 
 be said ' ne potentiam quidem cujus- 
 quam ferre posse.' Cat. i. 10. n. 4. 
 
 11. Hanc rem confecisset'] Of this 
 design of Cassius, no other trace ap- 
 pears. Suetonius, Jul. 63, and Ap- 
 
 pian, ii, state that he surrendered to 
 Cesar after the battle of Pharsalia, 
 and sued for pardon. Possibly a pre- 
 vious design to surprise Caesar may 
 have failed. V.E. 
 
 12. Patris interims] L. Domitius 
 Ahenobarbus, who was slain by 
 Antony at Pharsalia. He had been 
 taken prisoner at Corfinium in the 
 beginning of the war, and released ; 
 but he afterwards joined Pompey. 
 Sueton., (Vit. Ner. 3, which emperor 
 was descended from him,) says that 
 he was falsely charged with this 
 conspiracy, in consequence of which 
 he joined Brutus and Cassius, 
 and having obtained the command of 
 the fleet, by surrendering it to An- 
 tony, he made his peace with the 
 Triumvirs, and afterwards rose to great 
 honours in the state. 
 
 13. Avunculi] CatoofUtica, whose 
 sister was the mother of Domitius. Ser- 
 vilia, the mother of Brutus, was ano- 
 ther sister. 
 
 14. C. Trebonio] This man was 
 always a distinguished supporter of 
 Caesar. By his law Caesar's com- 
 mand was prorogued for five years, 
 and he served under him, as lieute- 
 nant at Massilia. This accounts for 
 Cicero's reasoning. He was treache- 
 rously put to death by Dolabella, at 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 12. 
 
 365 
 
 ego magis fecisse illam rem sum admiratus, quam facturum 
 putavi. 15 Admiratus sum autem ob earn causam, quod imme- 
 mor beneficiorum, memor patriae fuisset. Quid duos Servi- 
 lios ? 16 Cascas dicam, an Ahalas ? et hos auctoritate mea 
 censes excitatos potius, quam caritate reipublicae ? Longum 
 est persequi ceteros : 17 idque reipublicae praeclarum, fuisse 
 tarn multos ; ipsis gloriosum. 
 
 XII. At quemadmodum me coarguerit homo acutus, re- 
 cordamini. Caesare interfecto, inquit, statim cruentum alte 
 extollens M. Brutus pugionem, 1 Ciceronem nominatim excla- 
 mavit, 2 atque ei recuperatam libertatem est gratulatus. Cur 
 milii potissimum .' Quia sciebam ? Vide ne ilia causa fuerit 
 appellandi mei, quod, quum rem gessisset consimilem rebus 
 iis, quas ipse gesseram, 3 me potissimum testatus est, se amiu- 
 lum mearum laudum exstitisse. Tu autem, omnium stultis- 
 sime, non intelligis, si id, quod me arguis, voluisse interfici 
 Caesarem, crimen sit; etiam, laetatum esse morte Caesaris, 
 crimen esse? Quid enim interest inter suasorem facti et 
 probatorem ? aut quid refert, utrnm voluerim fieri an on- 
 deam factum ? Ecquis est igitur, te excepto, et iis, qui ilium 
 regnare gaudebant, qui illud aut fieri noluerit, aut factum im- 
 probarit i Omnesergo in culpa. Etenim omnes boni, quantum 
 in ipsis fuit, Caesarem occiderunt Aliis consilium, aliis ani- 
 
 Smyrna, in Asia, where he was sup- 
 porting the republican cause. 
 
 15. Quern putuvi] As Cimber was 
 a drunkard, it seemed improbable that 
 Brutus and Cassius would take him 
 into their confidence. Seneca de Ira, 
 83 ; or Cicero may refer merely to 
 Cimber's having been ever previously 
 a staunch adherent of Caesar. V. E. 
 
 ]ti. Quid duos Servilios] There 
 were two brothers of the ' gens Servi- 
 lia,' who had the cognomen of Casca, 
 present at Caesar's assassination. One 
 of them, according to Plutarch, 
 (Caes. 66,") gave the first blow, and 
 called on his brother to assist. So 
 Shakesp. ' See what a rent the envious 
 Casca made !' Cic. thinks that their 
 cognomen should rather be Ahalx, 
 from their imitating the example of 
 the old Ahala. Transl. How shall 1 
 
 address the two Servilii ? shall I call 
 them Cascae, (their real name,) or 
 Ahalae, (the name they deserve.) 
 
 17. Ceteros] There were upwards of 
 sixty in all. Sueton. Jul. bO. Supr. 3. 
 n. 7. 
 
 Sect. XII. 1. Pugionem] From 
 ' pungo.' It was often used metapho- 
 rically. Thus, Caligula called his 
 proscription -book ' pugio.' 
 
 2. M. Brutus exclamavii] Dio 
 says that the whole conspirators joined 
 in the shout. Perhaps their reason 
 for appealing to Cic. was, that he was 
 a consular man, and known to be de- 
 voted to the Pompeian cause. Per- 
 haps his own reason is the true one. 
 
 3. Rem gessisset consimilem gesse- 
 ram] That his conduct in this deed 
 resembled mine during my consulate, 
 when I also deprived of life the con- 
 
 i i2 
 
366 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 mus,aliis occasio defuit: voluntas nemini. Sed stuporenr* ho- 
 minis, vel dicam pecudis, attendite. Sic enim dixit: 'M. 
 Brutus, quern ego honoris causa 5 nomino, cruentum pugio- 
 nem tenens, Ciceronem exclaraavit : ex quo intelligi debet, 
 eum conscium iuisse.' Ergo ego sceleratus appellor a te, 
 quem tu suspicatum aliquid suspicaris : ille, qui stillantem 
 prae se pugionem tulit, is a te honoris causa nominatur i 
 Esto : sit in verbis tuis hie stupor : quanto in rebus sententiis- 
 que major? Constitue hoc, consul, aliquando: Brutorum, 
 C. Cassii, Cn. Domitii, C. Trebonii, reliquorum, quam velis 
 esse causam: edormi crapulam, inquam, et exhala. An 
 faces 7 admovendae sunt, quae te excitent, tantae causa? indor- 
 mientem ? Nunquamne intelliges, statuendum tibi esse, utrum 
 illi, qui istam rem gesserunt, homicidaene sint, an vindices 
 libertatis ? 
 
 XIII. Attende enim paullisper, cogitationemque sobrii 
 hominis punctum temporis suscipe. Ego, qui sum illorum, 
 ut ipse fateor, familiaris; 1 ut a te arguor, socius, nego quid- 
 quam esse medium: confiteor eos, nisi liberatores populi 
 Romani conservatoresque reipublicae sint, plus quam si- 
 carios, plus quam homicidas, plus etiam quam parricidas 
 esse ; siquidem est atrocius patriae parentem, quam suum oc- 
 cidere. Tu, homo sapiens et considerate, quid dicis ? Si 
 parricidae, cur honoris causa a te sunt et in hoc ordine et 
 apud populum Romanum semper appellati ? Cur M. Bru- 
 tus, te referente, legibus est solutus, 2 si ab urbe plus quam 
 decern dies abfuisset ? cur ludi Apollinares 3 incredibili M. 
 
 spirators against their country. V. E. 7. Faces'] It appears that these 
 
 4. Stuporem] Cic. here convicts were applied by the Romans to rouse 
 Antony of stupidity: 1. By his Ian- the stupid or lethargic. Delph. * Indi- 
 guage, because he honours Brutus for ges baculo vel fuste ut exciteris.' 
 what he abuses him. 2. By his con- Sect. XIII. 1. Familiaris] In 
 duct and opinions, who did not see consuetudine vitae. 
 
 that there was no mean between pa- 2. Legibus est solutus] Introd. 6. 
 triots and parricides. 3. Ludi Apollin.] Liv. xxv. 12. 
 
 5. Honoris causa] A phrase of po- These games were established in the 
 lite address, which meant no more second Punic war, on occasion of a 
 than ' respectfully' or the like. victory ; and a pestilence occurring, 
 
 6. Crapulam] i. e. KpanrdXn, qu. they were made annual, and celebrated 
 iraWtiv to Kapa, 'caput treraiscere.' the fifth of July. This two-fold 
 Plaut. Rud. ii. 7. 28. 'Abeo hinc, origin is noticed by Hor. Carm. i. 
 utedormiscam banc crapulam.' Te- 24. * Hie bellum lacrymosum, hie 
 rent. Adelph. says ' hoc villi, i. e. miseram famem, Pestemque a populo, 
 vini.' &c.' Phil. i. 15. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 13. 367 
 
 Bruti honore celebrati ? 4 cur provinciae Bruto et Cassio da- 
 tae ? 5 cur qua3stores additi ? cur legatorum numerus auctus ? 
 Atque haec acta per te. Non igitur homieidae. Sequitur, 
 ut liberatores tuo judicio sint : quandoquidem tertium nihil 
 potest esse. Quid est ? num conturbo te ? Non enim for- 
 tasse satis, qua3 dijunctius 6 dicuntur, intelligis. Sed tamen 
 haec summa est conclusionis meae : quoniam scelere a te li- 
 berati sunt, ab eodem te amplissimis praemiis dignissimos 
 judicatos. Itaque jam retexo 7 orationem meam. Scribam 
 ad illos, 8 ut, si qui forte, quod a te mihi objectum est, que- 
 rent, sitne verum, ne cui negent. Etenim vereor, ne 9 aut 
 celatum me, illis ipsis non honestum ; aut invitatum refu- 
 gisse, mihi sit tuipissimum. Quae enim res unquam, (pro 
 sancte Jupiter !) non modo in hac urbe, sed in omnibus ter- 
 ris est gesta major ? quae gloriosior ? quae commendatior ho- 
 rn inum memoriae sempiternae ? In hujus me tu consilii so- 
 cietatem tamquam in equum Trojanum 10 cum principibus 
 includis? Non recuso: ago etiam gratias, quoquo animo 
 facis. 11 Tanta enim res est, ut invidiam istam, quam tu in 
 me vis concitare, cum laude non comparem. Quid enim 
 beatius illis, quos tu expulsos a te praedicas et relegatos ? 
 
 4. Celebrati] C. Antonius acted ' to unweave,' in order to make a bet- 
 tor Brutus on this occasion. It ap- ter web ; hence to change a line of 
 pears, from Cicero's letters to Atticus, argument,' as here. 
 
 that Brutus, who was then at Lanu- * 8. Ad illos] Brutus and Cassius. 
 
 vium, took great pains to supply him 9. Vereor, ne, fyc] The construc- 
 
 with every requisite that could secure tion is : 'me celatum [esse] illis non 
 
 their magnificence. He had intended, sit honestum; aut [me] invitatum re- 
 
 at one time to attend them in person, fugisse, mihi sit turpissimum.' In- 
 
 and had an address to the people pre- trod. 2. Celari de aliqua re,' to be 
 
 pared, but Cicero did not advise it. told nothing about a thing, to be kept in 
 
 Phil. 1. 15. n. 5. the dark. Fam. v. 2. Te maximis de 
 
 5. Cur provincial Cassio et Bruto rebus a fratre esse celatum.' Agr. ii. 5. 
 data] To Brutus Macedonia, and to 10. In equum Trojanum] A species 
 Cassius Syria. The adding of quaes- of proverb, perhaps from JEn.u, 18 : 
 tors was a mark of respect and recog- Hue delecta virum sortiti corpora 
 nition of them as legal governors. So furtim 
 
 of ' Legatorum numerus auctus.' Includunt lateri. 
 
 6. Dijunctius] Al. distinctius. Or rather from Odys. iv. 272 : 
 
 Too widely, or, in too disjunctive a "l7T7r^ Ivi Zearqj 'iv' tvijfteQa iravrtc 
 
 form ; for Cicero's argument was apivroi 'Apyeiwv. 
 
 stated disjunctively, and Antony This comes up to ' cum principibus.' 
 
 was no great logician. 11. Quoquo animo facis] Cicero 
 
 7. Retexo] It was usual in Greek explains this intention. Fam. xii. 2. 
 to say pvOovQ vQaivuv, and in Latin, * Nullam aliam ob causam, me aucto- 
 orationem texere.' Hence retexere, rem fuisse Caesaris interficiendi crimi- 
 
368 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 qui locus est aut tam desertus, 12 aut tam inhumanus, qui il- 
 los, quoquo 13 accesserint, non aflfari atque appetere videatur ? 
 qui homines tam agrestes, qui se, quum eos adspexerint, non 
 maximum cepisse vita? fructum putent ? quae vero tam im- 
 memor posteritas, quae tam ingratae literae 1 * reperientur, quae 
 eorum gloriam non immortalitatis memoria prosequantur ( 
 Tu vero adscribe me talem in numerum. 
 
 XIV. Sed unam rem vereor, ne non probes. Si enim 
 fuissem, non solum regem, 1 sed regnum etiam de republica 
 sustulissem : et, si meus stilus 2 ille fuisset, ut dicitur, mihi 
 crede, non solum unum actum, 3 sed totam fabulam confecis- 
 sem. 4 Quamquam si interfici Caesarem 5 voluisse crimen est, 
 vide, quaeso, Antoni, quid tibi futurum sit, quern et Nar- 
 bone hoc consilium cum C. Trebonio cepisse notissimum 
 est, et ob ejus consilii societatem, quum interficeretur Caesar, 
 turn te a Trebonio vidimus sevocari. Ego autem (vide 
 quam tecum agam non inimice) quod bene cogitasti aliquan- 
 do, laudo : quod non indicasti, gratias ago : quod non fecisti, 
 ignosco. Virum res ilia quaerebat. Quod si te in judicium 
 
 natur, nisi ut in me veterani incitentur.' 
 
 12. Locus desertus'} It is a strong 
 personification, to make a place ad- 
 dress and desire the presence of a 
 person. Cic. heightens this, by mak- 
 ing the place deserted, without human, 
 intercourse, $c. 
 
 13. Quoq.} Whithersoever. Al. quo. 
 
 14. Literee} Cic. uses the genus, 
 comprising under it, poetry, oratory, 
 and history ; all which assist in con- 
 ferring immortality. 
 
 Sect. XIV 1 Non solum regem, 
 #c] Fam. xii. 1. 'Non regno, sed 
 rege liberati videmur.' Att. xiv. 8. 
 O Dii boni ! vivit tyrannis : tyran- 
 nus occidit.' 
 
 2. Sfifus] 1. an obelisk or column, 
 (TruXoe ; 2. a sharp-pointed instru- 
 ment, a dagger, a pen ; 3. a style of 
 writing. We cannot preserve the pa- 
 ratiomasia of Cicero, having no word 
 that signifies a pen and a poniard. 
 Those who limit the interpretation to 
 either one or other appear to miss the 
 force. 
 
 3. Unum actum'} Abram. makes 
 
 the ' fabula,' the deliverance of their 
 country ; Cic, the poet ; ' stilus,' 
 the conspiracy ; one act, the death of 
 Caesar ; the other four acts, the deaths 
 of Lepidus and the three Antonies. 
 Manut. supposes the death of Antony 
 the fifth act, but does not specify the 
 preceding four. It is enough to un- 
 derstand it generally. ' He would 
 have added the last act to the play, 
 by despatching others.' Marcel. 9. 
 ' Hie restat actus.' Fam. x. 28. 
 ' Quam vellem ad illas pulcherrimas 
 epulasme invitasses! reliquiarum nihil 
 haberemus.' Here, however, the 
 figure is changed. 
 
 4. Confecissem} This verb, in the 
 sense of to despatch, is properly ap- 
 plied to stabbing wild beasts in the 
 amphitheatre. 
 
 5. Quamquam si interfici C&sarem, 
 Jfc] Plutarch, Brut. 17, makes it 
 appear that Trebonius, being the mi- 
 litary comrade of Antony at Narbo, 
 where Caesar had halted in his return 
 from Spain, had sounded him on the 
 project of slaying Caesar ; and that 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 14. 
 
 369 
 
 quis adducat, usurpetque illud Cassianum, 6 ( Cui bono 7 
 fuerit ;' vide, quaeso, ne haereas. 8 Quamquam illud quidem 
 fuit, ut tu dicebas, omnibus bono, qui servire nolebant : tibi 
 tamen praecipue, qui non modo non servis, sed etiam regnas ; 
 qui maximo te aere alieno ad aedem Opis 9 liberasti : qui per 
 easdem 10 tabulas innumerabilem pecuniam dissipavisti ; ad 
 quern e domo Caesaris 11 tarn multa delata sunt; cujus domi 
 quaestuosissima est falsorum commentariorum et chirograplio- 
 rum officina, agrorum, oppidorum, immunitatum, vectigalium 
 flagitiosissimae nundinae. 12 Etenim quae res egestati et aeri 
 alieno tuo, praeter mortem Caesaris, subvenire potuisset? 
 Nescio quid 13 conturbatus esse videris : numquid subtimes, ne 
 ad te hoc crimen pertinere videatur? Libero te metu : nemo 
 credet unquam; non est tuum de republica bene mereri ; 
 habet istius pulcherrimi facti clarissimos viros respublica 
 auctores : ego te tantum gaudere dico, fecisse non arguo. 
 Respondi maximis criminibus : nunc etiam reliquis respon- 
 dendum est. 
 
 Antony, though aware of his drift, yet 
 did not disclose the secret j that, 
 therefore, Trebonius, through grati- 
 tude, took him aside that he might 
 not share the fate of Caesar. In ano- 
 ther place, however, (Caes. 66,) he 
 says that it was Decimus Brutus who 
 drew Antony aside. But Cic, Fam. 
 x. 28, attributes the act to Trebonius, 
 as here ; without, however, charging 
 Antony with being privy to it. Trebo- 
 nius was, probably, now dead. 
 
 6. Cassianum] Mil. 12. n. 4. 5. 
 
 7. Cui bono'] * Whose interest ;' 
 the double dative. 
 
 8. A r e harreas] Because you had all 
 the advantage the conspirators all 
 the loss. 
 
 9. JEdem opis] This goddess vari- 
 ously named, Ops, Tellus, Cybele, 
 the Great Mother, the Idaean Mother, 
 and the Mother of the Gods, had tem- 
 ples dedicated to her in various parts 
 of the city. The temple here speci- 
 fied is thought to have been in the Ca- 
 pitol, if we are not to understand the 
 temple adjoining the treasury, dedicat- 
 ed to Saturn and Ops. Here the sense 
 
 requires ' ad aedem Opis' to mean 
 * tabulis ad aedem Opis ;' for by them 
 he paid his debts. Hence * easdem,' inf. 
 
 10. Per easdem, Sfc] As ' tabulae' 
 had not been mentioned before, ' eas- 
 dem' must refer to ' aedem opis,' the 
 depository of the 'tabulae.' The 
 money was squandered by Antony's 
 forging assignments of the different 
 sums to his own creatures. Phil. v. 
 4. ' Septies millies falsis perscrip- 
 tionibus, &c. avertit.' 
 
 11. Domo Ccesaris] Vid. Phil. i. 
 7. n. 3, where the particulars here al- 
 luded to are noticed. Calpurnia had 
 conveyed to the house of Antony, for 
 safety, the papers and treasures of 
 Caesar, which Antony kept possession 
 of and converted to his own purposes. 
 
 12. Nundina] Qu. ' novendinae,' 
 from ' novem' and ' dies,' pro- 
 perly, the market-day, or day on 
 which the country people flocked to 
 Rome. It occurred every nine days, 
 reckoning inclusively. It is here put 
 for the market or sale itself. Phil. v. 4. 
 
 13. Nescio quid] ' At something or 
 other ;' not ' somewhat.' 
 
370 
 
 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO 
 
 XV. Castra 1 raihi Pompeii, atque illud omne tempus ob- 
 jecisti. Quo quidem tempore si, ut dixi, 2 meum consilium 
 auctoritasque valuisset ; tu hodie egeres, nos liberi essemus ; 
 respublica non tot duces 3 et exercitus 4 amisisset. Fateor 
 enim, me, quum ea, quae acciderunt, providerem 5 futura, 
 tanta in mcestitia fuisse, quanta ceteri optimi cives, si idem 
 providissent, fuissent. Dolebam, 6 dolebam, Patres con- 
 scripti, rempublicam, vestris quondam meisque consiliis 
 conservatam, brevi tempore esse perituram. Nee vero eram 
 tarn indoctus ignarusque rerum, ut frangerer animo propter 
 vita? cupiditatem, quae me manens conficeret angoribus, di- 
 missa molestiis omnibus liberaret. Illos ego proestantissimos 
 viros, lumina reipublicae, vivere volebam, tot consulares, tot 
 praetorios, tot honestissimos senatores, omnem praeterea flo- 
 rem 7 nobilitatis ac juventutis, turn optimorum civium exer- 
 citus : qui si viverent, quamvis iniqua conditione pacis, (mihi 
 enim omnis pax cum civibus bello civili utilior 8 videbatur,) 
 rempublicam hodie teneremus. Quae sententia si valuisset, 9 
 ac non ii maxime 10 mihi, quorum ego vitae consulebam, spe 
 victoriae elati, 11 obstitissent : ut alia omittam, tu certe nun- 
 
 Sect. XV 1. Castra, $c] The 
 
 objection of Antony was, not that 
 Cic. was a Pompeian ; but that he 
 prevented a reconciliation between the 
 leaders, and conducted himself in a 
 manner unbecoming a consular man. 
 This he here answers. 
 
 2. Si, tit dixi] Supr. 10. Haec 
 mea, M. Antoni, semper et de Pom- 
 peio et de republica consilia fuerunt : 
 quae, &c.' 
 
 3. Non tot duces] Pompey, Scipio, 
 Cato, Petreius, Afranius, &c. 
 
 4. Exercitus] These are often al- 
 luded to. The principal were at 
 Pharsalia, Thapsus, and M inula ; and 
 their commanders, Pompey, Scipio, 
 and the sons of Pompey. 
 
 5. Providerem] His letters are full 
 of prophecies on this subject, for 
 which some historians give him little 
 credit. Hooke. x.l.n.q. 
 
 6. Dolebam] The ideas are natural 
 here. Cic. had a peculiar regard for 
 the republic, because he had saved it 
 from Catiline. So people are doubly 
 
 fond of what they have rescued from, 
 or recovered after, some great danger ; 
 and he takes care to add, that it 
 was no unmanly love of life that ac- 
 tuated him in his grief. 
 
 7. Florem] Because almost all the 
 young patricians followed Pompey, 
 and were in his camp. Hence the 
 stoiy of Caesar's artifice in the battle 
 of Pharsalia, to strike at their faces. 
 Plut. Caes. 45. 
 
 8. Pax bello civili utilior] So 
 Horn. ix. 63 : 
 
 'AQpi'iTwp, dOkfitorog, aviorioc, toriv 
 
 iictivoQ, 
 'Of TToXkfxQv tparai lirtdrjfiiov, oxpvo- 
 
 UTOQ. 
 
 9. Sententia valuisset] He means 
 his proposition, that Pompey should 
 come into Caesar's terms ; which were, 
 that Pompey should proceed to Spain, 
 his province, and both disband their 
 armies. Fam. xvi. 12. 
 
 10. Ii maxime] Cn. Domitius, C. 
 Lentulus, &c, the Pompeian leaders. 
 
 11. Spe Victoria elati] Caesar well 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 16. 371 
 
 quani 12 in hoc ordine, vel potius nunquam in hac urbe man- 
 sisses. At vero Cn. Pompeii voluntatem a me alienabat 
 oratio 13 mea. An ille quemquam plus dilexit ? cum ullo aut 
 sermones, aut consilia contulit ssepius 1 Quod quidem erat 
 magnum, de summa republica dissentientes in eadem con- 
 suetudine amicitiae permanere. Sed et ego, quid ille, et 
 contra ille, quid ego sentirem et spectarem, videbat. Ego 
 incolumitati civium primum, ut postea dignitati possemus; 
 ille pra3senti dignitati plus consulebat. Quod autem habebat 
 uterque quid sequeretur, idcirco tolerabilior erat nostra dis- 
 sensio. Quid vero ille singularis vir ac paene divinus de me 
 senserit, sciunt, qui 14 eum de Pharsalica fuga Paphum 15 per- 
 secuti sunt. Nunquam ab eo mentio de me, nisi honorifica, 
 nisi plena amicissimi desiderii, quum me vidisse plus fa- 
 teretur, se speravisse meliora. Et ejus viri nomine me 
 insectari audes, cujus me amicum, te sectorem 16 esse 
 i'ateare ? 
 
 XVI. Sed omittatur bellum illud, in quo tu nimium felix 
 fuisti. Ne jocis quidem 1 respondebo, quibus me in castris 
 usum esse dixisti. Erant quidem ilia castra plena curae: 2 
 verumtamen homines, quamvis in turbidis rebus sint, ta- 
 men, si modo homines sunt, interdum animis relaxantur. 
 Quod autem idem inoestitiam 3 meam reprehendit, idem 
 
 saysof them (B. C. iii.) Nee quibus 16. Sectorem] ' Sectio' is, 1. a 
 
 rationibussuperarepossunt, sed quern- purchase; 2. a sale, particularly of 
 
 achnodum uti victoria deberent, cogi- proscribed property. It has the first 
 
 tabant.' meaning from ' sequi,' i.e. 'a lucro 
 
 12. Tu certe nunquam, c] A spe- sequendo;' the second from 'secare,' 
 cies of Litotes, by which he intimated because the sectores' retailed the 
 that Antony would have suffered death property. Peihaps this account may 
 or exile for his crimes. reconcile Ascon. and the commenta- 
 
 13. At vero oratio'] Macrobius tors about the derivation of this word, 
 and Plutarch have transmitted to us a Skct. XVI. 1. A T e jocis quidem] 
 few of Cicero's splenetic remarks on These may be found in Plutarch, 
 this occasion ; but it does not appear Middleton, or Hooke. 
 
 necessary to transcribe them. 2. Castra plena curw] i.e. To Cic. 
 
 14. Sciunt, qui] He means Favo- and the thinking men; for, generally 
 nius, the Lentuli, &c. Plutarch, speaking, the Pompeians were only 
 Pomp. 76, says that he had a few solicitous about revenge and booty, 
 ships and about sixty senators col- 3. Quod autem idem motstitium] Sc. 
 lected to him. in the words, Sup. 15. 'At vero Cn. 
 
 15. Paphum] Pompey hastened Pompeii voluntatem a me alienabat 
 first to Lesbos, where he met Cor- oratio mea.' 
 
 nelia, and thence to Paphus. 
 
372 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 jocum ; magno argumento est, me in utroque fuisse mode- 
 ratum. 4 
 
 Hereditates 5 mihi negasti venire. Utinam hoc tuum ve- 
 rum crimen esset ! plures amici mei et necessarii viverent. 
 Sed qui istuc tibi venit in mentem ? Ego enim amplius 
 HS. ducenties 6 acceptum hereditatibus retuli. Quamquam 
 in hoc genere fateor feliciorem esse te. Me nemo, nisi ami- 
 cus, fecit heredem, ut cum illo commodo, si quod erat, ani- 
 mi quidam dolor jungeretur : te is, quem tu vidisti nunquam, 
 L. Rubrius Casinas, 7 fecit heredem. Et quidem vide, quam 
 te amarit is, qui, 8 albus aterne 9 fueris, ignorans, fratris filium 
 praeteriit, Q. Fufii, honestissimi equitis Romani, 10 suique 
 
 4. Fuisse moderatum] So Hor. 
 Epis. i. 18. ' Virtus est medium viti- 
 orum et utrumque reductum." 
 
 5. Hereditates, <Sfc] This was con- 
 sidered a great ignominy among the 
 Romans. For Nigrinus, in Lucian, 
 wittily observes, ' that the Romans 
 uttered only one true word in their 
 lives sc. that which is contained in 
 their wills.' Augustus, who was vain 
 of being so noticed by his friends, used 
 to refund the amount of the bequest to 
 the lawful heirs, to obviate the suspi- 
 cion of avarice. Suet. Aug. 66. Cic. 
 had made the very same charge against 
 Clodius. Att. i. 15. 
 
 6. HS. ducenties} In two instances, 
 Atticus is acquainted by Cicero of 
 legacies left him. Att. ii. 20. xi. 2. 
 HS. a contraction for L. L. S. i. e. 
 ' libra, libra, semis,' or two pounds 
 and a half of brass, the fourth of a de- 
 naiius. Note, 1. With a numeral ad- 
 verb, HS. is ' sestertiiim/ 'centena 
 millia' being understood. A short rule 
 in translating these adverbs, is to omit 
 a cipher from the given number, and 
 call the remainder so many millions 
 of sesterces. Thus here 200, omit- 
 ing a cipher, is 20 sc. millions. * Se- 
 xagies,' i. e. 60, gives 6 millions. 
 ' Defies,' i. e. 10, one million, and 
 so on. 2. The amount in English 
 money is nearly given by inserting 
 8,000, instead of the word millions. 
 Thus 20 millions, (ducenties,) is 
 
 20X8000 = 160,000. 3. 'Ses- 
 tertium,' is never a sum of 1000 ses- 
 terces, as is usually said, but is al- 
 ways the gen. plur. for ' sestertiorum.' 
 Orat. 46. ' Sestertia,' indeed, occurs 
 in the poets, where ' sestertii' would 
 be inadmissible, and has millia un- 
 derstood. Juv. Sat. iv. 15. 16. 4. 
 'Sestertius,' ('semis tertius') is not 
 the third half, but half of the third, 
 the first and second being understood ; 
 and therefore expresses clearly 2 J. 
 So ' semis-quartus' would be 3 \ ; as 
 in Greek rpirov iipi-raXa vtov is 1\ 
 talents. 
 
 7. Casinos'] i. e. Of Casinum, a 
 town of Campania, where the Latin 
 joins the Appian way. Inf. 41. 
 
 8. Te amarit is, qui] As nobody 
 ever had acted so, he leaves the hearer 
 to infer that Antony had forged the 
 will. 
 
 9. Albus aterne] An adage, mean- 
 ing ' to know or care nothing about a 
 a person.' Catullus says of Caesar, 
 Epig. 94. 
 
 ' Non nimium cupio, Caesar, tibi velle 
 
 placere, 
 Nee scire utrum sis albus an ater 
 
 homo.' 
 Hence its application to the character 
 of Antony. 
 
 10. Equitis Romanis] To distin- 
 guish him from a senator of the 
 same name, father-in-law of the con- 
 sul elect. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 17. 
 
 373 
 
 amantissimi, [;] quem palam heredem semper factitarat : [ne 
 nominat quidem r] 11 te, quem nunquam viderat, aut certe nun- 
 quam salutaverat, 12 fecit heredem. Velim mihi dicas, nisi 
 molestum est, L. Turselius qua facie fuerit, qua statura, quo 
 municipio, qua tribu. "Nihil scio," inquies, "nisi qua? 
 praedia habuerit." Igitur 13 fratrem exheredans, te faciebat 
 heredem. In multas praeterea pecunias alienissimorum 14 
 hominum,ejectis vcris heredibus, tamquam heres esset, inva- 
 sit. Quamquam hoc maxime admiratus sum, mentionem te 
 hereditatum ausum esse facere, quum ipse hereditatem patris 
 non adisses. 15 
 
 XVII. Haec ut colligeres, 1 homo amentissime, tot dies in 
 aliena 2 villa declamasti I quamquam tu quidem (ut tui familia- 
 rissimi dictitant) vini exhalandi, 3 non ingenii acuendi causa, 
 declamitas. Et vero adhibes joci causa magistrum, suflfragio 
 tuo etcompotorum tuorum, rhetorem, 4 cui concessisti, ut in te, 
 quae vellet, diceret, salsum 5 omnino hominem : sed materia 
 facilis est in te et in tuos dicta dicere. 6 Vide autem, quid 
 
 11. Ne nominat quidem] Al. ne 
 nomen quidem perscripsit. Orel, brack- 
 ets them, as an interpolation, and re- 
 fers ' quem, &c.' to ' fratris Q. Fufii.' 
 For the brother of Rubrius might have 
 been adopted into the ' gens Fufio- 
 rum.' 
 
 12. Aut salutaverat] Ern. objects 
 to this salutation as out of place. But 
 Cic. means : ' Whom he had never 
 seen, or (if he had) at least (certe) 
 had never, &c.' 
 
 13. Igitur, Sfc] It seems harsh to 
 make 'igitur' illative here. Perhaps 
 it is like the Greek p.k v ovv, ' well 
 then,' used after a parenthetic argu- 
 gument, to carry back the mind to the 
 previous statement. So Arch. 5. ' His 
 igitur tabulis, &c.' Mil. 29. ' Ejus 
 igitur mortis, &e.' 
 
 14. Alienissimorum] Opposed to 
 relations. Supr. 6. ' Hujusego alienus 
 consiliis consul usus sum.' 
 
 15. Non adisses] Because it was all 
 squandered. 
 
 Sect. XVII. 1. Colligeres] Ligar. 
 10. n. 13. As it does not appear how 
 
 collecting facts or calumnies against 
 Cic. could sharpen the genius of An- 
 tony ; perhaps ' colligo' is here taken 
 in the logical sense of * drawing an 
 inference.' So Hor. Sat. ii. 1. ' sic 
 collige mecum.' His masterly infe- 
 rences were, e. g. that Cic. lost Pom- 
 pey's friendship by splenetic jests, 
 that he was a conspirator because Bru- 
 tus called on him first, &c. 
 
 2. Tot dies in aliena] Seventeen ; 
 which Antony had passed in a villa of 
 Q. Metellus Scipio, at Tibur. Phil, 
 v. 7. 
 
 3. Vini exhalandi] Similarly Dem. 
 de Cor. 86. Kai tpoiys SokiIq Ik 
 Tovrtav, 'Aiuyivn, tCjv Xoyaiv t7rt- 
 foitj/ nva QuvaOKiaQ /3ovX6/ij/oc 
 T-oirjtrdaOai, tovtov irpoeXtoQai rbv 
 ayuiva, ovk ddiKfifiaros ovStvbc, Xa- 
 tlv, Tifxwpiav. 
 
 4. Rhetorem] Sup. 4. n. 7. 
 
 5. Salsum, fyc] Salsus/ savoury, 
 from 'sal.' Negatively, 'insulsus,' 
 insipid. The transition is easy to wit, 
 the salt of conversation. 
 
 K K 
 
374 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 intersit inter te et avum tuum. Ille sensim 7 dicebat, quod 
 causa? prodesset ; tu cursim dicis aliena. At quanta merces 
 rhetori data est ! Audite, audite, Patres conscripti, et cog- 
 noscite reipublicae vulnera. Duo millia jugerum campi 
 Leontini 8 Sex. Clodio rhetori assignasti, 9 et quidem immu- 
 nia, 10 ut populi Romani tanta mercede nihil sapere disceres. 
 Num etiam hoc, homo audacissime, ex Caesaris commenta- 
 riis ? Sed dicaui alio loco et de Leontino agro et de Cam- 
 pano : quos iste agros ereptos 11 reipublicae, turpissimis pos- 
 sessoribus 12 inquinavit Jam enim, 13 quoniam crimimbus 
 ejus satis respondi, de ipso emendatore et correctore nostro 
 quaedam dicenda sunt. Nee enim omnia effundam, ut, ii 
 saepius decertandum sit, ut erit, semper novus veniam : quant 
 facultatem mihi multitudo istius vitiorum peccatorumque 
 largitur. 
 
 XVIII. Visne igitur te inspiciamus a puero ? l Sic opinor. 
 
 6. Dicta dicere] Dicta* for dicte- 
 ria.' Easy to be witty when you and 
 your friends are the subjects. Dico 
 unum ridiculum dictum de dictis me- 
 Jionbus.' Plaut. Capt. iii. 1.; but 
 Era. doubts the propriety of the ex- 
 pression ' materia facilis dicere,' and 
 thinks it should be ' dicenti' or ad 
 dicendum.' Plut. Ant. 24, mentions 
 Antony's fondness for jests even at his 
 own expense. 
 
 7. Sensim] Vid. de Or. ii. 1, and 
 Brut. 36; where the peculiar cha- 
 racter of Antonius's oratory is fully 
 developed. It appears that he was a 
 guarded speaker, whose great care was 
 not to injure the cau.se which he un- 
 dertook to defend. 
 
 8. Campi Leontini] This plain was 
 near Leontiura, in Sicily. Cic. Verr. iii. 
 18. says of it, 'cujus species haecerat, 
 nt cum obsitum vidisses, annonae cari- 
 tatem non verereTe.' This then being 
 the most fertile part of Sicily, and Sicily 
 being, as Polybi testifies, the granary 
 of Rome, we may clearly see the 
 wound of the republic. 
 
 9. Assignasti] This word is pro- 
 perly applied to distributing lands to 
 
 colonists, from 'ad' and 'signum.' 
 When the Romans conquered a coun- 
 try, they usually restored the lands to 
 the inhabitants on the condition of 
 paying decunur or tithe. Hence the 
 lands were called ' decumani.' They 
 reserved, however, a part of the roost 
 valuable, as a patrimony of the Ro- 
 man people. Such it appears was the 
 Leontine plain, which Cic. inf. 39, 
 reckons ' in pop. Rom. patrimonio.' 
 
 10. Immunia] They were given to 
 Clodius without any restriction as to 
 rent or tithe. 
 
 1 1 . Ereptos] Because they were the 
 patrimony of the state. Vid. penult, 
 n. 
 
 12. Turpissimis possessoribus] Clo- 
 dius and companions. 
 
 13. Jam enim] These are particles 
 of transition. He has now done with 
 'pro roe aliquid,' and proceeds to 
 'multa in Antonium.' Sup. 5. 
 
 Sect. XVIII. 1 . Visne a puero] 
 This was the usual order observed 
 by orators in their invective speeches. 
 Vid. Dem. de Cor. 79, when he trace* 
 /Eschines from sweeping the school- 
 room to speaking from the Rostra. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 18. 
 
 375 
 
 A principio ordiamur. Tenesne memoria, praetextatum 2 te 
 decoxisse ? 3 " Patris, 4 " inquies, " ista culpa est" Concedo. 
 Etenim est pietatis plena defensio. Illud tamen audaciae 
 tuae, quod sedisti in quattuordecim ordinibus, quum esset 
 lege Roscia 5 decoctoribus certus locus constitutus, quamvis 
 quis fortunae vitio, non suo decoxisset. Sumpsisti virilem, 
 (jiiam statim muliebrem togam 6 reddidisti. Primo vulgare 
 scortum ; certa flagitii merces, nee ea parva ; sed cito Curio 
 intervenit, qui te a meretricio quaestu abduxit, et, tamquam 
 stolam 7 dedisset, in matrimonio stabili 8 et certo locavit. 
 Nemo unquam puer emptus libidinis causa, tam fuit in do- 
 niini potestate, quam tu in Curionis. Quoties te pater ejus 
 domu sua ejecit? quoties custodes 9 posuit, ne limen intrares.' 
 quum tu tamen, nocte socia, hortante libidine, cogente mer- 
 cede, per tegulas demitterere. Quae flagitia domus ilia diu- 
 tius ferre non potuit. Scisne, me de rebus mihi notissimis 
 
 2. Fr&textatum) Scil. before you 
 were seventeen, the age for assuming 
 the manly gown. As this, however, 
 was not the fault of Antony, though 
 sufficiently disgraceful to him, the ora- 
 tor rather dwells upon his impudence 
 in sitting, notwithstanding, in the 
 benches appropriated to the knights. 
 The ' praetexta' was a white gown with 
 a purple border. It formed the dress 
 of the sons and daughters of the better 
 sort, till they arrived at seventeen, as 
 well as of senators, magistrates, and 
 priests, any of whom, when so ar- 
 rayed, may be called ' praetexta- 
 tus.' 
 
 3. Decoxisse] Sc. argentum ; forCic. 
 uses decoctum argentum.' The transi- 
 tion from ' decoquo' to wasting mo- 
 ney, becoming a bankrupt, is obvious. 
 Some suppose the metaphor taken 
 from trees wherein the sun has dried 
 up the moisture. 
 
 4. Patris] Antonius Creticus, so 
 tailed, from his unsuccessful war 
 against that island. Vid. Manil. 12* 
 n. 12. He was remarkable as a 
 spendthrift, and is said never to have 
 kept an account. 
 
 5. Roscia"] Roscius Otho, a tri- 
 
 bune, passed this law a. v. 687. It 
 set apart for the Equites by birth or 
 by property, fourteen rows in the the- 
 atre, immediately behind where the 
 senators sat, excluding insolvents, to 
 whom a distinct place was assigned 
 but this Antony did not regard. 
 
 6. Virilem muliebrem togam] Em. 
 muliebram stolam. ' Toga' was the 
 proper garb of courtesans ; ' stola' of 
 matrons; as Hor. i. 2. 
 
 ' Quid inter 
 Est in matrona, ancilla peccesve to- 
 
 gata;' 
 and again, 
 ' Ad talos stola demissa et circum- 
 
 data palla.' 
 
 7. Stolam] This robe was presented 
 by the husband to the bride, who then 
 laid aside the pratexta. 
 
 8. In matrimonio stabili] So Vir- 
 
 ' Conjugio jungam stabili propriam- 
 
 que dicabo.' * 
 Cic, in the selection of his expres- 
 sions, on a subject where selection was 
 necessary, had in view Dem.de Cor. 
 40. t) fiiiTtjp oov role. p.idrip.ipivo~ii: 
 ydpoiQ xQup'tvi], &c. 
 
 9. Custodes] These were usually 
 
376 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 dicere ? Recordare tempus illud, quum pater Curio moerens 
 jacebat in lecto ; filius se ad pedes meos prostemens, lacri- 
 mans, te mihi commendabat ; orabat, ut te contra suum pa- 
 ttern, si sestertium sexagies 10 peteret, defenderem ; tantum 
 enim se pro te intercessisse. 11 Ipse autem araore ardens con- 
 firmabat, quod desiderium tui discidii 12 ferre non posset, se 
 in exsilium iturum. Quo tempore ego quanta mala floren- 
 tissimae familiae 13 sedavi, vel potius sustuli l M Patri persuasi, 
 ut a3s alienum filii dissolveret; redimeret 15 adolescentem, 
 summa spe et animi et ingenii praeditum, rei familiaris facul- 
 tatibus ; eumque a tua non modo familiaritate, sed etiam 
 congressione, 16 patrio jure et potestate 17 prohiberet. Haec 
 tu, quum per me acta meminisses : nisi illis, quos vide- 
 mus, gladiis 18 confideres, maledictis me provocare ausus 
 esses ? 
 
 XIX. Sed jam stupra et flagitia omittamus: sunt quae- 
 dam, quae honeste non possum dicere : tu autem eo liberior, 
 quod ea in te admisisti, 1 quae a verecundo inimico audire non 
 posses. Sed reliquum vitae cursum 2 videte : quern quidem 
 celeriter perstringam. Ad haec enim, quae in civili bello, in 
 
 employed by the Romans in guarding 
 the chambers of the women, but Curio 
 was obliged to go further. Some- 
 times they were chained to the door- 
 posts ; sometimes dogs were em- 
 ployed. So Hor. Carm. ' et vigilum 
 canum Tristes excubiae.' 
 
 10. Sestertium sexagies] Six mil- 
 lions of sesterces. Supr. 16. n.6. 
 
 11. Intercessisse] i. e. By his in- 
 tercession he had obtained from the 
 money-lenders a sum to that amount. 
 
 12. Discidii] Ligar. 2. n. 9. 
 
 13. Florentissimce familial] Noticed 
 thus by Pliny. * Una foeminarum in 
 omni aevo Lampedo Lacedaemonia re- 
 peritur, quae regis filia, regis uxor, 
 regis mater fuit : una Phaerenice, 
 quae filia, soror, mater Olympionica- 
 rum : una familia Curionum, in qua 
 tres continua serie oratores exstite- 
 runt : una Fabiorum, in qua tres con- 
 tinui principes senatfis.' 
 
 14. Sedavi susrtWi] He did the 
 first by persuading the father to pay 
 the debt ; the second by advisiDg him 
 
 to keep his son from the society of 
 Antony. 
 
 15. Redimeret] This is to be un- 
 derstood literally, as debtors were by 
 the Roman laws bound and handed 
 over to the creditors as slaves. 
 
 16. Congressione] Alloquio, salu- 
 tatione communi. 
 
 17. Patrio jure et potestate] By 
 the former, (jus), the father had 
 power over his son's liberty ; by the 
 latter (potestas), over his life. 
 
 18. Illis gladiis] Sc. of the Itu- 
 reans and other barbarians who were 
 placed by Antony in and near the 
 senate-house. Supr. 8. 
 
 Sect. XIX. I. In te admisisti] 
 Mil. 23. n. 19. 
 
 2. Reliquum vita curtum] This 
 takes in merely the period from his as- 
 sumption of the manly gown at seven- 
 teen, to the end of his tribunate ; and 
 this he presently calls ' media,' where- 
 as his conduct in the civil wars is call- 
 ed ' extrema.' 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 19. 
 
 377 
 
 maximis reipublica? miseriis fecit, 3 et ad ea, quae quotidie 
 tacit, festinat animus. Qua? peto, ut, quamquam multo 
 notiora vobis quam mihi sunt, tamen, ut facitis, attente audi- 
 atis. Debet enim talibus in rebus excitare animos non cog- 
 nitio solum rerum, sed etiam recordatio. Tametsi incida- 
 mus oportet media, ne nimis sero ad extrema veniamus. 
 
 Intimus erat in tribunatu 4 Clodio, qui sua erga me bene- 
 ticia commemorat ; ejus omnium incendiorum fax : cujus 
 etiam domi jam turn quiddam molitus est.5 Quid dicam, 
 ipse optime intelligit. Inde iter 6 Alexandriam contra sena- 
 tus auctoritatem, 7 contra rempublicam et religiones: 8 sed ha 
 
 3. Que? in civili hello fecit] This 
 is what he subsequently calls * sua? 
 partes/ and the words ' qua? fecit,' 
 make it probable that the metaphor is 
 there taken from the stage. 
 
 4. In tribunatu] i. e. ' Intimus 
 Clodio in tribun. Clodii ;' for which 
 Clodius had qualified himself by 
 adoption into a plebeian family. His 
 object being to harass Cic. and pro- 
 cure his banishment, in which he 
 succeeded ; any man who was his 
 friend must have been Cicero's ene- 
 my. 
 
 5. Quiddam molitus] This is re- 
 ferred by Manut. to an intrigue with 
 Kulvia, the wife of Clodius, whom he 
 afterwards married. This reference is 
 countenanced by the words ' ipse op- 
 time intelligit.' Ern. conjectures to 
 that it may allude to a plot to slay 
 Clodius ; Abram. to slay Pompey ; 
 and these agree best with the word 
 ' molitus.' 
 
 r>. Inde iter] When Antony had 
 been separated from Curio, who went 
 abroad, he attached himself to Clo- 
 dius, then notorious for his persecu- 
 tion of Cic. ; but, seeing Clodius's po- 
 pularity failing, and his enemies daily 
 increasing, Antony thought it prudent 
 to withdraw from Rome. He tra- 
 velled to Greece, and was applying 
 himself there to the study of learning 
 and eloquence, when he met Gabi- 
 
 nius, the consul of the preceding year, 
 who was proceeding to take possession 
 of Syria, the province appointed him 
 by the Clodian law. Under him, An- 
 tony accepted of a command, and dis- 
 tinguished himself in the war against 
 Aristobulus. About this time, Ptole- 
 my, king of Egypt, being banished by 
 the Alexandrians, repaired to Rome, 
 where he hoped, through the influence 
 of Pompey, to procure a decree for 
 his restoration by force of arms. In 
 this he was disappointed, as a Sibyl- 
 line oracle was produced forbidding- 
 it. Pompey, liowever, interfered so 
 far as to recommend him by letter to 
 Gabinius, who, urged by the entrea- 
 ties of Antony, and tempted by the 
 king's gold, at length acceded to his 
 terms, and contrary to the order of the 
 senate, did restore Ptolemy. This 
 was in the consulship of Pomp, and 
 Crass., a. u. 698. 
 
 7. Contra auctor.] Cic, Q.Fr. ii. 
 2, says De rege Alexandrino factum 
 est S. consultum, eum multitudine 
 reduci periculosum reip. videii ;' so 
 that ' auctoritas' is not used here in 
 its technical sense. Mil. 6. n. 6. 
 
 8. Religiones] Se. Phil.i. 10. The 
 so-called Sibylline oracle ran as fol- 
 lows : * Si yEgypti rex auxilio indigens 
 quondam venerit, ejus amicitiam ne 
 abnueritis ; sed ilium cum multitu- 
 dine ne juveritis. Quod si aliter fac- 
 
 K K 2 
 
378 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 bebat ducem Gabiniuirij 9 quicum quidvis rectissime facere 
 ]X)sset. Qui turn inde reditus, 10 aut qualis ? Prius in ulti- 
 mam Galliam 11 ex JEgyyto, quam domum. Quae autem erat 
 domus ? Suam enim quisque domum turn obtinebat, 12 nee 
 erat usquam tua. Domum dico ? quid erat in terris, ubi in 
 tuo pedem poneres, 13 praeter unum Misenum, 1 * quod cum 
 sociis, tamquam Sisaponem, tenebas ? 
 
 XX. Venisti e Gallia ad quaesturam 1 petendam. Aude 
 dicere, te prius ad parentem tuum 2 venisse, quam ad me. 
 Acceperam jam ante Caesaris literas, ut mihi satisfieri pate- 
 rer 3 a te : itaque ne loqui quidem sum te passus de gratia. 
 Postea cultus sum* a te, tu a me observatus 5 in petitione 
 
 turn fuerit, labores et pericula habe- 
 bitis.' This forgery Pompey justly 
 despised. 
 
 9. Gabinium] Manil. 17 n. 6. 
 
 10. Qui reditus] Another man 
 would have returned home to visit his 
 friends, at least his mother ; Antony 
 proceeded at once to Gaul. His affairs, 
 therefore, must have been desperate, 
 and the course of life which made 
 them so, flagitious. 
 
 11. In ultimam Galliam] i. e. 
 ' Itemotissimam ab ^Egypto.' Caesar 
 was in Britain when Gabinius return- 
 ed from Egypt ; but soon after returned 
 to Belgium, to winter-quarters, and 
 was joined by Antony ; who, wishing 
 to solicit the qutestorship, procured let- 
 ters from him to Cic. He easily ad- 
 mitted of his excuses, bowed to the 
 authority of Caesar, and took the ' vul- 
 gare scortum' under his patronage ! 
 
 12. Suam turn obtinebat] Mean- 
 ing that times were changed ; for 
 Antony was now in possession of 
 Pompey's house. 
 
 13. Ubi pedem poneres] i.e." Had 
 possession of ' a phrase borrowed from 
 an old custom of litigants proceeding 
 to the ground in dispute, and setting 
 
 foot on it ; then, after a sham scuffle, 
 appealing to the praetor. 
 
 14. Misenum] Manil. 12. n. 9. 
 Antony had a small estate and villa at 
 ihe promontory of this name, which had 
 
 belonged to his grandfather, the ora- 
 tor, (de Or. ii. 14), and was his usual 
 retreat even at the time when this ora- 
 tion was spoken. (Att. xv. 1.) It 
 appears, inf. 29, that he had mort- 
 gaged or sold a part of it 'ex quibus, 
 praeter partem Miseni, nihil erat, quod 
 posset suum dicere.' This explains 
 the allusion in the words, cum sociis, 
 tanquam Sisaponem ;' for Antony had 
 partners (socii) in the property of his 
 villa; namely his creditors, just as the 
 lead mines in Sisapo belonged to a 
 joint stock mining company. Plin. 
 Nat. H. iii. 1, testifies that Sisapo 
 was a town of Spain, near Cordova, 
 celebrated for its mines of red lead. 
 
 Sect. XX. 1. Ad quasturam] 
 The first public office held by public- 
 men. 
 
 2. Parentem tuum] His father had 
 been long dead. Al. tuam, sc. Julia, 
 the sister of L. Caesar. Charisius 
 maintains that heres, parens, homo, 
 though applied to a woman, remain 
 masc. V. E. 
 
 3. Satisjieri paterer] The offence 
 of Antony was, his joining the party 
 of Clodius. 
 
 4. Cultus sum] Ern. custoditus 
 sum, which reading must be referred 
 to Antony's guarding Cicero from 
 the Clodian mob. 
 
 5. Observatus] This word, in its 
 secondary sense of ' venerari,' was 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 21. 379 
 
 quaesturae. Quo quidem tempore 6 P. Clodium, approbante 
 populo Romano, in foro es conatus occidere : quumque earn 
 rem tua sponte conarere, non impulsu meo ; tamen ita prae- 
 dicabas, te non existimare, nisi ilium interfecisses, unquam 
 mihi pro tuis in me injuriis 7 satis esse facturum. In quo 
 demiror, cur Milonem impulsu meo rem illam egisse dicas, 
 quum te, ultro mihi idem illud deferentem, nunquam sim 
 adhortatus. Quamquam, 8 si in eo perseverares, ad tuam 
 i^loriam rem illam referri malebam, quam ad meam gra- 
 tiam. 9 Quaestor es factus. Deinde continuo sine senatus- 
 eonsulto, sine sorte, sine lege 10 ad Caesarem cucurristi. Id 
 onim unum in terris egestatis, aeris alieni, nequitiae, perditis 
 vitae rationibus perfugium esse ducebas. lbi te quam et 
 illius largitionibus et tuis rapinis explevisses, (si hoc est 
 explere, quod 11 statim eftundas,) advolasti egens ad tri- 
 bunatum, 12 ut in eo magistratu, si posses, viri tui 13 similis 
 esses. 
 
 XXI. Accipite nunc, quaeso, non ea, quae 1 ipse in se, at- 
 que in domesticum dedecus impure atque intern peranter, sed 
 quae in nos fortunasque nostras, id est in universam rempub- 
 licam, impie ac nefarie fecerit. Ab hujus enim scelere 
 omnium malorum principium natum reperietis. Nam, quum 
 
 applied to that patronage which was was sometimes done. Att. vi. b*. 
 
 vouchsafed by public men of long ' Pompeius, eo robore vir, Q. Cassium 
 
 standing, to youths setting out in pub- sine sorte delegit, Cccsar Antonium, 
 
 lie life. Mil. In trod. 3. ego sorte datum [quaestorem] oftende- 
 
 6. Quo quidem tempore] Mil. 15. rem?' 
 
 This attempt occurred after Cicero's 11. Explere, quod] A word seems 
 
 return from banishment. wanting before ' quod.' Sch. supplies 
 
 7. Pro tuis in me injuriis] Sc. by ingerere ; others devorare. Em. con- 
 beingy'ax incendiorum of Clodius. tends that quod should be quum. 
 
 8. Quamquam] Mil. 2. n. 18. 12. Ad tribunatum] The next of- 
 
 9. Meum grutiam] The obliging of fice after the quaestorsliip, was either 
 me. the acdileship or tribuneship. Antony, 
 
 10. SineS. C. sorte lege] Quaes- whose talents were by this time fully 
 tors were appointed at the comitia tri- developed to Cassar, was directed by 
 buta. The particular province of each, him to proceed to Home and sue for 
 however, was usually determined by a the latter, in order to assist in support- 
 decree of the senate, by casting lots, ing his interest there. 
 
 or, on extraordinary occasions, by a 13. Viri tui] Curio. Supr. 2. n. 
 
 law of the people. Antony, however, 15. 
 
 after his election by the people, with- Sect. XXI. 1. Non ea, qua,, fyc] 
 
 out waiting for any particular appoint- Cic, however, notices these inf. par- 
 
 ment, set out for Caesar who had made ticularly, c. 23. 25. 
 
 choice of him as his quaestor, which 
 
380 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 L. Lentulo, C. Marcello, 2 consulibus, Kalendis Januariis la- 
 bantem 3 et prope cadentem rempublicam fulcire cuperetis, 
 Jpsique C. Caesari, si sana mente esset, consulere velletis : 
 turn iste venditum atque emancipatum 4 tribunatum consiliis 
 vestris opposuit/ cervicesque suas ei subjecit securi, 6 qua 
 multi minoribus 7 in peccatis occiderunt. In te, M. Antoni, 
 id decrevit senatus, et quidem incolumis, nondum tot lumi- 
 nibus exstinctis, quod in hostem togatum 8 decerni est so- 
 litum more majorum. Et tu apud patres conscriptos contra 
 me dicere ausus es, quum ab hoc ordine ego conservator es- 
 sem, tu hostis reipublicae judicatus? Commemoratio illius 
 tui sceleris intermissa est, non memoria deleta. Dum genus 
 hominum, dum populi Romani nomen exstabit, (quod qui- 
 dem erit, si per te licebit, sempiternum !) tua ilia pestifera in- 
 
 2. L. Lentulo, C. Marcello] Sc. 
 k. v. 704. . There were at this time 
 at Rome, three Marcelli, Marcus, 
 consul in 702, for whose restoration 
 Cic. returned thanks to Caesar ; Cai- 
 us, his brother, now consul ; and 
 Caius, a cousin, the father of the 
 Marcellus of Virgil. They were all 
 distinguished opponents of Caesar. 
 
 3. Labantem] Al. labentem ; which 
 reading is found in the Vatican MS. 
 but Scheller prefers the former. ' Ful- 
 cimus doraum labantem, non laben- 
 tem.' Garaton. V. E. 
 
 4. Emancipatum] Sold, enslaved. 
 ' Mancipium,' or ' res mancipi,' 
 meant real property, which the owner 
 could put out of his hands or alienate 
 at pleasure ; and hence, ' emanci- 
 pated.' But this could not be done 
 without the right of possession being 
 ceded to another ; hence, 2. ' trans- 
 ferred, enslaved,' as here. Her. 
 Epod. 9. * Romanus emancipatus 
 foeminae.' Al. mancipatum, which 
 indeed is generally a different read- 
 ing for ' emancipatum' in this sense. 
 Vid. Forcel. 
 
 5. Tribunatum opposuit] Caesar's 
 popularity with the plebeians caused 
 i lie aristocracy to unite themselves 
 more closely with Pompey, who had 
 
 already, on the death of Julia, given 
 plain intimations of hostility to Cae- 
 sar. Caesar's interest was zealously 
 supported at Rome by Antony, who, 
 by a decree of the people, had the 
 legions that were raised for Pompey 
 sent into Syria, to Bibulus, who 
 obliged the senate to hear Caesar's 
 written defence. A motion was made 
 by the consul Marcellus, that either 
 Caesar or Pompey should resign his 
 command ; it was moved and carried, 
 by Antony, that both should resign. 
 This decision, the consuls, of course, 
 opposed. Finally, when Antony had 
 interposed his veto against the various 
 propositions of Caesar's opponents, 
 and his own, in return, were rejected 
 by them, a vote of the senate was 
 passed, which forced him and his 
 colleague, Cassius, to leave the city 
 in the disguise of slaves, and take re- 
 fuge with Caesar. Caes. B.C. 4. 
 
 6. Ei securi] i. e. To the danger 
 resulting from a decree of the senate, 
 by which any one who persisted in 
 impeding its acts, was decided to 
 have acted against the republic. 
 
 7. Minoribus] Sc. than what you 
 committed. 
 
 8. In hostem togatum] i. e. He 
 was judged a public enemy. The 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 22. 
 
 IS I 
 
 tercessio 9 nominabitur. Quid cupide 10 a senatu, quid temere 
 fiebat, quum tu, unus adolescens, 11 universum ordinem decer- 
 nere de salute reipublicae prohibuisti ? neque id semel, sed 
 saepius? neque tu tecum de senatus auctoritate agi passus 
 es ? Quid autem agebatur, nisi ne deleri et everti rempub- 
 licam funditus velles, 12 quum te neque principes civitatis 
 rogando, neque majores natu monendo, neque frequens sena- 
 tus agendo, de vendita atque addicta 13 sententia movere po- 
 tuit ? Turn illud, multis rebus ante tentatis, necessario tibi 
 vulnus 14 inflictum est, quod paucis ante te, quorum incolu- 
 mis fuit nemo. Turn contra te dedit arma hie ordo consu- 
 libus reliquisque imperiis et potestatibus : 15 qua? non effugis- 
 ses, nisi te ad arma Caesaris contulisses. 16 
 
 XXII. Tu, tu, inquam, M. Antoni, princeps C. Caesari, 
 omnia perturbare cupienti, causam belli 1 contra patriam infe- 
 rendi dedisti. Quid enim aliud ille dicebat ? quam causam 
 
 senate sometimes decided to this ef- 
 fect, in the case of refractory citizens. 
 Vid. Pis. 15. 
 
 9. Intercession Alluding particu- 
 larly to the decree of the senate, that 
 Caesar should, by a certain day, dis- 
 band his army. Caes. B. C. 1. 
 
 10. Cupide] Antony had charged 
 the senate with yielding to their pas- 
 sions and predelictions against Cae- 
 sar ; but Cicero is of opinion, that 
 Antony's youth and single veto jus- 
 tified their conduct. Cic. does not 
 here notice Cassius, the colleague of 
 Antony. Fam. xvi. 11. 
 
 11. Adolescens] Cic. gives Antony 
 the same appellation fourteen years 
 before. As the Cornelian law re- 
 quired the tribune to be thirty years 
 of age, Cic, perhaps, used it here re- 
 latively to the age of the other sena- 
 tors. 
 
 12. Velles'] As if Antony were the 
 people ; whose province it was ' vel- 
 le,' &c. 
 
 13. Vendita addicta] ' Vendita,' 
 disposed of by private sale ; ' addic- 
 ta,' consigned by auction to the high- 
 est bidder. Mancipata' required a 
 regular form of law and witnesses. 
 
 14. Vulnus] Sc. declaring you a 
 public enemy. The form was : * Se- 
 natus consulibus, praetoribus, tribu- 
 nis plebis, et iis qui proconsules sunt, 
 negotium dedit, ut curarent nequid 
 resp. detrimenti caperet.' Fam. xvi. 
 11. 
 
 15. Imperiis potestatibus] A ma- 
 gistracy entitling the holder to lictors 
 and fasces, was called * imperium ;' 
 otherwise, as in the case of tribunes, 
 it was named ' potestas.' 
 
 16. Contulisses] It is not certain 
 whether Antony was expelled or not. 
 Cic. Fam. 16. 11, says, ' nulla vi 
 expulsi,' whereas Caesar, B. C. 4, 
 and even Lucan, i. 266, asserts the 
 contrary : 
 
 Expulit ancipiti discordes urbe tribu- 
 
 nos 
 Victo jure minax jactatis Curia 
 
 Gracchis. 
 Perhaps he was expelled by force 
 from the senate, but not from the 
 city. That Antony, under the cir- 
 cumstances, should put himself under 
 Caesar's protection, was so probable, 
 that it was anticipated by Cic. him- 
 self. Att. vii.9. 
 
 Sect. XXII. 1. Causam belli] 
 
382 
 
 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO 
 
 sui dementissimi consilii et facti aflerebat, nisi quod inter- 
 cessio neglecta, 2 jus tribunicium 3 sublatum, circumscriptus 4 a 
 senatu esset Antonius ? Omitto, quam haec falsa, quam le- 
 via: 5 praesertim quum omnino nulla causa justa cuiquam 
 esse possit contra patriam arma capiendi. Sed nihil de Cae- 
 sare : 6 tibi certe confitendum est, causam perniciosissimi 
 belli in persona tua constitisse. O miserum te, si intelligis! 
 miseriorem, 7 si non intelligis, hoc literis mandari, hoc me- 
 moriae prodi, hujus rei ne posteritatem quidem omnium se- 
 culorum unquam immemorem fore, consules ex Italia ex- 
 pulsos, cumque his Cn. Pompeium, qui imperii populi 
 Romani decus ac lumen fuit, omnes consulares, 8 qui per 
 valetudinem exsequi cladem illam fugamque 9 potuissent, 
 
 u e. Ansam belli. 
 
 2. Intercessio neglecta] Which 
 Cic, supr. 21, calls ' pestifera.' Syl- 
 la, who is usually said to have abol- 
 ished the tribunitian office, only 
 stripped it of its positive power, al- 
 lowing the veto to remain. Leg. iii. 
 10. Caes. B. C. 4. Caesar pretended to 
 think it hard, that Pompey, under 
 whose control he supposed the se- 
 nate to be, should deprive the tri- 
 bunes of a privilege which even 
 Sylla had left unimpaired. Yet Pom- 
 pey had, in his second consulship, 
 restored the tribunitian rights. Veil, 
 ii. 30. Sail. Cat. 38. 
 
 3. Jus tribunicium] By it the per- 
 sons of the tribunes were sacred ; they 
 could not be interrupted when speak- 
 ing (Sext. 39); they had a certain 
 jurisdiction (Juven. Sat. vii. 228), 
 their proceedings could only be im- 
 peded by one of their own body ; they 
 alone retained office during the ma- 
 gistracy of a dictator ; they could not 
 be sued at law ; they were able to 
 convoke the senate and make motions 
 there, even in presence of the consuls, 
 &c, &c. 
 
 4. Circumscriptus] Mil. 23. n. 4. 
 Cic. Att. vii. 9, alluding to this veiy 
 circumstance, enumerates four me- 
 thods by which the senate coerced a 
 tribune : ' notatus, aut S. Consulto 
 
 circumscriptus, aut sublatus, aut ex- 
 pulsus.' They had all been used 
 against Antony ; but Cic. here limits 
 himself to the second. The S. C. was, 
 no doubt that alluded to supr. 21. n. 
 14, which was quite sufficient to re- 
 strict Antony. 
 
 5. Falsa levia] They were false ; 
 for Antony's was a necessary coer- 
 cion ; they were trivial ; for what 
 signified the injured feelings or autho- 
 rity of Antony in comparison of a 
 civil war? 
 
 6. Sed nihil de Ctesar] Sc. dicen- 
 dum. ' This is not the time to enter 
 into the question of Caesar's guilt ; 
 you, at least, &c.,' which is all 1 
 want. 
 
 7. Miseriorem] Because there is 
 no hope of the man who has not sense 
 to perceive his own infamy. 
 
 8. Omnes consulares] As Servilius 
 Isauricus, Serv. Sulpicius, and some 
 others, remained behind, he adds, 
 ' qui per valetudinem, &c.' 
 
 9. Exsequi cladem fugamque] 
 Cladem' here connected with fu- 
 gam,' partakes of its meaning, and 
 both, by a sort of Hendiad, signify 
 'disastrous flight.' * Exsequi,' l-mre- 
 Xeoi, make good, accomplish. Att. 
 ix. 12. Cur non omnes fatura illius 
 executi sumus.' 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 23. 383 
 
 praetores, praetorios, tribunos 10 plebis, magnam partem se- 
 natus, omnem subolem juventutis, unoque verbo, rempubli- 
 cam expulsam atque exterminatam suis sedibus ! Ut igitur 
 in seminibus 11 est causa arborum et stirpium : sic hujus luc- 
 tuosissimi belli semen tu fuisti. Doletis tres exercitus 12 po- 
 puli Romani interfectos : interfecit Antonius. Desideratis 
 clarissimos cives : eos quoque vobis eripuit Antonius. Auc- 
 toritas hujus ordinis afflicta est : afflixit Antonius. Omnia 
 denique, qua? postea vidimus, (quid autem mali non vidi- 
 mus ?) si recte ratiocinabimur, uni accepta referemus Anto- 
 nio. 13 Ut Helena Trojanis, 14 sic iste huic reipublicae causa 
 belli, causa pestis atque exitii fuit. Reliquae partes tribuna- 
 tus principiis 15 similes. Omnia perfecit, quae senatus, salva 
 republica, ne fieri possent, perfecerat. Cujus tamen scelus 
 in scelere 16 cognoscite. 
 
 XXIII. Restituebat multos calamitosos. 1 In iis patrui 2 
 nulla mentio. Si severus, cur non in omnes ? Si misericors, 
 cur non in suos ? Sed omitto ceteros. Licinium Lenticu- 
 lam, de alea condemnatum, collusorem suum, restituit : qua- 
 si vero 3 ludere cum condemnato non liceret ! sed ut, quod in 
 alea perdiderat, beneficio legis dissolveret. Quam attulisti 
 
 10. Pr&tores tribunos} Not strict- easy to see, that he merely meant An- 
 lv. 31. ^Emilius Lepidus, the praetor, tony's affording a pretext to Caesar, 
 remained behind, and afterwards nam- for invading his country ; which, per- 
 ed Caesar Dictator; while L. Metellus haps, was all that Helen did to the 
 is mentioned as opposing his tribuni- Greeks, in reference to the Trojans, 
 tian authority to the seizure of the 15. Principiis] His intervention 
 public treasures by Caesar. took place on the first of January, 
 
 11. Seminibus'] So in Dem. de Cor. twenty-one days after coming into 
 52. 'O yap to oir'ipfia irapaaxhv, office. 
 
 ovroq r/v ru>/ <f>vvTb>v kukwv cutioq. 16. Scelus in scelere] i.e. It was 
 
 12. Tres exercitus] That of Pom- one act of wickedness to revoke a 
 pey, at Pharsalia ; of Afranius, in public condemnation ; but, having 
 Spain ; and Scipio's, in Africa. Cic, done so, it was a second, to omit the 
 doubtless, considers Caesar as an ene- restoration of an uncle. 
 
 my of the republic, and reckons not Sect. XXIII. 1. Calamitosos] i.e. 
 
 his losses, though Romans also. ' Damnatos.' Verr. v. 6. ' Ut damnati 
 
 V. E. in integrum restituantur.' Arch. 5. 
 
 13. Uni referemus Antonio] Pro- n. 5. Manil.6, n. 9. 
 
 peily, set down to the account of An- 2. Patrui] C. Antonius. Cat. iii. 
 
 tony. 6. n. 7. 
 
 14. Ut Helena Trojanus] Plutarch, 3. Quasi vero] We must suppose, 
 Ant. G, needed not to have called with Manut., that Antony, in his tri- 
 Cic. an open liar (n$pi<pavuic. ypiv- buneship, connived at Lenticula's 
 Sofiivog) for this assertion, as it is evading the sentence of banishment, 
 
384 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 rationem 4 populo Romano, cur eura restitui oporteret? 
 Absentem, credo, in reos relatum ; rem indicta causa judi- 
 catam ; nullum fuisse de alea lege judicium ; vi oppressum, 
 et armis ; postremo, quod de patruo tuo dicebatur, pecunia 
 judicium esse corruptum. Nihil horum. At vir bonus, 5 et 
 republica dignus. Nihil id quidem ad rem: 6 ego tamen, 
 quoniam condemnatum esse, pro nihilo 7 est, si ita esset, ig- 
 noscerem. Hominem omnium 8 nequissimum, qui non dubi- 
 taret vel in foro alea ludere, lege, quae est de alea, 9 condem- 
 natum, qui in integrum restituit, is non apertissime studium 
 suum ipse profitetur ? In eodem vero tribunatu, quum Cae- 
 sar in Hispaniam proficiscens 10 huic conculcandam Italiam 
 tradidisset; quae fuit ejus peragratio itinerum! lustratio 11 
 
 ia order that he might indulge with 
 him his passion for play. Antony's 
 including Lenticula in the act of res- 
 toration, then, could not have arisen 
 from any want of the society of his 
 friend, but from a stipulation, on An- 
 tony's part, to pay his losses in play, 
 by releasing Lenticula from the sen- 
 tence of banishment. 
 
 It is likely that in this passage, 
 gaming in public, vel in foro alea 
 ludere,' is designed, else Antony 
 might have been condemned as well 
 as Lenticula. 
 
 4. Quam attulisti rationem'} It was 
 usual to add to the act for restoring a 
 banished man, the grounds of his 
 restoration, generally some of the fol- 
 lowing. Antony added none. 
 
 5. At vir bonus] Another ground 
 for recalling from banishment. 
 
 6. Nihil id quidem ad rem] Why 
 not 1 Because it was contrary to the 
 fundamental laws of the empire to re- 
 voke judicial decisions, no matter how 
 just the pretence. Verr. v. 6. 
 
 7. Condemn. pro nihilo] Since his 
 having been condemned of the crime 
 of gaming is now thought lightly of, 
 and goes for nothing, I, too, would 
 pardon it, and admit his restoration, if 
 he were a good man. 
 
 8. Hominem omnium] Em. Vero 
 omnium. But Cicero's object being 
 
 to convict Antony of a passion for 
 gaming, there is no opposition intend- 
 ed between 'si [vir bonus] esset' and 
 'hominum nequissimum ;' consequent- 
 ly, vero should not be inserted. 
 
 9. Lege, qua est de alea] Hence 
 Hor. Carm. iii. 24. Seu malis vetita 
 legibus alea.' They were the Titian, 
 Publician, and Cornelian laws. The 
 exact penalty of their violation is not 
 known. The word 'restituit,' here 
 used, makes it probable that it was 
 banishment. 
 
 10. C&sar in Hispaniam proficis- 
 cens] It should be observed that Cae- 
 sar waged two wars in Spain ; one 
 against Petreius, Afranius, and Varro, 
 the lieutenants of Pompey, before the 
 battle ofPharsalia (a. u. 704), ano- 
 ther with the sons of Pompey, (a. v. 
 708,) the year before his assassina- 
 tion. It is the former to which he was 
 now setting out. Previously to this 
 he had obliged Pompey to evacuate 
 Brundisium and fly to Greece ; and as 
 he was unable, owing to the want of 
 transports, to pursue him at once and 
 terminate the war, he resolved to pro- 
 ceed into Spain ' to meet,' as he said , 
 ' an army without a general, that he 
 might return to a general without an 
 army.' 
 
 11. Lustratio] 'Lustrum,' Xovw, 
 is properly, a purificatory sacrifice ; 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 24. 
 
 385 
 
 municipiorum ! Scio me in rebus celebratissimis omnium 
 sermone versari, eaque, quae dico dicturusque sum, notiora 
 omnibus esse, qui in Italia turn fuerunt, quam mihi, qui non 
 fui. 13 Notabo 14 tamen singulas res : etsi nullo modo 15 poterit 
 oratio mea satisfacere vestrae scientiae. Etenim quod un- 
 quam in terris tan turn flagitium exstitisse auditum est ? tan- 
 tam turpitudinem ? 16 tantum dedecus ? 
 
 XXIV. Vehebatur 1 in essedo 2 tribunus plebis ; 3 lictores 
 laureati 4 antecedebant ; inter quos, aperta lectica, mima por- 
 tabatur: quam ex oppidis municipales homines honesti, ob- 
 
 which, being customary before review- 
 ing an army, or setting out to visit a 
 country, ' lustratio' comes to signify 
 a going about to inspect,' in which 
 it differs from ' peragratio.' So JEn. 
 i. 577. ' Libyae lustrare extrema ju- 
 bebo.' Also vi. 888. 
 
 13. Quam mihi, qui non fui] Yet 
 Cic. remained in Italy two months 
 after the departure of Caesar for Spain. 
 In fact, he did not set sail till he had 
 advices of the battle of llerda, where- 
 in Cajsar's army was worsted, when 
 he withdrew privately to Dyrrachium, 
 and joined Pompey. 
 
 14. Xotabo] ' Notice ;' not enter 
 into fully. 
 
 1-0. Etsi nullo modo] i. e. You 
 know more than 1 can mention. Peo- 
 ple sometimes wish to hear others 
 state what they themselves know. Cic. 
 could not in this instance gratify 
 them. 
 
 lb*. Tant.turp.] Are bracketed by 
 Em. and expunged by Sch. But 
 Schol. says that ' audit, est' may have 
 the accus. after it. 
 
 9* j. XXIV. I. Vehebatur] 
 Abram. has here pointed out the strik- 
 ing force of the expressions. It was 
 bad enough for a tribune to ride, but 
 worse to ride on a Gallic car ; parti- 
 cularly with lictors, an officer not al- 
 lowed to them, and those lictors deck- 
 ed with laurel, as an emblem of their 
 victory over their country. Then, 
 again, the open litter of the courtesan, 
 contrary to the custom in travelling, 
 
 (' Namque facit somnum clausa lectica 
 fenestra.' Juv. iii. 242,) the citizens 
 obliged to call her by a Roman name, 
 instead of Cytheris,&c, are all highly 
 amplificatory circumstances. 
 
 2. Essedo] This car was probably 
 made known to the Romans by Cae- 
 sar's invasion of Britain (Caes. B. G. 
 iv. 33) ; and as the Britons were 
 thought a fierce people, ('Britannos 
 feros hospitibus.' Hor. Carm. iii. 4,) 
 it is likely that it was not much es- 
 teemed at Rome. Att. vi. 1. It 
 was also used in Gaul. Virg. G. iii. 
 204. ' Belgica vel molli melius fe- 
 ret esseda collo.' 
 
 3. Tribunus plebis] Plutarch says 
 that tribunes were not allowed the 
 ' praetexta, lictors, or curule-chair ; 
 that they were obliged to continue in 
 the city, and keep their doors open 
 even during the night.' It may, there- 
 fore, be inferred, that they were not 
 allowed carriages, particularly as it 
 appears that a similar prohibition was 
 made in the case of dictators and the 
 * flamines Diales.' 
 
 4. Lictores laureati] Caesar annex- 
 ed these lictors to his lieutenants, ou 
 his expelling Pompey from Italy. Cic 
 (Att. x.4,) mentions their attendance 
 on Curio, who, though not then a 
 tribune, was a lieutenant. They were 
 usually appointed hy victorious ge- 
 nerals, and Caesar, no douht, con- 
 sidered this a victory. 
 
 4. Aperta lectica] * Lectica,' from 
 ' lectus' Xkyw. It was furnished 
 L L 
 
186 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 viam necessario prodeuntes, non noto illo et mimico nomine, 
 sed Volumniam 5 consalutabant. Sequebatur rheda cum 
 lenonibus, 6 comites nequissimi, 7 rejecta mater amicam impuri 
 filii, tamquam nurum, sequebatur. O misera? mulieris fe- 
 cunditatem calamitosam ! 8 Horum flagitiorum iste vestisnis 
 omnia municipia, praefecturas, colonias, totam denique Itali- 
 am impressit. 
 
 Reliquorum factorum ejus, Patres conscripti, difficilis est 
 sane reprehensio et lubrica. 8 Versatus in bello est : satura- 
 vit 9 se sanguine dissimillimorum sui civium. Felix 10 fuit, si 
 potest ulla in scelere esse felicitas. Sed, quoniam veteranis 
 cautum esse 11 volumus, quamquam 1 ' 2 dissimilis est militum 
 
 with curtains, which were drawn when 
 privacy or sleep demanded. 
 
 5. Volumniam] Cytheris had been 
 the liberta and mistress of P. Volum- 
 nius Eutrapelus, (Fam. ix. 26,) at 
 whose house Cic. supped with her. 
 Nepos, Att. 9, testifies that a friend- 
 ship existed between him and Antony. 
 Vid. Bayle, art. Lycoris, where he is 
 proved to be the Eutrapelus of Hor- 
 ace. With regard to the name, she 
 might well be proud of it. It be- 
 longed to a patrician family, and had 
 been borne by the wife of Coriolanus. 
 Liv. ii. 40. 
 
 6. Cum lenonibus] Al. leonibus; 
 for Plut., Anton. 9, says, Kai Xkovrtq 
 appaaiv vntZevy pivot ; and Plin. 
 viii.' 15, Primus leones Pomaj ad 
 ourrumjunxitM. Anto, ius, et quidem 
 civili bello, cum dimicatum esset in 
 Pharsalicis campis : non sine ostento 
 quodam temporum, generosos spiritus 
 ]ugum subire illo prodigio significante. 
 Nam quod ita vectus est cum mima 
 Cytheride, supra monstra etiam cala- 
 jnitatum fuit.' But 1. this account of 
 Pliny applies to a time subsequent to 
 the battle of Pharsalia, whereas An- 
 tony's progress took place when Cae- 
 sar was first in Spain, fighting against 
 -the lieutenants of Pompey. 2. ' Se- 
 quebatur cum . leonibus,' meaning 
 jiuictd leonibus' appears to be an 
 
 unauthorised construction. 3. Cic, 
 agreeably to his manner, would have 
 
 dwelt on so flagitious a circumstance 
 at greater length. It is certain, how- 
 ever, that Antony had lions before 
 that time. * Tu Antonii leones per- 
 timiscas, cave.' Att. x. 13. 
 
 7. Comites nequissimi - ] i. e. ' Me- 
 ritorii pueri,' as inf. 41. ' Ingenui 
 pueri cum meritoriis, scorta inter ma- 
 tresfamilias versabantur.' 
 
 8. Fecunditatem calamitosam] For 
 her son was the source of calamity to 
 her and to his country. 
 
 8. Lubrica] From, Xbw, 'lavo,' 
 washed with rain, slippery, danger- 
 ous ; alluding to the veterans, as he 
 presently shows. 
 
 9. Saturavit] So Pliny (Nat. Hist, 
 xv. 22,) says of Antony, ' Quo facile 
 intelligatur ebrius jam sanguine civi- 
 xim et tanto magis eum sitiens.' ' Dis- 
 simil. sui,' and therefore good men. 
 
 10. Felix] i. e. He was on the 
 side of victory, though it was neither 
 owing to prudence in selecting, nor 
 bravery in sustaining his party. 
 
 11. Veteranis cautum esse] ' To 
 have their advantages secured to the 
 veterans;' which the senate might re- 
 call, if Cic. entered into a detail of 
 the atrocities of the civil war. Phil. i. 
 2. ' Veterani quibus senatus dili- 
 gentissime caverat.' This is the usual 
 explanation ; but, perhaps the oppo- 
 sition which* the following 'quam- 
 quam' requires would warrant trans- 
 lating it, to guard against, decline 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 25. 
 
 387 
 
 causa et tua : illi secuti sunt ; tu quaasisti ducem : tamen, ne 
 apud illos me in invidiam voces, nihil de genere belli dicam. 
 Victor 13 e Thessalia Brundisium cum legionibus 14 revertisti. 
 Ibi me non occidisti. 15 Magnum beneficium ! Potuisse enim 
 lateor. Quamquam 16 nemo erat eorum, qui turn tecum fue- 
 runt, qui mihi non censeret parci oportere. Tanta est enim 
 caritas patriae, ut vestris etiam legionibus sanctus essem, 
 quod earn a me servatam esse meminissent. Sed fac, id te 
 dedisse mihi, quod non ademisti, meque a te habere vitam, 
 ([ilia non a te sit erepta : licuitne mihi per tuas contumelias 
 hoc tuum beneficium sic tueri, ut tuebar, praesertim quum 17 
 te haec auditurum videres ? 
 
 XXV. Venisti Brundisium, in sinum quidem et in com- 
 plexum tuae mimula?. 1 Quid est? num mentior? Quam mi- 
 serum est id negare non posse, quod sit turpissimum confi- 
 teri ? Si te municipiorum 2 non pudebat : ne veterani quidem 
 exercitus ? quis enim miles fuit, qui Brundisii illam non vi- 
 derit ? quis, qui nescierit, venisse earn tot tibi dierum viam' J 
 gratulatum ? quis, qui non indoluerit, tarn sero se, quam ne- 
 
 interfering with, the veterans,' which 
 he nearly expresses by, ne apud il- 
 los me in invidiam voces.' This sense, 
 indeed, is usually found with ab and 
 the abl. ; but the dat. is also used. 
 Vid. Forcel. Lex. 
 
 12. Quamquam'] A correction, as 
 usual, even though followed by ' ta- 
 men.' Cat. ii. 12. n. 5. 'And yet 
 your case and that of the soldiers 
 stand on different grounds.' 
 
 13. Victor] The conduct of Anto- 
 ny in the civil wars was distinguished 
 by bravery and prudence. He had 
 conducted the army into Macedonia, 
 taken Lissus, succoured Caesar, in 
 the greatest distress, twice conquer- 
 ed the Pompeians, and finally, at 
 Pharsalia, commanding the left wing, 
 slew Domitius, and contributed great- 
 ly to the victory. All this is, of 
 course, omitted by Cic. 
 
 14. Legionibus] Namely, to defend 
 Italy, while Caesar himself pursued 
 Pompey. Cic. was not present at the 
 battle ; and after it, was requested by 
 Cato and Cn. Pompey, to take the 
 
 command of an army for the republic, 
 and on his refusing, the younger 
 Pompey was with difficulty restrained 
 from killing him. Having come to 
 Brundisium, he fell in with Antony 
 and his legions. 
 
 15. Ibi non occidisti] Vid. supr. 
 3, where this charge is noticed. 
 
 1 6. Quamquam] To correct his ad- 
 mission of its being a great favour, he 
 shows that even legions in arms 
 against their country, thought its pre- 
 server should be saved ; how, there- 
 fore, could Antony have justly put 
 him to death f 
 
 17. Prcesertim quum] There is an 
 ellipsis before these words, of quod fa- 
 ciendum fuit, or the like. ' But ad- 
 mitting all your inferences, did you 
 allow me by your insults to prize your 
 favour as I was doing ; which it was 
 your business to do, particularly as you 
 were aware that I could and would re- 
 tort,' (par pari relaturum. Ferrar.') 
 
 Sect. XXV. 1. Mimula] Con- 
 temptuously for ' mimae' Cytheris. 
 2. Si te 7nunicipiorum, tyc] i. e. 
 
388 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quam. hominem secutus esset, cognoscere? Italia? rursus 
 percursatio 3 eadem 4 comite mima; in oppida militum crude - 
 lis et raisera deductio; 5 in urbe auri, argenti, maximequc 
 vini, 6 foeda direptio. Accessit, 7 ut, Ca?sare ignaro, 8 quum 
 esset ille Alexandria?, beneficio amiconim ejus, 9 magister 
 equitum constitueretur. Turn existimavit, se suo jure cum 
 Hippia 10 vivere, et equos vectigales 11 Sergio mimo tradere. 
 
 Antony should have regarded the opi- 
 nion of the soldiers, over whom he was 
 placed, as well to govern as set an ex- 
 ample of moderation and virtue, if he 
 did not regard the Italian citizens. 
 
 2. Tot dierum viam] Cytheris was 
 at Rome when she heard of Antony's 
 victory, and proceeded to Brundisium 
 to meet him. The distance was 350 
 miles. Hor. Sat. i. 5. 
 
 3. Percursatio'] Sc. quum Romam 
 iret. Em. 
 
 4. Eadem] Referred by Abram. to 
 percursatio.' ' This march through 
 Italy was distinguished by all the 
 enormities of the former, and more be- 
 sides.' But it appears simpler to take 
 it with ' comite mima.' 
 
 5. In oppida deductio] This may 
 mean either a temporary quartering of 
 the troops, or a permanent settlement. 
 In either case we can conceive that 
 great oppression may have been prac- 
 tised. 
 
 6. Maximeque vini] This shews 
 that avarice in Antony was secondary 
 to intemperance. 
 
 7. Accessit] There was this addi- 
 tion to the profligate management of 
 Antony's tribuneship. 
 
 8. Ceesare ignaro] It was usual for 
 the dictator to appoint his own master 
 of the horse ; but in this case, as 
 CiEsar set out immediately after the 
 battle of Pharsalia, in pursuit of Pom- 
 pey, and came directly to Alexandria, 
 it is probable he knew nothing for some 
 time of his own appointment ; and 
 of course, could not appoint Antony. 
 Both appointments, no doubt, pro- 
 ceeded from the senate, who were ever 
 ready to load their masters with ho- 
 nors. Masters of horse were sometimes 
 
 appointed by the senate. Liv. vii. 12. 
 
 9. Amicorum ejus] i.e. ' Ca'saris." 
 He wishes to make it appeaT that 
 Caesar entertained a contempt for An- 
 tony. It is nearer the truth that he 
 was displeased with his disgraceful 
 conduct, as appeared by his appoint- 
 ing Lepidus, on his return, to be his 
 master of the horse, and colleague in 
 the consulship. Hence too, his strict- 
 ness with Antony, in reference to thfe 
 price of Pompey's estate, which had 
 been bought by Antony, c. 29. He 
 still farther mortified his pride, by 
 overlooking the turbulent conduct of 
 Dolabella, who was at this time tri- 
 bune, and whom Antony accused of 
 an intrigue with his wife Antonia. 
 c. 38. 
 
 10. Cum Hippia, fyc] A play on 
 words is intended : Antony, being 
 'i7nrnp\0Q, might have intimacy with 
 Hippias. V. E. Some make Hippia 
 a Roman matron, and quote Juv. Sat. 
 vi. 82. But she was wife of the sena- 
 tor Veiento, who eloped with a gladi- 
 ator. Vid. Rupert, in loc. 
 
 11. Equos vectigales] ' Vectigal' is: 
 1. What produces income; 2. What 
 is paid as tribute. Hence, * agri vec- 
 tigales,' Verr. v. 34 ; and, ' pecunia 
 vectigalis,' Verr. hi. 35. As the Ro- 
 mans sometimes received horses from 
 the tributary provinces, Antony may 
 have readily presented some of them 
 to this Sergius, as he did the Leontine 
 lands to Clodius. Manut., however, 
 adopts the first meaning of ' vectigalis,' 
 and supposes Antony to have given 
 Sergius the horses which belonged to 
 his office, ' utexiisquacstum faceret.' 
 And Efn. ' Puto cum Ferrar. Anto- 
 nium huic mimo equos gratis dedisse 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 25. 
 
 389 
 
 Turn sibi non banc, quam nunc male tuetur, sed M. Piso- 
 nis 12 domum, ubi habitaret, legerat. 13 Quid ego u istius de- 
 creta, quid rapinas, quid hereditatum possessiones datas, 
 quid ereptas proferam ? Cogebat egestas : quo se verteret, 
 non habebat. Nondum ei tanta a L. Rubrio, non a L. 
 Turselio bereditas venerat ; nondum in Cn. Pompeii locum, 
 multorumque aliorum, qui aberant, repentinus beres lj suc- 
 cesserat. Erat ei vivendum latronum ritu, ut tantum habe- 
 ret, quantum rapere potuisset. 
 
 Sed haec, quae robustioris 16 improbitatis sunt, omittamus : 
 loquamur potius de nequissimo genere levitatis. 17 Tu istis 
 faucibus, 18 istis lateribus, ista gladiatoria totius corporis fir- 
 mitate, 19 tantum vini in Hippia? nuptiis 20 exhauseras, ut tibi 
 necesse esset in populi Romani conspectu vomere postridie. 
 O rem 21 non modo visu fcedam, sed etiam auditu ! Si inter 
 ccenam, 22 in ipsis tuis immanibus illis poculis, hoc tibi acci- 
 disset, quis non turpe duceret ? In coetu 23 vero populi Ro- 
 mani, negotium publicum gerens, magister equitum, cui rue- 
 tare turpe esset, is vomens, frustis esculentis, 24 vinum redo- 
 lentibus, gremium 25 suum et totum tribunal implevit. 26 Sed 
 
 ad ludos Circenses, ut ipse lucrum 
 faceret iis locandis.' 
 
 12. M. Pisonis] M. Puppius Cal- 
 purnianus, consul a. u. 692. 
 
 13. Turn sibi legerut] This sen- 
 tence is restored from the Vatican 
 MS. Male tuetur refers to the waste 
 and destruction by Antony of Pom- 
 pey's effects. V. E. But the words 
 are ' nunc male tuetur.' i. e. now ill 
 maintains his right to Sext. Pompey 
 demanding his paternal property. 
 Inf. 30. 
 
 14. Quid ego, fyc] This was all 
 during Caesar's absence at Alexan- 
 dria. 
 
 15. Repentinus heres] i. e. With- 
 out claim or expectation, being heir 
 by auction, instead of at law. So 
 Manut. ' Quorum bona in auctione 
 < merat, heres eorum esse videbatur.' 
 
 16. Robustioris] More audacious. 
 
 17. Levitatis] Nequitiae. Profli- 
 gacy. 
 
 18. Istis faucibus] Quint, viii. 4. 
 
 19. Gladiatoria firmitate] Not the 
 habit of simple health, to which in 
 Galen it is opposed, but resulting 
 from training of course, in intempe- 
 rance. 
 
 20. In Hippie, nuptiis] Plut. 
 Anton. 9. 
 
 21.0 rem, %c] Hor. A. P. 180. 
 ' Segnius irritant aniraos, &c.' 
 
 22. Inter cecnam] i. e. ' Inter cce- 
 nandum.' Ccena, Koivrj the common 
 meal. 
 
 23. In coetu, c\c] Quint, viii. 4. 
 Per se deforme, vel non in coetu 
 vomere : in coetu etiam non populi : 
 populi etiam non Romani : vel si nul- 
 lum negotium ageret, vel si non pub- 
 licum : vel si non magister equitum.' 
 
 24. Esculentis] Quint, viii. 4. 'Ci- 
 bus non recens, ut accidere interdum 
 solet, sed qui usque in poaterum diem 
 redundaret.' 
 
 25. Gremiutn] A ' gero,' the space 
 from the girdle to the knees of a per- 
 son sitting, the lap. ' Sinus,' all with- 
 
 ll2 
 
390 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 hoc ipse fatetur esse in suis sordibus : veniamus ad splen- 
 dida.* 7 
 
 XXVI. Caesar Alexandria 1 se recepit, 2 felix, 3 ut sibi qui- 
 dem videbatur; mea autem sententia, qui reipublicae sit in- 
 felix, felix esse nemo potest. Hasta 4 posita pro cede Jovis Sta- 
 toris, 5 bona, (miserum me ! consumptis enim lacrimis, 6 tamen 
 infixus animo haeret dolor,) bona, 7 inquam, Cn. Pompeii 
 Magni, 8 voci acerbissimae stibjecta pragconis. Una in ilia re 9 
 servitutis oblita civitas ingemuit, servientibusque animis, 
 quum omnia metu tenerentur, gemitus tamen populi Romani 
 liber fuit. Exspectantibus omnibus, quisnam esset tarn im- 
 pius, tam demens, tarn diis hominibusque hostis, qui ad illud 
 scelus sectionis 10 auderet accedere, 11 inventus est nemo, praeter 
 Anton ium, praesertim quum tot essent 11 circum hastam illam, 
 
 in the compass of the breast and arms 
 above the girdle, the bosom. 
 
 26. Tribunal'] This occurred at 
 Rome. 
 
 27. Splendida] e. g. The sale of 
 Pompey's effects. 
 
 Sect. XXVI 1. Alexandria] Af- 
 ter Caesar had arranged the affairs of 
 L'tolemy, he returned to Rome, by the 
 route of Pontus, having conquered 
 on the way Pharnaces, the son of Mi- 
 thridates. Deiot. Introd. 3. * 
 
 2. Se recepit] A military phrase, 
 signifying to retreat from danger. 
 Perhaps Cic. intimates as much here, 
 Caesar having run peculiar hazard in 
 the Alexandrian war. 
 
 3. Felix, 3fc] i. e. Because he 
 had been victorious. 
 
 4. Hasta] This was necessary to 
 make a sale legal. The custom was 
 derived from the earliest times, when 
 the plunder of the enemy was so sold. 
 Festus. * Cui subjiciebanteaquae pub- 
 lice venumdabant, et eorum bona qui 
 hasta, hoc est bello, superantur, quia 
 signum armorum praecipuum est has- 
 ta.' Off. n. 8. ' Nee vero unquam bel- 
 lorum civilium semen et causa deerit, 
 dum homines perditi hastam illam 
 cruentam et meminerint et spera- 
 bunt.' 
 
 5. JEde Jovis Statoris] Vid.Liv. i. 
 
 12. According to the relation it must 
 have been built near the old Pala- 
 tium. * Tu pater Deum hominumque, 
 fcedam fugam siste. Hie ego tibi Sta- 
 tori Jovi voveo.' 
 
 6. Consumptis lacrimis] So Sen- 
 eca : 'Nulla flendi major est causa 
 quam flere non posse.' 
 
 7. Bona] Every word is here also 
 amplificatory. That the property of 
 an indifferent person should be confis- 
 cated is hard ; harder that of Pom- 
 pey ; harder still of a Magnus ; harder 
 again to be sold as spoil, at the spear, 
 by a crier, whose very shout conveyed 
 insult. Quint, ix.3. 
 
 8. Magni] Introd. Manil. 1ft. 
 n. 
 
 9. Una in ilia re] It must, there- 
 fore, have been a strong case, which, 
 in such deplorable subjection of the 
 Roman people, called forth their 
 groans. 
 
 10. Scelus sectionis] i. e. Sceles- 
 tam sectionem. Supr. 15. u. 16. 
 
 11. Accedere] This is the technical 
 word for attending an auction. So 
 Nepos Att. 3. ' Ad hastam publicam 
 nunquam accessit.' Liv. xliii. 16. 
 
 11. Tot essent] Sc. P. Sylla, Mar- 
 cellus, Attius, &c, who were noto- 
 rious for such purchases. Fam. v. 
 17. 
 
PHILIPP1CA SECUNDA, Cap. 27. 
 
 391 
 
 qui alia omnia auderent. Unus inventus est, qui id auderet, 
 quod omnium fugisset et reformidasset audacia. Tantus igi- 
 tur te stupor oppressit, vel, ut verius dicam, tantus furor, ut 
 primum, quum sector sis isto loco natus, 12 deinde quum 
 Pompeii sector, non te exsecratum populo Romano, non de- 
 testabilem, non omnes tibi deos, non omnes homines, et esse 
 inimicos, 13 et futuros scias ? At quam insolenter 14 statim 
 heluo 15 invasit in ejus viri fortunas, cuius virtute terribilior 
 erat populus Romanus exteris gentibus, justitia carior ! 
 
 XXVII. In ejus igitur viri copias 1 quum se subito in- 
 gurgitasset, 2 exsultabat gaudio, 3 persona de mimo, 4 modo 
 egens, repente dives. Sed, ut est apud poetam nescio quern, 5 
 1 male parta male dilabuntur.' Incredibile ac simile por- 
 tenti est, quonam modo ilia tarn multa, quam paucis, non 
 dico mensibus, sed diebus effuderit. Maximus vini nume- 
 rus* fuit, permagnum optimi pondus argenti, 7 pretiosa ves- 
 tis, 8 multa et lauta supellex, et magnifica multis locis, non 
 ilia quidem luxuriosi hominis, sed tamen abundantis. Ho- 
 rum paucis diebus nihil erat. Quae Charybdis 9 tarn vorax i 
 
 12. Isto loco natus] Either as being 
 the descendant of a noble family, 
 which he would disgrace by purchas- 
 ing confiscated property ; or the son 
 i if \1. Antony Creticus, where prodi- 
 gality had caused his own estate to be 
 sold ; consequently Antony might 
 have kept aloof from auctions. 
 
 13. Deos, fyc. inimicos] Cic. had 
 said before, ' diis hominibusque hos- 
 tis ;' referring to the guilt, now he 
 says, 'deos, 8tc., inimicos,' to shew 
 the vengeance that awaited him. 
 
 14. Insolenter'] i. e. ' Intemperan- 
 ter,' not superbe.' So Or. 52. Gor- 
 trias his festivitatibus insolentius abu- 
 titur, quas lsocrates moderatius tem- 
 peravit.' 
 
 15. Heluo] Ab ' eluendo' dictus 
 est is qui bona sua immoderate consu- 
 mit ; et aspiratur ut aviditas magis 
 comprobetur. Fest. 
 
 Sect. XXVII. 1. Copias] 'Ops,' 
 an old adj. signifying ' opulentus,' 
 of which it is the root, is still re- 
 tained in ' inops.' Compounded with 
 con or co it gave cops ; also, an old 
 
 adj. found in Plautus, and hence 
 1 copia.' 
 
 2. Ingurgit.] ' G urges,' ' vorago.' 
 This word conveys the double mean- 
 ing of the wealth of Pompey, and the 
 insatiableness of Antony. 
 
 3. Exsultabat gaudio] Danced with 
 
 jy- 
 
 4. Persona demimo] ' Persona,' op- 
 posed to ' viri,' preceding an actor, 
 representing at one time, e. g. a king, 
 at another, a beggar. So Manut. ; 
 but, perhaps, the various turns of for- 
 tune in the characters represented in 
 plays may be alluded to. 
 
 5. Nescio quem] Naivius. It was 
 thought dignified in the orator to con- 
 ceal the name of the poet. Plaut. 
 Poen. ' Male partum, male disperit.' 
 
 6. Vini numerus] So Hirt. B. A. 
 ' Magno invento hordei, olei, vini, fici 
 numero.' 
 
 7. Argenti] Plate. Hor. Carm. iv. 
 9. Ridet argento domus.' 
 
 8. Pretiosa vestis] Hor. Ep. i. 18. 
 32. ' Vestimenta dabat pretiosa.' 
 
 9. Charybdis] Charybdis is a whirl- 
 
392 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Charybdin dico ? qua? si fuit, 10 fuit animal unum : Oceanus, 
 medius fidius, 11 vix videtur tot res, tam dissipatas, tarn dis- 
 tantibus in locis positas, 12 tam cito absorbere potuisse. Nihil 
 erat 13 clausum, nihil obsignatum, nihil scriptum. Apo- 
 thecae 14 totae nequissimis condonabantur. Alia mimi rapie- 
 bant, alia mimae : domus erat aleatoribus referta, plena ebri- 
 orum : totos dies potabatur, atque id locis pluribus : sugge- 
 rebantur etiam saepe (non enim semper iste felix) damna 
 aleatoria. Conchy liatis 15 Cn. Pompeii peristromatis 16 servo- 
 rum in cellis lectos stratos videres. Quamobrem desinite 
 mirari, haec tam celeriter esse consumpta. Non modo unius 
 patrimonium, quamvis amplum, ut illud fuit, sed urbes et 
 regna celeriter tanta nequitia devorare potuisset. At idem 
 aedes 17 etiam et hortos. O audaciam immanem ! tu etiam 
 ingredi illam domum ausus es? tu illud sanctissimum li- 
 men 18 intrare ? tu illarum aedium diis penatibus os 19 impuris- 
 simum ostendere? Quam domum aliquamdiu nemo adspi- 
 
 pool in the gulf of Messina, now 
 called Cariddi, Galofaro ; perhaps 
 from x<*>, hisco, and pvfidnv, vehe- 
 menter. 
 
 10. Qtue si fuit~\ i. e. If it were 
 agreeably to the fable as it is not. 
 Servius says that Charybdis was a 
 courtesan who stole some of Hercu- 
 les's herd, and being thrown into that 
 sea, treats ships and sailors as she used 
 to do her lovers. Quint, viii. 6. Se- 
 neca truly remarks of Hyperbole : 
 ' lncredibilia affirmat ut ad credibilia 
 perveniat ;' for here the imagination, 
 assisted by the images of a Charybdis 
 and Ocean, comes to conceive how 
 Pompey's property was so soon con- 
 sumed. 
 
 1 1 . Mediusjidius] This strengthens 
 the hyperbole ; and, lest it should ap- 
 pear too far stretched, he qualifies it 
 with vie. Mil. 28. n. 10. 
 
 12. Tam positas] This, if not a 
 gloss on ' dissipatas/ is an oratorical 
 amplification. 
 
 13. Nihil erat] There were three 
 methods of securing property, ' sera, 
 sigillo, inscribendo.' Antony despised 
 them all. ' Scriptum* for ' inscrip- 
 
 tum ;' i. e. marked down in an inven- 
 tory. 
 
 1 4. Apothece] New wine was kept 
 in casks in cellars under the ground ; 
 the old and best wine was preserved 
 in amphorae, and the stores were gene- 
 rally in the upper part of the house. 
 Hence Hor. Carm. iii. 21, bids the 
 ' pia testa Descende, Corvino jubente :' 
 and again, ' Parcis deripere horreo 
 cessantem Bibuli consulisamphoram.' 
 
 15. Conchy liatis] From concha,' 
 a shell-fish, a species of murex. The 
 colour was not purple, but a deep 
 violet. 
 
 16. Peristromatis] Htpi ffTputv- 
 rvpi. The abl. plur. in is for ibus. 
 So Plaut. ' Lectum, inquit, est in 
 poematis.' Priscian says that the old 
 nom. was in atum. 
 
 17. At idem cedes] i. e. ' Tenet 
 cedes, &c.' Al. ejusdem. 
 
 18. Sanctiss. limen] So called, says 
 Abram., because it was under the care 
 of the god Limentinus, which St. Au- 
 gustin testifies. Grsv., however, 
 thinks that it refers to the sanctity of 
 the former possessor, Pompey. 
 
 19. Os] Deiot. 2. n. 22. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 28. 393 
 
 cere poterat, nemo sine lacrimis praeterire, hac te in domo 
 tamdiu deversari 20 non pudet I in qua, quamvis nihil sapias, 
 tamen nihil tibi potest esse jucundum. 
 
 XXVIII. An tu, ilia in vestibulo 1 rostra, spolia 2 quum 
 adspexisti, domum tuam te introire putas ? Fieri non potest. 
 Quamvis enim sine mente, sine sensu sis, ut es : tamen et te, 
 et tua, 3 et tuos nosti. Nee vero te unquam, neque vigilantem, 
 neque in somnis credo posse mente consistere. Necesse est, 
 quamvis sis, ut es, vinolentus et furens, quum tibi objecta sit 
 species singularis viri, perterritum te de somno excitari, fu- 
 rere etiam saepe vigilantem. Me quidem miseret parietum 
 ipsorum atque tectorum. Quid enim unquam domus ilia 
 viderat, nisi pudicum, quid, nisi ex optimo more et sanctis- 
 sima disciplina ? Fuit enim ille vir, Patres conscripti, sicut 
 scitis, quum foris clarus, turn domi admirandus, neque rebus 
 externis magis laudandus, quam institutis domesticis: hujus 
 in sedibus pro cubiculis stabula, 4 pro tricliniis 5 popinae 6 sunt. 
 Etsi jam negat. Nolite, nolite quaerere. Frugi factus est. 
 Illam suam suas res sibi habere 7 jussit, ex duodecim tabulis : 
 claves ademit, 8 exegit. Quam porro spectatus civis, quam 
 probatus! cujus ex omni vita nihil est honestius, quam 
 quod cum mima fecit divortium. At quam crebro usurpat, 
 
 20. Deversari] To use as a tempo- in no danger of mistaking them, cover- 
 rary residence, which is applicable to ed with infamy as they are, for Pom- 
 Antony, whose house was now claim- pey and Pompey's concerns. 
 ed # by Sex. Pompey. 4. Stabula] ' Loca nequitiae,' from 
 
 Sect. XXVIII 1. Vestib.] Mil. ' stare,' i. e. prostate.' 
 
 7. n. 16. 5. Tricliniis] Tpac KKivt}, a 
 
 2. Rostra, spolia] A copulative is couch for three persons. Hence 
 wanting here. Graevius inserts, an. the room where such couches were 
 Rostrum, is properly the beak of a laid, a dining room. So Cic. Att. xiii. 
 bird, next the prow of a ship, made ' Villa ita completa militibus est ut 
 into that shape, and usually covered vix triclinium ubi coenaturus ipse Cae- 
 with brass. These it was usual for sar esset, vacaret.' 
 
 naval victors to strip from the ships 6. Popinte] Mil. 24. n. 14. Gor- 
 and fix by way of trophy in their mandizers repaired here, not for re- 
 halls or vestibules. Pompey, we freshment, but intemperate indul- 
 know, had conquered the pirates, gence. 
 
 The Greeks call it a/cpwrjpta{<x0ai. 7. Suas res sibi habere] The formal 
 Plin. xxxv. 2, asserts that they could words on a divorce. ' Veterem Procu- 
 not be removed by the subsequent leia maritum Deseris, atque jubes res 
 purchaser of a mansion, perhaps be- sibi habere suas.' Mart. x. 41. Ci- 
 cause they were dedicated to the pen- cero means here, probably, merely a 
 ate*. This may account for their still pleasantry. Antony had never mar- 
 remaining in Pompey's house. ried Cytheris. V. E. 
 
 3. Et te, et tua, fyc] Therefore are 8. Claves ademit] These were gi 
 
394 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 ' et consul, et Antonius !' 9 Hoc est dicere, et consul, et im- 
 pudicissimus : et consul, et homo nequissimus. Quid est 
 enim aliud Antonius ? Nam si dignitas significaretur in no- 
 mine ; dixisset aliquando, credo, avus 10 tuus se et consulem 
 et Antonium. Nunquam dixit. Dixisset etiam collega 
 meus, patruus tuus. Nisi tu es solus Antonius. Sed omitto 
 ea peccata, 11 qua? non sunt earum partium 12 propria, quibus tu 
 rempublicam vexavisti : ad ipsas tuas partes redeo, id est, 
 ad civile bellum : quod natum, conflatum, susceptum opera 
 tua 13 est. 
 
 XXIX. Cui bello, 1 quum propter timiditatem 2 tuam, turn 
 propter libidines defuisti. Gustaras civilem sanguinem, vel 
 potius exsorbueras; fueras in acie Pharsalica antesigna- 
 nus ; 3 L. Domitium, 4 clarissimum et nobilissimum virum, 
 
 ven to the matron on entering the 
 mansion of the husband ; and were 
 taken away from her at her depar- 
 ture. 
 
 9. Et consul, et Antonius'] Having 
 stated the prodigality of Antony, Cic. 
 proceeds to notice his weak vanity. 
 Conceiving his name, when connected 
 with ' consul,' to be sunk into a mere 
 epithet, he had it separated in the 
 public acts, thus rendering it emphatic, 
 and restoring the ' dignitas in nomine.' 
 This ' dignity,' however, no other 
 Antony had ever thought of. 
 
 10. Avus] M. Antonius, the orator. 
 
 11. Ea peccata] e. g. The foolish 
 vanity of 'et consul et Antonius.' 
 
 12. Earum partium] Caesaris. Ma- 
 uut. ; but it means the part which 
 Antony acted, as appears by Cicero's 
 own explanation. 
 
 13. Quod natum opera tua] Hence 
 he justly calls it ' ipsas tuas par- 
 tes.' 
 
 Sect. XXIX. 1. Cui bello] Not 
 the whole civil war, for a considera- 
 ble part of it was already over, of 
 which Antony pars magna fuit ;' 
 but that part of it usually called the 
 African war, wherein Caesar fought 
 with and conquered Scipio, Cato, and 
 Juba, king of Mauritania. 
 
 2. Propter timiditatem] Though it 
 is probable that Antony remained in 
 
 Italy by Caesar's orders, when he pur- 
 sued Pompey to Egypt ; and that dur- 
 ing the Alexandrian and Pontic war, 
 he was supporting the cause of Caesar 
 at home, yet Cic. grounds on it a 
 charge of cowardice, as likely to 
 wound the feelings of a soldier. It is 
 likely, however, that there was a cer- 
 tain estrangement between them at 
 this time ; perhaps because Caesar 
 countenanced Dolabella, with whom 
 Antony was then at variance, or found 
 reason to dislike the excesses of An- 
 tony. This is certain, that he ap- 
 pointed Calenus and Vatinius, con- 
 suls for the remaining three months of 
 this year, and took Lepidus as his col- 
 leage and master of the horse for the 
 ensuing. Antony now became the 
 purchaser of Pompey's house and es- 
 tate, which may account for the words 
 ' propter libidines defuisti.' Antony 
 staid at home to enjoy them. 
 
 3. Antesignanus] YlpouaypQ. Plu- 
 tarch says that Caesar, by taking the 
 right wing at Pharsalia, judged him- 
 self the first, and by stationing Antony 
 on the left wing, judged him the se- 
 cond general. Abram. 
 
 4. L. Domitium] Supr. 11. n. 12. 
 Caesar's account differs. (B. C. iii. 
 81.) He says that Domitius, having 
 fled from the camp towards the moun- 
 tains, was killed by the cavalry. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 29. 395 
 
 occideras ; multos, qui e proelio eflfugerant, quos Caesar, ut 
 nonnuilos, fortasse servasset, 5 crudelissime persecutus truci- 
 daras. Quibus rebus tantis talibus 6 gestis, quid fuit causa?, 
 cur in Africam Caesarem non sequerere, quum praesertim 7 
 belli pars tanta restaret ? Itaque quern locum apud ipsuni 
 Caesarem post ejus ex Africa reditum obtinuisti ? quo nu- 
 mero fuisti ? Cujus tu imperatoris quaestor fueras, 8 dicta- 
 toris raagister equitum, belli princeps, 9 crudelitatis auctor, 
 praedae socius, testamento, 10 ut dicebas ipse, filius, appel- 
 latus es 11 de pecunia, quam pro domo, pro hortis, pro secti- 
 one 12 debebas. Primo respondisti plane ferociter; et, no 
 omnia yidear contra te, propemodum aequa et justa dicebas. 
 A me C. Caesar pecuniam ? cur potius, quam ego ab illo 1 
 an sine me ille vicit ? At ne potuit quidem. Ego ad ilium 
 belli civilis causam attuli ; ego leges perniciosas 13 rogavi ; 
 ego arma contra consules imperatoresque populi Romani, 
 contra senatum populumque Romanum, contra deos patrios, 
 arasque et focos, contra patriam tuli. Num sibi soli vicit? 
 Quorum facinus est commune, cur non sit eorum praeda 
 communis ? Jus postulabas : sed quid ad rem ? Plus ille 
 poterat. Itaque, excussis tuis vocibus, 1 * et ad te, et ad pra?- 
 des 15 tuos milites 15 misit : quum repente a te praeclara ilia 
 
 5. Quos Cdrsar servasset] Caesar's a technical word in u>e among credi- 
 cry at the battle of Pharsalia, was to tors, because debts were called nomina. 
 spare his fellow-citizens ; and after Columella used to say, ' bona nomina 
 it, ' neminem nisi armatum occidi.' fieri mala, si nunquam appelles.' 
 Ligar. 6. 12. Sectione] Here, 'the property 
 
 6. Tantis talibus] This must be sold or prescribed.' Sup. 15. n. 16. 
 considered ironical. 13. Leges perniciosas] What these 
 
 7. Quum priesertim] Supr. 24. laws were does not appear, unless cer- 
 n. 17. tain decrees of the people in favour 
 
 8. Quecstor fueras] Supr. 20. of Cajsar are alluded to. Supr. 22. 
 ' Quaestor es factus.' There was the Plut. 5. 
 
 strictest tie of friendship between the 14. Eicussis vocibus] Net 'exa- 
 
 quajitor and general ; and likewise minatis,' as the Delph., though the 
 
 between the dictator and his master word sometimes has that meaning ; 
 
 of the horse. This latter is not ex- but 'having compelled you to lay 
 
 traordinary, as they often mutually aside your blustering.' Vid. Forcei. 
 
 appointed each other. Lex. 
 
 9. Belli princeps] Supr. 22. ' Ut 15. Prazdes tuos] ' Praes' from 
 igitur in seminibus est causa, &c.' praestare,' is applied to bail in pro- 
 
 10. Testamento] According to Dio, perty cases ; ' vades' in criminal. Thus 
 xliv. Antony was named among the Auson. * quis subitin pocnam capitalis 
 second heirs of Caesar. judicii 1 Vas. Quis cum lis fuerit num- 
 
 11. Appellatus es] Sued, dunned, maria? Praes.' 
 
396 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tabula 16 prolata. Qui risus hominum ! tantam esse tabulam, 
 tarn varias, tam niultas possessiones, ex quibus, praeter par- 
 tem Miseni, 17 nihil erat, quod is, qui auctionaretur, 18 posset 
 suum dicere. Auctionis 19 vero miserabilis adspectus : ves- 
 tis 20 Pompeii non multa, eaque maculosa ; ejusdem quaedam 
 argentea vasa collisa ; sordidata 21 mancipia : ut doleremus 
 quidquam esse ex illis reliquiis, quod videre possemus. 
 Hanc iamen auctionem heredes L. Rubrii 22 decreto Caesaris 
 prohibuerunt. Haerebat nebulo : 23 quo se verteret, non habe- 
 bat. Quin his ipsis temporibus domi Caesaris percussor, ab 
 isto missus, deprehensus dicebatur esse cum sica, De quo 
 Caesar in senatu, aperte in te invehens, questus est. Profi- 
 ciscitur in Hispaniam 24 Caesar, paucis tibi ad solvendum 
 propter inopiam tuam prorogatis diebus. Ne turn' 25 quidem 
 
 15. Milites] Other men, he hints, 
 would have employed civil officers. 
 Plancus, the tribune, acted as sheriff. 
 Inf. 31. 
 
 16. Tabula] This advertisement or 
 inventory of property was sometimes 
 called Jibelli.' Quint. 15. ' de quo, 
 tibelli in celeberrimis locis proponun- 
 tur.' * Praeclara' contains an ironical 
 allusion to the contrast between this 
 catalogue and what Antony's ought to 
 be, and Poropey's was. 
 
 17. Partem Miseni] Supr. 19. 
 n. 14. 
 
 18. Qui auctionaretur"] i. e. An- 
 tony. 
 
 19. Auctionis vero] ' Auctio est 
 venditio quaedam in publico ac celebri 
 loco.' Vulla ; obviously from ' au- 
 gere.' Compare the description here 
 with c. 27, and observe how every 
 word is adapted to throw contempt on 
 the scene, ' maculosa, collisa, sordi- 
 data.' 
 
 20. Vestis] Intell. vestem triclini- 
 arem, peristromata quibus lecti strati. 
 Ea a servis maculata erat, qui iis erant 
 usi, ut supradictum. Era. 
 
 21. Sordidata] * Sordidus' natura 
 vel institutione, 'sordidatus,' necessi- 
 tate. Terent. Heaut. ii. 3. 56. * Sor- 
 didata' therefore, as conveying a 
 
 censure on Antony, is obviously a 
 better reading than Em. sordida. 
 
 22. Heredes L. Rubrii] No doubt 
 the inventory contained property to 
 which they could lay claim. Caesar's 
 interfering, by a decree, shews his 
 usurpation of supreme power did not 
 make him forget the claims of jus- 
 tice. 
 
 23. Kebulo] Fest. 'Nebulo est 
 qui non pluris est quam nebula, aut 
 qui non facile perspici potest qualis 
 sit.' ' Ilajrebat,' as having no means 
 left of raising the sum due. 
 
 24. Projiciscitur in Hispaniam] 
 The second time. Supr. 23. n. 10. 
 
 25. Ne turn quidem sequeris] Turn 
 must not be referred to the preceding 
 ' paucis prorogatis diebus,' which 
 would rather be a reason why Antony 
 should not follow him at all ; but to 
 ' proficisciturin Hispaniam.' lie had 
 said above, ' cur in Africam Caesarem 
 non sequerere V well ; let that pass. He 
 sets out for spain. You do not even 
 then follow him. Did so excellent a 
 gladiator as you, so soon receive the 
 foil 1 i. e. How came you, who began 
 the civil war, and spilled so much 
 blood, to obtain your discharge so 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 30. 
 
 397 
 
 sequeris. Tarn bonus gladiator rudera tarn cito 26 accepisti ? 
 Hunc igitur quisquam, qui in suis partibus, 27 id est, in suis 
 fortunis, tarn timidus fuerit, pertimescat ? 
 
 XXX. Profectus est 1 aliquando tandem in Hispaniam : 
 sed tuto, ut ait, pervenire non potuit. Quonam modo igitur 
 Dolabella pervenit ? Aut non suscipienda fuit ista causa, 2 
 Antoni, aut, quum suscepisses, defendenda usque ad extre- 
 mum. Ter depugnavit 3 Caesar cum civibus, in Thessalia, 
 Africa, Hispania. Omnibus adfuit his pugnis Dolabella : 
 in Hispaniensi etiam vulnus accepit. Si de meo judicio* 
 quaeris : nollem. Sed tamen 5 consilium a primo reprehen- 
 dendum, laudanda constantia. Tu vero quid es? Cn. 
 Pompeii liberi primum patriam repetebant. Esto : fuerit 
 haec 6 partium causa communis. Repetebant praeterea deos 
 
 26. Tarn cito] It appears from Ul- 
 pian, that there was a regular time of 
 service, before which the gladiators 
 could not be discharged. ' Post trien- 
 nium autem rudem induere permitti- 
 tur.' Hor. Epis. ii. 1. 
 
 27. Suis partibus] Vid. Supr. 28, 
 n. 2, where Cic. makes ipsa; partes,' 
 the civil war. So here, ' in his own 
 proper sphere of action ;' in other 
 words, ' in what concerns his own im- 
 mediate interests.' This was the war 
 in Spain, which being waged by Pom- 
 pey's sons in order to recover their 
 paternal estates, above all others con- 
 cerned Antony, the present possessor 
 of these estates. 
 
 SlCT. XXX. 1. Profectus est] A 
 new proof of cowardice is adduced by 
 Cic. : that Antony and Dolabella 
 both set out for Spain ; that the latter 
 arrived; the former did not. Various 
 reasons have been given by commen- 
 tators for Antony's return : e. g. that 
 the roads were beset with Pompeians ; 
 that Caesar was reported to have been 
 killed, &c. ; but Cic. slates it inf. ' ne 
 L. Plancus praedes suos venderet." 
 This, Cic. here designedly withholds, 
 that the reader may admit his charge 
 of cowardice. 
 
 2. Ista causa] Sc. Caesaris. 
 
 3. Ter depugnavit] Supr. 15. n. 4. 
 ' In Hispaniensi.' Sc. pugna. 
 
 4. Si de meo judicio] Lest the se- 
 nate might infer from his praises of 
 Dolabella, that he condemned the 
 cause of Pompey, he says ' nollem,' 
 sc. Dolabella affuisset. 
 
 5. Sed tamen] From want of the 
 opposition between ' nollem' and 
 * consilium reprehend.', which * sed 
 tamen' would require, we must take 
 ' constantia laudanda' after sed ta- 
 men' bringing in ' cons, repreh.' pa- 
 renthetically : ' But (though ' nol- 
 lem' I would oppose his fighting 
 against his country,) yet (even ad- 
 mitting his line of conduct to be re- 
 prehensible,) his perseverance must 
 claim our praise.' Vid. Mil. 13. n. 9, 
 for a similar construction. Atticus had 
 censured these praises of Dolabella ; 
 which Cic, however, defends (Att. 
 xvi. 11,) as being ' bella tipiovtia.' 
 If so, when was he sincere 1 
 
 6. Fuerit hac] Sc. ' patria.' i. e. 
 ' the demand of a restoration to their 
 country, by Pompey's sons, concern- 
 ed every member of the Caesarian fac- 
 tion ; and had it been been limited to 
 that, then every Caesarian had as 
 good a right to oppose them as you ; 
 but they demanded more their patri- 
 
 M M 
 
39a 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 penates, 7 patrios, aras, 8 focos, larem suum familiarem ; in 
 qua? tu invaseras. Haec quum repeterent armis ii, quorum 
 erant legibus: etsi in rebus iniquissimis quid potest esse 
 aequi ? tamen quem erat aequissimum, contra Cn. Pompeii 
 liberos pugnare ? quem ? Te, sectorem. 9 An tu Narbone 10 
 mensas hospitum convomeres, Dolabella pro te in Hispania 
 dimicaret ? 
 
 Qui vero Narbone 11 reditus? Etiam qua?rebat, cur ego 1 - 
 ex ipso cursu tarn subito revertissem. Exposui nuper, Pa- 
 tres conscripti, causam reditus mei. Volui, si possem, etiam 
 ante Kalendas Januarias 13 prodesse reipublicae. Nam, quod 
 quaerebas, quomodo redissem : primum luce, 14 non tenebris ; 
 deinde cum calceis 15 et toga, nullis nee Gallicis, 16 nee lacer- 
 na. 17 At etiam adspicis me, et quidem, ut videris, iratus. 
 N* tu jam mecum in gratiam redeas, si scias, quam me pu- 
 
 mony, their house and chattels. You 
 were, therefore, particularly called 
 upon to oppose them. ' Parti um,' 
 then, is here limited to the party of 
 Caesar. 
 
 7. Penates'] This word is not found 
 in the Vatican MS. and is expunged 
 by Ern. As we are not sufficiently 
 acquainted with the meaning of the 
 term, and it is elsewhere found in 
 union with patrios, other editors re- 
 tain it, which Scheller approves. 
 r. E. 
 
 8. Aras] Supposed to belong to 
 heroes, ' altaria' to gods. But this 
 is not always observed. Virg. Eel. v. 
 66; ^n. v. 639. 
 
 9. Sectorem] Supr. 15. n. 16. 
 
 10. An tu Narbone] Al. cum vo- 
 vr.eres. i. e. 'I have thus proved, 
 that it was most equitable for you to 
 take the field against the sons of 
 Pompty. Did you do so? Was 
 it for you to be rioting in Narbo, and 
 Dolabella fighting your battles in 
 Spain. Are you not, therefore, a 
 coward V 
 
 11. Narbone] Is emphatic. 'We 
 have seen, supr. 25, what kind your 
 return from Brundisium was. What 
 thcrir was that from Narbo? 'Qui.' 
 
 for 'qualis.' 
 
 12. Cur ego] Cic. returned in the 
 latter end of August, and on the se- 
 cond of September, explained his rea- 
 sons to the senate. Phil. i. 1, 4. 
 Probably Antony had given a malici- 
 ous interpretation to Cicero's conduat, 
 insinuating that it was to embroil his 
 country in war ; and had asked, 'quo- 
 modo rediisset,' meaning ' under what 
 circumstances ;' but Cic. artfully 
 turns it oflffrom the cause to the man- 
 ner ; and, by contrasting it with the 
 return of Antony, who came by night 
 in the rough garb of a soldier, rather 
 than a citizen, throws on him the 
 greater odium. 
 
 13. Kal. Jan.] On this day Hir- 
 tius and Pansa were to enter on their 
 consulship. Iutrod. 6. 
 
 14. Primum luce] This was 
 thought reprehensible. Pis. 22. 
 * Nonne tibi nox erat pro die, hd) 
 Q. Frat.iii. 1. 
 
 15. Calceis] Mil. 10. n. 12. 
 
 16. Gallicis] A coarse shoe, worn 
 in Gaul, (whence Antony had just 
 returned,) and adopted by the Ro- 
 man soldiers. 
 
 17. Lacerna] From flacio,' (the 
 Greek wppa,) a great cloak, or over- 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 31 
 
 399 
 
 deat nequitiae tuae, cujus te ipsum non pudet. Ex om- 
 nium omnibus flagitiis nullum turpius vidi, nullum audivi. 
 Qui magister equitum fuisse tibi viderere, 18 in proxi- 
 mum annum 19 consulatum peteres, 20 vel potius rogares ; 
 is per municipia coloniasque Gallia?/ 1 a qua nos turn, 
 quum consulatus petebatur, non rogabatur, petere consul- 
 atum solebamus, cum Gallicis et lacerna cucurristi. 
 
 XXXI. At videte levitatem 1 hominis. Quum hora diei 
 decima 2 fere ad Saxa rubra 3 venisset, delituit* in quadam 
 cauponula, atque ibi se occultans, perpotavit ad vesperam : 
 inde cisio 5 celeriter ad urbem advectus, domum venit capite 
 involuto. 6 Janitor, " Quis tu ?" "A Marco 6 tabellari- 
 us." 7 Confestim ad earn/ cujus causa venerat ; eique epis- 
 
 all, with which the head could be 
 covered. Hence, inf. 31, Capite 
 involuto ;' and Hor. Sat. ii. 7 : 
 ' Turpis adoratum caput obscurante 
 
 lacerna.' 
 Antony had on the usual military tra- 
 velling dress, and the shame was, that 
 he did not lay it aside, while canvass- 
 ing the freemen of the towns and co- 
 lonies. 
 
 18. Viderere] For as Caesar was 
 not a legal dictator; so Antony could 
 not be a master of the horse, except in 
 his own opinion. Cic. says ' fuisse;' 
 for it was a. u. 706, two years before, 
 that Antony held this office. 
 
 19. In proximum annum] This oc- 
 curred in the year 708. It shows 
 that, however Caesar directed the ap- 
 pointments of the magistrates, the 
 usual forms were upheld, and, also, 
 that he had early given Antony rea- 
 son to expect his support, without 
 which he would not have ventured to 
 commence a canvass ; and, therefore, 
 all Cicero's insinuations, about An- 
 tony's having lost the favour of Caesar, 
 8e., were unfounded. 
 
 20. Peteres] Sue for an office in 
 due form ; * rogares,' beg it, in a man- 
 ner humiliating to the suitor. 
 
 21. Municip. Gallia] Att. i. 1. 
 Sect. XXXI. 1. Levitatem] As 
 
 ' gravitas' is said of every virtue in 
 which there is firmness of purpose and 
 conduct, so ' levitas' is said of every 
 vice that, arising from ungoverned de- 
 sires, is marked by a fluctuating and 
 wayward course of action. Cat. ii. 5. 
 n.2. 
 
 2. Decima] Mil. 18. n. 11. 
 
 3. Saxa rubra] Near Cremera, 
 where the Veientes were routed by 
 the Fabii. Liv. ii. 49. As it was in 
 the same neighbourhood that the Fa- 
 bii afterwards fell, the epithet ru- 
 bra, i. e. bloody, may have arisen 
 from that slaughter, and Livy have 
 applied it by ' prolepsis.' 
 
 4. Delituit] Antony wished to sur- 
 prise Ful via agreeably, and, therefore, 
 waited till night. Plut. Anton. 10. 
 
 5. Cisio] A two-wheeled car, a 
 calashe, used for speed. Hose. A. 
 7. ' Decern nocturnis horis quin- 
 quaginta et sex mill. pass, cisiis per- 
 volavit.' 
 
 6. A Marco] Arch. 1. n. 5. Pers. 
 Sat. v. 79. 
 
 7. Tabellarius] Properly, an adj. 
 used absolutely for ' a courier.' The 
 Romans employed their own couriers. 
 Fam. xii. 12. ' Si literae perlata; 
 non sunt, non dubito quin Dolabella, 
 tabellarios meos deprehenderit.' 
 
 8. Ad earn] Sc. Fulviam, whom 
 
400 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tolam tradidit. Quam quum ilia legeret flens, (erat enim 
 scripta amatorie ; caput autem literarum, sibi cum ilia mi- 
 ma 9 posthac nihil futurum : oranem se amorem abjecissc 
 illim, 10 atque in hanc transfudisse :) quum mulier fleret ube- 
 rius, homo misericors ferre non potuit ; caput aperuit ; in 
 collum invasit. O hominem nequam ! (quid enim aliud di- 
 cam ? magis proprie nihil possum dicere :) ergo, ut te cata- 
 mitum, 11 nee opinato 12 quum ostendisses, prater spem 
 mulier adspiceret, idcirco urbem terrore nocturno, 13 Italiam 
 multorum dierum metu perturbasti ? Et domi quidem cau- 
 sam amoris habuit; foris etiam turpiorem, ne L. Plancus 
 praedes suos venderet. 14 Productus autem 15 in concionem a 
 tribuno plebis, quum respondisses, te rei tuae 16 causa venisse, 
 populum etiam dicacem in te reddidisti. Sed nimis multa de 
 nugis. 17 Ad majora veniamus. 
 
 XXXII. Caesari ex Hispania redeunti obviam longissime 
 processisti. Celeriter isti, redisti, 1 ut cognosceret te, si mi- 
 nus fortem, attamen strenuum. 2 Factus es ei rursus, nescio 
 
 Antony had now married. Al. insert 
 deducitur, after ' venerat.' 
 
 9. Ilia mima] Cytheris. 
 
 10. Illim] Al. Mine. Att. vii. 
 31. V. E. 
 
 11. Catamitum] i.e. Ganymedes, 
 as corrupted by the Latins. Fest. ; or 
 from card, fiiaBoq, ' puer rneritorius.' 
 
 12. Nee opinato] So Tibul. i. 3 : 
 'Tunc veniam subito nee quisquam 
 
 nunciet ante ; 
 Sed videar caelo missus adesse tibi.' 
 
 13. Terrore nocturno'] 'Nocturnal,' 
 because Antony came by night. The 
 Pompeians were afraid that Caesar 
 had been victorious, and sent Antony 
 to renew the horrors of Marius and 
 Sylla. Middl. L. C. vii. Plut. Anton. 
 10, gives a different, but improbable 
 account. 
 
 14. Prxdes venderet] In law this 
 would be understood literally ; for 
 debtors were liable to be sold as 
 slaves. Sup. 18. n. 15, but here per- 
 haps, 'praedes' is put for 'praedia,' 
 the property of the 'praedes.' Verr. 
 iii. 54. ' Praedibus et prsediis populo 
 cautum est.' 
 
 15. Productus autem] Manil. I. 
 n. 4. 
 
 16. Reitucf] This, it appears, had 
 a double meaning, which excited the 
 pleasantry of the people. Vid. Bayle, 
 art. Lycoris. 
 
 17. Nugis] i. e. ' Nequitia, levi- 
 tate ;' but ' majora,' the consulship. 
 
 Sect. XXXII. 1. Isti, redisti] 
 Antony set out for Spain ; stopped at 
 Narbo ; returned, 'rei suae causa;' 
 set out again ; not to assist, but meet 
 Caesar. On this occasion, too, he 
 reached Narbo, as it was then Tre- 
 bonius sounded him respecting the 
 conspiracy against Caesar. Sup. 14. 
 n. 5. As ' celeriter' can hardly ap- 
 ply to his first journey, we may sup- 
 pose ' isti, redisti,' to mean his jour- 
 ney from Narbo, (which we know 
 was expeditiously performed in a two- 
 wheeled chaise,) and back again 
 from Rome. 
 
 2. Strenuum] A good traveller. 
 Att. xv. 6. ' Noli autem me tarn stre- 
 nuum putare ut ante Nonas recur- 
 ram.' 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cat. 32, 
 
 401 
 
 quomodo, 3 familiaris. Habebat hoc omnino Caesar : 4 quem 
 plane perditum sere alieno egentemque, si eundem nequam 
 Jiominem audacemque cognorat, hunc in familiaritatem li- 
 bentissime recipiebat. His igitur rebus 5 prseclare commen- 
 datus, jussus es renuntiari consul, et quidem cum ipso. 
 Nihil queror 6 de Dolabella, qui turn est impulsus, inductus, 
 elusus. Qua in re quanta fuerit uterque vestrum perfidia in 
 Dolabellam, quis ignorat I Ille induxit, ut peteret ; pro- 
 missum et receptum inter vertit, ad seque transtulit : tu ejus 
 perfidise voluntatem tuam adscripsisti. Veniunt Kalenda? 
 Januariae ; 7 cogimur in senatum ; invectus est copiosius 
 niulto in istum 8 et paratius Dolabella, quam nunc ego. Hie 
 autem iratus qua? dixit, 9 dii boni! Primum quum Caesar 
 ostendisset, se, priusquam proficisceretur, 10 Dolabellam con- 
 sulem esse jussurum : n (quem negant regem, qui et faceret 
 
 3. Fact us es Jiescio quomodo] 
 Cesar took Antony into his own 
 chariot, while D. Brutus and Octa- 
 vius followed behind. Plut. Anton. 
 11. The Delph. makes this the time 
 when Antony canvassed for the con- 
 sulship. But then, ' qui Narbone 
 reditus,' sup. 30, would be the second 
 return ; which it evidently was not. 
 The canvassing, then, obviously took 
 place when Csesar was in Spain. 
 
 4. Habebat Casar] 'This was Ca'- 
 sar's way ;' and, it may be added, that 
 he found it very successful with Cic. 
 himself, with whom, about this time, 
 he kept up a friendly correspondence. 
 
 '). If is igitur rebus'] Sc. ' aire ali- 
 eno, &c. ;' and 'jussus es,' Caesar 
 being a tyrant. 
 
 6. Nihil queror] Caesar did not de- 
 ceive by appointing' Antony, but by 
 becoming his colleague (' et quidem 
 cum ipso.') For, contented with the 
 dictatorship, he had, on his return, 
 appointed Q. Fabius and C. Trebo- 
 nius, consuls for the remainder of the 
 year ; and Fabius dying on the last 
 day of his consulship, he nominated 
 Caninius Rebilus. This, while it 
 afforded a jest to Cic. and his friends, 
 shews that Caesar had no anxiety 
 about holding the office himself; and, 
 
 consequently, that the violation of his 
 promise to Dolabella arose from other 
 causes than ambition. Cresar, how- 
 ever, made good his promise to Dola- 
 bella, Antony persisting in his oppo- 
 sition till Caesar's death. Introd. 1. 
 
 7. Kalend. Jan.] The consuls 
 usually entered on their office this 
 day ; the tribunes, twenty-one days 
 earlier. It was distinguished by 
 sacrifices, manumission of slaves, 
 &c. ; and was expected to be l'rtm 
 'from all invective orations. Ovid. 
 Fast. i. 73. ' Lite vacent aures, in- 
 sanaque protinus absint Jurgia; differ 
 opus, livida lingua, tuum.' 
 
 8. In istum] For he did not venture 
 to attack Caesar. 
 
 9. Qua dixit] Plutarch says, that 
 even Caesar was ashamed of the dis- 
 play made by his colleague. 
 
 10. Priusquam proficisceretur] Sc. 
 to the Parthian war. Caesar's plan 
 discovered the same greatness which 
 marked all his designs. He was first 
 to subjugate the Dacians ; then in- 
 vade Parthia ; then, passing along 
 the Pontus into Scythia, to traverse all 
 Germany, and return by Gaul to Ita- 
 ly. Sueton. 44. Plut. Jul. 58. 
 
 11. Jussurum] Supr.n.5. Sueton. 
 Jul. 41, says, that he divided with 
 
 MM 2 
 
402 
 
 M. T. CICERGNIS ORATIO 
 
 semper ejusmodi aliquid, etdiceret:) sed quum Caesar ita 
 dixisset ; turn hie bonus augur, eo se sacerdotio praeditum 
 esse dixit, ut comitia auspiciis vel impedire vel vitiare 12 pos- 
 set, idque se facturum esse asseveravit. In quo primum 1 ' 
 incredibilem stupiditatem hominis cognoscite. Quid enim ? 
 istud, quod te sacerdotii jure f'acere posse dixisti, 14 si 
 augur non esses, et consul esses, minus facere potuisses.' 
 Vide ne etiam facilius. Nos enim nuntiationem 15 solum ha- 
 bemus: consules et reliqui magistratus etiam spectionem. 
 Esto : hoc imperite ; nee enim est ab homine nunquam so- 
 
 the people all the magisterial appoint- 
 ments, except the consuls, whom he 
 nominated himself. 
 
 12. Impedire vitiare] The first 
 is to prevent from taking place ; the 
 second, to render null through infor- 
 mality. 
 
 13. In quo primum, $c] Cicero's 
 charge against Antony consists of two 
 heads, ' ignorance' and ' impudence.' 
 His ignorance was two-fold: 1. In 
 laying that on the augurship which 
 did not belong to it; 2. In not laying 
 it on his consular authority, to which 
 ft did belong. 
 
 14. Quod posse dixisti] Observe, 
 he says, ' posse dixhti,' not potuis- 
 ti ;' for, in point of fact, Antony, as 
 augur, could not have done so; but, 
 even supposing that he could, why 
 not derive his authority from the high- 
 est source ? The answer is, ' ig- 
 norance' prevented him. He was not 
 a man to spend time in studying the 
 musty rules of an augural college. 
 
 15. Nos enim nuntiationem] Scali- 
 ger, on the authority of a corrupt pas- 
 sage in Festus, decides that spectio' 
 and ' nuntiatio' are here, by mistake, 
 interchanged. But as there are exam- 
 ples of augurs exercising ' nuntiatio,' 
 this cannot be true. Besides, the only 
 advantage arising from the change is, 
 that it attributes ' spectio' to augurs ; 
 which, it is probable, from the nature 
 of the case, that they once had, though 
 not now, at least in the sense of Cic. 
 
 Indeed 'spectio' affords an instance of 
 a word assuming, in process of time, 
 a restricted from a general meaning : 
 a thing perpetually occurring in differ- 
 ent arts, where technicalities abound. 
 [So in ecclesiastical history im<TKo- 
 iroq.] Thus ' spectio,' from signify- 
 ing the viewing of the heavens for 
 omens, whether by the people, by the 
 augur, or by the magistrate, came to 
 be restricted to ' that voluntary ob- 
 servation of the heavens (servare de 
 ccelo) which the magistrate (or the 
 augur, under the direction of the ma- 
 gistrate) makes, or thinks proper to 
 say he makes ; generally with a view 
 of impeding elections or other public 
 business.' This meaning of spec- 
 tio,' while it suits the passage here, 
 leaves nuntiatio,' the bare decla- 
 ration of the omens, to the'augurs 
 Cicero's pompous account of the * jus 
 augurum,' Legg. ii. 12, must not be 
 taken strictly, i. e. he there at- 
 tributes to their authority, what they 
 did as magistrates, or in attendance 
 on the regular magistrates ; to whose 
 wishes, no doubt, the omens learned 
 to bend. For this attendance there 
 was a form, * Quinte Fabi, te mihi in 
 auspicio volo ;' and we find in another 
 old form the word which 'spectio' 
 came to supersede, Legg. iii. 3. ' Re- 
 liqui magistratus auspicium judicium- 
 que habento.' What stupidity, then, 
 in Antony, not to know this technical 
 meaning of 'spectio,' and, in right of 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 32. 
 
 403 
 
 brio postulanda prudentia : sed videte impudentiam. 113 Mul- 
 tis ante mensibus 17 in senatn dixit, se Dolabellae comitia aut 
 prohibitnrum auspiciis, aut id facturum esse, quod fecit. 
 Quisquamne 18 divinare potest, quid vitii in auspiciis futurum 
 sit, nisi qui de caelo servare constituit ? quod neque licet 19 co- 
 mitiis per leges, et, si qui servavit, non comitiis habitis, sed 
 priusquam habeantur, debet nuntiare. Verum implicata in- 
 scientia impudentia est ; nee scit quod augurem, nee facit 
 
 his consulship, at once to impede the 
 election ? 
 
 16. Sed videte impudentiam] Let 
 us consider here, how a modest man 
 ought to have acted. 1. Supposing him 
 of equal (or higher) rank with the ma- 
 gistrate who was to preside, he would 
 have noticed him, that it was his 
 intention to take auguries on a certain 
 day, ' de ccelo servare constituit,' the 
 technical term for which was * spec- 
 do.' So Bibulus acted. Supr. 10. 
 a. 1. So did Mil. Att.iv. 3. 2. A 
 modest man would have avoided tak- 
 ing the omens on the day of election, 
 as it was forbidden by the Clodian 
 law. 3. If he had observed the hea- 
 vens before the day of election, he 
 would have also announced the re- 
 sult he/ore that day. But how did 
 Antony proceed ? YV hen he was only 
 an augur, or acting as augur, (eo sa- 
 cerdotio praeditus), and not as consul, 
 and an equal in rank with the presid- 
 ing officer, Caesar ; nor as possessing 
 ' spectio,' he declared, not by send- 
 ing a notice to the magistrate but 
 openly in the senate ; not a few days, 
 but many months before the election ; 
 that he would either impede that elec- 
 tion, or would procure an adjourn- 
 ment by saying alio dik. Cic. ac- 
 knowledges that a good deal of this 
 arose from Antony's ignorance, which 
 he says was blended with his impu- 
 dence ; but the latter part of the as- 
 sertion (facturum esse quod fecit) 
 seems, from what follows, to have 
 been the main ground of the charge 
 of impudence ; for when Antony did 
 
 use the expression, Cic. exclaims ' O 
 impudentiam singularem !' and again, 
 confitere te, cum alio die dixeris, 
 sobrium non fuisse.' 
 
 17. Multis ante mensibus] As only 
 two months intervened between the 
 scene in the senate and the death of 
 Caesar, how could many months elapse 
 between that scene and the election ? 
 Perhaps Antony had made a similar 
 declaration to Caesar, on his first pro- 
 posing Dolabella, after his return 
 from Spain, of which ' turn hie bo- 
 nus augur, &c.' is only a repetition. 
 
 18. Quisquamne, <$fc] The anwer 
 is no. The person who had determin- 
 ed to observe the heavens, or exer- 
 cise inspection, was the only one that 
 had the gift of divination ; for, though 
 at first the magistrate was obliged to 
 see, or pretend to see, an unfavourable 
 omen, such was not now the case, it 
 being only necessary to declare be- 
 forehand the intention of inspecting, 
 and the required omen so surely fol- 
 lowed, that this bare declaration was 
 quite enough to prevent any magis- 
 trate (of equal or inferior rank) from 
 proceeding to the comitium. Vatin. 
 6-8. 
 
 19. Quod neque licet~\ The above 
 form of inspection, first ratified by the 
 uElian and Fusian laws, and designed to 
 prevent the tribunes from passing laws 
 at pleasure, leaving, as it did, the po- 
 pular assemblies completely in the 
 power of the magistrates, must have 
 caused much inconvenience. We are 
 not, therefore, surprised at the tuw 
 checks which are here noticed. The 
 
404 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quod pudentem decet. Atque ex illo die 20 recordamini ejus 
 usque ad Idus Martias consulatum. Qui unquam apparitor 
 tam humilis, tam abjectus? Nihil ipse poterat ; 21 omnia ro- 
 gabat; caput in aversam lecticam inserens, beneficia, qua? 
 venderet, a collega petebat. 
 
 XXXIII. Ecce Dolabellae comitiorum dies; 1 sortitio 
 pra3rogativa3 : 2 quiescit. Renuntiatur : 3 tacet. Prima clas- 
 sis vocatur ; renuntiatur ; deinde, ut assolet, suffragia ; 4 turn 
 
 first, ('quod neque licet comitiis,') 
 -originated with Clodius, who enacted, 
 (Sext. 15,) that the JElian and Fu- 
 sian laws should not be in force at the 
 <M>mitia. The second (' siqui serv., 
 &c, nuntiare,') was, that the magis- 
 trate should give due notice of his in- 
 tention to inspect, before the election. 
 
 * Leges,' is here used for ' legem,' as 
 Cic. did not choose to specify the law 
 by the enactor's name, Clodius ; and 
 
 * habitis' held, being over. Legg. ii. 
 12. Vel instituta, dimittere, vel 
 habita rescindere.' 
 
 20. Ex illo die] Antony's charac- 
 ter, as drawn by Cicero, is quite an 
 enigma. Thus he insulted Caesar on 
 the day of his election, and from that 
 to the Ides of March, fawned on him 
 like the meanest slave ; and yet, on 
 the day of Dolabella's election, which 
 occurred in the mean time, he had the 
 hardihood to cry out, at the conclu- 
 sion of the business, alio dif. ! 
 
 21. A'i/i/7 ipse poterat] i. e. Al- 
 though a consul as well as Caisar. 
 
 Sect. XXXIII. 1. Dies] What 
 day this was does not appear. The 
 election was usually held about the 
 beginuing of August, but Caesar could 
 not observe these forms. We are 
 only sure that it was between the Ca- 
 lends of Jan. and Ides of March. 
 
 2. Sortitio pr&rog.] The first step 
 previous to the commencement of 
 the polling. ' Sortitio' must not be 
 confounded with the voting of the pre- 
 rogative century, which, in Cicero's 
 brief description, is omitted, and the 
 result, 'renuntiatur, sc. Dolabella,' 
 
 given. This vote of the prerogative 
 century is called ' omen comitiorum,' 
 (Divin. ii. 20,) and so certain was it, 
 * ut nemo unquam prior earn tulerit 
 quin renuncietur.' Plane. 20. 
 Hence our meaning of prerogative. 
 When ' praerogativa tribus' occurs, 
 it is likely that there is a reference 
 either to the tribe of which the cen- 
 tury formed a part, or to the comitia 
 by tribes. The other centuries (or 
 tribes) are called by Livy (x. 22,) 
 ' primo vocatae,' and, xxvii. 6, 'jure 
 vocatae.' It appears, too, that the 
 same class had senior and junior cen- 
 turies. Verr. v. 15. 
 
 3. Renuntiatur] Either by the ma- 
 gistrate who held the election, or by 
 the herald. Mil. 35. n. 13. Verr. 
 v. 15. 
 
 4. Deinde suffragia] Sc. feren- 
 tur ; i. e. the polling proceeds as 
 usual. But this, which is the ob- 
 vious meaning of the words, makes the 
 declaration of the vote precede the 
 voting, which is absurd. This dif- 
 ficulty is avoided several ways: 1. 
 The whole is so briefly detailed that it 
 is not to be wondered at, if we do not 
 see the force of every expression. 2. 
 Gruch. (de comitiis) refers these 
 words to a scrutiny of the votes of the 
 first class (taking in the equites and 
 prerogative century) to ascertain whe- 
 ther it would be necessary to call up 
 the second class, since, if the first 
 class were unanimous, its votes (ex- 
 ceeding those of all the other classes, 
 by one) decided the election. Hence 
 lie would understand ' numerantur,' 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 33. 
 
 405 
 
 secunda classis : quae omnia sunt citius facta, 5 quam dixi. 
 Confecto negotio bonus augur 7 (C. Laelium diceres) " alio 
 die," 8 inquit. O impudentiam singularem ! Quid vide- 
 ras ? 9 quid senseras ? quid audieras ? neque enim te de caelo 
 servasse dixisti, nee hodie dicis. Id igitur obvenit vitium, 
 quod tu jam Kalendis Januariis futurum esse provideras, et 
 tanto ante praedixeras. Ergo, hercule, magna, ut spero, 
 tua 10 potius, quam reipublicae calamitate ementitus es aus- 
 picia; obstrinxisti 11 religione populum Romanum; augur 
 auguri, consul consuli 12 obnuntiasti. Nolo plura, 13 ne acta 
 
 or the like, after suffragia.' 3. Graev. 
 reads * deinde suffragatum secunda 
 classis vocatur;' to which the objec- 
 tion is, that ' suffragari' always sig- 
 nifies 'gratia adjuvare et commendare.' 
 4. Manut. would transpose the words 
 so as to bring them in after turn se- 
 cunda classis ;' which, if warranted 
 by MSS., appears most satisfactory. 
 
 5. Citius facta] Hence the brevity 
 of Cicero's description. The expedi- 
 tion may have arisen from there being 
 no competitor. 
 
 7. Bonus augur] Ironical. Laeli- 
 us was very celebrated as an augur, 
 but more so as a wise man. Legg. ii. 
 11. Hor. Sat. ii. 1. 72. 
 
 8. Alio die] Verba auguris. Legg. 
 ii. 12. 
 
 9. Quid videras, c] As Antony, 
 through ignorance, did not say that he 
 had observed the heavens, ' nee enim 
 te de ccelo servasse dixisti,' the only 
 other ground on which he could have 
 vitiated the election was, inauspicious 
 omens happening while it was proceed- 
 ing. These generally were, lightning, 
 
 ti of rain, and thunder. Now 
 occurring, would have entitled 
 ny to cry, alio die. So Phil. 
 1 Ilia auspicia non egent inter- 
 pretatione ;' and, Vatin. 8. ' Augu- 
 res omnes usque a Romulo decreve- 
 runt, Jove fulgente, cum populo agi 
 nefas esse.' Again, Phil. v. 3. * Ut 
 sustinere Antonium ac ferre posse 
 tantam vim tempestatis, imbris ac tur- 
 
 binum, mirum videretur.' The ex- 
 pression, ' quid senseras V which the 
 commentators refer to an earthquake, 
 is obviously applicable to ' vim tem- 
 pestatis, imbris ac turbinum.' But 
 the weather being fine, and none of 
 these omens intervening, Antony was 
 obliged to have recourse to pretended 
 omens. Hence, 'ementitus es aus- 
 picia/ infr. 
 
 10. Magna, ut spero tua, &;c] Fal- 
 sifying the auspices must call down 
 the vengeance of heaven. Cic. hopes 
 that it will light on the head of the 
 offender, rather than on the republic. 
 
 11. Obstrinxisti] ' Religio' is 
 here, ' a religious scruple, a consci- 
 entious dread of the gods being of- 
 fended.' Liv. viii. 17. The sense 
 is : ' You who were the equal of 
 Caesar, as augur and consul, and 
 might be supposed to know the duties 
 of your station, declared an election 
 vicious, which your colleague pro- 
 nounced valid. You, thereby in- 
 spiied the Koman people with the 
 dread of the Deity being offended, 
 since, let who may be in error, the 
 auspices were profaned. 
 
 12. Consul consuli] Gellius quotes 
 from Messala, an old writer on augu- 
 ry, to show that consuls, praetors, and 
 censors were considered ' majores 
 magistratus' all others, ' minores.' 
 Hence the form in the edict for hold- 
 ing the comit. centur. ' Nequis ma- 
 gistratus minor de coclo servasse ve- 
 
406 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Dolabella? videar convellere : quae necesse est aliquando 14 
 ad nostrum collegium deferantur. Sed arrogantiam 15 hominis 
 insolentiamque cognoscite. Quamdiu tu voles, vitiosus con- 
 sul Dolabella : rursus, quum voles, salvis auspiciis creatus. 
 Si nihil est, 16 quum augur iis verbis nuntiat, quibus tu nun- 
 tiasti ; confitere te, quum " alio die" dixeris, sobrium non 
 fuisse : sin est aliqua vis in istis verbis, ea qua? sit, augur a 
 collega require 
 
 Sed, ne forte, ex multis rebus gestis, M. Antonii rem 
 unam pulcherrimam transiliat oratio, ad Lupercalia veni- 
 
 amus. 
 
 XXXIV. Non dissimulat, Patres conscripti : apparet esse 
 commotum ; sudat, pallet. 1 Quidlibet, modo ne nauseet,- 
 
 lit.' Messala adds, 'consul ab om- 
 nibus magistratibus et comitiatum et 
 eoncionem avocare potest; praetor et 
 comitiatum et eoncionem usquequa- 
 que avocare potest ; nisi a consule ; 
 minores magist. nee comitiatum nee 
 eoncionem avocare possunt.' Antony, 
 therefore, being of equal rank with 
 Caesar, and therefore, empowered to 
 intercede, the very validity of the in- 
 tercession caused it to be the more 
 dreaded. 
 
 13. Nolo plural For, if Antony's 
 interference were legal, Dolabella 
 was an illegal consul, and therefore 
 his acts were illegal ; but some of 
 these were such as Cic. would not at 
 present desire to shake. 
 
 14. Aliquando] i. e. When the 
 state shall have shaken off the yoke 
 of tyranny, and the regular proce- 
 dures are resumed. Of course, this 
 time never came. 
 
 15. Arrogantiam] He had already 
 convicted Autony of ignorance and 
 impudence. He now charged him 
 with arrogance, for having, in defi- 
 ance of his own veto, acknowledged 
 Dolabella consul. Phil. L. 13. 
 
 16. Si nihil est] A dilemma. Either 
 there is not force in Antony's words, or 
 there is. If there is not, (which was Ci- 
 cero's opinion, as Antony had no augu- 
 ral grounds for his proceedings, ' quid, 
 
 enim videras,' Sec,) then Antony 
 could not have been sober when he 
 used them ; and if there is, it was for 
 him to explain it to a brother augur; 
 which, he hints, would be a difhcult 
 task. 
 
 17. Veniamus] If Cicero observes 
 the order of time here, Dolabella's 
 election must have taken place prior 
 to the fifteenth of Feb., on which day 
 the Lupercal feast was celebrated ; 
 and which reduces ' multis ante men- 
 sibus' to one and a half. The date is 
 pointed out in Ovid. Fast. ii. 267 : 
 ! Tertia post Idus nudos Aurora Lu- 
 
 percos 
 Aspicit, et Fauni sacri bicornes erunt.' 
 
 Virgil (/En. viii. 343,) derives it 
 from the Lycean Pan : 
 ' Gelida monstrat sub rupe 
 
 Lupercal 
 Parrhasio dictum Panos de more Ly- 
 
 cei.' 
 
 Quint., i. 9, mentions another ori- 
 gin : V Inveniuntur qui Lupercalia 
 tres partes orationis esse contendant, 
 quasi ' luere (i. e. expiare) per ca- 
 prum.' " Liv. i. 5. 
 
 Sect. XXX1W 1. Sudat, pallet] 
 Signs of conscious guilt. Juv. Sat. i. 
 
 167 ' tacita sudant prrccordia 
 
 culpa;' Pers. Sat. iii. 43. ' Palleat 
 infelix quod proxiraus nesciat uxor.' 
 The mention of the Lupercalia is sup- 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 34. 
 
 407 
 
 facial, quod in porticu Minutia 3 fecit. Quae potest esse tur- 
 pitudinis tantae defensio ? Cupio audire : ut videam, ubi 
 rhetoris tanta merces, ubi campus Leontinus 4 appareat. Se- 
 debat in Rostris 5 collega tuus, 6 amictus toga purpurea, 7 in 
 sella aurea, 8 coronatus. . 9 Escendis, 10 accedis ad sellam, (ita 
 eras Lupereus, 11 ut te consulem esse meminisse deberes,) di- 
 
 posed to recall to Antony's mind the 
 betraying of his country. 
 
 J. Xauseet] ~SavTiau), to be sea- 
 sick. So Hor. Epis. i. 1 : 
 
 ' Conducto navigio aeque 
 
 jNauseat ac illo quern ducit priva 
 
 triremis.' 
 
 3. Minutia] Placed by Graev. in 
 the Campus Martius, and called also 
 Frumentaria. If, as is most proba- 
 ble, the intemperance of Antony at 
 the marriage of Hippias is referred to, 
 it must have been when Antony, as 
 iuagister equitum, had his tribunal ; 
 which place, it is probable, was the 
 forum. 
 
 4. Campus Leontinus] Supr. 17. 
 n. 8. 
 
 5. Rostris] This was the ' sugges- 
 tum,' or galley in the forum, from 
 which the orators addressed the peo- 
 ple. The Lupercal noticed by Virg. 
 ^En. viii. 343 ; and from whence the 
 Luperci began their procession, was 
 near the ficus Ruminalis, where Ro- 
 mulus and Remus were exposed and 
 saved by the wolf (lupus) ; to which, 
 and the god Pan, who guarded the 
 shepherds from the wolves (lupi) it 
 owed its name. This place being 
 contiguous to the forum gave Antony, 
 who had lately added a third order to 
 the Luperci, called ' Juliani,' an op- 
 portunity of conducting them, as they 
 proceeded along the Via Sacra, to the 
 presence of Caesar, their tutelary god. 
 
 6. Collega tuus] By exaggerating 
 the pride of Caesar, he exaggerates 
 the guilt of Antony, who endeavoured 
 to raise his colleague and equal to 
 royalty. 
 
 7. Toga purpurea] i. e. A trium- 
 
 phal robe. The ancients did not 
 know the chemical process for dying 
 red ; therefore purple was esteemed 
 by them the most costly colour. 
 
 8. Sella aurea] Suet. Jul. 76. 
 
 9. Coronatus] Suetonius informs 
 us that Caesar, being bald, was pri- 
 vileged to wear a perpetual crown of 
 laurel, and also a golden crown with 
 rays emerging from a centre. As he 
 was in a triumphal dress, it is likely 
 that he wore the more costly crown. 
 We are carefully to distinguish this 
 from a diadem, the badge of royalty, 
 which was a white fillet or bandage 
 for the head, ' Candida fascia' in 
 Greek, ratvia XevKtj. Nothing else 
 was regal. 
 
 10. Escendis] The other Luperci, 
 if we may believe Plutarch, (Anton. 
 12,) raised him on their shoulders. 
 
 11. Ita Lupereus] 'Ita' and 
 'sic,' followed by ' ut,' are some- 
 times prefixed to substantives to en- 
 force or restrict them. Hor. Epis. ii. 
 
 1. 'Sic fautor veterum ;' so warm a 
 patron of the ancients. Here, how- 
 ever, 'ita' is so indefinite, that it may 
 admit of several explanations: 1. 
 Alluding to his conduct, as here de- 
 scribed, it may be : ' you so over- 
 acted the part of a Luperce, that you 
 quite forgot (ought to have re- 
 membered) you were a consul.' Or, 
 
 2. ' You were so circumstanced as a 
 Luperce, that you ought to have re- 
 collected your being consul.' But this 
 seems to be too general, and 'deberes 
 meminisse' to hint at a positive de- 
 linquency, such as i* noticed inf. a. 
 19. 
 
408 
 
 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO 
 
 adema ostendis. Gemitus 12 toto foro. Unde diadema? non 
 enim abjectum 13 sustuleras, sed attuleras domo meditatum et 
 cogitatum scelus. Tu diadema imponebas cum plangore 14 
 ]K)puli : ille cum plausurejiciebat. 15 Tu ergounus, scelerate, 
 inventus es, qui quum auctor 16 regni esses, eum, quern col- 
 legam habebas, dominum habere velles : et idem tentares, 
 quid populus Romanus ferre et pati posset. At etiam 17 mi- 
 sericordiam captabas: supplex te ad pedes abjiciebas; quid 
 petens ? ut servires? Tibi uni peteres, qui ita a puero 18 vix- 
 eras, ut omnia paterere, ut facile servires : a nobis populo- 
 que Romano mandatum id certe non habebas. O praecla- 
 ram illam eloquentiam tuam, quum es nudus concionatus ! 19 
 Quid hoc turpius? quid fcedius? quid suppliciis omnibus 
 dignius ? Num exspectas, dum te stimulis fodiam ? haec te, si 
 ullam partem habes sensus, lacerat, haec cruentat oratio. Vere- 
 or, ne imminuam^summorum virorum gloriam. Dicam tamen 
 dolore commotus. Quid indignius, 21 quam vivere eum, qui 
 imposuerit diadema, quum omnes fateantur jure interfectum 
 esse, qui abjecerit? At etiam adscribi jussit in fastis ad 
 
 12. Ostendis diad. Gem.] The 
 people did not wait till Antony had 
 placed it on Caesar's head ; but 
 groaned at the bare exposure. 
 
 13. Non abjectum] Hence An- 
 tony must have premeditated the over- 
 throw of the republic. 
 
 14. Plangore] The people had 
 groaned at the sight ; but they burst 
 into loud lamentation when it was 
 placed on his head. 
 
 15. Rejiciehat] Livy, Epit. 116, 
 says that he laid the diadem on the 
 chair beside him. Suet., Dio, and 
 Plutarch, that he sent it to the Capi- 
 tol, to the temple of Jupiter. Opt. 
 Max. ; adding that he was the only 
 king of the Romans. Vid. Hooke, x. 
 11, where he shews it probable that 
 Caesar was sincere in his rejection of 
 the diadem. 
 
 16. Quum auctor, 3fc] ' In being 
 (or by being) the prime mover of a 
 tyranny.' ' Et idem,' and who at the 
 same time, &c. 
 
 17. At etiam] This heightens the 
 charge still more. 1 1 was not enough 
 to entreat Caesar to rule ; he must 
 also pity the Roman people. 
 
 18. A puero] i.e. 'Apueritia.' 
 
 19. Nudus concionatus est] The 
 Luperci were not stark naked, but 
 had the skins of sheep tied about their 
 loins. Plut. (in RomuloJ SiaOkovat 
 iv TrepiZvjfiaTi yvpvoi. Virg. JEn. 
 viii. 663. 
 
 Hinc exultantes Salios nudosque 
 
 Lupercos.' 
 The charge then, here made is, not 
 that he was naked, but that being so, 
 he harangued. For this was con- 
 founding the duties and office of con- 
 sul with the mummery of the Lu- 
 perci. 
 
 20. Ne imminuam, 6\c] By censur- 
 ing their sparing the life of Antony. 
 
 21. Quid indignius] This, Cicero, 
 Att. xvi. 11, changes to indignissi- 
 mum est : but the MSS. remain un- 
 altered. V. E. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 35. 
 
 409 
 
 Lupercalia, 22 u C. Caesari, dictatorl perpetuo, M. Antonium, 
 consulem, populi jussu regnum detulisse, Caesarem uti no- 
 luisse." Jamjam minime miror, te otium 23 perturbare; non 
 raodo urbem odisse, sed etiam lucem ; cum perditissimis 
 latronibus non solum de die, 24 sed etiam in diem vivere. Ubi 
 enim tu in pace consistes ? qui locus tibi in legibus 25 et in 
 judiciis esse potest, quae tu, quantum in te fuit, dominatu 
 regio sustulisti ? Ideone L. Tarquinius exactus, Spurii 
 Cassius, Maelius, M. Manlius, necati, ut multis post secu- 
 lis 26 a M. Antonio, quod fas non est, 27 rex Romae constituere- 
 tur ? Sed ad auspicia redeamus. 28 
 
 XXXV. De quibus rebus 1 Idibus Martiis fait in senatu 
 Caesar acturus, quaero turn tu quid egisses. Audiebam qui- 
 
 22. Ad Lupercalia] i. e. Antony or- 
 dered it to be inscribed in the Fasti, 
 under the date of these games ("fif- 
 teenth of Febr.) that he offered, &c.' 
 Antony was so far from having a 
 sense of shame at establishing a ty- 
 ranny, that he wished it to be handed 
 down to posterity. Similarly, ad 
 Brut. 15, ' Ego, D. Bruto liberato, 
 quum laetissimus ille civitati dies il- 
 luxisset, idemque casu Bruti natalis 
 esset ; decrevi ut in fastis ad eum 
 diem Bruti nomen adscriberetur.' 
 
 23. Te otiuni] Reip. statum con- 
 vellere. Abram. 
 
 24. De die'] By day, openly; for 
 he had said * non modo urbem odisse, 
 aed etiam lucem.' Catull. carm. 47. 
 ' In diem,' from day to day. De Or. 
 ii. 40. * Si barbarorum in diem vivere, 
 nostra consilia sempiternum tempus 
 spectaredebent.' Trans. 'Not only to 
 riot during the day, but (what is 
 worse) to take no thought for to- 
 morrow.' ' Vivere,' with ' de die,' 
 means ' voluptatibus indulgere ;' with 
 
 * in diem' ' vitam instituere.' 
 
 25. In legibus] i. e. In a state 
 having laws and judiciary proceed- 
 ings. 
 
 26. Multis seculis] Tarquin was 
 expelled, a. u. 245 ; Sp. Cassius fell 
 in 270; Sp. Maelius, in 315; M. 
 
 Manlius, in 370 ; Antony presented 
 Caesar with the diadem in 709. The 
 greatest difference is 464 ; the least, 
 339. 
 
 27. Quod fas non est] Liv. ii. 1. 
 'Populum jurejurando adegit, nemi- 
 nem Romae passuros regnare.' Dio- 
 nys. (lib. v.) goes farther still ; for 
 he says that they bound not only 
 themselves, but their posterity, by the 
 oath. 
 
 28. Sed ad auspicia redeamus] He 
 pretends to consider the Lupercalia' 
 as a digression, that he may return to 
 the subject of the auspices, and intro- 
 duce the Ides of March ; on whirh 
 there was to be some decision as to the 
 validity of Antony's alio die. From 
 that he digresses into the great events 
 which followed, and never returns. 
 
 Sect. XXV. 1. De quibus rebus] 
 As Caesar was to set out on the Par- 
 thian expedition, four days after the 
 ides of March, it was necessary to 
 settle the affair of Dolabella's election 
 before he proceeded. This was the 
 question for that day, and Cic, who 
 was engaged for Dolabella, had, no 
 doubt, studied the subject, and dis- 
 covered, perhaps, the distinction of 
 1 nuntiatio' and * spectio.' Antony, 
 on the other hand, aware that Cic. 
 was to speak against him, had come 
 N N 
 
410 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 dem te paratum venisse, quod me de ementitis auspiciis/ 
 quibus tamen parere 3 necesse erat, putares esse dicturum. 
 Sustulit ilium diem 4 Fortuna populi Romani. 5 Num etiam 
 tuum de auspiciis judicium 6 interitus Caesaris sustulit ? Sed 
 incidi 7 in id tern pus, quod iis rebus, in quas ingressa erat ora- 
 tio, praevertendum est. 8 Qua? tua fuga ! 9 qua? formido prae- 
 claro illo die ! qua? propter conscientiam scelerum desperado 
 vita? ! quum ex ilia fuga, beneficio eorum, 10 qui te, si sanus 11 
 esses, salvum esse voluerunt, clam te domum 12 recepisti. O 
 
 prepared on the subject. Others re- 
 fer it to a report noticed by Seuton. 
 Jul. 79. ' Proximo senatu percrebuit 
 fama L. Cottam quindecemvirum sen- 
 tentiam dicturum, ut quoniam libris 
 fatalibus contineretur, Parthos nisi 
 a rege non posse vinci, Caesar rex ap- 
 pellaretur.' If Cicero referred to this 
 report, 'quaero turn tu quid egisses?' 
 must be answered by saying, 'you 
 w ould no doubt have voted for creat- 
 ing him king, on whom you had al- 
 ready placed a diadem.' But the 
 first explanation is the simpler. 
 
 2. De ementitis auspiciis'] Phil. iii. 
 4. Servabant reges auspicia, quae 
 hie consul augurque neglexit, neque 
 solum legibus contra auspicia ferendis, 
 sed etiam collega, una ferente, quern 
 ipse ementitis auspiciis vitiosum fece- 
 rat.' 
 
 3. Quibus tamen parere'] By this 
 we see that Caesar had not yet settled 
 the question of Dolabella's elec- 
 tion. 
 
 4. Sustulit ilium diem] i. e. The 
 fortune of the Roman people, who 
 then recovered their liberty, freed you 
 from the dangers of that day, whereon 
 you must either have opposed Caesar, 
 your master, or allowed that you had 
 falsified the auspices. 
 
 5. Fortuna pop. Rom.] Manil. 
 15. n. 16. Juv. Sat. x. ' Nos faci- 
 nus, Fortuna, Deam cceloque loca- 
 mus.' Abram. considers it remarka- 
 ble that Homer never uses ri'x n xa 
 the seuse of ' fortune,' 
 
 6. Num judicium] i. e. 'The 
 death of Caesar freed you from this 
 dilemma ; but it left your decision on 
 record, to prove your ignorance, im- 
 pudence, and arrogance.' Or his ad- 
 mission of Dolabella to the consulship 
 may be alluded to. 
 
 7. Sed incidi, fyc] As Cicero pur- 
 sues this digression to the end of his 
 speech, it is plain that he made use of 
 the auspices merely for the sake of 
 transition, and had exhausted all that 
 he had to say upon them. Supr. 34. 
 n.28. 
 
 8. Prazvertendum] ' Incidi in id 
 teropus de quo prius mihi loquendum 
 est, quam de iis rebus de quibus cce- 
 peram loqui.' Faern. Al. preetereun- 
 dum non sit. 
 
 9. Qua tua fuga] He laid aside 
 his consular robes, and assumed the 
 garb of a slave. 
 
 10. Beneficio eorum] E. g. Trebo- 
 nius, who drew Antony aside ; or per- 
 haps M. Brutus, who is said to have 
 opposed the murder of Antony. Phil, 
 xiii. 13. ' Sceleratum Trebonium? 
 quo scelere 1 nisi quod te Idibus 
 Mart., a debita tibi peste seduxit.' 
 
 11. Si sanus esses] i.e. Entertain 
 sound and honest views for the re- 
 public. 
 
 12. Clam te domum] Plutarch says 
 that Antony and Lepidus were obliged 
 to take refuge in the houses of others, 
 though Lepidus was not in the senate 
 at all, but with his soldiers in the sub- 
 urbs. Inf. n. 17. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 36. 
 
 411 
 
 mea frustra semper 13 verissima auguria rerum futurarum ! 
 Dicebam illis 14 in Capitolio liberatoribus nostris, quum me 
 ad te ire vellent, ut ad defendendam rempublicam te adhor- 
 tarer : quoad metueres, omnia te prom issu rum ; simul ac 
 timere desisses, similem te futurum tui. Itaque, quum ceteri 
 consulares 15 irent, redirent, 16 in sententia mansi: neque te 
 illo die, neque postero vidi ; neque ullam societatem optimis 
 civibus cum importunissimo hoste foedere ullo contirmari 
 posse credidi. Post diem tertium veni in sedem Telluris, et 
 quidem invitus, quum omnes aditus 17 armati obsiderent. Qui 
 tibi dies ille, M. Antoni, fuit? Quamquam mihi inimicus 
 subito 18 exstitisti: tamen me tui miseret, quod tibi invi- 
 deris. 19 
 
 XXXVI. Qui tu vir, dii immortales ! et quantus fuisses, 
 si illius diei mentem servare potuisses ! Pacem haberemus, 
 quae erat facta per obsidem, puerum nobilem, 1 M. Bamba- 
 lionis 2 nepotem. Quamquam bonum te timor faciebat, non 
 diuturnus magister 3 officii : improbum fecit ea, qua?, dum 
 timor abest, a te non discedit, audacia. Etsi turn, quum op- 
 timum te putabant, me quidem dissentiente, 4 funeri tyranni, 
 si illud funus fuit, sceleratissime praafuisti. Tua ilia pulchra 
 laudatio, 5 tua miseratio, tua cohortatio : tu, tu, inquam, illas 
 
 13. mea semper] Vid. Fam.vi. 
 6, where he states and upholds his 
 prophetic powers. Supr. 15. n. 5. 
 
 14. Dicebam illis, c~\ The con- 
 spirators fled first to the Capitol. In- 
 trod. 2. 
 
 15. Ceteri consulares] L. Piso, 
 L. Caesar, P. Sulpicius, L. Philip- 
 pus, &c. 
 
 16. Irent, redirent] Perhaps this 
 implies ' kept coming and going,' a 
 sense which the words might bear, 
 supr. 33. 
 
 17. Omnes aditus, &;c.] Appian 
 states that Lepidus had a legion in an 
 island of the Tiber, and that hearing 
 of what had taken place, he led his 
 troop3 into the Campus Martius, to 
 assist Antony, Dio says into the Fo- 
 rum. These, it is probable, were the 
 men that were blockading the temple 
 wf Tellus, as Antony's veterans and 
 
 ' advocates' were hardly yet in train- 
 ing. 
 
 18. Inimicus subito] Sc. the seven- 
 teenth of September. 
 
 19. Tibi invideris] Denied your- 
 self the glory. 
 
 Sect. XXXVI 1. Puerum No- 
 bilem] Ironical. Att. xvi. 11. 'Tan- 
 turn ut sciant, naUHec, iraidwv, eum 
 ex C. Fadii filia liberos habuisse.' 
 
 2. Bambalionis] Phil. ii. 1. 
 
 3. Non dint, mag.] i. e. ' Tamen 
 non, &c.' Al. diuturni. * Malus cus- 
 tos diuturnitatis, metus.' Off. ii. 7. 
 V. E. 
 
 4. Me quidem dissentiente] This 
 may apply either to their opinion of 
 Antony's integrity, in which Cic. did 
 not concur ; or the appointment of 
 him to preside at the funeral of Caesar, 
 which he opposed. 
 
 5. Pulchra laudatio] Ironically. 
 
4-12 
 
 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO 
 
 faces 6 incendisti, et eas, quibus semustulatus ille est, et eas, 
 quibus incensa L. Bellieni 7 domus deflagravit. Tu illos im- 
 petus perditorum hominum 8 et ex maxima parte servorum, 9 
 quos nos vi manuque repulimus, in nostras domos immi- 
 sisti. 10 Idem tamen, quasi fuligine 11 abstersa, reliquis die- 
 bus in Capitol io praeclara senatusconsulta fecisti, ne qua post 
 Idus Martias immunitatis tabula, neve cujus beneficii figere- 
 tur. Meministi ipse de exsulibus, 12 scis, de immunitate quid 
 dixeris. Optimum vero, quod dictatura? nomen in perpe- 
 tuum de republica sustulisti. Quo quidem facto tantum te 
 cepisse odium regni videbatur, ut ejus omnem, propter prox- 
 imum dictatorem, tolleres metum. Constituta respublica 
 videbatur aliis, mihi vero nullo modo, qui omnia, te guber- 
 nante, naufragia metuebam. Num me igitur fefellit ? aut num 
 diutius sui potuit esse dissimilis ? Tnspectantibus 13 vobis, toto 
 Capitolio tabulae figebantur ; neque solum singulis venibant 
 immunitates, sed etiam populis universis ; u civitas 15 non jam 
 singillatim, sed provinciis totis dabatur. Itaque si haec ma- 
 nent, 16 qua3 stante republica manere non possunt, provincias 
 universas, Patres conscripti, perdidistis; neque vectigalia 
 
 Suet. (Jul. 84.) says that Antony hav- 
 ing read the decree and oath of fealty, 
 formerly passed and taken, added a 
 very few words. Dio and Appian, 
 however, supply long orations. 
 
 6. lllas faces'] Introd. 3. Suet. 
 Jul. 85. 
 
 7. L.Bellieni] Fam. viii. 15. 'Bel- 
 lienus verna Demetrii, &c.' Deme- 
 trius was a freedman of Pompey's. If 
 so, Bellienus was not a senator, as the 
 Delphin affirms, nor consequently a 
 conspirator ; none but senators having 
 had that honour. 
 
 8. Perditorum hominum] Many of 
 them were Jews, attached to Caesar 
 and hostile to Pompey, who had 
 taken their temple. Suet. Jul. 84. 
 * Praecipuique Judaei qui etiam noc- 
 tibus continuis bustum frequenta- 
 rent.' 
 
 9. Parte servorum] For these mix- 
 ed with the mob, and wore the same 
 dress as their masters, except they 
 were senators. 
 
 10. Immisisti] Att. xiv. 10. Ser- 
 vique et egentes in tecta nostra cum 
 facibus imraissi.' 
 
 11. Fuligiyie] From ' fumus,' soot. 
 So 'udus' uligo. 
 
 12. Meministi de exsulibus] Simi- 
 larly, in Quint, xii. 2. ' Neque om- 
 nino hujus rei meminit usquam poeta 
 ipse.' 
 
 13. Inspectantibus, fc] In the 
 sight of the senators, who, a few days 
 before, were witnesses to a contrary 
 decree ; the advertisements posted up, 
 not in the forum, but in the capitol ; 
 to beard even Jupiter himself; not in 
 a part of it, but the whole.' 
 
 14. Populis universis] e. g. The 
 Cretans. 
 
 15. Civitas, djf.] We learn from 
 Att. xiv. 12, that Cic. considered the 
 Jus Latium ( Latinitas) a great boon 
 even for Caesar to grant ; whereas 
 Antony grants them full citizenship. 
 
 16. Manent] Without being abro- 
 gated. So Virg. JEn. ' Atque im- 
 
PHILTPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 37. 
 
 41 a 
 
 solum, sed etiam imperium populi Romani, hujus domesticis 
 nundinis 17 deminutum est. 
 
 XXXVII. Ubi est septies millies, 1 quod in tabulis, quae 
 sunt ad Opis, patebat ? funestae illius quidem pecuniae, 2 sed 
 tamen, qua? nos, si iis, quorum erat, non redderetur, a tri- 
 bulis 3 posset vindicare. Tu autem quadringenties HS, quod 
 Idibus Martiis debuisti, quonam modo ante Kalendas 4 Apri- 
 les debere desisti ? Sunt ea quidem innumerabilia, qua? a 
 diversis 5 emebantur, non insciente te: sed unum egregium 
 de rege Deiotaro, 6 populi Romani amicissimo, decretum in 
 Capitolio fixum. Quo proposito nemo erat, qui in ipso do- 
 lore risum 7 posset continere. Quis enim cuiquam inimicior. 
 quam Deiotaro Caesar? aeque atque huic ordini, ut equestri, 
 ut Massiliensibus, 8 ut omnibus, qui bus rempublicam populi 
 Romani caram esse sentiebat. Sed [igitur], a quo vivo, nee 
 praesens, 9 nee absens 10 quidquam aequi boni impetravit, apud 
 mortuum factus est gratiosus. Compellarat 11 hospitem prae- 
 sens, computarat, pecuniam imperarat, 12 in ejus tetrarchiam 1 ' 
 
 mota manet fatis Lavinia conjux.' 
 
 17. Nundinis] So supr. 3. Quum 
 domi tuae turpissimo mercatu omnia 
 essent venalia.' 
 
 Sect. XXXVII. 1. Septies mil- 
 lies] Seven hundred, and 'quadrin- 
 genties,' forty millions of sesterces. 
 Supr. 16. n. (>. 
 
 2. FunestcE illius pecuniae] He 
 had before called it ' cruenUe.' Phil. 
 i. 7. ' Illius,' i. e. ' Opis,' if we are 
 not to refer it to Caesar himself, to 
 whom ' ille' is generally applied. 
 
 3. Quorum] Scil. Pompeianorum. 
 Vid. Phil. i. 7. 
 
 3. Tributis] From the necessity of 
 imposing taxes : these had not yet 
 been levied, and were not till the fol- 
 lowing year. Fam. xii. 30. Manut. 
 V. E. 
 
 4. Idibus Kalendis] Cat. i. t>. n. 
 7. Att. xiv. 21. ' Kalendis Januarii 
 debuit ; adhuc non solvit.' And again, 
 in the next letter: ' Jam vel sibi ha- 
 beat nummos, modo numeret Idi- 
 bus.' 
 
 5. A diversis] From different agents 
 
 of Antony. 
 
 6. Unum Deiotaro] Att. xiv. 12. 
 ' Quid ] Deiotari nostri causa non si- 
 milis? dignus ille quidem omni regno, 
 sed non per Fulviam.' 
 
 7. Risum] At the contradiction be- 
 tween Caesar's own acts, and thos' 
 regarding the same individual, now 
 ascribed to him. V. E. 
 
 8. Massiliensibus] They had sus- 
 tained a memorable siege against his 
 lieutenants, D. Brutus and Trebonim , 
 when he was first in Spain. Hooke, 
 x. 3. He was therefore highly incens- 
 ed against them. Cat. ii. 7. n. 12. 
 
 9. Nee present] JJeiot. Introd. 3. 
 
 10. Absens] His cause was advo- 
 cated by Brutus at Nice in Liguria, 
 and by Cic. at Rome. Deiot. In 
 trod. 6. 
 
 11. Compellarat]- 1. To call by 
 name or question. 2. To reprove, to 
 chide. 3. To sue for money, to dun, 
 as here. 
 
 12. Pecuniam imperarat] This is 
 alluded to Deiot. 5. 
 
 13. Tetrarchiam] Mil. 28. n. 8. 
 
 nn2 
 
414 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 unum ex Graecis 14 comitibus suis collocarat, Arraeniam ab&- 
 tulerat a senatu datam. Haec vivus eripuit : reddit mor- 
 tuus. 15 At quibus verbis? 15 modo "aequum sibi videri,'* 
 modo 16 " non iniquum." Mira verborum complexio ! 17 At 
 ille 18 nunquam (semper enim absenti 19 adfui Deiotaro) quic- 
 quam sibi, quod nos pro illo postularemus, aequum dixit 
 videri. Syngrapha 20 sestertii centies per legatos, 21 viros bo- 
 nos, sed timidos et imperitos, sine nostra, sine reliquorum 
 hospitum regis sententia, facta in gynaeceo : 22 quo in loco 
 plurima? res venierunt et veneunt. 23 Qua ex syngrapha 
 quid sis acturus, meditere censeo. Rex enim ipse sua sponte, 
 nullis commentariis Caesaris, simul atqUe audivit ejus interi- 
 tum, suo Marte 24 res suas recuperavit. Sciebat homo sa- 
 piens, jus semper hoc fuisse, ut, qua? tyranni eripuissent, ea. 
 tyrannis interfectis, ii, quibus erepta essent, recuperarent. 
 
 14. Unum ex Greccis] Mithridates 
 Pergamenus. Deiot. Introd. 3. Hir- 
 tius B. A., says that he was of royal 
 extraction, and educated by Mithrid. 
 the great. 
 
 15. Hetc vivus mortuus] Abram. 
 thought that Cicero meant this to be 
 ridiculous. Graev. says not. ' Nihil 
 hie ridiculi video.' Cicero, however, 
 says, supr., that nobody could refrain 
 from laughter at the sight of the de- 
 cree, by which Caesar restored his 
 kingdom ; evidently because he was 
 mortuus when it was made. 
 
 15. Quibus verbis] The very lan- 
 guage of the decree, Cicero hints, be- 
 trayed the author. Caesar was a per- 
 spicuous writer. 
 
 16. Modo modo'] Sometimes. So 
 Ter. Ern. iv. 4. ' Modo ait, modo ne- 
 gat.' 
 
 17. Complexio'] Means in Cic, 
 
 1 . A synaeresis, a figure of speech. 
 
 2. The conclusion of a syllogism. 3. 
 A dilemma. 4. Any strange way of 
 speaking, a confusion of terms, as 
 here. 
 
 18. Ille} Csesar. 
 
 19. Semper enim absenti] Either 
 as patron or advocate. As Cicero fled 
 to Brundisium after the battle of Phar- 
 
 salia, he was not present at Nice, 
 where the cause of Deiotarus wa> 
 heard. 
 
 20. Syngrapha] ' Chirographum 
 means : 1. An autograph. 2. Memo- 
 randa, notes. 3. Any acknowledg- 
 ment or bill of a debt, &c. But Syn- 
 grapha' is a regular bond signed by 
 both parties, a copy of which is kept 
 by each. ' Sestertii,' more usually 
 'sestertium,'or HS. 
 
 21. Legatos] Deiot. 15. 'Timidos,' 
 being afraid of Antony ; * Imperitos,' 
 who did not know, that on the death 
 of a tyrant, the plunder reverted to it 
 rightful owners. 
 
 22. Gynazceo] YvvaiKtiov, sc. oiKtf- 
 ua, an inner apartment, in which 
 the matron kept the female part of the 
 household. Here the apartment of 
 Fulvia. 
 
 23. Venierunt et veneunt] Cicero 
 joins these tenses to express the con- 
 tinuance of the practice. Manil. 13. 
 
 n. 9. And, ex qua syng. quid, 
 
 &c.' i.e. How are you to execute your 
 bond ? Muren. i. 17. ' Pergitisne tan- 
 quam ex syngrapha agere cum po- 
 puloV 
 
 24. Suo Marte] On the death of 
 Caesar, Deiotarus expelled Mithridates 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 38. 
 
 415 
 
 Nemo igitur jureconsultus, ne iste quidem, 25 qui tibi uni est 
 jureconsultus, per quern haec agis, ex ista syngrapha deberi 
 dicit pro iis rebus, quae erant ante syngrapham recuperatae. 
 Non enim a te emit, sed prius, quam tu suum sibi venderes, 
 ipse possedit. Ille vir fuit : nos quidem contemnendi, qui 
 auctorem odimus, acta defendimus. 26 
 
 XXXVIIT. Quid ego de commentariis infinitis, quid de 
 innumerabilibus chirographis loquar? quorum etiam 1 imi- 
 tatores sunt, qui ea, tamquam gladiatorum libellos, 2 palam 
 venditent. Itaque tanti acervi nummorum apud istum con- 
 struuntur, 3 ut jam expendantur, 4 non numerentur pecuniae. 
 At quam caeca 5 avaritia est ! Et nuper fixa tabula est, qua 
 civitates locupletissimae 6 Cretensium liberantur, statuiturque, 
 ne post M. Brutum proconsulem sit Creta 7 provincia. Tu 
 mentis es compos ? tu non constringendus ? An Caesaris 
 decreto Creta post M. Bruti decessum potuit liberari, quum 
 
 from his tetrarchy, and Ariobarzanes 
 from Armenia. 
 
 25. Ne iste quidem] Perhaps he 
 means Sex. Clodius, who was by this 
 time returned from exile ; and from 
 his experience in the service of P. 
 Clodius, would be well qualified to 
 assist Antony. 
 
 26. Ada defendimus'] E. g. Cic. 
 himself. Vid. Phil. i. 7. 
 
 Sect. XXXVI1I.-1. Quorum eti- 
 am, fyc] Abram. makes etiam in addi- 
 tion to Antony. Rather : Of which 
 also, (in addition to ' the tabulae, &c,' 
 mentioned, sup. 36, and corrupted by 
 Antony,) there are forgers. That these 
 were merely agents of Antony, is 
 shewn by the next sentence, where 
 k appears that the money was piled 
 up at his house. 
 
 2. Tamquam gladiatorum libellos] 
 Like play-bills. Maturant. under- 
 stands them as advertisements for the 
 sale of gladiators;' but they are ra- 
 ther statements of the matches to be 
 fought at the shews by the gladiators. 
 Cic. Fam. ii. 8, calls them ' gladiato- 
 rum compositiones.' And Lipsius 
 Saturn, ii. 18, says * Ante pugnam, 
 moris erat, ut editor libellos propo- 
 
 neret, in quibus dies futuri muneris, 
 item nomina et paria gladiatorum / 
 and he adds, that they were sent even 
 into the provinces to collect spectators 
 and friends. Hor. Sat. ii. 7, alludes to a 
 species of them which had on them 
 representations of the fancy. Plin. 
 xxxv. 7. 
 
 3. Construuntur] ' Divitiis, quas 
 qui construxerit, illeClaruserit.' Hor. 
 Sat. ii. 3. 95. V. E. 
 
 4. Expendantur] The measuring 
 of money to intimate its abundance 
 had become proverbial. Hor. Sat. i. 1 . 
 ' Ut metiretur nummos.' This Cicero 
 transfers to weight; which, though 
 once the method of valuing money, 
 had long fallen into disuse ; except, as 
 here, to express a large sum. 
 
 5. At quam cctca, tyc] Which takes 
 the most imprudent methods of self- 
 gratification ; e. g. ' Nuper fixa tabula 
 est, &c.' 
 
 6. Locupletissimce] And therefore 
 paid a great revenue. 
 
 7. Creta] This island was voted to 
 Brutus soon after the ides of March. 
 Introd. 3. Antony, then on friendly 
 terms with Brutus, sold the decree for 
 its liberation, on condition that it 
 
416 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 Creta nihil 8 ad Brutum, Caesare vivo, pertineret ? At hujus 
 venditione decreti (ne nihil actum putetis) provinciam Cre- 
 tam perdidistis. Omnino nemo ullius rei fuit emptor, cui 
 defuerit hie venditor. Et de exsulibus legem, 9 quam fixisti, 
 Caesar tulit. IN ullius insector calamitatem : tantum que- 
 ror, 10 primum eorum reditus inquinatos, 11 quorum causam 
 Caesar dissimilem judicarit ; deinde nescio cur non reliquis 
 idem tribuas. Neque enim plus quam tres aut quattuor reli- 
 qui sunt. Qui simili in calamitate sunt, cur tua misericordia 
 simili non fruuntur ? cur eos habes in loco patrui ? 12 de quo 1 ; 
 ferre, quum de reliquis ferres, noluisti : quem etiam ad cen- 
 suram petendam impulisti, 14 eamque petitionem comparasti, 
 quae et risus hominum et querelas moveret Cur autem ea 
 comitia non habuisti ? an quia tribunus plebis sinistrum 15 ful- 
 
 should not take place till after expira- 
 tion of Brutus's government. ' Pro- 
 consulem,' vid. Manil. 21. n. 8. 
 
 8. Quum Creta nihil] For Appian 
 iii. relates that Caesar had appointed 
 Brutus to Macedonia ; and although, 
 upon the death of Caesar, Antony, as 
 consul, laid claim to it, and had Crete 
 assigned to Brutus ; yet, soon after this 
 speech was written, Brutus seized on 
 Macedonia, and held it for the senate. 
 Had Antony, however, not made the 
 exception in his favour in the decree 
 concerning Crete, Brutus might, by 
 demanding Macedonia, have discon- 
 certed his schemes. 
 
 9. De exsulibus legem] He had pro- 
 mised, Phil. i. 1, to restore only one. 
 
 10. Tantum queror] Cic. objects, 
 1. That the restoration of these ho- 
 nourable men, who were exiled for 
 their adherence to the cause of Pom- 
 pey, should be contaminated by being 
 brought into contact with that of men 
 who had been banished for their 
 crimes ; and 2. That invidious ex- 
 ceptions were made when only three 
 or four remained. 
 
 11. Inquinatos] Al. aquatos, i. e. 
 put on the same footing. 
 
 12. In loco patrui] i.e. Why do 
 you treat them as you did your uncle 
 in your tribuneship, whom you omitted 
 
 to restore along with Lenticula and 
 others. We must not then refer ' in 
 loco patrui' to the present time, a mis- 
 take which has caused the greatest 
 confusion in all the explanations given 
 by the commentators of this and the* 
 following passage. 
 
 13. De qua* fc] Namely, when 
 Antony restored Lenticula, &c, sup. 
 23. It is probable that C. Antonius 
 owed his return to Caesar, who, on re- 
 turning first from Spain, restored all the 
 exiles, except Milo and Sex. Clodius. 
 We find him in the senate the first day 
 of this year. Inf. 'patruo sedente.' 
 
 14. Quem impulisti] Cic. evi- 
 dently introduces this as an instance of 
 unfeeling conduct in Antony towards 
 his uncle ; but the circumstances be- 
 ing notorious, required only a brief 
 allusion. Hence it is not clear what 
 excited ' the laughter and complaints 
 of people.' An obvious solution is, 
 that the former arose from a man 
 of such morals as C. Antonius aspir- 
 ing to be magister morum ;' and the 
 latter from Antony's having urged his 
 uncle to a canvass, in order to eipcse 
 him to the scorn of the citizens. 
 
 15. Sinistrum] De divin. ii. 35. 
 ' Fulmen sinistrum auspicium opti- 
 mum habemus ad omnes res praeter- 
 quam ad comitia.' 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 38. 
 
 417 
 
 men nuntiabat? Quum tua quid interest, nulla auspicia 
 sunt ; quum tuorum, turn lis religiosus. Quid ? eundem in 
 septemviratu 16 nonne destituisti ? Intervenit enim. 17 Quid 
 metuisti ? Credo, ne salvo capite 18 negare non posses. 
 Omnibus eum 19 contumeliis onerasti, quem patris loco, si 
 ulla in te pietas esset, colere debebas. Filiam ejus, sororem 
 tuam, 20 ejecisti, alia conditione 21 qusesita et ante perspecta. 22 
 Non est satis. Probri 23 insimulasti pudicissimam feminam. 
 Quid est, quod addi possit ? Contentus eo non fuisti. Fre- 
 quentissimo senatu Kalendis Januariis sedente patruo, hanc 
 tibi esse cum Dolabella causam pdii dicere ausus es, quod ab 
 eo sorori et uxori tua? stuprum oblatum esse comperisses. 
 Quis interpretari potest, impudentiorne, qui in senatu, an im- 
 probior, qui in Dolabellam, 24 an impurior, qui patre audi- 
 ente, an crudelior, qui in illam miseram 25 tam spurce, tarn 
 impie 26 dixeris. 
 
 16. Septemviratu] A further act of 
 harshness in Antony towards his uncle. 
 A Commission having heen appointed 
 by Antony to assign the public lands, 
 his uncle wished to be made one of 
 the number. Att. xv. 16. * Die mihi 
 C. Antonius voluitne fieri septemvir? 
 Dignus fuit.' Antony after giving 
 him cause to expect his support, for 
 reasons which do not appear, subse- 
 quently withdrew it. 
 
 17. Intervenit enim] An observa- 
 tion inserted by Cic. (or some gramma- 
 rian) to show how Antony abandoned 
 his uncle. Did you not desert him in 
 his suit for the office of Septemvir ? 
 (for he (Antony) privately opposedhis 
 appointment.) What did you fear, 
 that you should act so underhand a 
 part? Forsooth, lest you could not 
 deny him without personal danger. 
 Absurd.' Orel, agrees with this expla- 
 nation. Others take it generally. ' I 
 did,' replies Antony; 'for something 
 occurred.' Others again : * I did ; for 
 Ae(C. Antonius) intruded himself.' 
 
 The first explanation appears the 
 most probable ; but perhaps the sense 
 is left designedly imperfect. 
 
 It may be added, that Turneb. 
 
 Advers. iv. 11, supposes 'destituisti 
 to refer to a money transaction ; and 
 explains : Intervenit enim (et pecu- 
 niam petivit).' Of course there is 
 no ground for this conjecture. Olivet, 
 however, cites ' pecuniam petivit,' a? 
 Turnebus's meaning of 'intervenit,' 
 not as an explanation of the transac- 
 tion ! Hence Dune. He asked for 
 the money.' 
 
 18. Salvo capite] With personal 
 safety. Caecin. 8. 
 
 19. Omnibus eum] This is a new 
 act of harshness, quite distinct from 
 the Septemvirate. 
 
 20. Sororem tuam] Your cousin. 
 
 21. Alia conditione] Fulvia. 
 
 22. Perspecta] Al. prospecta. \ id. 
 Bayle, art. Fulvia. 
 
 23. Probri] Here, adultery. 
 
 24. Qui in Dolabellam] DolabelU 
 was now reconciled to Antony, and 
 both had conspired against the senate ; 
 therefore Cic. might hope by this to 
 create dissension betwen them. 
 
 25. Illam miseram] Innocentem. 
 Abram. 
 
 26. Turn spurce, tam impie] These 
 adverbs must be limited to the last 
 clause in the sentence, i. e. to his 
 
418 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 XXXIX. Sed ad chirographa redeamus. 1 Qua? tua fuit 
 cognitio V- Acta enim Caesaris pacis causa confirmata sunt a 
 senatu, quae quidem Caesar egisset, non ea, quae Caesarem 
 egisse dixisset Antouius. Unde ista erumpunt ? 3 quo auc- 
 tore proferuntur ? 4 si sunt falsa, cur probantur ? si vera, cur 
 veneunt ? At sic placuerat, ut ex Kalendis Juniis de Caesa- 
 ris actis cum consilio cognosceretis. 5 Quod fuit consilium ? 
 quem unquam convocasti ? quas Kalendas Junias exspec- 
 tasti? an eas, ad quas te, peragratis veteranorum coloniis, 
 stipatum armis retulisti ? 
 
 O praeclaram illam percursationem tuam mense Aprili at- 
 que Maio, 6 turn, quum etiam Capuam 7 coloniam deducere 
 conatus es ! Quemadmodum illinc abieris, vel potius paene* 
 
 abuse of Antonia being inapplicable 
 to the rest. ' Spurcus,' aocording to 
 Fest., is properly applied to impure 
 wine ; and itnpius' is, without re- 
 gard to consanguinity. 
 
 Sect. XXX IX. 1. Sed ad chiro- 
 grapha redeamus] From speaking of 
 the law about the exiles, Cic. took 
 occasion to digress to Antony's harsh 
 treatment of his uncle, and now he re- 
 turns to the ' chirographa' again. 
 
 2. Que cognitio?] In what mode 
 did you examine and verify these? 
 Ne qua ipsius cognitio, illo absente, 
 de existimatione ejus constitueretur.' 
 Verr. ii. 25. V. E. As Antony ought 
 to have given in his report on the 
 first of June, his failing to do so leads 
 Cic. to consider how he spent his 
 time, his review of the colonies, his 
 return to Rome and conduct there, 
 with which he concludes. 
 
 3. Unde erumpunt] Nisi ex do- 
 mo tua, imo ex gynaeceo Fulviae. 
 Abram. 
 
 4. Quo auctore proferuntur?] i. e. 
 Who but Antony vouches for their 
 genuineness 1 Phil. i. 7. n. 8. 
 
 5. Cognosceretis] sc. You and Do- 
 labella. ' Cum consilio ;' * with a 
 committee.' 
 
 6. Mense Maio] Introd. 5. 
 
 7. Capuam] This city, a. u. 412, 
 made a voluntary surrender of itself to 
 
 the Roman people (Liv. vii. 30,) to 
 obtain its protection against the Sam- 
 nites. When Hannibal, however, 
 released it from the fear of Rome, it 
 revolted. Its punishment was severe, 
 being deprived of its senate, and all 
 the distinctions of a republic. Agrar. 
 i. 6. The city, however, was spared, 
 but it was merely as a mart for the 
 productions of the neghbouring lands. 
 Agrar. ii. 33. It continued a Roman 
 prefecture, untouched either by the 
 generosity of a Gracchus, or the ty- 
 ranny of a Sylla ' benignitas Grac- 
 chorum aut Syllae dominatio.' A co- 
 lony, indeed, had been led out thither 
 by M. Brutus, the father of the tyran- 
 nicide ; but it being observed, that 
 both he and the other promoters of it 
 met with a violent death, it soon de- 
 clined. Agrar. ii. 34. Rullus, in 
 Cicero's consulship, proposed to colo- 
 nize it, but failed through the elo- 
 quence of Cic, who urged the innate 
 pride of Capua, and its emulation of 
 Rome. Caesar, a. u. 694, proposed 
 an Agrarian law which made Capua 
 the head of a colony. Then were its 
 senators raised to the rank of decuri- 
 ones, and it soon became the most 
 flourishing city in Italy. 
 
 8. P&ne] Antony, to conciliate the 
 veterans, many of whom were still un- 
 provided with lands, resolved to in- 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 39. 
 
 419 
 
 non abieris, scimus. Cui tu urbi 9 minitaris. Utinam conere, 
 ut aliquando illud pcene tollatur ! At quam nobilis est tua 
 ilia peregrinatio ! quid prandiorum apparatus, 10 quid furio- 
 sam vinolentiam tuam proferam ? Tua ista detrimenta sunt : 
 ilia 11 nostra. Agrum Campanum/ 2 qui quum de vectigali- 
 bus eximebatur, ut militibus daretur, tamen infligi magnum 
 reipublica? vulnus putabamus ; hunc tu compransoribus tuis 
 et collusoribus dividebas. Mimos dico et mimas, Patres 
 conscripti, in agro Campano collocatos. Quid jam querar 13 
 
 crease the number of the Capuan 
 colony ; in attempting which he was 
 nearly killed. 
 
 9. Cui urbi] Quali, Delph. But 
 it is like ' cui bello,' supr. 29. Phil, 
 xii. 3. ' Illi, (Capuae,) illi, inquam, 
 urbi fortissime conanti e manibus est 
 ereptus Antonius.' 
 
 10. Prandiorum apparatus] Cat. ii. 
 10. n. 16. 
 
 11. Ilia] Referring, as usual, to 
 what follows. 
 
 12. Agrum Campanum] This dis- 
 trict became the publicus ager' of 
 the Rom. people by surrender, a. u. 
 412, during the war of the Samnites, 
 but the occupiers were permitted to 
 retain the possession. But after the 
 revolt of Capua to Hannibal, they 
 were driven out, and it was allocated 
 to Roman settlers, ' vectigales,' the 
 tenants of the Rom. people. Liv. xxvi. 
 34; xxvii. 3. 11, and xlii. 19. It 
 continued in their possession with 
 slight changes, till it was colonized 
 by Caesar, with 20,000 Roman ci- 
 tizens. The head of this colony was 
 Capua. Now as Cicero objected to 
 the Agrarian law of Rullus, that it 
 would deprive the Rom. people of 
 their * fairest revenue,' we must infer 
 that Caesar's law did no less. How, 
 then, can Cic. say that this land was 
 taken from the ' vectigales' to be gi- 
 ven to soldiers, if it had been already 
 disposed of to 20,000 colonists? The 
 probable answer is, that the * Campa- 
 nus ager' was so extensive as to leave 
 abundant room for numerous state 
 tenants, after supplying Caesar's colo- 
 
 nists ; that it was these who were re- 
 moved to make way for the military 
 colonies of Caesar (militibus,) and 
 hence the ' wound inflicted on the re- 
 public' 
 
 It is worth notice, however, that 
 even these veterans did not fully oc- 
 cupy it, as we find it now distributed 
 to his favourites by Antony, who 
 would not surely attempt to dislodge 
 the men whose favour he was now 
 courting. But not even did this ex- 
 haust this wonderful land ; for Antony 
 had about this time a special commis- 
 sion of seven, appointed to distribute to 
 'deserving persons,' this, and the Leon- 
 tine lands ; and we find in the succeed- 
 ing Philippics, that they acted on their 
 commission ; and Antony makes it a 
 particular demand from the senate, 
 that, in case of their coming to terms, 
 the grants made by the Septemvirate 
 should be valid. Phil. viii. 7. The 
 Romans, indeed, in the leases of the 
 state lands, reserved to themselves the 
 right of resumption at pleasure, and 
 this may explain the location of this 
 land to colonies ; but nothing except 
 its extent and the vagueness of the 
 terms, seems sufficient to clear the 
 difficulty of understanding the re- 
 peated settlements which Cicero states 
 it to have undergone. The student 
 will find some sensible remarks con- 
 nected with this subject, in Neibuhr's 
 Roman History, which would have 
 been still more valuable, if properly 
 illustrated by examples. 
 
 13. Quid jam querar?] He does af- 
 terwards. Phil. iii. 9. 
 
420 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 de agro Leontino ? Quandoquidem hae quondam arationes 14 
 Campana et Leontina 15 in populi Romani patrimonio grandi 
 tenore 16 et fructuosae ferebantur. Medico 17 tria millia ju- 
 gerum : quid, si te sanasset ? 18 rhetori duo : quid, si te di- 
 sertum facere potuisset? Sed ad iter Italiamque 19 redea- 
 mus. 
 
 XL. Deduxisti coloniam 1 Casilinum, quo Caesar ante de 
 duxerat. 2 Consuluisti me per literas de Capua tu quidem ; 
 sed idem de Casilino respondissem : possesne, ubi colonia 
 esset, eo coloniam novam jure deducere. Negavi, 3 in earn 
 coloniam, quae esset auspicato deducta, dum esset incolumis, 
 coloniam novam jure deduci : colonos novos adscribi posse 
 rescripsi. Tu autem insolentia elatus, omni auspiciorum jure 
 turbato, Casilinum coloniam deduxisti, quo erat paucis annis 
 ante deducta, ut vexillum tolleres,* ut aratrum circumdu- 
 ceres : cujus quidem vomere portam Capuae paene perstrinx- 
 isti, ut florentis colonise territorium minueretur. Ab hac 
 
 14. Arationes] Public farms, or 
 the arable parts of an ' ager.' 
 
 15. Leontina] Supr. 17. n. 8. 
 4 Patrimonio,' Supr. 17. n. 9. 
 
 16. Fenore] Properly, produce, 
 ' foetus.' 
 
 17. Medico] The name of this 
 lucky man is not recorded. For ' rhe- 
 tori' vid. sup. 4, n. 7. 
 
 18. Quid, si te sanasset] If he had 
 restored your senses. Al. quasi. V. E. 
 
 19. Ad iter Italiamque] He had 
 digressed to speak of the Leontine 
 land which lay in Sicily. 
 
 Sect. XL. 1. Deduiisti coloniam, 
 <5fc] The object here is to convict 
 Antony of a disregard of omens, and 
 consequently a breach of religion. 
 
 2. Quo Ccesar ante deduxerat] 
 Casilinum was on the river Vulturnus, 
 in Campania. Liv. xxii. 15. 'Quae 
 urbs, Vulturno fluraine dirempta, Fa- 
 lernum ac Campanum agrum dividit.' 
 A brani. considers this a military co- 
 lony ; but as the civil war was only 
 terminated the preceding year, the 
 veterans could hardly be said to be 
 ' paucis annis ante deducta.' We 
 must, therefore, refer it to the coloni- 
 
 zation, a. u. 694. ; and conceive the 
 military colonies to be planted in such 
 portions of Campania, as were not oc- 
 cupied by the colonists at that period. 
 
 3. Negavi] Neibuhr details the 
 methods of planting a colony. It 
 appears that the Augur or Agriraen- 
 sor drew two transverse lines at right 
 angles, in the direction of the four car- 
 dinal points. If all the lands which 
 came within the Augur's range, were 
 unoccupied, it was well ; if not the 
 occupants had to remove, as was the 
 case with the Mantuans. Virg. Eel. i. 
 
 4. Ut vexillum tolleres] * Vexillum' 
 from 'velum;' (Cic. Orat. 45, says 
 that ' velum' is from it,) or from 
 ' veho' being carried by the standard- 
 bearer. Forcel. defines, ' velum pur- 
 pureum quod est apud ducem et ab eo 
 proponitur ad signum futura pugna; 
 dandum.' The soldiers flocked to it 
 in a muster, and it was displayed in 
 leading out a colony. Cic. hints that 
 Antony planted the colony, not to 
 serve the veterans, but for the sake of 
 displaying the flag, (i.e. of violating 
 the auspices by leading out a colony 
 unlawfully;) and of marking out 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 41. 421 
 
 religionum perturbatione advolas in M. Varronis, 5 sanctissimi 
 atque integerrimi viri, fundum Casinatem. 6 Quo jure ? quo 
 ore ? Eodem, inquies, quo in heredum L. Rubrii, quo in 
 heredum 7 L. Turselii 8 praedia, quo in reliquas innumerabiles 
 possessiones. t si ab hasta, 9 valeat hasta, valeant tabula?, 
 modo Caesaris, non tuae ; quibus debuisti, non quibus tu te 
 liberavisti. Varronis quidem Casinatem fundum quis ve- 
 niisse dicit ? quis hastam istius venditionis vidit ? quis vocem 
 praeconis audivit ? Misisse te 10 dicis Alexandriam, qui eme- 
 ret a Caesare. Ipsum enim exspectare magnum fuit ! Quis 
 vero audivit unquam (nullius autem salus curae pluribus fuit) 
 de fortunis Varronis rem ullam esse detractam ? Quid ? si 
 etiam scripsit ad te Caesar, ut redderes ; quid satis potest 
 dici de tanta impudentia ? Remove gladios parumper illos, 
 quos vi dermis. Jam intelliges, aliam causam 11 esse hasta? 
 Caesaris, aliam confidential et temeritatis tuae. Non enim te 
 dominus modo illis sedibus, sed quivis amicus, vicinus, hos- 
 pes, procurator arcebit. 
 
 XLI. At quam multos dies in ea villa turpissime est per- 
 bacchatus ! Ab hora tertia 1 bibebatur, ludebatur, vomeba- 
 tur. O tecta ipsa misera, ' quam dispari domino !' 2 Quam- 
 
 boundaries with the plough ; (i. e. of scription-sale of Caesar, why let that 
 
 infringing on the territory of Capua.) sale be valid, let the treasury accounts, 
 
 5. M. Varronis] Varro was born by which, at the instance of Caesar, 
 ten years before Cicero, to whom he you were made debtor to the amount, 
 dedicated his books, de Ling. Lat. ('quibus debuisti,') be valid; not 
 Lactantius says of him : ' Fuit toga- yours, by which you brought yourself 
 torum literatissimus et quo nemo un- in clear. Antony had no doubt writ- 
 quam doctior, ne apud Graecos qui- ten ' paid' under his account in the 
 dem fuit.' His attachment to the state ledger. The tabulae auctiona- 
 cause of Pompey is well known. rise' then are not referred to here. 
 
 6. Casinatem'] Casinum, a town of 10. Misisse te, c] He refutes this 
 the Volsci, in Latium, now Monte second plea of Antony in three ways ; 
 Cassino. Varro had another estate at 1. By shewing its improbability, as 
 Tarentum, where there was a famous there was no urgency to prevent him 
 aviary and horologium. Vid.de R. R. from awaiting Caesar's return. 2. 
 hi. 5. 13. There was no witness of the transac- 
 
 7. Quo in heredum] Cic. had writ- tion, yet every one was concerned, 
 ten quo in Scipionis, but at the request 3. So far from that, C*sar wrote to 
 of Atticus, changed it. Att. xvi. 1 1 . you to restore it. 
 
 8. L. Rubrii TurseL] Supr. 8. 11. Aliam causam] Cic. still affects 
 25. to consider Caesar's acts as legal. 
 
 9. Si ab hasta] Phil. viii. 3. Hasta Sect. XLI. 1. Ab hora tertia] Sc. 
 Caesaris multis improbis etspem affert, Nine o'clock. Arch. 7. n. 15. 
 
 et audaciam.' ' If Antony really 2. Quam dispari domino] Off. i. 
 bought the estate of Varro at the pro- 39. ' O domus antiqua, heu ! quam 
 
 
 
422 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 quam quomodo iste dominus ? sed tamen quam ab dispari 
 tenebantur ! Studiorum enim suorum M. Varro voluit esse 
 illud, non libidinum deversorium. 3 Quae in ilia villa antea 
 dicebantur! qua? cogitabantur ! quae Uteris mandabantur ! 
 Jura populi Romani, monumenta majorum, omnis sapientiae 
 ratio, omnisque doctrinae. 4 At vero, te inquilino/ (non enim 
 domino,) personabant omnia vocibus ebriorum ; natabant 
 pavimenta 6 vino ; madebant parietes; ingenui pueri 7 cum 
 meritoriis, scorta inter matresfamilias versabantur. Casino 
 salutatum veniebant, 8 Aquino, Interamna. 9 Admissus est 
 nemo. Jure id quidem : in homine enim turpissimo obsole- 
 fiebant 10 dignitatis insignia. Quum inde Romam proficiscens 
 ad Aquinum accederet, obviam ei processit (ut est frequens 
 municipium) magna sane multitudo. At iste operta 11 lectica 
 latus per oppidum est ut mortuus. Stulte Aquinates : sed 
 tamen in via 12 habitabant. Quid, Anagnini? 13 qui, quum 
 
 dispari dominare domino V The poet 
 is not known. 
 
 3. Deversorium] He calls it (4. de 
 R. R. iii.) a part of his museum. His 
 writings were most voluminous, em- 
 bracing every subject of human and 
 divine learning. Only three books, 
 de R. R. f and his treatise de Ling. 
 Lot. are extant. 
 
 4. Sapiential doctrina] Philoso- 
 phy erudition. The former respects 
 what a man gains by the exertion of 
 his natural powers : the latter by the 
 instruction of others. ' Omnis,' the 
 genit. used distributively. 
 
 5. Inquilino] This ward, which is 
 given by Forcel. ' quasi incolinus,' is 
 really from * insula,' i. e. ' insulinus.' 
 ' Insulae' were originally houses built 
 separately from others ; then, rented 
 houses, lodgings. Murator. found the 
 insulae' to the 'domus,' as fifty to one. 
 The latter, therefore, were probably 
 the town residences of the rich, the 
 former of the poor, or of provincials 
 who had no permanent houses at 
 Rome. Hence the invidious appella- 
 tion of the term to Cicero. Sail. Cat. 
 32. 
 
 6. Natabant pavimenta] Carm, ii. 
 
 14.25. ' Absumes heres Caecuba dig- 
 nior .... et mero tinguet pavimen- 
 tum suberbo.' Pis. 10. 'In quo ne- 
 mo potest dicere, utrum iste plus bi- 
 berit, an vomuerit, an effuderit.' 
 
 7. Ingenui pueri, Sfc] Of whom Se- 
 neca, Epist.v. 'Transeo puerorum in- 
 felicium greges, quos post transacta 
 convivia aliae cubiculi contumeliae ex- 
 pectant.' They are opposed to ' me- 
 ritoriis,' who were generally slaves. 
 
 8. Veniebant] Sc. to the Villa of 
 Varro. 
 
 9. Interamna] Mil. 17. n. 14. 
 ' Aquinum,' a town of Latium, now 
 Aquino ; most celebrated, perhaps, as 
 the birth-place of the angelic Doctor, 
 Thomas Aquinas. 
 
 10. Obsolefiebant] Were tarnished. 
 Manil. 17. n. 5. 
 
 11. Operta] Not like Cytheris who 
 chose her litter to be aperta.' 
 
 12. In via] Sc. Latina ; opposed 
 to devii.' 
 
 13. Anagnini] Anagniawasa town 
 of Latium, built on a low mountain, 
 which lay to the left of the Via La- 
 tina. They therefore might have 
 avoided paying their respects to th? 
 Roman consul. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 42. 
 
 423 
 
 cssent devii, descenderunt, ut istum, tamquam si esset, con- 
 sulem salutarent. Ineredibile dictu: sed tuna nimis inter 
 omnes constabat, neminem esse resalutatum : prsesertim 14 
 quum duos secum Anagninos haberet, Mustelam et Laco- 
 nem ; quorum alter gladiorum 15 est princeps, alter poculorum. 
 Quid ego illas istius minas contumeliasque commemorem, 
 quibus invectus est in Sidicinos, 16 vexavit Puteolanos, 17 quod 
 C Cassium et Brutos patronos adoptassent? Magno qui- 
 dem judicio, studio, bene volenti a, caritate, non ut te, ut Ba- 
 silum, 18 vi et armis, et alios vestri similes, quos clientes nemo 
 habere velit, non modo 19 illorum cliens esse. 
 
 XLII. Interea 1 dum tu abes, qui dies ille collegoe tui fuit, 
 quum illud, quod tu venerari solebas, bustum 2 in foro evertit ! 
 qua re tibi nuntiata, ut constabat inter eos, qui una fuerunt, 
 concidisti. Quid evenerit postea, nescio. 3 Metum credo 
 valuisse et arma. Collegam quidem de ccelo detraxisti, 4 
 eftecistique, non tu quidem etiam nunc, ut sit similis tui, sed 
 eerte, ut dissimilis esset sui. 
 
 Qui vero inde reditus Romam! quae perturbatio totius 
 urbis ! Memineramus Cinnam nimis potentem, Sullam 5 pos- 
 
 l-J. Prtesertim] Supr. 24. n. 17. 
 
 15. Must. gladiorum] Al. gladia- 
 torum. Cicero gives these two per- 
 sons' names to his friend Atticus, xvi. 
 1 1 . apparently after the perusal of this 
 oration. They were therefore proba- 
 bly not found in the original, though 
 they now appear in all MSS. V. E. 
 Anagnini sunt Mustela ra^idp^nq 
 et laco qui plurimum bibit.' 
 
 16. Sidicinos] Sidicinum, called 
 also Teanum, was a town of Cam- 
 pania, on the Liris, near the Via Ap- 
 pia. Liv. vii. 29. 
 
 17. Puteolanos] Puteoli, now Poz- 
 zolo, a town on the sea-coast near 
 Naples; so called, either ' ab aquae 
 calidae putore ;' or, 'a multitudine 
 puteoruui, earundem aquarum gratia, 
 factorum.' It was so celebrated as a 
 mart, that it was called Delo3 Mi- 
 nor. 
 
 18. Baiilnm] Off. Hi. 8. 
 
 19. Non modo] For ' nedum.' Fam. 
 i. 9. ' Nullum meum minimum dici- 
 tur, non modo factum intercessit.' The 
 
 regular construction would be 'quos 
 nemo non modo illorum cliens ipse, 
 sed ne clientes quidem habere velit.' 
 Cat.i. 10, n. 4. 
 
 Sect. XLII. 1 Interea'] Cic. 
 has now arrived at the transactions of 
 the preceding months, some of which 
 were noticed in Phil. i. I 3. 
 
 2. Bustum] Phil. i. 2. n. 13. 
 
 3. Quid nescio] lie knew very 
 well ; for by this time Dolabella was 
 corrupted by Antony. Att. xiv. 2 1 . 22. 
 
 4. De coelo detmxisti] Cic, indeed, 
 had often praised Dolabella ; but was 
 as often premature. Atticus thought 
 so, xiv. 21. ' Saepius me jam agitas, 
 quoad rem gestam Dolabellae nimis in 
 coelum efferre videar.' The expres- 
 sion is poetical. Horn. : 
 
 ' Keu jixow K\iog ovpavvv t*t.' 
 Virg. : 
 
 Fama super aethera notus.' 
 Hor. : 
 
 Sublimi, feriam sidera vertice.' 
 
 5. Cinnam SuLlam] Catiii. 10. n. 
 7. 13. 
 
424 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tea dominantem; modo regnantem Caesarem videramus. 
 Erant fortasse gladii, sed absconditi, nee ita multi. Ista vero 
 quae 6 et quanta barbaria 7 est ! Agraine quadrato 7 cum gladiis 
 sequuntur : scutorum lecticas 8 portari videmus. Atque his 
 quidem jam inveteratis, Patres conscripti, consuetudine ob- 
 duruimus. Kalendis Juniis, quum in senatum, ut erat con- 
 stitutum, venire vellemus, metu perterriti repente diflfugimus. 
 At iste, qui senatu non egeret, neque 9 desideravit quern - 
 quam, et potius discessu nostro laetatus est, statimque ilia 
 mirabilia facinora effecit. Qui chirographa Caesaris defen- 
 disset lucri sui causa, is leges Caesaris, easque praeclaras, ut 
 rempublicam concutere posset, evertit. Numerum annorum 10 
 provinciis prorogavit : idemque, quum actorum Caesaris 
 defensor esse deberet, et in publicis, et in privatis rebus acta 
 Caesaris rescidit. In publicis 10 nihil est lege gravius : in 
 privatis firmissimum est testamentum. Leges alias sine 
 promulgatione sustulit : alias ut tolleret, promulgavit. 11 
 Testamentum irritum fecit ; quod etiam infimis civibus 
 semper obtentum est. 12 Signa, tabulas, 13 quas populo Cae- 
 
 6. Ista vero qua] By comparing 
 Antony with former tyrants, and 
 shewing that he was worse, he holds 
 him up to public odium. Phil. v. 6. 
 * Cinnam meraini ; vidi Sullam ; mo- 
 do Caesarem.' 
 
 7. Barbaria] From /3au>, I speak, 
 and the letter p, the Greeks formed 
 the word /3dp/3apoc, to express stran- 
 gers who could not give that letter the 
 proper sound. Arch. 8. n. 18. Ap- 
 plied to foreigners, 'barbaria' signifies 
 rudeness, ignorance, &c. ; but to a 
 Roman, an affectation of foreign man- 
 ners, as here ; for it was introducing 
 an eastern despotism to have body- 
 guards, litters of shields, &c. Per- 
 haps, too, there is a reference to the 
 Itureans whom, in the parallel pas- 
 sage, Phil. v. 6, he calls barbari 
 sagittarii.' 
 
 7. Quadrato] i. e. Presenting a 
 front on every side ; therefore, ready 
 to engage. 
 
 8. Scutorum lecticas"] i. e. ' Reple- 
 tas scutis,' a use of the genit. corres- 
 ponding to our idiom, ' a basket of 
 
 flowers.' It appears, from Phil. v. 
 6, that the object was not to conceal 
 the shields, but to relieve his friends 
 from the fatigue of carrying them. 
 1 Non quo ille scuta occulta esse vel- 
 let, sed ne familiares, si scuta ipsi 
 ferrent, laborarent.' 
 
 9. Neque] Connects 'desideravit' 
 with ' laetatus est.' ' Both did not 
 want.' 
 
 10. Numerum annorum,] Phil, 
 i. 8. 
 
 10. In publicis] Sc. rebus, from 
 the preceding words ; where acta in- 
 cludes both ' lex' and ' testamen- 
 tum ;' the former being ' respublica,' 
 the latter, ' privata.' Justin., how- 
 ever, says : ' Testamenti faclio non 
 privati sed publici juris est.' 
 
 11. Alias ut tolleret, promulgavit] 
 Cic. means : ' he annulled some laws 
 without, others by, promulgation.' 
 i. e. It was indifferent to him whether 
 he observed even the forms of regular 
 legislation. 
 
 12. Obtentum est] Tusc. v. 1, 
 ' Lex, quae in Graecorum conviviis 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 43. 
 
 42.5 
 
 sar una cum hortis legavit, eas hie partim in hortos Pom- 
 peii deportavit, partim in villain Scipionis. 14 
 
 XLIII. Et tu l in Caesaris memoria diligens? tu ilium 
 amas mortuum ? Quern is honorem majorein consecutus erat, 
 quam ut haberet pulvinar, 2 simulacrum, 3 iastigium,* flami- 
 nem ? Est ergo flamen, 5 ut Jovi, ut Marti, ut Quirino, sic 
 divo Julio M. Antonius. Quid igitur cessas/ cur non 
 inaugurare ? sume diem : vide, qui te inauguret f collegse 
 sumus ; nemo negabit. O detestabilem hominem, sive 
 quod tyranni sacerdos es, sive quod mortui ! Quaero 
 deinceps, num, hodiernus dies qui sit, 7 ignores ? nescis, 
 heri quartum in Circo 8 diem ludorum Romanorum fu- 
 isse ? te autem ipsum ad populum tulisse, ut quintus 
 ]>ra3terea dies Csesari tribueretur? Cur non sumus pra?- 
 
 obtinetur,' i.e. holds is observed. 
 
 13. Signa, tabulas] These, not 
 being mentioned in Caesar's will, pro- 
 bably belonged to the gardens, which 
 were mentioned ; and this omission 
 Antony took advantage of, to carry 
 tliem away. 
 
 14. Villam Scipionis] Which, with 
 Pompey's gardens, was in Antony's 
 own possession. Supr. 17. n. 2. 
 
 Sect. XLIII. I. Et tu, $c] 
 Having dwelt upon the illegal acts, he 
 now meets the general defence of An- 
 tony : that he was actuated in all he 
 did by love to Caesar and his memory. 
 So far from this, Cicero shews that 
 the very honours which he had voted 
 Caesar, while alive, he neglects to 
 confer. 
 
 2. Pulvinar] Mil. 27. n. 15. The 
 feast at which these couches were em- 
 ployed, was called" ' lectisternium.' 
 
 o. Simulacrum] According to Plin. 
 xxxiv. 2, 'simulacrum' was peculiar 
 to the gods. ' Pervenit deinde ad 
 Deum simulacra, effigiem homi- 
 num.' 
 
 4. Fastigium] Murator. iii. 618. 
 Kdicula, sive tegumentum aedtculas 
 vel stature impositum, et quatuor co- 
 lumnis suffultum,' i.e. a canopy or 
 dome raised over a small temple, or 
 image, to defend it frdm injury. Flor. 
 
 iv. 2, among the honours of Caesar, 
 places ' fastigium in domo.' 
 
 5. Flumeri] Qu. Jilamen a Jilo, 
 from the cap which the priest wore. 
 The ' flamines' were priests to indivi- 
 dual deities. They were originally 
 three, as Cic. states. Liv. i. 20. Af- 
 ter this example every emperor at his 
 consecration had his flamen. Suet. 
 CI. 6. 
 
 6. Vide inauguret] Cic. does not 
 here intimate any doubt of Antony's 
 being able to procure an augur to con- 
 secrate him ; his argument requiring 
 him to prove that no difficulty of that 
 kind existed. He does so by assuring 
 him, as a brother augur, that no one 
 would oppose his application. An- 
 tony's not applying then, under such 
 circumstances, proves the insincerity 
 which dictated his proposed honour's 
 to Caesar. 
 
 7. Dies qui sil] \ id. Introd. 8, 
 where, contrary to Phil. v. 7, ('ades- 
 se in senatum jussit a. d. xiii. Kal. 
 Oct.' i. e. the nineteenth of Sept.) the 
 date of Antony's speech, and con- 
 sequently of this, Cicero's reply is 
 given, by mistake, the twentieth in- 
 stead of the nineteenth. 
 
 8. In Circo] The old 'ludi Ro- 
 mani,' which were celebrated from 
 the fouith to the thirteenth of Sep-. 
 
 oo 2 
 
426 
 
 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 textati I 9 Cur honorem Caesari tua lege datum deseri pati- 
 mur ? an supplicationes 10 addendo diem contaminari passus 
 es ; pulvinaria noluisti ? Aut undique religionem tolle, aut 
 usquequaque conserva. Quaeres, 11 placeatne mihi pulvinar 
 esse, fastigium, flammem. Mihi vero nihil istorum placet. 
 Sed tu, qui acta Caesaris defendis, quid potes dicere, cur 
 alia defendas, alia non cures ? 12 Nisi forte vis fateri, te 
 omnia quaestu tuo, non illius dignitate metiri. Quid ad haec 
 tandem ? ( Exspecto enim eloquentiam tuam. Disertis- 
 simum 13 cognovi avum tuum : at te etiam apertiorem 14 in di- 
 cendo. Ille nunquam nudus est concionatus : tuum hominis 
 simplicis pectus vidimus. ) Respondebisne ad haec? aut 
 omnino hiscere 15 audebis ? Ecquid reperies ex tarn longa 
 oratione mea, cui te respondere posse confidas ? Sed prae- 
 terita 16 omittamus. 
 
 XLIV. Hunc unum diem, hunc unum, inquam, hodier- 
 
 tember, differed from these, the insti- 
 tution of which is not clearly ascer- 
 tained : they being, however, on the 
 fifteenth of Sept. 
 
 9. Prceteitati] The 'praetexta,' it 
 is probable, was the proper senatorial 
 dress for viewing the Roman games, 
 unless, we suppose with Ferrar., that 
 on the fifth day of the games the se- 
 nators were by the law obliged, in 
 honour of Caesar, to wear the senatori- 
 al robe. 
 
 10. An supplicationes] For, while 
 Antony had neglected the pulvinar' 
 and 'simulacrum,' in order to save 
 appearances, he had ordered * sup- 
 plicationes' on the fifth day of the 
 games. Cic, however, thought them 
 all equally a profanation of religion. 
 
 11. Quares] An anticipation by 
 which he frees himself from the sus- 
 picion of favouring these extravagant 
 grants to Caesar ; and convicts An- 
 tony of proposing them merely to flat- 
 ter a tyrant, and serve his own ends. 
 
 12. Alia non cures'] Cic. hints that 
 the law by which Antony decreed the 
 honours to Caesar, which he is now ne- 
 glecting, was as much Caesar's act, as 
 any of those which, to suit his inter- 
 
 est, he was maintaining. This con- 
 sideration identifies Antony's laws 
 with the acts of Caesar. 
 
 13. Disert.] Cic. makes this M. 
 Antony, the orator, express the 
 distinction of * disertus' and ' elo- 
 quens,' de Or. i. 21. ' Quod euni 
 statuebam disertum, qui posset satis 
 acute atque dilucide, a pud mediocres 
 homines, ex communi quadam opi- 
 nione hominum, dicere : eloquentem 
 vero qui mirabilius et magnificentius 
 augere posset atque ornare, quae vel- 
 let ; omnesque omnium rerum, quae 
 ad dicendum pertinerent, fontes ani- 
 mo ac memoria contineret.' 
 
 14. Apertiorem] A sort of banter 
 on Antony's naked exhibition at the 
 Lupercal games. ' Apertus,' applied 
 to speech, signifies ' perspicuous.' 
 Nat. D. ii. 2. ' Aperta et perspicua 
 res.' 
 
 15. Hiscere] To open the mouth 
 ' raris turbatus vocibus hisco.' Virg. 
 JEn. iii. 314. 
 
 16. Preeterita] i. e. Admitting you 
 cannot defend your past conduct, at 
 least give us some reason why you put 
 the senate under airest. 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 44. 
 
 427 
 
 imm diem, 1 hoc pimctum temporis, quo loquor, defen- 
 de, si potes. Cur armatorum corona 2 senatus saeptus est ? 
 cur me tui satellites cum gladiis audiunt ? cur valvae Con- 
 cordiae 3 non patent ? cur homines omnium gentium maxime 
 barbaros, Ityraeos, 4 cum sagittis deducis in forum? Prae- 
 sidii 5 sui causa se facere dicit. Nonne igitur millies 6 perire 
 est melius, quam in sua civitate sine armatorum praesidio non 
 posse vivere ? Sed nullum est istuc, mihi crede, praesidium. 
 Caritate 6 et benevolentia civium saeptum oportet esse, non 
 armis. Eripiet, extorquebit tibi ista populus Romanus, uti- 
 nam salvis 7 nobis ! Sed quoquo 8 modo nobiscum egeris, 
 dum istis consiliis uteris, non potes, mihi crede, esse diu- 
 turnus. Etenim ista tua minime avara conjux, quam ego 
 sine contumelia describo, nimium debet diu populo Romano 
 tertiam pensionem. 9 Habet populus Romanus, ad quos 10 
 gubernacula reipublicae deferat : qui ubiciinque 11 terrarum 
 sunt, ibi est omne reipublicae praesidium, vel potius ipsa res- 
 publica, quae se adhuc tantummodo ulta est, 12 nondum recu- 
 ])eravit. 13 Habet quidem certe respublica adolescentes 14 no- 
 
 Sect. XLIV. 1. Hodiemum di- 
 p>n] This repetition of dies is imitated 
 from the Greek, who often join rry/je- 
 pov with y'lfikpa. 
 
 2. Corona] So Mil. 1. 'Corona 
 consessus vester cinctus est.' It was 
 usually composed of by-standers. 
 Antony had it of soldiers. 
 
 3. Valvar Concordia-] Within this 
 temple, of which the door was usually 
 open, had been probably placed by 
 Antony an additional body of armed 
 men. Phil. v. 7. In cellaConcordiaj 
 collocari armatos, latrones, sicarios : 
 e templo, carcerem fieri.' V. E. 
 
 4. Iiyraos] Supr. 8. n. A. 
 
 5. Prasidii sui] He turns Antony's 
 defence into a new charge, and thence 
 takes occasion to begin his peroration. 
 
 6. Nonne igitur millies perire] 
 Dem. Phil. hi. 14. TiQvavui yap 
 
 HVpi&Ktlc, KOUTTOV, K. T. X. 
 
 6. Caritate, &;c] This is a usual 
 ' locus communis.' Sail. Jug. 10. 
 
 7. Ulinam salvia] He prays that 
 Antony may not be able to slay the 
 senators, before the Roman people 
 
 wrest his lawless power out of his 
 hands. 
 
 8. Quoquo] i. e. Slay us or spare 
 us. 
 
 9. Tertiam pens.] i. e. ' Tertium 
 maritum.' For her two former hus- 
 bands, Clodius and Curio, had died 
 violent deaths. The good of his country 
 now requires the third. Supr. 5. n. 
 6. There is an allusion to the custom 
 of passing money, e. g. a dowry in 
 three gales. Km. 
 
 10. Ad quos] Sc. Brutus and Cas- 
 sius. 
 
 11. Qui ubicunque] He anticipates 
 a boast of Antony, that those heroes 
 dare not approach to the aid of their 
 country, by showing that where they 
 are, the state is also. 
 
 12. Tantummodo ulta est] Sc. by 
 the death of Caesar. 
 
 13. Recuperavit] Which would re- 
 quire yours. 
 
 14. Adolescentes] Brutus, as prae- 
 tor, was forty years of age. Mil. 9. 
 n. 6. 
 
428 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO 
 
 bilissimos, paratos defensores. Quam 15 volent, illi cedant, 
 otio consulentes : tamen a republica revocabuntur. Et no- 
 men pacis dulce 16 est, et ipsa res salutaris. Sed inter pa- 
 cem et servitutem plurimum interest. Pax est tranquilla li- 
 bertas : servitus postremum malorum omnium, non modo 
 bello, sed morte etiam repellendum. Quod si se ipsos 17 illi 
 nostri liberatores e conspectu nostro abstulerunt, exemplum 
 facti reliquerunt. Illi, quod nemo fecerat, fecerunt. Tar- 
 quinium Brutus bello est persecutus : qui turn rex fuit, quuni 
 esse Romae regem licebat. Spurii Cassius, Maelius, M. 
 Manlius propter suspicionem regni appetendi sunt necati. 
 Hi primi cum gladiis, non in regnum appetentem, sed in 
 regnantem 18 impetum fecerunt. Quod quum ipsum factum 
 per se praeclarum est atque divinum, turn expositum ad imi- 
 tandum ; praesertim 19 quum illi earn gloriam consecuti sint, 
 quae vix coelo capi posse videatur. Etsi enim satis in ipsa 
 conscientia pulcherrimi facti fructus erat, tamen mortal i im- 
 mortalitatem non arbitror esse contemnendam. 
 
 XLV. Recordare igitur 1 ilium, M. Antoni, diem, quo dic- 
 taturam sustulisti ; pone ante oculos laetitiam senatus popu- 
 lique Romani; confer cum hac immani nundinatione 2 tua 
 tuorumque : 3 turn intelliges, quantum inter laudem 4 et lucrum 
 intersit. Sed nimirum, ut qiiidam, morbo aliquo et sensus 
 
 15, Quam] By apocope for ' quan- 18. Regnantem] Sc Caesarem. 
 
 turn.' Forcet. ' As much as they ' regnare' here is ' dominari ;' iu 
 
 please.' Usual meaning in reference to Rome. 
 
 16'. E* nomen pacis dulce] i.e. 'I Cat. i. 12. n. 9. 
 say that the republic will recall them ; 19. Pnrsertim] The usual ellipsis 
 
 for, though peace is a blessing, and may be here inserted quod nobis fuci- 
 
 though, consulting for its maintenance, endum est;' 'which we ought todo,' 
 
 they have withdrawn for the present sc. imitate, especially, &c. Supr. 24. 
 
 lrom Rome, yet slavery is not only an n. J 7. 
 
 evil, but the worst of evils, which Sect. XLV. 1. Recordare igitur] 
 
 neither they nor the Roman people i. e. ' If, therefore, immortal renown 
 
 will bear. is so valuable, think of the strides 
 
 17. Quod si se ipsos] Hitherto he you made towards it by taking away 
 
 showed that the state is supplied with the dictatorship.' Phil. i. 1. 
 youthful heroes to assist her cause, 2. Nundinatione] Al. nummatione. 
 
 meaning the conspirators. But it Supr. 14. n. 12. 
 might be urged that they were absent 3. Tuorumque] Fulvia, and An- 
 
 and might never return ; no matter, tony's brothers, Cassius, then prxtor, 
 
 says Cic. They have left an example and Lucius, tribune, 
 which will inspire others to emulate 4. Laudem] For abolishing the 
 
 their virtue, &c. dictatorship; 'lucrum,' by selling 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 45. 
 
 429 
 
 stupore, suavitatem cibi non sentiunt ; sic libidinosi, avari, 
 facinorosi, verae laudis gustatum non habent. Sed, si te laus 
 allicere ad recte faciendum non potest, ne metus quidem a 
 foedissimis factis potest avocare ? Judicia non metuis. 5 Si 
 propter innocentiam, laudo : sin propter vim, non intelligis, 
 qui isto modo judicia non timeat, ei quid timendum sit ? 
 Quod si non metuis viros fortes, egregiosque cives, quod a 
 corpore tuo prohibentur armis ; tui te, mihi crede, diutius 
 non ferent. Quae est autem vita, dies et noctes timere a 
 suis ? Nisi vero aut majoribus habes beneficiis obligatos, 
 (juam ille quosdam habuit ex iis, a quibus est interfectus ; 
 aut tu es ulla re cum eo comparandus. Fuit in illo inge- 
 nium, 6 ratio, memoria, 7 literae, cura, cogitatio, diligentia ; res 
 bello gesserat, quamvis reipublicae calamitosas, attamen 
 magnas ; multos annos 8 regnare meditatus, magno labore, 
 multis periculis, quod cogitarat, effecerat ; muneribus, 9 mo- 
 
 provinces and immunities. 
 
 5. Judicia non metuis] Having 
 tried the effects of praise, he now ad- 
 dresses himself to Antony's fears. 
 But he might answer, ' I do not re- 
 gard your trials.' Granted : but per- 
 haps you will our arms. This was 
 not an idle threat ; for Cicero's san- 
 guinary speeches against Antony 
 roused the people to exertions ; the 
 effects of which appeared at Mutina, 
 where Antony was defeated, and well 
 nigh taken prisoner. But again, 
 Antony might allege that, protected 
 as he was by personal guards, he did 
 not dread arms. Cic. replies that 
 even his guards will conspire against 
 him. No, replies Antony, for they 
 are bound to me by indissoluble ties 
 of gratitude. Not by greater, rejoins 
 Cic, than were Trebonius, Cimber, 
 &c, &c, to Caesar ; in comparison of 
 whom, Oh, what a difference. 
 
 6. Ingenium] Plin. Nat. H. vii. 
 25, exemplifies the abilities of Caesar : 
 ' Scribere ct legere simul ; et dictare 
 et audire solitum accepimus. Epis- 
 tolas vero tantarum rerum quaternas 
 pariter librariis dictare, aut si nihil 
 
 aliud ageret, septenas' ! 
 
 7. Memoria] Deiot. 15. n. 7. 
 ' Memoriam tuam implorat qua vales 
 plurimum.' 
 
 8. Multos annos] Suet. Jul. 9, 
 quotes, as would appear, from Cic. 
 ' Caesarem in consulatu confirmasse 
 regnum, de quo aedilis cogitarat.' 
 And c. 22, he dates the design from 
 his obtaining the province of Gaul. 
 The former date would give about fif- 
 teen years. But any one who reads 
 the dangers and difficulties of his wars, 
 and the fearless exposure of his per- 
 son in battles, during the nine years 
 which he was absent from Rome, 
 leaving to Cicero and Pompey all the 
 favours of the people, will be disposed 
 to question the fact of any premedi- 
 tated plan to overturn the liberties of 
 his country. As is usual in all such 
 cases, at every succeeding step, the 
 path opened before him, and what at 
 first appeared insurmountable, became 
 easy and plain. 
 
 9. Muneribus] Suet. Jul. 26. 39. 
 They consisted of gladiatorial shews, 
 and games of all descriptions. 
 
430 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 numentis, 10 congiariis, 11 epulis, 12 raultitudinem imperitam 
 delenierat : suos praemiis, adversarios clementiae specie de- 
 vinxerat. Quid multa ? attulerat jam libera? civitati, partim 
 metu, partim patientia, consuetudinem serviendi. 
 
 XLVI. Cum illo ego te dominandi cupiditate conferre 
 possum, ceteris vero rebus nullo modo comparandus es. 
 Sed ex plurimis malis, quae ab illo reipublicae sunt inusta, 1 
 hoc tamen boni est, quod didicit jam populus Romanus, 
 quantum cuique crederet, qui bus se committeret, a qui bus 
 caveret. Haec non cogitas? nee intelligis, satis esse viris 
 ibrtibus didicisse, quam sit re pulchrum, beneficio gratum, 
 fama gloriosum, tyrannum occidere ? An, quum ilium ho- 
 mines non tulerint, te ferent ? Certatim posthac, mihi crede, 
 ad hoc opus curretur, neque occasionis 2 tarditas exspectabi- 
 tur. 
 
 Respice, quaeso, aliquando 3 rempublicam, M. Antoni : 
 quibus ortus sis, non quibuscum vivas, 4 considera : mecum, 5 
 ut voles ; cum republica redi in gratiam. Sed de te tu vi- 
 deris : 6 ego de me ipse profitebor. Defendi rempublicam 
 adolescens, 7 non deseram senex : contempsi Catilinae gladios, 
 non pertimescam tuos. Quin etiam corpus libenter obtule- 
 
 10. Monumentis] A circus, forum, occasion. The other accounts of 
 amphitheatre, temple of Venus Ge- these feasts are equally surprising, 
 netrix, &c. Plin. xxxvi. 15, and Sect. XLVI. 1. Jniuta] Mil. 36. 
 Suet. Jul. 26. These he did ; for what n. 4. 
 
 he designed to do, vid. Suet. Jul. 44. 2. Occasionis] Fest. ' opportunitas 
 
 11. Congiariis] (From ' Congus,' temporis, casu quodam provenien- 
 a liquid measure, containing six sex- tis.' 
 
 tarius or pints,) signified gifts made 3. Aliquando'] On the principle of 
 
 by generals to the people, usually of ' better late than never.' 
 
 wine, oil, &c, but sometimes of 4. Non quibus vivas] Sex. Clodius, 
 
 money. Suet. Aug. 41. Their gifts Mustela, Saxa, &c. 
 
 to the soldiers were called donatives. 5. Mecum] Sc. ' redi in gratiam.' 
 
 So Suet. Ner. 7, 'Populo congiarium, Terent. Hecyr. v. 1. * Nostra utere 
 
 militi donativum proposuit ;' but this amicitia ut voles.' 
 
 distinction is not always observed. 6. Videris] Used imperatively. 
 
 Vid. Att. xvi. 8, where Antony's 'But do you see to yourself : I have 
 
 gift to the Macedonian legions is given you fair warning. As for me ; 
 
 called a congiary. my declaration, as touching myself, 
 
 12. Epulis] Noticed by Plut. Dio. shall be.' 
 
 and, particularly, Suet. The first 7. Adolescens] The early services 
 >tates the number of triclinia at 2200. of Cic. in the JYIarsic war, Plut. Cic. 
 Pliny mentions the case of Hirtius 3, are not here alluded to, but, as ex- 
 lending Caesar 6000 lampries for the plained by himself in the following 
 
PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 46. 
 
 431 
 
 rim, si repraesentari 8 morte mea libertas civitatis potest ; ut 
 aliquando 9 dolor populi Romani pariat, quod jamdiu partu- 
 rit ! Etenim si abhinc annos prope viginti hoc ipso in tem- 
 plo negavi posse 10 mortem immaturam esse consulari ; quanto 
 verius nunc negabo seni ! Mihi vero, 12 Patres conscripti, jam 
 etiam optanda mors est, perfuncto rebus 12 iis, quas adeptus 
 sum, 13 quasque gessi. Duo modo haec opto: u unum, ut 
 moriens populum Romanum liberum relinquam; hoc mihi 
 majus ab diis immortalibus dari nihil potest : alteram, ut ita 
 cuique eveniat, ut de republica quisque mereatur. 
 
 clause, his consulship. 
 
 8. Repraesentari] Properly 'to place 
 again before the view,' here to be im- 
 mediately restored ; a meaning which 
 it seems to take from pecuniary trans- 
 actions, wherein it was used to signify 
 * prompt payment.' Vid. Gronov. de 
 Sest. i. 6. 
 
 9. Ut aliquando] He considers the 
 people to have conceived and to be 
 long in labour of a riddance of Anto- 
 ny ; which he thinks would be facili- 
 tated by Antony's having recourse to 
 violence against himself, which he 
 would not oppose, as it would give the 
 people an opportunity to avenge his 
 death. 
 
 10. Negavi posse] Cat. iv. 2. ' Ne- 
 que enim turpis mors forti viro potest 
 accidere, neque immatura consulari, 
 nee misera sapienti.' This speech 
 also was made in the temple of Con- 
 cord. 
 
 11. Mihi vero] Phil. i. 15. 'Mihi 
 vero satis est quod vixi, &c.' 
 
 12. Rebxis] This word here applies 
 both to the offices which he enjoyed 
 and the exploits which he performed ; 
 ' adeptus' referring to the former, and 
 ' gessi' to the latter. We take the 
 word 'things,' or 'matters,' in the 
 same loose acceptation. 
 
 13. Quas adeptus sum] * Quaestura, 
 aedilitas, praetura, consulatus, pro- 
 consulate Ciliciae, auguratus, sup- 
 plicationes, nomen imperatoris, &c.' 
 Abram. 
 
 14. Duoopto] Similarly, Dein. 
 de Cor. 101. Et 8' doa i\ovviv ovrutq 
 dt'idrwc, tovtovq fitv avrovg Katf 
 iavrovg, ta>\c teat TrpouXeig iv yy 
 teat OaXarry irottjaairt' rfpiv Si rohj 
 \oiiroig rtjv raxioTTjv diraWayrjv 
 ruiv tTcnprrifitvtov tybfiwv Son, cat 
 avrrjpiav doipdkrj. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 IN 
 
 MARCUM ANTONIUM, 
 
 NONA* 
 
 ORATIO. 
 
 1. Vellem, dii immortales fecissent, Patres conscripti, ut 
 vivo potius Ser. Sulpicio gratias ageremus, 1 quam honorcs 
 mortuo quaereremus. Nee vero dubito, quin, si ille vir lega- 
 tionem renuntiare 2 potuisset, reditus ejus et nobis gratus 
 merit, et reipublieae salutaris futurus ; non quo L. Philippo 3 
 et L. Pisoni 4 aut studium ant cura defuerit in tanto officio 
 tantoque munere ; sed quum Ser. Sulpicius aetate illos an- 
 teiret, sapientia omnes, subito ereptus e causa/ totam lega- 
 tionem orbam et debilitatam reliquit. Quod si cuiquam 
 Justus honos habitus est in morte legato, in nullo justior, 
 quam in Ser. Sulpicio, reperietur. Ceteri, qui in legatione 
 mortem obierunt, ad incertum vitae periculum sine ullo mor- 
 
 * Introd. 11. apud eum fuistis, nee ut consulares ;' 
 
 Sect. I. 1. Gratias ageremus'] whereas it does not appear that the 
 
 Mil. 35. n. 18. son had ever been consul. The Phi- 
 
 2. Legationem renuntiare'] Give an lippi were of the ' gens Marcia.' 
 account of. 4. L. Pisoni] Phil. i. 4. 6. 
 
 3. L. Philippo] The step-father of 5. causa] Among the various 
 Augustus, consul a. v. 697. Em. meanings of this word is that of ' busi- 
 contends that the son of that Philip is ness, commission, &c.' Thus, Ver. 
 meant ; and this might be more lea- v. 73. ' Halesinus ^Eneas, cui sena- 
 dily conceded, if Cic. did not say, tus dederat publice causam ut mihi 
 (Phil. viii. 10,) 'nee vos ut legati fratrique meo gratias ageret.' 
 
 P P 
 
434 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 tis metu profecti sunt : Ser. Sulpicius cum aliqua perveniendi 
 ad M. Antonium 6 spe profectus est, nulla revertendi. Qui 
 quum ita affectus esset, ut, si ad gravem valetudinem labor" 
 accessisset, sibi ipse diffideret; non recusavit, quo minus 
 vel extremo spiritu, si quam opem reipublicae ferre posset, 
 experiretur. Itaque non ilium vis hiemis, non nives, non 
 longitudo itineris, non asperitas viarum, non morbus ingra- 
 vescens retardavit ; quumquejam adcongressum eolloquium- 
 que ejus pervenisset, ad quem erat missus, in ipsa cura et 
 meditatione obeundi sui muneris excessit e vita. Ut igitur 
 alia, sic hoc, C. Pansa, praeclare, quod nos ad honorandum 
 Ser. Sulpicium cohortatus es, et ipse multa copiose de illius 
 laude dixisti. Quibus a te dictis, nihil praeter sententiam 
 dicerem, nisi P. Servilio respondendum putarem, qui hunc 
 honorem statuae nemini tribuendum censuit, nisi ei, qui ferro 
 esset in legatione interfectus. Ego autem, Patres conscripti, 
 sic interpretor sensisse majores nostros, ut causam mortis 
 censuerint, non genus esse quaerendum. Etenim cui legatio 
 ipsa morti fuisset, ejus monumentum exstare voluerunt, ut in 
 bellis periculosis obirent homines legationis munus audacius. 
 Non igitur exempla majorum quaerenda, sed consilium est 
 eorum, a quo ipsa exempla nata sunt, explicandum. 
 
 II. Lar Tolumnius, 1 rex Veientium, quattuor legatos po- 
 puli Romani Fidenis interemit; quorum statute steterunt 
 usque ad meam memoriam in Rostris. Justus honos. lis 
 enim majores nostri, qui ob rempublicam mortem obierant, 
 pro brevi vita diuturnam memoriam reddiderunt. Cn. Oc- 
 tavii, 2 clari viri et magni, qui primus in earn familiam, quae 
 postea viris fortissimis floruit, attulit consulatum, statuam 
 videmus in Rostris. Nemo turn novitati invidebat ; nemo 
 virtutem non honorabat. At ea fuit legatio Octavii, in qua 
 
 6. Ad M.Anton.] Introd. 11. He Sect. II. 1. Tolumnius] Liv. iv. 
 was now at Mutina, the modern Mo- 17. Fidenae was a Roman colony 
 dena, lying between the Appenines which had revolted to Tolumnius. 
 and the Po. , The Fidenates, by his order, slew the 
 
 7. Labor] A\. labor via. ambassadors sent from Rome. Their 
 
 8. Ut alia ] Sc. ' fecisti,' sic hoc, names are given below. 'Lar' means 
 &c. * dominus, princeps.' It was coru- 
 
 9. C. Pansa] Now consul. mon to the Etiurian kings, as Belus 
 
 10. Sic interpretor] ' I understand in the east. 
 
 the opinion of our ancestors to have 2. Cn. Octavii] The ' Octavia 
 
 been this, that they decided, &c.' gens' was distinguished into two fa- 
 

 PHILIPPICA NONA, Cap. 2. 435 
 
 periculi suspicio non subesset. Nam, quum esset missus a 
 senatu ad animos regum perspiciendos liberornmque popu- 
 lorum, maximeque, ut nepotem Antiochi, regis ejus, qui cum 
 majoribus nostris bellum gesserat, classes habere, elephantos 
 alere prohiberet : Laodiceae 3 in gymnasio a quodam Leptine* 
 est interfectus. Reddita est ei turn a majoribus statua 
 pro vita, quae multos per annos progeniem ejus honestaret, 
 nunc ad tantae familiae memoriam sola restaret. Atqui et 
 huic, et Tullo Cluilio, et L. Roscio, et Sp. Antio, et C. Ful- 
 cinio, qui a Veientium rege caesi sunt, non sanguis, qui est 
 profusus in morte, sed ipsa mors ob rempublicam obita, ho- 
 nori fuit. 
 
 III. Itaque, Patres conscripti, si Ser. Sulpicio casus mor- 
 tem attulisset, dolerem quidem tanto reipublicae vulnere : 
 mortem vero ejus non monumento, sed luctu publico esse ho- 
 norandam putarem. Nunc autem quis dubitat, quin ei vitam 
 abstulerit ipsa legatio ? Secum enim ille mortem extulit ; 
 quam, si nobiscum remansisset, sua cura, optimi filii fidelis- 
 simaeque conjugis diligentia, vitare potuisset. At ille, quum 
 videret, si vestrae auctoritati non paruisset, dissimilem se futu- 
 rum sui ; si paruisset, munus sibi illud pro republica sus- 
 ceptum, vitae finem fore r 1 maluit in maximo reipublicae dis- 
 crimine emori, quam minus, quam potuisset, videri reipub- 
 licae profuisse. Multis illi in urbibus, iter qua faciebat, re- 
 ticiendi se et curandi potestas fuit. Aderat et hospitum 
 invitatio liberalis pro dignitate summi viri, et eorum horta- 
 
 milies ; one of which was early ad- 3,) contrary to the express words of 
 
 vanced to the senatorian dignity, and Cic. Phil.viii. 8,) attributes to this Cn. 
 
 subsequently reckoned among its sons the resolute act of C. Popilius Laenas ; 
 
 Cn. Rufus, who was of quaestorian who enclosed Antiochus in a circle 
 
 rank. His son was Cn. Octavius, the drawn by his rod, and insisted on an 
 
 first consul of the family, who, being answer before he crossed it. Of 
 
 sent ambassador with two others, to course, the Delph. follows Pliny, 
 settle the affairs of Syria, then dis- 3. Laodicea] A city of Phrygia 
 
 turbed by the death of Antiochus Major, on the river Lycus. It was 
 
 Kpiphanes, and accession of his son named from Laodice, the wife of An 
 
 Kupator, and confiding too much in the tiochus, its previous name being Dios- 
 
 majesty of the Roman name, was pro- polis. It was there Dolabella slew 
 
 ceeding to execute his commission by himself. 
 
 burning the fleets and maiming the 4. Leptines] Nothing is known of 
 
 elephants, when he met the fate him. Observe that the penult is short, 
 stated by Cic. Lysia, the guardian Sect. III. 1. Fore] Al. allatu- 
 
 of the young prince, was the supposed rum. 
 instigator of Leptines. Pliny (xxxiv. 
 
436 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 t\6, qui una erant missi, ad requiescendum et sua? vitae con- 
 sulendum. At ille properans, festinans, 2 mandata nostra 
 conficere cupiens, in hac constantia, morbo adversante, perse- 
 veravit. Cujus quum adventu maxime perturbatus esset 
 Antonius, quod ea, quae sibi jussu vestro denunciarentur, 
 auctoritate erant et sententia Ser. Sulpicii constituta ; decla- 
 ravit, quam odisset senatum, quum auctorem senatus extinc- 
 tum laete, atque insolenter tulit. Non igitur magis Lep- 
 tines Octavium, nee Veientium rex eos, quos modo nomina- 
 vi, quam Ser. Sulpicium occidit Antonius. Is enim profecto 
 mortem attulit, qui causa mortis fuit. Quocirca etiam ad 
 posteritatis memoriam pertinere arbitror, exstare, quod fuerit 
 de hoc bello judicium senatus. Erit enim statua ipsa testis, 
 bellum tam grave fuisse, ut legati interitus honoris memo- 
 riam consecutus sit. 
 
 IV. Quod si excusationem Ser. Sulpicii, Patres con- 
 script], legationis obeundae recordari volueritis, nulla dubi- 
 tatio relinquetur, quin honore mortui, quam vivo injuriam 
 iecimus, sarciamus. Vos enim, Patres conscripti, (grave 
 dictu est, sed dicendum tamen,) vos inquam, Ser. Sulpicium 
 vita privastis : quem quum videretis re magis morbum, quam 
 oratione, excusantem, non vos quidem crudeles fuistis : (quid 
 enim minus in hunc ordinem convenit?) sed quum speraretis 
 nihil esse, quod non illius auctoritate et sapientia effici posset, 
 vehementius excusationi obstitistis ; atque eum, qui semper 
 vestrum consensum gravissimum judicavisset, de sententia 
 dejecistis. Ut vero Pansae consulis accessit cohortatio gra- 
 vior, quam aures Ser. Sulpicii ferre didicissent, turn vero de- 
 nique filium meque seduxit, atque ita locutus est, ut auctori- 
 tatem vestram vitae suae se diceret anteferre. Cujus nos 
 virtutem admirati, non ausi sumus adversari voluntati. Mo- 
 vebatur singulari pietate filius; non multum ejus perturba- 
 tioni meus dolor concedebat; sed uterque nostrum cedere 
 cogebatur magnitudini animi, orationisque gravitati ; quum 
 quidem ille, maxima laude et gratulatione omnium vestrum, 
 pollicitus est, se, quod velletis, esse facturum, neque ejus 
 
 2. Properans, festlnans] Non., v. cution of some one thing; 'festino,' 
 
 81, makes propero' refer to the to the abortive attempt to perform 
 
 mi nd ; ' festino,' to the body ; but several things at once. But neither 
 
 Fest., propero' to the speedy exe- distinction is always observed. Forcel. 
 
PHILIPPICA NONA, Cap. 5. 437 
 
 sententia? periculum vitaturum, cujus ipse auctor misset; 
 quern exsequi mandata vestra properantem mane postridie 
 prosecuti sumus. Qui quidem discedens mecum ita locutus 
 est, ut ejus oratio omen fati videretur. 
 
 V. Reddite igitur, Patres conscripti, ei vitam, cui ademis- 
 tis. Vita enim mortuorum in memoria vivorum est posita. 
 Perficite, ut is, quern ad mortem vos inseii misistis, immor- 
 talitatem habeat a vobis. Cui si statuam in Rostris decreto 
 vestro statueritis, nulla ejus legationem posteritatis obscura- 
 bit oblivio. Nam reliqua Ser. Sulpicii vita multis erit prae- 
 clarisque monumentis ad omnem memoriam commendata. 
 Semper illius gravitatem, constantiam, fidem, praestantem in 
 republica tuenda curam atque prudentiam omnium morta- 
 lium fama celebrabit. Nee vero silebitur admirabilis quae- 
 dam et incredibilis, ac pene divina ejus in legibus interpre- 
 tandis, aequitate explicanda, scientia. Omnes ex omni aetate, 
 qui in hac civitate intelligentiam juris habuerunt, si unum in 
 locum conferantur, cum Ser. Sulpicio non sunt comparandi. 
 Nee enim ille magis juris consultus, quam justitiae 1 fuit. 
 Ita ea, quae proficiscebantur a legibus, et ab jure civili, 2 sem- 
 per ad facilitatem 3 aequitatemque referebat ; neque instituere 
 litium actiones malebat, quam controversias tollere. Ergo hoc 
 statuae monumento non eget : habet ilia majora. 4 Haec enim 
 statua mortis honestae testis erit: ilia, memoria vitae glo- 
 riosae ; ut hoc magis monumentum grati senatus, quam clari 
 viri futurum sit. Multum etiam valuisse ad patris honorem 
 pietas filii videbitur ; qui, quamquam afflictus luctu non 
 adest, tamen sic animati esse debetis, ut si ille adesset. Est 
 autem ita affectus, ut nemo unquam unici filii mortem ma- 
 gis doluerit, quam ille maeret patris. Equidem etiam ad 
 famam Ser. Sulpicii filii arbitror pertinere, ut videatur hono- 
 rem debitum patri praestitisse. Quamquam nullum monu- 
 mentum clarius Ser. Sulpicius relinquere potuit, quam effi- 
 giem morum suorum, virtutis, constantiae, pietatis, ingenii, 
 
 Sect. V. 1. Juris con.justiti<z] From statute and civil law. 
 When these words are contrasted as 3. Facilitatem'] This, according to 
 
 here, 'jus' is strict right ; 'justitia,' Cicero's manner, is explained by 
 
 equity ; as he explains the latter ' aequitatem' following. 
 Partit. 22, ' in moderatione animad- 4. Habet ilia majora] Al. alia 
 
 vertendi lenitas.' majora. 
 
 2. A legibus ab jure civili] i. e. 
 
438 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO 
 
 filium ; cujus luctus aut hoc honore vestro, ant nullo solatio 
 levari potest. 
 
 VI. Mihi autem recordanti Ser. Sulpicii multos in nostra 
 familiaritate sermones, gratior illi videtur, si quis est sensus 
 in morte, aenea statua futura, et ea pedestris, quam inaurata 
 equestris, qualis est L. Sullae 1 primum statuta est. Mirifice 
 enim Servius majorum continentiam diligebat; hujus seculi 
 insolentiam 2 vituperabat. Ut igitur, si ipsum consulam, quid 
 velit, sic pedestrem ex aere statuam, tanquam ex ejus aucto- 
 ritate et voluntate, decerno : quae quidem magnum civium 
 dolorem et desiderium honore monumenti minuet et leniet. 
 Atque hanc meam sententiam, Patres conscripti, P. Servilii j 
 sententia comprobari necesse est : qui sepulchrum publice 
 decernendum Ser. Sulpicio censuit, statuam non censuit. 
 Nam si mors legati sine caede atque ferro nullum honorem 
 desiderat : cur decernit honorem sepulturae, qui maximus ha- 
 beri potest mortuo ? Sin id tribuit 4 Ser. Sulpicio, quod non 
 est datum Cn. Octavio : cur, quod illi datum est, huic 5 dan- 
 dum esse non censet ? Majores quidem nostri statuas multis 
 decreverunt: sepulchra paucis. Sed statuae intereunt tem- 
 pestate, vi, vetustate : sepulchrorum autem sanctitas in ipso 
 solo est, quod nulla vi moveri, neque deleri potest ; atque, 
 ut cetera extinguuntur, sic sepulchra sanctiora fiunt vetustate. 
 Augeatur igitur isto etiam honore is vir, cui nullus honor 
 tribui non debitus potest ; grati simus in ejus morte deco- 
 randa, cui nullam jam aliam gratiam referre possumus. 
 Notetur etiam M. Antonii, nefarium bellum gerentis, scele- 
 rata audacia. His enim honoribus habitis Ser. Sulpicio, 
 repudiatae rejectaeque legationis ab Antonio manebit testifica- 
 tio sempiterna. 
 
 Sect. VI. 1. L. Sull<e] The die- party of Antony against Cicero, Fam. 
 
 tator ; qualis refers to aenea pedes- x. 120. ' Hunc quemadmodum fre- 
 
 tiis.' Plin. xxxiv. gerim,' says Cic. ' ex aliorum te litte- 
 
 2. Insolentiam'] Sumptus nimios. ras malo cognoscere.' 
 
 Mania. Fam. ix. 20. Phil. ii. 26. n. 4. Sin id tribuit] As if some- 
 
 14. thing more honourable than what 
 
 3. P. Servilii] The son of Vatia had been bestowed on Cn. Octa- 
 Isauricus, the colleague of Caesar, vius. 
 
 a. u. 705. He was praetor in Pom- 5. Illi huic] Refer to the ' lat- 
 
 pey's second consulship, and Cicero's ter,' and * former.' This often oc- 
 
 colleague in the augurship. There is curs, 
 a full account of his espousing the 
 
PHILLIPPICA NONA, Cap. 7. 439 
 
 VII. Quas ob res ita censeo : Quum Ser. Sulpicius, Q. F. 
 Lemonia, 1 Rufus, difficillimo reipublicae tempore, gravi peri- 
 culosoque morbo affectus, auctoritatem senatus salutemque 
 reipublicae vita? suae praeposuerit, contraque vim gravitatem- 
 que morbi contenderit, ut in castra Antonii, quo senatus eum 
 miserat, perveniret ; isque, quum jam prope castra venisset, 
 vi morbi oppressus, vitam amiserit in maximo reipublicae mu- 
 nere ; ejusque mors consentanea vitae fuerit sanctissime ho- 
 nestissimeque actae, in qua saepe magno usui reipublicae Ser. 
 Sulpicius et privatus, et in magistratibus, fuerit ; quum talis 
 vir ob rempublicam in legatione mortem obierit : Senatui pla- 
 cere, Ser. Sulpicio statuam pedestrem aeneam in Rostris etf' 
 hujus ordinis sententia statui, circumque earn statuam lo- 
 cum ludis gladiatoribusque, liberos posterosque ejus quo- 
 quo versus pedes quinque habere, quod is ob rempubli- 
 cam mortem obierit eamque causam in basi inscribi; uti- 
 que C. Pansa, A. Hirtius, consules, alter, ambove, si eis 
 videatur, quaestoribus urbis imperent, ut earn basim statu- 
 amque faciendam et in Rostris statuendam locent f quanti- 
 que locaverint, tantam pecuniam redemptori 3 attribuendam 
 solvendamque curent ; quumque antea senatus auctorita- 
 tem suam in virorum fortium funeribus ornamentisque os- 
 tenderit, placere, eum quum amplissime supremo suo die 
 efferri. Et quum Ser. Sulpicius, Q. F. Lemonia, Rufus 
 ita de republica meritus sit, ut iis ornamentis decorari de- 
 beat : Senatum censere atque e republica existimare, aedi- 
 les curules edictum, quod de funeribus habeant, Ser. Sul- 
 picii, Q. F. Lemonia, Run, funeri remittere ;* utique locum 
 sepulchro in campo Esquilino C. Pansa consul, seu quo alio 
 in loco videbitur, pedes triginta quoquo versus assignet, 5 quo 
 
 Scot. VII. 1. Lemonia] i. e. 72. ' Festinat calidus mulis gerulis- 
 ' Ex Lem. tribu.' All Roman citizens que redemptor.' Fest. ' antiquitus ewe- 
 were censed in some tribe, which in re pro accipere ponebatur.' Hence the 
 public formularies and inscriptions me ming of undertaker, or contractor, 
 was generally added to the name. Manil. 7. n. 10. 
 Sex. Pomp, derives Lemonia, ' a Le- 4. Remittere] Remit the strictness 
 monio pago a posta Capena, via La- of, in the case of Ser. Sulpicius. 
 Una.' Al. mittere, i. e. * proponere/ but with 
 
 2. Locent] Contract. Cat. iii. 9. no clear sense. 
 
 n-21. 5. Assignet] Phil. ii. 7. n. 9. 
 
 :3. Redemptori] Hor. Epist. ii. 2. 
 
440 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO. 
 
 Ser. Sulpicius inferatur; quod sepulchrum ipsius, liberorum 
 posterorumque ejus esset, uti quod 6 optimo jure publice 
 sepulchrum datum esset. 
 
 6. Utiquod] Sc.utpote. 'As being the public expense, and by the best 
 a sepulchre which has been given at right.' 
 
 FINIS. 
 
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