THE 
 
 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 A HISTORY 
 
 OF THB 
 
 CONGREGATIONALISTS IN NEW ENGLAND 
 
 TO THE REVIVALS OF 1740 
 
 BY H. F. UHDEN. 
 
 h 
 
 A PREFACE BY THE LATE DR. NEANDER, 
 
 Cranslateti from tjc Second erman E^ftfon 
 
 B Y 
 
 H. C. CONANT, 
 
 AUTHOK OV **THB BITOLISH B I B L K ," ETC. XTO. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 GOULD AND LINCOLN, 
 
 6t W A 8 HI M O TO N BTRKXT. 
 
 NW YORK: SHELDON. BLAKEMAN ft CO. 
 
 CINCINNATI t GEORGE 8. BLANCIIAED. 
 
 1858. 
 
IXsr 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by 
 GOULD AND LINCOLN, 
 
 In the Clerk's OflSce of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 
 
 EIAOTROTTPED AND PRIHTBD BT 
 
 W, r. DBAPEB, ANOOVXB, MASS. 
 
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 It is a singular fact, that the New England Theocracy 
 has found no historian on our own shores. A subject 
 so rich in interest, so intimately connected with our 
 history as a people, it would seem should long since 
 have busied some master-hand among ourselves. The 
 record of tliis great experiment of our Puritan fathers, 
 among the most unique and instructive in ecclesiastical 
 history, is here for the first time presented for our 
 study, as a comiected whole, by a foreign scholar. Tliis 
 circumstance is, however, a ground rather of con- 
 gratulation than regret ; for the conflicting interests, 
 germinated in the stoi*my infancy of New England, 
 have still too much vitality, and have spread their roots 
 
rv 
 
 too widely, to allow a native historian, of whatever 
 creed, to escape the suspicion of partiality. 
 
 In the influences which originated and directed the 
 present work, we have special cause of satisfaction. 
 From the Preface by the late Dr. Neander, we learn 
 that it was prepared under his own eye, by one whom 
 he had selected as peculiarly fitted for the task ; and 
 that he gave his unqualified approval to its publication, 
 thus pledging his own name for its thoroughness, 
 ability, and candor. 
 
 The work itself fully justifies this endorsement. 
 From the list of authorities, at the end of the volume, 
 it will be seen that the author had access to the origi- 
 nal sources necessary for forming an independent and 
 comprehensive judgment. The materials, thus obtained 
 from a wide range of works, have been so thoroughly 
 sifted and arranged as to present, within these moderate 
 limits, a philosophical-religious sketch of the Congre- 
 gationalist Theocracy, in wliich all the determining 
 features of its character and career are clearly exhibited, 
 in their inward relation to the system, and in their 
 
translator's preface. y 
 
 bearings on the final result. Thus viewed as a whole, 
 lie subject offers a study so instructive to all who are 
 concerned for the progi'css of true religion and of human 
 1 ights, that it seems strange that Uhden's work was not 
 long since translated into English. This delay is the 
 less to be regretted, as recent indications of change, in 
 tlie policy of some of the religious bodies interested in 
 the working of the principles here exhibited, will give 
 it a fresh practical significance for the present time. 
 
 The closing chapter has a two-fold value. From Dr. 
 Neander*s Preface we learn, that the deep interest felt 
 by that great man in the Revivals, which form so 
 striking a feature in the religious life of this country, 
 gave occasion to the present volume. The delineation 
 and analysis of their peculiar characteristics, as exhib- 
 ited in that earliest and purest type, the Awakening at 
 Northampton under Jonathan Edwards, occupies the 
 last forty pages ; and the manner leaves us no room to 
 doubt, that Uhden has here faithfully mirrored the 
 views of his illustrious teacher and friend. His philo- 
 sophic genius, and all-embracing christian heart, glow 
 
VI translator's preface. 
 
 tlirough every page. At the present moment, when our 
 land is the scene of one of the most extensive and 
 striking of these religious movements ever witnessed, 
 the suggestions of a man like Neander cannot but have 
 a deep interest for all thoughtful Christians. For 
 those to whom, as preachers and pastors, is committed 
 the guidance of these crises in the life of a great chris- 
 tian community, they possess a special value. 
 
 The translator has carefully verified the author's 
 dates and statements of fact, and has given the extracts 
 in their original English form. The liberty which has 
 been taken of breaking the long chapters into sections, 
 according to the subjects, will render the work more 
 clear and convenient to the reader. The leading title, 
 "The New England Theocracy," has been prefixed by 
 the translator, as being the term constantly applied by 
 tlic author himself to the peculiar politico-religious in- 
 stitution of which he treats, and as suggesting at the 
 first glance the precise subject of the work. 
 
 H. C. C. 
 
 September, 1858. 
 
DR. NEANDER'S rilEFACE 
 
 TO THB 
 
 FIRST EDITION 
 
 The investigations, of which the results are 
 here given to the public, received their first im- 
 pulse from myself. Having been deeply inter- 
 ested, through a volume on the subject by the 
 Rev. Dr. Sprague of Albany, in the Revivals of 
 religion in North America, I solicited my highly 
 valued young firiend Uhden, (already honorably 
 known by his biography of the great Wilber- 
 force) to present in German these instructive 
 details of occurrences so important, both in a 
 
Vin PREFACE. 
 
 psychological view, and in their relation to the 
 history of the christian life. He acceded to my 
 wish; but soon became convinced that a true 
 understanding and correct judgment of these 
 phenomena required a more thorough research 
 into the ecclesiastical and religious condition of 
 a country whose entire social state differs so 
 widely from our own. Thus there grew up in 
 his mind the plan of a more comprehensive his- 
 torical development. From what he communi- 
 cated to me of the plan and progress of his work, 
 I was led to encourage him to complete it, and to 
 give to the world the fruits of his extensive orig- 
 inal investigations in this field. In this way 
 arose the present work, as a necessary prelim- 
 inary to the history of those religious awaken- 
 ings, the delineation of which was at first his 
 sole object. 
 
 The present can, indeed, in no case, be rightly 
 
PREFACE. ZZ 
 
 apprehended except in connection with what 
 preceded and contributed to produce it. Hence, 
 this Monograph will serve as preparatory to a 
 correct view of the present ecclesiastical and 
 religious state of that interesting land, so im- 
 portant in the world's commerce, and conse- 
 quently in the world's history. It will show 
 how the reaction from the one-sided principle 
 of a Church-Theocracy, derived rather fi-om the 
 Old than from the New Testament, helped to 
 bring about the subsequent total separation of 
 Church and State. The more we suffer from 
 the evils most strongly in contrast with the state 
 of things in North America, those, namely, 
 proceeding from an intermingling of the Ecclesi- 
 astical and the Political, the more all among 
 us, to whom the highest interests of humanity 
 are dear, long for an emancipation of the Church 
 from the State, (not, however, that this abso- 
 
X PEEFACE. 
 
 lately requires that total separation of the two 
 witnessed in North America); so much the 
 greater interest, with reference to the present 
 time, will attach to the development-course here 
 portrayed by my friend. To desire and to labor 
 for this, viz., that all the interests of humanity 
 be allowed each its rights, and a free develop- 
 ment according to its own peculiar laws; that 
 no one of them be sacrificed to another, this 
 is the genuine, this is Christian Liberalism. 
 * * * * * 
 
 DR. NEANDER. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 RISE OF THE INDETENDENTS IN ENGLAND. EMIGRATION TO HOL- 
 
 LAND. 
 
 Reformation in England under Henry Vlll. Progress under Edward 
 VI. ; first development of the Puritan element Mary the Catholic. 
 The Exiles; their dissensions. Elizabeth; the Prelatists and the Puri- 
 tans (Cartwright). More distinct organization of the Puritan party 
 through Brown ; separatistic elements ; these discarded by Robinson, the 
 Father of the Independents. The Leyden Congregation. Robinson's 
 views. Desire of the congregationto emigrate 15 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 EMIGRATION TO AMERICA. FORMATION OF THE THEOCRATIC 
 STATE IN NEW ENGLAND. A GLANCE AT THE POLITICAL HIS- 
 TORY, MISSIONARY EFFORTS, AND FIRST UNIVERSITY OF NEW 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 Earlier attempts to colonize the North American Continent fixim Eng- 
 land. Emigration of the Leyden Congregation (farewell address of 
 Robinson) and founding of New Plymouth. Massachusetts Bay Com- 
 pany: expedition of 1629; settling of Salem and Charlestown; emigra- 
 tion of the Governor of this company, and founding of Boston. The 
 two great principles of Congregationalism. Tlie Congregationalist 
 Theocracy. Political divisions anci history of New England. Mission- 
 ary eflforts among the Indians. Harvard College 51 
 
XII CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EXPULSION OF EOGER WILLIAMS AND OF THE ANTINOMIANS. 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 First opposition to the established Theocracy, by Eoger Williams ; he 
 is banished, and founds Providence, on Narraganset Bay. Antinomian 
 agitations, occasioned by Mrs. Hutchinson and "Wheelwright. The 
 FIRST SYNOD, 1637 ; suppresses these divisions. Expulsion of the 
 Antinomians, who found a colony in Bhode Island; in 1643 this colony 
 unites itself to Providence. Decided opposition there manifested against 
 every form of Theocracy 86 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 EXCLUSION AND PERSECUTION OF BAPTISTS AND QUAKERS. 
 
 Alarm at the Anabaptists connected with the history of the Ee-baptizers 
 of Germany. Treatment of Obadiah Holmes and John Clarke. Cot- 
 ton's defence of this proceeding. First fanatical Quakers ; their arrival 
 in Boston; laws against them. Repeated return of the Quakers, and in- 
 creased severity of penalties. Capital punishment introduced. Perse- 
 cutions cease after the accession of Charles II 108 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SUPPRESSION OF THE INTERNAL OPPOSniON TO THE THEOCRATIC 
 GOVERNMLNT. THE MEASURE SUSTAINED BY THE SYNOD OF 
 1648. 
 
 Gradual change in the original views, produced by later immigrations. 
 Petition for civil rights without regard to church membership rejected 
 by the Government. Popular agitations. The Government convokes 
 a Synod; Platform of church discipline drawn up, 1648, and the Theo- 
 cratic relation confirmed. The Cambbidge Platform; remarks on 
 certain important points in it 135 
 
CONTENTS. XIU 
 
 CHAPTER VI. c 
 
 y 
 
 DISSOLUTION OF THE TIIEOCRATIC RELATION, FROM THE ECCLE- 
 SIASTICAL AND THE POLITICAL SIDE. 
 
 Sabsequent to the political opposition, many non-churchmembers dcsiro 
 baptism for their children; (Dunster rejects Infant Baptism). Contest 
 in Connecticut, between a rigid and a laxer party, on the terms of admis- 
 sion to baptism and church-meml)ership ; Synod of 1657; expedient of a 
 two-fold membership, the Half-way Covenant. This action con- 
 finned by the Synod of 1 662 ; opposition to the same. Connecticut and 
 New Haven united after the accession of Charles II.; opposition there 
 existing to the two-fold membership declines; church-membership no 
 longer a required preliminary of civil rights. In 1662, the same abroga- 
 tion of the Theocracy demanded of Massachusetts by the King ; effected 
 by the Royal Commission in 1664 162 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 REAQTIONARY INFLUENCES PROCEEDING FROM THE THEOCRACY 
 AFTER ITS ABROGATION. 
 
 Formation of a new church in Boston, resulting fix)m the adherence of 
 the First Church to the principles of strict Congregationalism. Attempts 
 in Connecticut to introduce a more Presbyterian organization. Division 
 in Hartford. Persecution of the Anabaptists in Boston and Charles- 
 town, in 166.5, and some years following. Incipient Declension in 
 church-life ; causes of the change ; reaction, in the Reforming Synod of 
 1679; its doings and results 190 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 DECLINE OF CONGREGATIONALISM. 
 
 Relation of the Colonies to the mother country, from the repeal of the 
 old charter by Charles II., to the grant of the new one by William IH. 
 
 2 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 Effects of the Reforming Synod but temporary. Witch trials. New 
 churches formed in Hartford and Boston, without the requisition of a par- 
 ticular account of the religious state. ^he decline lamented ; conscious- 
 ness of its connection with abandonment of the primitive principles, 
 (Mitchell, Oakes, Increase Mather, Willard) ; Stoddard's views in respect 
 to the Lord's Supper. Gradual approximation to the Presbyterian disci- 
 pline; decided expression of the same in Connecticut (Gov. Saltonstall), 
 in the Satbrook Platform, 1708; (Yale College). -^Progressive de- 
 cline of the ministry in Massachusetts the subject of complaint to Gov- 
 ernment, 1725; petition for a Synod coldly received ; prohibition of the 
 same, from England. Changes in doctrine, out of which, notwithstand- 
 ing the revivals, Unitarianism was subsequently developed. ... 218 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE REVIVALS. 
 
 Of Revivals in general, and those of North America in particular. 
 The Revivals about the year 1740 a reaction from Indifferentism. The 
 Revival in Northampton about the year 1735. Account of the same; 
 state of the congregation at its commencement. Exhibition of the 
 work in its various stages ; its results and termination. Great religious 
 awakenings throughout New England. Advent of Whitefield. Re- 
 newal of the religious spirit. Disturbing and hostile Influences. 
 Final issues. Conclusion 239 
 
THE 
 
 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 RISE OF THE INDEPENDENTS IN ENGLAND THEIR EMIGRATION 
 TO HOLLAND. 
 
 KEFORHATIOX IN ENGLAND UNDER HENRY VIII. 
 
 The Independents, or Congregationalists, came forth 
 from the bosom of the EngHsh Church under the reign of 
 Queen Elizabeth. But to comprehend the distinctive 
 form of these communities requires not only a considera- 
 tion of the state of the English Church at that period, but 
 a general survey of the circumstances which marked the 
 origin and progress of the Reformation in England. 
 
 Henry Eighth had not commenced his struggle against 
 the Papacy from a feeling of inadequacy in the existing 
 condition of things to meet the religious wants of himself, 
 or of the English people. It was solely from personal 
 aims that he espoused a cause which, in the beginning of 
 his reign, he had opposed with vehement denunciation and 
 bloody persecution. 
 
 After a union of almost twenty years with Katherine of 
 An-agon, he had become desirous of a divorce. His dis- 
 
16 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 quieted conscience, so lie declared, was not appeased by 
 the dispensation granted in 1503 by Pope Julius II. ; such 
 a union being contrary to the word of God, which forbids 
 marriage with a deceased brother's wife.^ These scruples 
 of the king, which he began to express as early as 1526, 
 were listened to with favor by Clement VII., and compli- 
 ance was promised with his wishes. But through fear of 
 the Emperor Charles V., nephew of the queen, this was 
 deferred on one pretext after another, through a long 
 course of years. By the advice of Cranmer, afterwards 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry at length solicited the 
 opinions of the chief universities of Europe. Their answer 
 was the same as had already been given at a convocation 
 of the English clergy, viz., that it was neither according to 
 the law of God that one should marry his brother's wife, 
 nor had the pope power to grant a dispensation from the 
 law of God. The pope, however, declared Katherine's 
 appeal to the See of Kome valid, and cited the king to 
 answer before him in person. Henry now resolved not 
 only to break off connection with Rome, but to abolish the 
 pope's authority altogether. This authority he transferred 
 to his own hands. But a large portion of the clergy were 
 at first disinclined to recognize t^e king as "sole and 
 supreme head of the Church of England." Hence the 
 clause was added, " so far as may be agreeable to the laws 
 of Christ ; " which was acceded to by the king ; but on the 
 subsequent confirmation of that title by Parliament and by 
 another convocation of the clergy, it was stricken out. On 
 the 23d of May, 1533, the king's marriage was declared 
 void. The following year, an act of Parliament deprived 
 the pope of all his revenues from England, and prohibited 
 appeals to Rome, as also the papal confirmation of bishops. 
 
 1 Levit. 18 : 16. Comp. 20 : 21. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 17 
 
 Tho severe laws against heretics, enacted in former reigns, 
 were now repealed, and license was granted for the transla- 
 tion of the Bible, which had hitherto been opposed with 
 bloody persecution. Parliament, by the Act of 1534, in 
 connection with the above-named title, conferred on the 
 king, in express terms, the right of final decision in mat- 
 ters of doctrine. Thereupon followed a visitation of the 
 monasteries, occasioned, in part, by the open resistance of 
 the monks to the king's proceedings. This business was 
 committed to Thomas, Lord Cromwell, vicar-general to 
 the king in spiritual afi*airs, who as secretary to Wolsey, 
 had already been made acquainted with a similar plan, and 
 initiated into the methods for carrying it into effect. The 
 cause of church reform was, moreover, one which lay near 
 his own heart. Anne Boleyn, who had shown herself a 
 zealous promoter of the Refonnation, had, indeed, fallen 
 not long after under the displeasure of the king, and was 
 executed on the 19th of May 1536. But the Reformation 
 was not thereby arrested; on the contrary, there now 
 appeared the first indications that it was something more 
 than a mere external work which was in progress, and the 
 influence of those who were using Henry VIII. as an instru- 
 ment for the attainment of higher objects, became clearly 
 manifest. About Michaelmas, 1536, were set forth the 
 lirst Articles of Faith; these having been approved by 
 the king, were confirmed by the convocation of the clergy 
 and by both houses of Parliament. The doctrine of Tran- 
 substantiation was taught in these articles ; auricular con- 
 fession and the worship of saints and images were retained, 
 and the doctrine of purgatory was left doubtful. But with 
 all this, they recognized the Holy Scriptures and the prim- 
 itive confessions of the church as the standard of appeal, 
 without reference to tradition or the papal decrees ; and 
 
 2* 
 
18 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACT. * 
 
 even admitted, though under somewhat vague terms, the i 
 
 doctrine of Justification by Faith. \ 
 
 These measures found a hearty response in England. \ 
 
 ISTot indeed that the assent of Parliament is to be taken in \ 
 
 proof; that body being always ready, not merely to j 
 
 gratify, but even to anticipate every arbitrary caprice of j 
 
 the king. But hardly would the pope's bull of excommu- \ 
 
 nication have proved so imj^otent, hardly would the dis- * 
 
 turbances it created have been so easily quelled, had there \ 
 
 not existed among the people themselves a disaffection | 
 
 towards their former relations to the Romish See. That | 
 
 direction of the popular mind, which owed its first impulse i 
 
 to the labors of Wickliffe, had not yet expended its force, i 
 
 I^ot merely had attention been turned to the crying abuses ; 
 
 in the lives of the clergy and in the condition of the mon- ; 
 
 asteries, but to that which was the source of all these evils, " 
 
 departure from the Holy Scriptures and from the funda- I 
 
 mental doctrines of the Church. The movement thus | 
 
 originated within England itself had been still farther i 
 
 developed by the influence of the Reformation in Ger- ] 
 
 many, whose traces we see in the martyrs of the earlier I 
 
 part of Henry's reign, and in Tyndale's English translation ] 
 
 of the New Testament, (printed in Antwerp, so early as i, 
 
 1527}) This connection manifested itself most decidedly ] 
 
 in Cranmer. The king's wish for a divorce he had used \ 
 
 for promoting reforms in the constitution and doctrines of ] 
 
 the church ; and in respect to the former, so much of a ] 
 
 change had indeed been effected, as to transfer to the king ; 
 the power hitherto exercised by the pope. 
 
 But because just this was effected and no more, the work i 
 
 came to a stand. True, the Holy Scriptures were trans- 1 
 
 1 In 1525, as shown by Anderson in his "Annals of the English j 
 Bible." Tr. : 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 19 
 
 lated into English, the monasteries were curtailed, visita- 
 tions were instituted ; but no farther steps could the king 
 be induced to take. True, he hud rejected the reconcilia- 
 tion proffered by the pope after the execution of Anno 
 Boleyn ; true, also, that her successor, Jane Seymour, was 
 zealously devoted to the Reformation. But the death of 
 the latter, in 1537, and the sundering of the king's subse- 
 (juent marriage with Anne of Cleves, were followed by the 
 fall of Cromwell, that active and skilful promoter of the 
 Reformation. The influence of a powerful catholic party 
 at court, to whose secret intrigues the favorite had fallen a 
 victim dm-ing Henry's temporary displeasure, Cranmer was 
 in no condition to counteract. Scarcely did the reverence 
 with which his upright and irreproachable character had 
 inspired the king suffice for securing his personal safety. 
 The Six Articles, promulgated in June 1539, retained the 
 doctrine of Transubstantiation, declared communion in 
 both kinds to be unnecessary, the mafriage of priests unlaw- 
 ful, vows of chastity of binding obligation, and required 
 the continuance of private masses and auricular confession. 
 In no Catholic country has been witnessed greater rigor 
 against heretics than marked the treatment of such as dis- 
 sented from this royal Confession of Faith. In vain did 
 Melancthon and the German princes urge the correction 
 of abuses and false doctrines.^ The king's answer was dic- 
 tated wholly by the counsels of Bishop Gardiner,* whose 
 sentiments came fully to light at a later period, under the 
 reign of Mary the Catholic. It was of no avail, that one 
 
 1 Bumct's History of the Reformation contains, in the Appendix to the 
 Collections of Records, a letter from Melancthon, of April 1st, 1539, one 
 from the (^erman Ambassadors of Aug. 5, 153S, and an answer to the lat- 
 ter from the king. 
 
 2 Boraet, I., p. 367, Addenda to the Hist, of the Reformation. 
 
20 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 bishopric after another became occupied by men at heart 
 devoted to the Reformation ; Henry and his advisers 
 would hear of no farther progress. So far from this, steps 
 were taken in a retrograde direction. Not only was all 
 opposition to the Six Articles punished with the utmost 
 rigor ; not only were the writings of the Reformers and 
 Tyndale's translation of the Bible prohibited; but in 1543 
 even the reading of the version, once approved and earn- 
 estly recommended by the king himself, was forbidden to 
 the common people.^ 
 
 Thus had the English Church assumed a new form, by 
 acquiring, through the influence of personal interest and 
 self-will, a different head. How much the Spirit of God, 
 through the agency of His word, had contributed to this 
 change, and what part He would hereafter take in it could 
 not be seen till, on the death of Henry, January 28th, 
 1547, the reins of government passed into other hands. 
 
 PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION UNDER E1>WAUD VI. FIRST DEVEL- 
 OPMENT OF THE PURITAN ELEMENT. 
 
 The accession of Edward VI., in his tenth year, under a 
 regency, was adapted to awaken the most cheering hopes. 
 The young king and his advisers were disposed to carry 
 forward the work already begun ; or rather, of that which 
 originated in self-will, to make a genuine reformation. 
 With the existing church constitution, of the highest 
 moment must have been the Parliament Act of 1539,^ 
 emj)Owering the councillors of the king's successor, during 
 his minority, to issue proclamations in his name, which 
 were to be obeyed in th-e same manner with those set 
 forth by the king himself Numbers of the clergy, who, 
 
 1 Burnet, I., p. 321, 2 Burnet, Tart I., Book III. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 21 
 
 (luring the former reign, had been driven away by the 
 liarsh enforcement of the Six Articles, now returned to 
 England. With them came many foreign reformers of 
 distinction. Parliament repealed the rigorous enactments 
 uainst heretics. Private masses, denial of the cup, and 
 celibacy were done away with. With these abuses ceased 
 also the hostile attitude which the German princes had 
 been constrained to take during the preceding reign. The 
 visitation of the cloisters no longer had for its object the 
 plunder of their property for the benefit of the Head of 
 the Church, but the diffusion of the word of God, and of 
 the knowledge of its doctrines among both clergy and 
 laity. 
 
 We must here mention a controversy, afterwards re- 
 newed with the first secession of the Independents, which 
 if not the immediate occasion of the subsequent resistance 
 to the Episcopal church under Elizabeth, at least deter- 
 mined its form. Hooper, an English clergyman, who dur- 
 ing the closing years of Henry's life resided in Zurich, 
 had now returned to his native land. His preaching of 
 the divine word was so favorably received, and produced 
 so marked an impression, that he was at first commissioned 
 to preach through certain counties, as a means of influ- 
 encing the public mind in favor of the Reformation, and 
 in July, 1550, he was nominated to the vacant bishopric of 
 Gloucester. This he declined on two grounds. The clause 
 **with the Saints," in the formula of the oath of office, 
 seemed to him objectionable, since, as he explained, the 
 appeal should be made to God alone, as the only searcher 
 of hearts. Thereupon, the young king struck out the 
 clause with his own hand. Hooper's scruples in regard to 
 the Romish vestments it was not so easy to relieve. Yet, 
 assuredly, this could not be reckoned a question of sec- 
 
22 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ondary importance ; these vestments not only being re- 
 garded as a kind of symbol of that worship which had 
 departed from the simplicity of the Scriptures and of the 
 primitive church, but being associated in the popular mind 
 with a multitude of superstitious notions. The king and 
 his council seem to have been mclined to yield the point. 
 But, in spite of the judgment expressed by distinguished 
 foreign reformers in favor of Hooper's views, a majority of 
 the Bishops were decidedly for retaining the vestments. 
 Cranmer regarded the matter as an adiaphoroii} Hoop- 
 er's resignation was declined, and every method, even that 
 of sending him to prison for a time, was used to induce 
 compliance. It was not till after nine months of such 
 discipline that he yielded so far as to be consecrated in 
 the robes ; on the condition, however, of being dispensed 
 from the farther use of them. Subsequent ordinations 
 showed the increasing influence of his views. The spirit 
 of genuine toleration was manifested, moreover, in the 
 following ordinance respecting the German church, formed 
 in London, under the superintendence of John a Lasco : 
 " We command the Lord Mayor, the aldermen and mag- 
 istrates of the city of London, that they permit the said 
 superintendent and ministers to enjoy and exercise their 
 own proper rites and ceremonies, and their proper and 
 peculiar ecclesiastical discipline, without hindrance, let, 
 or molestation, albeit they differ from the usages and 
 ceremonies of our realm, any law, proclamation or ordi- 
 nance, which may have been set forth, to the contrary 
 notwithstanding." 
 
 1 So likewise Calvin, who in a letter to Bullinger, March 10th, 1551, 
 sympathizes indeed with Hooper in the rejection of the vestments, but 
 adds, nevertheless : maluissem non usque adeo ipsum pugnare, idque 
 nuper suadcbam. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 28 
 
 Still, with all their good intentions, their sagacity and 
 zeal, the English Reformers had to contend against great 
 difficulties. Among these, none is more worthy of notice 
 than the one mentioned by Calvin, in a letter to Farcl, in 
 the year 1551 ; for it has reference to the inner condition 
 of the church. lie says : " The nobility, having seized on 
 the revenues of the church, during the king's minority, 
 caused the offices of the clergy to be exercised, or their 
 places to be occupied by mercenary hirelings. The church 
 is robbed of its faithful servants." In this we see the 
 fruits of the policy by which the Reformation was urged 
 forward under Henry VIII. Cranmer's efforts were zeal- 
 ously seconded by the Lord Protector, the Duke of Somer- 
 set, to whose own heart the interests of the Reformation 
 lay very near, as appears from a letter addressed to him by 
 Calvin ; who also bears witness to what the Duke had to 
 contend with. The bishops who made open resistance 
 were indeed deposed; but the iiTesolution manifest in 
 dealing with those who held themselves uncommitted, 
 gives evidence that the former were strengthened in 
 their position by members of the regency (for instance. 
 Lord Chancellor Wriothsley), who were favorably in- 
 clined to the papacy, as well as by the prospect that a 
 Catholic of the most rigid sort might be Edward's suc- 
 cessor. At length, the king's privy council resolved to 
 comply with the appeals made to them from various quar- 
 ters,^ by proceeding to a reformation of the church doc- 
 trines. Cranmer, and Ridley, bishop of Rochester, were 
 charged with this undertaking. They drew up forty-two 
 articles on the leading points of the Christian faith, coj^ies 
 of which were sent to the rest of the bishops, and other 
 learned clergymen, for their suggestions ; these being 
 
 1 See also Calvin, in a letter to Cranmer, in the year 1551. 
 
24 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. | 
 
 i 
 
 added, and the whole thoroughly revised by Cranmer, ; 
 they were submitted to the Privy Council, and received | 
 the confirmation of the king. It is a noticeable circum- ; 
 stance, that the articles were neither laid before the clergy ; 
 in Parliament, nor in the houses of convocation, although j 
 reference is made to the latter, in the title under which I 
 they appear. This omission is to be attributed, not merely j 
 to the purpose of establishing the king's ecclesiastical ; 
 supremacy, but, in part, no doubt, to the fear of an opposi- : 
 tion, which it would not have been easy to override. ; 
 Cranmer had it in mind, moreover, to bring about a better I 
 representation of the clergy^ in these assemblies. Soon \ 
 after the publication of the Articles of Faith, the revision ; 
 of the service was taken in hand, and a far simpler form \ 
 of divine worship was set forth in the Book of Common : 
 Prayer, and most of the popish ceremonies were abro- 
 gated. While, however, it was merely reforms in existing \ 
 usages and institutions, which were attempted in these pro- 
 ceedings, it was with the manifest design of extending 
 them, step by step, into a thorough reformation. The i 
 Confession of Faith was the Augustine ; through the for- ! 
 eign advisers, whose agency in the new measures is not to j 
 be mistaken, the English Reformation was placed in inti- ] 
 mate connection with that of the Swiss Church. It was ; 
 certain that, so soon as Edward VI. should come into the j 
 exercise of supreme power, all influences would be made to j 
 concur for the furtherance of the work thus begun. The ^ 
 brilliant qualities of the young king were acknowledged ; 
 by the unanimous voice of his time, and Calvin extols in ! 
 him the union of superior gifts with rare piety. But he j 
 
 1 In the year 1558 an ordinance was passed making the Houses of Con- ] 
 vocation entirely independent of the crown. NeaVs History of the Ftiri- \ 
 tans, I, p. 132. j 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 25 
 
 <licd in 1553, not having yet completed his sixteenth year. 
 C alvin thus writes to Farel, in August of the same year: 
 ** What you say is true ; that country has been deprived of 
 an incomparable jewel, of which it was not worthy. I 
 maintain that, in the death of this minor, the whole nation 
 has lost its best father." 
 
 REION OF CATHOLIC MART THE PROTESTANT EXILES. 
 
 Mary, daughter of Henry VIII. and of Katherine of 
 Arragon, now ascended the throne. Her devotion to the 
 papacy finds its solution in the sufferings endured by her- 
 self, as well as by her mother, in consequence of her 
 father's rupture vnth the Romish See. At first, indeed, 
 she promised to make no change in the religion, and sub- 
 sequently declared her resolution to constrain no one, 
 except through the teachings of the "Word. But, ere long, 
 it became manifest that she was determined to use the 
 ecclesiastical supremacy, now attached to the crown, for 
 the complete restoration of the former relations to Rome. 
 Her first step was, to release from prison the adherents of 
 the papacy, and to put in their place the " leaders of the 
 Refonnation." The foreigners who had favored this work 
 were notified to leave the kingdom. These exiles were 
 accompanied by many English fugitives ; among them, five 
 bishops, as many deans, four archdeacons, and about fifty 
 doctors of theology and distinguished preachers. By the 
 beginning of November, 1553, all the ordinances issued 
 under Edward VI., for the regulation of religion, were 
 abolished. The bishops and ministers known to be hostile 
 to the papacy were then deposed by a visitation ; some on 
 the ground that they were married, some simply '' by the 
 royal pleasure," that being, indeed, the sole tenure on 
 
 .3 
 
26 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 which their offices were held. The number thus deposed 
 is estimated at three thousand. At the same time, mass 
 was everywhere reestablished. A disputation with the 
 leaders of the suppressed party, appointed to be held at 
 Oxford, in April, failed of the desired result, through their 
 steadfast confession of the truth, so far as they had at- 
 tained it. In the summons for a parliament, in November 
 of the same year, the title, " Supreme Head of the Church," 
 was omitted. The sentence pronounced under Henry 
 VIII. against Cardinal Pole, a kinsman of the royal 
 family, for intriguing, from Italy, in favor of the Pope, 
 was annulled. He then made his appearance, as legate of 
 the Romish See ; and Parliament, after having first re- 
 ceived pardon for past offences, again subjected the king- 
 dom to the dominion of the Pope. In January, 1555, 
 Parliament repealed the laws, all and several, issued 
 against the papal chair since the twentieth year of 
 Henry's reign, and restored the former ordinances respect- 
 ing the burning of heretics. The execution of the ordi- 
 nances, in which Bishop Gardiner (the same who has been 
 already mentioned) made himself especially conspicuous, 
 gave character to Mary's reign. Two hundred and seventy- 
 seven persons, of all ranks and ages, among them Cran- 
 mer, Ridley, and Hooper, sealed their faith with their 
 blood: while not a less number, who were appointed to 
 the same fate, were released from prison by Mary's suc- 
 cessor. It must, by no means, be overlooked, that here,* 
 also, the blood of the martyrs became the seed of a spir- 
 itual Christianity; for a faith so sealed was a kind of 
 preaching far more impressive and efficacious than any 
 governmental statutes and ordinances. 
 
 Another result of the persecution, not less important, 
 was the close and endearing connection into which the 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 27 
 
 English Reformation was brouglit, through the nnmerous 
 body of exiles, with those foreign churches in which the 
 great change had begun more within and below, and 
 thence had worked outwanls and upA\mrds. In many 
 I laet's in Switzerland and western Germany, where the 
 Calvinistic doctrines prevailed, there were formed EngUsh 
 churches. 
 
 But now a question came up, which hitherto had been 
 kept out of sight or glossed over, viz. : wiiethcr it were 
 lawful, or, if so, whether it were expedient, for the exiles # 
 to extend the Reformation beyond the limits determined 
 under Edward VI. The English theologians of Strasburg 
 and Basle advocated a strict adherence to the liturgy pre- 
 scribed in the Book of Common Prayer. The church in 
 Frankfort, on the contrary, omitted in their public wor- 
 ship certain customary usages, as the litany and responses. 
 To this it was objected, at Strasburg, that, "by deviating 
 at this crisis from King Edward's Book, they seemed ta 
 cast reproach on those who were now sealing it with their 
 blood, and gave occasion to their opposers to accuse them 
 of instability." The Frankfort brethren replied, December 
 2d, 1554, that "they had set aside as few ceremonies as 
 was possible, and were therefore in no danger of being 
 charged with instability. They supposed the martyrs in 
 England did not die in defence of changeable ceremonies ; 
 in reference to doctrine, there existed no difference." 
 
 Agreement on the disputed point not being secured, the 
 Frankfort church solicited the advice of Calvin. In a 
 letter dated January 18th, 1555, the Reformer expresses 
 his deep regret, that, under the present circumstances, dis- 
 sensions should have arisen from such causes. He adds ; 
 " In the English liturgy there are, I perceive, many weak- 
 nesses to be borne with. In these two words I would say, 
 
28 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 that while all the purity has not indeed been attained that 
 could be desired, yet, since the defects cannot be remedied 
 all in a moment, and contain nothing openly unscriptural, 
 they should become with for a time. On this basis, there 
 might be an accommodation. Still it were advisable that 
 learned, upright, and zealous servants of Christ should 
 make it an object to perfect the w^ork into something more 
 pure and edifying. If true religion is again to flourish 
 in England, some things in it must be amended, and much 
 
 done away with." He concedes to them the right to insti- 
 tute such changes, and very plainly charges those who op- 
 pose it with narrowness and obstinacy ; while at the same 
 time, he warns the Frankfort brethren not to be too rigid. 
 Confirmed by this decision of Calvin, the Frankfort church 
 adhered to the order which they had adopted, under the 
 guidance of their pastor, John Knox, afterwards the cele- 
 brated Scotch Reformer. Not long after, Cox, foiTaer 
 
 tutor to Edward YI., arrived in Frankfort with others of 
 the same views, and attempted to introcUice the liturgy 
 unchanged. Being admitted, with his friends, to a voice 
 in the church, he managed to secure a majority; and by 
 an accusation against Knox before the magistrate, on the 
 ground of a foimer writing in which the Reformer had 
 indulged in some hard thrusts at the Emperor, obtained 
 his removal. Neither the consciousnesss of their de- 
 pressed state, nor the counsels of the Frankfort govern- 
 ment, with all the confidence it had inspired by its protec- 
 tion of the church, could reestablish peace. Equally 
 unavailing was a letter from Calvin to Cox and his ad- 
 herents, w^ho had sought his countenance to their pro- 
 ceedings. He expressed his disapprobation of " burdening 
 the church with corrupting and useless ceremonies, when 
 liberty was enjoyed for introducing a pure and simple 
 
NEWT ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 29 
 
 order. Tlio measures against Knox were neither pious 
 nor brotherly. It was their duty to make any sacrifico for 
 appeasing the strife; but if it should be impossible to 
 remain in the same place with their opponents, yet let 
 unity in spirit be still maintained." The old church, how- 
 rver, was obliged to abandon Frankfort. Some of them 
 went to Basle ; but the greater part, of whom Knox was 
 one, repaired to Geneva, where they adopted the church 
 ( )rder there established. They published a liturgy on this 
 model, and several distinguished ministers among them 
 occupied themselves with a revision of Tyndale's trans- 
 lation of the Bible. The new church at Frankfort subse- 
 quently experienced still another division, which, though 
 of less importance than the former, again tenninated in 
 the secession of a minority, in December, 1557. But soon 
 after this, a total change of relations was brought about by 
 the death of Queen Mary. She died on the 17th of No- 
 vember, 1558 ; and Elizabeth, daughter of Anne Boleyn, 
 who had been subjected to harsh treatment, and even 
 exposed to great danger under her sister's reign, ascended 
 the English throne. 
 
 ELIZABETH THE PRELATISTS AND PURITANS CABTWBIGHT. 
 
 At the beginning of the year 1559, a Parliament as- 
 sembled which was decidedly favorable to a reformation. 
 After the repeal of certain laws passed during the previous 
 reign, the ecclesiastical supremacy of the crown was rees- 
 tablished by an Act, whereby the queen was likewise 
 authorized to constitute a High Commission Court, for the 
 examination and punishment of all eiTors, heresies, divi- 
 sions, abuses and contempts. These decisions respecting 
 the supremacy, though not void of offence to some, and 
 
80 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 though a disappointment to many who had looked for 
 progress in this respect, were nevertheless acceded to. 
 But the Act, thereu2:)on resolved on in Parliament, for 
 uniformity in divine, service, awakened the opi:)Osition of 
 those who, on account of their efforts for the purifica- 
 tion of divine service, were termed Puritans, It is wor- 
 thy of note that the w^ords : " From the tyranny of the 
 Bishop of Rome and his abominable cruelties, deliver us," 
 w^ere struck out of the new Litany. Another deviation 
 from the liturgy of Edward, was the omission of the 
 words : " By the kneeling at the sacrament, no worship of 
 a bodily presence of Christ is signified." Both these 
 changes were manifestly made in favor of the Catholic 
 party, which, however, refused to be propitiated. The 
 papal bishops agreed on five Articles, which they sub- 
 mitted to Parliament, maintaining the bodily presence of 
 Christ in the sacrament of the altar, transubstantiation, 
 mass, and the supremacy of the Romish See ; and that no 
 authority in matters of faith and discipline is to be con- 
 ceded to the laity. They were thereupon dismissed in 
 a body. Towards the end of the year 1559, the arch- 
 bishopric of Canterbury, having remained a year^ va- 
 cant, was conferred on Matthew Parker. By his influence, 
 the queen, who was naturally a lover of pomp, was insti- 
 gated to such severities against the Puritans as could not 
 fail to produce a breach. Still, Elizabeth might have con- 
 sented to a simplification of the ceremonies, as she subse- 
 quently yielded her early prejudice against the marriage 
 of the clergy, had not the question presented itself to her 
 as an infringement of her ecclesiastical supremacy. In the 
 year 1562, the former Confession of Faith under Edward, 
 
 1 Cardinal Pole, the successor of Cranmer, had died on the same day 
 with Queen Mary. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 31 
 
 ilie Tliirty-nine Articles, so called, was reestablished. 
 he changes were unessential as far as the supplementary 
 clause of the twentieth article : " The Church has j)owcr 
 to institute rites and ceremonies, and authority in religious 
 controversies." It is indeed doubtful whether these words 
 were added at that time ; but incontestably they stand in 
 the Confession of Faith as confirmed by Parliament. But, 
 general as was the subscription of the lEnglish clergy to 
 these Articles, an antipathy to the prescribed ceremonies 
 manifested itself on every side, which found support in 
 tlie views of many bishops and distinguished clergymen of 
 l']ngland, as well as in those of the most esteemed foreign 
 tlieologians. The nation at large, also, and the leading 
 statesmen, gave open signs of dissatisfaction with a cere- 
 monial which reminded them of the preceding unhappy 
 reign. But the queen, under date of 25th January, 1564, 
 wrote to the archbishops of Canterbury and York that 
 "they should take effectual means for bringing about 
 an exact order and uniformity in all outward rites and 
 ceremonies, established by law and good usage; and hence- 
 forth only such should be admitted to any spiritual office 
 as were disposed to follow common order, and should for- 
 mally promise to act in accordance thereto." As the 
 result of this letter, a series of advertisements were issued 
 by the commission in spiritual matters, consisting of the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of London 
 and Rochester, requiring that on the 1st of March, 1564, 
 all licenses to clerical offices should be renewed, and the 
 former canonical vestments be universally resumed. To 
 these advertisements it was owing that the Puritan views, 
 which had hitherto been merely a denial of, and an oppo- 
 sition to, the dominant views, now assumed a positive 
 form. The requisitions were boldly and firmly protested 
 
82 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 against, both as the occasion of great offence to the peo- 
 ple, and as an infringement of the christian liberty jiroper 
 in such matters. Thirty-seven London ministers, at a 
 conference on the 26th March, 1565, united in such a 
 protest. Their deprivation, in consequence of this step, 
 left many churches desolate ; but this made as little im- 
 pression as did an appeal to the queen and the commis- 
 sion. The dissenting clergymen then set forth a defence 
 of their -proceedings, through the press ; but on the 29th 
 June, 1566, a law forbade the printing and sale of all 
 writings of this kind. During this time the deprived min- 
 isters had held assemblies in London, to which resorted 
 great numbers of the laity, unintimidated by the severe 
 penalties incurred by those who did not attend their 
 parish churches. But on the 19th of June, 1567, one of 
 these assemblies was discovered and broken uj). Of those 
 who were apprehended on this occasion, seven or eight 
 were tried on the following day. On the charge of having 
 " contemned the royal authority for settling things indif- 
 ferent in respect to divine service," they were, after a bold 
 and candid defence of their conduct, condemned to impris- 
 onment, which they suffered for about a year. 
 
 Still, the proceedings against Puritans were as yet 
 restrained within certain limits, since, in some of the 
 remote districts of England, they found protectors even in 
 the bishops themselves. 
 
 It was during this very period that the attention of the 
 queen was especially directed towards the Catholics. The 
 Catholic princes had concluded a league among themselves, 
 against the Reformation; in the north, insurrections had 
 broken out under distinguished leaders ; and, in 1569, the 
 pope excommunicated the queen and kingdom. 
 
 But, in spite of all this, the breach continually widened. 
 
NMr ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 88 
 
 The vestments, though they gave the first impnlse to the 
 . . )ntrover8y, formed but one among many points, in which 
 the Puritans dissented from the State Church. In 1570, 
 these points, which had previously come singly under con- 
 sideration, were exhibited in connection by Thomas Cart- 
 M light, the same who has been called the fiither of the 
 Puritans, though his labor was rather that of apologist 
 than founder. Cartwright was a Professor at Cambridge, 
 and, in Beza's opinion, there was no more learned man 
 under the sun. His main positions were these : " Every- 
 thing in the church must be brought back to the apostolic 
 form; hence the only offices should be those of bishop 
 and deacon ; not only the archbishops and archdeacons, 
 but the bishops, chancelloi*s and officials should be dis- 
 l>c'nsed with; the sign of the cross at baptism, the fasts, 
 and festivals, should be abrogated, and, on the other hand, 
 an exact observance of the Sabbath be introduced. Bish- 
 ops should not bo appointed by civil authority, but be 
 chosen by the church, and each congregation should have 
 its own pastor. He protested also against the requirement 
 of the liturgy, ordained by special command of the queen, 
 that every person must kneel at the reception of the sac- 
 rament." For maintaining these opinions, Cartwright was 
 expelled from the University. Leaving England, he 
 officiated for two years as preacher to the English mer- 
 chants in Holland. On his return to England, he was sub- 
 jected to severe persecutions ; but at length the favor of 
 the Earl of Leicester obtained for him a quiet retreat. 
 
 In Parliament, the Puritans seem to have found a pow- 
 nful support, voices of weight being there repeatedly 
 raised in their favor. 'When, in 1571, an act was passed 
 confirming the thirty-nine Articles, and requiring sub- 
 scription to the same, the clause "which concerns only 
 
34 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 the confession of the true faith, and the doctrines of the 
 sacrament," was added, to prevent the differences in ref- 
 erence to discipline and ceremonies being made a ground 
 of removal from office. To this, however, the ecclesiastical 
 commission paid no attention; while the queen sent to 
 the tower those members who had ventured to speak their 
 minds freely. On a subsequent occasion of this kind, she 
 even went so far as to tell Parliament that " they might 
 busy themselves with what was out of the way in their 
 respective shires ; but affairs of State they were to leave 
 to herself and her privy council; and, in like manner, 
 those of the Church to herself and the bishops." The 
 persecutions were also continued against such of the laity 
 as neglected their j^arish churches. Yet in 1572 there 
 arose, in the immediate neighborhood of London, a j)res- 
 bytery wherein elders were elected whose members w<ere 
 so fortunate as to remain for a time undiscovered. The 
 Puritans were not permitted to connect themselves with 
 the foreign churches existing in London; nor were they 
 allowed public disputations, whose results, or rather want 
 of result, it was to be sure easy to foresee. 
 
 In the year 1575 Archbishop Parker died. Soon after, two 
 Anabaptists perished at the stake, the first martyrs to their 
 oi^inions under this reign. Grindal, Archbishop of York, 
 having succeeded to the See of Canterbury, pushed on at 
 first the persecution of the Puritans ; but when the queen 
 peremptorily required the cessation of those assemblies, in 
 which clergymen had been accustomed to meet for their 
 own edification and improvement, Grindal took these exer- 
 cises under his protection. Nay, he even admonished the 
 queen, "That she should not pronounce so absolutely 
 and peremptorily in matters of faith and religion, where 
 the will of God, and not of any earthly creature, is to take 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 85 
 
 place." But the queen immediately deprived him of his 
 rchiepiscopal functions, in which he was not reinstated 
 till the year before his death, which happened in 1583. 
 Still the persecutions did not cease. In 1582, two clergy- 
 men were executed for circulating anti-prelatical writings, 
 tliough the author himself Robert Brown, of whom wo 
 shall hear more particularly by and by, was released from 
 prison. 
 
 On the accession of Whitgift, the personal enemy of 
 Cartwright, to the See of Canterbury, the measures for the 
 suppression of the Puritans became yet more rigorous. 
 He petitioned the queen for the new organization of a 
 High Commission, which should be clothed with the 
 power of the former vicar general of the kingdom,^ for 
 applying all ways and means for the detection and punish- 
 ment of dissent. Among these is particularly mentioned 
 the oath, by which the accused was compelled to testify 
 all he knew concerning himself and others. 
 
 How the articles of this Commission were regarded may 
 be seen by a letter from Lord Treasurer Burleigh to the 
 Archbishop, dated 15th July, 1584. After explaining that 
 he had been solicited, not alone by sundry ministers, but 
 by councillors and statesmen, to oppose the hard dealing 
 of the archbishop, as affording encouragement to papists, 
 and exposing the queen to great danger, he proceeds; 
 I find the articles so full of branches and circumstances, 
 as I think the Inquisitors of Spain use not so many ques- 
 tions to comprehend and to trap their preys This 
 
 sifting of poor ministers is not to edify or reform. I write 
 with the testimony of a good conscience. I desire the 
 peace of the church. I desire concord and unity in the 
 
 1 Thomas Cromwell, under Henry Yin. See p. 23. 
 
36 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 exercise of our religion. I favor no sensual and wilful 
 recusants. But I conclude that, according to my simple 
 judgment, this kind of proceeding is too much savoring of 
 the R-omish Inquisition, and is rather a device to seek for 
 offenders than to reform any." 
 
 But this letter had as little effect as the opinion expressed 
 this same year by the whole Privy Council, to the High 
 Commission, "that the j^eople ought not to be robbed of 
 their faithful, learned and godly ministers on account of 
 certain points respecting ceremonies, by which their con- 
 sciences were disquieted." The clergy were deprived in 
 great numbers, so that complaints of the want of ministers 
 poured in from every quarter ; and imj^risonments of the 
 severest kind were inflicted on both clergy and laity. It 
 should not indeed be omitted that, in many cases, the 
 demeanor of the Puritans in courts of justice, and the tone 
 of their satirical writings, were not such as tended to j^ro- 
 mote a reconciliation. But in general they seem to have 
 been constrained to resistance by the force of conscience. 
 Nor had they as yet relinquished the hope of some modi- 
 fication of these rigorous positions, on the part of the 
 Church leaders; for their dissent thus far had reference 
 chiefly to single points, and no clearly defined principle, 
 embracing all these, had distinctly confronted the teach- 
 ings of the Church. 
 
 ORGANIZATION OF THE PURITAN PARTY THROUGH BROWN; 
 SEPARATISTIC ELEMENTS. 
 
 A firmer organization was at length given to Puritanic 
 dissent by a man whose headstrong and self-seeking tem- 
 per certainly did not qualify him to be the founder of a 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 87 
 
 new church-party, and who sci-vcd in liis labors merely as 
 a transition to the Independents of a later period. It was 
 in the year 1586, that Robert Brown, from whom his adhe- 
 rents derived the name of Brownists, propounded a more 
 complete theory in reference to church government. 
 Brown, who was bom in 1549, was- descended from a dis- 
 tinguished family, and was a relative of Lord Treasurer 
 Burleigh. As early as 1517, when a preacher in London, 
 he had been cited before Archbishop Parker for some 
 departures from the prescribed ceremonies ; but his position 
 as chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk had then saved liim 
 from punishment. Subsequently, he assailed the discipline 
 and ceremonies of the Church with great violence, and 
 counselled his hearei-s on no conditions to submit to them. 
 Having been thrown into prison on this account at Nor- 
 Avich, in 1580, and then brought to London at the instance 
 of the Lord Treasurer, he confessed that he had erred, re- 
 tracted, and was dismissed. Two years after appeared his 
 book : " The Life and Manners of true Christians." Again 
 cited to answer for the charges therein contained against 
 the bishops, he confessed himself the author of the book, 
 but declared that it had been published against his will. 
 Again his powerful friends stepped in and saved him; 
 though, as has been already mentioned, in 1583 two minis- 
 ters were executed for circulating this very book. Brown 
 now kept himself quiet for several years. But in the year 
 1586, he began to itinerate through the country, preaching 
 against bishops, ceremonies, spiritual courts, and the forms 
 used in ordaining the clergy. He afterwards boasted of 
 having lain in thirty-two prisons. At length he succeeded 
 in organizing a church on his own principles ; but so vigi- 
 lant was the persecution against him, that he saw himself 
 compelled to leave England. Several of his friends accom- 
 
 4 
 
88 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 panied him to Holland, where they obtained leave of the 
 government to worship God after their own manner, and 
 founded a church in Middleburg. Divisions soon suc- 
 ceeded Avhich disclosed the arbitrary and imperious temper 
 of Brown. In 1589, he returned to England, recanted his 
 former opinions, and became rector of a church in North- 
 amptonshire. At a later period, he neither exhibited the 
 strictness of the Puritans in his domestic life, nor con- 
 cerned himself about the duties of his office ; while the 
 rigor with which he enforced his personal claim to the 
 tithes was in glaring contrast with the principles he had 
 formerly expressed. 
 
 These principles, wdiich were for a time adhered to by 
 his followers in England, were, in respect to their negative 
 as well as their positive side, separatistic in character. 
 Though not dissenting from the Articles of Faith held by 
 the English church, the Brownists declared it " to be no 
 true church, and the ordination of the clergy in the same 
 to be null ; since its discipline was popish and antichristian, 
 and it bore the sign of a false church in its persecution for 
 matters of conscience." Hence all association with it in 
 prayer, in attendance on preaching, or in any part of public 
 worship whatever, was forbidden to their communities. 
 Nay, they were not only to abstain from all felloAvship with 
 the church of England, but with all other reformed 
 churches not modelled after their own pattern. Their 
 doctrine was, that each church is to be bounded by the 
 limits of the single congregation, and must be purely dem- 
 ocratic in its government. At the formation of such a 
 congregation or church, the members, all being present, 
 agreed on a Confession of Faith, and subscribed a cove- 
 nant by which they bound themselves to walk according 
 to the ordinances of the gospel, and expressed their assent 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 89 
 
 to certain stated laws and regulations. In respect to tlio 
 admission or exclusion of members, and all matters of 
 debate, the decision was in the hands of the collective 
 body. The church oflicers both for preaching the .word 
 and caring for the poor, were chosen by themselves, and 
 were set apart to their several offices by fasting, prayer, 
 and the laying on of hands by certain of the brethren. 
 The priests were neither to fonu a distinct class, nor, 
 necessarily, to remain priests in perpetuity. As it was the 
 voice of the body which gave to each his office, and per- 
 mission to exercise it among them by preaching and the 
 administration of the sacraments, so might the same power 
 dismiss him from office, and reduce him again to the posi- 
 tion of a common church member. In case the number of 
 membere became too great for one and the same place of 
 assembly, they were to divide ; forming, by the choice of 
 new officers, sister churches in fellowship with each other. 
 No church might exercise any judicial right or authority 
 over another; but merely counsel and admonish, if it 
 walked disorderly, or renounced the fundamental truths of 
 religion ; but if the offiinding church did not receive the 
 admonition, the rest were to withdraw themselves from it, 
 and publicly disown it as no true church of Christ. The 
 exercise of the church offices was restricted within the nar- 
 row limits of the single society ; a pastor being allowed to 
 administer baptism and the Lord's Supper, only to the 
 members of his own charge or to their immediate children. 
 The Brownists were opposed to every prescribed form of 
 prayer, and permitted the lay members to take part in 
 preaching and exhortation in the congregations. 
 
 This rigid opposition to the state church, expressed not 
 unfrequently with unbecoming heat and violence, as well 
 as this more determinate form of the churches of the 
 
40 NEW Ei!^GLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 Brownists, drew upon tliem the special attention of the bish- 
 ops. Their number, in sj^ite of the recantation of their 
 leader, was now greatly multiplied in England. Several 
 among them were executed ; many of them lay long years in 
 prison ; some were banished, and others fled voluntarily to 
 their brethren in Holland. Yet in 1592 their number was 
 stated, by Sir Walter Raleigh in Parliament, to be about 
 twenty thousand. Among the communities which they 
 formed in Holland, that spirit of rigid exclusiveness in 
 respect to other churches seems to have been soon mod- 
 erated; in England it was still kept up by persecution. 
 This suifered no interruption by the death of Ehzabeth in 
 1603. James I, who had grown up in Scotland under 
 Presbyterian influences, deceived the hopes of the Puri- 
 tans. At the Conference at Hampton Court, in 1604, he 
 himself took decided ground against them; and as the 
 result of renewed ordinances, about three hundred minis- 
 ters were, the same year, deprived, thrown into prison, or 
 banished from the country. By these persecutions, that 
 man also was driven from England who is to be regarded 
 as the Father of the Independents ; that is, of the Brown- 
 ists, as purified from separatistic elements. 
 
 ROBINSON, THE FATHER OF THE INDEPENDENTS. 
 
 As early as 1602, a number of Brownists living in the 
 north of England had subscribed a Confession of Faith, in 
 which they renounced connection with the established 
 church. Their residences being remote from each other, 
 and being obliged therefore to assemble for worship in 
 two difierent houses, they formed two churches, which 
 chose for their Pastors John Smith and John Robinson. 
 The former soon left England, however, and went to Am- 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 41 
 
 stcrd.im, where he found Brownists ah'eady settled. Divis- 
 ions had arisen among them, whose effect had been to 
 moderate thcii* pastor, Ainsworth, in his opposition to other 
 churches. But Smithy a man who luul not hesitated to 
 say that his present views must be looked for only in his 
 hist writings, could not unite with these Brownists. He 
 connected himself with the Anabaptists, left Amsterdam, 
 and settled in Ley, (perhaps Leeum, in Brabant), where, 
 being unable to find any qualified administrator of the sac- 
 rament of baptism, he first baptized himself, whence he 
 received the name Se-Baptist, and then performed the rite 
 lor othei*s. Subsequently, he professed himself of the doc- 
 trine of Arminius, in whose defence he came out openly in 
 IGU. At his death, soon after, the church itself became 
 I xtinct. Robinson, in connection with Elder William 
 Brewster, presided several years longer over the church in 
 the north of England. In 1608^ the continued persecu- 
 tions, by the bishops and the spiritual courts, obliged them 
 to leave Encrland and follow their brethren in the laith to 
 Holland. Finding, on his arrival in Amsterdam, that the 
 controversies among them were still kept up, Robinson re- 
 moved with his congregation, and settled in Ley den. Here 
 they obtained from the magistracy permission to rent a 
 house for their meetings, and established a form of public 
 woi*ship in accordance with their own principles. 
 
 At firet, the views of Robinson in respect to other 
 churches were strictly those of the Brownists. But after 
 some interchange of opinions with the ministers of the 
 churches previously established in Leyden, it seemed to him, 
 that though right and necessary still to remain separated from 
 the reformed churches among which he lived, yet this 
 
 1 Neal's History of the Puritans 11. p. 40. 
 Neal's History of New England, I. p. 76. 
 4* 
 
42 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 should not be in the spirit of harsh antagonism. "We 
 acknowledge, " says he, in his Apology for the Brownists, 
 " before God and man, that we harmonize so perfectly with 
 the reformed churches of the Netherlands in matters of 
 religion, as to be ready to subscribe their Articles of Faith, 
 and every one of them, as they are set forth in their Con- 
 fession. We recognize these reformed churches as true 
 and genuine ; we liold fellowship with them as far as w^e 
 can ; those among us who understand Dutch, attend their 
 preaching ; we oifer the Suj^per to such of their members 
 as are known to us, and may occasionally desire it." But, at 
 the same time, he steadfastly maintained that each single 
 church, or society of Christians, possesses within itself full 
 ecclesiastical authority for choosing officers, for administer- 
 ing all the ordinances of the gospel, and for all exercise of 
 authority and discipline over its members; that, conse- 
 quently, it was independent of all synods, convocations, and 
 councils. He granted that synods and councils might be 
 useful for healing divisions between the churches, and im- 
 parting to them friendly advice ; but not for exercising any 
 judical right or authority whatever over them, or for impos- 
 ing on them any canon, or any article of faith without^ the 
 free assent of the church itself He rejected, as national, 
 the constitution of the church of England, her liturgy, her 
 prescribed prayers and unrestricted communion. He held it 
 necessary to exclude unworthy communicants, and that those 
 who desired the privilege of christian fellowship should be 
 able to give proofs of the oj^eration of the grace of God in 
 their hearts. This latter principle, opposition to unrestricted 
 communion, was of the greatest moment in the develop- 
 ment of the Independent churches, especially in America. 
 While in a single congregation, isolated among a foreign 
 people, it could be carried out without any special difficulty, 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 43 
 
 it gave rise, when applied to a great community, to those 
 disputes and conflicts amidst which the New England 
 cl lurch unfolded into its peculiar form. 
 
 Before passing to the emigration of the Independents 
 from Holland to America, we will mention some farther 
 opinions and views of Robinson, which serve to indicate 
 the stand-point of this remarkable man. Especially char- 
 acteristic is his language respecting the Reformation, in his 
 " Justification of separation from the Church of England," 
 a work published in 1610 as an answer to the objections of 
 an Episcopal clergyman. He says '} 
 
 "You speak much of the reformation of your church 
 after popery. There was, indeed, a great reformation of 
 things in your church, but very little of the church, to 
 speak truly and properly. The people are the church ; and 
 to make a reformed church, there must first be a reformed 
 people; and so they should have been with you, by the 
 preaching of repentance from dead works, and faith in 
 Christ ; that the people, as the Lord should have vouch- 
 safed grace, being first fitted for, and made capable of the 
 sacraments and other ordinances, might afterwards have 
 communicated in the pure use of them ; for want of which, 
 instead of a pure use, there hath been, and is at this day, a 
 most profane abuse of them, to the great dishonor of 
 Clirist and his gospel, and to the hardening of thousands in 
 their irapenitency. Others also endeavoring yet a further 
 reformation, have sued and do sue to kings, and to queens, 
 and parliaments, for the rooting out of the prelacy, and 
 with it of such other evil fruits as grow from that bitter 
 root ; and, on the contrary, to have the ministry, govern- 
 ment, and discipline of Christ set over the parishes as they 
 stand; the first fruit of which reformation, if it were 
 
 1 Backos's Histoiy of New England, Boston, 1777. Vol. I. p. 25. 
 
44 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 1 
 
 i 
 
 obtained, would be the profanation of the more of God's \ 
 
 ordinances upon such as to whom they appertained not; j 
 
 and so to the further provocation of his majesty unto anger ; 
 
 against all such as so practised, or consented thereunto. Is \ 
 
 it not strange that men, in the reforming of a church, j 
 
 should almost, or altogether, forget the church, which is the j 
 
 people, or should labor to crown Christ a king over a peo- ' 
 
 j)le whose jirophet he hath not first been ? Or to set him J 
 
 to rule, by his laws and officers, over the professed subjects 1 
 
 of antichrist and the devil ? Is it possible that they should \ 
 
 ever submit to the discipline of Christ, which have not been I 
 
 first prepared, in some measure, by his holy doctrine, and : 
 
 taught with meekness to stoop under his yoke ? " \ 
 
 The folio w^ing passage discusses one peculiarity in the I 
 
 working of the English Reformation, and points out the i 
 
 connection of the kingdom of Christ with the priest- j 
 
 hoodii \ 
 
 " What sway authority hath in the Church of England, j 
 
 appeareth in the laws of the land, which make the gov- j 
 
 ernment of the church alterable at the magistrate's j 
 
 2)leasure ; and so the clergy, in their submission to King j 
 
 Henry VIII., do derive, as they pretend, their ecclesiastical I 
 
 authority from him, and so execute it. Indeed many of | 
 
 the late bishops and their j)roctors, seeing how monstrous l 
 
 the ministration is of divine things by an human au- ; 
 
 thority and calling, and growing bold upon the present ; 
 
 disposition of the magistrate, have disclaimed that former j 
 
 title, and do professedly hold their ecclesiastical j^ower de ; 
 
 Jure divino^ and so, consequently, by God's law unalter- j 
 
 able. Of whom I would demand this one question: j 
 
 ' "What if the king should discharge and Qx^tel the j^resent j 
 
 ecclesiastical government, and j^lant instead of it the pres- | 
 
 1 Backus, I. p. 29. * 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 45 
 
 ]ytcry or eldership, would they submit unto the gov- 
 ( inment of the ciders, j-ea, or no?' If yea, then were 
 they traitors to the Lord Jesus, submitting to a govern- 
 ment overthrowing liis government, as doth the Presby- 
 terian government that which is Episcopal. If no, then 
 how could they free themselves from such imputations of 
 disloyalty to princes, and disturbance of states, as where- 
 with they load us and others opposing them. But to the 
 question itself: as the kingdom of Christ is not of this 
 Avorld but spiritual, and he a spiritual king (John 18: 36), 
 so must the government of this spiritual kingdom under 
 this spiritual king needs be spiritual, and all the laws of 
 it. And as Christ Jesus hath, by the merits of his priest- 
 hood, redeemed as well the body as the soul (1 Cor., 
 G : 20), so is he also by the sceptre of his kingdom to rule 
 and reign over both. Unto which, christian magistrates, 
 as well as meaner persons, ought to submit themselves, 
 and the more christian they are, the more meekly to take 
 the yoke of Christ upon them ; and the greater authority 
 they have, the more effectually to advance his sceptre over 
 themselves and their people, by all good means. Neither 
 can there be any reason given why the merits of saints 
 may not as well be mingled with the merits of Christ, for 
 the saving of the church, as the laws of men with his laws, 
 for the ruling and guiding of it. He is as absolute and 
 entire a king as he is a priest, and his people must be as 
 careful to prescribe the dignity of the one, as to enjoy the 
 benefits of the other." , 
 
 To these extracts we add some remarks of Robinson on 
 the power of the keys, which exhibit also Lis style of 
 inteqireting Scripture : 
 
 " It is granted by all sides that Christ gave unto Peter 
 the keys of the kingdom, that is, the power to remit and 
 
46 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 retain sins declaratively, as they speak; as also, that in 
 what respect this j)ower was given to Peter, in the same 
 respect it was and is given to such as succeed Peter. But 
 the question is, in what respect or consideration this power 
 spoken of was delegated to him ? The papist affirms it 
 was given to Peter as the prince of the apostles, and so to 
 the bishops of Rome, as Peter's successors, and thus they 
 stablish the pope's primacy. The j)relates say nay, but 
 unto Peter, an apostle, that is, a chief officer of the church, 
 and so to us, as chief officers succeeding him. Others af- 
 firm it to belong to Peter here as a minister of the word 
 and sacraments, and the like, and so, consequently, to all 
 ministers of the gospel equally, which succeed Peter in 
 those and the like administrations. But we, for our parts, 
 do believe and profess that this promise is not made to 
 Peter in any of these respects, nor to any office, order, 
 estate, dignity or degree in the church or world, but to the 
 confession of faith which Peter made by way of answer to 
 Christ's question : " Thou art Christ, the Son of the living 
 God.' To this Christ replies : ' Blessed art thou ; thou art 
 Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church ; I will 
 give unto thee the keys,' etc. So that the building of the 
 church is upon the rock of Peter's confession, that is, 
 Christ w^hom he confessed. This faith is the foundation 
 of the church ; this faith hath the keys of the kingdom of 
 heaven; what this faith shall bind or loose on earth is 
 bound and loosed in heaven. Thus the Protestant di- 
 vines, when they deal against the pope's supremacy, do 
 generally expound this Scripture. Now it followeth, that 
 whatsoever person hath received the same precious faith 
 with Peter, as all the faithful have (2 Pet. 1:1), that person 
 hath a part in this gift of Christ. Whosoever doth con- 
 fess, publish, manifest, or make known Jesus to be the 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 47 
 
 ( hrist, the Son of the living God, and Saviour of the world, 
 tliat person opens heaven's gates, looseth sin, and partakes 
 Avith Peter in the use of the keys ; and hereupon it fol- 
 loweth necessarily, that one iiuthful man, yea, or woman 
 either, may as truly and effectually bind, both in heaven 
 and earth, as all the ministers in the world. But here, I 
 know, the lordly clergy, like the bulls of Bashan, will roar 
 loud upon me, as speaking things intolerably derogatory to 
 the dignity of the priesthood ; and it may be some others 
 also, either through ignorance or superstition, will take 
 offence at this speech, as confounding all things ; but there 
 is no such cause of exception. For howsoever the keys 
 be one and the same in nature and efficacy, in what faith- 
 ful man or men's hands soever, as not depending either on 
 the number or excellency of any pei-sons, but upon Christ 
 alone ; yet it is ever to be remembered that the order and 
 manner of using them is very diff*erent. The keys, in 
 doctrine, may be turned as well upon them which are 
 without the church, as upon them which are within, and 
 their sins either loosed or bound (Matt. 28: 19); but in 
 discipline not so, but only upon them which are within 
 (1 Cor. 12:13). Again, the apostles by their office had 
 these keys to use in all churches, yea, in all nations 
 upon earth; ordinary eldei-s for their particular flocks, 
 (Acts 14:23, and 20:28). Lastly, there is a use of the 
 keys publicly to be had, and a use privately ; a use of them 
 by one person severally, and a use of them by the whole 
 church jointly and together; a use of them ministerially 
 or in office, and a use of them out of office. But the 
 ])ower of the gospel is still one and the same, notwith- 
 standing the diverse manner of using it." 
 
 Having shown by these statements how the doctrine of 
 the independence of each church was understood, supported 
 
48 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 and explained by Robinson, we will now add his defence 
 of the opposition to unrestricted communion.' In refer- 
 ence to this point, the parable of the tares among the 
 Avheat had been urged upon Robinson. He answers: 
 Since the Lord Jesus, who best knew his own meaning, 
 calls the field the world and makes the harvest, which is 
 the end of the field, the end of the world and not of the 
 church, why should we admit of any other interpretation ? 
 Neither is it likely that Christ, in the expounding of one 
 parable, would speak another, as he should have done, if in 
 calling the field the world he had meant the church. As 
 God there in the beginning made man good, and placed 
 him in the field of the world, there to grow ; whereby tlie 
 envy of the serpent he was soon corrupted, so ever 
 since hath the seed of the serj^ent, stirred up by their father 
 the devil, snarled at the heel of the woman's seed, and 
 like noisome tares vexed and pestered the good and holy 
 seed ; which, though the children of God both see and feel 
 to their pain, yet must they not therefore, forgetting what 
 spirit they are of, presently call for fire from heaven, nor 
 prevent the Lord's hand, but w^ait his leisure, either for the 
 converting of these tares into wheat, which in many is 
 daily seen (and then how gi-eat pity had it been they should 
 so untimely have been plucked up), or for their final per- 
 dition in the day of the Lord, when the church shall be no 
 more offended by them. And that the Lord Jesus no way 
 speaks of the toleration of profane persons in the church, 
 doth appear by these reasons : 1. Because he doth not 
 contradict himself, by forbidding the use of the keys in 
 one place, which in another he hath turned upon impeni- 
 tent offenders. Matt. 18. 2. In the excommunication of 
 sinners apparently obstinate, with due circumsj^ection, and 
 in the spirit of wisdom, meekness, and long-suffering, with 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. '49 
 
 such Other general christian virtues as with which all our 
 special sacrifices ouglit to be seasoned, wlint clanger can 
 there be of any such disorder, as the phicking up of the 
 wheat with the tares, which the husbandman feareth? 
 3. The Lord Jesus speaks of the utter ruinating and de- 
 struction of tlie tares the plucking them up by the roots. 
 But excommunication rightly administered is not for the 
 ruin and destruction of any, but for the salvation of the 
 party thereby humbled, 1 Cor. 5 : 5. The Lord's field is 
 sown only with good seed his church, saints beloved of 
 God, all and every one of them, though by the malice 
 of Satan and negligence of such as should keep this field, 
 vineyard, and house of God, adulterated seed and abomin- 
 able persons may be foisted in, yea, and suffered also." 
 
 In the year 1613,^ Robinson was drawn by the solicita- 
 tions of Polydorus, the opponent of Episcopius, into active 
 participation in the Arminian controversy; for he was 
 then regarded in Holland as a no less gifted than zealous 
 defender of the fundamental truths of the gospel. It is 
 worthy of note, that the Indifferentism in matters of faith, 
 which was promoted by the adherents of Arminius, univer- 
 sally repelled the Puritans, who, nevertheless, claimed 
 freedom in regard to discipline and rites; while on the 
 contrary, it soon spread very generally through the Episco- 
 pal Church. 
 
 Tlie Independents^ continued to live in Leyden without 
 any disturbance on the part of the Holland government, 
 as without any dissensions among themselves. Under the 
 care of their teacher, they remained free from those divi- 
 sions to which their brethren had been exposed who came 
 previously to Holland. But after some years, the appre- 
 
 1 Backus, I. 37. Mather's Magnalia Del Americana I, II. p. 1. 
 
 2 Neal's History of New England. 
 
 5 
 
50 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 tension awoke among them of becoming gradually ex- 
 tinct. Their older members were dying out; the acces- 
 sions from England, which were ^at first numerous,^ soon 
 ceased, and so far from having a prospect of spreading 
 their views among a people who did not understand their 
 language, their younger members frequently married into 
 Holland families. So vital, and so deeply stamped into 
 their being, was the feeling of their church relations, that 
 although left undisturbed to worship God according to 
 their own convictions, that extinction, and the prospective 
 disappearance of their distinctive church characteristics, 
 seemed to them an evil, escape from which demanded the 
 greatest personal sacrifices. A return to their native coun- 
 try was not to be thought of, if they wished still to main- 
 tain the free exercise of their religion. They now di- 
 rected their eyes towards a newly discovered land. 
 
 1 Backus, I. p. 32. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE EMIGRATION TO AMERICA FORMATION OF THE THEOCRATIC 
 STATE IN NEW ENGLAND A GLANCE AT THE rOLITICAL HIS- 
 TORY, THE MISSIONARY EFFORTS, AND FIRST UNIVERSITY OF 
 NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 EARLY ATTEMPTS TO COLONIZE THE NOHTH AMERICAN COKTINENT 
 FROM ENGLAND. EMIG&ATIGN OF THE LEYDEN CHURCH. NEW 
 PLYMOUTH. 
 
 The first discovery of the continent of North America, 
 after the visits of the Normans several hundred years pre- 
 vious, was made by Sebastian Cabot, during the reign of 
 Henry VII. of England. Yet almost a century had passed 
 away, before the plan was formed of a settlement in the 
 country. In 1584, Sir Walter Raleigh obtained a patent 
 for that purpose ; and in connection with certain merchants 
 and other men of wealth, fitted out an expedition, which 
 landed in what is now the State of North Carolina, In 
 honor of Queen Elizabeth, the new territory, including 
 the whole eastern coast of the present North American 
 republics, was named Virginia. That first attempt had, 
 however, as little permanence as those which followed. 
 Most of the colonists perished either in expeditions against 
 the Indians, or from excessive toils and privations; the 
 remainder returned to England in ships which had been 
 sent out for their assistance. In the year 1602, Captain 
 Gosnold, by a direct course towards the more northerly 
 regions of North America, reached what is now called 
 
62 NE^,7 ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay. He entered into traffic with the 
 natives, and on his return to England gave a very favor- 
 able description of the excellent harbors, the capacity of 
 the soil, and of the natural facilities both for commerce 
 and fisheries. This revived the desire for establishing: set- 
 tlements in the country, and in 1606, two companies re- 
 ceived from James I. a patent for this purpose. They 
 were destined for South and N'orth Virginia, by which 
 latter designation was understood the region north of the 
 present State of Maryland. Both companies fitted out ex- 
 peditions ; the former founded Jamestown, in the State of 
 Virginia; the latter, in 1608, efiected a settlement on the 
 river Sagadehoc in Maine, which, however, shared the fate 
 of the earlier attempts, and was soon abandoned. A 
 farther attempt was made in 1614, by Captain John 
 Smith,^ who gave the name of New England to the region 
 around Massachusetts Bay, and brought a chart of the 
 same to England. Still the Company for North Virginia, 
 (called also Plymouth Company, on account of its mem- 
 bers being mostly from the county of Devonshire), did not 
 succeed in forming a permanent settlement till, after the 
 lapse of several years, they connected themselves with the 
 Independent churches in Leyden. 
 
 In the year 1617, the latter concluded decisively on emi- 
 gration, and sent agents to the Virginia Company, to 
 negotiate respecting an extensive tract in the northern 
 part of the new continent. The proposition was favorably 
 
 1 John Smith, one of the boldest adventurers of that age, had been of 
 great service also in the colonization ^nd permanent settlement of South 
 Virginia, whei'e he was for a time governor. A description of his eventful 
 life is found in The Library of American Biography, by Jared Sparks : Bos- 
 ton, 1834. He himself wrote a history of the colonies : The general history 
 of Virginia and Ncav England, by Capitaine John Smith, sometimes gov- 
 ernour in those countrys, and Amirall of Now England. XiOndon, 1627. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 68 
 
 entertained, the more so, from the encouragement they 
 liad for believing that this settlement possessed the neces- 
 sary elements of permanence.^ The emigrants were siifH- 
 ciently numerous ; inured, by long separation from their 
 native land, to privations; industrious and temperate; 
 tlieir peculiar Organization tended to internal unity and 
 firm mutual adherence ; and as their object was simply the 
 promotion of pure religion, so they doubted not of the 
 blessing of Almighty God upon their undertaking. Appli- 
 cation was made in their behalf to the Privy Council, set- 
 ting forth the advantages to be derived by the crown of 
 England from such a settlement, in regard to the promo- 
 tion of commerce. But the King's hostility to the Puritans 
 gave rise to serious difficulties. He promised not to molest 
 them there, so long as they demeaned themselves peace- 
 ably, but refused them the warrant of his signature, as 
 tolerated and recognized. They hesitated, without some 
 such security, to emigrate to a land which was yet to be 
 reduced to tillage. The negotiations were consequently 
 broken off; but, two years after, the wishes of the church 
 being seconded by the encouraging assurances of the 
 company, they were again resumed. By unremitted efforts, 
 a patent was at length obtained from government, under 
 the seal of the Virginia Company, and they now resolved 
 to put their plan in execution without delay. As all of 
 their number were not fully prepared for the emigration, it 
 was concluded that a part should go first, under the guid- 
 ance of their Elder, William Brewster, while Robinson 
 should, for a while, remain behind with the others ; both 
 divisions, however, still constituting one church, neither of 
 them formally dismissing members to the other, nor requir- 
 ing of them new evidence before admission. They pur- 
 
 1 Backus, I. 34. 
 A* 
 
54 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 chased, in England, two shii:)S, in the larger of which, the 
 "Mayflower," of one hundred and eighty tons, the emi- 
 grants embarked from Holland. All being now in readi- 
 ness, Robinson and his church held, on the 2d of July, 
 1620, a day of solemn fasting and prayer, for supplicating 
 the divine blessing on this bold adventure. We subjoin 
 the closing part of Robinson's address to them on this 
 occasion, as showing that the Independents regarded their 
 organization as a necessary step in the progress of the 
 Reformation ; while, on the other hand, they expressly 
 disclaimed the separatistic element, properly so called, 
 which had proceeded from BroAvn : 
 
 "Brethren: w^e are now quickly to part from one 
 another, and whether I may ever live to see your faces on 
 earth any more, the God of heaven only knows ; but, 
 whether the Lord has appointed that or no, I charge you, 
 before God and his blessed angels, that you follow me no 
 farther than you have seen me follow the Lord Jesus 
 Christ. If God reveal anything to you, by any other 
 instrument of his, be as ready to receive it as ever you 
 were to receive any truth by my ministry ; for I am verily 
 persuaded the Lord has more truth yet to break forth out 
 of his holy word. For my part, I cannot suflaciently be- 
 wail the condition of the Reformed churches, who are 
 come to a period in religion, and will go, at present, no 
 farther than the instruments of their reformation. The 
 Lutherans cannot be drawn to go beyond what Luther 
 saw ; whatever part of his will our God has revealed to 
 Calvin, they will rather die than embrace it ; and the Cal- 
 vinists, you see, stick fast where they were left by that 
 great man of God, who yet saw not all things. This is a 
 misery much to be lamented, for though they were burn- 
 ing and shining lights in their times, yet they penetrated 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 66 
 
 not into the whole counsel of God ; but, were they now 
 living, would be as willing to embrace farther light, as 
 that which they first received. I beseech you remember 
 it is an article of your church covenant that ye be ready 
 to receive whatever truth shall be made known to you 
 from the -Nvritten word of God. Remember that, and 
 every other article of your sacred covenant. But I must 
 here, withal, exhort you to take heed what you receive as 
 truth, examine it, consider it, and compare it with other 
 scriptures of truth before you receive it ; for it is not pos- 
 sible the christian world should come so lately out of 
 such thick, antichristian darkness, and that perfection of 
 knowledge should break forth at once. I must also advise 
 you to abandon, avoid, and shake off the name of Brown- 
 ists ; it is a mere nickname, and a brand for making re- 
 ligion and the professors of it odious to the christian 
 world. Unto this end, I should be extremely glad if 
 some godly minister would go with you, or come to you, 
 before you can have any company ; for there will be no 
 difference between the unconformable ministers of Eng- 
 land and you, when you come to the practice of evangeli- 
 cal ordinances out of the kingdom. And I would wish 
 you, by all means, to close with the godly people of Eng- 
 land; study union with them in all things wherein you 
 can have it without sin, rather than in the least measure to 
 effect a division or separation from them. Neither would 
 I have you loth to take another pastor besides myself; in- 
 asmuch as a flock that hath two shepherds is not thereby 
 endangered, but secured." 
 
 The emigrants left Leyden soon after, accompanied, as 
 far as Delfthaven, by Robinson and the greater part of 
 those who remained behind. On taking leave, they were 
 commended by their pastor to the protection of Heaven, 
 
56 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 and amidst heartfelt demonstrations of mutual attach- 
 ment the travellers departed, in order to set sail from 
 Southampton in the county of Hampshire. Here they 
 received a letter from Robinson,^ in which he exhorted 
 them to make sure their own j^eace with God, to avoid all 
 offences among themselves, mutually to forbear each other, 
 to subordinate their private interests to the common good, 
 and after choosing their civil governors with wi^om, 
 to submit to their authority as an ordinance established by 
 God. ' 
 
 On the 5th of August, 1620, they set sail in their two 
 ships from Southampton. Soon after their departure, the 
 captain of the smaller Vessel declared it unseaworthy. 
 Although it was repaired in Dartmouth harbor, yet, after 
 running out a second time, he repeated his apprehensions, 
 and both ships were compelled to return again to Plymouth. 
 The smaller one remained behind, and with it some of the 
 voyagers; the remainder embarked in the Mayflower, 
 which on the 6th of September again put out to sea, with 
 one hundred and twenty passengers. After a very difficult 
 voyage, they arrived on the 9th of November at Cape 
 Cod, 42 north latitude, and between 52 and 53 west 
 longitude. Their destination was not this region, but the 
 mouth of the Hudson. But on again weighing anchor, 
 the captain ran the ship among dangerous cliffs and break- 
 ers, and a stonii drove them back to the Cape; and they 
 now resolved, on account of the advanced season, to 
 attempt a settlement where they were. It has been 
 asserted that the captain was bribed by the Dutch, who 
 wished themselves to take possession of the mouth of 
 the Hudson. They did, indeed, found there the colony 
 of New Amsterdam soon after, but subsequently were 
 
 1 Backus, I,, p. 35, ff. Appendix I. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 67 
 
 obliged to relinquish it to the English. Of our settlers, 
 forty-one men, making with their families in all one hun- 
 dred and one pei-sons, reached America. On their arrival, 
 they organized themselves by the following act : 
 
 "In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are 
 underwritten, loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord. 
 King James, by the grace of God of Great Britain, Franco 
 and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc. Having 
 undertaken, for the glory of God and advancement of the 
 christian faith and honor of our king and country, a voy- 
 age to' plant the first colony in the northern parts of Vir- 
 ginia, by these presents do solemnly and mutually, in the 
 presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine 
 ourselves into a civil body politic for our better ordering 
 and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid, 
 and by \irtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such 
 just and equal laws and ordinances, acts, constitutions and 
 offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet 
 and convenient for the general good of the colony, unto 
 AN'hich we promise all due subjection and obedience. 
 
 Cape Cod, the 11th November, 1G20." 
 
 Their next object was to select a landing-place suitable 
 for a settlement, a task the more difficult and wearisome 
 on account of the ice with which the sea had already cov- 
 ered the shore. From their place of anchorage, they sent 
 out several little expeditions for the exploration of the 
 coast ; and at length, after five weeks, they again weighed 
 anchor on the 15th of December, to run into the hai-bor of 
 Cape Cod. On the 20th they lefti the ship, and chose a 
 hill which commanded the surrounding countiy and over- 
 looked the Bay, as their i)lace of settlement. Here, on the 
 23d of December, they laid the foundations of a town to 
 which they gave the name of New Plymouth. The con- 
 
68 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 stancy and firmness of the settlers would, however, hardly 
 have saved them from the fate of their predecessors, had 
 not a contagious sickness shortly before swept away nine- 
 tenths of the Indians in this region. A few months after, 
 a treaty of peace was concluded with the remainder, which, 
 with unimportant interruptions, (as for instance the war 
 carried on in 1637, particularly in Connecticut, against the 
 Pequots,) secured quiet to the colony, for more than half a 
 century, that is, down to the great Indian war with King 
 Philip, in the year 1675. These friendly relations were 
 maintained by strict attention to justice in dealing with 
 the Indians. The land needed for the settlement was pur- 
 chased of them; a court of justice was established for pro- 
 tecting them against frauds by private persons ; and in all 
 their relations with them the English were subjected to 
 the full rigor of the law. It was, moreover, regarded as 
 a holy duty to communicate to the Indians the imjierisha- 
 ble blessings of Christianity ; and in truth, it was in New 
 England that the first successful missionary efforts of the 
 evangelical church had their birth. 
 
 On the other side, the settlers had to contend with diffi- 
 culties and calamities, whose severity, especially during 
 the first winter, threatened the very existence of the col- 
 ony. The hardships incident to their voyage and settle- 
 ment, the want of houses to protect them against the 
 inclemency of the season, as well as of many necessities 
 of life, and in addition, the unusual severity of the winter, 
 had given rise to diseases which carried off, within the first 
 four or five months, one half of their number. For several 
 years they were obliged to depend for their subsistence 
 chiefly upon hunting and fishing. Often, through the fail- 
 ure of their crops, they had scarcely corn enough for seed, 
 and the suj^plies from England relieved only their most 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 69 
 
 pressing necessities. But there was another want which 
 thoy felt still more painfully. The greater part of their 
 brethren who had remained in Leyden now slirunk from 
 following them, and by this means, Robinson was pre- 
 Tented from coming to New England. He died on the 
 19th of February 1C25, lamented not only by his own con- 
 gregation, but by the Hollanders also, who testified at his 
 funeral their appreciation and esteem for his character. 
 For several succeeding years they were obliged to depend 
 for their instruction and guidance on their Elder, Mr. 
 Brewster, or on other gifted laymen. Among those who 
 subsequently joined them from England, was a minister by 
 the name of Ralph Smith, who in 1629 was chosen to be 
 their preacher. As their circumstances improved, they 
 dissolved connecti<fn with the Company of Merchant 
 Adventurers, after refunding the money advanced by it for 
 their assistance. Under Charles I the colony obtained a 
 patent, which had been dra^vn in favor of Governor "Wil- 
 liam Bradford, but was made over by him to the General 
 Court of New Plymouth. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS BAT COMPAKT SETTLEMENT OP SALEM AKD 
 CHAKLESTOWX. 
 
 Soon after the founding of New Plymouth, several 
 attempts were made to colonize the more northerly regions 
 of Massachusetts Bay ; but these undertakings, which orig- 
 inated solely in worldly aims, remained without any per- 
 manent result. This, however, did not discourage similar 
 enterprises. "WTien it became known that the colony of 
 New Plymouth was beginning to prosper,^the wish, stimu- 
 lated by the continued persecution of the Puritans, of find- 
 ing an asylum for religious freedom, became active in Eng- 
 land, At this same time a Company for the establishment 
 
60 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACY. 
 
 of larger settlements was formed, which soon extended 
 its operations, as such attempts at new settlements began 
 to prove more successful. On the 4th of March, 1629, 
 this association was, by a royal charter, incorporated as 
 a political body, under the name of " the Governor and 
 Company of Massachusetts Bay in New England." Its 
 members were empowered to choose yearly their gov- 
 ernor, lieut. governor, and eighteen assistants or magis- 
 trates,^ from the free citizens of the aforenamed company. 
 They were to hold quarterly a general assembly, or 
 supreme court ; they could admit freemen, choose officers, 
 apportion land, and as it seemed to them desirable for 
 the welfare of the settlement, could make laws, these being 
 not in contravention of the laws of England; while to 
 all who might settle in this region, the right was guaran- 
 teed of worshipping God according to their own con- 
 sciences. The provisions of this charter formed the basis 
 of the subsequent constitution of the colony. Immedi- 
 ately after the choice of a governor, agents were sent over 
 partly to aid the present settlers, partly to obtain more 
 exact information. Two Nonconformist ministers, Hig- 
 ginson^ and Skelton by name, were then persuaded to 
 accompany the expedition of six ships which was about 
 being sent out. With them went also the above-men- 
 tioned Ralph Smith, and thirty-five families from the Ley- 
 den church, which had been dissolved after Robinson's 
 death. They landed on the 24th of June, 1629, and 
 founded the towns of Salem and Newton, afterwards 
 called Cambridge. 
 
 
 
 1 These constituted the governor's council. 
 
 2 The documents respecting these transactions are contained in a col- 
 lection of original papei-s relative to the history of the colony of Massachu- 
 setts Bay. Boston, 1769. Here also is Higginson's diary of his journey. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 61 
 
 With these new comers also, religion had been the mov- 
 ing cause of emigration. They immediately applied, there- 
 fore, to tlicir Plymoutli brotliren for information respecting 
 the church order and discipline here established, which had 
 been derived from Robinson ; and after several conferences 
 on the subject, resolved to form a church after the same 
 model. Higginson thereupon drew up the following 
 covenant, as an expression of the sentiments of these col- 
 onists : 
 
 *' We covenant with our Lord and one with another ; and 
 we do bind ourselves in the presence of God, to walk 
 together in all his ways, according as he is pleased to reveal 
 liimsclf unto us in his blessed word of truth ; and do explic- 
 itly, in the name and fear of God, profess and protest to 
 walk as followeth, through the power and grace of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ. 
 
 " We avouch the Lord to be our God, and ourselves to 
 be his people, in the truth and simplicity of our spirits. 
 
 "We give ourselves to the Lord Jesus Christ and the 
 word of his grace for the teaching, ruling, and sanctifying 
 us in matters of worship and conversation, resolving to 
 cleave unto him alone for life and glory, and to reject all 
 contrary ways, canons and constitutions of men in his wor- 
 ship. 
 
 " We promise to walk with our brethren with all watch- 
 fulness and tenderness, avoiding jealousies and suspicions, 
 backbitings, censurings, provokings, secret risings of spirit 
 against them; but in all offences to follow the rule of our 
 Lord Jesus, and to bear and forbear, give and forgive, as 
 he hath taught us. 
 
 " In public or private, we will willingly do nothing to the 
 offence of the church ; but will be willing to take advice for 
 ourselves and ours, as occasion shall be presented. 
 
 6 
 
62 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 "We will not in the congregation be forward either to 
 show our own gifts in speaking or scrupling, or there dis- 
 cover the weakness or failings of our brethren ; but attend 
 an orderly call thereunto, knowing how much the Lord 
 may be dishonored, and his gospel and the profession of it 
 slighted by our distempers and w^eaknesses in public. 
 
 "We bind ourselves to study the advancement of the 
 gospel in all truth and peace ; both in regard of those that 
 are within or without ; no way slighting our sister-churches, 
 but using their counsel, as need shall be; not laying a 
 stumbling-block before any, no, not the Indians, whose good 
 we desire to promote ; and so to converse, as we may avoid 
 the very appearance of evil. 
 
 " We do hereby promise to carry ourselves in all lawful 
 obedience to those that are over us, ih church or common- 
 wealth, knowing how well-pleasing it will be to the Lord 
 that they should have encouragement in their places by our 
 not grieving their spirits through our irregularities. 
 
 "We resolve to approve ourselves to the Lord in our 
 particular callings, shunning idleness as the bane of any 
 state; nor will we deal hardly or oppressively with any 
 wherein we are the Lord's stewards. 
 
 "Promising, also, unto our best ability to teach our 
 children and servants the knowledge of God, and of his 
 will, that they may serve him also ; and all this not by any 
 strength of our own, but by the Lord Christ ; whose blood 
 we desire may sprinkle this our covenant made in his 
 name." 
 
 In presence of the delegates from the church of New 
 Plymouth, the persons assembled thereupon declared sol- 
 emnly and each one for himself, their agreement with this 
 Confession of Faith. They then proceeded to choose Hig- 
 ginson and Skelton as their pastors, and ordained them to 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 68 
 
 the office through the laying on of liands by certain breth- 
 ren appointed by the church for that purpose. The church 
 being thus constituted, a number more were accepted as 
 members ; some, on a declaration of their agreement with 
 the covenant ; others, on a written statement of their faith 
 and hope ; and others, again, on an oral relation before the 
 church in regard to their spiritual state ; but no one was 
 admitted without satisflictory evidence of a blameless life 
 and conversation. A sufficient warrant in regard to faith 
 and life was the only condition of fellowship ; in what form, 
 was left to the discretion of the elders. They furthermore 
 agreed with the Plymouth church in regarding the children 
 of believers as church-members with their parents, and bap- 
 tism as a seal of this membership. Only it was required 
 that, before admission to the Lord's Supper, each one 
 should be examined by the church-officers ; if found to bo 
 sufficiently instructed in the essential doctrines of religion, 
 free from open scandal, and willing to confess publicly to 
 the covenant, he was then admitted. 
 
 It is obvious that the regulations here adopted were lia- 
 ble to fluctuation ; for in matters of conscience, everything 
 cannot be foreseen and a complete system formed at once. 
 It appears, too, by comparing the words of Higginson when 
 leaving England with the course pursued by his church 
 towards members of the Episcopal communion, that such 
 opposition resulted from no settled plan, but was more or 
 less forced upon them. Mather^ relates that Higginson, on 
 setting sail from the Isle of Wight, looked back on his 
 native land and exclaimed : " "We will not say as the Sepa- 
 ratists were wont to say at their leaving of England, Fare- 
 well Babylon ! farewell Rome ! but we will say, Farewell, 
 
 1 Magnolia, Book III. p. 74. In the diary and letters of Higginson (col- 
 lection of original papers,) nothing is found in relation to this point. 
 
64 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 dear England ! farewell, the church of God in England, and 
 all the christian friends there! We do not go to New 
 England as separatists from the Church of England; though 
 we cannot but separate from the corruptions in it ; but we 
 go to practise the positive part of church reformation, and 
 propagate the gospel in America." But they wished, nev- 
 ertheless, to be free from that which had so agitated the 
 Church of England, and hindered the full development of 
 the Reformation. Soon after the formation of the church 
 in Salem, some among the settlers opposed the establish- 
 ment of public worship, because the Liturgy of the Church 
 of England had been discarded. They charged the minis- 
 ters with favoring separatism, out of which would soon 
 grow anabaptism ; and they declared that they would, for 
 their part, adhere to the order of the English Church. But 
 the ministers replied that "they were neither Separatists 
 nor 'Anabaptists; that they did not separate from the 
 Church of England, nor from the ordinances of God there, 
 but only from the corruptions and disorders of that church ; 
 that they came away from the common prayer and cere- 
 monies, and had suffered much for their non-conformity in 
 their native land ; and therefore, being in a place where 
 they might have their liberty, they neither could nor would 
 use them ; inasmuch as they judged the imposition of these 
 things to be a sinful violation of the worship of God." The 
 leaders of the opposite party, two brothers by the name of 
 Brown, attempted to set up a church of their own ; but, by 
 authority of the magistrates, in which the clergy unreserv- 
 edly concurred, they were immediately sent back to Eng- 
 land. Perhaps some civil offence was connected with this 
 disagreement;^ perhaps, also, men who had fled from per- 
 
 1 Neal, in his History of New England, I. p. 145, charges them with 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 65 
 
 sccution, miglit find cause of apprehension in the establish- 
 ment of a church which attached so high a value to tlie 
 very things on account of which they had been persecuted 
 and exiled. The government regarded the measure as one 
 of self-defence. 
 
 OOTEKKMEMT OF THB COLOXT TRANSFERRED TO KBW ENOLAMD 
 FOUNDINO OF BOSTOK. 
 
 The Massachusetts Bay Company, which had been char- 
 tered by royal authority, on being informed of the pros- 
 perous condition of the settlements made in 1G29, wished 
 to adopt some special measures for their advancement. It 
 was resolved to transfer the government of the colony to 
 Xew England itself; and accordingly John Winthrop, who 
 with many other distinguished and wealthy men was 
 desirous of settling in New England, was chosen Gov- 
 ernor. Harmonizing with the colonists in religious views, 
 he had also had opportunity for showing, under very diffi- 
 cult circumstances, his capacity for this office, to which, 
 with brief interruptions, he was reelected for twenty suc- 
 cessive years. A few days after the departure of the 
 expedition (consisting of ten ships) a little writing was 
 published,^ entitled "The humble request of liis Majesty's 
 loyal subjects, the Governor and Company lately gone for 
 New England, to the rest of their brethren in and of the 
 Church of England ; for the obtaining of their prayers, 
 and the removal of suspicions and misconstructions of 
 their intentions." "We desire," such is its language 
 " you would be pleased to take notice of the principals 
 and body of our company, as those who esteem it our 
 
 "endeavoring to raise a mutiny;" but this assertion is not sustained by 
 evidence, and Mather says nothing of tlic kind. 
 
 1 Hutchinson's Histpry of Massachusetts, Vol. I., Appendix. 
 
 6* 
 
66 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 honor to call the Church of England, from whence we 
 arise, our dear mother, and cannot part from our native 
 country where she specially resideth, without much sad- 
 ness of heart, and many tears in our eyes ; ever acknowl- 
 edging that such hope and part as we have obtained in 
 the common salvation, we have received it in her bosom, 
 and sucked it fi-om her breasts. We leave it not, there- 
 fore, as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished 
 there, but, blessing God for the parentage and education 
 as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her 
 good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow that shall 
 ever betide her ; and, while we have breath, sincerely de- 
 sire and endeavor the continuance and abundance of her 
 welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in the king- 
 dom of Christ Jesus. You are not ignorant that the spirit 
 of God stirred up the apostle Paul to make a continual 
 mention of the church at Philippi, which was a colony 
 fi*om Rome ; let the same spirit, we beseech you, put you 
 in mind that are the Lord's remembrancers, to pray for us 
 without ceasing, who are the weak colony from your- 
 selves. What goodness you shall extend unto us, in this 
 or any other christian kindness, we your brethren in Christ 
 Jesus shall labor to repay, in what duty we are or shall be 
 able to perform ; promising so far as God shall enable us, 
 to give him no rest on your behalfs; wishing our heads 
 and hearts may be fountains of tears for your everlasting 
 welfare, when we shall be in our poor cottages in the wil- 
 derness overshadowed with the spiiit of suppUcation, 
 through the manifold necessities and tribulations which 
 may, not altogether unexpectedly, nor we hoj^e unprofit- 
 ably, befall us." 
 
 The exiles who in this manner bade farewell to their 
 native land, landed in Salem, July, 1630. From this place 
 
NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 67 
 
 iliey settled Charlestown and Dorchester, and towards the 
 end of the same year founded the town of Boston, which, 
 as the seat of government, and through its superior com- 
 mercial position, soon rose into great importance. In the 
 years following, under the oppressive administration of 
 Archbishop Laud, emigration became a still more pressing 
 necessity ; so that settlements were speedily formed, not only 
 on the coast of Massachusetts Bay, but farther west, as at the 
 mouth and on the shores of the Connecticut. These later 
 colonies did not, however, rise into the rank of Massachu- 
 setts, which at the very outset had left the older settle- 
 ment of New Plymouth far behind. But in tracing the 
 historical development which the church-system of the 
 Independents exhibited in New England, Massachusetts 
 will preeminently demand consideration, not alone on 
 account of her extent of territory, but because here the 
 principles of the Independents were most distinctly ex- 
 l^ounded, and most powerfully defended ; and it was from 
 this chief theatre of outward assault and inward conflict, 
 that the consequences of the struggle passed over to the 
 rest of New England. But before attempting to portray 
 tliese conflicts, we must now consider what appears as 
 characteristic of this new church-party in Ameiica ; and 
 we must also, in connection with a retrospect of the orig- 
 inal character of the Independents, particularly exhibit the 
 cliange wrought m this respect by the emigration. 
 
 THE TWO FDXDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF CONOREOATIOXALI8M. 
 
 In separating from the Episcopal Church, the Church 
 party of the Independents, as we have seen, not merely 
 took ground against certain specific abuses, but assumed a 
 pecidiar character, through the two following positions, 
 viz; 
 
68 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 1. The several churches are altogether independent of 
 one another. 
 
 2. Evidence of the requisite qualifications is required by 
 the church, before admission to the Lord's Supper. 
 
 These principles, first announced in Holland, and 
 brought thence to New Plymouth, found almost universal 
 acceptance among such of the New England settlers as 
 had forsaken their native land on account of religion. 
 From the very outset their institutions were regulated, 
 and the conflicts which arose were conducted, by these 
 fundamental principles. The most explicit and decided 
 expression of them is found in the platform of church dis- 
 cipline, proposed in a synod held at Cambridge, in Massa- 
 chusetts, 1648, which was generally adopted. This 
 Confession of Faith belongs, indeed, to a later period, and 
 we shall have occasion to recur to it farther on ; ^ but, as 
 it expresses throughout, as we shall see, the principles of 
 the early colonists unchanged,^ we may here borrow from 
 
 1 See Chapter V. 
 
 2 In the Collection of original papers is found a document called An Ab- 
 stract of the Laws of New England, probably from the year 1637. This 
 abstract was printed in London in 1635, and is mentioned by the editor, 
 William Aspinwell, as a work of Cotton, who will claim our notice farther 
 on. Those of the enactments which relate to the Church, contain the germ 
 of the Synodial-conclusions of 1648. Thus, among the duties of the gov- 
 ernor is reckoned the preservation of religion, and the general court is to 
 support him in maintaining the purity and the unity of religion. Civil 
 rights belong alone to members of the churches which have been regularly 
 formed with the concurrence of the churches already established; as such 
 members those are designated who are admitted to the Lord's Supper. 
 We here subjoin the following characteristic laws: According to Ch.^. 
 4. no one is to build his house above half a mile, at most a mile, from 
 the place where the church assembles. Ch. 8. 5. declares that heresy is 
 the stubborn maintenance of a destructive error which subverts the foun- 
 dations of the christian i-eligion; if connected with attempts to seduce 
 others, it shall be punished with death, such a heretic being no less than 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 69 
 
 it the official declarations of the same. In the second 
 chaj)ter, after making the distinction between the cliurch 
 militant and the cliurch triumphant, as "well as between 
 the visible and the invisible church, it thus proceeds, in 
 reference to fellowship in the church : 
 
 "5. The state of the members of the militant visible 
 church, walking in order, was either, before the law (Gen. 
 18 : 19, Ex. 19:6), economical, that is, in families ; or, under 
 the law, national: or, since the coming of Christ, only 
 congregational,^ therefore neither national, provincial, 
 nor classical."^ 
 
 "6. A congregational church is, by the institution of 
 Christ, a part of the militant visible church, consisting of 
 a company of saints by calling, united into one body by a 
 lioly covenant, for the public worship of God, and the 
 mutual edification of one another in the fellowship of the 
 Lord Jesus." 
 
 By the term "saints by calling" is to be understood, 
 according to chapter 3, ^ 2 : "1. Such as have not only 
 attained the knowledge of the principles of religion, and 
 are free from open and gross scandals, but also do, together 
 with the profession of their faith and repentance^ walk in 
 hlameless obedience to the word, 2. The children of such, 
 who are also holy." The more particular determinations, 
 
 an idolater. S 6. Such members of the church as obstinately, after due 
 admonition and conviction, refuse to submit to the will of the well grounded 
 churches, and to their christian reproof and discipline, shall bo cut off by 
 banishment, or be punished according to the judgment of the court. 
 
 1 Here occurs in parentheses the words : " the term Independent we ap- 
 prove not." This change of names, Brownists, Independents, C!ongrega- 
 tionalists, is certainly not without significance. 
 
 2 The last term has reference to the synodical, classical, and congrega- 
 tional assemblies of Presbyterianism. The classes embrace several con- 
 gregations and are subject to the synods. 
 
70 NEAV ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 in respect to the requisites for church membership, which 
 are contained in the twelfth chapter of this platform, and 
 have reference to a certain contrary view, previously men- 
 tioned, will be given in full presently. Respecting the 
 other point, the limits of church government, we here 
 notice the principle, laid down in chapter 3, 4, that the 
 bounds of a church shall not overgo such limits as that all 
 the members may not conveniently meet together in one 
 place. On a greater increase of the population they should, 
 as indeed happened continually, form two churches. So 
 also, through the choice of ministers, elders, and deacons, 
 was maintained the direct participation of the whole body 
 in church government. In regard to this, a distinction is 
 made between the power exercised by the officers of the 
 church, as such, and that belonging to all the members. 
 Thus, chapter 5, ^ 2, it is said : " The latter is in the breth- 
 ren, formally and immediately from Christ ; that is, so as it 
 may be acted and exercised immediately by themselves ; 
 the former is not in them formally or immediately, and 
 therefore cannot be acted or exercised immediately by 
 them, but is said to be in them, in that they design the 
 persons unto office, who only are to act or to exercise this 
 power." Even though it is said, chapter 10, that these two 
 powers are supplementary to each other, yet has the church 
 the right to dismiss her officers ; not only because she has 
 herself chosen them, but because in her resides the power 
 of church government. This constitution, which is, in the 
 proper sense of the word, democratic (so, indeed, it is ex- 
 pressly designated), essentially contributed to maintain, in 
 the relations of the churches thus existing side by side, the 
 principles of independency. It is true, several synods 
 were soon called, and even empowered to "debate and 
 determine controversies of faith and cases of conscience," 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 71 
 
 to issue admonitions in reference to single churches, and 
 even to exclude iGrom fellowship such churches as departed 
 from the right way. Still it is declared, in chapter 16, H, 
 'that the synods " cannot exercise church ce7isures, in way 
 of discipline^ nor any other act of church authority or 
 jurisdiction^ 
 
 THE CONGREOATIONALIBT THEOCRACY. 
 
 The two principles here mentioned, which are still held 
 by the Congregationalists of the present day, were cher- 
 ished as of vital import by our colonists, to whom the 
 affairs of religion, the exercise of their own form of wor- 
 ship, and the enjoyment of the divinely instituted means 
 of gi-ace, appeared the goal of all their efforts. They 
 regarded themselves, moreover, not as single fugitives, but 
 as a body politic an idea brought out in the Instru- 
 ment, subscribed at Cape Cod in 1 620,^ with a clearness 
 which excites astonishment. What they wished was a 
 State, which they could enjoy in common as an ordinance 
 of God. But the State was to unfold within the church. 
 As they regarded the government as God's servant, so 
 likewise aJTcitizens, as such, were to serve God. Thus " it 
 was resolved in the General Court, at Boston, May 18," 
 1631, that "for the future no one shall be admitted to 
 the freedom of this body politic, unless he be a member of 
 some church within the limits of the same." Thus was 
 here developed a State church. One evidence of this is 
 furnished by this fact^ among others, that the clergy were 
 to be supported, not merely by the contributions of actual 
 church members, but "all who are instructed in the Word 
 must contribute for those by whom they are taught in all 
 good things." [Platform, chap. 1 1, k 4.] The views then 
 
 1 See p. 57. 
 
72 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 entertained of the relation between the civil and the eccle- 
 siastical government, serve to explain the measures pur- 
 sued in the controversies, as well as in the development of 
 the Congregationalist church in general. We here quote 
 from the articles of the platform, thus giving the views, in 
 their very words, of those who professed them. The 17th 
 chapter treats of " the power of the civil authority in church 
 matters^'^ and maintains : 
 
 " 1. That it is lawful, profitable, and necessary for Chris- 
 tians to gather themselves together into church estate, and 
 therein to exercise all the ordinances of Christ, according 
 unto the Word, although the consent of the magistrate could 
 not be had thereunto ; because the apostles, and Christians 
 in their time, did frequently thus practise when the magis- 
 trates being all of them Jewish and pagan, and most per- 
 secuting enemies, would give no countenance or consent 
 to such matters. 
 
 " 2. Church-government stands in no opposition to civil 
 government of commonwealths, nor any way intrencheth 
 upon the authority of civil magistrates in their jurisdic- 
 tions ; nor any whit weakeneth their hands in governing, 
 but rather strengtheneth them, and furtheretlT the people 
 in yielding more ready and conscionable obedience to 
 them, whatsoever some ill-affected persons to the ways of 
 Christ have suggested, to alienate the affections of kings 
 and princes from the ordinances of Christ ; as if the king- 
 dom of Christ in his church could not rise or stand with- 
 out the falling and weakening of their government, which 
 is also of Christ (Isa. 40 : 23) ; whereas the contrary is 
 most true, that they may both stand together and flourish, 
 the one being helpful unto the other, in their distinct and 
 due discriminations. 
 
 " 3. The power and authority of magistrates is not for 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 73 
 
 tho restraining of churches (Rom. 13 : 4^ 1 Tim. 2 : 2), or 
 any other good works, but for helping in and furthering 
 thereof; and therefore the consent and countenance of 
 magistrates, wlien it may be had, is not to bo slighted 
 or lightly esteemed ; but, on the contrary, it is a part of 
 that honor due to christian magistrates, to desire and crave 
 then* consent and approbation therein ; which being ob- 
 tained, the churches may then proceed in their way, with 
 much more encouragement and comfort. 
 
 "4. It is not in the power of magistrates to compel 
 their subjects to become church-members, and to partake 
 of the Lord's supper (Ezek. 44 : 7, 9) ; for the priests are 
 reproved, that brought unworthy ones into the sanctuary 
 (1 Cor. 5 : 11) ; then it was unlawful for the priests, so is 
 it as unlawful to be done by civil magistrates ; those whom 
 the church is to cast out if they were in, the magistrate 
 ought not to thrust them into the church, nor to hold them 
 therein. 
 
 " 5. As it is unlawful for church-officers to meddle with 
 the sword of the magistrate, so it is unlawful for the ma- 
 gistrate to meddle with the work proper to church-officers. 
 The acts of Moses and David, who were not only princes 
 but prophets, were extraordinary, therefore not imitable. 
 Against such usurpation the Lord witnessed, by smiting 
 Uzziah with leprosy for presuming to offer incense. 
 
 " 6. It is the duty of the magistrate to take care of mat- 
 ters of religion, and to improve his civil authority for the 
 observing of the duties commanded in the first, as well as 
 for observing of the duties commanded in the second 
 table.^ They are called gods (Ps. 88 : 8.) The end of 
 the magistrate's office is not only the quiet and peaceable 
 life of the subject in matters of righteousness and honesty, 
 
 I In other words, datics towards God as well as towards man. 
 
 7 
 
74 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 but also in matters of godliness, yea, of all godliness (1 
 Tim. 2:2). Moses, Joshua, David, Solomon, Asa, Jehosa- 
 phat, Hezekiah, Josiah, are much commended by the Holy 
 Ghost, for the putting forth their authority in matters of 
 religion ; on the contrary, such kings as have been failing 
 this way are frequently taxed and reproved of the Lord. 
 And not only the kings of Judah, but also Job (chap. 29 : 
 25), Nehemiah (chap. 13.), the king of Nineveh (Jonah 
 3 : 7), Darius, Artaxerxes (Ezra 7), Nebuchadnezzar (Dap. 
 3 : 29), whom none looked at as types of Christ (though 
 were it so, there were no place for any just objection) are 
 commended in the books of God, for exercising their 
 authority in this way. 
 
 "7. The objects of the power of the magistrate are not 
 things merely inward, and so not subject to his cognizance 
 and view, as unbelief, hardness of heart, erroneous ojjinions 
 not vented, "but only such things as are acted by the outer 
 man ; neither is their power to be exercised in commanding 
 such acts of the outward man, and punishing the neglect 
 thereof, as are but mere inventions and devices of men, 
 but about such acts as are commanded and forbidden in 
 the Word ; yea, such as the Word doth clearly determine, 
 though not always clearly to the judgment of the magis- 
 trate or others, yet clearly in itself In these he, of right, 
 ought to put forth his authority, though ofttimes actually 
 he doth it not.^ 
 
 "8. Idolatry, blasphemy, heresy, venting corrupt and 
 pernicious opinions that destroy the foundation, open con- 
 tempt of the word preached, profanation of the Lord's 
 day, disturbing the peaceable administration and exercise 
 
 1 This prorision, as well as many others in these laws, is exceedingly in- 
 definite. The application to single cases could only be determined by the 
 spirit of the code, which is indeed sufficiently manifest. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 75 
 
 of the worship and holy things of God, are to be restrained 
 and punished by civil authority. 
 
 " 9. If any church, one or more, shall grow schismatical, 
 rending itself from the communion of otlier churches, or 
 shall walk incorrigibly and obstinately in any corrupt way 
 of their own, contrary to the rule of the Word ; in such 
 case the magistrate is to put forth his coercive power, as 
 the matter shall require. The tribes on this side Jordan 
 intended to make war against the other tribes, for building 
 the altar of witness, (Josh. 22), whom they suspected to 
 have turned away therein from following of the Lord." 
 
 From these declarations it is manifest that the govern- 
 ment was THEOCRATIC. The settlers, whose aim it was to 
 derive all their institutions from the word of God, here 
 also universally appealed to the Jewish code.^ It is from 
 this point of view that we must contemplate those per- 
 emptory measures for the expulsion of every opposite 
 tendency, which threatened to disturb the unity of the 
 Church and the State governments, or but to cripple the 
 efficiency of the latter. But here vre must especially call 
 attention to that peculiarity of this theocratic constitution, 
 by which no one was permitted to exercise a civil office, or 
 even to enjoy full civil rights, unless he were a member of ^ 
 some regular church, established and ordered in accord- 
 ance with the principles of the Independents. In the case 
 of State Churches elsewhere, whether of past or present 
 
 1 Collection of original papers, p. 161, where occurs the following quo- \ 
 tation from a manuscript biography of John Davenport (p. 108,) by Cot- 
 ton : " Tlie Theocracy, that is, God's government, is to be established as 
 the best form of government. Here the people, who chooses its civil 
 rulers, is God's people, and, equally with those they choose, in covenant 
 with him; they are members of the churches; God's laws and God's ser- 
 vants are enquired of for counsel." 
 
76 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 time, membership is conferred by birth, and no one, while 
 conforming to existing usages, and to the preponderating 
 influence of the older members, is excluded except for 
 some explicitly avowed contrariety of opinion. But in 
 New England, one could not thus silently pass into the 
 membership of the church. He was only admitted on 
 the develoj)ment in the individual of a definite conscious 
 need for fellowship with the church, and when, after being 
 examined by the minister and elders, he had publicly made 
 confession of his faith before the church, and had given 
 evidence of his religious state as that of a regenerate man. 
 
 Thus, was the State also, as well as the Church, to be a 
 
 / 
 
 COMMUNITY OF BELIEVEES. 
 
 It is the object of the following chapters to depict, first 
 the conflict which arose with, and also within, this the- 
 ocratic constitution ; secondly, the dissolution of the 
 same ; and finally, the condition which resulted from its 
 abrogation. But before proceeding to this development, 
 we will preface it by some information in regard to the 
 political relations of the Colonies during the first half of 
 the period now under consideration, and briefly refer to 
 their missionary undertakings, and to the founding of the 
 theological Institution at Cambridge. The two latter do 
 not indeed stand in the same immediate connection with 
 the historical development now to be presented; but so 
 far deserve special attention, as contributing to the more 
 exact characterization of the Kew England Church. 
 
 POLITICAL DIVISION AND HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 In its political character also, the government was purely 
 democratic. In accordance with the charter before men- 
 tioned, the whole body of free citizens elected the Gov- 
 ernor, the members of the Court of Assistants, and Gen- 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 77 
 
 eral Court,* which combined in itself the legislative 
 and highest judicial power. What might have appeared 
 wholly inadmissible in a cortimercial company in England, 
 assumed a different aspect, when, by transplantation to the 
 other side of the ocean, and by the growth of all the ele- 
 ments of a state, the proper rights of sovereignty had 
 attached themselves almost unnoticed to the delegated pri- 
 vileges. These rights had from the first been exercised 
 with steady firmness by the government in Boston, in the 
 full conviction of proceeding in accordance with the laws 
 of God, and in harmony with the letter and spirit of their 
 charter. When, in the year 1630, the government of Ply- 
 mouth put the question in Boston,'^ whether it possessed 
 the competency to execute sentence of death on a con- 
 victed murderer, the answer was, that undoubtedly it had 
 that right, though the warrant lay solely in the analogy of 
 procedure by the Massachusetts government. Agreement 
 with the laws of England was, it is true, expressly recog- 
 nized as the rule in legislation ; but more in theory than 
 practice. An appeal to England was only resorted to 
 exceptionally and by necessity. It may appear singular 
 that this should not have been opposed at the very first, 
 by the mother country. But before the consequences 
 could be foreseen by Charles I., his power to carry even 
 the most unimportant measure was entirely gone. The 
 Republicans in England favored the development of this 
 
 1 More distinctive are the designations afterwards in use : Council and 
 General Assembly. According to the laws of 1637, (see p. 68,) all govern- 
 mental power is vested in and proceeds from the Supreme Court. When 
 subsequently, in accordance with the charter of William III., the governors 
 were appointed by the crown, the governor, council, and general as- 
 sembly were often compared to the king, lords, and commons. 
 
 BayUes, I. p. 203. 
 
 7* 
 
78 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 free government, and thus it had become firmly established 
 when, at a later i:>eriod, it was assailed by Charles II. 
 
 The great distinction enjoyed by Massachusetts is strik- 
 ingly illustrated by the fact, that many of the colonies 
 which by degrees came into existence held, for a longer or 
 shorter period, a dependent relation to her, more or less 
 clearly defined. Thus New Hampshlre, where single 
 settlements had been formed soon after the founding of 
 New Plymouth, and where in 1631 the town of Ports- 
 mouth was settled, subjected itself in 1640 to the jurisdic- 
 tion of the General Court of Massachusetts. The de- 
 tached settlements in Maine were longer held back from 
 the same measure by private individuals; but in 1651 this 
 colony also became attached to Massachusetts. Remaining 
 thinly peopled down to recent times, it was not till 1820 
 that Maine was admitted as a proper state into the con- 
 federacy of the United States. Although both colonies 
 were for a time again withdrawn from Massachusetts by 
 royal decree, yet she understood how to maintain her 
 authority over them, so long as she retained possession of 
 her charter. 
 
 From the settlements first; established, persons went 
 farther westward to the river Connecticut, and in 1636, 
 planted Hartford. In this they jDroceeded on a sort of 
 warrant from the General Court at Boston ; but soon find- 
 ing that they were beyond the jurisdiction embraced in 
 the charter of Massachusetts, they established a political 
 organization after the model of that colony, made laws, and 
 chose magistrates. Not long after, a company arrived 
 from England with a patent for this same region ; but as 
 it did not answer their expectations, they sold their charter 
 to the previous settlers. Still more destitute of legal 
 authority was the colony of New Haven, which lay farther 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 79 
 
 A\ ostward, bordering on the possessions then held by the 
 Dutch. Hither, in 1C37, had come a party of emigrants 
 with their minister, John Davenport, under the guidance 
 of Theophihis Eaton, afterwards their Governor, and liad 
 purchased of the Indians on this part of the mainland, as 
 well as on the opposite island of Long Island.^ Here they 
 adopted as their model the government of Massachusetts, 
 adhering to it still more strictly than the founders of Con- 
 necticut, who had at once ordained that civil rights should 
 be enjoyed without reference to church membership. 
 
 Surrounded by the above-named colonies, lay Provi- 
 dence and Rhode Island, whose settlement will be 
 treated of in the next chapter. Founded, so early as 
 1634 and 1637, by fugitives and exiles from Massachusetts, 
 they had thus long sustained themselves in direct opposi- 
 tion to the other colonies, who refused all connection with 
 them. They were denied admission to a proposed confed- 
 eracy, which went into effect in 1643, when the four colo- 
 nies of New Plymouth, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and 
 New Haven combined themselves in a league, offensive 
 and defensive, as the United States op New England. 
 
 In this compact also, having for its object mutual pro- 
 tection, as w^ell against the attacks of the Indians as 
 against their northern neighbore the French and their 
 western neighbors the Dutch, Massachusetts held a marked 
 preponderance. During the changes in the government 
 of England at the period of the first English revolution, 
 the colonies submitted to the ruling authority, whatever it 
 might be ; and strong as must have been their s}'mpathy 
 with the Independent party, they greeted the accession of 
 Charles II., in 1661, wdth a loyal address of congratulation. 
 
 1 A part of the island was colonized from New Amsterdam ; later it 
 belonged wholly to New York- 
 
80 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 "'.^ 
 
 Shortly after, charters were granted by the king to Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut and New Haven, the two latter of 
 which were in 1664 united into one colony. The same 
 year New Amsterdam was captured by the English and 
 named New York. In 1668 Holland relinquished her col- 
 onies at the peace of Breda, recaptured them indeed in 
 1674, but in the following year lost possession of them for- 
 ever. But while the western frontier of New England 
 was thus secured, within its borders raged a bloody war 
 with the Indians, favored by the French and by the lead- 
 ership of the enterj^rising Philip, king of the Wampanoags. 
 With the death of the latter, in 1676, the power of the 
 Indians within the territory itself was broken, and hence- 
 forth they only attempted war on the borders in connec- 
 tion with the French. 
 
 The later political relations of New England, so far as 
 they serve for the illustration of its church-history, will be 
 glanced at farther on.^ About the year 1680, a year of 
 great changes in many respects. New England consisted 
 of the three united colonies of New Plymouth, Massachu- 
 setts with Maine and New Hampshire, and Connecticut 
 with New Haven. The settlements of Rhode Island and 
 Providence had also been united into one, since the year 
 1643. 
 
 MISSIONARlf AND EDUCATIONAL EPFOKTS. 
 
 "Within every Christian communion, so soon at least as 
 its interior organization has acquired a certain degree of 
 solidity, and a fresh vigorous life, a tendency is develoj^ed 
 to spread the gospel beyond its own limits. But this ten- 
 dency takes different outward forms, not only according to 
 the fields offered or sought for its operations, but also 
 
 1 See Chap. Vin. 
 
NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 81 
 
 according to the character and relations of the churches 
 themselves. The truth of this may be sliown tlirough the 
 entire history of tlie christian church. The cliristianiza- 
 tion of classical antiquity owed its peculiar fonn no less to 
 the character of the apostolic age, as a period of preemi- 
 nent pei*sonalities, than did the conversion of the Germanic 
 world to the inflexibly rigid organism of the Romish 
 church. In regard to the missionary activity of New 
 England, it is to be noted as a peculiar characteristic, that 
 it manifested itself at a very early period; only a few 
 decades after the first formation of Independent churches, 
 only a few years after the establishment of the larger 
 churches in New England. In regard to the progress 
 of this activity, it is especially worthy of note that the 
 missionaries had to do with a foreign race, who lived 
 beside and among Europeans, yet in respect to civil- 
 ization standing most decidedly below them. The names 
 of Eliot and of the Mayhew family have become generally 
 known, as the most eminent preachers of the gospel among 
 the Indians. These men, besides the gifts of religious 
 heroism and unconquerable endurance, possessed also the 
 ability to make what they taught intelligible and accepta- 
 ble, and to form churches out of those whom they had 
 gained as fiiends of the word of God. In this work, which 
 was very early crowned with great success, they were bus-. 
 tained by many other distinguished men. In spite of the 
 opposition of the former priests, who feared to lose the 
 gains of their sorceries ; in spite of their chiefs who feared 
 to lose that unlimited j^ower which they possessed over 
 their property, various churches, some of them very large 
 in numbers, were formed from the converted, or, as they 
 were called, "praying Indians." It was not long before 
 preachers were raised up from among the Indians them- 
 
82 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 selves, who sought to make known the gospel to their 
 countrymen. But it must here be remarked, that these 
 missions were not merely the undertakings of individuals ; 
 the mother-country did not fail to encourage and sustain 
 them. In the Massachusetts Charter, it was expressly 
 made the duty of the settlers "to win and incite the 
 natiA'es of that country, to the knowledge and obedience 
 of the only true God and Saviour of mankind." An associ- 
 ation was formed in England, confirmed in the year 1647, 
 imder the name of the " Society for the spread of the Gos- 
 pel in foreign lands," which contributed money for pur- 
 chasing articles of various kinds, necessary to the support 
 of English and Indian missionaries, and especially for pro- 
 curing a translation of the Bible into the Indian tongue. 
 The Congregational churches of New England made a sim- 
 ilar expression of their sympathy, by the establishment of 
 an Indian College for the education of native preachers. 
 The later results did not indeed correspond to this noble 
 beginning ; for not only was the education of native mis- 
 sionaries given up and the Indian College abolished, but 
 the Indian churches themselves fell into decay. In place 
 of the original confidence reposed in the English, there 
 sprung up gradually an enmity towards them, to which the 
 border wars with the French and Dutch had greatly con- 
 tributed. After King Philip's war, the former relation 
 was not reestablished, as indeed, from that time, the colo- 
 nists no longer observed so strictly in their dealings with 
 the natives those earlier principles of integrity, of which 
 we have before spoken. The government was unable, 
 either by prohibitions or punishments, to hinder the sale 
 of brandy, which was furnished to the natives not only by 
 the French, but at a later period by the people of New 
 England also ; and to such a degree did the Indians aban- 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 88 
 
 (ion tliemselvcs to intoxication, that it may be regarded as 
 one of the chief causes of their gradual decay and ruin. In 
 connection witli that avei-sion to civilization, natural to 
 tribes which have grown up in the forest, the Indians in 
 general have been stigmatized as an idle race, as Mather 
 says, "they kept the command : Thou slialt sanctify the sev- 
 enth day ; but not the other : Six days shalt thou labor." 
 An unconquerable piide, moreover, forbade their engaging 
 in regular occupation, or the pui-suits of agriculture. They 
 were unfitted for admittance into the New England con- 
 federacy on terms of equality with the other members. 
 Even for a special alliance, which, with increasing culture, 
 might have developed itself into something farther, they 
 were not sufficiently protected against hostile interference ; 
 not sufficiently isolated from the peaceful progress of Euro- 
 pean civilization. Yet, in contemplating the fate of this 
 unhappy people, in general, as well as the inconsiderable 
 results of missionary effiart among them, we must not leave 
 out of view the subsequent decay of Christianity among 
 those to whose care they were committed. It is a striking 
 fact that the fifth decade of the eighteenth century, which 
 was distinguished by a special revival of the religious life 
 in New England, produced also in Brainerd^ a missionary 
 who labored among the Indians with the gifts, the active 
 zeal, and to a certain extent with the success of those ear- 
 lier preachers of the word. 
 
 An index no less characteristic of the Congregationalists 
 than their missionary activity, but in another direction, 
 is seen in the early establishment of a scientific institution. 
 So early as September 1630, that is, immediately after the 
 founding of Boston, four hundred pounds sterling were 
 
 1 The diary of his labors and experiences is contained in the biography 
 published hy Jonathan Edwards, which we shall mention further on. 
 
84 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 appropriated at an assembly of the General Court for the 
 establishment of a college. But as this sum was insuffi- 
 cient for the purpose, and it could not then be increased, 
 the execution of the plan was delayed some years. But in 
 1637, John Harvard, a minister who had shortly before 
 arrived from England, bequeathed to this object seven , 
 hundred and eighty pounds ; a committee was then formed, 
 and contributions being added both by the colonial gov- 
 ernment and by private individuals, the work was now set 
 forward without delay. ^N'ewtown, a place settled in 1629, 
 was selected as the location, and was called Cambridge, in 
 honor of the English University-town; the Seminary 
 itself, in memory of the above-mentioned legacy as the 
 main constituent of the first fund, received the name of 
 Harvard College. A building was erected expressly for 
 the purpose, where the pupils lived together as in the 
 English universities. Even in its first years, this institu- 
 tion became a schola illustris, where polite learning and 
 philosophy formed the substance of the course of instruc- 
 tion. The first charter of 1642 mentions a president and 
 six ministers from the neighboring towns of Cambridge, 
 Watertown, Boston, Charlestown, Roxbury and Dorches- 
 ter, who in connection w^ith the Boston Government were 
 to have the oversight of the college. Thus the college 
 received at once a theological character, a peculiarity 
 which became yet more manifest on the confirmation and 
 extension of the oiiginal charter in 1650 and 1672, after 
 the Indian College above-mentioned was incorporated with 
 it. At a still later period it received a yet farther enlarge- 
 ment in its general design and character. The right was 
 granted it of conferring academic degrees, that of master 
 being reached in order after a residence of seven years. 
 The terms of admission were, ability to translate Cicero 
 
NEW KNGLAJJiD TUEOCKACY. 85 
 
 off-hand, and a knowledge of the elements of Greek gram- 
 mar. This institution had been for many years the only 
 school for the education of the clergy in New England, 
 when Yale College, in New Haven,' was founded with a 
 similar design, at the beginning of the eighteenth century. 
 In all the vicissitudes experienced by the Congregational- 
 ists, Harvard College has had a living participation. The 
 unbelief which, in the eighteenth century, extended itself 
 over New England, obtained a footing here also, and 
 increased to such a degree that gradually all the teachers 
 and directors, indicated in the charter, became Unitarians. 
 In their hands this university remains to the present day ; 
 while other colleges and seminaries have been established 
 by the Cfongregationalists of the present time. 
 
 We now proceed to the development of the ecclesiasti- 
 cal polity of New England. "We shall describe, in chapter 
 third, such forms of opposition as separated from the con- 
 nection, and in chapter fourth such as were repulsed from 
 it ; chapter fifth will treat of the suppression of the resist- 
 ance to the theocratic relation ; chapter sixth of the disso- 
 lution of this relation. 
 
 1 See Chap. VIII. As early as 1651 very earnest efforts were made for 
 the establishment of such an institution in New Haven, especially by the 
 minister of that place, John Davenport. But the resources of this colony 
 were insufficient for the purpose, and even after its union with Connecti- 
 cut it could do no more than to establish a grammar school. Trumbull's 
 History of Connecticut, Vol. I. Ch. 13. 
 
 8 
 
CHAPTEE III. 
 
 EXPULSION OF ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ANTINOMIANS 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 THE ESTABLISHED THEOCRACY FIRST CONTESTED BY ROGER WIL- 
 LIAMS ; HE IS BANISHED, AND FOUNDS TROVIDENCE ON NABRAGAN- 
 SET BAY. 
 
 The controversies of the dominant church with Roger 
 Williams and the Antinomians gave occasion to the settle- 
 ments on Narraganset Bay, which subsequently united 
 themselves to the colony of Rhode Island. The latter was 
 based on principles, in regard to the relation of church and 
 state, wholly different from those just exhibited ; but the 
 hostility and exclusive policy of the other colonies towards 
 Rhode Island had an earlier source, viz., the circumstances 
 in which this settlement originated. This will appear from 
 the following explanation. 
 
 Roger Williams^ was born in Wales in the year 1599. 
 He devoted himself at first to the study of jurisprudence, 
 but soon relinquished it for that of theology. He became a 
 clergyman in the Episcopal church, but his puritanic prin- 
 ciples constrained him, like so many others, to forsake his 
 native land. On the 5th of February 1631, he landed in 
 New England, and for a while resided in Boston. A few 
 weeks after his arrival, the church of Salem invited him to 
 
 1 Memoir of Roger Williams, by James D. Knowles. Boston: 1834. 
 This biography is enriched with many documents. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 87 
 
 become the assistant of their minister Mr. Skelton, Mr. 
 lligGjinson,* the other pastor of the church, having died 
 soon after its formation. As soon as tliis became known, 
 the Boston Court was called together by Governor Win- 
 throp, April 12th, and the following statement was made 
 by its order to the church : " That whereas Mr. Williams 
 had refused to join with the congregation at Boston, 
 because they would not make a public dciclaration cf their 
 repentance for having communion with the churches of 
 England while they lived there ; and, beside, had declared 
 his opinion that the magistrate might not punish a breach 
 of the Sabbath, nor any other offence, as it was a breach 
 of the first table; therefore they marvelled they would 
 choose him without advising with the council ; and, withal, 
 desiring they would forbear to proceed till they had con- 
 ferred about it." 
 
 The first of these charges we do not find to have been 
 again brought forward in the subsequent proceedings with 
 Williams. As we have before had occasion to observe in 
 the measures and declarations of the first Massachusetts 
 settlers, the views of the colonists in relation to fellowship 
 with the Church of England were vague and unsettled; 
 nor does it appear how far this expression of repentance 
 Avhich he desired was to extend. While at Plymouth, dur- 
 ing the following years, he maintained intercourse and fel- 
 lowship with members of the Boston church; but the 
 demand itself is in keeping with that decision of character 
 which is generally attributed to him, and which seems to 
 have been connected with a certain vehemence of temper, 
 at least in his early years. The other point in the accusa- 
 tion, that relating to the commands of the first table, is of 
 more importance ; and this we shall have another opportu- 
 
 1 See p. 60. 
 
88 NEW ENGLAND THEOCllACY. 
 
 nity for discussing, as it comes up again in connection with 
 a subsequent action against Williams. The church at Sa- 
 lem, though informed of the stej) intended by the General 
 Court, on that same 12th of April chose Williams as their 
 pastor. It is a noticeable fact that it was on the 18th of 
 May that he took his oath as citizen, exactly the time when 
 the law was passed requiring every citizen to be a member 
 of some regular church.^ This act is of importance, in 
 view of the principles with which he was afterwards 
 charged; but it shows also that the Boston government 
 took a course in this proceeding which, if not inconsistent, 
 was at least wanting in decision. But scarcely had Wil- 
 liams been a few months in Salem, when he was obliged to 
 leave that town and go to Plymouth. Manifestly this step 
 was neither voluntary on his part, nor from the wish of the 
 Salem church, as appears from their subsequent recall and 
 continued attachment to him. The Boston government 
 used their influence to carry out, in practice, the principles 
 laid down in the Cambridge Platform, (Chap, 17, 9) 
 respecting schismatical churches.^ But certainly these 
 principles were at first yet more indefinite, in respect to the 
 interference of the civil power, than after the passage of the 
 above cited law ; hence, nothing can be made out in regard 
 to their customary application, there being no direct infor- 
 mation even in respect to the present case. 
 
 Williams was well received in Plymouth, and acted as 
 assistant to their minister, Mr. Ralph Smith.^ Governor 
 Bradford"* said of him , " He was freely entertained among 
 us, acording to our poor ability, exercised his gifts among 
 us, and after some time was admitted a member of the 
 church, and his teaching well approved ; for the benefit 
 whereof I shall bless God, and am thankful to him ever for 
 
 1 See p. 71. 2 p. 75, f. 3 p. 59. 4 p. 59. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 89 - 
 
 I 
 hh sharpest admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agreed : 
 with truth. " While Williams was still residing at Plym- 
 outh, the town was visited by Governor Winthrop,^ Mr. ; 
 Wilson the Boston minister, and other distinguished men. 
 At this time no trace appeared of hostility or coldness. On | 
 a certain Sunday, when they celebrated the Lord's Supper , 
 together, the church was addressed both by the ministers 
 above mentioned, and by the Governors of Boston and i 
 Plymouth. Williams remained two years at Plymouth, but ; 
 the first favorable disposition towards liim did not continue ; i 
 the effect, probably, of the open expression of his views in ^ 
 regard to the relations of the civil magistracy. Mr. Brew- < 
 ster, the ruling elder, foreboded the farther spreading of \ 
 these opinions, and expressed his fears " that Williams would ; 
 run the same course of rigid separation and anabaptistry ] 
 which Mr. John Smith, the Se-baptist* at Amsterdam, had ; 
 done." A large part of the church now abandoned Wil- i 
 liams, who, in August 1633, willingly accepted a call from ; 
 the Salem church to assist their now infirm pastor, Mr. \ 
 Skelton ; this he did without being at first formally inducted j 
 into the office. Meanwhile, the Salem church continued to I 
 stand, to a certain degree, in an attitude of estrangement 
 towards the other churches. When, in this same year, a j 
 number of ministers of Massachusetts Bay agreed to meet \ 
 together once a fortnight for conference on the interests of j 
 the church, Skelton and Williams held aloof from it, out of 
 fear that it might grow into a presbytery or ecclesiastical \ 
 tribunal. Yet the others declared that they were all, decid- ^ 
 edly and unanimously, of the opinion that no church or per- 
 son can have any power over another church ; nor did they, i 
 
 1 Winthrop's Journal. This diary extends to the year 1G44, and con- j 
 tains very interesting particulars in regard to the history of this period. i 
 
 2 See p. 36. ! 
 
 8"^ i 
 
l/U KEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 in these meetings, attempt the slightest exercise of such 
 jurisdiction. Shortly after, "Williams was cited before the 
 General Court at Boston, on account of a treatise addressed 
 by him to the Governor and Council of Plymouth. In this 
 he had maintained that the royal charter was invalid, and 
 consequently also the colonists' title to possession, which 
 could be based alone on an agreement with the natives. In 
 the first patent, reference was indeed made to " the great 
 sickness by which the country was depopulated, and thus 
 deserted, as it were, of its natural inhabitants ; " but the 
 prevailing view was also therein expressed, that the colony 
 had passed into the possession of the King of England, as 
 that christian sovereign whose subjects had first visited 
 the country. But, as already stated, the settlers had pro- 
 ceeded wholly in accordance with the principle now laid 
 down by Williams.^ On this point, therefore, they came 
 to an understanding. He explained his irreverent expres- 
 sions in regard to the king in a less offensive sense, or 
 retracted them ; he stated, moreover, that he had regarded 
 the treatise as merely a private thing, not intended for pub- 
 licity, and even expressed his willingness to burn it. Thus 
 was this difficulty settled. 
 
 For a time he remained wholly undisturbed in his labors, 
 and gained for himself the warmest affection of his hear- 
 ers. On the death of Mr. Skelton, in August, 1634, the 
 church chose him for their pastor. The government at 
 Boston requested the church not to ordain him ; but it 
 remained unmoved, and Williams was installed in the 
 usual manner. Soon after he was cited before the 
 General Court, and this was repeated several times. In 
 the charge instituted against him on the 8th of July, 1635, 
 is contained a summary of the opinions advanced by him, 
 
 1 See p. 58. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 91 
 
 in which we find the four following points : 1. That the 
 magistrate ought not to punish the breach of the first table, 
 otherwise thanm such cases as did disturb the civil peace; 
 2. That he ought not to tender an oath to an un regenerate 
 man ; 3. That a man ought not to pray with such, though 
 .1 member of his own family ; 4. That it was not necessary 
 to give thanks after the sacrament, nor in general after 
 meat. 
 
 The first of these points is the most important, as it is 
 also the most significant of the views and principles held 
 on both sides. Those of the dominant party are contained 
 in the Cambridge Platform^ and it cannc t be questioned, 
 that to impugn this right of the magistracy was to assail 
 the existing theocratic government. Roger Williams, on 
 the other hand, as appears from his later writings as well 
 as in the founding of his new settlement, regarded the 
 entire separation of church and state as the necessary 
 condition of complete religious liberty. Hence, they could 
 come to no agreement in this respect ; though the Congre- 
 gationalists were compelled gradually to adopt these same 
 principles, which now prevail in all church-parties through- 
 out the United States. 
 
 The second point holds a certain relation to the third ; 
 but it seems also to have had reference to a special exi- 
 gency, viz^ an attempt made by the government, just at 
 this time, to procure a change in the fi-eeman's oath 
 hitherto in use. Information having come to the General 
 Court of the intrigues of certain partisans of the Episco- 
 pal church, or other malcontents, against the countiy, it 
 was resolved as a measure of safety, to tender to each man 
 a new oath of fidelity, in which was promised, in place of 
 obedience to all legal ordinances, obedience to all whole- 
 
 1 See p. 68, ff. 
 
92 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 some ordinances of the existing goveniment. No public 
 office was to be entrusted to one who refused this oath. 
 This plan was opposed by Williams, and *his influence so 
 prevailed with members of the General Court, that it could 
 not be carried through. Its origin is probably to be found 
 in a commission granted by Charles I. to Archbishop Laud 
 and others, conferring on them plenipotentiary authority 
 over the colonies ; but the mode by which they sought to 
 defend themselves was as much at war with their original 
 principles, as it was in Accordance with the measures which 
 had once made the Independents fugitives. 
 
 The positions charged upon Williams in reference to 
 the unregenerate are worthy of note. They plainly ap- 
 pear like expressions originating in unwarrantable de- 
 duction from certain principles. That fundamental rule, 
 by which the unregenerate were refused admission to the 
 membership of the Congregationalist churches, Williams 
 extended to every form of divine worship and religious 
 service ; for as such he regarded the oath. This confound- 
 ing of that which constitutes qualification for church-fel- 
 lowship with that which renders a religious reference 
 possible in any case whatever, gained no footing,^ and was 
 discarded even by the late adherents of Williams. 
 
 1 We take occasion here to quote an extraordinary specimen of argu- 
 mentation, which was made use of against Williams. He complained in 
 court of having been wronged by a slanderous report, as if he had said it 
 was unlawful for a father to call upon his child to eat his meat. Mr. 
 Hooker, a minister who was present, replied : " Why, you will say as much 
 again if you stand to your own principles, or be driven to say nothing at 
 all." Mr. Williams protesting the contrary, Mr. Hooker proceeded to rea- 
 son thus : " If it be unlawful to call on an unregenerate person to pray, since 
 it is an action of God's worship, then it is unlawful for your unregenerate 
 child to pray for a blessing on his own meat. If it be unlawful for him to 
 pray for a blessing upon his meat, it is unlawful for him to eat it, for it is 
 sanctified by prayer, and without prayer, unsanctified (1 Tim. 4: 4, 5). If 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY* 93 
 
 Tlie fourth point probably grew out of opposition to an 
 ( ffort for uniformity. In May, 1635, an act was passed by 
 the General Court at Boston, " intreating the brethren and 
 eldei-s of every church within this jurisdiction, that they 
 will consult and advise of one uniform order of discipline 
 in the churches, agreeable to the Scriptures, and then to 
 consider how far the magistrates are bound to interpose 
 for the preservation of that uniformity and peace of the 
 churches." 
 
 Notwithstanding the ultimate success of Williams's prin- 
 ciples, it is certainly not to be denied that in his own time 
 he was not in a condition to secure currency for opinions 
 which were not entirely systematized and clear in his own 
 mind, and which, to some extent, led him to pernicious 
 conclusions. His personal qualities preserved the attach- 
 ment of the church at Salem unimpaired. It so happened 
 that during the above-mentioned transactions, this town 
 applied for the assignment of a parcel of land belonging 
 to it; but the Court answered, that their choice of Mr. 
 Williams, and their perseverance in the same, showed such 
 contempt of authority, that the petition could not be 
 granted ; nor in truth was their claim admitted till after 
 the settlement of this afiiiir. The Salem church now ad- 
 dressed letters to the other churches, calling their at- 
 tention to this invasion of their rights and liberties, and 
 urging them to admonish the magistrates, as church-mem- 
 bei-s, for such a course of proceeding. Williams was still 
 
 it be unlawful for him to eat it, it is unlawAil for you to call upon him to 
 cat it; for it is unlawful for you to call upon him to sin." Mather, Book 
 VII. Cliap. II. ^ 6. Mather waxes indignant over the behavior of Wil- 
 liams, who chose to hold his peace, rather than make any answer. The 
 ministers of Boston who were present at the trial, agreed unconditionally 
 with the government. 
 
94 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 more vehemeut. Being at that time confined by sickness, 
 he wrote to his church, " that he could not communicate 
 longer with the churches in the Bay, neither would he 
 with themselves except thay would refuse communion 
 with the rest." Therefore, in October, he was again called 
 before the Court, and there, in presence of the assembled 
 ministers of the vicinity, was required to retract the opin- 
 ions expressed in his two letters. This he refused, as also 
 the offer of a respite with a view to a subsequent disputa- 
 tion. After an unavailing attempt, by a public conference, 
 to bring him to submission, the Court, with the concur- 
 rence of all the ministers present, one alone excepted, 
 passed sentence on him as follows : " Whereas, Mr. Roger 
 Williams, one of the elders of the church of Salem, hath 
 broached and divulged divers new and dangerous opinions, 
 against the authority of magistrates ; as also writ letters 
 of defamation, both of the magistrates and churches here ; 
 and that before any conviction ; and yet maintaineth the 
 same without any retraction ; it is therefore ordered, that 
 the said Mr. Williams shall depart out of this jurisdiction 
 within six weeks now next ensuing, which if he neglect to 
 perform, it shall be lawful for the governor and two of the 
 magistrates to send him to some place out of this juris- 
 diction, not to return any more without license from the 
 Court." 
 
 The church at Salem retracted their former expressions, 
 and submitted to the decision against their minister, though 
 not without great previous excitement and agitation. Wil- 
 liams having requested pei-mission to remain in Salem till 
 spring, was allowed to do so, on condition of refraining 
 from all expression of his views ; but in January 1636, be- 
 ing charged with holding assemblies in his own house for 
 the propagation of the offensive doctrines, it was resolved 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 95 
 
 by the Court that he should be sent forthwith to England. 
 During this interval, he had brought more than twenty 
 pei-sons to the determination of following him to Narra- 
 ganset Bay, southward from the Plymouth colony, for the 
 purpose of founding a settlement. As he did not answer 
 to a warrant for his appearance in Boston, a pinnace was 
 sent to Salem under a commission for his apprehension. 
 But before its arrival he had left the town ; a measure ad- 
 vised by Governor Winthrop himself, as the one most 
 conducive to the public peace and to his own personal 
 interests. 
 
 Proceeding through the yet uncultivated regions of 
 Massachusetts in a southerly direction, he succeeded in 
 establishing, on Narraganset Bay, the colony of Provi- 
 dence, which was soon joined by a considerable number of 
 persons from the older colonies. With the same conscien- 
 tiousness which he had required from others, he purchased 
 lands from the Indians, and so entirely won their confi- 
 dence, as to be able at a later period to render most impor- 
 tant services to the other colonies in the minor wars with 
 the Indians. "We shall return to the subject of his personal 
 opinions, and his relation to the other settlements, after 
 having first described another controversy in Boston, 
 which led to a second settlement on Narraganset Bay. 
 
 AKTINOMIAN AOITATIOMS ANKE HUTCHINSON. 
 
 Soon after the expulsion of Williams from Massachu- 
 setts, there arrived among the numerous emigrants to New 
 England a young man of distinguished family, whose 
 name often appears in the subsequent history of England. 
 Henry Vane abhorred the oppressions of Episcopal domi- 
 nation, and resolved to found a settlement in Connecticut. 
 His father, who was a partisan of the king, was induced 
 
96 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 by him to consent to the undertaking; for at that time 
 Charles I. seems to have favored the removal of his 
 opposers from England.^ Yane landed at Boston, in 1636, 
 and although still a young man, was immediately chosen 
 Governor of Massachusetts. Though not himself an ad- 
 herent of the Antinomian doctrines, which were at this 
 time spreading in Boston, these made great progress under 
 his government. It appears also, from a correspondence 
 between him and Williams, with whom he was on terms 
 of close friendship, that he took the same ground with him 
 in regard to unconditional freedom of religious worship 
 and of church discipline. His high rank secured him 
 many adherents among the members of the General Court, 
 who used their most strenuous efforts to secure his reelec- 
 tion as governor the following year (May, 1627) ; but 
 after considerable agitation, John Winthrop, the well-tried 
 founder of this colony, succeeded to the office.^ Under 
 him the Antinomian controversy reached its crisis and 
 teraiination. 
 
 These views had become associated with the iDreaching 
 of the most eminent and respected minister of Boston. 
 John Cotton had been some years settled as a clergyman 
 at Boston, in England,^ when he embraced, and applied in 
 public worship, the nonconformist view respecting certain 
 ceremonies in the Episcopal church. He, nevertheless, re- 
 mained several years undisturbed in his office, beloved and 
 esteemed by his congregation, and much valued by Wil- 
 
 1 Subsequently the king threw hindrances in the way of such emigra- 
 tion. In 1639, as is well known, he obliged Cromwell to relinquish his in- 
 tended voyage to New England. 
 
 2 Vane soon after returned to England, and as a member of the Long 
 Parliament, took very decided ground against the royal government. Af- 
 ter the Restoration, he was executed, June 11th, 1662, although he had not 
 been one of the judges of Charles I. 
 
 3 In Lincolnshire. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 07 
 
 Hams, the Bisliop of his diocese, who was himself incline"I 
 to Puritanism.^ But at length, a person against whom 
 the magistrates of Boston had instituted some proccedinir, 
 swore before the High Commission in London, that the 
 clerg}Tiien and magistrates of Boston did not kneel at the 
 sacrament, and, in other respects, departed from uniformity 
 in ceremonies. Before a warrant could arrive, Mr. Cotton 
 fled disguised to London ; but was there told by his friends, 
 among whom were some very distinguished men, that " if 
 he had been charged with crime, they could have obtained 
 his pardon ; but the sin of being a Puritan was unpardon- 
 able." Following the counsel of these friends, he em- 
 barked for America in the year 1636, having then exercised 
 the office of a clergyman almost twenty years. Soon after 
 liis arrival in Boston, he began to act as assistant to Mr. 
 Wilson, then minister of the church. The reputation of 
 great learning, which Cotton brought with him from 
 England, secured him high distinction : while he won the 
 love and confidence of his flock, by activity in his office, 
 and by his preaching, which was admired for its freedom 
 from Latin phrases, and displays of scholastic learning then 
 in vogue, thus being intelligible to every class of hearers.* 
 It was the custom in Boston for members of the church 
 to hold weekly meetings for conversation on the subjects 
 which had been brought before them in public worship. 
 This practice was particularly observed in connection with 
 Mr. Cotton's preaching, even among the female members 
 imder the guidance of one Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, who 
 
 1 Williams was afterwards himself called to accoant, and was heavily 
 fined and thrown into prison ; being set at liberty by the Long Parliament, 
 he became, in 1641, archbishop of York. 
 
 2 His name was so well known in England, that after the Revolution 
 broke out, he was requested by many distinguished men to return; but he 
 never again left his adopted countrv. He died in Boston in 16/52. 
 
 ' 9 
 
98 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 had arrived in the country in 1636. She was in the habit 
 of praying before assemblies of sixty to eighty persons, 
 and of repeating Mr. Cotton's discourses, to which she then 
 added explanations and reflections of her own. Here 
 Antinomian tendencies soon developed themselves ^ in the 
 doctrines, "that the person of the Holy Ghost dwells in a 
 justified person; that the command to work out our salva- 
 tion with fear and trembling refers to such only as stand 
 under the law of works ; that sanctification is no sufficient 
 evidence of a justified state." With these teachings was 
 connected a fanatical tendency, exhibited in the claim to 
 special revelations. While Vane was governor, these 
 views, which were propagated under the honored name of 
 Cotton, found favor in many quarters ; the party which 
 cherished them branded the rest as "legalists, who were 
 acquainted neither with the spirit of the Gosj^el, nor with 
 Christ himself." " People imder a covenant of works " 
 were distinguished from "people under a covenant of 
 grace." The dispute having soon spread through the 
 whole town and even among members of the government. 
 Cotton found it necessary to express his opinion in re- 
 gard to it. He rejected the new doctrines as erroneous; 
 but as he had at first formed a very favorable judgment 
 of Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers, and as she pro- 
 fessed, when admonished by him, to acquiesce in his 
 views, he expressed himself with great moderation. In 
 the crisis to which the controversy had now come, his 
 explanation satisfied neither party ; though it would 
 seem, from his being sent from Boston to New Haven, 
 for the purpose of procuring a change in the measure 
 there adopted at this time, that the personal estimation 
 which he had enjoyed remained unabated. 
 
 1 Hutch. II. p. 46. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 99 
 
 The Antinomian doctrines had just then found an advo- 
 cate in a minister by the name of Wheelwright, brothcr- 
 in-hiw of Mrs. Hutcliinson. lie maintained in a sermon, 
 tliat "the magistrates and ministers of tlie country walked 
 in such a way of salvation, as was no better than a cove- 
 nant of works." He compared them to the Jews, to 
 Herod, to the Philistines, and exhorted all who stood in 
 the covenant of grace to contend against them as against 
 their greatest enemies. Thereupon he was summoned by 
 the magistracy before the General Court at its next session, 
 and his defence having been heard, his sermon was pro- 
 nounced " seditious and tending to the disturbance of the 
 public peace." All attempts to bring him to a sense of his 
 error were unavailing; still he was allowed the time to 
 the next session for considering whether he would give in 
 his submission, or expect the sentence of the Court. The 
 adherents of the Antinomian party were so excited by this 
 attack on their minister, that they assembled the same 
 evening and drew up a petition or rather a protest against 
 the proceedings of the Court, wherein they expressed their 
 opinion that " Wheelwright had neither been guilty of any 
 seditious act whatever, nor did his doctrine contain any- 
 thing seditious, being no other than the word of Scripture; 
 it had, moreover, had no seditious consequences, for none 
 of his followers had drawn the sword, or attempted to set 
 free their innocent brother. They therefore besought the 
 Court to consider how great was the danger attending such 
 an intermeddling in the affairs of the prophets of God, and 
 to remember that even the apostle Paul was called a pesti- 
 lent fellow, a mover of sedition, and the ringleader of a 
 sect." This petition was presented to the Court a day or 
 two after the censure had been passed on Wheelwright's 
 sermon ; but though signed by above sixty names, and 
 
100 NW EXGLAND THEOCEACY. 
 
 even by some members of the Court, it was rejected by tlic 
 majority. 
 
 riKST NEW ENGLAND SYNOD EXPULSION OF THE ANTINOMIANS. 
 
 But the government was itself aware, that a division 
 which had gone so far could not be settled or suppressed 
 by ordinary means. It was resolved, therefore, to call a 
 synod of ministers and lay-delegates of the churches, from 
 which they might secure the necessary support for a vigor- 
 ous course of proceeding. This first synod of the Inde- 
 pendents met at Newtown,^ on the 30th of August 1637. 
 To this assembly, besides the regular members, the magis- 
 trates also Avere admitted for the purpose of maintaining 
 quiet and order ; and they were not only allowed to hear, 
 but as occasion offered, to express their views. A particu- 
 lar space was reserved for the adherents of the new opin- 
 ions, and free entrance was granted to all who wished to 
 be present. On the first day, Thomas Hooker, minister of 
 Hartford in Connecticut, and Peter Bulkley of Concord, 
 Massachusetts, were chosen moderators, and a list of 
 eighty-two erroneous opinions then prevailing in different 
 parts of the country was read before the synod. On the 
 following morning, a committee employed itself in draw- 
 ing up the grounds of refutation, and in the afternoon pre- 
 sented their arguments to the synod. The next day, the 
 other party gave in their reply, and to this followed a 
 rejoinder to the reasons thus alleged by the Antinomians. 
 Thereupon the final action was taken by a unanimous con- 
 demnation of all the new opinions, to which the whole 
 body of ministers present gave their subscription. Only 
 Mr. Cotton declared, that while he " disrelished the greater 
 part of the new opinions, some of which were heretical, 
 
 1 Called Cambridge in the following year. See p. 84. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 101 
 
 some blasphemous, some erroneous, and all of them incon- 
 gruous," yet he could not condemn them in toto and with- 
 out qualification. In reference to the doctrine of justifica- 
 tion, he maintained, in contrariety to the general opinion, 
 that "there may be a union of man with God, before faith." 
 It was felt that the dissent of a man like Cotton had a 
 momentous bearing on the decision of the controversy, 
 which could thus be prosecuted by the disaffected under 
 his name even more successfully than before. But by 
 repeated conference on the contested points, Mr. Cotton 
 was broufrht to an agreement with the rest in the follow- 
 ing declaration : " That we are not united and married to 
 the Lord Jesus Christ without faith, giving an actual con- 
 sent of soul unto it; that God's effectual calling of the 
 soul unto the Lord Jesus Christ, and the soul's apprehend- 
 ing by an act of faith the offered righteousness of the Lord 
 Jesus Christ is in order of nature before God's act of justi- 
 fication upon the soul ; that in the testimony of the Holy 
 Spirit, which is the evidence of our good estate before 
 God, the qualifications of inherent graces, and the fruits 
 thereof, proving the sincerity of our faith, must ever bo 
 coexistent, concurrent, coapparent, or else the conceived 
 testimony of the Spirit is either a delusion or doubtful." 
 Having thus yielded his assent to the general conviction, 
 'My. Cotton promised also to unite his testimony with that 
 of his brethren against the erroneous opinions. The synod 
 had been three weeks in session. On the last day, Mr. 
 Davenport, minister of New Haven, preached a discourse 
 from Phil. 3: 16., "Nevertheless, whereunto we have 
 already attained, let us walk by the same rule, let us mind 
 the same thing." He then read aloud the decisions of the 
 synod, which were so drawn up that after the statement of 
 each particular error, the judgment followed : " We find 
 
 9* 
 
102 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 this contrary to such and such a text of Scripture." 
 Finally, he exhorted the ministers and lay-delegates to 
 labor in their respective churches for a uniformity with the 
 views of the synod, and then dismissed the assembly. 
 
 Now, whatever a synod lacked in legislative power, 
 according to the fundamental principles of the Independ- 
 ents, it gained in this case through the unanimity of its 
 members. But neither did Wheelwright change the char- 
 acter of his preaching, nor Mrs. Hutchinson discontinue 
 her meetings, especially as both of them still found no 
 inconsiderable support in Boston. On this account, the 
 General Court assembled on the 2d of October in New- 
 town. Their first step was to exclude three members from 
 Boston, by one of whom the petition above mentioned, had 
 been drawn up and signed, and by both the others pub- 
 licly defended. After some resistance, the people of Bos- 
 ton Avere induced to supply the places thus made vacant 
 by a new election. "Wheelwright was now required to 
 give a categorical answer to the interrogatory previously 
 put, whether he would acknowledge his error in respect to 
 that seditious sermon, or expect the judgment of the 
 Court. He replied, that " he was guilty neither of sedition 
 nor insubordination ; he had preached nothing but chris- 
 tian truth ; as to the application, that was made by others, 
 not by himself." He was then required, for the sake of the 
 l^ublic peace, to leave the colony voluntarily. This being 
 refused, sentence was passed, declaring his forfeiture of 
 civil rights, his banishment from the commonwealth, and 
 his immediate imprisonment in failure of furnishing secur- 
 ity that he would depart before the end of March. From 
 this decision he appealed to the King of England, but it 
 was replied that his case was not of a character admitting 
 of appeal. He then declined giving the required security. 
 
NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 103 
 
 and was accordingly lodged in prison ; but on the follow- 
 ing day he yielded, recalled his appeal, and declared him- 
 self ready to submit to simple banishment. The Court 
 dismissed him on the promise, that if he did not leave the 
 commonwealth within fourteen days, he would himself 
 return to prison, and there await the decision of his case. 
 He chose to go into banishment.^ 
 
 This matter being disposed of, the petitioners were called 
 before the Court ; after a part had made their submission, 
 the rest were punished, some by dismissal from their offices, 
 some by fines, some by banishment. Mrs. Hutchinson had 
 not been concerned in the petition ; but it could no longer 
 be overlooked that she still continued her weekly meetings. 
 She was accordingly called up and charged with being the 
 cause, through the preaching of her errors and her slander of 
 all the ministers of the country, of the late disturbances and 
 disorders in church and state. In her defence, so far from re- 
 tracting anything or promising to remain quiet in future, she 
 indulged freely in bitter reflections against the Court. She 
 thus compared her case with that of the prophet Daniel:* 
 "When the princes and presidents could find nothing 
 against him, because he was faithful, they sought matter 
 against him concerning the law of his God, to cast him into 
 the lions' den." Then she assumed the prophetic tone: 
 " Take heed how you proceed against me ; for I know that 
 for this you go about to do to me, God will ruin you and 
 your posterity, and this whole state." The Court ordered 
 her to be silent, and as there appeared to be no hope of her 
 recantation, required her to depart from that jurisdiction 
 
 1 Seven years after, on bis apologizing for remarks made against the 
 Government, his sentence was revolted ; and ho returned and continued 
 to live many years as minister of the Church in Hampton and afterward 
 in Salisbury. 
 
 a Dan. 6:4,5. 
 
104 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 within six months. At the same time, the church at Bos- 
 ton, of which she was a member, declared lier guilty of 
 heresy, as having maintained twenty-six of the doctrines 
 condemned by the synod. She drew up, indeed, a recanta- 
 tion, but added to it the protestation " that she was never 
 really of any opinion contrary to the declaration she had 
 now made." Being convicted of the contrary by witnesses, 
 her recantation was rejected, and she was excommunicated 
 as a public liar, with the full consent of the church. Other 
 members of the church shared the same fate, not so much 
 on account of erroneous opinions, as of offences in conduct. 
 These exiles betook themselves, some to Connecticut, 
 some to New Hampshire, but the greater part repaired to 
 Roger Williams, in Providence. Here they resolved to set- 
 tle on an island in Narraganset Bay hitherto called Aquat- 
 neck, ^ to which they gave the name of Rhode Island. Af- 
 ter having purchased it from the Indians by the help of 
 Roger Williams, they founded here a colony, which, though 
 holding the most friendly relations to that of Providence, 
 w^as, at first, wholly distinct from it. It was, however, the 
 wish of both colonies to be united. In 1643, Williams went 
 to England, and through his acquaintance with Sir Henry 
 Vane obtained from parliament a charter for the colony of 
 Rhode Island, under w^hich name were included all the set- 
 tlements in Narraganset Bay. This charter was confirmed 
 by Charles II., in 1662, and although annulled in 1684, was 
 restored after the accession of William HI. Their consti- 
 tution, which is thoroughly democratic, has maintained 
 
 1 Mrs. Hutchinson, for some reason not known, removed from Rhode 
 Island in 1642, after the death of her husband, to the Dutch settlements, 
 and took up her abode in the neighborhood of New York. The following 
 year, she was murdered, with her whole family, by the Indians, one daugh- 
 ter excepted, who was carried into captivity. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 105 
 
 itself unchanged till near the present time, which is the 
 case with no other state of the North American Union. 
 
 RELATION OF RHODE ISLAND TO THE OTHER COLONIES. 
 
 We have already noticed the antagonism in which Rhode 
 Island found itself continually placed in respect to the other 
 colonies. The declaration of a total separation of churcli 
 and state, and of unconditional liberty in religious worship, 
 seemed like an unheard of novelty. The speedy dissolution 
 of the new settlement was confidently anticipated in Boston, 
 and it was judged necessary to keep rigidly aloof from all 
 connection with them, in order not to be involved in the 
 same ruin. The General Court of Massachusetts expressed 
 itself on this point in a resolution adopted May 12th, 1G38. 
 Ohe of the exiles, John Green by name, who had settled in 
 Providence, wrote from this place to the government at 
 Boston, charging them " with arrogating to themselves the 
 power of Christ over the churches and the consciences of 
 men." Thereupon it was ordered, that " the said John 
 Green shall not come into this jurisdiction upon pain of im- 
 prisonment and further censure ; and because it appears 
 to this Court that some others of the same place are confi- 
 dent in the same corrupt judgment and practice, it is 
 ordered, that if any other of the inhabitants of the said 
 plantation of Providence shall come within this jurisdiction, 
 tliey shall be apprehended and brought before some of the 
 magistrates ; and if they will not disclaim the said corrupt 
 opinions and censure, they shall be commanded presently to 
 depart ; and if such persons shall after be found within this 
 jurisdiction, they shall be imprisoned and punished as the 
 Court shall see cause." 
 
 The following chapter will show the application of this 
 enactment on the appearance of another party opposed to 
 
lOG NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 the Congregationalist Theocracy, which, judging from 
 Roger "Williams's course, it was supposed might justly be 
 associated with his name. It seems probable that during 
 the first years of his residence in Providence, Williams had 
 established no separate church,^ the number of inhabitants 
 being perhaps too small, or too diverse in their views, or too 
 much occupied at first in providing for the absolute neces- 
 saries of Ufe. Religious meetings were held, however, 
 under the guidance of Mr. Williams. As the settlers in- 
 creased in number, as well by emigration from England as 
 from the other colonies, several opposers of infant baptism 
 were found among them, and Williams now declared him- 
 self of their wa}^ of thinking. That he had previously 
 advocated the doctrines of the Anabaptists is not probable, 
 the above-mentioned charge of Brewster not with standii% ; 
 for, in that case, it would certainly have been made to bear 
 more decidedly against him. It was resolved to organize a 
 new church ; and as there was no minister among them, one 
 of the lay brethren first administered the rite of baptism to 
 Mr. Williams, who then did the same for the rest. This 
 was in May, 1639. Scarcely was this done, when scru- 
 ples arose in his mind respecting the validity of his bap- 
 tism, which induced him two or three months after to with- 
 draw from the new church ; and though not diifering on 
 essential points of faith from the Christians around him, he 
 never again entered into the church relation. The grounds 
 of this course are to be found in his writings. Thus he 
 
 1 We may at least draw the conclusion that those residents of Provi- 
 dence, who had previously been members of the Salem church, were not 
 excluded till after Williams went over to the Baptists. Tlie older narra- 
 tors, for the most part, only take notice of the affairs of Rhode Island 
 in connection with the other colonics; and even Knowles, the biographer 
 of Williams, has not been able to settle this point with certainty. 
 
NBW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 107 
 
 maintained, that the proper ministration of the word of 
 Christ was interrupted for many centuries by the reign of 
 antichrist ; the proclamation of the Gospel might still be 
 continued and lead souls truly to heaven ; but never again 
 will there* exist a true and genuine church, till after a new 
 special revelation from God. This fanatical opinion seems, 
 however, to have exercised no material influence cither on 
 his private or his public life. He maintained a regular cor- 
 respondence with distinguished individuals in the other col- 
 onies, particularly with the governor of Connecticut, a son 
 of Governor Winthrop of Boston, and received from him 
 many tokens of regard. lie exhibited great wisdom in 
 composing the disorders and contentions which were rife in 
 the new state ; and at his death, early in the year 1683, he 
 left the settlement which he had planted in a flourishing 
 condition. 
 
 The prejudice excited in Boston against everything 
 which proceeded from Rhode Island, as shown in the fore- 
 going narration, exercised no little influence on th' meas- 
 ures of the government in the controversies which form 
 the subject of our next chapter. We shall now pass im- 
 mediately to the conflicts with the Anabaptists and Qua- 
 kers ; though in the order of time, they follow the events 
 and measures which mark the first firm organization and 
 subsequent change of the theocratic constitution. But 
 for the sake of presenting, in an uninterrupted view, 
 the progressive inward development of that which be- 
 longed to the organism of the church itself, we must 
 first dispose of an assault from without, which it success- 
 fully repelled. Whatever in its constitution serves for the 
 illustration of the measures adopted for this purpose, has 
 been already exhibited in the extracts from the platform 
 of church discipline contained in chapter second. 
 
CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 EXCLUSION AKD PERSECUTION OF ANABAPTISTS AND QUAKERS. 
 
 DREAD OF THE ANABAPTISTS CONNECTED WITH THE HISTORY OF 
 THE RE-BAPTIZERS OP GERMANY ; MEASURES FOR THEIR SUP- 
 PRESSION. 
 
 The Anabaptist church, formed by Williams in Provi- 
 dence,^ continued to exist after his withdrawal from it; 
 and in consequence of the banishment of the Antinomians 
 from Boston, still another arose in Newport, the principal 
 pljjce in the island of Rhode Island. This was under the 
 care of John Clarke, formerly a physician, who had been a 
 resident of Boston during the two years previous to the 
 rupture which has been described. The exact date of its 
 origin cannot be determined, but it was not far from the 
 year 1644, and may have been even earlier. In the settle- 
 ments on Narraganset Bay, the principle there dominant, 
 of a total separation between church and state, had devel- 
 oped in the Anabaptists no hostile tendency towards civil 
 government in general. 
 
 But when, during the same period, this party began to in- 
 crease and extend itself in Massachusetts, the government, 
 
 1 The adherents of adult baptism have successfully appropriated to 
 themselves the name of Baptists, and repudiated that of Anabaptists : 
 on the grounds, 1st, that it is not their design to re-baptize ; and 2d, that 
 the name Anabaptist was associated with certain practical results, or 
 with doctrines and acts of the German rc-baptizcrs. The truth of this will 
 appear from the ensuing narration. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 109 
 
 remembering what had happened in Germany, apprehended 
 not merely an antagonism to the existing theocratic rela- 
 tion, but an overthrow of civil order and government. 
 We see a manifestation of this fear in the following law 
 passed by the General Court in 1644: 
 
 "Forasmuch as experience hath plentifully and often 
 proved, that since the first rising of the Anabaptists, about 
 one hundred years since, they have been the incendiaries 
 of the commonwealths, and the infectors of persons in main 
 matters of religion, and the troublers of churches in all 
 places where they have been, and that they who have held 
 the baptizing of infants unlawful, have usually held other 
 erroi*s or heresies together therewith, though they have 
 (as other heretics use to do) concealed the same till they 
 spied out a fit advantage and opportunity to vent them, by 
 way of question and scniple ; and whereas, divers of this 
 kind have, since our coming into New England, appeared 
 amongst ourselves, some whereof (as others before them) 
 denied the ordinance of magistracy, and the lawfulness o^ 
 making war, and others the lawfulness of magistrates and 
 their inspection into any breach of the first table ; which 
 opinions, if they should be connived at by us, are like to 
 be increased amongst us, and so must necessarily bring 
 guilt upon us, infection and trouble to the churches, and 
 hazard to the whole commonwealth ; it is ordered and 
 agi-eed, that if any person or persons, ^vithin this jurisdic- 
 tion, shall either openly condemn or oppose the baptizing 
 of infants, or go about secretly to seduce others from the 
 approbation or use thereof, or shall purposely depart the 
 congregation at the ministration of the ordinance, or shall 
 deny the ordinance of magistracy, or their lawful right 
 and authority to make war, or to punish the outward 
 breaches of the first table, and shall appear to the Court 
 
 10 
 
110 - NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 wilfully and obstinately to continue therein after due 
 time and means of conviction, every such person or 
 l^ersons shall be sentenced to banishment." 
 
 In the year 1646, the government, in replying to the 
 complaints of certain disaffected persons whose petition 
 will be mentioned in the following chapter, thus vindicates 
 this law : ^ " The great trouble we have been put unto and 
 hazard also, by familistical and anabaptistical spirits, whose 
 conscience and religion hath been only to set forth them- 
 selves and raise contentions in the country, did provoke 
 us to provide for our safety by a law, that all such should 
 take notice how unwelcome they should be unto us, either 
 coming or staying. But for such as differ from us only in 
 judgment, in point of baptism or some other points of less 
 consequence, and live peaceably amongst us, without occa- 
 sioning disturbance, etc., such have no cause to complain ; 
 for it hath never yet been put in execution against any of 
 them, although such are known to live amongst us." 
 
 To this explanation of the law in words, we now add 
 the actual application of it. 
 
 The Anabaptists first came into collision with the gov- 
 ernment in Plymouth colony. Obadiah Holmes,^ once a 
 student in Oxford University, had experienced, while still 
 a youth, that inward conflict through which he attained to 
 the consciousness of sin and of salvation. On his landing 
 in New England he became a member of the Salem church. 
 Here he remained six or seven years, and then removed, 
 1645, to Rehoboth, a newly-settled town of New Plymouth, 
 on the border of Rhode Island. Here also he lived some 
 
 1 Collection of original papers relative to the history of the colony of i 
 Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 1769, p. 216. ) 
 
 2 Backus, I., 208 ff., gives some account of his life by himself, preserved j 
 in the family in his own handwriting. I 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. Ill 
 
 four years in connection with the church under the care 
 of Mr. Newman ; but at length, Holmes, in connection 
 with other members of the church, charged this minister 
 willi having, by the aid of a few others, proceeded in an 
 unjustifiable manner in the name of the church. Being 
 outvoted in this attempt, they resolved on forming a sepa- 
 rate church, a measure certainly not at variance with the 
 l)rinciples of the Congregationalists. But general scandal 
 was excited when the seceding members submitted to im- 
 mersion (probably at the hands of John Clarke), and pro- 
 ceeded to form an Anabaptist church. Holmes was 
 excommunicated by the Congregation alist church, and on 
 tlie 4th of June, 1650, was presented, with two others, 
 before the General Court of New Plymouth. Four peti- 
 tions had been addressed to that body, urging the speedy 
 suppression of the existing schism ; one from the town of 
 Itehoboth, one from the neighboring church in Taunton, 
 one from the collective ministers of New Plymouth, two 
 excepted, and one finally from the General Court at Bos- 
 ton. Still Holmes and his followers were mildly dealt 
 with ; only they were obliged to leave the colony. They 
 took refuge in Newport, and connected themselves with 
 the church there, under the care of Mr. Clarke. 
 
 There lived at Lynn, a place eight or ten miles north of 
 Boston, an Anabaptist, by the name of William Witter, 
 who wished to connect himself with a church of his own 
 persuasion, but, on account of his advanced age, could not 
 undertake the journey to Newport. At his request, Clarke 
 and Holmes, in company with a third by the name of 
 Crandall, made him a visit on the 19th of July, 1651, and 
 the day after, being Sunday, held divine service in his 
 house; but, while Clarke was preaching, two constables 
 made their appearance, who, after producing their warrant 
 
112 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. ' 
 
 from the local magistrate, apprehended the three men, and i 
 
 took them as prisoners to the ale-house.^ Here they '. 
 
 were required to attend the afternoon service, and were j 
 
 obliged to do so, although Clarke declared that he would 1 
 
 make known his dissent in the meeting, "by word and j 
 
 gesture." He did both. When they had been shown into ] 
 
 the seat appointed for them, Clarke put on his hat again,^ j 
 
 which was then struck off by a constable. Prayer, sing- \ 
 
 ing, and sermon being ended, he desired leave to address a i 
 
 few words to the congregation. On being answered that j 
 
 no objections could be heard against what had been deliv- i 
 
 ered, he replied that this was not his purpose ; but, as he j 
 
 had already signified his dissent from them " by gesture," \ 
 
 he now wished to declare the grounds of the same by i 
 
 words. He then proceeded : " First, from the considera- | 
 
 tion we are strangers to each other, and so strangers to j 
 
 each other's inward standing, in respect to God, and so ! 
 
 cannot conjoin and act in faith ; and what is not of foith is ; 
 
 sin. And, in the second place, I could not judge that you i 
 
 are gathered together and walk according to the visible ; 
 
 order of our Lord." At this point, the magistrate informed \ 
 
 him that he could say no more, and commanded silence. ; 
 
 Two days after, he sent them to Boston, with a mittimus, ] 
 
 wherein were the foregoing incidents. Here, on the 31st of ! 
 
 July, they received sentence, Clarke to pay twenty pounds, ] 
 
 Holmes thirty, and Crandall five ; or, in default of pay- ] 
 
 ment, to be " well whii^ped." The acts recited in the mit- ; 
 
 timus are set forth as the grounds of this sentence, to i 
 
 which is added : " That the said John Clarke, on the fol- -^ 
 
 1 
 
 lowing day, at the house of Witters, and in contempt of i 
 
 1 It is. clear that the town was provided with no prison, and thus it was - 
 that the prisoners were able to hold another meeting. j 
 
 2 These statements are taken ft-om an account by Clarke himself. ^ 
 
NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 113 
 
 authority, being then in custody of the law, did there 
 ndmiuister the sacrament of the Lord's Supper to one 
 oxcomniunicated person (Ilohnes), to another under ad- 
 monition (Crandall), and to a third, that was an inhabitant 
 of Lynn and not in fellowship with any church ; and yet, 
 upon answer in open Court, did affirm, that he never re- 
 baptized any, although he confessed that he did baptize 
 such as were baptized before, and thereby did necessarily 
 deny the baptism that was before to be baptism, the 
 churches no churches, and also all other ordinances and min- 
 isters, as if all were a nullity ; and also did, in the court, 
 deny the lawfulness of baptizing of infants ; all this tends 
 to the dishonor of God, the despising of the ordinances of 
 God among us, the peace of the churches, and seducing 
 the subjects of the commonwealth from the truth of the 
 gospel of Jesus Christ, and perverting the straight ways 
 of the Lord." 
 
 According to Clarke's report. Governor Endicott added, 
 in an excited manner : " You have deserved death ; we 
 Avill not have such trash brought into our jurisdiction. 
 You go up and down, and secretly insinuate into those 
 that are weak ; but you cannot maintain it before our min- 
 isters. You may try and dispute with them." Accord- 
 ingly, on the following day, Clarke wrote to the Court, 
 desiring the official appointment of the time and i)lace of 
 disputation ; but to this they demuiTcd. After a consulta- 
 tion on the matter, Clarke was again called up, and ques- 
 tioned whether he wished to dispute upon the specifications 
 in his sentence, and defend what he had done ; " for," it 
 was added, "the Court sentenced you, not for your judg- 
 ment and conscience, but for matter of fact and practice." 
 Clarke replied, that matter of fact and practice was but 
 the manifestation of his judgment and conscience ; and he 
 
 10* 
 
114 NE^y ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 proposed to draw up a written statement of the main 
 points of his belief, which might serve as a basis of the 
 disputation. He then returned to prison, and thence sent 
 to the Court four conclusions. The first of these was 
 directed against encroachments on the offices of Christ, 
 especially on his office as king ; the second declared bap- 
 tism by immersion, which was to be administered to true 
 believers only, to be a command of Christ ; the third main- 
 tained that each believer, after the measure of his gifts, 
 might, yea, was bound to preach the word, both in and out 
 of the church; the fourth protested against all outward 
 penalties in matters of religion and conscience. He re- 
 ceived, for answer, a dismission from prison, some of his 
 friends having paid his fine without asking his consent. 
 He now made known his intention of leaving Boston and 
 returning to his family, but expressed his readiness and 
 desire to defend his cause in the manner proposed, either 
 now or at a later period. It was replied that the proffers 
 made him merely had reference to private conferences, for 
 his instruction and conviction. A willingness was ex- 
 pressed, however, to grant him a public disputation ; but 
 so hampered as to the way in which it should be con- 
 ducted, and with such restrictions in regard to rigid 
 adherence to the questions in debate, that Clarke felt him- 
 self obliged to decline it. Crandall was likewise dismissed, 
 under promise of appearing before the next court, and 
 both returned to Rhode Island. But Obadiah Holmes 
 would neither pay his fine, nor allow others to do it for 
 him, and consequently remained in prison till the next sit- 
 ting of the Court. The threatened sentence of coiporeal 
 punishment was then publicly executed on him;^ nay, 
 
 1 The detailed account of his sufferings is given in a letter addressed to 
 the brethren of his own faith in England. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 115 
 
 even two of the spectators, who praised God for the con- 
 stancy of his faith, were arrested, and only escaped similar 
 dealing through the payment, by friends, of forty shillings 
 fine. Thereupon, the adherents of these doctrines were 
 banished in a body from Massachusetts, and went to 
 llhode Island. 
 
 In November, 1G51, Clarke accompanied Williams to 
 England, for the pui*pose of settling certain disputes 
 respecting the boundaries of Rhode Island, and there pub- 
 lished a book, entitled " 111 News from New England ; or, 
 a NaiTative of New England's Persecutions." "What im- 
 pression these accounts made on the English Congrega- 
 tionalists, may be seen from the following letter, addressed 
 by Sir Richard Saltonstall, formerly first magistrate of 
 Massachusetts, to the Boston ministers, Cotton and Wil- 
 son: 
 
 "Revered and dear friends, whom I unfeignedly love 
 and respect, 
 
 " It doth not a little grieve my spirit to hear what sad 
 things are reported daily of your tyranny and persecutions 
 in New England, as that you fine, whip, and imprison men 
 for their consciences. First, you compel such to come 
 into your assemblies as you know will not join you in your 
 worship ; and when they show their dislike thereofj or 
 M'itness against it, then you stir up your magistrates to 
 ])unish them for such (as you conceive) their public affronts. 
 Truly, friends, this your practice of compelling any in 
 matters of worship, to do that whereof they are not fully 
 persuaded, is to make them sin, for so the apostle (Rom. 
 14 : 23) tells us, and many are made hypocrites thereby, 
 conforming in their outward man for fear of punishment. 
 We pray for you and wish you prosperity in every way ; 
 hoped the Lord would have given you so much light and 
 
116 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 love there, that you might have been eyes to God's people 
 here, and not to practise those courses in a wilderness 
 which you went so far to prevent. These rigid ways have 
 laid you very low in the hearts of the saints. I do assure 
 you I have heard them pray in the public assemblies, that 
 the Lord would give you such meek and humble spirits, 
 not to strive so much for uniformity as to keep the unity 
 of the spirit in the bond of peace." 
 
 The reply of Cotton to this letter is striking and charac- 
 teristic : 
 
 " Honored and dear sir, 
 
 "My brother Wilson and self do both of us acknow- 
 ledge your love, as otherwise formerly, so now in the late 
 lines we received from you, that you grieve in spirit to 
 hear daily complaints against us. Be pleased to under- 
 stand we look at such complaints as altogether injurious 
 in respect to ourselves, who had no hand or tongue at all 
 to promote either the coming of the persons you aim at 
 into our assemblies, or their punishment for their carriage 
 there. Righteous judgment will not take up reports, 
 much less reproaches against the innocent. The cry of 
 the sinners of Sodom was great and loud, and reached up 
 to heaven ; yet the righteous God (giving us an example 
 what to do in like case), he would first go down to see 
 whether their crime were altogether according to the cry, 
 before he proceed to judgment. And when he did find 
 the truth of the cry, he did not wrap up all alike promis- 
 cuously in the judgment, but spared such as he found inno- 
 cent. We are amongst those whom, if you knew us better, 
 you would account peaceable in Israel. Yet neither are 
 we so vast in our indulgence or toleration, as to think the 
 men you speak of suffered an unjust censure. For one of 
 them (Obadiah Holmes) being an excommunicate person 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 117 
 
 liimself, out of a church in Plymouth Patent, came into 
 this jurisdiction, and took upon him to baptize, which I 
 think himself will not say he was compelled here to per- 
 form. And he-^vas not ignorant that the re-baptizing of 
 an elder person, and that by a private person, and under 
 excommunication, are all of them manifest contestations 
 ai^ainst the order and government of our churches, estab- 
 lished (we know) by God's law, and (he knoweth) by the 
 laws of the country. As for his whipping, it was more 
 voluntarily chosen by him than inflicted on him. His 
 censure by the Court, was to have paid, as I know, thirty 
 pounds, or else be whipt ; in which case, if his suffering 
 of stripes was any worship of God at all, it could be 
 accounted no better than will-worship. The other (Mr. 
 Clarke) was wiser in that point, and his offence was less, 
 so was his fine less, and himself (as I hear) was contented 
 to have it paid for him, whereupon he was released. The 
 imprisonment of either of them was no detriment. I 
 believe they fared, neither of them, better at home, and I 
 am sure Holmes had not been so well clad of many years 
 before. * 
 
 " But be pleased to consider this point a little further. 
 You think to compel men in matter of worship is to make 
 them sin. If the worship be lawful in itself, the magis- 
 trate compelling him to come to it compelleth him not to 
 sin ; but the sin is in his will that needs to be compelled 
 to a christian duty. If it do make men hypocrites, yet 
 better be hypocrites than profane persons. Hypocrites give 
 God part of his due, the outward man ; but the profane 
 person giveth God neither outward nor inward man. You 
 know us not if you think we came into this wildeniess to 
 practise those courses here which we fled from in England. 
 "We believe there is a vast difference between men's inven- 
 
118 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 tions and God's institutions ; we fled from men's inventions, 
 to which we should else have been compelled ; we compel 
 none to men's inventions. If ouf ways (rigid ways, as 
 you call them) have laid us low in the hearts of God's 
 people, yea, and of the saints, (as you style them), we do 
 not believe it is any part of their saintship. Nevertheless, 
 I tell you the truth, we have tolerated in our churches 
 some Anabaptists, some Antinomians, and some Seekers, 
 and do so still at this day. We are far from arrogating 
 infallibility of judgment to ourselves, or affecting uniform- 
 ity ; uniformity God never required, infallibility he never 
 granted us." 
 
 Into such expressions did an unyielding polemic zeal be- 
 tray even such a man as Cotton ; a man of whom Williams, 
 though his earnest opponent, and exchanging with him 
 controversial writings on their respective princij^les, has 
 sj)oken with the highest estimation.^ It is the clearest 
 exponent of that generally prevailing opinion, which a few 
 years later expressed itself, with reference to a new form 
 of opposition, in measures of even yet greater severity. 
 It is noticeable, that Cotton Mather's history of New 
 England, ordinarily so diffuse in narrating the most unim- 
 portant particulars, passes over the foregoing story in total 
 silence. The same, according to Backus, was the case with 
 the earlier historians of Massachusetts, with Captain John- 
 son, who wrote in 1654, and with Morton, in 1669, although 
 his object was the refutation of charges made against New 
 England. Hubbard, in 1680, only makes a distant allusion 
 to it ; Governor Hutchinson, in his history of Massachu- 
 setts, mentions the year 1665 as the date of the first perse- 
 cution of the Anabaptists. Yet, in a third volume, he 
 gives, among other legal documents, some which have re- 
 
 1 Backus, I. p. 472. 2 lb. 11. p. 253. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 119 
 
 ferenco to the occurrences of 1651. Neal alone, in his 
 history, has taken particular notice of Clarke's account. 
 In the following chapter we shall, moreover, have occasion 
 to show that hostility to Anabaptism was not without in- 
 fluence on the decisions of the Congregationalists in regard 
 to Infant Baptism, when this became from an entirely 
 different point of view the subject of discussions and pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS. 
 
 We pass now to the last persecution in New England, 
 properly so called, the most violent, and the longest in 
 duration. But in order to understand the constantly in- 
 creasing severity of the measures against the Quakers, wo 
 must not only give a full exhibition of what occurred in New 
 England, but must glance briefly at the origin and growth 
 of this sect in the mother-country. Just at the period when 
 insurrection and civil war had brought the political rela- 
 tions of England to the verge of anarchy and dissolution, 
 George Fox, a Lancashire shoemaker, began to publish his 
 claim to an inward revelation, and travelled through the 
 country to spread his doctrines. Of these the central 
 point was, the inward enlightening of man by the Spirit 
 of God as the proper source of divine knowledge, rather 
 than the Scriptures ; as also, that our salvation is rather 
 through the Christ within^ than the Christ without. From 
 this followed a depreciation of the historical Christ, as well 
 as of everything stated and prescribed in divine service, of 
 the sacraments, of appointed times and places for public 
 religious worship. With the denial of the proper ground- 
 truths of Christianity in regard to the redemption of man, 
 connected itself a fanatical opposition to all civil order 
 and to all prevailing customs. The word of Scripture 
 
120 NEAV EI^GLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 tliey called a dead letter ; yet in their own appeals to it, 
 they could use the letter, that is, the words, violently 
 wrested from their connection. The preaching of the 
 first Quakers is not indeed to be made a reproach to the 
 later " Friends," as remoulded both in respect to doctrine 
 and practice by Barclay and Penn ; but in the period with 
 which we are concerned, their advent can only be regarded 
 as a movement of wild fanaticism.^ Some of their number 
 appeared in parliament, and announced before the Protec- 
 tor the downfall of the State, to which they were called by 
 the Spirit to contribute. In order to give public offence, 
 they opened shops on Sunday, and one woman even a-p- 
 peared in church wholly destitute of clothing. In the year 
 1565, they acknowledged one James Naylor,^ a former 
 soldier of Cromwell's army, as the manifested Son of God. 
 Being called before the court, he declared that every honor 
 offered to him as a created being, he declined ; but if the 
 hearts of others were moved by the Father thus to honor 
 him, it was not in his power to refuse it ; it had been com- 
 manded him, through the power of the Lord', to allow this 
 homage to be paid him. He was required to recant, 
 was put in the stocks, placed backwards on a horse and 
 led through London, his tongue was bored, his forehead 
 
 1 The conflict of Roger Williams -with these people is significant in re- 
 spect to both parties. He too maintained, from the word of God, the 
 worship of that time to be unchristian, and thus placed himself in opposi- 
 tion to every existing church-organization; and in connection with this, 
 he advocated freedom of conscience to the extremest limit. Yet he subse- 
 quently took most decided ground against the Quakers, both in oral dis- 
 putations and in his writings against George Fox, who, in 1668, had vis- 
 ited Rhode Island. It is here to be remarked that the founder of a settle- 
 ment and body politic can be no friend of disorder and contempt of civil 
 government; and also that Roger Williams, while separating from all 
 churches, held fast to the fundamentals of Christianity, and did not neg- 
 lect to support them by his testimony. 
 
 2 Neal's Histoiy o^ the Puritans, IV. 154. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 121 
 
 branded, he was whipt through Bristol ; but nothing 
 could move him. lie was then condemned to imprison- 
 ment with hard labor, being allowed nothing for his sus- 
 tenance except what he earned himself. After two years, 
 however, he acknowledged that the honor which had been 
 paid him was wrong and sinful, and professed his shame 
 for having encouraged it. He was then dismissed from 
 prison, but died soon after. 
 
 The restless spirit of this sect had already carried its 
 adherents to the colonies in America, and it happened that 
 their first appearance was in Rhode Island, whence they 
 sought to push their way into the jurisdiction of Ply- 
 mouth. At the same time they appeared also in Barbadoes 
 in the "West Indies; and in 1656, two women, Maria 
 Fisher and Anna Austin by name, came in a ship fi-om 
 tliis island to Boston, and there, by books and tracts, dis- 
 seminated the doctrines of the Quakers. This coming to 
 liglit, the Governor ordered their arrest, and also that the 
 books, about one hundred in number, should be burned. 
 Then calling his Council, it was resolved that the prisoners 
 should remain in confinement till a good opportunity 
 offered for sending them away ; and the ship-captain who 
 liad brought them was to give bonds for their departure in 
 one hundred pounds. But before this could be effected, 
 four men and four women of the same principles had made 
 tlieir way to Boston from Rhode Island, who as soon as 
 discovered, were put in prison, and then sent out of the 
 country. The government designed by these measures to 
 keep the Quakers at a distance, and not supposing any of 
 llie inhabitants themselves to be infected with their opin- 
 ions, believed that by suflicient rigor they could reach 
 their end. Accordingly, on the 14th of October 1656, they 
 passed a law which was in substance as follows : 
 
 11 
 
122 NEW EXGLA>ID THEOCRACY. 
 
 "Every master of a vessel bringing in Quakers, shall 
 pay a fine of one hundred pounds. Every Quaker, imme- 
 diately on his arrival shall be lodged in the House of Cor- 
 rection, to be severely whipped on his entrance, and to be 
 kept close at hard labor ; no one to be allowed to speak or 
 hold any intercourse with him. "Whoever knowingly 
 brings in, spreads, or conceals Quaker writings shall be 
 fined five pounds. Whoever undertakes to defend the 
 doctrines of the Quakers, shall for the first offence be fined 
 ten shillings, and for the second, four pounds ; for the 
 third, he shall be committed to prison, till a suitable oppor- 
 tunity is found of transporting him out of the country, 
 which is then to be done forthwith." 
 
 When this law was proclaimed with beat of drum 
 through the streets of Boston, Nicholas Upshall, a man 
 some sixty years of age, came forth from his house, and 
 protested openly to the officers " that the execution of this 
 law would be the forerunner of judgments on the land; 
 wherefore he besought them to beware what they did, lest 
 they might be found among those who were fighting 
 against God." This was regarded as an attack upon the 
 government ; Upshall was called before the court, and as 
 he would neither acknowledge his offence nor beg forgive- 
 ness, he was fined twenty pounds, and ordered to leave the 
 jurisdiction within one month. 
 
 The following year, the above-cited law was put in prac- 
 tice. A tailor's wife named Maria Clarke, who had aban- 
 doned her husband and six children in London, in order, 
 as she said, to deliver a message from the Lord, was put in 
 prison, whipped, and banished. The same punishment 
 was soon after inflicted upon two men, Holden and Cope- 
 land, who belonged to the Rhode Island Quakers, and had 
 been already once banished. They made their appearance 
 
KE>7 ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 123 
 
 at Salem, wlicrc they even took it upon tliemsclvcs to 
 speak in a public religious meeting. It now became evi- 
 dent, from the numbera who frequented their meetings, 
 that their opinions had found favor among the residents. 
 These private gatherings were immediately interrupted; 
 each person present was fined five shillings for absenting 
 himself from public worship; every one who Iiad taken 
 part in them was sent to the House of Correction at Bos- 
 ton. 
 
 But all the attempts of the government for the suppres- 
 sion of this sect, were frustrated by the persistency of the 
 Quakers in returning from banishment. Hence, in Octo- 
 ber, lGo7, a law was passed that: "whoever brings a Qua- 
 ker into this jurisdiction shall pay one hundred pounds, 
 and be kept in prison till the penalty is discharged ; who- 
 ever harbors or conceals a known Quaker shall pay forty 
 shillings for every hour's entertainment, and remain in pri- 
 son until pajTnent of the same. Every Quaker, who shall 
 become such in the colony, is to be treated in like manner 
 with those who come in. For the first and second offences, 
 when the criminal has been punished according to the 
 laws previously enacted, if a man, he shall lose first one, 
 and then the other ear ; if a woman, she shall be severely 
 whipped ; the third time, man or woman, shall have the 
 tongue bored through with a hot iron. In all cases, they 
 shall be kept in prison till such time as they can be sent 
 away at their own cost." 
 
 But neither had this law the expected effect of terrifying 
 the Quakers; for on the 16th of September 1658, three 
 men, two of whom were Holden and Coj)cland, being iden- 
 tified as having been previously banished, had their right 
 ears cut off*. The same disturbances continued. In the 
 year 1658 two women attempted to hold forth publicly 
 
124 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 during divine service. The same was done by a Quaker 
 from Barbadoes, by the name of Harris. When lodged in 
 prison and required to labor, he could not be induced by 
 any means whatever to comply, and neither he nor his 
 friends would pay their fines, or the costs of their removal 
 from the country, when freedom was offered them under 
 these conditions. Their contumacious behavior being 
 reported by the jailer to the magistrate, he gave order 
 that such prisoners as would not labor should be whipped 
 twice a w^eek, the number of strokes to be increased each 
 time. But this treatment also was without influence ^n 
 Harris, w^ho would probably have allowed himself to be 
 whipped to death, had not some of his acquaintances paid 
 the fine, and thus procured his release. It was customary 
 with the Quakers, while steadfastly refusing to pay their 
 fines, to allow the penalty to be discharged for them. But 
 on the inquiry being made by magistrates of smaller 
 towns, w^hat they should do, in cases where there were no 
 friends at hand to give this aid, they were empowered to 
 sell the ofienders to the English settlements in Virginia 
 and Barbadoes. This, however, only served as a bugbear, 
 and was not carried into execution. 
 
 During this time, meetings were again held here and 
 there in the country, and, in consequence, the laws above 
 mentioned were put in execution particularly against the 
 residents, and in some respects with increased rigor. Thus 
 the fines were made so exorbitant, that numbers w^ere 
 thereby reduced to poverty. But nothing could check 
 the continual return of these desperate people, nor put a 
 stop to their illegal and ofiensive conduct. At the tribu- 
 nals, they derided and scofied at the magistrates ; wo- 
 men appeared naked in the streets, and in one case, at 
 Newbury, Massachusetts, even in the church. Nor were 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 125 
 
 these disturbances confined to that colony. The matter 
 liad been already discussed in a meeting of commission- 
 t'l-s from the four united colonies, held in 1656, and a 
 demand made uj)on Rhode Island, in the name of peace 
 and for the welfare of the whole country, to take part with 
 them in some common measures against the Quakei-s. To 
 this the General Assembly which met at Portsmouth on 
 tlie 13th of March, 1657, returned answer as follows :* 
 
 " Whereas, freedom of different consciences to be pro- 
 tected from inforcements was the principal ground of our 
 Ciiarter, both with respect to our humble suit for it, as also 
 to the true intent of the honorable and renowned parlia- 
 ment in England, in granting of the same to us, which 
 freedom we still prize as the greatest happiness that man 
 can possess in this world ; therefore, we shall, for the pre- 
 servation of our civil peace and order, the more especially 
 take notice that those people, and any others that are here, 
 or shall come among us, be impartially received, and to 
 our utmost, constrained to perform all civil duties requi- 
 site. And in case they refuse it, we resolve to make use 
 of the first opportunity to infoi-m our agent residing in 
 England."^ On a second demand from the commissioners 
 of the four colonies, they again replied, on the 13th of 
 October 1657 : 
 
 " As concerning these Quakers (so called) which are now 
 among us, we have no law among us whereby to punish 
 any for only declaring by words, etc., their minds and un- 
 derstandings concerning the things and ways of God, as to 
 salvation and an eternal condition. And we find, more- 
 
 1 Backus, I., 312. 
 
 2 Clarke, who in 1G52 had gone with "Williams to England, remained 
 there after the return of the latter, as agent of the Rhode Island colony, 
 till 16,M. 
 
 3 Knowles, Memoir of Williams, p. 294. 
 
 11* 
 
126 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 over, that in those places where these people, aforesaid, in 
 the colony, are most of all suffered to declare themselves 
 freely, and are only opposed by arguments in discourse, 
 there they least of all desire to come ; and we are informed 
 that they begin to loathe this place, for that they are not 
 opposed by the civil authority, but with all patience and 
 meekness, are suffered to say over their 2>retended re- 
 velations and admonitions, nor are they like or able to 
 gain many here to their way. And surely we find, that 
 they delight to be persecuted by the civil powers, and 
 when they are so, they are like to gain more by the con- 
 ceit of their jjatient sufferings, than by consent to their 
 pernicious sayings." 
 
 The Rhode Island government conceded that the doc- 
 trines of the Quakers tended to the prejudice of the civil 
 authority, and promised to take the matter into consider- 
 ation at the next General Assembly, and to adopt suitable 
 measures for preventing any " bad effects from their doc- 
 trines and endeavors." But, notwithstanding the threat 
 of exclusion from all commercial intercourse with the rest 
 of New England, they adhered inflexibly to their former 
 policy. Though Khode Island, with her principles of tol- 
 eration, had actually suffered less than the other colonies, 
 the latter had now gone so far in the path on which they 
 had entered, that it was difficult to turn back ; to them 
 it seemed impossible to stand still. As all four colonies 
 were disquieted by the Quakers, though Connecticut and 
 New Haven suffered less than the others, the commission- 
 ers closed their proceedings at a conference held in Boston, 
 September, 1658, with the following resolution :^ 
 
 " Whereas, there is an accursed and pernicious set of 
 heretics lately risen up in the world, who are commonly 
 
 1 Backus, I, 317. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 127 
 
 called Quakers, who take upon them to be immediately 
 sent of God, and infallibly assisted, who do speak and 
 Avrite blasphemous things, despising government, and the 
 order of God in church and commonwealth ; speaking evil 
 of dignities, reproaching and reviling magistrates and the 
 ministers of the gospel, seeking to turn the people from 
 the faith, and to gain proselytes to their pernicious ways : 
 And whereas, the several jurisdictions have made divers 
 laws to prohibit their coming among them ; (but they re- 
 fusing obedience and still making disturbance) it is there- 
 fore propounded, and seriously commended to the several 
 General Courts to make a law, that all Quakers formerly 
 convicted and punished as such, shall, if they return again, 
 be imprisoned, and forthwith banished or expelled out of 
 the said jurisdiction, under pain of death." This was signed 
 by seven of the commissioners ; but John Winthrop, a son 
 of the above-named governor of Massachusetts, and the 
 only commissioner from the colony of Connecticut added : 
 " Looking at the last as a query and not as an act, I sub- 
 scribe, John Winthrop." Connecticut and New Haven 
 failed to carry out this resolution ; but in 1658 it became 
 law in Massachusetts. The government designed to com- 
 mit the application and execution of this law to the acting 
 magistracy, and an ordinance to that effect did in fact pass 
 the Court of Deputies by thirteen voices against twelve ; 
 but when the minority declared they would protest against 
 the bill, it was agreed that the accused, in cases occurring 
 under this law, should be brought before a court specially 
 swoi-n for the purpose. Plymouth also persevered in per- 
 secuting the Quakers. Captain James Cudworth, a magis- 
 trate of that colony, thus laments over it in a letter to a 
 friend who was absent on a journey to England : "I enter- 
 tained two Quakers in my house, in order to become 
 
128 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 better acquainted with their principles ; for this I was 
 called before the court. My declaration that I was no 
 Quaker and my behavior not unlawful, since, according to 
 the existing ordinances only such could be punished as re- 
 ceived Quakers and kept them in their houses after warn- 
 ing by the magistrates, they indeed allowed. But when I 
 spoke against the persecutions, they increased all the laws 
 against Quakers, imposing for each attempt of the same to 
 teach, and for each communication with them, the hardest 
 imprisonment and most exorbitant fines, and yet without 
 hindering or lessening the evil. In the Massachusetts, after 
 they have whipped them and cut off their ears, they have now 
 gone the farthest step they can, they have banished them, 
 upon pain of death if they ever come there again ; we expect 
 we must do the like ; we must dance after their pipe, for it 
 is well if in some there be not a desire to be their apes and 
 imitators, in all their proceedings of this nature. They 
 have banished six on pain of death, and I wish that blood 
 be not shed." The first of these apprehensions was not 
 realized ; the second proved itself but too well founded, 
 as will appear from the narration of the last occurrences of 
 this persecution in Boston. 
 
 Among the persons banished from Massachusetts by the 
 late statute, were William Robinson, a merchant from Lon- 
 don, Marmaduke Stevenson, from Yorkshire, and a woman 
 named Mary Dyar,^ from Rhode Island. All three re- 
 turned, however, and when questioned as to the reason, 
 replied that " they came in obedience to the Lord." Gov- 
 ernor Endicott said to them : "We have made divers laws, 
 and sought manifold ways to keep you at a distance from 
 us ; but I find that neither whippings, nor dungeons, nor 
 
 1 She belonged to the Antinomians who were banished in 1637. Hutch. 
 I. lai. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 129 
 
 cutting off ears, nor banishment on pain of death, helps ; 
 I wish not your death." No farther defence could be 
 drawn from them; only Stevenson declared, in writing, 
 tliat, " in a vision, as he was following the plough, ho 
 licard a secret voice within him. Thereupon, he had for- 
 saken his family and calling, and gone, in the year 1G58, to 
 Barbadoes, and thence to Rhode Island, where, as he was 
 tiUing the ground, the word of the Lord came unto him, 
 saying: *Go to Boston, with thy brother, William Robin- 
 son ; ' for obedience to which, contrary to the commands 
 of men, he now suffers bonds nigh unto death." This 
 paper was subscribed; "Prison, at Boston, October, 1659, 
 Marmaduke Stevenson ; but a new name has been given 
 unto me, which the world knoweth not, and is written in 
 the Book of Life." 
 
 All three were thereupon condemned to death. The 
 two men were executed on the 27th of October, 1659. 
 The woman, when at the foot of the gallows, was par- 
 doned, at the intercession of her relatives, from Newport, 
 in Rhode Island, whither she was then sent. But she 
 came back the next spring, and suffered the penalty of 
 death on the 1st of June, 1660. 
 
 The general surprise and indignation, occasioned by this 
 first application of the new law, obliged the Massachusetts 
 government to publish the following declaration : 
 
 "Though the justice of our proceedings against William 
 Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and Mary Dyar, sup- 
 ported by the authority of this Court, the laws of this 
 country, and the laws of God, may rather persuade us to 
 expect encouragement and commendation from all prudent 
 and pious men, than convince us of any necessity to apol- 
 ogize for the same ; yet, forasmuch as men of weaker parts, 
 out of pity and commiseration (a commendable and chris- 
 
130 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 tian virtue, yet easily abused, and susceptible of sinister 
 and dangerous impressions), for want of a full information, 
 may be less satisfied, and men of perverser principles to 
 calumniate us, and render us as bloody persecutors ; to sat- 
 isfy the one, and to stop the mouths of the other, we have 
 thought fit to declare, that, about three years since, divers 
 persons, professing themselves Quakers (of whose per- 
 nicious opinions and practices we had received intelligence 
 from good hands), both from Barbadoes and England, ar- 
 rived at Boston, whose persons were only secured, to be 
 sent away by the first opportunity, without censure or pun- 
 ishment, although their professed tenets, turbulent and 
 contemptuous behavior to authority, would have justified 
 a severer animadversion; yet the prudence of this Court 
 was exercised only in making provision to secure the peace 
 and order here established, against their attempts, whose 
 design (we were well assured by our own experience, as 
 well as by the examjile of their predecessors in Munster), 
 was to undermine and ruin the same ; and, accordingly, a 
 law was made and published, prohibiting all masters of 
 ships to bring any Quaker into this jurisdiction, and them- 
 selves from coming in, on penalty of the House of Correc- 
 tion till they could be sent away. Notwithstanding which, 
 by a back door they found entrance ; and the penalty in- 
 flicted on them proving insufficient to restrain their impu- 
 dent and insolent obtrusions, was increased, which also, 
 being too weak a defence against their impetuous and 
 fanatic fury, necessitated us to endeavor our security ; and 
 upon serious consideration, a law was made that such per- 
 sons should be banished on pain of death, according to the 
 example of England, in their provision against the Jesuits; 
 which sentence being regularly pronounced at the last 
 Court of Assistants against these parties, and they either 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 131 
 
 returning, or continuing presumptuously in this jurisdiction 
 after the time limited, were apprehended, and owning 
 themselves to be the persons banished, were sentenced by 
 the Court to death, which liath been executed upon two 
 of them. Mary Dyar, upon intercession of a son, through 
 the grace and mildness of this Court, had liberty to depart 
 within two days, and accepted of it. The consideration of 
 our gradual proceedings, will vindicate us from the clam- 
 orous accusation of severity. Our own just and necessary 
 defence calling upon us (other means failing) to offer the 
 point, which these persons have violently and wilfully 
 rushed upon, and thereby become felones de e, as well as 
 the sparing of one upon an inconsidei*able intercession, will 
 manifestly evince we desire their lives absent, rather than 
 their deaths present." 
 
 The weakness of this declaration, both in respect to the 
 relations of crime and punishment, and to the appeal to a 
 law in England, appears from the following judicial pro- 
 ceeding : At the beginning of the year 1661, William 
 Leddra, a Quaker who had been already several times pun- 
 ished and banished from the commonwealth, returned to 
 Boston. Being seized and brought before the Court, he 
 was asked by Governor Bradstreet " whether he were will- 
 ing to go to England." He answered that " he had noth- 
 ing to do there." Upon the offer of being set at liberty, 
 if he would promise not to return again, he replied : " I 
 stand not in my own will, but the will of the Lord. If I 
 am set at liberty, I will go, but such a promise I cannot 
 make." Bradstreet then told him " that if he would neither 
 go to England, nor remain out of the jurisdiction, he would 
 fall imder the full rigor of the law." Leddra appealed to 
 the laws of England in respect to his judicial examination, 
 but the appeal was not allowed. Much time was spent in 
 
132 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 endeavoring to persuade him either to recant his errors, or 
 submit to the laws of the land, or to promise not again to 
 return ; but he remained obstinate. " What," said he, 
 "join myself with such murderers as ye are! Then let 
 each one who meets me say : Lo, this is the man who for- 
 sook the God of his salvation." Finally, sentence of death 
 was pronounced upon him, and on the 14th of March, 1661, 
 he was executed ; declaring under the gallows that it was 
 " for confessing the Lord, against liars and deceivers, that 
 he was brought hither to death." While Leddra was still 
 under examination, another Quaker, Wheelock Christison 
 by name, came boldly before the Court with his hat on his 
 head, and warned the magistrates to shed no more inno- 
 cent blood. He refused to take off his hat, and on being 
 questioned if his name was not Christison, and whether he 
 had not been banished on pain of death, he replied to both 
 in the affirmative, and was committed to prison. Being 
 required to state in defence of himself any reasons why he 
 should not suffer the penalty of the law, he asked them by 
 what law they would condemn him to death. When the 
 Court appealed to the recent law enacted against the Qua- 
 kers, he desired to know how they were empowered to 
 make such a law, and whether the law itself were not in 
 contrariety to the laws of England. The Governor re- 
 plied that there was a similar law in England, according to 
 which Jesuits were hanged. " But," said Christison, " ye 
 condemn me, not as a Jesuit, but as a Quaker ; I appeal to 
 the laws of my country." The Court offered him a lawful 
 trial by court and jury, but he persisted in appealing to the 
 laws of England, and repeating that he had never heard or 
 read of a law in England for hanging Quakers. The 
 Court, however, oveiTuled his objection, and the jury de- 
 clared him guilty. When the sentence of death was 
 
KEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 188 
 
 announced to him, he urged upon them the consequences 
 of this measure against the Quakers. " For the last man 
 tliat was put to death," said he, "here arc five come in his 
 room; if ye have power to take my life from me, God can 
 raise up the same principle of life in ten of his servants, 
 and send them among you in my room, that ye may have 
 tonnent upon torment." 
 
 The 13th of June, 1661, was appointed as the day of his 
 execution ; but before it arrived, Christison, with twenty- 
 seven other Quakers then lying in prison, was set at liberty 
 and carried beyond the limits of the jurisdiction. The 
 government seems to have become convinced, by this time, 
 that their measures were as odious as they were ineffec- 
 tual ; they resolved to deal with the Quakers henceforth as 
 vagabonds, to whip them through the towns of the colony, 
 and then drive them out of its bounds. The above-men- 
 tioned executions occasioned great dissatisfaction in Eng- 
 land ; and Charles II., who had recently acceded to the 
 throne, interposed his authority by a letter, dated the 9th 
 of September, 1661, to the Governors and Magistrates of 
 New England collectively : " Having received information 
 of the imprisonment and execution of Quakers, his majesty 
 hereby commands, as well in respect to any who may be 
 already condemned as to those still in prison, that all pro- 
 ceedings with them be stopped, and that the above-named 
 persons be sent, together with the accusations made 
 against them, to England, in order there to receive their 
 sentence." The general cessation of persecution, properly 
 so called, forestalled the execution of this order ; but the 
 government, in its congratulatory address to Charles II., 
 justified the measures which had been adopted. In our 
 judgment of these occurrences, in addition to all which 
 may be said with truth against the Quakers, we must bear 
 
 12 
 
134 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 in mind the utter perplexity of the government in regard 
 to means for protecting themselves against these obstinate 
 and impracticable fanatics. 
 
 We shall have occasion further on (Chap. VII.), to men- 
 tion the subsequent persecutions and oppressive measures 
 of the government against the Anabaptists. First, how- 
 ever, after having thus exhibited the secessions and expul- 
 sions from the theocratic government, we must consider 
 the opposition developed in its own bosom, which led the 
 way to an essential change of its constitution. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 SUPPRESSION OF THE INTERNAL, OPPOSITION TO THE THEOCRATIC 
 GOVERNMENT J SUSTAINED BY THE SYNOD OF 1648. 
 
 CHANGE IN THE ORIGINAL IDEAS, RESULTING FROM LATER IHMIORA- 
 TIONS; GOVERNMENTAL MEASURES FOR COUNTERACTING IT. 
 
 Two things in the founders of New England particularly 
 strike the observer; their devotion to the common weal 
 as citizens, and to the interests of the church as Christians. 
 They regarded themselves, not as individual fugitives from 
 oppression and persecution, but rather as confederates in a 
 political association and members of a religious commun- 
 ity. In both respects they were favored with the guid- 
 ance of men equally upright and gifted, by whose influence 
 this feeling, alike of their political and their ecclesiastical 
 responsibilities, was maintained and developed in living 
 power. This twofold relation had given birth to the The- 
 ocratic constitution. In exhibiting the characteristics of this 
 constitution, we have already made use of the decisions of 
 :i synod held in 1648, as the clearest manifestation of the 
 j^eculiarity of the civil government. But it is evident, not 
 only from expressions in contemporary correspondence, but 
 from the laws of Massachusetts, that this same view had 
 prevailed universally from the very first. Indeed, we find 
 it acted on, so early as the first controversy with Roger 
 Williams. 
 
 Another point in this platform of church-discipline, the 
 
136 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 question respecting church-membership, must now be par- 
 ticularly considered; as the decision in regard to it was 
 expressly intended to counteract an attempt, peculiar in its 
 character, to subvert the theocratic relation. 
 
 As every theocracy is exposed to the resistance of cer- 
 tain members of its connection, so was it the case here. 
 But we must not lose sight of the fact, that the character- 
 istic feature of the New England Theocracy, by which it 
 was distinguished from every other, formed also the fun- 
 damental principle of the Congregationalists,' and was 
 regarded by them as a necessary step in the progress of 
 the reformation. The requirement, that only such shall be 
 admitted to the visible church as are members of that 
 which is invisible, can be carried out in its full strictness 
 no where on earth. But if, in addition, only these same 
 church-members are allowed the enjoyment of civil rights, 
 it can be maintained no longer than a controlling religious 
 interest in the church-relation continues to penetrate all 
 the individuals of the community. As we have already 
 seen, the members of the Leyden church and the first set- 
 tlers of Massachusetts Bay felt themselves called to such 
 an attempt, and they were men fitted to accomplish it. 
 But the subsequent immigrations from England did not 
 originate solely in devotion to religious interests; nay, 
 even in the second generation in America, the view had 
 begun to lose ground, that connection with the church was 
 man's first and only necessity. It was inevitable, there-* 
 fore, that from that class of persons who could not claim 
 to be church-members, must proceed a reaction, founded 
 on the natural and necessary desire to be citizens of the 
 State in which they lived. 
 
 But besides this anti-theocratic party, properly so called, 
 another, an anti-Congregationalist' party, might espouse 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 137 
 
 niid cloforKl the opposition, on other grounds. It could 
 not but Iwppen, in a social state so decidedly Christian, 
 tliat the wish should be felt by many, even among those 
 who had little personal interest in religion, to hold a cer- 
 tain connection with the church, whose requisitions for 
 actual membership they were, nevertheless, unable or 
 unwilling to meet. So also, the desire must be felt, 
 among those who were not church-members, that their 
 cliildren should be admitted to the privilege of baptism; 
 while, on the other hand, the church might well refuse the 
 rite, as being unable to regard those as future members, 
 who were to be trained under the influence of persons 
 themselves standing aloof from her. This question : ' Who 
 are the proper subjects of baptism?* we shall see more 
 particularly discussed at a later period. It was the answer 
 to this question which caused the subversion of the orig- 
 inal connection between church and state. 
 
 Before depicting the assault made on the theocracy from 
 the political side, we will here mention a single instance 
 of opposition, which, though without Results, is of a note- 
 worthy character. In 1G37, a minister at Weymouth, 
 Massachusetts, by the name of Lenthal, broached the doc- 
 trine that baptism constitutes the door of entrance to the 
 visible church. Hubbard reports * that this view was im- 
 mediately embraced by several others, and the plan was in 
 agitation of forming a church, into which all baptized per- 
 sons were to be admitted to communion, without any addi- 
 tional test. But when Lenthal was applied to for farther 
 counsel in the matter, it was found that he had been con- 
 
 1 According to Backus, I., 114. Here it is also remarked that Lenthal 
 went in 1010 to Rhode Island, and from thence soon after to England. 
 His views were in direct contrariety also with those of most of the North 
 American church parties of the time. 
 
 12* 
 
138 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ferred with by several magistrates and ministers, and had 
 retracted his oi^inions. Having read his recantation^ pub- 
 licly before his congregation, he was exempted from fur- 
 ther censure. This doctrine was in too decided contra- 
 riety to the prevailing view to have spread extensively, 
 although strictly speaking, it was not directed against the 
 theocracy as such. 
 
 How thoroughly the ruling powers were impressed with 
 the idea, that church and state must constitute an undi- 
 vided unity, appears from the two following laws passed in 
 Boston, Sept. 1638 : 1. "Whereas it is found by sad expe- 
 rience, that divers persons, who have been justly cast out 
 of some of the churches, do profanely contemn the same 
 sacred and dreadful ordinance, by presenting themselves 
 over-boldly in other assemblies, and speaking lightly of 
 their censures, to the great offence and grief of God's peo- 
 ple, and encouragement of evil-minded persons to contemn 
 the same ordinance ; it is therefore ordered, that whoso- 
 ever shall stand excommunicated for the space of six 
 months, without laboring what in him or her lieth to be 
 restored, such person shall be presented to the Court of 
 Assistants, and there proceeded with by fine, imprison- 
 ment, banishment, or further, for their good behavior, as 
 their contempt and obstinacy upon full .hearing shall de- 
 serve." This law was indeed soon after abrogated. Not 
 so the second, which long survived the real dissolution of 
 the theocracy, and formed, in subsequent times, the chief 
 occasion for the renewal of internal divisions. By this 
 statute, all the inhabitants of a town, whether freemen or 
 members of the church or not, were required to contribute 
 equally to all necessary expenditures for church and state. 
 
 In close connection with the passage of this latter Act, 
 
 1 So related in Neal's History of New England, I., p. 196. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 139 
 
 Stands a movement which threatened the overthrow of the 
 theocratic relation, but became the occasion of its formal 
 and explicit confirmation. In the colony of Plymouth 
 :.lso, as well as in Massachusetts, there had been always 
 )ine, though not a large number, who took exceptions to 
 the theocratic relation on the above-mentioned grounds; 
 and the disaffected of the two colonies were in understand- 
 ing with each other.* Individual complaints had already 
 become loud, when, in 1646, the matter came before the 
 notice of the General Court at Boston. A petition wns 
 ont in by certain inhabitants of Hingham, in 3Iassachu- 
 -etts, near the borders of New Plymouth,^ which, after 
 some preliminary compliments, in general terms, on the 
 administration of the government, proceeded to designate 
 the present condition of affairs as one of manifold griev- 
 ances, alleging three specific causes for the same, and pray- 
 ing for the repeal and change of the following relations 
 and ordinances. First, there exists great uncertainty in 
 all respects, arising from neglect to recognize the law s of 
 England as the basis of government, or to act on them ?.s 
 such ; hence a want of that security and confidence in the 
 enjoyment of life, freedom, and property, which is the right 
 of every free-bom Englishman, and a constant apprehen- 
 sion of illegal burdens and unjust punishments. Second, 
 there are in these settlements many thousands of free- 
 bom, quiet, peaceable Englishmen, who though upright in 
 their dealings, and disposed to promote the ])ublic weal, 
 see themselves debarred from all civil employments ; nay, 
 are not permitted to occupy the lowest office, nor to have 
 a voice in the election of magistrates, of captains, or other 
 
 1 Hutchinson, I., 13o. 
 
 2 Collection of original papers relative to the History of Mass. Bay, 
 Boston. 1709, p. 188 ff. 
 
140 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 civil and military functionaries. The petitioners pray, there- 
 fore, tliat civil freedom and civil right be granted to * all 
 truly English,' without the imposition of any oath or cove- 
 nant, which does not appear to accord with the Patent and 
 the original oath. of allegiance; such oath and covenant 
 they were ready to assume, as should express their desire 
 for the furtherance of the honor of God and the prosperity 
 of the settlement, their loyalty to England, their love to 
 their country. In the ordinances referred to, they foresee 
 disruption from England; and they pray, in case their 
 petition is rejected, that they may be regarded as foreign- 
 ers, and be exempted from all charges. Third, there are 
 divers good people, rich in knowledge and no way blam- 
 able in life and conversation, who as members of the 
 church of England are in agreement with the last and best 
 reformation in England and Scotland, but are yet excluded 
 from the Supper on the j^retence that they do not assent 
 to the church-covenant, for which they see no foundation 
 in the word of God, and moreover, this very covenant dif- 
 fers in different churches. Not only so, but they are con- 
 strained by penalties to attend public worship ; and par- 
 ticular pains are used that they shall be present at times 
 when baptism is administered, although their own children 
 cannot be baptized. In some places they are obliged to 
 contribute to the maintenance of the minister, in order to 
 be regarded as brethren. With a brief reference to the 
 necessary tendency of such a course to promote Anabap- 
 tism, they pray, therefore, to be received into the churches, 
 and allowed a participation in all the privileges and ordi- 
 nances which Christ has purchased for them and in whose 
 name they have been baptized, that the Lord may be one 
 and his name one in this place, and that so the seals of the 
 covenant (the sacraments) may be enjoyed by them and 
 
NEW ENQLAND TUEOCRACY. 141 
 
 
 tlicir posterity. If this may not be, they request permis- 
 sion to form churclies after their own manner. They con- 
 chule Avith the remark, that if repulsed liere, they shall feel 
 themselves constrainetl to apply to the honorable Houses 
 of Parliament, who will, without doubt, take their unhappy 
 state into consideration. 
 
 Among the seven petitioners, one possessed the rights 
 of a free citizen without being a church-member, having 
 become a freeman previous to the law before cited ;^ but 
 the remainder seem to have been by no means the only 
 ones in the colony, who were opposed to the established 
 relations. This is clear from the popular excitement 
 which, after this matter was decided, manifested itself in 
 Boston against Governor John Winthrop, the most power- 
 f al and distinguished defender of the existing constitution. 
 A letter addressed to him by a magistrate in Ipswich,* 
 proves by its lamentations over the disorders thus occa- 
 sioned, that the number of the malcontents was not small. 
 
 A preponderating majority of the government, as well as 
 among the citizens generally, were decidedly averse to the 
 principles set forth in this petition, and were indignant at 
 its charges, for which it was believed no occasion had been 
 given. AVe recognize the simplicity of the time in the cir- 
 cumstance, that the General Court felt itself called on to 
 refute the petitioners and justify their own conduct by a 
 lengthy public explanation. This document* gives a 
 reflection at once of the prevailing views of the period, 
 and of its peculiar style of argumentation. It begins with 
 a reference to the complimentary expressions of the peti- 
 tioners, which however, are declined, as being shown by 
 what follows to be merely an unworthy captatio henevo- 
 lentiae. Thus in regard to the first point, the laws of 
 
 1 See p. 68. Ck)llection of orig. papers, p. 218. lb; p. 196, ff. 
 
142 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 England are held up in opposition to the ordinances pre- 
 vailing here, especially in relation to the declaration of 
 personal freedom. A verbal agreement in this respect 
 is out of the question; but the legislators of New England 
 were firmly persuaded that they had met the spirit of the 
 English constitution in their enactments, and their addi- 
 tional enactments in reference to ecclesiastical relations 
 they regarded as resulting necessarily from their religious 
 principles. They claim it as their due, that the manifold 
 misfortunes of the last year may not be laid to their 
 charge; and while acknowledging that grievances may 
 still exist, remind their readers that as Rome was not built 
 in a day, it would not be strange if within sixteen years 
 from the foundation of the colony, much yet remained to 
 be done. The objections of the petitioners, they say, are 
 stated in terms so general that a proper refutation of them 
 becomes impossible. The demand for universal right of 
 suffrage, the government regards as an attempt to gain 
 favor with the populace, and directs attention to the fact, 
 that it lies with the petitioners themselves whether they 
 shall be furnished with the requisite qualifications. The 
 third point is most largely discussed. In accordance with 
 the ijrevailing view of the time, it is assumed that by 
 answering complaints in reference to the terms of church- 
 membership, all objections in reference to the denial of 
 l^olitical rights are also disposed of The alleged title of 
 many to the privileges of the church, is rebutted by the 
 assertion that " some are hypocritical in their walk, others 
 are notoriously corrupt in their opinions, other still, grossly 
 ignorant of the fundamental doctrines of religion, and that, 
 fourthly, if some did possess such knowledge and such 
 gifts, they did not make the same known by a public pro- 
 fession before the church or elders, and consequently, their 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 148 
 
 qualifications were unknown. "Our churches," it pro- 
 ceeds, ** cannot blindly or upon the testimony of others, 
 receive persons who refuse to give that account of their 
 faith or repentance, which is so expressly required. 1 Pet. 
 3 : 15. Matt. 3 : 6. Acts 8 : 37. Matt. 16 : 16-18." 
 
 But it was not the manner of the leaders of New Eng- 
 land to stop with such a vindication, and the petitioners were 
 summoned before the Court. When they appealed to the 
 right of petition, it was answered that they were not com- 
 plained of for having presented a petition, but on account 
 of their contemptuous and seditious expressions ; and secu- 
 rity was demanded for their good behavior. But while 
 under indictment for a criminal offence, pardon was offered 
 them if they would make full and frank confession of their 
 fault. Declining to do this, they were fined, some in 
 smaller, some in larger sums. Their appeal to the commis- 
 sion, appointed by the English government for all colonics, 
 was not admitted. A ntimber of them then resolved to 
 carry their complaints to England ; but their papers were 
 seized by the government. Among them was a memoran- 
 dum which contained, besides a complaint in reference to the 
 late proceeding, a recapitulation of the points above men- 
 tioned ; nay, they had gone so far as to propose changes in- 
 volving the entire subversion of the present form of gov- 
 ernment. The supreme power of the General Court at Bos- 
 ton was represented as unauthorized, since even the charter 
 of Massachusetts had not been confirmed by Parliament ; 
 and it was therefore requested that a Governor might be 
 appointed from England. A copy of this memorandum, 
 subscribed by some twenty-five non-freemen (such is the 
 term they use), in behalf of themselves and many thou- 
 sands, found its way to London. But the Massachusetts 
 agent there resident was provided from Boston with argu- 
 
144 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ments to meet it; and his skilful management, together 
 with his influence with many members of parliament and 
 other distinguished men, prevented all prejudicial conse- 
 quences to the colony. The public mind was, moreover, 
 too much occupied with the popular disturbances in Eng- 
 land itself to bestow much attention on these petitioners. 
 
 But in Boston these proceedings were met by the loud 
 expression of dissatisfaction, even among the members of 
 the government ; and this directed itself against a man so 
 generally esteemed and honored as Winthrop, who was that 
 year deputy-governor. In open assembly, he was charged 
 with an attempt upon the liberties of the people, and was 
 required, against all order, to exonerate himself by an ex- 
 planation on the spot. Winthrop yielded to the demand, 
 after having showed them that he might properly have 
 refused. The result of his vindication was his public acquit- 
 tal. ^ On resuming his seat as deputy-governor, Winthrop 
 felt himself called on to make the following address : 
 
 " I shall not now speak anything about the past proceed- 
 ings of this Court, or the persons therein concerned, only I 
 bless God that I see an issue of this troublesome affair. I 
 am well satisfied that I was publicly accused, and that I 
 am now publicly acquitted. But though I am justified be- 
 fore man, yet it may be the Lord hath seen so much amiss 
 in my administrations, as calls me to be humbled; and, 
 indeed, for me to have been thus charged by men, is of 
 itself a matter of humiliation, whereof I desire to make a 
 right use before the Lord. If Miriam's father spit in her 
 fece, she is to be ashamed. But give me leave before you 
 go, to say something that may rectify the opinions of many 
 
 1 " Notwithstanding, the touchy jealousy of the people about their liber- 
 ties lay at the bottom of this prosecution," says Mather, Magn. Book II. 
 
 Ch. rv. ^ 9. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 145 
 
 people from whence the distempers have arisen, that have 
 lately prevailed upon the body of this people. It is you 
 who have called us unto this office ; but, being thus called, 
 we have our authority from God; it is the ordinance of 
 God, and it hath the image of God stamped upon it ; and 
 the contempt of it has been vindicated by God with terrible 
 examples of liis vengeance. I entreat you to consider, that 
 when you choose magistrates, you take them from among 
 yourselves, men subject unto like passions with yourselves. 
 If ye see our infirmities, reflect upon your own, and you 
 will not be so severe censurers of ours. We count him a 
 good servant who breaks not his covenant; the covenant 
 between us and you is the oath you have taken of us, which 
 is to this purpose, that we shall govern you and judge your 
 causes according to God's laws and our own, according to 
 our best skill. As for our skill, you must run the hazard 
 of it ; and if there be an error, not in the will but only in 
 the skill, it becomes you to bear it. Nor would I have you 
 to mistake in the point of your own liberty. There is a 
 liberty of corrupt nature which is aifected both by men and 
 boasts, to do what they list ; and this liberty is inconsistent 
 with authority, impatient of all restraint ; by this liberty 
 sumus omnes deteriores ; H is the grand enemy of truth and 
 peace, and all the ordinances of God are bent against it. 
 But there is a civil, ^a moral, a federal liberty, which is the 
 proper end and object of authority ; it is a liberty for that 
 only which is just and good ; for this liberty you are to 
 stand w^ith the hazard of your very lives, and whatsoever 
 crosses it is not authority, but a distemper thereof. This 
 liberty is maintained in the way of subjection to authority ; 
 and the authority set over you will, in all administrations 
 for your good, be quietly submitted unto by all but such as 
 have a disposition to shake off the yoke, and lose their true 
 13 
 
146 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 liberty by their murmuring at the honor and power of au- 
 thority." From this time to his death in 1647, Winthrop 
 was yearly chosen governor. 
 
 SYNOB CALLED, MAT 1646. 
 
 These agitations now called forth decisions on the part of 
 the church, sustaining the prevailing views. Reference has 
 already been made to an act passed by the Court in March, 
 1635, "entreating the brethren and elders of every church 
 within this jurisdiction, that they w^ill consult and advise 
 of one uniform order of discipline in the churches, agreea- 
 ble to the Scriptures, and then to consider how far the mag- 
 istrates are bound to interpose for the preservation of that 
 uniformity and the peace of the churches." This measure 
 has a manifest connection with the controversies occasioned 
 by Roger Williams,^ which, however, had been allayed 
 without farther intervention on the j^art of the churches. It 
 is not unlikely, indeed, that an avowed movement towards 
 the establishment of a uniformity may have been met with 
 disfavor ; at all events, the act did not then go into effect. 
 Much as it might be for the interests of the church, as con- 
 nected with the existing theocracy, the interference of the 
 civil magistrate in her internal affairs was never welcome, 
 even with the prospect of her own increase in distinction 
 and power. The same spirit now manifested itself in 1646. 
 When the government, on occasion of the disturbances 
 caused by the above-mentioned petition, issued an order for 
 a synod, some of the deputies objected, on the ground that 
 to concede such a power to the magistracy might be open- 
 ing the way for them at any time to establish new ordinan- 
 ces respecting ecclesiastical matters, an office for which the 
 civil government was not appointed by Christ, and thus 
 
 1 See Knowles Memoir of Roger Williams p. 70; and the present work p. 
 92. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 147 
 
 might be imposed on the church a uniformity in things 
 which Christ has left undetermined. After a debate on this 
 exception, the Court agreed to convene the Synod, *by way 
 of a motion merely,' and not in the form of an order. This 
 motion, May 15, 1646, began with these words : 
 
 " The right form of church government and discipline 
 being agreed part of the kingdom of Christ on earth, 
 therefore the establishmg and settling thereof by the joint 
 ud public agreement and consent of churches, and by the 
 sanction of civil authority, must needs greatly conduce to 
 the honor and glory of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the 
 settling and safety of church and commonwealth, where 
 such a duty is diligently attended and performed." For 
 want of such a form, thus it proceeds great differences 
 in opinion and in practice appear in the churches, and 
 still greater are to be expected ; and that not merely in 
 respect to unimportant matters, but in points of weightiest 
 moment and grave significance ; as, preeminently, in the 
 question respecting admission to the ordinance of bap- 
 tism. Some baptized those whose grandparents were 
 actual membei*s of the church, though the immediate 
 parents were not so ; or held the opinion that under cer- 
 tain terms and conditions the children of those might be 
 baptized, who had indeed been members of a congregation 
 in England, but here were not found qualified for partici- 
 pation in the Lord's Supper. On the other side, it was 
 maintained by some that whatever might be the state of 
 the parents, baptism ought not to be dispensed to any 
 infants whatever. The Synod was therefore called upon 
 to " discuss, dispute, and clear up by the word of God, such 
 questions of church government and discipline, in the 
 things aforementioned, or any other as they shall think 
 needful and meet, and to continue bo doing, till they, or 
 
148 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. :] 
 
 i 
 
 the major part of them, shall have agreed upon one form ] 
 
 of government and discipline, for the main and substantial \ 
 
 parts thereof, as that which they judge agreeable to the i 
 
 Holy Scriptures." At the conclusion of such conference, j 
 
 the result was to be laid before the General Court, in order 
 
 to receive from it, as agreeable to the word of God, such j 
 
 approval as is meet : " that the Lord being thus acknowl- \ 
 
 edged by church and state, to be our judge, our lawgiver j 
 
 and king, he may be graciously pleased still to save us, as | 
 
 hitherto he has done." \ 
 
 The same call was sent to the churches in the other \ 
 
 colonies, and was there followed by the same result. One ] 
 
 of the three ministers who afterwards drew up for the j 
 
 Synod the model of church government as the basis of its j 
 
 action, was from the town of Duxbury in New Plymouth.^ j 
 
 But though the government had sent out this summons j 
 
 merely in the form of an invitation, it was met by no in- ! 
 considerable opposition in Boston. Indeed, the church at 
 
 first declined to choose delegates for the Synod. But John ; 
 
 Norton,^ a distinguished minister, who had come over from i 
 
 Encfland in 1634 and received an official call from the ! 
 church in Ipswich, j^reached with such effect before a very 
 
 numerous assembly in Boston, on the nature of synods, j 
 
 that delegates were elected. Accordingly, at the begin- l 
 
 ning of the winter of 1646, the Synod assembled; but after j 
 
 a session of fourteen days it adjourned to the 18th of ] 
 
 June, 1647; and the summer j^roving sickly on jjccount of i 
 
 the great heat, they then adjourned again. But in Sep- ^ 
 
 tember, 1648, they met once more, and prosecuted the j 
 
 1 John Partridge; Mather Mag. Book III. Part II. Ch. XI. i 
 
 2 Ibid. Book II. Part I. Ch. II. 16. He was called, after Cotton's death .i 
 in 1652, to the church in Boston, where he lived ten years, an esteemed [ 
 and beloved preacher of the Gospel. . '< 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 149 
 
 business with which they were charged till its completion 
 in October. 
 
 The fii-st stop was, to take into consideration the confes- 
 sion of faith adopted by the assembly of divines at West- 
 minster.^ Each article was read aloud by itselfj and the 
 unanimous concun*ence of all present was expressed in 
 the following resolution : " This SjTiod having perused and 
 
 1 This assembly was called by order of parliament in 1643. It consisted 
 of ten peei-s, twenty members of the lower House, and one hundred and 
 twenty clergymen; but the number of the latter was soon diminished by 
 the secession of those inclined to episcopacy. At the very beginning, they 
 took in hand a revision of the Thirty-nine Articles, but without completing 
 it. Later, the Assembly was joined by the Scotch, The predominance thus 
 gained by the Presbyterians was contested by the iufluence of the Inde- 
 pendents, which was constantly strengthening under the countenance of 
 Cromwell ; who, however, were not able to carry through their principle 
 of the independence of the single churches. On the contrary, both in the 
 decisions respecting the ordination of ministers and public worship, the 
 principles of the Presbyterians were adopted, according to which the as- 
 sembly of the ministers and elders of one church were subjected to the 
 presbyteries of several churches, and these again to a synod. Before the 
 close of the assembly (in February 1648), the Independents, being out- 
 voted, had withdrawn. So also did the Erastians, who allowed to the 
 clergy only the office of preaching the word and administering the sacra- 
 ments, but wished all church-government to be transferred to the state. 
 The Confession of Faith laid before parliament in 1646, whi<h was assented 
 to by the Presbyterians and Independents, takes very decided ground 
 against Arminianism, and exalts the doctrine of predestination in opposi- 
 tion to the views then current in the Episcopal Church, But with this 
 concord, we see on both sides a tenacious adherence to their diflFerent doc- 
 trines in regard to church-government; as in all English church-parties, 
 the constitution has ever been the main question. The Independents of 
 England complained at that time of persecution ; in the year of Cromwell's 
 death, Hi-18, they held an assembly at London, and adopted the Savoy 
 Confession, which agrees in all essential points with that of Westminster. 
 The stand it takes against open communion seems to hold a certain con- 
 nection with the opposition to Arminianism; making an unconscious ap- 
 plication of the doctrine of predestination, by seeking to exclude all but 
 the elect from membership in the visible church. 
 
 13* 
 
150 NEW ENGLAND THEOCEACY. ] 
 
 considered (with much gladness of heart and thankfulness j 
 
 to God) the confession of faith, published by the late rev- j 
 
 erend assembly in England, do judge it to be very holy, ] 
 
 orthodox and judicious, in all matters of faith, and do \ 
 
 therefore freely and fully consent thereunto for the sub- j 
 
 stance thereof Only in those things which have respect I 
 
 to church-government and discipline, we refer ourselves to j 
 
 the platform of church-discipline agreed upon by this ] 
 
 present assembly ; and we do therefore think it meet, that ^ 
 
 this confession of faith should be commended to the j 
 
 churches of Christ among us, and to the honored Court, as j 
 
 worthy of their due consideration and acceptance." | 
 
 The Synod then applied itself to the completion of the j 
 
 work for which it had especially been called together. i 
 
 Besides the above mentioned Partridge, John Cotton ; 
 
 and Richard Mather^ were appointed to draw up, each ; 
 
 by himself, an outline of Church-Discipline agreeable to i 
 the Holy Scriptures. The Synod compared these three 
 
 models with one another, and thus arose the platform of ; 
 
 Church-Discipline which, in October 1648, was presented ^ 
 
 to the General Court for consideration and acceptance. ) 
 
 Its conclusions received indeed no such unanimous ap- i 
 
 proval, in reference to each particular point, as the Articles ^ 
 
 of Faith ; but, on the other hand, no decided opposition ! 
 
 arose from any quarter, and when laid before the churches, 
 
 it was accepted by all.^ , j 
 
 PLATFORM OF CHURCH DISCIPLINE (tHE CAMBRIDGE PLATFORM), \ 
 
 ADOPTED IN 1648. i 
 
 We have already had occasion to bring forward those I 
 
 points of this Platform, which contain an exhibition of the ] 
 
 1 Grandfather of the church historian*, Cotton Mather. | 
 
 2 Neal's History of New England, I., 292. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 151 
 
 theocratic relation.* Our first object must now be to 
 show how the question was answered, which, according to 
 tlie declaration of the General Court, occasioned the prep- 
 aration of the Platform, viz., the question respecting quali- 
 fications for church-membership. The answer is found in 
 the fourth and twelfth chapters of the Platform ; the one 
 treating of the form of the visible church; the other, of the 
 admission of members into the church. The fourth chap- 
 ter thus speaks ; 
 
 1. Saints by calling must have a visible political nnion 
 among themselves, or else they are not yet a particular 
 church, (1 Cor. 12 : 27. 1 Tim. 3 ; 15. Eph. 2 : 22. 1 Cor. 12 : 
 15, 16, 17.) as those similitudes hold forth which the scrip- 
 ture makes use of to show the nature of particular 
 churches ; as a hody^ a buildi?i(/, house, hands, eyes, feet, 
 :uid other members, must be united, or else ^[remaining 
 separate) are not a body. Stones, timber, though squared, 
 hewn and polished, are not a house, until they are com- 
 pacted, and united: (Rev. ii.) so saints or believers in 
 judgment of charity, are not a church, unless orderly knit 
 together. 
 
 2. Particular churches cannot be distinguished one from 
 another, but by their forms. Ephesus is not Smyrna, nor 
 Pergamos Thyatira, but each one a distinct society of it- 
 self, having officere of their own, which had not the charge 
 of others : virtues of their own, for which others are not 
 praised : corruptions of their own, for which others are not 
 blamed. 
 
 3. This form is the visible covenant, agreement or con- 
 sent, whereby they give up themselves unto the Lord, to 
 tlie observing of the ordinances of Christ together in the 
 same society, which is usually called the church-covenant : 
 
 1 See p. 68, ff. 
 
152 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 (Ex. 19 : 5, 8. Deut. 29 : 12, 13. Zee. 11 : 14, and 9 : 11,) for 
 we see not otherwise how members can have church-power 
 over one another mutually. The comparing of each par- 
 ticular church to a city^ and unto a spouse^ (Eph. 2; 19. 2 
 Cor. 11 : 2,) seemeth to conclude not only a form, but that 
 that form is by way of covenant. The covenant, as it was 
 that which made the family of Abraham and children of 
 Israel to be a church and people unto God, (Gen. 17 r 7. 
 Eph. 2 : 12, 18,) so it is that which now makes the several 
 societies of Gentile believers to be churches in these days. 
 
 4. This voluntary agreement, consent or covenant, (for 
 all these are here taken for the same) although the more 
 express and plain it is, the more fully puts us in mind of 
 our mutual duty ; and stirreth us up to it, and leaveth 
 less room for the questioning of the truth of the church- 
 estate of a company of professors, and the truth of 
 membership of particular persons; yet we conceive the 
 substance of it is kept, where there is real agreement 
 and consent of a company of faithful persons to meet 
 constantly together in one congregation, for the public 
 worship of God, and their mutual edification : which real 
 agreement and consent they do express by their constant 
 practice in coming together for the public worship of God, 
 and by their religious subjection nnto the ordinances of 
 God there : (Exod. 19:5, and 20 : 8, and 24 : 3, 17. Josh. 24 : 
 18 24. Psal. 50: 5. Neh. 9 : 88, and 10:1. Gen. xvii. Deut. 
 xxix.) the rather, if we do consider how scripture-covenants 
 have been entered into, not only expressly by word of 
 mouth, but by sacrifice, by hand- writing and seal ; and also 
 sometimes by silent consent, without any writing or ex- 
 pression of words at all. 
 
 5. This form being by mutual covenant, it followeth, it 
 is not faith in the heart, nor the profession of that faith, 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 168 
 
 nor cohabitation, nor baptism. 1. Not faith in the hearty 
 because that is invisible. 2. Not a hare profession^ be- 
 cause that declareth them no more to be members of one 
 church than another. 3. Not cohabitation^ atheists or infi- 
 dels may dwell together with believers. 4. Not baptism^ 
 because it presupposeth a church-estate as circumcision in 
 the Old Testament^ which gave no being to the church, the 
 church being before it, and in the wilderness without it. 
 Seals presuppose a covenant already in being. One person 
 is a complete subject of baptism, but one person is inca- 
 pable of being a church. 
 
 6. All believers ought, as God giveth them opportunity 
 thereunto, to endeavor to join themselves unto a particular 
 church, and that in respect of the honor of Jesus Christ, in 
 his example and institution, by the professed acknowledg- 
 ment of, and subjection unto the order and ordinances of 
 the gospel : (Acts 2 : 47, and 9 : 26. Mat. 3 : 13, 14, 15, and 
 28: 19, 20. Psa. 133: 23, and 87 : 7. Mat. 18: 20. 1 John, 
 1,3.) as also in respect of their good communion founded 
 upon their visible union, and contained in the promises of 
 Christ's special presence in the church ; whence they have 
 fellowship with him, and in him, one with another : also in 
 the keeping of them in the way of God's commandments, 
 and recovering of them in case of wandering, (which all 
 Christ's sheep are subject to in this life) being unable to 
 return of themselves ; together with the benefit of their 
 mutual edification, and of their posterity, that they may 
 not be cut off from the privilege of the covenant. (Psa. 
 119: 176. lPet.2:25. Eph. 4: 16. Job 22: 24, 25. Matt. 18: 
 15, 16, 17.) Otherwise, if a believer offends, he remains 
 destitute of the remedy provided in that behalf. And 
 should all believers neglect this duty of joining to all par- 
 ticular congregations, it might follow therefrom, that Christ 
 should have no visible, political churches upon earth." 
 
154 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 Still more decided is the view of the Synod, on the 
 points in question, expressed in the twelfth chapter of the 
 Platform. As it is through these decisions that the sub- 
 sequent controversies are seen in their proper light, we 
 will here give this chapter at length. 
 
 1. The doors of the church of Christ upon earth do not, 
 by God's appointment, stand so wide open that all sorts of 
 people, good and bad, may freely enter therein at their 
 pleasure, (2 Chr. 29 : 19. Matt. 13 : 25, and 22 : 12.) but such 
 as are admitted thereto, as members, ought to be examined 
 and tried first, whether they be fit and meet to be received 
 into church-society or not. The Eunuch of Ethiopia 
 before his admission, was examined by Philip^ (Acts 8 : 
 37.) whether he did believe on Jesus Christ with all his 
 heart. The angel of the church at JEphesus^ (Rev. 2 : 2. 
 Acts 9 : 26.) is commended for trying such as said they 
 were apostles and were not. There is like reason for try- 
 ing of them that profess themselves to be believers. The 
 officers are charged with the keeping of the doors of the 
 church, and therefore are in. a special manner to make trial 
 of the fitness of such, who enter. Twelve angels are set 
 at the gates of the temple, (Rev. 21 : 12. 2 Chr. 23 : 19.) lest 
 such as were ceremonially unclean should enter thereinto. 
 
 2. The things which are requisite to be found in all 
 church-members, are repentance from sin, and faith in 
 Jesus Christ : (Acts 2 : 3842, and 8 : 37.) and therefore, 
 these are the things whereof men are to be examined, at 
 their admission into the church, and which then they must 
 profess and hold forth in such sort, as may satisfy rational 
 charity that the things are indeed. Johyi Baptist admit- 
 ted men to baptism confessing and bewailing their sins : 
 (Matt. 3 : 6. Acts 19 : 18.) and of others it is said that they 
 came and confessed^ and showed their deeds. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 166 
 
 3. The weakest measure of faith is to be accepted in 
 those that desire to be admitted into the church (Rom. 
 14: 1.); if sincere^ they have the substance of that faith, 
 repentance and holiness, which is required in clmrch-mem- 
 bers ; and such have most need of the ordinances for their 
 confirmation, and growth in grace. The Lord Jesus would 
 not quench the smoking flax, nor break the bruised reed, 
 (Matt. 12 : 20. Isa. 40: 11.) but gather the tender lambs in 
 his arms and carry them gently in his bosom. Such char- 
 ity and tenderness is to be used, as the weakest Christian, 
 if sincere, may not be excluded nor discouraged. Severity 
 of examination is to be avoided. 
 
 4. In case any through excessive fear, or other infirmity, 
 be unable to make their personal relation of their spiritual 
 estate in public, it is sufficient, that the elders having 
 received private satisfaction, make relation thereof in pub- 
 lic before the church, they testifying their assents there- 
 unto : this being the way that tendeth most to edification. 
 But where persons are of greater abilities, there it is 
 most expedient that they make their relations and confes- 
 sions pei-sonally with their own mouth, as David profess- 
 eth of himself (Psal. 66 : 6.) 
 
 5. A personal and public confession, and declaring of 
 God's manner of working upon the soul, is both lawful, 
 expedient and useful, in sundry respects and upon sundry 
 grounds. Those three thousand, (Acts 2: 37, 41.) before 
 they were admitted by the apostles, did manifest that they 
 were pricked at the heart by Peter*8 sermon, together with 
 earnest desire to be delivered from their sins which even 
 wounded their consciences, and their ready receiving of 
 the word of promise and exhortation. We are to be ready 
 to render a reason of the hope that is in us, to every one 
 that asketh us ; (1 Pet. 3 : 15. Heb. 11:1. Eph. 1 : 18.) there- 
 
156 IsE\y ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 fore we must be able and ready upon any occasion to 
 declare and show our repentance for sin, faitTi unfeigned, 
 and effectual calling, because those are the reason of a well 
 grounded hope. I have not liidden thy righteousness from. 
 the great congregation. (Psalm 40: 10.) 
 
 6. This profession of faith and repentance, as it must be 
 made by such at their admission, that were never in 
 church society before ; so nothing hindereth but the same 
 may also be performed by such as have formerly been 
 members of some other church, (Matt. 3 : 5, 6. Gal. 2 : 4. 1 
 Tim. 5 : 24.) and the church to which they now join them- 
 selves as members, may lawfully require the same. Those 
 three thousand, (Acts ii.) which made their confession, were 
 members of the church of the Jews before ; so were those 
 that were baptized by John. Churches may err in their 
 admission ; and persons regularly admitted may fall into 
 offence. Otherwise, if churches might obtrude their mem- 
 bers, or if church-members might obtrude themselves upon 
 other churches without due trial, the matter so requiring, 
 both the liberty of the churches would thereby be infringed 
 in that they might not examine those, concerning whose 
 fitness for communion they were unsatisfied : and besides 
 the infringing of their liberty, the churches themselves 
 would unavoidably be corrupted, and the ordinances 
 defiled, whilst they might not refuse, but must receive the 
 unworthy : which is contrary unto the scripture, teaching 
 that all churches are sisters, and therefore equal. (Cant. 
 8:8.) 
 
 7. The like trial is to be required from such members of 
 the church as were bom in the same, or received their 
 membership, or were baptized in their infancy or minority 
 by virtue of the covenant of their parents, when being 
 grown up into years of discretion, they shall desire to be 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 157 
 
 made partakers of the Lord's Supper: unto wliich, because 
 lioly things must not be given to the unworthy, therefore 
 it is requisite (Matt. 7 : 6. 1 Cor. 11: 27.), that these as 
 well as others should come to their trial and examination, 
 and manifest their faith and repentance by an open profes- 
 sion thereof, before they are received to the Lord's Supper, 
 and otherwise not to be admitted thereunto. Yet these 
 church-members that were so born, or received in their 
 childhood, before they are capable of being made partakers 
 of full communion, have many privileges which others, not 
 church-members, have not; they are in covenant with 
 God, having the seal thereof upon them, viz., baptism ; and 
 so, if not regenerated, yet are in a more hopeful way of 
 attaining regenerating grace, and all the spiritual blessings 
 both of the covenant and the seal : they are also under 
 church-watch, and consequently subject to the reprehen- 
 sions, admonitions, and censures thereof, for their healing 
 and amendment, as need shall require." 
 
 If now we sum up the results of this Synod, we shall 
 find in the Platform the confirmation, as well of the theo- 
 cratic views which had all along been recognized in prac- 
 tice, as of the undisputed Congregationalist principles 
 respecting the self-competency and independence of the 
 churches, in regard to the exercise of the fullest and high- 
 est ecclesiastical authority. But the Platform also decides, 
 as we see from the two chapters just quoted, the question 
 respecting the qualifications for church-membership. We 
 see here as little deviation from the conditions laid down 
 by Robinson, as from those which still prevail among Con- 
 gregational ists at the present day. The great value and 
 blessing of baptism is indeed acknowledged ; but the bap- 
 tized are nevertheless put essentially on a level with others, 
 
 14 
 
158 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 who stand outside the church-communion and are obliged 
 to submit to the same tests. 
 
 Before passing to the consideration of the repeated 
 counter-movements against this decision, and to the deter- 
 ' minations of the following synod, we will attempt to draw 
 from the Platform a view of certain other ecclesiastical 
 relations, wiiich did not so essentially affect the progressive 
 develoiDment of the church. The gradual and partial change 
 experienced here, was, indeed, not so much expressed in 
 special decisions, as introduced, step after step, by usage. 
 
 In regard to officers in the church, four of these are 
 mentioned in the Platform. The sixth chapter treats of 
 pastors and teachers, who ( 5) are distinct from each 
 other in this respect, that upon the former lies the duty of 
 exhortation, administering therein of the word of wisdom ; 
 upon the latter, the care of doctrine, administering therein 
 of the word of knowledge : both participate in the admin- 
 istration of the sacraments, and the execution of church 
 censures, that being only an application of the word 
 preached. Still, it is expressly declared ( 6) that the 
 office of teacher is not limited to the schools; but both 
 belong alike to the church. Two such servants of the 
 word would, however, be found only in the larger churches; 
 and since these, as before mentioned, were accustomed to 
 divide, a ready explanation may be found, in the indepen- 
 dency of each church, for the gradual disappearance of one 
 of these offices. The third office in the church was that of 
 ruling elder. The two servants of the church already 
 mentioned were, it is true, also called elders, and took part 
 in the government of the church ; but this was the espe- 
 cial duty of the ruling elder, to whom it did not pertain 
 to teach or to preach. What belonged to all three in 
 common, found in the ruling elder its chief executor, or 
 
KliW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 169 
 
 at least its principal organ of communication. His duty 
 is stated to be (chap. 7, 2) that of admitting and ex- 
 cluding members; of calling together and dismissing the 
 church ; of prejiariug business for the public meetings and 
 maintaining quiet and order in the same ; of representing 
 the church ; taking the oversight of its members in respect 
 to life and doctrine ; visiting and comforting the sick ; ad- 
 monishing, as occasion shall offer, out of the word of God. 
 The ruling elders stood as agents between the church and 
 the individual members. This office at first existed in 
 most of the churches ; but at the end of a half century 
 it had fallen into almost total desuetude. The cause of 
 this was, in part, the gradual transfer of its duties to the 
 other church servants ; in part, the unpleasant nature of 
 some branches of the office ; for instance, that of oversight 
 of the members, which became more and more repulsive 
 during the signal decay of the church life at a later period. 
 The fourth office, that of deacons, had for its object the 
 purely external relations of the church, especially the man- 
 agement of its property. 
 
 While the above named offices are declared to be those 
 alone which are agreeable to Scripture, all others, as popes, 
 cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops, lordbi shops, archdea- 
 cons, officials, commissaries, and the like, are described as 
 mere inventions and ordinances, which tend to the great 
 dishonor of Jesus Christ, the Lord and King of his church. 
 The appointment of deaconesses is, however, recommended 
 where it is practicable. The election of church officers, 
 according to the eighth chapter, naturally pertains to the 
 church ; neither the government, diocesan bishops, or pat- 
 rons can claim it on the ground of Scripture. Ordination 
 is to be performed by the elders ; if these are wanting, by 
 brethren, orderly chosen by the church for the purpose. 
 
160 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 In the latter case, however, the end is reached, if the impo- 
 sition of hands and prayer are performed by the elders of 
 other churches. But it gradually became established usage, 
 to commit ordination to the ministers of neighboring 
 churches. The articles respecting the communion of dif- 
 ferent churches with each other are in conformity with the 
 principles thus laid down and explained. They are bound 
 to mutual care, consultation, admonition, and sympathy, 
 as becomes christian brethren. If a member of any church 
 has occasion to leave it in a regular manner, he shall be 
 dismissed with a letter of recommendation, that he may 
 be received into the church to which he goes ; although 
 the latter, as we have seen, is not unconditionally bound 
 to accept him. 
 
 We will here add the articles respecting excommunica- 
 tion. It may be pronounced against one who sins against 
 his brother, if refusing to hear him, the witnesses, and the 
 church (Matt. 18: 15 17); as also for public scandals. 
 But it must proceed from the spirit of judgment and 
 meekness. All intercourse wuth the excommunicated shall 
 be withheld, except so far as is indispensably necessary. 
 Still he is not thereby deprived of his civil rights, and, 
 being regarded as a heathen and publican, he may be pres- 
 ent at the preaching of the word. In the hope of his 
 recovery, he shall not be accounted as an enemy, but ad- 
 monished as a brother ; and on the manifestation of re- 
 pentance, he shall be reinstated in his former relations. It 
 is added, that the scandalous walk of persons in the church 
 is not sufficient ground for separation from it, nor for 
 withdrawal from participation in the sacraments therein 
 administered. 
 
 Thus have we endeavored to give a reflection of the 
 spirit which rules in this platform. Its most important 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 161 
 
 decision, however, that which respects the qualifications 
 for church-membership, found and continued to find many 
 oi)posers. The succeeding chapters will show the triumph 
 of another view, in reference to the relation of baptized 
 persons, and the consequences of this change. 
 
 14* 
 
CHAPTER VI. \ 
 
 DISSOLUTION OF THE THEOCRATIC RELATION, FROM THE ECCLE- \ 
 
 SIASTICAL AND THE POLITICAL SIDE. \ 
 
 ECCLESIASTICAL AGITATIONS WITHIJf THE COLONIES. 3 
 
 \ 
 \ 
 
 The Cambridge Synod of 1648 had, as we have seen, j 
 triumphed over the opposition which threatened to subvert 
 
 the theocratic relation. That opposition was essentially po- [ 
 
 litical in its nature, being directed against a political advan- j 
 
 tage enjoyed by church-members, against the theocracy in \ 
 
 general. ; 
 
 But there now appeared opposers of the existing rela- : 
 
 t.ions from a properly ecclesiastical stand-point, directly j 
 
 affecting the specific form of the theocratic constitution, as ! 
 
 developed from the ground-ideas of Congregationalism. \ 
 
 This conflict, waged with other weapons, and as it were in ; 
 
 another territory, had also a different issue from the one | 
 
 just narrated. j 
 
 It appears, from contemporary accounts, that the princi- j 
 
 pies of the theocracy were carried out in practice, however ] 
 
 much it might seem, in the single cases, to be at war with ; 
 
 the spirit in which the Independents had their origin. 1 
 
 About the year 1651, the church at Maiden was fined in a ' 
 
 heavy sum, for having chosen a minister without the agree- j 
 
 ment and consent of the neighboring churches, and with- \ 
 out permission from the government. It was therefore or- 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 163 
 
 dained by law, that no minister could be called to the office 
 in any church without the approbation both of some mem- 
 bers of the magistracy, and of the neighboring churches. 
 On the strength of this decision, the General Court ^ refused 
 to allow the North Church in Boston to choose for their 
 pastor, a well-gifled though unlearned man by the name 
 of Powell, and they were obliged to content themselves 
 with making hira ruling elder. Not only so, but the gov- 
 ernment took upon itself to nominate another from New 
 Plymouth, thus exercising a direct influence on the election. 
 In reference to this occurrence, Hubbard,^ one of the ear- 
 liest historians of New England says : " Let the experi- 
 ence of all reformed churches be asked, and it will appear, 
 that disorder and confusion in the church can be avoided by 
 no decisions, councils and assemblies of synods, or of other 
 deputies of the churches, if that which is determined be not 
 somewhat set forward by the civil authority. All men are 
 naturally so prejudiced by their own notions, that the order 
 and rule of the gospel is not obeyed, unless there is a neces- 
 sary power of restraint." 
 
 At this same time, when the connection between church 
 and state was thus steadfastly maintained, commenced the 
 discussion of the question respecting qualification for mem- 
 bership in the church itself. It cannot but strike one with 
 surprise, that the progress of so few years had sufficed to 
 produce, in a large majority of the people, a change in re- 
 spect to the organic principles which lay at the basis of 
 Congregationalism. This departure from the original strict- 
 ness, wbich we shall see as the result of the ecclesiastical 
 agitations of this period, finds its explanation in the form 
 and character of the opposition here developed. In accord- 
 
 1 Backus, I., 267. Hutchinson, I., 174. 
 
 2 A history of Massachusetts from his hand appeared so eariy as 1680. 
 
164 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ance with her fundamental principles, the church could ad- 
 mit to baptism only the children of her actual members, and 
 no one was entitled by this sacrament to full fellowship. 
 But, as before remarked, in process of time not only had 
 many emigrants come from England without that religious 
 impulse; but there was a decay of that predominating 
 church-feeling, even in the second generation in America. 
 It was, nevertheless, not so extinguished that there was not 
 a desire among such for a certain personal connection with 
 the church, partly for their own sakes, and partly to secure 
 for their children a participation in the privileges of the 
 christian body. The church, however, could not regard 
 these children as members through their parents, or expect 
 that they would subsequently fulfil the obligations requisite 
 for the other sacrament. But though she might feel her- 
 self strong enough, especially in her connection with the 
 state, to resist the claims and wishes of those who were di- 
 rectly interested in these questions, ye^ another considera- 
 tion here presented itself in respect to the immediate conse- 
 quences of a^iromsistent denial of baptism. It was especi- 
 ally to be feared lest Anabaptism, that bugbear of Kew 
 England, would quickly extend itself, being strengthened 
 by members, who saw themselves as it were thus compelled 
 by the church to postpone their baptism. The danger ap- 
 peared the more imminent from the fact, that it now began 
 to show itself in a form which gave no occasion to the re- 
 proach of fanaticism, or of a tendency to disorder. Henry 
 Dunster, the first president of Harvard College, who had 
 been a teacher in that institution from the year 1640, was, 
 by the testimony of his contemporaries, a very learned man,^ 
 
 1 He was especially celebrated for his knowledge of Hebrew. A metri- 
 cal version of the Psalms, prepared by him, came into use in public wov- 
 
NBW BNGLAND THEOCRACY. 165 
 
 and had at first, as it seems, performed the duties of his 
 office to general satisfaction. But at a later period, he re- 
 jected infant baptism, manifestly for the sake of carrying 
 out consistently the Congregationalist principle; for the 
 sacraments being in his view of equal rank, he held the same 
 pre-requisites necessary for both. Although he seems to ' 
 have expressed this change of opinion with great raodera- , 
 tion, the most injurious and corrupting influence was appre- f 
 hended from it in his position ; and in the year 1G54, he Wiis 
 required to resign his office. He yielded a ready assent, 
 and withdrew to Scituate, a town in Massachusetts on the 
 borders of Plymouth colony. Here he lived to the ye^r 
 1675 undisturbed, and without giving occasion to any far- 
 ther excitement. 
 
 Just about the time when the opposition thus developed 
 in Massachusetts had been quelled, there sprang up a con- 
 troversy in Hartford, the capital of Connecticut, whose 
 progress led to conclusions which revolutionized the hith- 
 erto existing relation. In the year 1647, their minister, 
 Mr. Hooker, one of the founders of this colony, and "the 
 father and pillar of the Connecticut churches," had died. 
 Some years after, a dissension arose between his successor 
 Samuel Stone, and Goodwin a ruling elder in the church, 
 which seems in its beginning to have had reference merely 
 to unessential points, in regard to the reception of new 
 members. The subsequent grounds of conflict were as yet 
 undeveloped; hence also, its proper immediate occasion 
 did not come to light.* Goodwin complained that the 
 
 ship, even after another had been attempted 1639. Mather, Book III., II., 
 Ch. 12; and Book IV., H 3 and 5. Backus, I., p. 182. 
 
 1 Mather, (Magn. B. III., Chap. XVI., ^ 8,) says: "They were both of 
 them godly men; and the true original of the misunderstanding between 
 men of so good an understanding has been rendered almost as obscure as 
 
166 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 rights of the brethren were neglected in the admission of 
 members, and the true principles of Congregationalism 
 treated with contempt.^ The case or cases, in which the 
 primitive strictness seemed to Stone to have been neg- 
 lected, are not known. But the controversy itself spread 
 through the neighboring churches, and in all of them Avith 
 scarcely an exception, both the Hartford parties found 
 zealous adherents and advocates. The whole colony and 
 even the General Court took part in it. To avert a formal 
 division in the church, synods of the neighboring churches 
 and elders were repeatedly called in the years 1654 and 
 1655; but the excitement at Hartford had risen to such a 
 height, that both sides suspected all the elders and churches 
 in Connecticut and New Haven of being in some way pre- 
 judiced in favor of their opponents. It was therefore 
 thought expedient to call a council from the other colo- 
 nies. Accordingly, in the year 1656, a number of minis- 
 ters and elders from Massachusetts repaired to Hartford, to 
 give their opinion and advice. This seems to have been 
 favorable to the stricter party, but did not effect any per- 
 manent result. Hubbard says, moreover, of Massachusetts 
 in the year 1656: "Baptism had to this time been imparted 
 to those children only, whose immediate parents were 
 admitted to full fellowship in the place where they lived." 
 
 the rise of Connecticut river." Trumbull, (Hist, of Connecticut, Vol. L, 
 p. 322,) says that it does not indeed fully appear, what particular act or 
 sentiment in Mr. Stone or the church gave elder Goodwin disgust and be- 
 gan the dissension ; but that it is evident that it had reference to church 
 membership and the rights of the brotherhood. P. 311, Tmmbull sug- 
 gests that perhaps Goodwin " imagined himself not to have been properly 
 consulted and regarded." 
 
 1 Stone's definition of Congregational church-government was, " A 
 speaking aristocracy in the face of a silent democracy.'' Mather III., 
 XVI. 9. Tr. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 167 
 
 Their advice was conformed rather to this existing usage 
 than to the views recently broached. But tJie mutual ani- 
 mosity continued to increase; and indeed very distin- 
 guished men, among them even Webster, the governor of 
 Connecticut, ranged themselves on the side of the stricter 
 party. 
 
 Meanwhile, in Connecticut as well as in the other colo-/ 
 nies, there was growing up a strong party, who desired 
 that all persons of regular and blameless life might bo 
 admitted to full communion in the churches, on profession 
 of their belief in the christian religion, without further 
 examination in respect to a change of heart ; and more- 
 over that all baptized persons should be treated as mem- 
 ber of the church. Some went still farther, and insisted 
 that all persons who had been members of churches in 
 England, or had been members of regular ecclesiastical 
 parishes there, and contributed to the support of public 
 woi-ship, should be allowed the pnvileges of church-mem- 
 bers in full communion. They demanded also, that all 
 baptized persons, upon " owning the covenant," as it was 
 called, should have their children baptized, although they 
 did not come to the Lord's table. A list of grievances, 
 having reference to this subject, was introduced into the 
 Assembly. The choice of a minister furnished the occa- 
 sion for these views to take a decisive form. It was urged 
 that the church alone was not competent to make this 
 choice ; but as all the inhabitants had, both in respect to 
 themselves and their children, an equal interest with the 
 church-members in the qualifications of the minister, and 
 were obliged to contribute their proportion to his support, 
 they had also the right to a voice in his election. On the 
 other hand, it was maintained that the call of pastors by 
 any other than church-members was contrary to Scripture; 
 
 \ 
 
168 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 they were ordained over the churches only, and were 
 termed angels of the churches. These jooints were dis- 
 cussed with the greatest warmth, in ordinary intercourse as 
 well as in public debate. The wish of unproved persons 
 to participate in the rights and honors of church-members, 
 and to have their children bajDtized, seemed to those who 
 beheld in these innovations the corruption and profana- 
 tion of the churches, to call for counteractive measures of 
 the most decided character. 
 T~ The General Court of Connecticut held itself equally 
 ' bound to take into serious consideration the division at 
 Hartford, and these new controversies in the colony. At 
 their session in May 1656, a committee of four distin- 
 guished citizens of Hartford was nominated, to consult 
 with the elders of the colony respecting the alleged griev- 
 ances, and with their help draw up a statement of the 
 principal points. This was to be presented to the General 
 Courts of the United Colonies for their advice, whifiji was 
 solicited to be given with the least possible delay^ The 
 greater haste was thought necessary in settling these dis- 
 putes,^ on account of the Quakers, who as already men- 
 tioned, had just at this time begun to disturb the colonies, 
 and against whom Connecticut and New Haven had like- 
 wise enacted severe laws. fThe General Court of Massa- 
 chusetts, in reply to the heads of grievance which had 
 been laid before them, advised a general council and sent 
 letters to the other courts to this effect. New Haven sent 
 answers to the several questions proposed, and considered 
 this sufficient. In Connecticut, February 26th, 1657, the 
 proposal of Massachusetts was agreed to. Four ministers, 
 Warham, Stone, Blyeman, and Russel, were appointed to 
 meet the delegates of the other colonies the following year 
 at Boston, for deliberation on the proposed questions or 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 16C 
 
 Others that might come before them, and to report the con- 
 clusions of the synod to the General Court of Connecticut. 
 13ut especially were the delegates instructed to confer 
 respecting the Hartford affhir with the Massachusetts min- 
 isters, from whom a visit was to be requested for the pur- 
 pose of assisting in a council at Hartford. The agitated 
 church was, moreover, desired to take part in the synod at 
 Boston, with the assurance that in case its decision was 
 not satisfactory, the attempt should be repeated to heal 
 the breach in Hartford itself Yet even in the meeting of 
 the Genei-al Court, several distinguished men avowed their 
 dissatisfaction with the proposed measures, as neither 
 grounded on the divine word, nor adapted to restore peace 
 and quiet. Doubtless, in so doing, they intended not only 
 to set themselves against what they esteemed an interfer- 
 ence of the legislative authority in ecclesiagtical affairs, but 
 against a dangerous tendency to innovation^ fthe General 
 Court at New Haven was also most decidedly opposed to 
 such a council. Here was felt the powerful influence of 
 Mr. Davenport, whose firm adherence to the original prin- 
 ciples of Congregationalism will come under our considera- 
 tion farther on. The request on the part of Massachusetts, 
 that elders might be sent to the synod at Boston, was 
 therefore declined, in a long letter explanatory of their 
 views on the petitions presented to the General Court of 
 Connecticut. " They had heard the petitioners confidently 
 hoj^ed to obtain great changes, according to which the 
 ])rivileges of membership should be extended to all mem- 
 bers of church-parishes, without any requirement of con- 
 version." The fear was expressed " that a general council 
 held at that time, would greatly endanger the peace and 
 purity of the churches." The General Court of New 
 Haven stated, moreover, " that they had sent an answer to 
 
 15 
 
170 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 all the questions proposed to the Court of Connecticut, 
 but held, nevertheless, that the legislature and elders of 
 that colony were sufficient to determine all those points 
 without any assistance from abroad ; they themselves could 
 not spare any of their elders, on account of the recent 
 removal of some of their ministers by death." With their 
 letter, they sent the answers which they had prepared, and 
 entreated for them a serious consideration. They urged, 
 also, that the principles grounded on the Scriptures, which 
 had been thus far received, should be preserved inviolate ; 
 since a departure from them would, it was feared, be fol- 
 lowed by most unhappy consequences to the church, 
 
 SYNOD OF 1657 ; THE HALF-WAT COVENANT. 
 
 Connecticut and Massachusetts, however, persisted in 
 calling a general council. Seventeen questions^ were laid 
 before this body, to which others were added during the 
 discussion. They all had reference, either directly or indi- 
 rectly to the qualifications for church membership, and to 
 the privileges resulting from it. This synod convened at 
 Boston on the 4th of June, 1657, and after a session of 
 little more than a fortnight, gave an elaborate answer to 
 twenty-one questions. The Connecticut delegates brought 
 back an authentic copy of the result and presented it to 
 the General Court, at its session on the 12th of August. 
 The Court ordered copies to be sent forthwith to all the 
 churches in the colony; if any one of them had objections 
 to make to these answers, they were to be transmitted to 
 the General Court at its session in October. 
 
 The answers were soon after printed in London, under 
 
 1 Given in Trumbull's Hist, of Conn., I., 316, and 317. Tk. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 171 
 
 tlie significant title: "A disputation concerning church 
 members and their children." The result of the discus- 
 sions is expressed in the following words : "It is the duty 
 of infants, who confederated in their parents, when grown 
 up unto years of discretion, though not fit for the Lord's 
 Supper, to own the covenant they made with their parents, 
 by entering thereunto in their own persons ; and it is the 
 duty of the churches to call upon them for the perform- 
 ance thereof and if being called upon, they shall refuse 
 the performance of this great duty, or otherwise continue 
 scandalous, they are liable to be censured for the same by 
 the church. And in case they understand the grounds of 
 religion, and are not scandalous, and solemnly own the 
 covenant in their own persons, wherein they give up them- 
 selves and their children unto the Lord, and desire baptism 
 for them, we see not^ sufficient cause to deny baptism unto 
 their children." We see then, that all baptized persons 
 were to be regarded asynembers of the church, and as 
 subject to its discipling.J^f the privileges attached to 
 this relation, participation in the Supper is alone mthheld 
 from them in express words. But the claim to a share in 
 tlie choice of ministers, put forth by the disaffected, re- 
 ceived an answer in general terms, more favorable to this 
 party than a decision which was made at a later period. 
 It was to this effect : " That though it was the right of the 
 brotherhood to choose their pastor, and though it was 
 among the arts of Antichrist to deprive them of that 
 power, yet^they ought to have a special regard to the 
 baptized, by the covenant of God under their watch." 
 
 Thus had the S}Tiod struck out a middle course for the 
 removal of the difficulties which had arisen. The wishes 
 
 1 In Backus, I.,a32, we here find, in parenthesis, the words: "with due 
 reference to any godly learned that may dissent" 
 
172 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACY. 
 
 of those who feared or disliked the strictness of Congre- 
 gationalism, had prevailed. Without examination on the 
 part of the church, and without any statement in regard 
 to their spiritual condition, they were church-members; 
 civil rights could no longer be withheld from them, and 
 their children were allowed the privilege of baptism. On 
 the other hand, a distinction was made between such per- 
 sons and members in full fellowship,^ for which, as also for 
 admission to the Supper, the earlier requisitions remained 
 in force. But although a large number of persons, indeed 
 the great majority of the people of New England at that 
 time, might be extremely pleased with this conclusion, it 
 encountered a powerful opposition. Not only many min- 
 isters, but, more particularly, the churches saw in such a 
 modification of their hitherto elementary articles, an inno- 
 vation which, as being irreconcilable with the principles of 
 Congregationalism, must lead to its destruction! But 
 before we trace the farther consequences of this c^flict in 
 general, we will present the result of the above-mentioned 
 decision on the special case which had occasioned tlie 
 calling of the Synod. 
 
 So far were the conclusions of the council from pro- 
 ducing peace and quiet in the Hartford church, that the 
 strife assumed a still more decided form. The stricter 
 party now separated wholly from the Hartford church, and 
 from its minister Mr. Stone, and connected themselves 
 wdth the church in the neighboring town of Wethersfield. 
 On the other side. Stone and the Hartford chuch thought 
 themselves justified in the exercise of church discipline, 
 and proceeded to the infliction of ecclesiastical penalties. 
 The whole colony being in a state of excitement which 
 threatened to rise still higher, the General Court, March 
 
 1 In distinction from members of the half-way covenant. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 173 
 
 11th, 1658, interposed by an Act, forbidding all farther 
 action by the church at Hartford against those who had 
 withdrawn ; as also the completion by the latter of con- 
 nection with any other church, till the existing difficulty 
 should be settled in some way appointed by the Court. 
 As the first step, the elders of the colony were desired to 
 come together ; if this was done, which seems not how- 
 ever to have been the case, it was without effect. As little 
 success attended another effort of the Court for reconciling 
 the disaffected, by conferences with influential and distin- 
 guished men. With equal tenacity. Stone and the church 
 adhered to their opinion, and in May 1658 presented 
 to the General Court a complaint against the seceders. 
 The Court did not favor ^is stop, but proposed a mutual 
 conference, in which each side should be represented by 
 three ministers who had taken no part in the controversy ; 
 if either party refused to choose elders for this purpose, 
 the Court would choose for them. This was in fact done 
 for Mr. Stone and the church, while the aggrieved breth- 
 ren chose for themselves ; but this refusal of the church to 
 concur prevented the meeting of the councij. Thereupon 
 the General Court resolved, March 1659, to return to their 
 earlier plan, and invited ministers and elders from six 
 churches in Massachusetts, to visit Hartford the following 
 June. They complied with the request, and exerted them- 
 selves in the most earnest manner, to allay the animosity. 
 Although they did not effect a reconciliation, yet they 
 succeeded in producing a better state of feeling than had 
 existed for years. This good result being perceived by 
 the General Court, they invited the same ministers to 
 come again to Hartford in August, and at the same time, 
 ordered that the points of complaint against the seceding 
 brethren should be drawn up for their consideration and 
 
 15* 
 
174 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 answer ; and that both parties should submit to their judg- 
 ment, which was to be the final decision on the case. This 
 council did indeed so far succeed in adjusting differences, 
 tjiat a separation of the church was prevented for the 
 present. Some of the most influential members had, it is 
 true, died or removed from the place ; but others viewed 
 the new decisions as a departure from the original princi- 
 ples of Congregationalism, and at a later period, we see a 
 separation in the church on nearly the same grounds. The 
 rise, progress, and settlement of these controversies exhibit 
 the peculiar characteristics of the New England Church. 
 Especially noticeable is the universal interest which they 
 excited. Not only did the churches of Massachusetts, 
 Connecticut, and New Haven use their most zealous efforts 
 to effect a reconciliation, but the Commissioners of the 
 United Colonies testified their heart-felt sorrow over these 
 differences, and sought by friendly persuasion to promote 
 peace and heal division. The final result was solemnized, 
 in November 1659, by a day of public thanksgiving. 
 
 THE SYNOD OF 1662 RE-AFFIRMS THE DECISION OF THAT OF 1657. 
 
 But while these things had been progressing, the agita- 
 tions produced by the decision of the Synod of 1657 still 
 continued. In New Haven, little was felt of their influ- 
 ence, since here the original principles were adhered to in 
 their full integrity, and that decision was ignored by the 
 stricter party. But in Connecticut, and especially in Mas- 
 sachusetts, the opposition was openly expressed; for the 
 commissioners of both colonies had taken part in the 
 Synod, and those who opposed the new determinations 
 were numerous, especially among the laity. The General 
 Court at Boston, alarmed at the symptoms of a general 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 175 
 
 hipture, now summoned 1CG2^. synod of all the ministers 
 of that colony,* which resul ted in mosf important conse- 
 quen ces for the ot hei_XQlQiiiea_al8p. Two questions were 
 here proposed, of which the latter, the least important for 
 the time, had reference to the connection of churches 
 among themselves. It was answered in conformity with 
 the platform of church discipline of 1648; the principle 
 of the independence of single churches in respect to the 
 exercise of church government was strictly adhered to, 
 though the connection and union of churches was declared 
 to be of beneficial influence. The first question : " Who 
 are the subjects of baptism?" was answered at length, as 
 follows: "The answer may be given in the following 
 propositions, briefly confirmed from the Scriptures. 
 
 1. They* that, according to Scripture, are members of 
 the visible church, are subjects of baptism. 
 
 2. The members of the visible church, according to 
 Scripture, are confederate visible believers, in particular 
 churches, and their infant seed ; 1. e. children in minority, 
 whose next parents, one or both, are in covenant. 
 
 3. The infant seed of confederate visible believers, are 
 Anembere of the same church with their parents, and when 
 
 ^ grown up are personally under the watch, discipline, and 
 government of that church. 
 
 4. These adult persons are not therefore to be admitted 
 to full communion, merely because they are and continue 
 
 members, without such further qualifications as the word 
 of God requireth thereunto. 
 
 5. Church members who were admitted in minority, 
 understanding the doctrine of faith, and publicly professing 
 tlieir assent thereto, not scandalous in life, and solemnly 
 owning the covenant before the church, wherein they 
 
 1 Mather, Book . p. 62 ff. 
 
176 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 give up themselves and their children to the Lord, and 
 subject themselves to the government of Christ in the 
 church, their children are to be baptized. 
 
 6. Such church members who, either by death or some 
 other extraordinary providence, have been inevitably hin- 
 dered from public acting as aforesaid, yet have given the 
 church cause in the judgment of charity, to look at them 
 as so qualified, and such as had they been called thereunto, 
 would have so acted, their children are to be baptized. 
 
 7. The members of orthodox churches, being sound in the 
 faith and not scandalous in life, and presenting due testi- 
 mony thereof, these occasionally coming from one church to 
 another, may have their children baptized in the church 
 whither they come, by virtue of communion of churches ; 
 but if they remove their habitation, they ought orderly to 
 covenant and subject themselves to the government of 
 Christ in the church where they settle their abode, and so 
 their children to be baptized ; it being the church's duty to 
 receive such into communion, so far as they are regularly 
 fit for the same." This answer is based on fellowship in the 
 church according to the primitive principles. The children 
 of such members are entitled to baptism, and remain under 
 the discipline of the church, only they cannot ( 5) partici- 
 pate in the Lord's Supper ; none the less, however, are their 
 posterity (5, 6) to enjoy the same privilege as themselves. 
 There follows, as indicated at the beginning of this an- 
 swer, the confirmation of the several articles from the Holy 
 Scriptures. After showing, with special reference to the 
 covenant of circumcision and the promises of the Old Tes- 
 tament, that all children in a visible church on earth are by 
 the Lord's appointment to be members of the same ; it is 
 added by way of limitation to the second article, that the 
 piety of ancestors does not suffice, unless the next parents 
 continue in covenant. The grounds are as follows; 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 177 
 
 " 1. Because if the next parent be cut or broken off (Rora. 
 11: 17, 19, 20), the following seed are broken off also 
 (Ex. 20 : 5) ; ^ as the Gentile believing parents and children 
 were taken in; so the Jews, parents and children, were 
 l)roken off. 
 
 2. One of the parents must be a believer, or else the chil- 
 dren are unclean (1 Cor. 7: 14). 
 
 3. If children may be accounted members and baptized, 
 though the next parents be not in covenant, then the church 
 should be bound to baptize those, whom she can have no 
 power over and no hope concerning, to see them brought 
 up in the true christian religion, and under the ordinances ; 
 for the next parents being wicked and not in covenant, may 
 carry away and bring up their children to serve other gods. 
 
 4. If we stop not at the next parent, but grant that ances- 
 tors may, notwithstanding the apostasy of the next parents, 
 convey membership unto children, then we should w^ant a 
 ground where to stop, and then all the children on the earth 
 should have right to membership and baptism." 
 
 In the following proposition are enumerated the blessings 
 accruing to children through baptism, among which, that of 
 education within the church is particularly mentioned. But 
 most clearly does the change appear in the exposition of the 
 fourth proposition, which treats of the exclusion of such 
 members from the Lord's Supper. " The truth of this de- 
 cision " it is said, " is plain from 1 Cor. 1 1 : 28, 29, where it 
 is required that such as come to the Lord's Supper, be able 
 to examine themselves, and to discern the Lord's body ; else 
 they will eat and drink unworthily, and eat and drink dam- 
 nation, or judgment to themselves, when they partake of 
 this ordinance ; but mere membership is separable from such 
 
 ^ ** A jealous God, risiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the child- 
 ren/' 
 
178 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ability to examine one's self and discern the Lord's body ; as 
 in the children of the covenant that grow up to years is too 
 often seen. 2. In the Old Testament, though men did con- 
 tinue members of the church, yet for ceremonial uncleanness 
 they were to be kept from full communion in the holy things, 
 (Levit. 7: 20, 21; Numb. 9: 6, 7, and 19; 13, 20). Yea, 
 and the priests and porters in the Old Testament had spe- 
 cial charge committed to them, that men should not partake 
 in all the holy things, unless duly qualified for the same, not- 
 withstanding their membership, (2 Chron. 23: 19; Ezek. 
 22 : 26; and 44: 7, 8, 9, 23), and therefore much more in 
 these times, where moral fitness and spiritual qualifications 
 are wanting membership alone is not sufficient for full 
 communion. More was required to adult persons eating 
 the Passover, than mere membership ; therefore so there is 
 now to the Lord's Supper. For they were to eat to the 
 Lord (Ex. 12 : 14), which is expounded in 2 Chr. 30, where 
 keeping the Passover to the Lord (v. 5), imports and re- 
 quires exercising repentance (v. 7), their actual giving them- 
 selves up to the Lord (v. 8), heart preparation for it (v. 19), 
 and holy rejoicing before the Lord (vv. 21, 22). See the 
 like in Ezra 6 : 21, 22. 3. Though all members of the church 
 are subjects of baptism, they and their children, yet all 
 members may not partake of the Lord's Supper, as is fur- 
 ther manifest from the different nature of baptism and the 
 Lord's Supper. Baptism first and properly seals covenant- 
 holiness, as circumcision did (Gen. 17) church membership 
 (Rom. 15 : 8), planting into Christ (Rom. 6) ; and so mem- 
 bers, as such, are the subjects of baptism (Matt. 28: 19). 
 But the Lord's Supper is the sacrament of growth in Christ, 
 and of special communion with him (1 Cor. 10 : 16), which 
 supposeth a special renewing and exercise of faith and re- 
 pentance, in those that partake of that ordinance. Now if 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 179 
 
 persons even when adult may be and continue members, and 
 yet be debarred from the Lord's Supper, until meet qualifica- 
 tions for tlie same do api>car in tliem ; tlien may they also 
 (until like qualifications) be deljarred from that power of 
 \()ting in the church, which pertains to males in full com- 
 munion. It seems not rational that those who are not 
 themselves fit for all ordinances, should have such an influ- 
 ence referring to all ordinances, as voting in election of oflS- 
 cers, admission and censures of members doth import. For 
 how can they, that are not able to examine and judge 
 themselves, be thought able and fit to discern and judge in 
 the weighty affairs of the house of God (1 Cor. 11 : 28, 31, 
 with 1 Cor. 5: 12)." 
 
 In settling the political and ecclesiastical relations of New 
 England, the relations and ordinances of the Old Testament 
 had often been appealed to as authority. In the present 
 case also, in the explanations to 5, which treats of the 
 right to baptism, the Synod appeals to the manner in which 
 persons acquired membership under the old covenant. Here 
 it is especially noteworthy, how entirely was overlooked 
 the radical difference between the Jewish and the Congre- 
 gational church-constitution ; for the main condition of the 
 latter, evidence of the actual experience of conversion, was, 
 and in the nature of the case must be, wholly foreign to 
 Judaism. In place of taking for the starting point their 
 own doctrine respecting the Lord's Supper, though lying at 
 the very basis of what was peculiar in Congregationalism, 
 they compared baptism with Jewish circumcision. The 
 church-membership of parents constituted the claim in both 
 cases ; hence, as little in the one case as in the other, should 
 children when grown up cease to be church-members. The 
 qualification thus acquired for personal admission to church 
 privileges secured the same, moreover, ( 6) to their pos- 
 terity. 
 
180 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 This answer to the questions thus proposed to the Synod 
 was lionored with the approbation of more than seven- 
 eighths of the assembled mhiisters. But, beside the prevail- 
 ing opposition to it in the churches themselves, there were 
 found, among the few ministers who dissented, men of 
 great influence, who raised their voices powerfully against 
 these innovations. Charles Chauncey, president of Har- 
 vard College, in a treatise which he published on the sub- 
 ject, took ground against the Synod. Of the same mind 
 were Eleazer Mather, minister at Northampton, and In- 
 crease Mather,^ (afterwards the first Doctor of Theology 
 in New England, and ambassador of the colony in London), 
 sons of Richard Mather,^ minister at Dorchester, who was 
 himself, however, among the defenders of the council. By 
 them and some others, the remonstrance of John Daven- 
 port and Street of New Haven, against the articles adopted, 
 was zealously supported in the Synod. This being without 
 eflect, Davenport also came out with a treatise, under the 
 title "Another essay for investigation of the truth," to 
 which Increase Mather furnished a preface. From the 
 extracts given by Cotton Mather, it appears that the point 
 of view from which the decisions of the Synod must be 
 judged, according to the principles of Congregationalism, 
 was exhibited with great clearness by its opponents. While 
 conceding a distinction between " mere and qualified mem- 
 bership," the conditions for the latter are required no less of 
 those who are to be baptized than of those who desire ad- 
 mission to the Lord's Supper, A reply followed in defence 
 of the conclusions of the Synod, which however, cannot be 
 acquitted of the same inconsistency and departure from 
 original principles, before mentioned. But it is a notice- 
 
 1 Father of the author of the Magnolia Christi Americana. 
 
 2 Emigrated from England in 1635. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 181 
 
 fiible index of the essential change which had taken place in 
 I New England, that the large majority of the ministers sus- 
 tained the new opinions, which indeed soon obtained a 
 \ fresh accession of adherents. Even Increase Mather changed 
 liis views, and subsequently published two essays in defence 
 of the conclusions of the Synod, declaring them to be the 
 } primitive doctrine of the church of New England, although 
 V being a church then but newly founded, its earlier practice 
 had been otherwise. 
 
 POLITICAL INFLUENCES FNFAVOHABLB TO THE THEOCBACT. 
 
 Through peculiar circumstances, the General Court of 
 Connecticut was prevented from adopting at once the 
 conclusions set forth by the Synod, though from the stand 
 it had previously taken, it appears to have been decidedly 
 inclined to a change of the early Congregationalist princi- 
 ples. Soon after the accession of Charles Second, this 
 colony had sent Winthrop, its Governor, to London for the 
 purj:)ose of obtaining a definite royal charter, their Consti- 
 tution having hitherto had, in fact, a very insecure basis.^ 
 Through the skill and activity of this ambassador the king 
 was induced to declare the colony, April 20, 1662, an in- 
 corporated body politic, under the title : The Governor and 
 Company of the English Colony of Connecticut in New 
 England in America. This charter expressly confirmed 
 to the Government the rights of sovereignty hitherto exer- 
 cised ; the magistracy was to be annually elected by the 
 free citizens, whose privileges were to be enjoyed by every 
 free bom Englishman. But, at the same time, it was 
 directed that New Haven should be united to Connecti- 
 cut. This colony had incurred the royal displeasure, by 
 
 1 See p. 78. 
 16 
 
182 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 harboring certain of the judges of Charles First con- 
 demned to death by parliament; and the more so, since 
 even the magistracy, if they had not openly opposed the 
 search for the regicides, had drawn upon themselves, not 
 without reason, the suspicion of having favored their 
 escape. The accused colony was, moreover, so poor as 
 not to be able at this time to defray the expenses of its 
 officers, and hence, also, was unable to send an agent of 
 its own to represent its interests in England. But it was 
 none the less disposed, on that account, to maintain its 
 former independence at whatever cost. A mere protest 
 was not deemed sufficient. As Connecticut, encouraged 
 by individuals in the colony of New Haven friendly to 
 such a union, had taken decided steps towards carrying 
 out the provisions of the charter, it was resolved to repel 
 every act of aggression by force. At the same time, 
 application was made by New Haven to the commissioners 
 of the four united colonies, and she found here the most 
 unequivocal recognition of her rights. But besides the 
 wish to retain the independence so long enjoyed, there 
 was an ecclesiastical interest for which the ruling party in 
 New Haven were deeply concerned. Here was still exist- 
 ing the theocratic relation, which allowed only to mem- 
 bers of the church, and indeed only to those in full com- 
 munion, the exercise of civil rights. The exasperation 
 increased with the embarrassments in which New Haven 
 found herself involved, alike by want of money, and by 
 the influence of a not inconsiderable party who favored 
 the union ; and it was resolved to break off all direct 
 negotiations with Connecticut. But in the year 1664, 
 there arrived in New England royal commissioners, whose 
 object was, in part, to examine into the state of the colo- 
 nies ; in part, to secure the subjection of New Amsterdam 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 183 
 
 to the crown of England; and it was feared that they 
 were armed with instructions of the most dangerous 
 character, in reference to the hitherto free constitutions. 
 Massachusetts herself now counselled compliance, and 
 urged the ruinous consequences and at the same time the 
 uselessness of farther resistance, at a time when the colo- 
 nies so much needed unity. As the commissioners of 
 the united colonies likewise recommended a friendly and 
 peaceful union, and the royal commissioners insisted posi- 
 tively on the provisions of the charter, New Haven at 
 length submitted. On the 13th of December 16G4, the 
 union was assented to by the General Court, not, however 
 without a solemn protest against the invasion of their 
 rights, and the proceedings of Connecticut. These are 
 indeed, not to be justified; yet the end being gained, 
 nothinor was left undone to effect a thorouorh reconciliation. 
 The most influential citizens of New Haven were elected 
 to the highest offices, and every Act which had reference 
 to the quarrel was consigned to everlasting forgetfulness. 
 
 These transactions furnish the explanation of the fact, 
 that Connecticut did nothing in reference to the result of 
 the Synod, but left to the churches and elders the adoption 
 of whatever steps might be necessary. The very general 
 opposition of New Haven to the Synod being known, 
 it was held to be in the highest degree impolitic to 
 strengthen the disagreement by a declaration on eccle- 
 siastical matters. It was not till the union might be 
 confidently regarded as near its consummation, that the 
 General Court, under date of October 13th 1664, published 
 the following Act : 
 
 ** This Court understanding, by a writing presented to 
 them from several persons of this colony, that they are 
 aggrieved that they are not entertained in church fellow- 
 
184 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ship, this Court having duly considered the same, desiring 
 that the rules of Christ may be attended, do commend it 
 to the ministers and churches in this colony, to consider 
 whether it be not their duty to entertain all such persons, 
 who are of an honest and godly conversation, having a 
 competency of knowledge in the principles of religion, 
 and shall desire to join with them in church -fellowship, by 
 an explicit covenant." After reciting the conclusions of 
 the Synod, with which we are already acquainted, the Act 
 concludes : " The Court desireth the several officers of the 
 respective churches would be pleased to consider, whether 
 it be not the duty of the Court to order the churches to 
 practise according to the premises if they do not practise 
 without such order. If they dissent from the contents of 
 this writing, they are desired to help the Court with such 
 light as is with them, the next session of this assembly." 
 Here also the new principles, though not formally adopted, 
 yet received a public expression; at the same time the 
 established theocratic relation in New' Haven gave way 
 under the pressure of political circumstances. 
 
 In this same period, the Theocracy was abolished by 
 law in Massachusetts. Already deprived by those ecclesiasti- 
 cal decisions of its proper significance, there came decrees 
 from another quarter, which severed the existing connec- 
 tion between Church and State. Massachusetts, after 
 receiving information of the accession of Charles Second, 
 had delayed proclaiming him king. But, in November, 
 1660, having ascertained from reliable sources that the 
 political relations of England were settled, and that no 
 farther change in its government was to be expected, the 
 General Court resolved on a highly loyal address to the 
 king. To this a very gracious answer was returned on 
 the 15th of February 1661. Very soon after, however, it 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 185 
 
 was announced in Boston that the existing relations of the 
 colony were in danger, partly through the suspicions ex- 
 cited in the royal party by its previous policy; partly 
 through claims instituted by private persons on the ground 
 of earlier patents. The proclamation was now no longer 
 delayed. This being accomplished in August 1661, it was 
 resolved to send two delegates to London to take in charge 
 the interests of the colony. Simon Bradstreet^ and the 
 Rev. John Norton, w^ho were chosen for this purpose, 
 found a more favorable reception in England than they 
 had anticipated. The answer of the king, communicated 
 to them on the 28th of June 1662, contained a confirma- 
 tion of the privileges of their charter, and an amnesty for 
 all the past. But though these general provisions occa- 
 sioned great joy in the colony, there were others at which 
 offence was taken. Even the very natural requirement, 
 that all governmental power should be exercised and justice 
 administered in the name of the king, being something to 
 which they were not accustomed, seemed strange and 
 alarming. True, the Boston government complied thus 
 far ; but they could not bring themselves to yield to the 
 demand, that " freedom and liberty should be given to all 
 such as desired to use the book of Common Prayer, and 
 perform their devotions in the manner established in Eng- 
 land, and that they might not undergo any prejudice 
 thereby; that all persons of good and honest lives and 
 conversations should be admitted to the sacrament of the 
 Lord's Supper, according to the Book of Common Prayer, 
 and their children to baptism ; that in the choice of gov- 
 ernor and assistants, the only consideration should be of 
 tlie wisdom, \'irtue and integrity of the persons to be 
 chosen, and not of any faction with reference to opinions 
 
 1 See p. 131. 
 16* 
 
186 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 and outward profession; that all freeholders of competent 
 estates, not vicious etc., though of different persuasions con- 
 cerning church government, should have their votes in the 
 election of all officers, civil and military." 
 
 Indeed a general dissatisfaction with the result of the 
 embassy soon began to manifest itself The benefits secured 
 were forgotten, and the manifold difficulties with which the 
 delegates had to contend were overlooked ; and in such a 
 manner did the discontent express itself, that Norton, soon 
 after his return from England, died of grief The opposition 
 towards the mother country was still more increased, when 
 the deprivation of the nonconforming clergy of the Episco- 
 pal Church, on the 26th of August 1662, drove many of 
 these to New England, and awakened here the apprehen- 
 sion of restraints on freedom of conscience. The alarm 
 rose to the highest pitch on the intelligence, received in the 
 spring of 1664, that ships of war were on their way with 
 commissioners from the king. It was resolved to put in 
 order all the means of defence, a measure which was of 
 course merely intended to prevent the disorders apprehend- 
 ed from the troops ; and a day of general fasting and prayer 
 was appointed. On the 23d of July the squadron appeared 
 before Boston, bringing four royal commissioners, viz. 
 Colonel Richard Nicholas, George Cartwright, Esq., Sir 
 Robert Carr, and Samuel Maverick, Esq., son of one of the 
 petitioners of the year 1646.^ After laying their creden- 
 tials before the government, they made known a part of 
 their instructions in respect to the attack on New Amster- 
 dam, and desired a reinforcement of troops. The General 
 Court being convened on the 3d of August, the commis- 
 sioners, about to take their departure, gave notice that on 
 their return from Manhadoes they should have many ad- 
 
 1 See p. 139. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 187 
 
 ditional communications to moke, and urged a farther con- 
 sideration of the royal epistle of June 28th 1662. The 
 General Court granted two hundred men at the expense 
 of the colony ; but the march was forestalled by the capi- 
 tulation of New Amsterdam on the 27th of August 1664. 
 In accordance with the king's letter, the law respecting 
 admission to citizenship was abrogated and another passed, 
 whereby "English subjects, being freeholders, reliable to a 
 certain value, certified by the ministers of the place to be 
 orthodox and not vicious in their lives, were allowed to be 
 made freemen, although not members of the church." Thus 
 was the dissolution of the Theocracy declared by law, and 
 this relation was abolished for all New England. When the 
 royal commission made a similar demand of New Pl}^u- 
 outh, the General Court of that colony replied, " we do con- 
 sent, it having been our constant practice to admit men of 
 competent estates and civil conversation, though of difierent 
 judgments, to be freemen, and to have liberty to choose 
 and be chosen officers both civil and military." 
 
 Before we proceed to describe the consequences to the 
 church, of this alteration of the principles of Congregation- 
 alism, and of the Theocracy, something farther will be 
 mentioned of the transactions of the royal commissioners 
 with the General Court of Boston. The Court was obliged 
 to defend the privileges of its charter against claims of the 
 most diverse character. Its firmness was especially mani- 
 fested, when the commissioners attempted to constitute 
 themselves a court of appeal in certain criminal cases, and 
 even cited the government to answer before them. So 
 likewise it was maintained with unyielding determination, 
 that the demand to admit to the Lord's Supper such as 
 had not been tested, must be committed to the decision of 
 the church. New Plymouth took the same ground on this 
 
188 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 point, though in other respects this colony showed itself 
 more compliant. The eastern provinces of "New Hamp- 
 shire and Maine were visited by all the commissioners, 
 except Mchols, whose greater moderation in all respects 
 secured the popular regard, and who subsequently main- 
 tained, as Governor of New York, a friendly intercourse 
 with Massachusetts. On their return to Boston, the Gen- 
 eral Court declared, that the exercise of the rights of sover- 
 eignty in those eastern provinces tended to the disturbance 
 of the public peace, and they desired a conference on this 
 account with the commissioners. To this Carr replied, 
 that the king's pardon for what had passed during the last 
 rebellion was only conditional, and rested on the future 
 good conduct of the colony ; even adding the threat, that 
 the leaders and originators of all those acts of resistance, 
 were exposed to the same penalties which had fallen upon 
 so many in England who had shared in the rebellion. The 
 General Court thereupon broke off all negotiations. In 
 accordance with the reports of the commissioners, both 
 Plymouth^ and Connecticut^ received royal letters of com- 
 mendation, in which their loyal behavior was extolled as 
 being set off with special lustre by the contrary deport- 
 ment of Massachusetts. The king, in a letter, charged the 
 latter colony with suspicious and contumacious proceed- 
 ings ; his final decision, however, he proposed to suspend, 
 and desired that Massachusetts should send five delegates 
 to London to defend her cause, two of whom were desig- 
 nated by name. But the General Court thought the affair 
 had been already so clearly explained, that it could not be 
 done better. The interference on the part of the king, 
 which was to have been expected, did not follow at this 
 
 1 Baylies' Memoir of New Plymouth. 2 Trumbull's Hist, of Conn. App. 
 
NEW BNGLAND THEOCRACY. 180 
 
 time ; and the colony sought in various ways, by the trans- 
 mission of a large amount of provision to the royal fleet, as 
 M-ell as of money to London after the great fire, and by a 
 cargo of masts, sixteen hundred pounds sterling in value, 
 to regain his favor. But an unmistakable alienation had 
 commenced, which led the king subsequently to adopt de- 
 cisive measures. It had lasted, though with many inter- 
 ruptions, through an entire century, when a more impor- 
 tant interest thrust into the background all the jealousies 
 between the mother country and the colonies; but at 
 length, it manifested itself fully developed, and resulted in 
 a total separation. To the church, this state of things was 
 of no small importance, since it involved the sympathies 
 and interests of the inhabitants to such a degree, as to con- 
 tribute essentially to promote the change in belief and life 
 which followed the change in church-discipline. 
 
 The ecclesiastical events of the succeeding period are 
 neither of so general importance, nor so characteristic in 
 themselves. Its earlier portion still exhibits manifold reac- 
 tionary influences from the preceding period; the latter 
 2)ortion shows an almost universal declension. The former 
 will form the subject of the seventh, the latter, of the 
 eighth chapter. 
 
CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 EEACnONARY INFLUENCES PROCEEDING FROM THE CONGREGA- 
 TIONALIST THEOCRACY, AFTER ITS ABROGATION. 
 
 OPPOSITION TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OP THE THIRD CHURCH IN BOS- 
 TON ON THE NEW PRINCIPLE OP CHURCH-MEMBERSHIP. 
 
 So deeply rooted in New England, from the beginning, 
 was the original principle of Congregationalism in refer- 
 ence to church-membership, that it could still boast its 
 decided adherents, even after the determinations of the 
 synods. These, although desired and sought for by the 
 majority of the inhabitants, as well as favored and defended 
 by the greater part of the clergy, found in many churches 
 a vigorous resistance. Nor did it stop with the adoption 
 and expression of the dissenting opinions by individuals. 
 Controversies arose, which in both the chief towns of the 
 colonies, Boston and Hartford, led to division, and the for- 
 mation of separate churches. 
 
 There were in Boston a considerable number of church- 
 members, who, in opposition to the synodial decisions, held 
 that only members in full fellowship should be admitted to 
 the church. But their minister, John Wilson, who came 
 to New England so early as the year 1630, and had exer- 
 cised his office in Boston from the time of its settlement, 
 took ground, as member of the Synod of 1662, in favor of 
 the innovations there determined on ; and the weight of 
 
NBW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 191 
 
 his influence had repressed the expression of opposition. 
 At his death, in 1667, the church seemed indisposed to 
 replace him by a young man ; but desired one who had 
 received his training in England, and who had developed, 
 through a long ministry, special gifts for the office. There 
 were few who could meet these requirements. The choice 
 fell on John Davenport of New Haven. Evidently this 
 measure originated with the party who adhered to the 
 practice of former times ; but in selecting a man so hon- 
 ored and distinguished throughout New England, they had 
 also in view an easier victory over the opposition which 
 was to be expected. This did not fail to show itsel 
 Thirty members of the church declared themselves against 
 the choice in terms as follows : ^ " We should walk con- 
 trary to Rev. 3: 3, not holding fast what we have re- 
 ceived ; nor should we, as we have received Christ Jesus 
 the Lord, so walk in him. It (the doctrine of the synod) 
 having been a received and a professed truth by the whole 
 body of the church, who have voted it in the affirmative, 
 and that after much patience with and candor towards those 
 that were otherwise minded; divers days having been 
 spent about this great generation-truth^ which since hath 
 been confirmed by the sjTiod. Full liberty hath also been 
 granted, unto those who scrupled, to propose their ques- 
 tions ; and they were answered with such public satisfac- 
 tion, that those few who remained unsatisfied, promised to 
 sit down and leave the body to act, excepting one or two. 
 Accordingly, there was an entrance upon the work ; but 
 the Lord lay it not to the charge of those that hindered 
 progress therein, which, with great blessing and success, 
 has been and is practised in neighbor churches." 
 
 The others persevered, however, and carried the resolu- 
 
 1 Mather, Book V. p. 82. 
 
192 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 tion to call Mr. Davenport, by a considerable mnjority. 
 He was now in his seventieth year. Thirty years had he 
 labored in his church, and had gained for himself universal 
 esteem and affection. It is not strange, therefore, that 
 opposition was made to his dismissal. There was indeed 
 good ground for lamenting the separation ; for there was 
 not a minister now left in New Haven except Mr. Street, 
 the co-pastor of Mr. Davenport; and after his death in 
 1674, it was eleven years before the town succeeded in 
 choosing another. Davenport having come to Boston, 
 twenty-eight members of his church requested to be dis- 
 missed from the connection, in order to constitute a new 
 church. This was unanimously refused by the officers. 
 The dissenting brethren hereupon called a council of the 
 neighboring churches, and in accordance with their advice 
 proceeded, after two meetings held for the purpose in 
 Charlestown on the 12th and 16th of May 1669, to organ- 
 ize themselves into a separate church, under the name of 
 the " Third Church in Boston." In their covenant they 
 thus speak : " And for the furtherance of this blessed fel- 
 lowship, we do likewise promise to endeavor to establish 
 among ourselves and convey down to our posterity, all the 
 holy truths and ordinances of the gospel committed to the 
 churches in faith and observance, opposing to the utmost 
 of our church power whatsoever is diverse therefrom, or 
 contrary thereunto." 
 
 About the same time, seventeen ministers,^ probably the 
 members of the above-mentioned council, publicly declared 
 their dissatisfaction with the conduct of the majority of the 
 old church. This step had reference to the manner of 
 Davenport's dismission from New Haven, which being 
 expressed in somewhat vague terms, had not been fully 
 
 1 Among the number was Increase Mather. 
 
NE\y ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 193 
 
 communicated to the church by the ruling elder. The 
 church published a defence against this charge, which, 
 however, soon ceased to excite attention ; the disagree- 
 ment in reference to the synodial conclusions being the 
 true point of controversy. This was not settled by the 
 death of Davenport which soon followed. Measures being 
 taken by the Third Church to erect a meeting-house, loud 
 opposition was made to it on the side of the magistracy. 
 Governor Bellingham, who was a member of the First 
 Church, called together the council of the colony, "fear- 
 ing," as he declared in the order, " a sudden tumult, some 
 persons attempting to set up an edifice for public worship, 
 which was apprehended by authority to be detrimental to 
 tlie public peace." But the council resolved not to inter- 
 fere; but "if any had offended against the laws, they 
 advised to proceed against them in a due course of law. 
 Those who were about to erect a new meeting-house, must 
 observe the laws and orders of the General Court." On 
 application of the new church to the selectmen of the 
 town, it was voted July 2Gth 1669, that there was certainly 
 need of a new meeting-house. But the opposers of the 
 synodial conclusions had this year a majority in the Gen- 
 eral Court. At the May session, 1670, a committee was 
 appointed " to enquire into the prevailing evils which had 
 been the cause of the displeasure of God against the land." 
 In the report brought in by this committee, they refer to 
 " declension from the primitive foundation work, innova- 
 tion in doctrine and worship, opinion and practice, an 
 invasion of the rights, liberties, and privileges of the 
 churches, an usurpation of lordly and prelatical power over 
 God's heritage, a subversion of gospel order; and all 
 this with a dangerous tendency to the utter devastation 
 of these churches, turning the pleasant gardens of Christ 
 
 17 
 
194 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 Into a wilderness, and the inevitable and total extirpation 
 of the principles and pillars of the Congregational way." 
 
 That, in alleging this as the peculiar evil of the time, 
 they intended to designate the new church and those min- 
 isters who had given their assent to its organization, is 
 clear from the conclusion of the report, which mentions by 
 name " the late transaction of churches and elders in con- 
 stituting the Third Church in Boston, as irregular, illegal, 
 and disorderly." The adoption of the report by the Court 
 increased the general public agitation. But at the next 
 election, thirty out of the fifty members of the Plouse of 
 Deputies, were not reelected; a change unprecedented 
 hitherto, but in consequence of which, a wholly different 
 view must necessarily predominate in the assembly of these 
 popular representatives, especially as some of the reelected 
 were probably adherents of the synodial determinations. 
 Fifteen ministers now presented an address complaining of 
 the imputations cast upon them in that report, and which, 
 they maintained, were the work of a party who wished to 
 hinder the formation of the Third Church. After calling 
 attention to the injurious influence of such a course upon 
 the public mind and upon the labors of the ministry, they 
 desired the Court to grant them redress, by requiring either 
 a public vindication or a general synod. In its reply, the 
 Court asserted its exemption from question by any jDcrson, 
 for acts passed by its authority, as well as its indubitable 
 right to freedom of debate ; but acknowledged that in an 
 hour of temptation an act might jiass in one Court which, 
 " according to principles of religion, prudence and state- 
 interest, might be reviewed and upon mature deliberation 
 be rectified by another. In respect to the case under con- 
 sideration, the Court hold it its duty to declare, that sev- 
 eral expressions in the votes referred to in the petition 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 196 
 
 appeared exceptionable." It was therefore ordered that 
 all papers relating to these mattera should be regarded as 
 cancelled, and not be used against the reverend elders as 
 having been the cause of God's displeasure against the 
 country. The Court furthermore declared their adherence 
 to the original objects of their emigration, and to the sober 
 pj-inciples of Congregationalism and the practice of their 
 churches, "in their purest and most athletic constitution." 
 But in spite of these last words, it is manifest from their 
 decision that the new principles had achieved no doubtful 
 victory. The Third Church soon after erected its place of 
 woi-ship, and was favored with an unusual degree of pros- 
 perity. Its request for recognition and fellowship by the 
 First Church was, indeed, many times refused. But in the 
 year 1682, the latter, alanned by the increasing danger of 
 encroachments on the civil liberties of New England, and 
 by the efforts of the governor to procure the erection of an 
 English church, itself proposed to the sister-church to for- 
 give and forget the past ; and a solemn reconciliation took 
 place.^ The First Church remained, nevertheless, stead- 
 fast in its principles; and it was not till 1730, that it 
 resolved to " conform to the general practice, that is to say, 
 of admitting members on the half-way covenant," which 
 had been the usage of the second church in Boston since 
 the year 1675. 
 
 1 XSUCCESSFCL ATTEMPT IX CONNECTICUT TO INTBODCCE THE PRES- 
 BYTERIAN CHDBCH-COX8TITUTION. 
 
 In Connecticut also, the new principle had to contend 
 with much opposition, although here the proper issue had 
 
 1 These occurrences are given at large by Hutchinson, I., 247 If. ; sep- 
 arately narrated, with very important additions, by Benjamin Wisner in 
 his History of the Old South Church in Boston, 1830. 
 
196 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 given place to another, and been lost sight of. Even 
 before these controversies had . broken out in Hartford and 
 other places, an attempt on the part of the government had 
 been witnessed, which endangered the other original prin- 
 ciple of Congregationalism. The complete independejice 
 of each single church, in respect to property and the 
 exercise of church-government, remained unquestioned in 
 Massachusetts. We see from the preceding narration, that 
 the opinions and acts of synods were invariably interme- 
 diatory in their character, and obtained recognition only 
 as such. In Connecticut also, the conduct and settlement 
 of all controversies were governed by the idea, that subor- 
 dinacy to a higher ecclesiastical tribunal was a thing not 
 to be admitted. Hence such a doctrine could not be 
 openly and explicitly asserted. Still, the following may 
 be regarded as the first step to the measures subsequently 
 adopted for this object. 
 
 Scarcely was the first excitement consequent upon the 
 union with Kew Haven allayed, than the General Court 
 took into serious consideration the final termination of 
 the still existing church dissensions. It was resolved, 
 therefore, on the 11th of October 1666, to call a synod, 
 wherein the questions to be laid before the ministers 
 should be publicly discussed, and that under such rules and 
 regulations as the synod should judge suitable to the or- 
 derly conclusion of the debates. It was accordingly voted, 
 that the whole body of ministers in the colony should 
 appear as members, and four fi*om Massachusetts be invited 
 to assist; a majority of the ministers of the colony being 
 assembled, they should proceed as a synod ; the questions 
 to be submitted by the government were to form the sub- 
 ject of discussion. The third Wednesday in May 1667 was 
 appointed as the day for assembling. But the ministers 
 
NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 197 
 
 took offence at this order, regarding it as an assumption 
 on the part of government, of conferring synodial power. 
 The Coui-t, to escape the difficulty, changed the name, 
 M:\y 9th, 1G67, and called it an Assembly of the ministers 
 of Connecticut; and the meeting took place at the ap- 
 pointed time. It Avas here resolved, after consideration 
 of the questions submitted, not to discuss them publicly. 
 They then adjourned to the autumn, with the purpose of 
 then reassembling and preparing a report, if such should 
 be the wish of the government. The adherents of the 
 synodial decisions here placed themselves directly in oppo- 
 sition to this demand for new decisions, fearing a foreio-n 
 influence, whether from the civil power or from Massa- 
 chusetts. The churches made it known through their 
 delegates, that they would maintain the right which gave 
 to actual church-members alone the election of ministers, 
 uncontrolled by any action of towns or parishes. The 
 original principles of Congregationalism, moreover, still 
 prevailed so generally in usage, that up to this time no 
 case had occurred of admission to baptism where neither 
 father nor mother were actual church-members. It was 
 for the very object of bringing the new doctrines into 
 practice, that the government had invited the Massachu- 
 setts ministers to take part in the synod. But although 
 favored with a very skilful advocate of the less rigid view, 
 in Mr. Mitchel minister at Cambridge, the government 
 still thought they had cause to apprehend a want of cor- 
 respondence to their wishes on the part of the synod ; and 
 accordingly formed the purpose of forestalling its proba- 
 ble action at the appointed meeting. In September, the 
 commissioners of the united colonies met at Hartford and 
 adopted the following resolution: "That when questions 
 of public concernment, about matters of faith and order, 
 
 17* 
 
198 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 do arise in any colony, the decision thereof shoidd be .re- 
 ferred to a synod, or council of messengers of churches, 
 indifferently called out of the united colonies by an orderly 
 agreement of all the General Courts ; and that the place of 
 meetinc: shall be at or near Boston." 
 
 Now, the opposition to the synodial conclusions seems to 
 have so fallen into the background, that this party joined 
 with the government. Certain ministers of Connecticut, 
 and indeed those who had been most strict in regard to the 
 admission of members, presented a paper to the General 
 Court, requesting that a general synod might be called, and 
 setting forth that they had wished for a public disputation 
 at the last assembly in May, but had been oveiTuled by the 
 majority. The latter, who evidently had feared an influ- 
 ence from without, in opposition to this wish expressed to 
 the General Court their opinion, that such publicity would 
 not be serviceable to the peace and edification of the 
 churches, or to the general interests of religion ; a decision 
 among themselves, as had been the usage hitherto, was 
 much to be preferred. They could not but wonder, more- 
 over, that certain ministers had demanded a general 
 council, when the Assembly by its own resolution was 
 to meet again in October; and, moreover, many new 
 opponents of such a proposition would be added to the 
 former large number. At the same time, they assured the 
 Court of their readiness to obey all lawful commands, and 
 desired information whether the Assembly should meet 
 again or not. The Government, in return, expressed the 
 wish that the various churches of the colony might send 
 their ministers to a council, to be held in common with 
 the ministers of Massachusetts and Plymouth. This, 
 probably, was a pretext adopted to hinder the reassem- 
 bling of the Connecticut synod. The object was effected, 
 
NEW ENGLAND TIIEOCUACY. 190 
 
 although the general council was not called. The Con- 
 necticut ministei-s feared the influence from Massachusetts; 
 "svhile, on tlie otlier hand, the government miglit not 
 account that influence sufliciently powerful and eflTective 
 to justify them in urging this concert of measures, at the 
 risk, which was always impending, of a wider division and 
 a yet more decided resistance. 
 
 But although the attempt to bring about a greater 
 unity by this means was relinquished, the Connecticut gov- 
 ernment seems to have been very earnestly engaged for se- 
 curing such a result. The design was formed of a general 
 plan for unity of discipline also, by which they should be 
 guided notwithstanding dissimilar views on points of minor 
 importance. To this end, four ministers w^ere authorized 
 to meet together in Saybrook, and give their advice in re- 
 lation to the way in which this desirable end could be at- 
 tained. But even this preliminary and introductory measure 
 failed for the present. It was not till many years after, 
 that the government of Connecticut succeeded, through the 
 Saybrook Platform,^ in producing a change in the relations 
 of the churches to one another, which approximated to the 
 l^rinciples of Presbyterian subordination. It was the ap- 
 prehension of this which had now called forth the decided 
 opposition of both ministera and churches. The relaxed 
 principle in reference to the admission of church members, 
 however, found much favor ; in many congregations, the 
 other party seceded and fonned a separate church. Thus 
 also the controversies w^hich had been formerly settled in 
 Hartford again revived, and soon assumed so decided a form, 
 that tiie assembly of ministers, convened on this account, 
 advised a separation; which the government also then 
 pronounced admissible. The second church now formed 
 
 1 See Ch. VIU. 
 
200 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 in Hartford declared, 1670, in a solemn covenant, their 
 unwavering adherence to primitive Congregationalism. 
 About the same time, similar movements occurred in other 
 places in Connecticut. But, gradually, the new j^rinciple 
 obtained universal currency, as indeed it favored the in- 
 terests of the majority of the inhabitants, those at least of 
 the later immigrants, who had entered New England with 
 far other than religious aims. 
 
 PERSECUTION OF ANABAPTISTS IN MASSACHUSETTS IN 1665 AND THE 
 FOLLOWING TEARS. 
 
 But this result is also to be ascribed in great part to the 
 fear of Anabaptism, whose spread could not but be pro- 
 moted by the denial of infant baptism. Although the 
 Baptists living in Rhode Island had manifested in practice 
 none of that hostility to all civil order which had been 
 charged upon them, yet the early prejudice against them 
 still continued in the other colonies. The Anabaptists now 
 made their appearance again, and founded churches both 
 in New Plymouth and Massachusetts ; but the two colonies 
 differed in the policy observed tow^ards them. At Reho- 
 bothi in Plymcdth, in the year 1663, a number of Baptists 
 separated themselves from the church there established, 
 and for several years maintained themselves, undisturbed, 
 as a separate society. But in 1667, they were summoned 
 before the General Court, and were fined for " establishing 
 public meetings without the knowledge and approbation 
 of the Court, to the disturbance of the peace of the place." 
 They were required to discontinue these meetings within 
 one month's time, as their continuance in Rehoboth, being 
 very jirejudicial to the peace of the church and the town, 
 
 1 Backus, I., pp. 3.30 ff. The place was also called Scawek. See Neal, 
 II., 232. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 201 
 
 could not be allowed. "Yet," thus concludes this Act of 
 the General Court of Plymouth, " in case they shall remove 
 their meeting into some other place, where they may not 
 ])rejudice any other church, and shall give us reasonable 
 satisfaction respecting their principles, we know not but 
 that they may be permitted by this goveniment to do so." 
 As the result of this permission, these Baptists founded a 
 church in Swansea on the borders of the colony of Rhode 
 Island, and lived without farther molestation by the gov- 
 ernment, under the ministry of Mr. Miles, who had fled 
 from Swansea in Wales after the Uniformity-Act of 1662. 
 Not by so easy a process did the Baptists in Massachusetts 
 attain to a secure position and permanent form. On the con- 
 trary, they were here obliged to maintain through a course 
 of years a conflict with the government, which, in spite 
 even of the laws and of specific ordinances, sustained itself 
 by the force of public opinion. There had always been in- 
 dividuals who held to the doctrine that only adults should 
 be baptized. But when the royal commissioners^ pro- 
 claimed entire freedom to all parties and sects, the Baptists 
 in and around Boston** availed themselves of their presence 
 and constituted a church. It is mentioned in their church 
 records, as follows: "On the 27th of the third month' 
 1665, the church of Christ in Charlestown, Massachusetts, 
 commonly ( although falsely ) called Anabaptists, assembled 
 and entered into brotherly communion and fellowship with 
 one another, binding themselves to walk together in all the 
 
 1 See p. 187. 
 
 s The account which follows is contained in ftill, with the documentary 
 evidence, in Backus, Vol. I., Chap. VI. It is also alluded to by Hutchin- 
 son, and is briefly presented in Caleb Snow's History of Boston, 2d edition, 
 182a 
 
 3 The 28th of May. 
 
202 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. \ 
 
 appointments of their Lord and Master, so as it shall liavc 
 
 pleased him to make known to them his mind and will j 
 
 through his word and his Spirit." Four members, Gould, ; 
 
 Osburne, Drinker, and George by name, were thereupon \ 
 
 baptized, five others uniting with them who had belonged \ 
 
 to the same party in England. Shortly after the departure ^ 
 
 of the commission, on the 20th of August 16G5, an order i 
 
 was issued by the Government to the Charlesto wn consta- | 
 
 ble, that he should endeavor to discover where these peo- J 
 
 pie assembled, and require them to be present at the estab- ] 
 
 lished worship. On their refusal to comply w^ith this de- ] 
 
 mand, they were brought in September before the Court i 
 
 of Assistants or Governor's Council, where they exhibited , 
 
 a confession of their faith, and explained the points of their ; 
 
 dissent. But, not submitting to the requirement to desist | 
 
 from their schismatical practices, they were cited before the \ 
 
 General Court in October, which, after a rehearsal of their \ 
 
 views declared that "the said Gould and company are ; 
 
 no orderly church assembly; that they stand justly con vie- \ 
 
 ted of high presumption against the Lord and his holy i 
 
 appointment, as also the peace of this government, against I 
 
 which this Court doth account themselves bound to God, ] 
 
 his trust and his churches here planted, to bear their testi- \ 
 
 mony, and do therefore sentence the said Thomas Gould, I 
 
 "William Turner, Thomas Osburne, Edward Drinker, and ; 
 
 John George, such of them as are freemen, to be disfran- j 
 
 chized, and all of them, upon conviction before any one I 
 
 magistrate or Court of their further proceeding herein, to ; 
 
 be committed to prison, until the General Court shall take > 
 
 further order with them." One of the spectators having | 
 
 remarked openly : " The Court has not to do in matters of \ 
 
 religion," he was arrested, and it was only upon his con- ; 
 
 fession that he saw his fault and was sorry for it," that he ; 
 
NEW ENGLAND TIIEOCRACY. 203 
 
 was dismigsed, with an admonition by the Governor. In 
 April 1666, tlic accused persons were again called up on 
 the charge of absenting themselves from public worship. 
 When they alleged in defence their attendance at their 
 own assemblies, it was construed as open contempt of the 
 Court, and they were fined four pounds each. As they 
 would neither pay, nor bind themselves to appear at the 
 next Court, they were committed to prison. After some 
 time, they were again dismissed ; but several times during 
 the next two years, they were recommitted for the non- 
 payment of fines and for the repetition of their offence. 
 In March 1668, Gould, the pastor of the church, appealed 
 from a sentence of the county Court in Charlestown to 
 the General Court in Boston. It is a singular fact, that 
 the jury sworn in this case at first decided for the rever- 
 sion of the former judgment, but when it was recommitted 
 for their farther consideration, they confirmed it, though 
 under certain conditions ; however, the Court could now de- 
 cide against Gould. At the same time a public disputation, 
 with several ministers selected for the j^urpose, was granted 
 the Baptists. The General Court, it was said, held itself 
 bound by the law of God and of this commonwealth, to 
 protect the churches of Christ here planted, from the intru- 
 sion thereby made upon their peace in the ways of godliness; 
 yet was willing, by all christian candor, to endeavor the 
 reducing of the said persons from the error of their way, 
 and their return to the Lord and the communion of his 
 people from whence they are fallen. This disputation re- 
 sulted as usual, and as was to have been expected, without 
 having effected any change of views. But in May of the 
 same year, three of the Baptists, Gould, Turner and Far- 
 imm, were sentenced to quit the jurisdiction on the 20th 
 of July ; if found therein after that time, no bail was to 
 
204 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 be accepted, but they were to be forthwith committed to 
 prison. Gould, who was in confinement at the time, was 
 discharged in order that he might fulfil the first part of 
 this order. 
 
 But these measures had not the eflfect of lessening the 
 number of their adherents, nor even of disposing the Bap- 
 tists to remove voluntarily. Turner was actually put in 
 prison, and Gould was searched for, but in vain. The 
 Baptist church then proceeded to assemble upon Noddle's 
 Island, in the vicinity of Boston. Whether they remained 
 really unnoticed, or were purposely overlooked, is uncer- 
 tain. Goiild also lived on this island, as pastor of the 
 church. Various distinguished persons interceded for 
 them; among them, Lieut-Governor Leverett did not scru- 
 ple to express his dissent from the rigid views of Governor 
 Bellingham. Thirteen Congregationalist ministers of Lon- 
 don also expostulated against the persecution in a letter,^ 
 from which we learn, moreover, the relation in which the 
 churches on both sides of the ocean stood to each other. 
 
 "We shall not undertake in the least," so runs the 
 letter, "to make any apology for the persons, opinions, 
 and practices of those who are censured among you. You 
 know our judgment and practice to be contrary unto theirs, 
 even as yours ; wherein, God assisting, we shall continue 
 to the end. Neither shall we return any answer to the 
 reason of the reverend elders, for the justification of your 
 proceedings, as not being willing to engage in the manage- 
 ment of any the least difference with persons whom we so 
 much love and honor in the Lord. But the sum of all 
 which at present we shall offer to you, is, that though the 
 Court might apprehend, that they had grounds in general, 
 
 1 Mather, Book VII. Ch. 4, 4. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 205 
 
 warranting their procedure, in such cases, in tlic way 
 \\ herein they have proceeded ; yet that they have any rule 
 or command rendering their so proceeding indispensably 
 necessary, under all circumstances of times or ])laces, we are 
 altogether unsatisfied ; and we need not represent to you 
 how the case stands with ourselves, and all your brethren 
 and companions in the senices of these latter days in these 
 nations. We are sure you would be unwilling to put an 
 advantage into the hands of some, who seek pretences and 
 occasions against our liberty, and to reinforce the former 
 rigor. Now we cannot deny but this hath already in some 
 measure been done, in that it hath been vogued that per- 
 sons of our way, principles, and spirit, cannot bear with 
 dissenters from them. And as this greatly reflects on us, 
 so some of us have observed how already it has turned 
 unto your own disadvantage. We leave it to your wisdom 
 to detennine, whether under all these circumstances, and 
 sundry others of the like nature that might be added, it be 
 not advisable at present to put an end unto the sufferings 
 and confinements of the persons censured, and to restore 
 them to their former liberty. You have the advantage of 
 truth and order; you have the gifts and learning of an 
 able ministry to defend them ; you have the care and vigi- 
 lancy of a very worthy magistracy to countenance and pro- 
 tect them, and to preserve the peace ; and, above all, you 
 have a blessed Lord and Master, who hath the keys of 
 David, who openeth and no man shutteth, living forever to 
 take care of his own concernments among his saints ; and 
 assuredly you need not be disquieted, though some few 
 persons, through their own infirmity and weakness, or 
 through their ignorance, darkness and prejudices, should 
 to their disadvantage, turn out of the way in some lesser 
 matters, into by-paths of their own. We only make it our 
 
 18 
 
206 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 hearty request to you, that you would trust God with his 
 truths and ways so far, as to suspend all rigorous proceed- 
 ings in corporal restraints or punishments on persons that 
 dissent from you, and practise the principle of their dis- 
 sent without danger or disturbance to the civil peace of 
 the place. Dated March 25th 1669." 
 
 This letter had not, however, the results which were to 
 be hoped for. On the contrary, several Baptists were 
 imprisoned in the following year. But in December 1672, 
 Governor Bellingham, their decided opposer, died; his 
 successor, Leverett, was successful in introducing a milder 
 policy, so that in 1674 a Baptist recorded that they were 
 enjoying their freedom in peace. Gould died in October 
 1675. Encouraged by the lenient exercise of power under 
 Governor Leverett, they resolved in January 1678, to erect 
 a place of worship in Boston. The building was carried 
 forward so prudently, that no one knew its object till it 
 was completed. On the 15th of February 1679, they first 
 met for the celebration of divine worship. But they were 
 not long undisturbed. The leaders of the church were 
 called before the Court in May, and admonished ; and an 
 order was given that no assemblies should be held in a 
 house which had been erected without consent of the town 
 wherein it stands, on penalty that the same shall be for- 
 feited to the use of the public treasury, or shall be torn 
 down. The Baptists refrained from their assemblies, till 
 the king interposed by a letter, written July 24th, 1679, 
 forbidding that any of his subjects, papists excepted, should 
 be subjected to punishments of any kind for serving God 
 in their own manner. When, upon this, the Baptists 
 again ventured to come together, they were again called 
 before the Court and required to desist. In March, 1680, 
 the Court ordered their meeting-house to be nailed up, and 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 207 
 
 affixed to the doors a placard with the following words: 
 'AH persons are to take notice, that by order of the Court, 
 the doors of this house are shut up, and that they are in- 
 hibited to hold any meeting therein, or to open the doors 
 thereof, till the General Court take further order, as they 
 will answer the contrary at their peril." On the following 
 Sunday, the menibei-s of the church assembled in the meet- 
 ing-house yard ; but the next time they found the doors 
 open, and proceeded to make use of the house. At the 
 session of the next General Court, they were again admon- 
 ished, and required to abstain from their assemblies. But 
 this was, in fact, the end of all persecution ; for as the Bap- 
 tists suffered this order to pass wholly unnoticed, so was it 
 with them henceforth, on the part of the government. 
 
 It was during the very time when these efforts were 
 made to suppress the Baptists, that the former opposition 
 to the Quakers reappeared, a law being passed in the year 
 1676^ against their meetings. Since the prohibition of 
 King Charles, they could not indeed be pei-secuted as 
 heretics and schismatics ; but they were punished, impris- 
 oned, and banished as vagabonds. But the opportunity 
 and the pretext for this mode of treatment, to which, it 
 must be conceded, their own conduct at their first appear- 
 ance gave occasion, were taken away when this religious 
 party assumed the peaceful form of the Society of Friends. 
 By degrees, interests of a wholly different character arose 
 to claim the attention of the New England governments, 
 which threw into the back-ground persecutions of every 
 kind. 
 
 1 Hatchinson, I., p. 289. 
 
208 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 POLITICAL CAUSES OF THE DECAY OF THE EARLIER CHURCH-LIFE ; 
 
 MEASURES FOR COUNTERACTING IT ; SYNOD OF 1C79, CALLED 
 
 THE REFORMING SYNOD. 
 
 Thus have we seen, that it was a religious necessity which 
 gave occasion to the founding of the Congregationalist 
 churches ; and farther, that it was an absorbing sympathy 
 for Gospel and Church, which led those pilgrims to found a 
 Theocracy in New England. It is not to be denied, that in 
 the attempt to erect a State which should contain only 
 church-members, properly, indeed, only members of the 
 invisible church, lay an inward cause for that dissolution 
 of the relation which soon followed. But if we review the 
 Theocracy in its course of development and 'abrogation, 
 we cannot regard it as a natural progression in the path 
 which this church-party was, by virtue of its principles, 
 bound to traverse. It was not the consciousness that dis- 
 tinct spheres of human development, or to speak in their 
 own peculiar style, that diverse ordinances of God, were 
 here arbitrarily intermixed and entangled together in 
 their organization, in a way only apparently conformed 
 to Scripture, which led to re-consideration and discussion. 
 It was through an impulse from without ; through inter- 
 ests, in part wholly distinct from the church, in part only 
 extenially connected with it, that this structure, standing 
 unique and alone in church-history, received its overthrow. 
 Half measures took the place o|jconsislen$4^mciples ; and 
 when extending political relations gradually absorbed the 
 whole attention of the inhabitants of New England, there 
 could not but follow a total transformation of that origi- 
 nal cond ition, w hich,_ sustatned as jtl wAS_by . jcfimarkable 
 individualities, and stamped in noble institutions, presents 
 n subject of contemplation to the attentive observer, in 
 ipanifold respects equally instructive and delightful. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 201) 
 
 The great Indian war under King Philip (1675 and 
 lG76),is to be regarded as the specific juncture from which 
 this decay became apparent. The favorable termination 
 of that war was purchased by fearful losses. In Massa- 
 chusetts and New Plymouth, as also in Rhode Island, one 
 eleventh of the men capable of bearing arms were dead ; 
 and, according to a moderate estimate, one eleventh of all 
 the habitations were burnt down. Added to this, the 
 colonies, including also Connecticut, which, directly, had 
 suffered less from the war, and had contributed but a dis- 
 proportionate amount of troops, had incurred an almost 
 overwhelming load of debt. This war, moreover, had 
 quashed the early attempts to introduce Christianity 
 among the Indians, and had caused an alienation whose 
 results are seen in the subsequent fate of that unhappy 
 race. During the time when the colonies were seeking to 
 recover from these disasters, they were all in constant 
 apprehension of measures, on the part of England, which 
 threatened the continuance of their political constitution. 
 Especially was this the case with Massachusetts. The 
 withdrawal of the settlements in New Hampshire from 
 her jurisdiction in 1679, contrary to their own wishes, 
 could not but be regarded as the herald of steps which 
 were to follow. If we take into view the conflictins: sen- 
 tiraents of the later immigrants, the alteration in the 
 essential principles of the church, the desolation of the 
 country, and a constant solicitude in reference to its most 
 important interests, we find a sufficient explanation of the 
 changed condition within the church. "We introduce into 
 the present chapter some notice of this decline, on account 
 of a reaction which attended its commencement. 
 
 Although the first generation had died out even in its 
 younger members, yet the earlier manner of judging of the 
 
 18* 
 
210 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. J 
 
 1 
 
 relations and events of life had not gone with them. It I 
 
 is related that the period following the Indian war was \ 
 visited w^ith scarcity, losses at sea, and diseases of an ex- 
 traordinary character. With the observation of these 
 facts was connected a consciousness of a decline in morals ; : 
 the two beinor viewed in reference to each other, those j 
 misfortunes were regarded as tokens of the anger of God. ' 
 Hutchinson,^ indeed, remarks on the matter, that there 
 was no evidence of any extraordinary degeneracy; but i 
 he judged also of this mode of thinking from a remote ; 
 period and from a different point of view. Meantime, all ; 
 the governments adopted measures for the removal of \ 
 these evils. Thus the government of Connecticut,^ imme- \ 
 diately after the close of the war in October 1676, recom- 
 mended it to the ministers of the colony, to take special i 
 pains to instruct the people in the duties of religion, and \ 
 to stir up and awaken them to repentance, and a general j 
 reformation of manners. They also appointed a day of i 
 solemn fasting and prayer, to supplicate the divine aid, j 
 that they might be enabled to repent and sincerely amend i 
 their ways. The same measures were recommended anew : 
 in May of the following year, and the people were admon- \ 
 ished, under a deep sense of the abounding of sin and the i 
 dark aspects of Providence, to humble themselves before \ 
 God and to call upon his name. The laws enacted in | 
 New Plymouth,^ after the war, testify that here was felt ] 
 a similar consciousness of decline, the remedy for which ] 
 was sought in the same manner. 
 
 But more distinctly did the whole mental and practical i 
 
 1 Hutch., I. 292. 2 Trambixll, I., p. 493. | 
 
 3 Francis Baylies's historical memoir of the colony of New Plymouth, i 
 
 Boston : l&3p, Part 4, p. 23 ff. This work contains a complete history for j 
 
 the period when this colony was independent. I 
 
NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACy. 211 
 
 peculiarity of the arlier times manifest itself in the meas- 
 ures adopted in Massachusetts. After a reformation liad 
 been here attempted by individuals and single churclics, 
 but without any general success, the General Court, in the 
 year 1679, called a synod^ for the discussion of the two fol- 
 lowing questions ; " What are the evils that have provoked 
 tlie Lord to bring his judgments on New England? And 
 what is to be done, that so these evils may be reformed ? " 
 The synod met on the 10th of September, 1679, in Boston.* 
 After a conference in reference to the two questions, a 
 committee was chosen to draw up an answer, which was 
 again reconsidered and then unanimously voted. Thirteen 
 points are alleged in answer to the first question, wherein 
 the external providences are discussed with reference to 
 the general apostasy of heart from God. From pride and 
 arrogance of heart has arisen dislike to the proper subordi- 
 nation appointed by God, as well as a general disposition 
 to contention ; the same crime displays itself also in out- 
 ward apparel. The altered relations of the church are 
 then particularly discussed. The neglect of church-fellow- 
 ship is lamented, as also that the baptized children do not 
 strive to qualify themselves for full membership. On the 
 other hand, men incline to human inventions, the meet- 
 ings of the Quakers and Anabaptists being thus designated. 
 The name of God is profaned by the common use of oaths ; 
 while the Sabbath is desecrated by worldly employments 
 and recreations, as well as by irreverent behavior and inat- 
 tention in the house of God during public worship.* Espe- 
 
 1 Called the Reforming Synod. The acts of that body are found in the 
 Magnolia, Book V, Part IV. 
 
 2 On this occasion, some churches sent only their ministers to this as- 
 sembly, and not, as these wished, lay-delegates with them ; but the synod 
 resolved that the latter were also to be sent by the churches. 
 
 3 On this point it is remarked: " We read of but one man in Scripture 
 
212 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 cially in the family is seen an undue and unlawful indul- 
 gence towards children, and this is a fountain-head of the 
 existing evils. The want of family discipline has made 
 many Christians like to the Indians; on which account, 
 perhaps, these have been chosen by the Lord as an instru- 
 ment of punishment and correction. Inordinate passions 
 manifest themselves by intemperance in bodily enjoyments, 
 the frequenting of taverns, immodest apparel, increase of 
 law-suits, promise-breaking, strivings after worldly gain 
 through unreasonable profits in trade, and covetousness. 
 Furthermore it charged an opposition to the work of refor- 
 mation, a preference of personal interests over public good, 
 and a contempt of the divine means of grace, which latter 
 show themselves fruitless in a special manner on account 
 of neglect of repentance, notwithstanding a manifest call 
 of the Lord. " Finally," in answer to the first question it 
 is said, "there are several considerations which seem to 
 evidence that the evils mentioned are the matters of the 
 Lord's controversy. 1. In that (though not as to all,) as to 
 most pf them, they are sins which many are guilty of 2. 
 Sins which have been acknowledged before the Lord on 
 days of humiliation appointed by authority, and not yet 
 reformed. 3. Many of them not punished, (and some of 
 them not punishable,) by men, and therefore the Lord him- 
 self doth punish for them." 
 
 In answer to the second question, the following means 
 are suggested, for checking the encroachments of corrup- 
 tion. First, those who are, in any way, in authority, are 
 exhorted to furnish a good example in themselves and 
 their families. As the older generation has died out, " a 
 declaration of adherence to the faith and order of the gos- 
 
 that slept at a sermon, and that sin had like to have cost him his life. 
 Acts 20: 9." 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 218 
 
 pel, according to wliat is in Scripture expressed in the plat- 
 form of discipline, may likewise be a good means both to 
 recover those that have en-ed from the truth, and to pre- 
 vent apostasy for the future." Watchful circumspection 
 must be used, that no one without personal and' public pro- 
 fession of faith and repentance be admitted to the commu- 
 nion in the Lord's Supper. Church-discipline is to be ex- 
 ercised, especially towards the rising generation, a matter 
 to which the founders of these churches attached so pecu- 
 liar an importance. As a farther means of promoting refor- 
 mation, care should be taken for a full supply of officers in 
 the churches; in the larger ones should be appointed 
 teachei-s^ besides the pastor, but in all cases, there should 
 be i-uling elders, and provision should be made for the sup- 
 l)0rt of the ministry, as well as for schools and the promo- 
 tion of every kind of knowledge. " When New England 
 was poor," it is said, " and we were but few in number 
 comparatively, there was a spirit to encourage learning, 
 and the college was full of students, whom God hath made 
 blessings, not only in this, but in other lands;* and it is 
 deeply to be lamented that now, when we are become 
 many, and more able than at our beginnings, that society 
 and other inferior schools are in such a low and languish- 
 ing state. Wherefore, as we desire that reformation and 
 religion should flourish, it concerns us to endeavor that 
 both the college and all other schools of learning in every 
 place be duly inspected and encouraged." Solemn and 
 explicit renewal of the covenant is also proposed as an 
 appropriate means, to be performed with special reference 
 to the sins of the times, the reformation of which should 
 
 
 1 See p. 158. 
 
 * This refers not merely to the other colonies; some of those who had 
 
 been educated at Cambridge went to England. 
 
214 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 be promised before the Lord, in the name and by the help 
 of Christ ; and with the expression of unity in all things 
 generally acknowledged. We add the conclusion of this 
 answer : " Inasmuch as a thorough and hearty reformation 
 is necessary, in order to obtain peace with God (Jer. 3 : 
 10.), and all outward means will be ineffectual to that end, 
 except the Lord pour down his Spirit from on high ; it doth 
 therefore concern us to cry mightily unto God, both in ord- 
 inary and extraordinary manner, that he would be pleased 
 to rain down righteousness upon us, (Hos. 10 : 12.) Amen." 
 In the preface which accompanied the transmission of 
 these answers to the General Court, it is said : " The things 
 insisted on, have, at least many of them, been often men- 
 tioned and inculcated by those, whom the Lord hath set as 
 watchmen to the house of Israel ; though alas ! not with 
 that success which their souls have desired. It is not a 
 small matter, nor ought it to seem little in our eyes, that 
 the churches have in this way confessed and declared the 
 truth, which, coming from a synod, as their* joint concur- 
 ring testimony, will carry more authority with it than if 
 one man only, or many in their single capacities, should 
 speak the same things. And, undoubtedly the issue of this 
 undertaking will be most signal, either as to mercy or mis- 
 ery. If 'New England remember whence she has fallen 
 and do the first works, there is reason to hope that it shall 
 be better with us than at our beginnings. But if this, after 
 all other means in and by which the Lord hath been striv- 
 ing to reclaim us, shall be despised or become inefiectual, 
 we may dread what is like to follow. 'Tis a solemn 
 thought that the Jewish Church had, as the churches in 
 New England have this day, an opportunity to reform if 
 they would, in Josiah's time; but because they had no 
 heart unto it, the Lord quickly removed them out of his 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 215 
 
 sight. "What God out of his sovereignty may do for us, no 
 man can say ; but according to his wonted dispensations, 
 we are a perisliing people if now we reform not." The 
 conclusions of the synod having been presented to the 
 General Court, this body, by a resolution of October 15th, 
 1679, commended it to the earnest consideration of all the 
 churches and people of the jurisdiction ; desiring of all per- 
 sons, in their respective stations, a careful and diligent 
 refoi-mation of all the great evils herein named, according 
 to the true intent of the words, that so the anger and dis- 
 pleasure of God, so many ways manifested, may be averted, 
 and his favor and blessing obtained. 
 
 That this measure was not without effect, and that too 
 in the majority of the churches, was seen not only by an 
 increased fervency of religious life among the older full 
 membei*s, but by accessions to their number. In some 
 churches, it is true, the renewal of the covenant wiiich had 
 been recommended was rejected as an innovation ; but it 
 was almost univei-sally complied with, and in a very solemn 
 manner. After the way had been prepared in a church by 
 various religious meetings and days of fasting and prayer, 
 one day w^as set apart for the special solemnity, which, 
 being on different days in the several churches, was at- 
 tended by gi*eat numbers from the vicinity. In the fore- 
 noon, the minister of the place, after praying and preach- 
 ing with reference to the occasion, proceeded to read the 
 covenant, to which the members of the church then ex- 
 pressed their assent, the men by lifting their hands, the 
 women by merely rising. In some places, only the com- 
 municants took part in the transaction; in others, "the 
 children of the church" also participated. 
 
 In the afternoon, it was usual for another minister to 
 preach and inculcate the obligations of the covenant. The 
 
216 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 form of the covenant corresponded, in general, with that 
 in earlier use ; in reference to the special occasion, it was 
 added: "That we will (Christ helj^ing) endeavor every 
 one of us to reform our heart and life, by seeking to mor- 
 tify all our sins and laboring to walk more closely with 
 God, than ever yet we have done ; and will continue to 
 worship God in public, private and secret, and this without 
 formality or hypocrisy ; and more faithfully and fully than 
 heretofore, to discharge all covenant duties one to another, 
 in church communion. Secondly, to walk before God in 
 our houses with a perfect heart, and that we will uphold 
 the worship of God therein continually, according as he in 
 his word doth require, both in respect to prayer and read- 
 ing the Scriptures, that so the word of God may dwell 
 richly in us : and we will do what in us lies to bring up 
 our children for Christ, that they may be such as they, 
 that have the Lord's name put upon them by a solemn 
 dedication to God in Christ, ought to be. And will there- 
 fore, as need be, catechise, exhort, and charge them to the 
 fear of the Lord; and endeavor to set a holy example 
 before them, and to be much in prayer for their conversion 
 and salvation. Thirdly, to endeavor to be pure from the 
 sins of the times, especially those sins which have been by 
 the late synod solemnly declared and evidenced to be 
 the evils that have brought the judgments of God upon 
 New England ; and in our j^laces to endeavor the suppres- 
 sion thereof, and be cai-eful so to walk, as that we may not 
 give occasion to others to sin, or speak evil of our holy 
 profession. Now that we may observe and keep this 
 sacred covenant and all the branches of it inviolable for- 
 ever, we desire to deny ourselves, and to depend wholly 
 on the power of the eternal Spirit of grace, and on the 
 free mercy of God, and merit of Christ Jesus ; and where 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 217 
 
 we shall fail, there to wait upon the Lord Jesus for pardon, 
 acceptance and healing, for his name's sake." 
 
 But this reaction, though proceeding from the one only- 
 ground, and availing itself, for the most part, of genuine 
 ecclesiastical and spiritual means, did not reach the root 
 of the evil. The decline of the church, properly so called, 
 in life and doctrine, will form the subject of the following 
 chapter. 
 
 19 
 
CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 DECLINE OF CONGKEGATIONALISM. 
 EFFECTS OF THE BEFOEMING SYNOD BUT TEMPORARY. 
 
 In the transactions of the synod related at the close of 
 the foregoing chapter, there was still manifest something 
 of the spirit in which the settlers of Massachusetts had 
 sought New England, fifty years before. But, though it 
 cannot be admitted that the religious interest and the 
 church spirit had wholly disappeared or fallen into the 
 backgi-ound, yet it must be allowed that the condition of 
 the settlements had become, in this respect, wholly dif- 
 ferent. The evils complained of, which it was the object 
 and endeavor of that synod to correct, continued to in- 
 crease, till at length, in the revivals, they suffered a char- 
 acteristic reaction. 
 
 The political history of 'New England, during the earlier 
 period, almost loses itself, as to its most important features, 
 in the ecclesiastical. Of the period immediately follow- 
 ing it might be said, that the ecclesiastical interests were 
 merged in the political relations. The latter demand, 
 nevertheless, special consideration, as a means of eluci- 
 dating the condition of the church. 
 
 The apprehensions of an invasion of the constitution, 
 long entertained by Massachusetts, were at length real- 
 ized. In the year 1684, the charters of all the colonies 
 were repealed by Charles II. Immediately on his death. 
 
NEW BNGLAND THEOCRACY. 219 
 
 which occurred on the 15th of February, 1685, James II. 
 was proclaimed in Boston. But the expectation of any 
 change in the measures of liis predecessor, proved vain. 
 Nor, general as was tlie popular discontent, could the 
 explicit declaration of the royal will be resisted. Connecti- 
 cut, being allowed to attach itself either to New York or 
 Massachusetts, chose the latter colony, to which were uni- 
 ted also, Rhode Island and Plymouth. Towards the end of 
 the year 1686, Sir Edmund Andros landed in Boston, as 
 governor, by royal appointment, of all New England. 
 Under these circumstances, he must, of necessity, stand 
 in direct opposition to a population which had grown up 
 under an independent magistracy, chosen by themselves. 
 This relation was still more embittered by the establish- 
 ment through the influence of Andros, of a church in 
 Boston with the ritual of the Episcopal Church. Agents 
 were dispatched to England, among them Increase Mather 
 as chief advocate, for procuring from the king a restora- 
 tion of the earlier constitution; but this was without 
 effect. But when tidings arrived in Boston of the vic- 
 tory of William of Orange over James II. a revolution 
 broke out, in consequence of which Andros and his ad- 
 herents were imprisoned, and a provisional government 
 was formed, chiefly from the members of the earlier mag- 
 istracy. The repeal of the charter having been executed 
 in legal form, it was necessary to apply to William III. for 
 its renewal. This was granted in 1691, accompanied with 
 the expression of approval for the steps which had been 
 taken ; but with this essential alteration, that henceforth 
 the governor was to be nominated by the crown. Ply- 
 mouth remained united to Massachusetts ; Connecticut, on 
 tiie contrary, whose constitution had been abrogated with- 
 out the observance of legal forms, again adopted it when 
 
220 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 Andros was deposed, and continued, as was also the case 
 with Rhode Island, under the administration of governors 
 chosen by herself. The new constitution was at first re- 
 ceived in Boston with exultation, but complaints soon 
 followed in regard to the alteration. And although some 
 of the succeeding governors had the ability to make 
 themselves influential and beloved, there commenced an 
 estrangement which spread through all the relations to the 
 mother country, and yielded only to the pressure of tem- 
 porary danger. On the one side, the government strove 
 to increase the distinction and prerogatives of the gov- 
 ernor; on the other, the General Court^ of Massachu- 
 setts sought to maintain a certain independence. Thus, 
 the efforts of the English crown, persevered in year after 
 year, could not break up the practice of voting the support 
 of their Governor yearly. In this period lay the germs of 
 those disputes which afterwards led to a disruption from 
 England. Covered up by the last war against Canada, 
 they again started into sight when, on the removal of the 
 rival who had been so many years the object of dread, the 
 urgent occasion of unity between the colonies and the 
 mother country was taken away. Such a state of things 
 was exceedingly unfavorable to a revival of the religious 
 and church interests, and could not but tend to counteract 
 the spirit which had manifested itself at the last synod, 
 in 1679. 
 
 That this attempt to revive the condition of the earlier 
 time was productive of no general improvement, is mani- 
 fest from a publication by the government of March 13th 
 1 690,^ a time when a painful uncertainty prevailed in res- 
 pect to the political relations of the colony. " Corruption 
 
 1 CoiTG spending to the former General Court. 
 
 2 Mather, Book V. p. 97. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 221 
 
 of manners, attended with inexcusable degeneracies and 
 apostasies in too many of this people," are alleged as the 
 cause of God's anger, which sliows itself "by manifold 
 judgments in such a time of probation." These remarks 
 close with a call for reformation ; in compliance with which 
 assemblies of ministers were held, and in various places 
 the covenant was renewed. But as ai)j)eai*s from the fre- 
 quent lamentations of the New England writers of the 
 time, these efforts were fruitless. 
 
 WITCII-TRIALS. 
 
 Shortly before the arrival of Sir "William Phipps the first 
 royal Governor in Massachusetts, this province became the 
 scene of an infatuation, no less remarkable than it was 
 lamentable, by which the public mind was wound up to the 
 highest pitch of excitement. New England had now to 
 suffer the consequences of a delusion which at that very 
 period was dying out in Europe. In the yeai*s previous, 
 witches had occasionally been tried and executed ; but in 
 1692, processes of this kind commenced, especially in Salem, 
 on such a scale that by degrees towards one liundred per- 
 sons were brought to tiial. The accusers rei)resented them- 
 selves as tormented by these j^ersons in a very singular 
 manner, and as having seen and watched their secret con- 
 claves with evil spirits. Under the promise of pardon, 
 some were persuaded to acknowledge a covenant with the 
 devil. Counsel being asked of the ministers in reference to 
 the course proper to bo pursued, they allowed, in their an- 
 swer, the possibility of such a covenant; but insisted at the 
 same time on the greatest caution in the examination. But 
 this advice was unavailing; by answers forced into the 
 mouths of the accused through ensnaring questions, and by 
 
 10* 
 
222 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 tlie admission of incompetent witnesses, sometimes even of 
 cliiklren, matters came to such a pass, that during the 
 months of Juno, July and August 1692, twenty persons 
 were executed, among them a former minister, wlio was 
 now accused as a wizard. But not one of the number con- 
 fessed himself guilty. It Avas not till the accusers had gone 
 to the length of impeaching numerous i:)ei'Sons of wholly 
 blameless life, church members and peoj^le of distinction, 
 that people came to their senses. Public opinion then 
 turned against the accusers, who, though they escaped due 
 punishment, could not evade the reproach of having sacri- 
 ficed the lives and property of their fellow citizens, and 
 disturbed the public peace, not only with culpable reckless- 
 ness, but also with most wicked and self-conscious fraud. 
 The credulity of the judges was fii*st acknowledged when, 
 many years after, those who had been stripped of their 
 projierty by these trials, sought restitution at the public 
 cost. If it is i^leaded that these occurrences reflect no pe- 
 culiar blame on those among whom they happened, yet it 
 may well be maintained, that the sound sense and the living 
 religious sentiment of the earlier time would have arrayed 
 themselves decidedly against such an infatuation. 
 
 FARTHER RESULTS OP THE CHANGE IN CHURCH-PRINCIPLES. 
 
 "We pass now to the still farther consequences of the 
 change in church principles, which has been explained 
 in the preceding chapter. It might have been ex2:)ect 
 ed, as the result of that separation of church-members 
 into those in full communion, and those on the halfway 
 covenant, that, on the one hand, the former would con- 
 tinue to be regarded as those who properly constituted 
 the church ; on the other, that a still more rigid practice 
 
NEW liXQLAND THEOCRACY. 223 
 
 would be observed in respect to their admission. But tliis 
 was not the case, in either respect. The principle of requir- 
 ing evidence of conversion went gradually more and more 
 into disuse; Imd^so early as the year 1G9G, a church was 
 formed^ in Hartford without reference in any way to such 
 a requisition. In like manner, at the formation of a church 
 in Boston about the year 1G99, it was declared to be un- 
 necessary. Even when the princii)le was still adhered to, 
 the i)ractice declined. The custom of making a public 
 confession of faith, and a relation of christian experience 
 was gradually lost. It was left wholly to the clergy to 
 judge of the qualifications for admission and to report 
 thereon to the church ; and at the same time, the church 
 office of ruling elder fell into oblivion. So for at length, 
 did this go, that even candidates for full conmiunion* 
 scarcely did more than express their assent to the confes- 
 sion of faith. It is noticeable that the consciousness in the 
 church of this decline was accompanied by the expressed 
 conviction of its connection with these aberrations. This 
 was the case even jirior to the time when by a conclusion 
 hereafter to be mentioned, the opposition to the earlier 
 views was earned to its extremest point. Jonathan Mitchel, 
 minister at Cambridge and teacher in Harvard College, 
 had been one of the chief advocates of the middle course 
 at the Synod of 1662 ; but in the admission of full mem- 
 
 1 This was done by " owning the covenant," as it was called. This church 
 at its formation in February 10%, under the lead of Mr. Wootlbridgc, con- 
 sisted of 60 persons. To these 83 more joined themselves on the 8th of 
 March, and in the course of another month, they numbered V.Yi memljers. 
 Trumb. Hist, of Conn., Clr. XIX. 
 
 2 Tlie oldest church in the country, the Old Church of Plymouth, 
 changed its method of admitting memJ)crs in November, 170-5, introdu- 
 ( ing written relations in place of oral. Backus, II., p. 29. 
 
224 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 bers, he was still most earnest for the maintenance of the 
 original strictness in all its force. 
 
 Cotton Mather^ gives from a manuscript of Mitcbel's of 
 the year 1664, a refutation by his hand of the opinion that 
 a public declaration of faith in Christ or of sincere repent- 
 ance for sin suffices for admission to the Lord's Supi^er. 
 Mitchel supposes that he who can " groundedly " make such 
 a confession can specify something more ; and he who can- 
 not do it groundedly, ought not to be admitted ; nay, he 
 sees in this laxness the fountain of formality and irreligion. 
 Among other things he says : " The power of godliness 
 will soon be lost, if only doctrinal knowledge and outward 
 blamelessness be accounted sufficient for all church privi- 
 leges, and practical confessions (or examinations of men's 
 spiritual estate) be laid aside. For that which people see 
 to be publicly required and held in reputation, that will 
 they look after and usually no more, but content themselves 
 with that. " The Reverend XJrian Oakes, who had presided 
 over Harvard College from the year 1675, thus expressed 
 himself in the discourse after his election : ^ " Consider what 
 will be the end of the departures or apostasies from the 
 church government settled among ns. I profess I look 
 upon the settlement of the Congregational way as the boon, 
 the gratuity, the largeness of divine bounty which the Lord 
 graciously bestowed upon his people that followed him into 
 tliis wilderness ; and a great part of the blessing upon the 
 head of Joseph, and of them that were separated from 
 their brethren. Those good people that came over here 
 showed more love and zeal, and affectionate desire of com- 
 munion with God in pure worship and ordinances, and did 
 more in order to it than others, and the Lord did more for 
 them than for any people in the world, in showing them the 
 
 1 Book IV., p. 179. 2 Mather, B. IV., p. 165. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 225 
 
 2>att6rn of his house and the true scriptural way of church 
 government and administrations. God was certainly in a 
 more than ordinary way present with liis servants in laying 
 '>f our foundation and in settling the way of churcli-order 
 'wording to the will and appointment of Christ. Consider 
 \\ hat would be the sad issue of revolting from the way 
 lixed upon, to one extreme or to another, whether it be to 
 Presbyterian ism or lirownism. As for the Presbyterians, 
 it must be acknowledged that there are among them as 
 pious, learned, sober, orthodox men as the world affords ; 
 and that there is as much of the power of godliness among 
 that party and of the spirit of the good old Puritans as 
 among any people in the world. As for their way of 
 church-government, it must be confessed that, in the day 
 of it, it was a very considerable step to reformation. The 
 reformation in King Edward's days was then a blessed 
 work. And the reformation of Geneva and Scotland was 
 then a larger step, and in many respects purer than the 
 other. And for my part I fully believe that the Congre- 
 gational way far exceeds both, and is the highest step that 
 has been taken towards reformation, and for the substance 
 of it, it is the very same way that was established and prac- 
 tised in the primitive times, according to the institution of 
 Jesus Christ. I must needs say that I should look upon it 
 as a sad degeneracy, if we should leave the good old way 
 so far as to turn councils and synods into classes and provin- 
 cial assemblies, and there should be such a laxness in admis- 
 sion of members to communion, as is pleaded for and prac- 
 tised by many Presbyterians." 
 
 The first of the apprehensions here expressed, of a church- 
 government similar to the Presbyterian, will be discussed 
 hereafter. 
 
 In reference to the other principle of Congregationalism, 
 
226 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 we will bere introduce two witnesses in whose testimony 
 the charges, expressed in general terms in earlier times, 
 appear in an increasingly specific form. Increase Mather, 
 so often mentioned already, who was also president of Har- 
 vard College, published in 1700 a book entitled: "Vindi- 
 cation of the order of the gospel in New England." In 
 this he says : " The Congregational church discipline is not 
 suited for a worldly interest, or a formal generation of pro- 
 fessors. It will stand or fall, as godliness, in the power of 
 it, does prevail or otherwise. That there is a great decay 
 of the power of religion throughout all New England is 
 lamentably true ; if that revive, there will be no fear of 
 departing from the holy discipline of the churches of 
 Christ. If the begun apostasy should j^roceed as fast the 
 next thirty years, as it has done these last surely it will 
 come to that in New England (except the gospel itself 
 depart with the order of it), that the most conscientious 
 people therein will think themselves concerned to gather 
 churches out of churches. " ^ He complains especially of 
 a lamentably superficial and formal manner in the relation 
 of experiences for admission to communion. "There are 
 reports, as if in some churches, persons have brought writ- 
 ten relations, first to the minister and then to the church, 
 v/hich were not of their own dictating, but devised by oth- 
 ers for them. I hope these reports have nothing of truth 
 in them ; but if they have, I am sure that such liars to the 
 Holy Ghost have exceedingly jjrovoked the Lord." Harsh 
 as this judgment may seem, and little perhaps as it could 
 be applied directly to individual cases which had actually 
 occurred, yet it is not to be denied that such an innovation 
 was a complete subversion of the Congregation alist j^i'inci- 
 ples. Let it go so far that, in place ,of what these had 
 1 Backus, II., p. 24. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 227 
 
 requirecl, a mere outward, nay even a counterfeit profession 
 \vould suffice, and that was repudiated which had origi- 
 nated, and had formed the sum and substance of tins par- 
 ticular denomination. The tree would be severed from the 
 root whence it had received life, and the inner sap must 
 dry up of itself. 
 
 About the same time, a distinguished minister in Boston, 
 by the name of "Willard, one of the advocates of that 
 Third Church, whose formation resulted from the synod- 
 ial determinations of 16G2, but who, in other respects, 
 adhered to primitive principles, thus expressed his views 
 in a discourse entitled "The perils of the times dis- 
 played : " * " That there is a form of godliness among us is 
 manifest ; but the great inquiry is, whether there be not 
 too much of a general denying of the power of it. 
 "Whence else is it, that there be such things as these that 
 follow to be observ^ed ; that there is such a prevalency of so 
 many immoralities among professors ? that there is so little 
 success of the gospel? how few thorough conversions to 
 be observed, how scarce and seldom ! It hath been a 
 frequent observation, that if one generation begins to de- 
 cline, the next that follows usually grows worse, and so 
 on, until God pours out his spirit again upon them. The 
 decays which we already languish under are sad ; and 
 what tokens are on our children, that it is like to be better 
 hereafter? God be thanked that there are some among 
 them that promise well ; but alas I how doth vanity 
 abound among them! How do young professors grow 
 weary of the strict profession of their fathers, and become 
 disputants for the things which their progenitora forsook a 
 pleasant land for the avoidance of! " 
 
 But there was not merely a continually growing laxity 
 
 1 Backus, n. p. 25. 
 
228 KEW ENGLAND THEOCEACY. 
 
 in practice, with regard to the admission of new members. 
 Views respecting admission to the Lord's Supj^er were 
 publicly advocated which not only contravened the funda- 
 mental principles of the Congregationalists at their rise, 
 but even went beyond those of the church which they 
 had abandoned. Solomon Stoddard,^ a minister in North- 
 ampton, Massachusetts, carried out the parallel with the 
 Jewish church so often used, in a very j^eculiar manner. 
 As all who were under the covenant of circumcision were 
 obliged to keep the Passover, so all that are baptized 
 should come to the table of the Lord ; nay, he added 
 " though they know themselves to be in a natural condi- 
 tion." Increase Mather came out in opposition to him. 
 But in his reply, Stoddard went still farther ; maintaining 
 not merely that " sanctification is not a necessary qualifi- 
 cation to partaking of the Lord's Supper," but even calling 
 this "a converting ordinance." And this view, which 
 might justly be styled the exact opposite of the original 
 principles, gradually gained more and more currency. 
 This aberration from that which formed the characteristic 
 feature, the central point of Congregationalism, was now 
 accompanied by a change in doctrine which completed the 
 decline. But before we pass to the portrayal of these 
 innovations, we must relate the execution of an earlier 
 plan which in the year 1667 had been frustrated by a 
 powerful opposition. 
 
 FURTHER ATTEMPT AT APPROXIMATION TO THE PRESBYTERIAN DIS- 
 CIPLINE IN MASSACHUSETTS AND CONNECTICUT. 
 
 We have already spoken of the attempt made by the 
 government of Connecticut^ to secure a firmer organiza- 
 tion of the Congregationalist church-party, through an 
 
 1 Backus, II. pp. 26 and 33. Wisner pp. 41, 58. 2 p. 195. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 229 
 
 a]>proximation to the Presbyterian form of government. 
 But the independence of the several churches was at the 
 same time a principle too strongly rooted in the public 
 mind to allow this effort to succeed. Now, however, to 
 the causes of the gradual change in this respect brought 
 to light by the foregoing development, was added the 
 arrival of individuals of the Presbyterian persuasion from 
 Europe, who attached themselves to the established 
 churches of New England. It was not strange if their 
 view of the subordination of the churches under synods 
 and assemblies should have found favor even with those 
 who had at heart the welfare of their fellow-citizens in 
 respect to religion and church ; nay, this more compact 
 outward form might appear to them the very means for 
 arresting the ever-extending ravages of decline. Even if 
 nothing more than an external prop, yet at least it was 
 from the church itself the prop was to be taken which 
 should sustain the tottering fabric. It was while In- 
 crease Mather was residing in London as Agent for Mas- 
 sachusetts, that the Presbyterian and Congregationalist 
 ministers of Connecticut had formed a union, and drawn 
 up the * heads of agreement,' having declared the points 
 in which they differed unessential. But the terms in 
 which they are expressed are very general ; and pass over 
 in silence both the subject of special examination of can- 
 didates for admission, and that of a lawful power of 
 s^-nods. With this indefiniteness, however, there was 
 unanimity in regard to doctrinal belief; as in Boston also, 
 at a synod held in 1680, the Westminster confession was 
 adopted in all its essential points. These Heads of Agree- 
 ment now found favor even in New England. 
 
 But the matter was not allowed to stop with the deci- 
 sion, that the single churches should have a respectful 
 
 20 
 
230 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 regard to the judgment of the assemblies of ministers, 
 and should not act in contrariety thereto without manifest 
 reasons out of the word of God. On the 5th of Novem- 
 ber 1705, several ministers in Massachusetts subscribed to 
 certain proj^ositions for the formation of associations in 
 each county, to which should be committed the licensing 
 of candidates for the ministerial office ; and to this should 
 be added a standing council whose sentence should be re- 
 garded as final and decisive, yet not without the assent of 
 a majority of the pastors present. But so decided an 
 opposition to the proposals arose in Massachusetts as to 
 render the execution of the measure impracticable ; al- 
 though the views which had thus found exjDression became, 
 in a milder acceptation, predominant. The occasional 
 meetings of neighboring ministers, which had early been 
 felt as a necessity, and as an advisory and admonitory 
 resort had been constantly recommended, still continued, 
 and sought, by personal influence to supply the want, a 
 want which at that time Increase Mather lamented in 
 strong terms. But they carried the matter farther in Con- 
 necticut. Here, in 1707, died Governor Fitz-John Win- 
 throp, who for ten successive years, had been reelected 
 to the office previously occupied by his father. A law 
 then existed that the Governor should be taken from 
 among the magistrates in nomination ;^ but in contrariety 
 to this rule, Gurdon Saltonstall,^ a minister of New Lou- 
 
 1 In January 1708, this law was repealed, and all freemen of Connecti- 
 cut were declared eligible to the office. 
 
 2 He was one of the Connecticut delegates appointed in the year 1697 to 
 congratulate the Earl de Bellamont, Governor of New York and Massa- 
 chusetts, who remarked that Saltonstall appeared most like a nobleman 
 of any person he had seen in America. Trumb. I. 417. Backus says of 
 him (II. 35) : "He was a great politician, and he exerted all his influence 
 to raise the ministerial power as high as possible." 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 231 
 
 don, was nominated, and being dismissed from his church 
 in January 1708, entered on liis new office. He soon pre- 
 sented to the Legislature the above-named proposals of 
 1705. But notice being taken of the omission in them of 
 reasons from Scripture, Saltonstall fearing they would be 
 rejected withdrew them. But, on the other hand, the 
 General Assembly at Hartford, May 13th 1708, passed an 
 act which was in substance as follows: This Assembly, 
 from its own observation and tlie complaint of many 
 others, being made sensible of the defects in church disci- 
 pline, arising from the want of a more explicit assertion of 
 the rules given for that end in the Holy Scriptures, from 
 which would arise a permanent establishment among our- 
 selves, a good and regular issue in cases subject to ecclesi- 
 astical discipline, glory to Christ our head, and edification 
 to his members; do hence ordain and require that the 
 ministers of the several counties in this government, and 
 other delegates of the churches, shall meet together at 
 their respective county towns, there to deliberate on meth- 
 ods and rules for the same, and to elect members for an 
 assembly to be held in Saybrook, at the charge of the 
 public treasury of the colony, when the results of those 
 deliberations should be compared, and a form of ecclesias- 
 tical discipline drawn up. 
 
 THE SATBROOK PLATFOKM, 1708. 
 
 In accordance with this requisition, twelve ministers and 
 four lay delegates from the four counties, came together in 
 Saybrook, on the 9th of September 1708. After an expres- 
 sion of concurrence with the Confession of Faith of 1680, 
 and with the Heads of Agreement, fifteen Articles in res- 
 pect to church discipline were adopted (no mention being 
 
232 NEW ENGLAND TIIEOCE-ACY. 
 
 made of the Cambridge Platform) declaring an ecclesias- 
 tical subordination in accordance with the principles of 
 the Presbyterians. Articles 1st to 11th treat of the assem- 
 blies of ministers and lay delegates ; the last four of those 
 Y.hich consisted of ministers only ; the former were called 
 consociations, the latter, associations. In each county were 
 to be formed one or more of both kinds. All difficult cases 
 of offence which are the subject of church censure, are to 
 come before the consociations and to be decided by the 
 vote of the majority of those present. In connection with 
 this, it is expressly stated that the omission of any church 
 to send delegates shall be no bar to the 23roceedings of the 
 council, or invalidate their action. Any case brought be- 
 fore a council in an orderly manner, is to be here deter- 
 mined, and the parties concerned are to be satisfied with 
 the same ; the consociation seeing to it, that their deter- 
 mination or judgment is duly executed and obeyed, in such 
 a way as shall in their judgment be most suitable and 
 agreeable to the word of God. The pastors and churches 
 who do not submit themselves to such decisions, are to be 
 excluded from fellowship. In difficult cases, a neighboring 
 consociation is to be taken into council. In difficulties 
 between a church and one of its members, the former is 
 to have the privilege, if so desiring, of calling together a 
 consociation ; but the right to do this is denied to the lat- 
 ter. The delegates shall hold their office till the occurrence 
 of a new election, that a council may at any time be called 
 together. This is to meet at least once yearly ; the mod- 
 erator at one session to remain in office till the next, in 
 order to be able to summon a council during the time of 
 adjournment. All persons, not appearing after due sum- 
 mons or notification, and without satisfying reasons to 
 offi2r therefor, shall be judged guilty of scandalous con- 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 238 
 
 toinpt. Tho associations, which are to meet at least twice 
 yearly for consultation on the duties of their oftice and on 
 the common interests of the churches, are to consider and 
 decide cases of importance which shall be presented to 
 them by any of their own number or by other ministers; 
 they shall also have the right of examining and recom- 
 mending candidates for the ministerial work. The min- 
 isters thus associated are to take cognizance of any among 
 tliemselves who are accused of open scandal or heresy, to 
 examine the matter carefully, and if they find just occa- 
 sion, to direct the calling of the consociation, where such 
 oifenders shall be duly proceeded against. The fourteenth 
 article commits to the associations the care of any churches 
 which may be bereaved of their pastors ; the fifteenth and 
 last recommends the formation of a general association to 
 consist of delegates from the several county associations, 
 which should meet annually. 
 
 These articles were adopted unanimously by the Synod, 
 and in October 1708, were, in connection with the Confes- 
 sion of Faith and Heads of Agreement, declared by the 
 Legislature established by law ; with the provision, how- 
 ever, "that no society or church allowed by the laws, 
 which dissented from the united churches hei*e established, 
 sliould be hindered from the exercise of woi*ship and disci- 
 pline in their own way, according to their consciences." 
 
 It may well excite surprise that this change, expressed 
 in terms so unequivocal, should have encountered no con- 
 siderable resistance. In the following year, there were 
 fonned in the four counties, five consociations and the same 
 number of associations ; ^ the General Associations un- 
 doubtedly exercised from this time a certain superintend- 
 ence over ministers and churches. The favorable recep- 
 
 1 Two for the connty of Hartford. 
 20* 
 
234 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 tion of the conclusions of the Saybrook Synod is chiefly to 
 be explained from the circumstance that they appeared in 
 connection with the Heads of Agreement ; and that the 
 required deference to synods was not at variance with the 
 spirit of the Congregation alists. The articles, expressed in 
 terms so explicit, received indeed a modified application in 
 practice. Still it may be said in general, that from this 
 period, the more intimate and settled connection of the 
 Congregationalist churches led to a certain subordinancy, 
 though the strict forms of the Presbyterians did not obtain 
 in full. The associations directed their chief efforts to the 
 oversight of candidates for the ministry. From this it is 
 manifest that the approximation to Presbyterian ism was 
 not the result merely of a wish for cleiical domination, but 
 was in part dictated by the desire to make secure provision 
 for the wants of the church. Of the interest felt for this 
 object in Connecticut, we have proof in another way. So 
 early as 1698, the inconveniences incident to so great a dis- 
 tance from Cambridge, had suggested the plan of founding 
 a new college. In 1701, the Legislature granted a charter 
 and voted a yearly allowance for its support. Its manage- 
 ment, instruction, and religious influence were to have for 
 their object " to promote, in the education of the students, 
 the power and j^urity of religion, and the best edification 
 of the New England churches." Saybrook was fixed on 
 as the seat of the College ; but owing to the continuance 
 of their first chosen Rector with his church at Killingworth 
 in the vicinity of Saybrook, the College was not removed 
 thither till after his death in 1704. Here it remained till 
 1717; from which time it has existed in New Haven, as 
 Yale College, so called from Elihu Yale, a Director of the 
 East India Company in London, who had bequeathed to it 
 large legacies. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 235 
 
 This approximation to the Presbyterians, as it has ex- 
 isted from that time in a continued friendly relation of the 
 two religious i)nrties, received an additional impulse in the 
 beginning of the last century, from the growing activity of 
 the Baptists and Episcopalians in founding new churches. 
 But, though the hostility towards these denominations as 
 also against the Quakers, still continued, it was now be- 
 come a mere external strife ; though complaints were not 
 wanting respecting the oppressive action of the laws, by 
 which the whole body of the inhabitants of a parish, and not 
 merely the actual church-members, were held accountable 
 for the support of the clergy. We notice various contro- 
 versies of no special moment, and without features of indi- 
 vidual interest. The principle above-mentioned, that every 
 parishioner must bear his part in the support of the minis- 
 ter, and, if there was none of his own sect in the place, to 
 that of the prevailing party, was even adopted into the 
 constitution of the State of Massachusetts after the revolu- 
 tion, and was repealed not many years since.^ In this 
 state also, were maintained yearly assemblies of the clergy, 
 though without the prerogatives conferred by the Saybrook 
 Platform on the Associations in Connecticut. 
 
 PROGRESSIVE DECLINE OF PIETY. 
 
 In the year 1725, a voice awoke once more in Massachu- 
 setts which reminds us of the expressions and the spirit of 
 earlier times. A petition was presented to the Legislature 
 by Cotton Mather, in the name of the assembled General 
 Convention of ministers, praying that, in view of the great 
 
 1 Constitution of the Commonwealth of Mass. in the Ilevised Statutes 
 of the Commonwealth of Mass. Boston : 183C. Tart I. Art. 3. and Articles 
 of Amendment, Art. III. 
 
236 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 and visible decline of piety in the country, of tlie laudable 
 example of our predecessors who souglit to establish the 
 faith and order of the gospel in the churches by synods, 
 and that now a period of forty-five years has passed since 
 the last convention of this kind, a synod might be called 
 for the remedy of the existing unhapjjy condition. During 
 the proceedings on the matter in the House of Representa- 
 tives, the Episcopalians residing in Boston made report of 
 the same in London ; whence an order was received to put 
 an immediate end to the affair, as the calling of synods 
 pertained to the king alone. This de.cision was received 
 by the Representatives, though otherwise still extremely 
 jealous of their rights, without a word of complaint. This 
 silence marks a characteristic of the time. 
 
 As the antagonisms in the English church parties had 
 reference chiefly to the constitution of the church, differ- 
 ences in respect to doctrine, were less definitely expressed, 
 and were of a subordinate character ; so in the decline of 
 Congregationalism, in New England, we have for a long 
 period, no sign of alteration in the latter respect. Un- 
 doubtedly, a declension could not but soon manifest itself 
 even among the clergy. In a constitution like that of the 
 Congregationalists, the reciprocal action of ministers and 
 churches on each other is too immediate, to allow the one 
 to be in a state discordant to that of the other. At first, 
 however, the difference between the present clergy and 
 their predecessors manifested itself, for the most part, only 
 in formality and coldness in the duties of their ofiice. But 
 with the lively intercourse constantly maintained with 
 England, influences from the latter soon made themselves 
 apparent, and Arminianism, which, in the preceding cen- 
 tury, had spread from the High Church into the ranks of 
 the Dissenters, now visited North America also. Here, it 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 237 
 
 was precisely from the standpoint of IndifTerentisni, that it 
 made its appearance. It manifested itself particularly in 
 the view now current, that observance of outward religious 
 ordinances joined with a moral and sober life is all that is 
 noedbd for Christians. These opinions, in the condition 
 of the church which has been described, found quick and 
 easy entrance ; and the spread of unbelief was, in general, 
 i:uich earlier than its decided open manifestation. 
 
 In opposition to this state of things, a peculiar phenome- 
 non now presented itself in the religious revivals. They 
 will form the subject of the next and closing chapter of 
 our work. This reaction, it is true, did not wholly coun- 
 teract the declension ; partly, on account of the spurious 
 elements mingled with it ; partly, because a j^eriod of war 
 and agitation followed, in which the inhabitants of New 
 England believed their very existence at stake. To this 
 w:is added financial embarrassments, the consequence of 
 excessive emissions of paper-money, from which the colo- 
 nies were suffering even before the French colonial war 
 and especially during its continuance. From the war itself 
 it seemed that no other result could follow than the subju- 
 gation and expulsion of the conquered party; it ended in 
 1762 with the seizure of all Canada. Scarcely was the 
 foreign foe thus removed out of the way, when the vari- 
 ance with the mother-country rose to such a height as 
 to occasion the war of the Revolution and the separation of 
 the colonies. During the war of Independence, New Eng- 
 land itself was for a long period occupied by the enemy. 
 The English, in whose minds rebellion against the govern- 
 ment stood in close connection with separation fi*om the 
 State Church, demolished places of worship and destroyed 
 the church-property of Dissenters.* Nor must we overlook 
 
 1 Wisner relates (p. 108,) that the churches were used as prisons and 
 
238 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 the influence of the French who came to North America 
 and were there taken into the relation of friends and kins- 
 men ; those especially who had an active participation in 
 the war were subjected to an influence inimical to positive 
 Christianity. Meanwhile, unbelief expressed itself in a 
 decided form as Unitarianism, and overspread all New 
 England. When a christian life began to reawaken, 
 churches, church-property, and even the ancient Univer- 
 sity of Cambridge, were found to be in the hands of Uni- 
 tarians. A reaction in the present century has again 
 changed the relation; in connection with which the Half- 
 way Covenant has been done away ; and the church, now 
 separated wholly from the state, consists only of members 
 received on the original principle of the Congregationalists. 
 The newly awakened life has quickly remoulded j^ublic sen- 
 timent into enthusiastic sympathy with the Congregation- 
 alists, while the influence of the Unitarians has suffered a 
 constant decline. 
 
 These relations, as they do not properly belong as yet to 
 the province of history, are not within the scope of our 
 present design. It only remains to exhibit such of their 
 features as constituted, in reference to the church, essen- 
 tially the closing boundary of the first period. 
 
 riding schools, or were torn down for fuel, though there was an abundant 
 supply in the town. Of the nineteen places of worship in New York when 
 the war began, there were but nine fit for use when the British troops left 
 IL 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE REVIVALS. 
 
 REVIVALS IN OEXERAL, AND THOSE OF NORTH AMERICA. IN PAR- 
 TICULAR. 
 
 
 
 The reaction, which now developed itself in opposi- 
 tion to the ever growing declension of the New England 
 Church, constitutes a peculiar phenomenon. The Revivals 
 did not, it is true, realize the expectations then cherished ; 
 indifference to the institutions and the faith of the fathers 
 being predominant in the church, as far down as the be- 
 ginning of the present century. But the representation of 
 these occurrences is, notwithstanding, a matter of very 
 special interest. They have been repeated in North Amer- 
 ica in a veVy striking manner in recent times. They there 
 form one of the main subjects of reports on the state of 
 religion, in the periodical press ; and they occupy a very 
 important place in the discussions of theological literature. 
 Different views are indeed entertained in North Amer- 
 ica, in reference to the methods for developing and con- 
 ducting revivals. But all the principal parties of the 
 evangelical church are of one mind in regard to their impor- 
 tance; though by some a higher value is attached to them 
 than by others. But with the theologians of North Amer- 
 ica, these awakenings of a previous century justly rank as, 
 in a certain sense, the type of such manifestations ; having 
 been free, in great measure, from the present intermix- 
 
240 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ture of foreign elements. They are, moreover, the better 
 adapted to representation, both as being historically com- 
 pleted, and as having their origin and their explanation in 
 that progressive development of Congregationalism, which 
 we have here traced. 
 
 A REVIVAL, that is a simultaneous renewal and advance 
 of the religious life in one or more congregations, is indeed 
 not an unknown occurrence in the cis-atlantic churches. 
 But the form in which it here meets us, appears but rarely 
 in churches which grew, to a greater extent, out of insti- 
 tutions already existing, and whose development has taken 
 a more uniform course. It therefore seems appropriate, in 
 entering on a delineation of these Revivals, to consider the 
 analogy presented in the universal development of Chris- 
 tianity, and consequently, among ourselves. A reference 
 to such isolated cases in Europe, would rather itself need 
 this explanation and illustration, than be adapted to fur- 
 nish it. Revivals in the churches find their nearest parallel 
 in the conversion of individuals. For understanding the 
 latter is needed, on the one side, knowledge of the man's 
 peculiar characteristics, position in life, and previous course 
 of training ; but also, on the other side, the perception 
 that something new has here taken place, which cannot be 
 fully explained from the sum of the man's earthly rela- 
 tions. As viewed from this side, the causal condition of 
 conversion lies outside the sphere of his earthly life. Those 
 who would comprehend the entrance of divine grace into 
 the heart of an individual, can only do it by ascertaining 
 the inward state with which this grace connects itself 
 In this manner we come to a knowledge of the begin- 
 ning of faith in ourselves and in those around us. Just so, 
 likewise, can we trace the causes of siibsequent manifesta- 
 tions, whether they are signs of farther advancement, or of 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 241 
 
 a partial Imit, or of retrogression. In the interchange of 
 8iuli knowledge and such experiences lies the importance 
 and the blessing of christian intercourse. But there are 
 cases where these communications are not limited to a 
 narrow circle ; where the development of a christian life 
 presents a form adapted to general exhibition. This is the 
 case when it constitutes, either by the attainment of some 
 life-aim inspired by faith, or through the consummation of 
 the earthly life in the Lord, a separate, and, in a certain 
 sense, a perfected whole; when it is manifest that the 
 imity of the single active labors was no other than per- 
 sonal union with the Lord. From the difficulties experi- 
 enced in preparing such a christian biography, especially 
 in respect to that which, in the proper sense, constitutes 
 its analogy with Revivals, may be seen what we have to 
 contend with in the delineation of the latter. Rare indeed 
 are the cases where all the requisites of such a biography 
 are at command and the sources for the several component 
 features within reach ; those single traits which disclose the 
 inner impulse of the life-development, and present it to 
 view as a connected whole. The external relations, how 
 far social connections, position, and calling in life, account 
 for its prosperous or retarded growth, these, it is true, 
 arc more accessible to the inquirer. But not so easily can 
 it be ascertained, how far the earliest development of char- 
 acter indicated a state susceptible to the Lord's call, or 
 how fir it contained adverse and disturbing elements, in 
 wliich subsequent occasional declensions, or periods of su- 
 pineness, might find their explanation. Not so easily can 
 we ascertain, whether in the outward activity in the ser- 
 \ ice of the Lord, in that which the eye of man cannot but 
 regard as the fniit of faith, is not concealed something 
 false and selfish j or whether that w^hich to lis seems to be 
 
 21 
 
242 NEW ENGLAND THEOC-RACY. 
 
 self-complacency, carelessness, indifference, is not the ex- 
 pression of eternal peace. The reports of acquaintances 
 and friends are, for such purposes, but an insecure reliance ; 
 since it is not acts or words, as such, which are here in 
 question, but the connection of these with the moral sen- 
 timent, with the Christianity of the heart. Even the por- 
 traiture sketched, perhaps at a much later period, by the 
 favored individual himself, though made with rigorous self- 
 examination in simplicity and humility, is yet subject to 
 the abatement of presenting the particulars of early life 
 from the stand-point of a maturer stage. Very seldom 
 does the strictly private diary or genuine confidential cor- 
 respondence meet the public eye. This deficiency meets 
 us in a very special manner, at the initial period of chris- 
 tian development. Even with those whose awakening to 
 a new life has occurred in a more striking and less gradual 
 manner, there is certainly no disposition in tliis excitement 
 of their inner being to institute rigid investigations and 
 nice analyses of the change, or to impart such information 
 to others. 
 
 When, however, the same phenomena extend over sev- 
 eral individuals, we are able to trace fartlier the causes 
 of the subsequent career; the inward occurrence takes more 
 readily an outward manifestation. Something claiming to 
 be the stai-ting-point of a new life-development, manifest- 
 ing itself, moreover, in each individual at a point of time 
 fixed with more or less certainty, and under a form to be 
 recognized with more or less distinctness, is a phenome- 
 non witnessed in the christian church, simultaneously 
 extending over numbers of persons. The Holy Spirit 
 indeed lives and works in christian communities and in 
 the Christian Church uninterruptedly to the end of the 
 world. But there are times in which their members with- 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 248 
 
 draw themselves from the influence ; times when, ensnared 
 and governed by worldly interests, they have their hearts 
 elsewhere ; when they rend the earthly life-development 
 from its connection with the fountain of life. Such times 
 stand before us in harsh lineaments on the page of history. 
 But where the seed-corn has not been killed, but has only 
 died that it may bring forth fruit, there an awakening 
 comes from the Lord through means which affect not only 
 individuals, but churches and denominations. Every epoch 
 of christian Church-history is to be regarded, in a certain 
 sense, as a Revival ; since, whether it be in the sphere of 
 the practical or the theoretical, a new state is the result. 
 These awakenings, however, differ among themselves, with 
 the diff*erences of time, of place, culture, manners, the 
 character of churches and denominations; just as the con- 
 version of individuals in respect to their personal traits 
 and relations in life. Where all these relations have 
 developed themselves in the world, in a greater or less 
 estrangement from Christianity, the new life assumes the 
 form of an isolated phenomenon. Such are the awak- 
 enings which occur in connection with missions. When, 
 on the contrary, the relations of life, having been to a 
 greater or less degree produced and penetrated by the 
 christian spirit, bear even, as is too often the case, its un- 
 recognized stamp, the quickening manifests itself more as 
 a progressive development from elements already present. 
 As such, we may regard the Reformation, so far as it had 
 for its starting-point the longing already existing in the 
 church for the kingdom of God. 
 
 The Revivals in North America, both those which form 
 the subject of our narrative and those of recent date, are re- 
 vivals of the religious spirit in a practical respect. They are 
 occurrences within the christian congregation, and belong 
 
244 NEAY ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 properly to its relation to the Pastor or spiritual guide. 
 In their nature they are limited to such a congregation ; 
 although contemporaneous phenomena may have been pro- 
 duced by similar circumstances in neighboring places. We 
 have reports also of such revivals in Colleges and Theolog- 
 ical Seminaries, but always in connection with the relation 
 held by the teachers to the students, as spiritual guides. 
 
 The preceding chapter exhibits the hostile influence to 
 which these Revivals form a reaction. It was not prima- 
 rily error in doctrine, or superstition in practice, or gross 
 transgression of law, but lukewarmness and indiiference 
 towards the religious institutions that had constituted the 
 palladium of the pilgrim fathers. But the peculiar char- 
 acter of this reaction stands, it is evident, in close connec- 
 tion with the church-constitution of the Congregation alists, 
 and with the course of their development. It was within 
 the congregation, not in the Church as an organized wliole, 
 that it took place. The clergy indeed gave the impulse ; 
 but they were not, in the proper sense, the dej^ositaries 
 of these movements. If in their first period, the Con- 
 gregationalists, in spite of their principles, in many re- 
 spects constituted an ecclesiastical unity (as indeed the 
 events before narrated are connected with the recognition 
 of such a unity) this, since the separation from the State 
 was consummated, had now ceased. The attempt made 
 by means of the Saybrook Platform for securing such a 
 unity and influence of the clergy, had not effected the 
 object. But although, in the cases to come before us, the 
 Revivals had their chief seat in a particular congregation ; 
 yet that limitation of the bounds of the congregations 
 which existed in connexion with their independence, sug- 
 gests also a closer union of the individual members among 
 themselves, forming a circle through which such a religious 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 245 
 
 interest could be more readily propagated and extended. 
 The result of tlicse occun-ences was indeed but temporary; 
 their force being crippled by circumstances hereatler to Ihj 
 detailed in particular. But it may perhaps be maintained, 
 in general, that the want of a Church in the proper sense, 
 accounts for the failure of the salutaiy influence to es- 
 tablish itself on a more solid basis, and to secure a firmer 
 hold. 
 
 BEVIVAL AT NORTHAMPTON. 
 
 We are now concerned particularly with two events 
 which gave expression to the reaction against the decay 
 of the religious life of New England. The more general 
 one, extending over nearly the whole country and particu- 
 larly over Massachusetts, occurred about the year 1740. It 
 was preceded by a revival, inconsiderable in respect to 
 local extent, in the church at Northampton about the year 
 1735, which is to be regarded not merely as its precursor, 
 but in some respects, as its immediate cause. This oc- 
 cuiTed under the guidance of Jonathan Edwards, Pastor 
 of the church, one of the most distinguished theologians 
 of North America, from whose hand we have a detailed 
 narrative of its incidents, with special reference to whrit 
 was peculiar in these occurrences. Occurrences and narra- 
 tive still rank as models in North America. Standing 
 thus by itself, in respect both to time and place, this Re- 
 vival invites the attempt to portray, in clear sharp outline, 
 its characteristic features. For this reason, yye shall pre- 
 sent a copious detail of its phenomena, concluding with 
 the account of the more extended and general Revivals. 
 
 The following sketch is taken from an account published 
 in the year 1737, entitled : "A faithful narrative of the sur- 
 prising work of God in the convei-sion of many hundred 
 
 21* 
 
246 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 souls in Northampton (Massachusetts) in tlie year 1735, 
 by Jonathan Edwards." It was again publisliod in New 
 York, 1832, together with his "Thoughts on the Revival 
 of religion in New England in 1742 and the way in which 
 it ought to be acknowledged and j^romoted." The present 
 editor has prefixed testimonials from several North Ameii- 
 can Theologians from different religiojis denominations; 
 among them the following from the President and Profes- 
 sors of the Princeton College, New Jersey : " We know of 
 no works on the subject of Revivals of Religion, at once 
 so scriptural, discriminating, and instructive, as those of 
 the late illustrious President Edwards. At the present 
 day, when this subject so justly engages a large share of 
 the attention of the religious public, we should be glad if a 
 copy of the volume proposed to be republished could be 
 placed in every dweUing in the United States. It exhibits 
 the nature of genuine revivals of religion, the best means 
 of promoting them, the abuses and dangers to which they 
 are liable, and the duty of guarding against these abuses 
 and dangers, with a degree of spiritual discernment and 
 practical wisdom, which have commanded the approbation 
 of the friends of Zion for the greater part of a century." 
 The " Faithful Narrative " ii3 in the form of a letter to Dr. 
 Colman, a minister in Boston, dated November 6th 1736. 
 From the beginning of this letter we learn what had given 
 occasion to it. Tidings of these occurrences had reached 
 London, where they had made a great impression. Watts 
 and Guyse, two Congregationalist ministers, as well as the 
 church of the latter, wishing to receive information respect- 
 ing them from an eye-witness, applied to the above-named 
 Colman, who requested Edwards to furnish the account. 
 The latter had at first hesitated to give tlie facts i)ublicity, 
 through fear that they might seem incredible; but he 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 247 
 
 now felt himself, as he says, especially called on to under- 
 take what had been desired. His narrative was then pulv 
 lished by Watts and Guyse, accompanied by a preface from 
 themselves as well as from ministers of Boston ; it was con- 
 firmed, also, by the express testimony of the ministers in the 
 neighborhood of Northampton, as a narrative of what had 
 passed before their own eyes. "Watts and Guyse say of it 
 in their Preface : " We are fully convinced of the truth of 
 this narrative, not only from the character of the author, 
 but from the concurrent testimony of many other persons 
 in New England ; for this thing was not done in a corner." 
 " It is, we are informed, a tract of country with twelve or 
 fourteen townships, lying chiefly within the county of Hamp- 
 shire on the Connecticut river, wherein it has pleased God 
 two years ago to display his free and sovereign grace in the 
 conversion of a great multitude of souls in a short space of 
 time, turning them from a formal, cold and careless profes- 
 sion of Christianity to the lively exercise of every christian 
 grace, and to the powerful practice of our holy religion." 
 The narrative is divided into five chapters. First, after a 
 brief reference to previous circumstances, is given a general 
 sketch of the revival in Northampton. The second chapter 
 contains a detailed description, with very copious reflections, 
 of the particular manner in which the religious quickening 
 developed itself in individual cases. Here is shown, in con- 
 nection with an exact acquaintance with the state of the 
 church, a deep knowledge of the wants of the human heart 
 universally, and of the manner in which the seed sown 
 springs up in the plant which brings forth fruit ; only the 
 diflTerent stages of the course of development are not always 
 sufiiciently distinguished, nor the tran.sitions made perfectly 
 clear and obvious. To the attempt to present a connected 
 view of the contents of these first two chapters we shall add 
 
248 NEAY ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 a brief summary of the three others, which consist of apolo- 
 getic reflections, the narrative of two particular cases, and 
 an account of the causes which led to a decline. 
 
 The town of Northampton, in the county of Hampshire 
 in Massachusetts, lies in the interior of the country remote 
 from connection with the sea. It had, as Edwards tells us, 
 comparatively little intercourse with other parts of the pro- 
 vince, which at that time was, in general, sparsely peopled, 
 and without the present means of communication. Founded 
 about the year 1654, it numbered in 1736 some two hun- 
 dred families, who dwelt more compactly together than was 
 usual in places of its size. To this, perhaps, in connection 
 its greater isolation in other respects, it was owing that 
 impressions of whatever kind spread among them with 
 greater rapidity than elsewhere. Their first minister, Elea- 
 zer Mather, a brother of the celebrated Increase Mather, 
 was ordained there in 1669, and died two years after. Mr. 
 Stoddard, his successor, who was the grandfather of our 
 narrator, exerci?ed his oflice as preacher in Northampton 
 from 1672 to 1729, and was the immediate predecessor of 
 Edwards. "With the peculiar views of Stoddard and their 
 disagreement with the principles of Congregationalism, we 
 have already become acquainted. His grandson, who on 
 those questions took ground entirely opposite, testifies to 
 the great zeal with which he discharged his ministerial 
 duties; and Mr. -Stoddard himself, in relating the repeated 
 instances of extraordinary religious interest which crowned 
 his labors, was accustomed to say that he had had five har- 
 vests. Towards the end of his life, however, a worldliness 
 of spirit prevailed in the town, which maintained its pre- 
 dominance likewise through the first years of Edwards's 
 ministry. In single cases, indeed, there was still manifested 
 an interest in the word of God ; but the younger members 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 249 
 
 of the congregation held themselves almost entirely aloof 
 from it, as well as from the restraints of family influence. 
 Thus, in utter contrariety to the custom of the country and 
 of their forefathers, they turned the Sunday into a day of 
 amusement, to great public scandal and the disturbance of 
 family order. 
 
 Towards the end of the year 1733, a change commenced 
 in the congregation. Through the admonitions of the pas- 
 tor, joined with the eflcirts of heads of families, these scan- 
 dalous evils were removed and a more lively interest awak- 
 ened in the worship of God. Things were thus progressing, 
 M'hen there occurred two cases of death, which excited gen- 
 eral attention. In April 1734, a young man in the bloom 
 of youth sickened with a violent pleurisy, became immedi- 
 ately delirious and died within two days. Shortly after, 
 followed the death of a young w^oman. She had been much 
 occupied about the state of her soul, previous to her seiz- 
 ure; but now found herself, at first, in great disquietude. 
 At length she ^vas filled with the consciousness of the sav- 
 ing mercy of God, and died in joyful hope, counselling and 
 exhorting others in a very earnest and affecting manner. 
 The excitement thus produced received an added impulse 
 through the opposition then rising in New England against 
 the doctrine of justification by faith. The spread of such a 
 tendency might easily have had the effect of lulling, or of 
 satisfying, to outward appearance, the germinating religious 
 interest ; but, as things now were, it contributed rather to 
 engage the public mind to a still greater degree in the mat- 
 tere of religion, and thereby to counteract the prevailing 
 evil of indifference. Scarcely had a few begun to think 
 earnestly upon their state, than the excitement spread ; ex- 
 hibiting in its manifestations, though with varieties of 
 form in different individuals, an essential general corre- 
 spondence. 
 
250 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 Thus, as "was natural, a knowledge of their sinful state 
 was its first result ; but to this they were led in a variety 
 of ways. Some who had hitherto been secure and uncon- 
 cerned in regard to their spiritual condition, were suddenly 
 seized with a sense of their corruption ; their consciences 
 were smitten "as if they were pierced through with a 
 dart. " In others, these first impressions w^ere more grad- 
 ual. They began at first to be somewhat more thoughtful 
 and considerate, so as to come to the conclusion that it was 
 best and wisest to delay no longer, but to improve the 
 present opportunity ; awakening themselves still farther by 
 earnest reflection, they came at length to a firm and clear 
 conviction of their sinfulness. Others still, who previously 
 had been, to a certain degree, religiously inclined and con- 
 cerned for the salvation of their souls, were now awakened 
 in a new manner; becoming sensible that their dull and 
 negligent endeavors w^ere not likely to attain their purpose, 
 they were roused to ijew efforts to enter the kingdom of 
 heaven. This knowledge of one's own state, though indeed 
 it is but the beginning of a new life, and a preparation for 
 passing into it, manifested itself in most cases, at the very 
 outset, as no dead conviction. The immediate effect was 
 twofold. On the one hand, evil practices and sinful habits 
 of life were seen to be forsaken ; long-standing quarrels and 
 slanders, mischievous intermeddling with the affairs of oth- 
 ers, and the various manifestations of levity ceased; and 
 while new sacredness was attached to the Sabbath, each 
 day w^as regarded as a day of the Lord. On the other 
 hand, was witnessed an application to the means through 
 which deliverance from the former state might be hoped 
 for, reading of the Bible, prayer, reflection, the ordinances 
 of the church, and conferences for mutual benefit. Their 
 cry was : What must I do to be saved ? 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 251 
 
 Progress, in such tiroes of religious excitement, is identi- 
 cal with practical earnestness in the settlement of this ques- 
 tion. One may indeed become conscious that he has com- 
 mitted sin and is a sinner; but this concern may bo soon 
 quieted or may pass away, if the conviction is not added 
 that men's sins are their destruction. Assent to this truth 
 is indispensable ; but its utterance from the whole heart, 
 free from all reserve and qualification, is at the price of 
 bitter humiliation. Submission to this conviction is hard 
 to the proud heart ; progress in it and deliverance from it 
 difficult for the despairing heart. The conflicts and hin- 
 drances experienced in connection with the revival at 
 Northampton arose chiefly from the latter source. Thus, 
 it soon became general (though under various forms of 
 expression), for individuals to declare themselves sensible 
 that while in sin they were on the way to destruction. 
 This was accompanied by a state of extraordinary anxiety 
 and disquiet. Some expressed themselves as so affected by 
 the consciousness of their sin and guilt that they were una- 
 ble to sleep at night ; others, that on lying down, the 
 thought of sleeping, in this condition was so frightful, that 
 they were scarcely free from terror even when asleep, and 
 on awakening, fear, heaviness and distress were still abiding 
 on their spirits. Yet sometimes these pei^sons supposed 
 themselves to be wholly without feeling, forsaken by the 
 Spiiit of God, and given over to hardness of heart. Thus 
 with a well-grounded 'anxiety, arising from the conscious- 
 ness of sin, was mingled an unnecessary distress and melan- 
 choly, which, as Edwards remarks, exposed those who were 
 thus aiTectcd, to dangerous temptation, and hindered their 
 progress in the good way. "One knows not," he adds, 
 " how to deal with such ; they turn everything that is said to 
 them the wrong way, and to their own disadvantage ; next 
 
252 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 to the actual corruption of the human heart, there seems to 
 be nothing so dangerous to men in the way of temptation, 
 as a melancholy humor." This was particularly manifest in 
 connection with their inward conflicts. The feeling of their 
 ruined state rose in some individuals to such a height, that 
 soul and body could scarcely endure it, nay, they were near 
 sinking under their misery ; yet still declaring themselves 
 amazed at their own insensibility and sottishness in such an 
 extraordinary time. It was evident that this feeling, if not 
 in some way relieved, must lead to utter despair. It was a 
 frequent expression of some, under the conviction of their 
 sinfulness, that they seemed to themselves to differ from all 
 others, and being the worst and vilest of all, could never 
 hope to obtain mercy. Many, indeed, whose convictions 
 had taken this melancholy turn, were seized with a strong 
 feeling of envy towards those among their associates and 
 acquaintances who had been truly converted; at other 
 times, their hearts rose against God in their despair, and 
 murmured at his dealings with others, and particularly with 
 themselves. 
 
 When conviction of the need of redemption has taken 
 possession of the heart with such completeness and j^ower, 
 there could supervene no pause ; it would be fatal. But 
 the efforts put forth for help, would first lead one to try his 
 own strength. The attempts made to reach, through this, 
 the goal so desired and longed for, are, it is true, con- 
 nected with a still defective knowledge of one's own sinful- 
 ness; and Edwards indeed speaks of the tendency still 
 often manifested to fix the attention exclusively on single 
 and outward transgressions. Self-confidence is, moreover, 
 properly a temptation whose source is pride of heart ; but it 
 always mingles itself also in a certain manner, though per- 
 haps in a slighter degree, with the feeling of despair. The 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 258 
 
 ]>o(MiHnr way in which these legal efforts appeared, at North- 
 ampton, as the transition-struggle into true conviction of 
 personal inability, shows that also in this stage of devel- 
 opment such temptations predominated. Edwards depicts 
 these efforts, as they presented themselves in general, in a 
 form more or less painful, longer or shorter in duration, 
 in the following words : 
 
 "Very often under first awakenings, when they are 
 brought to reflect on the sin of their past lives, and have 
 something of a terrifying sense of God's anger, they set 
 themselves to walk more strictly, and confess their sins, 
 and perform many religious duties, with a secret hope of 
 appeasing God's anger, and making up for the sins they 
 have committed ; and oftentimes, at first setting out, their 
 afiections are moved, and they are full of tears in their 
 confessions and prayers, which they are ready to make 
 much of, as though they were some atonement, and had 
 power to move correspondent afiections in God too ; and 
 hence they are for a while big with expectation of what 
 God will do for them, and conceive that they grow better 
 apace, and shall soon be thoroughly converted. But these 
 affections are but short-lived, they quickly find that they 
 fiiil, and then they think themselves to be grown worse 
 again; they do not find such a prospect of bemg converted 
 as they thought ; instead of being nearer, they seem to be 
 farther off; their hearts they think are grown harder, and 
 by this means, their fears of perishing greatly increase. 
 But though they are disappointed, they renew their at- 
 tempts again and again; and still as their attempts are 
 multiplied, so are their disappointments ; all fail, they see 
 no token of having inclined God's heart to them, they do 
 not see that he hears their prayers at all, as they expected 
 he would ; and sometimes there have been great tempta- 
 
 22 
 
254 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 tions arising hence to leave off seeking, and to yield np the 
 case. But as they are still more terrified with the fears of 
 perishing, and their former hopes of prevailing on God to 
 be merciful to them in a great measure fail, sometimes 
 their religious affections have turned into heart-risings 
 against God, because ttat he would not pity them, and 
 seems to have little regard to their distress and piteous 
 cries, and to all the pains they take. They think of the 
 mercy that God has shown to others, how soon, and how 
 easily others have obtained comfort, and those too that 
 were worse than they, and have not labored so much as 
 they have done, and sometimes they have even had dread- 
 ful blasphemous thoughts in these circumstances. 
 
 "But when they reflect on these wicked workings of 
 heart against God, if their convictions are continued and the 
 Spirit of God is not provoked utterly to forsake them, they 
 have more distressing apprehensions of the anger of God 
 towards those whose hearts work after such a sinful man- 
 ner about him ; and it may be have great fears that they 
 have committed the unpardonable sin, or that God will 
 surely never show mercy to them that are such vipers, and 
 are often tempted to leave off in despair. 
 
 " But then perhaps, by something they read or hear of the 
 infinite mercy of God and all-sufl^ciency of Christ for the 
 chief of sinners, they have some encouragement and hope 
 renewed ; but they think that as yet they are not fit to 
 come to Christ, they are so wicked that Christ will never 
 accept them; and then it may be, they set themselves 
 upon a new course of fruitless endeavors in their own 
 strength to make themselves better, and still meet with 
 new disappointments; they are earnest to inquire what 
 they shall do. They do not know but there is something 
 else to be done, in order to their obtaining converting 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 255 
 
 grace, that tlicy have never done yet. It may be they 
 hope they are something better than they were; but tlien 
 the pleasing dream all vanishes again. If they are told 
 that they trust too much to their own strength and right- 
 eousness, they cannot unlearn this practice all at once, and 
 find not yet the appearance of any gootl, but all looks as 
 dark as midnight to them. Thus they wander about from 
 mountain to hill, seeking rest and finding none ; when they 
 are beat out of one refuge, they fly to another, till they 
 are, as it were, broken, debilitated, and subdued with legal 
 Immblings ; in which God gives them a conviction of their 
 own utter helplessness and insufficiency, and discovers the 
 true remedy in a clearer knowledge of Christ and his gos- 
 pel." 
 
 Thus have we jxjrtrayed in the author's own words, the 
 process by which conviction of sinfulness, and of the destruc- 
 tive nature of sin, was develojxjd into the sense of ix?rsonal 
 insufficiency and helplessness. It would naturally be ex- 
 pected, that now the eye w^ould be tunied in quest of the 
 promises of God's mercy. But our naiTator here adds a 
 detailed exhibition of the generally prevailing views re- 
 specting God's holiness and justice; thus assigning the 
 turning-point in the conflict to the time when the real 
 enemy began to reign. It was from the very stand-point 
 of legal effort, that the inquiring spirit now gave itself up 
 in a singular manner to speculation on the penal justice of 
 God. So entirely did this occupy the soul as to leave no 
 room for any other mental operation. The belief of being 
 given over to eternal destruction, and the grounds of tliis 
 conviction, were stated under a variety of fonns. Edwards 
 says : " Some viewed Grod as sovereign, and that he might 
 receive others and reject them ; some expressed themselves 
 as convinced that God might justly bestow mercy on eveiy 
 
256 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 person in the town, and on every person in the world, and 
 damn themselves to all eternity; some, that God may 
 justly have no regard to all the pains they have taken, and 
 all the prayers they have made ; some that they see, if they 
 should seek, and take the utmost pains all their lives, God 
 might justly cast them into hell at last, because all their 
 labors, prayers and tears, cannot make an atonement for 
 the least sin, nor merit any blessing at the hands of God. 
 Some have declared themselves to be in the hands of God, 
 that he can and may dispose of them just as he j^leases; 
 some that God may glorify himself in their damnation, and 
 they wonder that God has suffered them to live so long, 
 and has not cast them into hell long ago." 
 
 EA'en if we separate the meaning of these words from 
 their peculiar phraseology, there yet seems to be here the 
 intermingling of some foreign and disturbing element ; at 
 least, they are not the expression of progress, but still 
 belong wholly to the legal stand-point. It is only from 
 this stand-point that one, truly conscious of deserving the 
 penalty of destruction for his own guilt, can, on a compari- 
 son of himself with others, recognize the divine justice in 
 their exemption from it. He who has found by experi- 
 ence, that the goal is not to be reached by the most stren- 
 uous efforts of his own, looks away, in the feeling of his 
 helplessness, towards the mercy of God, and where lie sees 
 this shown to others, he rejoices in the token that here the 
 very thing has happened for which he himself hopes. In a 
 christian community, experience of the insufficiency of 
 means, employed in dependence on one's own strength, 
 cannot be conceived of as unaccompanied by a reasonable 
 hope in the help of God ; and this help must present itself 
 to the mind, as that wherein it is God's will to glorify 
 himself. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 267 
 
 Now Edwards maintains that " every minister, in such 
 circumstances, will find liimself under a necessity greatly 
 to insist upon it that God is under no manner of obligation 
 to show any mercy to any natural man whose heart is not 
 turned to God; and that a man can challenge nothing, 
 cither in absolute justice or hy free promise, from anything 
 lie does before he has believed in Jesus Christ, or has true 
 repentance begun in him." If indeed no doctrine of Scrip- 
 ture can be alleged in opposition to these grounds of fear, 
 so presented, it may yet well be doubted whether the 
 application of them made in the following passage could bo 
 really salutary : ** I hi.ye found," says Edwards, " that no 
 discourses were more remarkably blessed, than those in 
 which the doctrine of God's absolute sovereignty with re- 
 gard to the sftlvation of sinners, and his just liberty with 
 regard to answering the prayers or succeeding the pains of 
 mere natural men, continuing such, have been insisted on. 
 I have never found so much immediate saving fruit, in any 
 measure, of any discourses I have offered to my congrega- 
 tion, as some from those Avords, Rom. 3: 19, 'That every 
 mouth may be stopped ; ' endeavoring to show from thence 
 that it would be just with God forever to reject and cast 
 off mere natural men." But the persons thus addressed, 
 although they had not, in their spiritual conflict, wholly 
 risen above the stand-point of legal endeavors, were no 
 longer to be designated as mere natural men ; yet, since they 
 had not already experienced in their hearts the word of for- 
 giveness, they must, each in particular, account themselves 
 among the rejected. Hence such expressions as the fol- 
 lowing, which Edwards, however, contemplates as the fruit 
 of a high exercise of grace, in saving repentance, and evan- 
 gelical humiliation : " They found a sort of complacency of 
 soul in the attribute of God's justice, as displayed in his 
 
 22* 
 
258 XEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 threatenings of eternal damnation to sinners. Sometimes 
 at the discovery of it, they can hardly forbear crying out, 
 *'T is just ! "T is just ! ' Some express themselves that 
 they see the glory of God would shine bright in their own 
 condemnation ; and they are ready to think that if they 
 are damned, they could take part with God against them- 
 selves, and would glorify his justice therein." Some ex- 
 pressed to our narrator " a feeling of willingness to be 
 damned." To this he adds, however, that "these persons 
 had, it must be owned, no clear and distinct ideas of dam- 
 nation, nor does any word of the Bible require such a self- 
 denial as this." Could we even regard it as an exalted sense 
 of their unworthiness to be partakers of God's grace ; yet in 
 this tendency of the feelings there ever lies, in connection 
 with the essential contradiction in the mode of expression, 
 great danger, if not of absolute despair, yet of abandon- 
 ment to the severest assaults of despondency. Still, at 
 this time, chiefly through the labors of a pastor well ac- 
 quainted with the condition and wants of the human soul, 
 progress of the most important character succeeded to 
 these legal apprehensions and strivings. We shall now, 
 having thus far shown the process in which old things 
 passed away, proceed to exhibit that, in which all became 
 new. 
 
 As there is but one ground for real disquietude of soul, 
 sin ; so also there is but one ground of peace, namely, the 
 grace of God in Christ. This it was, which after all these 
 conflicts manifested itself in Northampton, and herein was 
 the change thus effected also one and the same. But 
 varied were the forms in which the Lord revealed himself 
 to the perturbed spirits, varied their accounts of what they 
 had experienced. To both these points we will now give 
 our consideration. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 259 
 
 In exact accordance with the individual character, this 
 or that particular attribute of God, of Christ, rose up be- 
 fore the soul which had been penetrated with the sense of 
 its own helplessness. Now it was the thought of God's 
 grace and mercy in general, now of his infinite power to 
 save men and lead them in the way of salvation, now of 
 tlie divine trutli and faitlifulness in reference to particular 
 jtromises. With some, the divinity of Christ as the Son 
 of God, chiefly engaged the thoughts; with others, his 
 reconciling death. Many dwelt chiefly on the obedience 
 or the love of the Saviour, or on the excellence of the way 
 of salvation by Christ, and its correspondence to all their 
 wants. This change was,for the most part, placed in explicit 
 connection with the Holy Scriptures, in some cases with 
 entire passages and a succession of promises, in some, like- 
 wise, with a particular word or a single promise ; while in 
 others the calm began without direct connection, by read- 
 ing or meditation, with any particular portion or expres- 
 sion of Scripture. 
 
 In respect to the accounts given by the persons so af- 
 fected, it was, in most cases, the specific thouglit of 
 Christ, which in this transition gave joy to the soul. With 
 some, however, he was tlie object of the mind in a more 
 implied manner, and they spoke particularly of their sense 
 f the sufliciency of God's grace for them and for the 
 whole world. From a careful weighing of their expres- 
 sions and after searching interrogation, it became clear 
 that the revelation of God's grace in the Gospel formed 
 the ground of their encouragement and hope ; that it was 
 indeed the mercy of God through Christ which had been 
 discovered to them, and that it was this "on which they 
 relied, not upon anything in themselves. Although they 
 had felt the divine call without thinking explicitly of 
 
260 NEW ENGLAXD THEOCRACY. 
 
 Christ, yet afterwards, they were taught by their own ex- 
 periences that it was, nevertheless, the call made by God 
 to sinners through his Son. One peculiarity is especially 
 noticeable. Yery many, after such an effectual working of 
 the Lord upon them, had no idea that such a thing had 
 occurred, but still remained in expectation of something 
 farther, of which they could themselves give no account. 
 In their view, the customary expressions used to describe 
 conversion, and the gracious operations of the Holy Spirit, 
 were not appropriate to their state. Such terms as spirit- 
 ual sight of Christ, faith in Christ, poverty of spirit, trust 
 in God, submission to God, seemed not to produce in them 
 corresponding ideas. Edwards remarks that this imperfect 
 conception of their own state had an essential connection 
 with their former false conceptions of the operations of 
 God's grace, which, indeed, cannot be perceived or under- 
 stood by the natural man. But to this our narrator justly 
 adds, that they were too much filled with the superabun- 
 dance of these new and joyful emotions to institute such 
 examinations in regard to themselves. The fact that re- 
 flection in respect to their state did not predominate in the 
 accounts given by the converts of their first steps of pro- 
 gress in the way of peace, affords indeed a striking proof 
 that these phenomena belonged to their own living expe- 
 rience, and were no deception. And, as the new life had 
 not manifested itself to the awakened precisely according 
 to their preconceived notions, so they were, in general, 
 still less able to fix the time when the first tokens appeared 
 that the gracious impressions had become effectual. With 
 many, the enlightening was of a more gradual character, 
 and by such, as Edwards very beautifully remarks, the first 
 dawning which precedes the full light was often wholly 
 overlooked. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 261 
 
 The path, from the starting point of the christian life to 
 its final goal, is not hero on earth an entirely smooth one. 
 Even where the consciousness of divine assistance has been 
 added to the experience of its power, there intervenes a 
 time of conflict- and temptation. Thus also in Northamp- 
 ton, there appeared in individual cases a resistance, more 
 or less strong, to a progressive development of the awak- 
 enings, manifesting itself partly in renewed disquietude, 
 partly in a returning indifference. The distress occasioned 
 by this new interruption of a steady course of progress 
 must needs be more severe than that previously felt, in 
 proportion as it was connected with the remembrance of 
 what had been already experienced. Here now Edwards 
 believed himself called on to assist the work by directing 
 attention to what had been already attained. "Where, for 
 instance, the declarations and the whole temper, of one 
 thus suffering from renewed doubts, justified the firm con- 
 viction of his converted state, Edwards did not hesitate to 
 express such a conviction. He compares persons in this 
 condition, to "seed in the spring suppressed under a hard 
 clod of earth ;" as this is quickened by the warm beams of 
 the sun, so has the hope presented to the doubting chased 
 away that despondency which enveloped and concealed the 
 inner spiritual life. The indifference, which manifested 
 itself here and there, was counteracted by turning the eye 
 towards those who were hastening onward in the new 
 state. In a certain condition of mind, knowledge of the 
 progress of others in the kingdom of God, may, as we have 
 already seen, awaken a spirit of wicked envy, and lead to 
 sullen obduracy ; for the present stage reference to what 
 had been attained by some, was held by Edwards, certainly 
 on just grounds, to be an efiicient means of quickening 
 others. But he adds the cautious remaik : " I have often 
 
262 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 signified to my people how unable man is to know an- 
 other's heart, and how unsafe it is depending on the judg- 
 ment of ministers or others ; and I have abundantly in- 
 sisted on it with them, that a manifestation of sincerity in 
 works brought forth, is better than any manifestation they 
 can make of it in words alone, and that, without this, all 
 pretences to spiritual experiences are vain." 
 
 The principal means for counteracting these interrup- 
 tions, as well as of forwarding the work begun, were found 
 in the study of the Scriptures and the truths of the Gos- 
 pel. At this point we will add some remarks of our nar- 
 rator, before proceeding to a description of the final stage 
 of these religious awakenings. As did the commencement, 
 so the progress of this change stood in a connection more 
 or less explicit, with sentences of Scripture. Comforting 
 and instructive passages presented themselves to the minds 
 of the anxious, often in a manner which was wholly inex- 
 plicable. For the most part, indeed, it was while led by 
 God into such states of feeling and to such reflections as 
 were in harmony with the texts of Scripture, that they 
 came, as it were on a sudden, to their remembrance. But 
 often, as Edwards thinks, an immediate influence of the 
 Spirit of God must be presupposed, in order to explain the 
 recollection of passages so remarkably adapted to the 
 special case ; though the use of the memory as the medium 
 is, indeed, not to be excluded. 
 
 The efiect of this comfort and instruction from the word 
 of God, as well as of that derived from preaching, was a 
 living conviction of the truth of what was taught in the 
 Gospel. Here too was manifested a difference in the mode 
 of experience, particularly in a twofold direction. In some, 
 it M-as more like an instantaneous conviction, seizing posses- 
 sion of the entire man. " They were, " so they declared, 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 263 
 
 " as far from doubting the divinity of the Gospel, as they 
 were from doubting whether there be a sun, when their eyes 
 are open in the midst of a clear hemisphere and the strong 
 blaze of his light overcomes all objections against his be- 
 ing." On being questioned, they were able to assign no 
 other reason for their convictions than that " they saw them 
 to be true ; " but from more particular inquiry it became 
 evident that these truths had indeed been the object of in- 
 tuitive perception and immediate experience. They were 
 not able indeed to retain such a clear discovery of them at 
 all times in equal measure. When, for a season, their living 
 spiritual feeling suffered a decrease, the medium of convic- 
 tion seemed to them to have withdrawn itself; but, if their 
 assurance had been genuine, it again revived " like fire that 
 lay hid in ashes." In others, on the contrary, it was more 
 through attention to some single prominent doctrines of the 
 Scriptures, whose grounds of evidence became clear to them 
 partly from the teachings of the pulpit, partly from their 
 own meditations, that full conviction was attained. These 
 were indeed already known to them ; but they now came 
 with a new and before unexperienced power. "Before, 
 they had heard it was so, and they allowed it to be so ; but 
 now they see it to be so indeed. Things now look exceed- 
 ing plain to them, and they wonder that they did not see 
 them before. They are so greatly taken with their new dis- 
 covery, and things appear so plain and rational to them, 
 that they are at first ready to think they can convince oth- 
 ers, and are apt to engage in talk with almost every one 
 they meet, to this end ; and when they are disappointed, 
 are ready to wonder that their reasonings make no more 
 impression." But these persons also, who had attained to 
 conviction by a more gradual process, were still liable, oft- 
 entimes, to be again disturbed by doubt. Some of this 
 
264 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACY. 
 
 class were disquieted in respect to the nature of the work 
 in them, on account of its having taken place in so natural 
 a manner ; erroneously supposing that the divine purpose 
 cannot be attained by a method which seems purely human. 
 It is worthy of notice that the truths which had been so 
 often heard and read, now presented themselves to the 
 mind as something entirely new. Some found, they said, 
 in the familiar pages of the Bible, "new chapters, new 
 psalms, new histories." It was they who were changed; 
 within themselves all had become new. 
 
 In the state of calmness which succeeded those agonies 
 and terrors, Christ became the object towards which the 
 the soul was turned, and the inward work was subjected, 
 by those who had experienced it, to the strictest scrutiny 
 by the word of God. This alike guarded them against er- 
 rors and secured their progress in the right way. Nor was 
 the peace now withheld which the Lord promises to his own. 
 They hardly knew how to paint the joy which had taken 
 up its abode in their hearts. They described themselves as 
 swallowed up in longing after God and Christ, as ravished 
 with the delightful contemplation of the glory and wonder- 
 ful grace of God, and of the excellency and dying love of 
 Jesus Christ. Even younger members of the congregation 
 expressed themselves in the same manner, and declared 
 their willingness to forsake father and mother and all things 
 in the world, in order to be with Christ. In some, the 
 bodily strength could hardly sustain the inward experience ; 
 nay, it seemed as if the body must dissolve, if that fulness 
 of manifestation should be any more increased. 
 
 Certainly, one would not venture to measure the lan- 
 guage of christian exaltation in such circumstances, by the 
 standard of expression belonging to a quiet and ordinary 
 tone of feeling ; it is by other signs that the product of 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 2G5 
 
 GocVs spirit is to be distinguished from self-seeking fimati- 
 cism. P'ree from the airs of assumption, self-deception, and 
 self-conceit, these persons were characterized by a spirit of 
 meekness, and unassuming humility, mingled with distrust 
 of their own power, and a lowly estimate of their own 
 capacities. None were so deeply convinced of their need 
 of being taught, none so ready and eager to receive in- 
 struction. Free from self-exaltation in respect to men, 
 they bowed with continual and unfeigned humility before 
 Go'.l, ascribing that which w^as done in them in no way to 
 their own strength and righteousness, but solely to the 
 quickening power derived from Christ. They declared, 
 also, that what they sometimes experienced in especially 
 favored moments, it was beyond their power to express in 
 words ; that all the pains and trouble they had taken in 
 seeking salvation was not to be once compared with their 
 present joy and satisfaction ; and that in contrast \vith 
 these all earthly pleasures seem mean and worthless. Yet 
 they did not feel themselves disturbed or troubled by a 
 look towards eaith ; on the contrary, all around them re- 
 ceived a new charm through their inward joy. "All 
 things abroad, the sun, moon and stars, the clouds and sky, 
 the heavens and earth, appeared, as it were, with a cast of 
 divine glory and sweetness upon them." And as the con- 
 templation of outward nature harmonized with and ex- 
 alted their affections, even so was it with the thought 
 of redemption. Here, the former conflict in their souls, 
 if it had not terminated, had as it were receded into the 
 background. The chief object of their joy was not so 
 much the consciousness of being saved from sin arid pun- 
 ishment, as that of being partakers of divine grace, confi- 
 dence in Christ as their guide to future glory. There 
 seemed to be in their hearts but one complaint ; the com- 
 
 23 
 
266 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 plaint that with all their desire, all their longing to praise 
 God, they could not do it worthily, even wher^, in contem- 
 plation of the creation around them and the redemption 
 within them, they were filled with peace and joy and per- 
 fect satisfaction. 
 
 Besides these eifects, which, being more or less wrought 
 within, hardly reveal themselves in their peculiar and en- 
 tire significance to the eye of the beholder, there were not 
 wanting visible good fruits brought forth by the good tree. 
 Mutual affection united those who had become sharers in 
 such glorious manifestations, and many expressed the love 
 they felt towards all mankind, even toAvards those who 
 had hitherto been least friendly to themselves. "N"ever 
 was so much . done in confessing injuries and making up 
 difierences, as in this year." This love was mingled also 
 with a heartfelt desire for the salvation of others. But 
 with a living activity for this end, on the part of those so 
 highly favored, they yet recognized the distinction between 
 that which was essential and common to all, salvation in 
 Christ, and that which was special and varied, the way 
 thither and the outward expression. Keeping their hearts 
 open, moreover, to the truth that the leadings of God in 
 this respect are manifold, they were not disposed to make 
 their own experiences a standard for others, but refrained 
 from censoriousness and strove to increase in charity, as in 
 the manifestation of faith. At the same time, there grew 
 up also a very endearing relation between the church and 
 its pastor ; diligent attendance at the house of God, living 
 sympathy for the preaching of the gospel, and strict obser- 
 vance of the Sabbath were united with eager study of the 
 Bible, particularly of the New Testament, the Psalms, and 
 the Prophecy of Isaiah. And this use of the means of 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 267 
 
 grncc, this occupation in religious things, seemed not like a 
 duty and a task, but a satisfaction and a joy. 
 
 VTc lavc yet to add, in respect to tlie outward spread 
 and extension of these phenomena, that tlie influence was 
 sliared by the immediate vicinity at an early period. The 
 accounts of what was occurring in Northampton drew 
 thither many strangers, and in such cases, as well as in 
 that of accidental visitors, the feeling of astonishment 
 often ended in personal participation. These persons, 
 returning to their own congregations, awakened there the 
 same excitement, though perhaps in a low^er degree. But, 
 as a general thing, its spread was limited to the immediate 
 neighborhood of Northampton, or at farthest, to the county 
 of Hampshire. Nor does there seem to have been any 
 very close connection among these movements, except that 
 the report of similar occun*ences in other places heightened 
 and promoted the progress of the work in Northampton 
 itself. Here the change extended itself to all ranks, condi- 
 tions and ages ; while not only those who had passed the 
 tenn of middle life, but even little (children gave the most 
 striking proofs of a vitalizing religious influence. A large 
 part of the inhabitants of Northampton had never become 
 members of the church in full fellow^ship. Edwards reports, 
 that before one celebration of the sacrament ^ about one 
 hundred were admitted, eighty of them at one time, on the 
 open, explicit profession of Christianity. From subsequent 
 events it indeed appears, that it was not a profession in 
 the strict sense of the covenant of the first Congregation- 
 alists, although, certainly, Edwards wa.s already unfavora- 
 ble to the peculiar views of his grandfather. 
 
 After quiet mature reflection and careful severe discrim- 
 ination, it was Edwards's opinion that the number of those 
 
 1 It was celebrated in this church once in eight weeks. 
 
268 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 who had been savingly converted through the influence of 
 this awakening was not far from three hundred. The 
 number of communicants embraced nearly the entire body 
 of adults, being six hundred and twenty j^ersons, out of 
 two hundred families. 
 
 Before proceeding to a representation of the decline of 
 this religious interest, and the transition to a state of quiet, 
 Edwards communicates, in the third and fourth divisions 
 of his letter, some apologetic observations together with a 
 narrative of two indi^ddual cases. The relations given by 
 some church-members, of what they had seen in moments 
 of exaltation, seemed to furnish gi'ound for the oft-repeated 
 imputation of enthusiasm. Edwards says : " There have 
 indeed been some few instances of impressions on persons' 
 imaginations, that have been something mysterious to me, 
 and I have been at a loss about them ; for though it has 
 been exceeding evident to me, by many things that ai>- 
 peared in them, both then (when they related them) and 
 afterwards, that they had indeed a great sense of the spir- 
 itual excellency of divine things accompanying them ; yet 
 I have not been able well to satisfy myself, whether their 
 imaginary ideas have been more than could naturally arise 
 from their spiritual sense of things. However, I have used 
 the utmost caution in such cases; great care has been 
 taken both in public and in private, to teach persons the 
 difference between what is spiritual and what is merely 
 imaginary. I have often warned persons not to lay the 
 stress of their hope on any ideas of any outward glory, or 
 any external thing whatsoever; and havie met with no 
 opposition in such instructions." It happened that some 
 persons associated what was passing with such living real- 
 ity in their minds, with corresponding images ; as for ex- 
 ample, with the inward sense of what they had attained 
 
NEW ENGLAND TUEOCRACY. 2C9 
 
 through Christy they received the impression of an imago 
 of the crucified Saviour. But this, as Edwards justly 
 remarks, is no cause of wonder to those wlio liavc observed 
 liow strong excitement, in regard even to tenii)oral matters, 
 will excite lively ideas and manifold pictures in the mind. 
 In regard to a second objection, that these religious exj)c- 
 riences formed so exclusively the subject of convereation 
 in Northampton at this time, nothing more is to be said 
 than that it lay in the very nature of the circumstances. 
 An excitement like this, interesting at the same time all 
 the inhabitants of a place alike, would make itself the sub- 
 ject of discourse when they met. It is indeed not to be 
 expected that the communications will in all cases be made 
 in an equally discreet manner, or will always produce good 
 results ; but in general, Edwards saw the most beneficial 
 results from these narrations of personal experience. 
 
 There is something peculiar in the choice of examples 
 given in the fourth chapter; it seems to have been guided 
 by the desire, certainly a commendable one, that the j)ub- 
 lished account of what had been experienced in an indi- 
 vidual case should not, by any chance, fall into the hands 
 of the person himself. A young woman, Abigail Hutchin- 
 son by name, having had her attention awakened by the 
 first of the deaths before-mentioned, was exceedingly dis- 
 turbed in mind ; but after a violent inward conflict soon 
 attained to the consciousness of inward peace. During an 
 agonizing sickness, she manifested a spirit of entire submis- 
 sion. A few months after this change, she died of actual 
 starvation, her neck being so swollen that she could take 
 no nourishment ; yet as long as she could speak, she ex- 
 pressed by words her joj-ful state of mind, and by signs 
 and gestures manifested the same through her long pro- 
 tracted death-struggles to the very end. The second ex- 
 
 23* 
 
270 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ample was designed to exhibit the participation of chil- 
 dren, even of the tenderest age, in the general religious 
 interest. Edwards presents the case of a child of four 
 years, concerning which the London editor justly remarks, 
 that the language of children loses its peculiar charm for 
 one who does not himself see and hear. In this case, even 
 the language seems to have undergone a certain change 
 and remoulding, so that her thoughts on the salvation of 
 the soul, and the feeling of anxiety for others, in this re- 
 spect seem rather like expressions belonging to a mature 
 age. It cannot be denied that the very earliest age is sus- 
 ceptible of a religious influence, and that this may also be 
 communicated, as it were involuntarily, from the childish 
 stand-point. But favorable as a time like that under con- 
 sideration might be to such a development, it is precisely 
 at such a time that it is most difiicult, if not impossible, to 
 distinguish what has really been wrought in the soul from 
 the effect of mere outward imitation. 
 
 To that time of spiritual excitement succeeded of neces- 
 sity a period of greater calm, which, on the whole, was 
 -not without tokens of the richest fruit. Nevertheless, a 
 growing coldness made itself apparent, in part under the 
 form of opposition to the phenomena here described. The 
 exciting cause is worthy of notice, being attributable to 
 that tendency to melancholy humor, or morbid self-inspec- 
 tion before adverted to. The solicitude to penetrate into 
 the depths of one's own spirit does indeed impress on the 
 individual the conviction of his own state, and break down 
 the proud heart; but it obstructs his access to the only 
 true help, and furnishes a nourishment to the dejected 
 heart which leads to despair. In the midst of the time of 
 most vivid religious interest, a person under overwhelming 
 distress of mind made the attempt to commit suicide. It 
 
NEW ENGLAJO) ^^HEOCRACY. 271 
 
 was without effect, and ho afterwards sincerely repented 
 for having yielded so far to the temptations of his own 
 heart. But about a year after the firet tokens of the awak- 
 ening made their appearance, another pei*son succeeded in 
 the terrible design. He was a man of more than ordinary 
 intellectual gifts, strictly moral in his couree of life, out- 
 wardly religious, skilful in business, and very highly re- 
 spected in the town ; but partaking of a strong fiimily ten- 
 dency to melancholy, by which his mother also had lost 
 her life. During the whole year he had been earnestly 
 concerned about the state of his soul, and although there 
 was in his experience much of a hopeful and cheering 
 character, he did not venture to entertain any such hope 
 for himself He consequently grew disheartened, and his 
 melancholy gained such power over him that ho becamo 
 incapable of receiving counsel or listening to reason. 
 Whole nights he remained awake meditating terrors, so 
 that he scarcely slept at all for a long time together. At 
 length it was noticed that he was scarcely capable of man- 
 aging his ordinary business ; and at the coroner's inquest, 
 he was judged to have been in a state of delirium. After 
 this occurrence, many complained of being affected with 
 similar temptations. Just at this time certain fmatics 
 made their appearance, who busied themselves, in part, with 
 persuading persons in that melancholy and anxious condi- 
 tion that they could be helped by repeating over certain 
 consolatory forms of prayer ; in part, with preaching that 
 the last times promised in the Scriptures had now come. 
 One man who had made himself especially conspicuous in 
 this way, afterwards confessed the error into which he had 
 fallen, and lamented the injury done thereby; but the 
 legitimate consequences of egotistic fanaticism followed, in 
 a growing spirit of worldliness and coldness. To this was 
 
272 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 superadded the dissipating influence of various matters, 
 which just at that time occupied in a special manner the 
 attention of the people of Northampton ; among others, a 
 visit from the governor of the colony, the public meetings 
 held in reference to the treaty of peace with the Indians, 
 and the controversy in a neighboring town respecting the 
 choice of a minister. Still, however, the blessed influence 
 of these manifestations had not disappeared ; as it still 
 lived for individuals, so also did it reveal itself in the sus- 
 ceptibility of the neighboring region and of all New Eng- 
 land for a similar quickening. 
 
 THE GREAT REVIVAL. 
 
 Although the revival of the year 1735 extended only to 
 the immediate vicinity of Northampton, and again de- 
 clined in the town itself, it had awakened the utmost at- 
 tention through all New England, as already seen in the 
 interest which it excited in London and in the notices of 
 it by Watts and Guyse. It recalled the times of the first 
 settlement of the colonies ; the degeneracy of the present 
 state was clearly seen and deeply felt. This manifested 
 itself most conspicuously in Boston, the scene of labor to 
 so many remarkable men. In the year 1739, George 
 Whitefield, the celebrated founder of Methodism, made 
 his second visit to America. The colony of Georgia, which 
 had been settled a few years before, principally engaged 
 his energies ; but his powerful and eflTective preaching was 
 heard also on his travels through Carolina, Virginia, Mary- 
 land, Philadelphia and New York. The report of his dis- 
 tinguished gifts and wonderful success, procured him an 
 invitation to Boston. On the 14th of September 1740, he 
 landed at Newport in Rhode Island, where he remained 
 
NEW ENGLAND TIIOCRACY. 278 
 
 tliroe days. The invitation had not proceeded merely from 
 1 >rivate citizens ; as he approached Boston, he was received 
 by the son of tlic Governor, with several clergymen and 
 many of the principal inhabitants, who conducted him to 
 a dwelling expressly prepared for liis reception. During 
 Iiis two months stay, he not only preached in Boston, but 
 travelled through New England, and made a visit to Ed- 
 wards. He then returned to Boston, and directed his 
 coui*se through Hartford and New Haven to the more 
 southern colonies. The result of this visit surpassed all ex- 
 pectation. The same spirit which had been witnessed in 
 Northampton spread through the whole country, and its 
 manifestations were characterized no less by the active 
 zeal of the ministei*s than by the sympathy of the churches. 
 Voices from every quarter of New England extolled the 
 new work, as the revival of the pnmitive religious si)irit. 
 Out of a multitude of testimonials to the eloquence of 
 Whitefield, and to his zeal in the cause of the Lord, we se- 
 lect the following words from a clergyman's letter: "Among 
 the good efiects of his preaching on the churches, it is es- 
 ])ecially worthy of remark, that the word preached by us 
 now seems more precious and acts with greater power." 
 An aged preacher, the successor of John Ehot, exclaimed : 
 " The old days of New England are revived ! " White- 
 field, who had preached his farewell discourse in Boston to 
 an audience of twenty thousand pei-sons, and who could 
 not but wish to contribute all in his power to the continu- 
 imce and promotion of the work, on his return to New- 
 Jersey persuaded Gilbert Tennant, a distinguished minister 
 in that colony, to go to New England. He was received 
 "with joy, and the blessing which attended his preaching in 
 the year 1741 was generally acknowledged. 
 
 Tliis labor of itinerant preachers was evidently some- 
 
274 NE^T ENGLAND THEOCRACT. 
 
 thing out of tlie orclinaiy course, but seems justified by the 
 manifest coldness and indifference of many ministers at 
 tliat time, and by the general recognition of the call to 
 such a work. Esj^ecially was this true of Whitefield ; of 
 whom also it is recorded, that his aim in j^reaching was not 
 a display of his personal gifts of eloquence, but simply and 
 above all things, to show forth the truth of the gosj^el itself 
 It was on this that thoughtful men grounded their hope of 
 a safe and permanent impression. In consequence of the 
 continued religious interest, and of the destitution made 
 known in various directions, perhaj)s encouraged also by 
 Whitefield's appeal to Tennant and the successful labors 
 of the latter, many clergymen now thought they found in 
 the revival of their own religious feelings the proper call 
 and the complete qualification for traversing New England 
 as evangelists. Although successful in awakening a living 
 interest in single localities, although it was in the exercise 
 of true zeal in the cause of God, free from spiritual pride, 
 that they felt themselves impelled to this course ; yet in 
 the misconception of their position lay from the first an 
 occasion for the abuses and disorders which followed, as 
 well as for the development of an opposing party. Many, 
 for instance, took it upon themselves to preach among the 
 churches without waiting for any outward call, and thus 
 the most favorable result might be nothing more than per- 
 sonal attachment to themselves. But these revivals among 
 the Congregationalists of New England, which are to be 
 contemplated as religious movements on ground already 
 occupied by vital Christianity, must strengthen to the 
 utmost the relation of pastor and people, if they would 
 remain ti-ue to their peculiar character, and be attended by 
 enduring results. The experimental knowledge of Christ 
 by faith is indeed a call to preach the gospel; but the 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 275 
 
 \-ainple of another instrument of the Lord, difTcrcntly 
 gifted and differently called from ourselves, is not a reason 
 for forsaking our ai)propriate and appointed si)hcrc. 
 
 DISTURBINO AND HOSTILE INFLUENCES. 
 
 The appearance of itinerant preachers was indeed hailed 
 in many i)laces with great joy, and was regarded as a token 
 of God's special favor to these awakenings. Opposition to 
 it Iflhst manifested itself in Connecticut, where a rigid or- 
 ganization and method had obtained since the adoption of 
 tlie Saybrook Platform. So early as November 1741, a 
 general consociation, assembled at Guilford, declared it 
 disorderly for any minister to enter the parish of another, 
 for the purpose of preaching and administering the sacra- 
 ments, without or against the consent of the latter. In 
 the year 1742, specific regulations in regard to this matter 
 Mere drafted and laid before the Legislature, by whom 
 they were made legal enactments. According to these, 
 any preacher who should enter uninvited a parish not 
 under his charge, or should take part in an association 
 wliich intrudes on the limits of another by the licensing or 
 rdination of a candidate, shall be excluded from the ben- 
 lit of any laws made for the support of the ministry. And 
 every layman, under like circumstances, should pay a fine 
 uf one hundred pounds and give security for his good be- 
 havior. And any foreigner, whether minister or not, 
 should be dealt with as a vagrant, and be sent from con- 
 stable to constable, oiit of the bounds of the colony.* At 
 the ground of these proceedings there was, unfortunately 
 for the interests of this work, not merely a prejudice against 
 
 1 Under this law, no less a person than Samuel Fluley, aftcrwanls Pres- 
 ident of Princeton College, was arrested and curried out of the colony as 
 
 a vagrant, Ta. 
 
276 NEW ENGLAND TlIEOCllACY. 
 
 the special phase, but a decided avei-sion to everything 
 wliich might disturb the quiet course of established forms. 
 If in Massachusetts the religious decline manifested itself 
 more as indifference, in Connecticut it was rather the rig- 
 idity of torpor. The opposition, proceeding from this quar- 
 ter, which refused to recognize what was true and vital in 
 these manifestations, produced its natural result, excess on 
 the other side. Many ministers felt themselves justified, 
 by the extraordinary interest in hearing the word which 
 still continued among the people, to abandon their churclies 
 in order to preach in various places; and the same was 
 done by many laymen. The prospect of becoming martyrs 
 to the cause seems not to have been without its charm in 
 these cases. Among those who espoused this side, James 
 Davenport, a highly gifted minister, a grandson of the cel- 
 ebrated John Davenport, took the most decided ground 
 and exerted the most j^ernicious influence. Leaving his 
 church on Long Island, he repaired to Connecticut, where 
 he felt it his special duty to bear testimony against uncon- 
 verted ministers. After experiencing some j^ersecutions 
 here, he came to Boston ; but his jireaching and expres- 
 sions were of such a character that most of the ministei^ 
 united, July 1st 1742, in signing the following declaration : 
 " He appears to us to be truly pious, and we hope God has 
 used him as an instrument of good to many souls ; yet we 
 judge it our duty to bear testimony against the following 
 particulars. 1. His being acted much by sudden impulses. 
 2. His judging some ministers in Long Island and New 
 England to be unconverted ; and thinking himself called 
 of God to demand of his brethren, from place to place, an 
 account of then* regenerate state, when, or in what manner 
 the Holy Spirit wrought upon and renewed them. 3. His 
 going with his friends, singing through the streets and 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 277 
 
 highways, to and from the houses of worship, on Lord's 
 days and other days. 4. Ilis encouraging private brethren 
 to pray and exhort in assemblies gathered for that purpose. 
 "We judge it therefore our present duty not to invite him 
 into our places of worship, as otherwise we might readily 
 have done." This, however, did not hinder Davenport, 
 while in Boston, from undertaking to examine each of the 
 ministers in private and then report publicly against them, 
 denouncing some as unconverted and calling on the people 
 to separate from them. In this manner he traversed the 
 country; but, on his return to Boston in August 1742, he 
 was imprisoned and brought to court for trial on a charge 
 of slandering the ministers. The jury, however, judged 
 him to be 7ion compos metitis, and on that ground acquitted 
 him. Thence he returned to Long Island, but again came 
 to New London in Connecticut, where, in connection with 
 some others, he ran into extremes^ still more surprising. 
 Through these proceedings, esi)ecially through the preach- 
 ing of laymen wholly uncalled to the work, great scandal 
 came upon the cause. The ministers of Massachusetts, who 
 had experienced in their congregations the manifold bless- 
 ings of the time, recorded their testimony against these 
 en-ors at their annual meeting on the 25th of May 1743. 
 But in order to give more effect to their action, all the 
 brethren who were fevorably inclined to the work itself 
 were requested either to appear personally at a meeting to 
 be held in July, there to express their minds on the subject, 
 or to send in their thoughts in writing. Sixty-eight minis- 
 
 1 Having first burnt a considerable number of books which they consid- 
 ered erroneous, they were about to destroy a quantity of fine clothing and 
 ornaments, under the pretence of putting an end to idolatry; but this 
 was stopped by a man who remarked to Davenport: " If all my idols are 
 to be burnt, you will be the first." 
 
 24 
 
278 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 ters met and signed a letter testifying, as a matter of their 
 own knowledge, that an incredible number of persons had 
 been awakened, after a true acquaintance with their state as 
 sinners, to a new life through faith in Christ ; and they ex- 
 pressed their decided disaiDproval of the charge made by 
 some, that all these phenomena were nothing but enthusi- 
 asm, delusion, and disorder. At the same time, they 
 lamented the tares which had been sown among the wheat ; 
 specifying as such the tendency, manifested here and there, 
 to make inward impressions the criterion of conduct with- 
 out due regard to the written word, but more especially the 
 invasion of the regular ministerial office, and the distrust 
 awakened between ministers and people. Similar declara- 
 tions were sent in by forty-three other preachers. But this 
 expression, though so generally approved, and discriminat- 
 ing so clearly between the nature of the thing and its 
 abuses, was not followed by the expected results. Decided 
 opposers took the field, and the revivals themselves began 
 to decline. Edwards had shortly before published his cele- 
 brated " Thoughts on Revivals." To counteract this work, 
 the Rev. Dr. Chauncey, who was generally regarded as the 
 chief promoter of the Arminian and Unitarian tendency, 
 now made a journey through the colonies of New England, 
 New York, and New Jersey, collecting materials for a vir- 
 ulent reply to Edwards, which he published in 1743. It 
 found special favor with the higher classes. It seems also not 
 to have been without influence on the proceedings in Con- 
 necticut, where the above-mentioned acts w^ere now act- 
 ually put in j)ractice, in the persecution of those who were 
 striving to rekindle the spirit which was already on the 
 wane. On the one side, the adventitious element had 
 gained too Avide a hold ; while on the other, in the assault 
 thus made on the fundamental doctrines of Scripture, indif- 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 279 
 
 ference found the opiate and the cloak for which it asked. 
 Davenjx)!! came to a just sense of his conduct, and having 
 drawn up a confession of liis errors, lamenting what he had 
 said and done, sent his retraction to a minister in Boston 
 for publication. But it was too late for the removal of the 
 prejudices which had been imbibed. Enemies had too well 
 used the opportunity for bringing the work itself into sus- 
 picion, to allow of its now being retrieved by its friends. 
 How greatly all had changed is most clearly seen in the 
 cool, nay, to some extent, the hostile reception experienced 
 by Whitcfield on his renewed visit in the year 1745. Not 
 only was he assailed by individual ministers and associa- 
 tions ; but the colleges of Cambridge and New Haven, the 
 former of which had extolled the blessed influence of his 
 labors at his first coming, now entered the lists against him, 
 with special animosity. With the declining fellowship for 
 the revivals vanished also the revived interest in religion. 
 It is indeed a peculiar indication of the state of disunion 
 which followed, that when Edwards, some years after, 
 declared himself decidedly against regarding the Lord's 
 Supi^er as a converting ordinance, he encountered such 
 opposition in his church as obliged him to quit the place 
 where he had been so favored an instrument of the Lord ; 
 and the consociation before which the controversy with the 
 church was tried, declared their adhesion to Stoddard's 
 view. To what a degree political interest swallowed up all 
 others in New England during the succeeding period, and 
 the desolating ravages of unbelief within the church kept 
 pace with those of the war without, we have already men- 
 tioned. 
 
 The genuine religious element, out of which had grown 
 the colonization and primitive constitution of New England, 
 
280 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 has again presented itself to view, in recent times. The 
 l^rofessed disciples of the Lord in that land, now look back 
 with joy upon the labors and the influence of their progeni- 
 tors. The most recent revival of the religious spirit has 
 been connected with phenomena similar to those described 
 in this chapter ; but they have not been confined to one 
 church-party merely, and on that very account vary in form 
 and significance among themselves. For exhibiting them, 
 a characterization of the evangelical churches of North 
 America is needed, as well as an exposition of the relation, 
 now fully established, of a total separation of Church and 
 State. Such being the case, they belong to the depart- 
 ment of ecclesiastical statistics, and are foreign to the object, 
 of this work, whose aim it was to exhibit the progressive 
 development of the New England church-constitution, and 
 the phenomena with which the change in that constitution 
 was accompanied. 
 
APPENDIXES. 
 
 24* 
 
APPENDIX I 
 
 EOBINSOITS LETTER TO THE LEYDEN EMIGRAKTS, 
 JULY 27, 1620. 
 
 Loving Christian Friends, 
 
 I do heartily and in the Lprd salute you, as being those with 
 whom I am present in my best afTections, and most earnest longings 
 after you, though I be constrained for a while to be bodily absent 
 from you: I say constrained; Grod knowing how willingly, and 
 much rather than otherwise, I would have borne my part with you 
 in the first brunt, were I not by strong necessity held back for the 
 ]ircsent Make account of me in the meantime as a man divided in 
 myself, with great pain (and as natural bonds set aside) having my 
 better part with you ; and although I doubt not, but in your godly 
 wisdoms you both foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth 
 your present state and condition, both severally and jointly, yet 
 have I thought it but my duty to add some further spur of provoca- 
 tion unto them who run already, if not because you need it, yet 
 because I owe it in love and duty. 
 
 And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our God, 
 especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown tres- 
 piisses ; so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions 
 of such difficulty and danger as lieth upon you, to both a narrow search 
 and careful reformation in his sight, lest he calling to remembrance 
 our sins forgotten by us, or unrepented of, take advantage against 
 us, and in judgment leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or 
 another ; whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest 
 repentance, and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up to a 
 man's conscience by his spirit, great shall be his security and peace 
 in all dangers, sweet his comforts in all distresses, with happy deliv- 
 
284 NEW ENGLAND THEOCKACY. 
 
 erance from all evil, whether in life or death. Now next after this 
 heavenly peace with God and our own consciences, we are carefulh' 
 to provide for peace with all men, what in us lieth, especially with 
 our associates ; and for that, watchfulness must be had, that we nei- 
 ther at all ourselves do give, no, nor easily take offence being given 
 by others. Wo be to tlie world for offences^ for although it be neces- 
 sary, considering the malice of Satan and man's corruption, tliat of- 
 fences come, yet wo unto the man, or woman either, by luhom the 
 offence cometh, saith Christ, Matt, xviii. 7. And if offences in the 
 unseasonable use of things, in themselves indifferent, be more to be 
 feared than death itself, as the apostle teacheth, 1 Cor. ix. 15, how 
 much more in things simply evil, in which neither the honor of God 
 nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded ? Neither yet is 
 it sufficient that we keep ourselves, by the grace of God, from giving 
 offences, except withal we be armed against the taking of them, 
 when they are given by others ; for how imperfect and lame is the 
 work of grace in that person, who wants charity to cover a multitude 
 of offences ? as the scripture speaks. Neither are you to be exhorted 
 to this grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity, which 
 are, that persons ready to take offence, either want charity to cover 
 offences, or duly to weigh human frailties; or, lastly, are gross 
 though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth, Matt. vii. 1-3 ; 
 as indeed in my own experience, few or none have been found 
 which sooner give offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have 
 they ever proved sound and profitable members ' in societies, who 
 have nourished this touchy humor. But besides these, there are 
 divers motives provoking you above others to great care and con- 
 science in this way ; as first, there are many of you strangers to the 
 persons, so to the infirmities of one another, and so stand in need of 
 more watchfulness this way, lest when such things fall out in men 
 and women as you expected not, you be inordinately affected with 
 them, which doth require at your hands much wisdom and charity 
 for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And 
 lastly, your intended course of civil community will minister contin- 
 ual occasion of offence, and will be as fuel for that fire, except you 
 diligently watch it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking offence 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 285 
 
 uisclcssly or easily of men's doings bo so carefully to be avoided; 
 
 how nmfh more lieed is to hv taken that we take not ofTence at God 
 himself? Which yet we certainly do, so oil as we do murmur at his 
 jirovidences in our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions where- 
 with he is pleased to visit us. Store up therefore patience against 
 the evil day ; without which we take offence at the Lohl himself in 
 his just works. A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, 
 viz., that with your common employments, you join common affec- 
 tions, truly bent upon the general good, avoiding as a deadly plague 
 of your both common and special comforts, all retiredness of mind 
 f>r proper advantage; and all singularly affected every manner of 
 ay, let every man repress in himself, and the whole body in each 
 person, as so many rebels against the common good, all private re- 
 spects ofmerCs selves, not sorting with the general convenience. And 
 as men are careful not to have a new house shaken with any vio- 
 lence, before it be well settled, and the parts firmly knit ; so be you, 
 I beseech you, my brethren, much more careful that the house of 
 God, which you are and are to be, be shaken with unnecessary nov- 
 elties, or other oppositions, at the first settling thereof. 
 
 Lastly, whereas you are to become a body i)olitic, using amongst 
 yourselves civil government, and are not furnished with special emi- 
 nency above the rest, to be chosen by you into office of government, 
 let your wisdom and godliness appear, not only in choosing such 
 persons as do entirely love, and will promote the common good ; but 
 also in yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in their law- 
 ful administrations, not beholding in them the ordinariness of their 
 persons, but God's ordinance for your good; not being like the fool- 
 ish multitude, who more honor the gay coat, than either the virtuous 
 mind of the man, or the glorious onlinance of the Lord ; but you 
 know better things, and that the image of the Lord's power and 
 authority, which the magistrate beareth, is honorable, in how mean 
 person soever ; and this duty you may the more willingly, and ought 
 the more conscionably to perform, because you are, at least for the 
 present, to have them for your ordinary governors, which yourselves 
 shall make choice of for that work. Sundry other things of impor- 
 tance I could put you in mind of, and of those before-mentioned, in 
 
286 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 more words ; but I will not so far wrong your godly minds, as to 
 think you heedless of these things, there being also divers among you 
 so well able both to admonish themselves and others of what concern- 
 eth them. These few things therefore, and the same in few words, I 
 do earnestly commend to your care and conscience, joining therein 
 with my daily incessant prayers" unto the Lord, that he who has 
 made the heavens and the earth, and sea, and all rivers of waters, 
 and whose providence is over all his works, especially over all his 
 dear children for good, would so guide and guard you in your ways, 
 as inwardly by his spirit, so outwardly by the hand of his power, as 
 that both you, and we also for and'with you, may have after matter 
 of praising his name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you 
 well in him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest, an unfeigned 
 well-wisher to your happy success in this hopeful voyage. 
 
 JOHN ROBINSON. 
 
APPENDIX II 
 
 THE AUTHORITIES USED IN THIS WORK. 
 
 As already mentioned, (p. 118), New England found historians at 
 a very early period. Cotton Mather has treated this subject most at 
 length, and with careful use of hb predecessors. 
 
 Magnalia CiiRiSTi Americana, or the Ecclesiastical History 
 of Xew England, from its first planting in the year 1620 unto the 
 }ear of our Lord 1698, by Cotton Mather, Past of the North Church 
 in Boston. London 1702. Fol. (republished at Hartford 1820. 2 
 vols. 8vo.) 
 
 The author, whose family on the paternal side has often been 
 mentioned in the foregoing work, was a descendant of the Pilgrims 
 on the mother's side also ; being the great grandson of John Cotton, 
 minister at Boston. His work shows jn*eat learninjj and extensive 
 accjuaintance with books, but is arranged in the oddest method; 
 abounds with the most unexpected and irrelevant episodes, and his 
 apologetic stand-point is not maintained without prejudice and par- 
 tiality. What with citations from writers ancient and modem, he 
 often can scarcely make his way to the subject itself; whole pages 
 have frequently no more matter, strictly speaking, than could be 
 expressed in as many lines. Still, the courage of the wearied reader 
 is sustained by the wit and humor, which are displayed even in the 
 titles and superscriptions. The work is divided into seven books. 
 First Book ; Axtiquitiks, (reporting : The design where-on, the 
 manner where-j/i, and people where-6y, the several Colonies of New 
 England were planted,) in seven chapters. Chap. 1. Venisti (an- 
 dtin f The early discoveries of America. Chap. 2. Prinwrdia. The 
 
288 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 settlement of New Plpnouth. Chap. 3. Conamiir Tenues Grandia. 
 Farther history of New Plymouth. Chap. 4. Paulo Majora ! The 
 settlement of Massachusetts. Chap. 5. Peregrini Deo Curae. Pro- 
 gress of the new colony. Chap. 6. Qui trans mare currunt. Settle- 
 ments in Connecticut, New Haven, Hampshire, Maine. Chap. ? 
 Hecatompolis, or a field which the Lord hath blessed. A catalogue 
 of the ministers. With a Supplement: ^^ The Bostonian Ebenezer ; 
 some Historical Remarks on the state of Boston ; " and a map, show- 
 ing the earlier division of New England. The Second Book is en- 
 titled: EccLESiARUM Clypei ; and contains biographical sketches 
 of the most distinguished early Governors, as well as a catalogue of 
 the Assistants, whom he calls in one place Patres Conscripti, in an- 
 other, 'r3 -Vys id est Viri Animati. Third Book ; Polybius, or 
 the Lives of forty-seven Divines. Fourth Book : Sal Gentium, or 
 the History of Harvard College, and biographies of eleven eminent 
 persons, who were educated in the University. Fifth Book : Acts 
 AND Monuments. This is the most important portion of the work, 
 containing the conclusions in full of the Massachusetts Synods, with 
 very interesting extracts from controversial writings. Sixth Book : 
 Thaumaturgus. The narration of wonderful deliverances at sea 
 (ch. 1. Oiristus supra aquas), and in tempests (ch. 3. Ceraunius), is 
 followed by accounts of conversions, of criminal trials, of Missions 
 among the Indians, and finally by stories of demons and witches. 
 Seventh Book: Ecclesiarum prcelia. (Ch. 1. Mille nocendi 
 artes. Of the trials of the New England churches in general. Ch. 
 2. Litde Foxes. Roger Williams, and political enemies. Ch. 3. 
 Hydra decapitata. The Antinomians and the first Synod of 1637. 
 Ch. 4. Ignes fatui. The Quakers, and, very briefly, the Anabaptists. 
 Ch. 5. Wolves in sheep's clothing. Imposters, who pretended to be 
 ministers. Ch. 6. Arma virosque cano. Wars with the Indians.) 
 In the numerous biographical sketches, the author's materials often 
 run short, and the deficiency is supplied in a very peculiar fashion. 
 Thus, he knows nothing of Adam Blackman, except that he exer- 
 cised his ministry in two places, and was very simple and intelligible 
 in his mode of preaching. He begins therefore with a reference to 
 Niger, the teacher at Antioch (Acts 13: 1), expresses the opinion 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 289 
 
 tliat it could not bo said of our Blackman : hie nifjer estj hunc tu Ro- 
 mane cavelo; he being rather a Nazarite, purer than snow, whiter 
 than luilk. Thereupon he passes to Melancthon, and closes with 
 Beza's epitaph upon him. No one is dismissed without his epitaph, 
 sometimes longer, sometimes shorter. Avolavit! suffices for the 
 Rev. Mr. Partridge. 
 
 "We subjoin the following wonls of the Abbot Steinmctz in refer- 
 ence to the Magnalia, which occur in his Preface to the Faithful 
 Narrative of the glorious work of God in Northampton ; Magdeburg 
 and Leipzig 1 738. " It is only to be lamented, that the book is made 
 too prolix by the exuberance of ornaments, which the fertile genius 
 and immense reading of the author threw into his hands. I have 
 therefore readily embraced the proposal to extract the substance of 
 the work, and, if the Lord should accept it as useful for his kingdom, 
 to give it to the press in our language.'* (This plan has not been as 
 yet carried into execution.) But whatever exceptions may be taken 
 to Mather's exhibition of historical facts, and however much he may 
 have been used by his successors, the numerous legal documents 
 as well as the synodical decisions in full, which are found no where 
 but in his work, render it one of the highest importance. 
 
 The foregoing work forms the basis of: 
 
 The History of New England to the year of our Lord 
 1700, by Daniel Neal. 2 vols. 2 ed. London 1747 (1st ed. 1719) 
 8vo. 
 
 Neal, also the author of the History of the Puritans, was an Eng- 
 lish Dissenter. Ilis chief source was Mather's Magnalia ; but he 
 made use of many other works and fugitive writings, and has fur- 
 ni.she<l a very full statistical representation, as well as a statement in 
 alphabetical order of the laws in force in New England. The his- 
 torical narration is chronologically arranged, and is on the whole 
 unprejudiced and impartial. With a sympathy for the Congrega- 
 tionalists natural in a Dissenter, he has nevertheless examined and 
 used the accounts of those opposed to them. (See above, p. 118.) 
 
 From an entirely different stand-point, we have : 
 A History of New England, with particular reference 
 
 25 
 
290 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 TO THE DENOMINATION OF CHRISTIANS CALLED BAPTISTS ; by 
 
 Isaac Backus, Past, of the First Baptist Church in Middleburgh. 2 
 vols. Boston and Providence 1777 and 1784. 
 
 The first volume extends to the year 1690, and is enriched with 
 numerous extracts from the writings of distinguished men, as Robin- 
 son, Cotton, Williams. In his account of the treatment of the Bap- 
 tists, the author takes strong polemic ground against the ruling 
 party and the theocratic constitution in New England; thus supple- 
 menting Mather and even Neal. In the second part (down to 1 784) 
 are contained many documents relative to the declension in the relig- 
 ious and church life ; in this connection is expressed, as might be 
 expected, decided disapproval of the proceedings in Connecticut in 
 1708. 
 
 Owing to the connection of Church and State, much in the repre- 
 sentation we have given, especially for the first period, is touched by 
 the political historians. Thus in : 
 
 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts to the year 
 1750. 2 vols. 3 ed. Salem 1765. 8vo. (1st ed. 1764). 
 
 The author was Governor of Massachusetts at the breaking out of 
 the Revolution, and was in possession of a very rich collection of 
 original legal documents, which, however, were in great part destroyed 
 during a riot in Boston. The style of representation is very plain ; 
 as is also that of the following work, by a clergyman : 
 
 Benjamin Trumbull's complete History of Connecticut. 
 2 vols. Hartford 1797. 8 vo. 
 
 The first volume, the one used in the foregoing work, extends to 
 the year 1713. It contains also the history of New Haven, and 
 devotes two chapters particularly to the history of the Church. 
 Among other documents we find here the Saybrook Platform, com- 
 plete. 
 
 Francis Baylies' Historical Memoir of New Plymouth. 
 1830. 4 vols. 8vo. 
 
 This work extends to the union of New Plymouth with Massachu- 
 setts, and is very particular in its details. 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 291 
 
 Caleb H. Sxow*8 History of Bo8To>r from its origin to 
 
 THE PRESENT PERIOD. 2 etl. lk)ston 1828. 
 More in the fonn of aanaU ; full for a later period. 
 
 A Collection of original papers relative to the His- 
 tory of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. Boston 17G9. 
 
 Very interesting letters, and important legal documents from the 
 earliest period, chronologically arranged. In the copy in the Berlin 
 Library, a portion is wanting at the end; it extends to November 
 1G55. 
 
 For the same period : 
 
 J. WiNTHROP's Journal. Hartford 1790. 
 
 This diary of the distinguished first Governor of Massachusetts 
 furnishes a very graphic view of the earlier relations. It extends, 
 however, only to 1644. 
 
 The following works have for their stand-point the total separation 
 of Church and State now prevailing in North America. 
 
 Memoir of Roger Williams, the Founder op the State 
 of Rhode Island. By James D. Knowles. Boston 1834i 
 
 Tlie author, who is a Baptist, regards Williams as the father of 
 those principles, in reference to the relation of Church and State, 
 now established in North America. He is decidedly unfavorable to 
 the Theocracy. Many of his investigations indicate the careful study 
 of richly instructive sources ; still we cannot reckon on an impartial 
 judgment, from one who remarks in reference to the occurrences at 
 Munster in 1535 : " It seems to have been a just revolt, and a strug- 
 gle for liberty ; but it failed, and the leaders have been stigmatized 
 as fanatics, and as guilty of every species of crime. The story has 
 been told by their oppressors and enemies, and la entitled to very 
 little credit" 
 
 The results of very thorough investigation arc embodied in : 
 The History of the Old South Church in Boston, in four 
 
 sermons by Benjamin B. Wisner, Pastor of the Church. Boston 
 
 1830. 
 
292 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 This work has been particularly used In Chapter VII. of our his- 
 tory ; it has reference chiefly to the relations of the early period. 
 The author exhibits a very clear conception of the essential nature 
 of the Congregationalist Theocracy, though regarding the total sep- 
 aration of Church and State as the salvation of the church. 
 
 From the same point of view, still more strongly taken, we have : 
 
 L' UNION DE l' EGLISE ET DE L' ETAT DANS LA NOUVELLE An- 
 GLETERRE, CONSIDEREE DANS SES EFFETS SUR LA RELIGION AUX 
 
 Etats-Unis. Par un Americain. Paris 1837. 
 
 From want of access to the sources, the author's data are insuffi- 
 cient, and indeed incorrect. Much as he extols the Puritans for 
 their piety and morality, the greatness of soul in which they under- 
 took to found their theocracy seems not to be recognized ; and the 
 most recent revival of evangelical Christianity is treated as a wholly 
 negative result of the completed separation between Church and 
 State. 
 
APPENDIX III. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL VIEW. 
 
 England. 
 
 lEzpeditionR Settle- 
 ments Charters. 
 
 The liidcpend 
 ents in the north 
 of England. 
 James L 
 
 Charles L 
 
 1GU2 
 
 1603 
 1606 
 
 1608 
 
 1614 
 
 1620 
 
 1623 
 
 1625 
 
 1629 
 
 1630 
 
 1633 
 1634 
 1636 
 
 1637 Emij^tion for- 
 bidden. 
 
 Capt. Gosnold in 
 Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 Patents for North 
 and South Virginia. 
 Settlement on the 
 Sagadahoc, Maine. 
 Capt. John Smith. 
 New England. 
 Patentfor the Plym- 
 outh Colony; New 
 Plymouth. 
 Bradford's Patent; 
 transferred by him 
 to the Gen'l Court 
 
 Patent for Massa- 
 chusetts Bay. 
 Salem and Charles- 
 town. 
 
 Expedition under 
 John Winthrop. 
 Boston. 
 
 Newtown (hitcr, 
 Cambridge). 
 
 Proridence on Nar- 
 ragansct Bay; Hart- 
 foni, and oth. places 
 on the Connecticut. 
 New Haven. Set- 
 tlem'ts in N. Hamp- 
 shire and Maine. 
 
 Domestlo Events. 
 
 The Colony of New 
 Plymouth separates 
 from the Company. 
 Ilalph Smith in 
 New Plymouth. 
 The Salem Church. 
 The broth's Brown. 
 Transfer of the 
 Gov't for Massa- 
 chusetts Bay. 
 
 Controversies with 
 Roger Williams. 
 Sir Henry Vane in 
 Boston. 
 
 Antinomian Con- 
 troversies ; the first 
 S>Tiod. 
 
 Indians. 
 
 Pcqnot 
 War. 
 
 2o* 
 
294 
 
 NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY. 
 
 1638 
 
 England. 
 
 Expeditions Settle- 
 ments Charters. 
 
 Domestic Events. 
 
 Indians. 
 
 
 
 Harvard College 
 
 
 
 
 founded. 
 
 
 1640 
 
 
 
 New Hampshire 
 united with Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 
 1641 
 
 Civil War. 
 
 
 
 Mayhew. 
 
 1643 
 
 
 Patent for Rhode 
 Island and Provi- 
 dence Plantations. 
 
 Confederation of 
 the four United 
 Colonies of N. Eng- 
 land. 
 
 
 1646 
 
 
 
 
 Eliot. 
 
 1647 
 
 
 
 Agitations in Mas- 
 sachusetts. 
 
 
 1648 
 
 Westmins'rCon- 
 fession. 
 
 \ 
 
 Cambridge Synod. 
 (Platform). 
 
 
 1649 
 
 Charles I. exe- 
 cuted. 
 
 
 
 
 1651 
 
 
 
 The Anabaptists in 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 i 
 
 1653 
 
 Oliver Crom- 
 weU. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1656 
 
 
 
 The first Quakers 
 in Boston. 
 
 
 1657 
 
 
 
 Religious Agita- 
 tions ; Synods in 
 Connecticut. 
 
 
 1658 
 
 Savoy Confes- 
 sion ; Richard 
 Cromwell. 
 
 
 
 
 1660 
 
 Charles II. 
 
 
 Excut'nof Quakers. 
 
 
 1662 
 
 Act of Uniform- 
 ity. 
 
 
 Boston Synod in 
 ref to Baptism. 
 
 
 1663 
 
 
 Confirmation of the 
 Charter of Rhode 
 Island. 
 
 
 
 1664 
 
 
 Connecticut and N. 
 Haven Charter. 
 
 Royal Commission- 
 ers in N. England. 
 Attempt of the 
 Baptists to found a 
 Church in Boston. 
 
 
 1668 
 
 
 
 Third Church in 
 Boston. 
 
 
 1676 
 
 
 
 
 K.Philip's 
 War. 
 
 1679 
 
 
 
 N. Hamp. separated 
 from Massachus'ts. 
 Reforming Syn- 
 od. 
 
 
 1684 
 
 
 Colonies deprived 
 of their Charters. 
 
 
 
 1685 
 
 
 James II. 
 
 Increase Mather in 
 England. 
 
 i 
 1 
 
NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY 
 
 296 
 
 1688 
 
 Encluid. 
 
 Xxpodltions-Settle. 
 menu Oluurters. 
 
 DomesUoXventa. 1 IndUn*. 
 
 Wm. aud Mary. 
 
 
 i 
 
 1689 
 
 
 
 Revolution in Bos- 
 ton. 
 
 
 1692 
 
 Heads op A- 
 oreemsmt. 
 
 New Charter. 
 
 Witch Trials. 
 
 Border 
 Wars. 
 
 1702 
 
 Anne. 
 
 
 
 
 1704 
 
 
 
 College at Say- 
 
 
 
 
 
 brook (afterwards | 
 
 
 
 
 Yale College). 
 
 
 1708 
 
 
 
 Saybrook riatform 
 
 
 1714 
 
 George I. 
 
 
 
 
 1725 
 
 
 
 Proposal for a Sy- 
 nod in Boston. 
 
 
 1727 
 
 George II. 
 
 
 
 
 1735 
 
 
 
 Awakenings in 
 Northampton. 
 
 
 1740 
 
 
 
 The Great Awak- 
 enings. 
 
 
I ]sr r> E X. 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Admission to the church, 154, 170, 238 
 
 Aiusworth, minister in Amsterdam, 41 
 
 Anabaptists, burnt under Elizabeth, ....*. 34 
 
 in Rhode Island, 106 
 
 in New Plymouth, 110, 200 
 
 in Massachusetts (1051), 110 ff. 
 
 historical notices of the 118 
 
 in Charlcstown and Boston (1004 ff.) 200 
 
 Andros, Sir Edmund, Governor of New England, . . . 219 
 
 Antinomians, 98 ff. 
 
 Acquatneck, Island, later Rhode Island, 10^1 
 
 Anninians, 49 
 
 Articles, the Six ; the Forty-two ; the Thirty-nine, . . 19, 23, 30 
 
 Austin, Anna, a Quakeress, 121 
 
 Associations, 232 
 
 Baptism, its proper subjects, 1(4 fC. 
 
 Barbadoes, 121 
 
 Basle, exiles in, 29 
 
 Bellamont, Earl of. Governor of New York and New England, 230 
 Bcllingham, Governor of Alassachusetts, . . . 193, 204, 200 
 
 Blyeraan, minister in Connecticut, 108 
 
 Bolcyn, Anne 17, 19 
 
 Boston in Massachusetts, its founding, 67 
 
 Third Church, 192 ff. 
 
 in England, 96 
 
 Bradford, Governor of New Plymouth, . . . . . 59, 88 
 Bradstreet, Governor of Massachusetts, .... 131,185 
 
 Brainerd, missionary among the Indians, 83 
 
 Brewster, elder of the churches in Leyden and New Plym- 
 outh, 41, 53, 59, , 106 
 
 Brown, Richard, founder of the Brownists, 35 ff. 
 
 the brothers, 64 
 
 Brownists, 38 
 
 Bulklcy, minister in Massachusetts, 100 
 
 Burleigh, William Cecil,Lord 35,37 
 
298 INDEX. 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian, 51 
 
 Calvin, on the Eng. Reformation and the exiles under Mary, . 22, 27 
 Cambridge, in Massachusetts, earlier Newtown, . 60, 84, 100, 102 
 Platform of Church Discipline, . . . 68 if . 150 fF. 
 
 Cape Cod, 56 
 
 Carr, Sir Robert, royal Commissioner, 186 
 
 Cartwright, George, royal commissioner, 186 
 
 Thomas, father of the Puritans, 33 
 
 Catherine of Arragon, . .15 
 
 Charles I., 77, 92, 96 
 
 " II., 79, 133, 181, 184, 218 
 
 Charlestown in Massachusetts, 67, 201 
 
 Chauncey, Charles, President of Harvard College, . . . .180 
 
 minister in Boston, 278 
 
 Christison, "VTheelock, a Quaker, ....... 132 
 
 Church-constitution of the Independents, its two principles : 
 
 Independence of each church, 38, 70 
 
 Opposition to free communion, ..... 42, 154 
 
 Clarke, John, Baptist, 108 ff. 
 
 Maria, a Quakeress, 122 
 
 Commission, the High, 29 
 
 Common Prayer-Book, 24, 27 
 
 Congregational ists, name of the 69 
 
 Connecticut, settlements in, 78 
 
 Quakers in, 126 
 
 religious agitations and synods, 165 ff. 
 
 Charter of Charles II. ; union with New Haven, . . . 18L ff. 
 synods for the decision of ecclesiastical controversies, . 196 ff. 
 
 lamentations over the Declension 210 
 
 Charter withdrawn and re-assumed, 219 
 
 synods for the change of the church constitution, . . . 228 ff. 
 
 opposition to the revivals, 275 
 
 Copeland, a Quaker, 123 ff. 
 
 Cotton, John, minister in Boston, . . . .68, 96, 100, 115, 116 
 
 Covenant of the Salem church, 61 
 
 of the Third church in Boston, 192 
 
 renewal of the, 215 
 
 Half-way, 172,238 
 
 Crandall, an Anabaptist, Ill ff. 
 
 Conso( iations, 232 
 
 Cromwell, Thomas, Lord 17, 19 
 
 Cudworth, Capt. James, of New Plymouth, .... 127 
 Davenport, John, minister in New Haven and Bos- 
 ton, 75, 79, 85, 101, 169, 180, 101 
 
 James, great-grandson of John, ....... 276 
 
INDEX. 299 
 
 rAO 
 
 Drinker, an Anabaptist, 'J02 
 
 Dunster, llcnry, PrcsUlciu ot' Harvard College, .... lAW 
 Dutch settlements in Nonh America, . . . . 00, 79, 1S2, 188 
 
 Dyiir, Mj\r>', a Qualvcress, executed V2S 
 
 l.aton, Tlieophilus, first Governor of New Haven, ... 79 
 
 JAhvard VI., 20 
 
 1 .dwanls, Jonathan, minister in Northampton, .... *J 1 1 AT. 
 
 Kliot, John, among the Indians, bl 
 
 Klizabcth, Queen, 29 
 
 Kndicott, Governor of Massachusetts, 113,128 
 
 I'pi.scopalians in New England, dl, 219, 235 
 
 Kxcommunication, articles of, 100 
 
 Famum, an Anabaptist, 203 
 
 Fisher, Maria, a Quakeress, 121 
 
 Fox, George, founder of the Quakers, 119 
 
 Frankfort-on-the-Main, exiles in, 27 
 
 Geneva, exiles in, 29 
 
 George, an Anabaptist, 202 
 
 German church in London, 22 
 
 Reformation, its influence on the English, .... 18 
 
 Goodwin, elder in Hartford, 1G5 
 
 Gould, Anabaptist, 202 
 
 Green, John, banished from Boston, 105 
 
 Grindal, archbishop of Canterbury, 34 
 
 Hampton Court Conference, 40 
 
 Harris, a Quaker, 124 
 
 Hartford, capital of Connecticut, settlement of, ... . 78 
 controversies in the church at, .... 165, 172, 199 
 
 new church at, without the former tests, .... 223 
 
 Harvard College, 8t ff. 
 
 He.vds of Agreement, 220 
 
 Hcnr>'Vni., . . . . 15 
 
 Higginson, minister at Salem, . . . .' . . . 60, 87 
 
 Hingham in Massachusetts, 139 
 
 Holden, a Quaker, 123 
 
 Holland, Puritan fugitives to, 38, 40 
 
 Holmes, an Anabaptist, 110 
 
 Hooker, Thomas, minister in Hartford, 100 
 
 Hooper, Bishop, 21,26 
 
 Hubbard, the historian, 118, 163, 166 
 
 Hutchinson, Abigail, in Northampton, 209 
 
 Ann, in Bo.ston, 98 
 
 GoVemor of Massachusetts, and historian, 118,210 
 
 I ndian.s, first treaty of peace with them, r)8 
 
 treatment of the same, 58, C'i 
 
800 INDEX. 
 
 FAOB 
 
 Indians, missions among them, 81 
 
 King Philip's war, 209 
 
 Indian College, ; . . .82 
 
 James I., . . 40, 52 
 
 " IL, proclaimed in Boston, 219 
 
 Johnson, Capt., historian, 118 
 
 Knox, in Frankfort and Geneva, 28 
 
 Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, 67, 92 
 
 Lcddra, William, a Quaker, executed, 131 
 
 Leyden, church at, 41, 49, 52, 59, 60 
 
 Lenthal, minister at Weymouth, Massachusetts, . . . .137 
 
 Leverett, Governor of Massachusetts, 204, 206 
 
 London, letter of certain Congregationalist ministers from, . . 204 
 
 Long Island, settlements on, 79 
 
 Lynn, in Massachusetts, meeting of Anabaptists at, . . .111 
 
 Maine, settlements in, 52, 78 
 
 Maiden, in Massachusetts, . . ^ 162 
 
 Mary, the Catholic, 25 
 
 Massachusetts Bay, expeditions to, settlements on, . 52, 60, 65 
 
 Colony, the most important in New England, . . 67, 78, 79 
 
 Roger Williams in, 86 
 
 Antinomians in, 98 
 
 Quakers in, 121, 207 ff. 
 
 religious-political agitations, 139 ff. 
 
 calUng of the Synod of 1662, 174 
 
 relation to Charles IL, 181 ff. 
 
 lamentations over the church declension, . . .210, 220 
 abrogation of the old and grant of a new charter, . . 219 
 
 attempt to form Associations, 230 
 
 desire for a Synod, 1725, ....... 236 
 
 Revivals," . 272 
 
 Mather, Richard, minister in Dorchester, .... 150, 180 
 Eleazer, minister*in Northampton, son of Richard, . 180, 248 
 Increase, son of Richard, .... 180, 192, 219, 228 
 
 Cotton, son of Increase, 118, 235 
 
 Maverick, royal commissioner, . 186 
 
 Mayhew, family of, among the Indians, 81 
 
 Miles, Baptist at Swansea in New Plymouth, .... 201 
 
 Missions among the Indians, 81 
 
 Mitchel, minister at Cambridge, Massachusetts, . . 197, 223, 224 
 Morton, smthor of the New England Memorial, . . . .118 
 
 Narragansett Bay, settlements on, 95 
 
 Naylor, James, English Quaker, 120 
 
 New Amsterdam, 182, 186 
 
 New England 79 
 
INDEX. *301 
 
 TAOU 
 
 New Ilampshire, settlement of, 78, 8D 
 
 separated from Massachusetts, 209 
 
 New Ilavcn, settlements, 78 
 
 College in, 85 
 
 Quakers in, 120 
 
 on the controversies in Connecticut of 1G57, . . . 169 AT. 
 
 union with Connecticut, 181 IT. 
 
 New Plymouth, settlement of, 57 . 
 
 sovereignty of the General Court of, 77 
 
 Williams in 88 
 
 Anabaptists in, 110,200 
 
 Quakers in, 121, 127 
 
 royal commissioners in, 187 
 
 lamentations over the Declension, 210 
 
 union with Massachusetts, 219 
 
 change in terms of admission to the church, . . . 223 
 
 Newport, in Rhode Island, 108 
 
 Newtown, see Cambridge. 
 
 Nichols, Colonel, 186 
 
 Noddle's Island, in Massachusetts Bay 204 
 
 Northampton, in Massachusetts, the church and revivals in, . . 2l.'5 
 Norton, John, minister at Ipswich and Boston, . 148, 185 
 
 Oakes, Urian, on the church declension, 224 
 
 Officers in the Congregationalist churches, 158 
 
 Osbume, an Anabaptist 202 
 
 Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, 30, 34 
 
 Partridge, minister in Duxbury, New Plymouth, . . . .150 
 
 Philip, king of the Wampanoags, 80, 209 
 
 Phipps, Governor of New England, 221 
 
 Presbyterians, 149 
 
 Providence, 79, 95 
 
 Puritans in England, 30, 33 
 
 Quakers in England, 119 
 
 in America, . . 121 ff. 207 
 
 defence of the measures against them, 129 
 
 Rehoboth in New Plymouth, 110,200 
 
 Revivals, nature of, 21 1 AT. 
 
 in Northampton, 2 15 ff. 
 
 general, in New England, 272 ff. 
 
 Revolution in Boston, 219 
 
 Rhode Island, settlements and charter, . . . 79, 86, 104 
 
 Quakers in, 121, 125 
 
 withdrawal of the charter 219 
 
 Ridley, bishop of Rochester, 23, 26 
 
 Robinson, John, father of the Independents 40 
 
 26 
 
302 INDEX. 
 
 TXOS 
 
 Robinson, his view of the Reformation, ..... 43 
 " " " " power of the keys, 45 
 
 opposition to free communion, 48 
 
 farewell address to the emigrants, 54 
 
 letter to the same, 56, 2S3 
 
 William, a Quaker, executed, 1128 
 
 Salem, in Massachusetts, ... 60, 64, 86, 94, 110, 122, 221 
 Saltonstall, Sir Richard, on the persecution of the Anabaptists, . 115 
 
 Gurdon, Governor of Connecticut, 230 
 
 Savoy Confession, 149 
 
 Saybrook Platform, . . 231 
 
 Skclton, minister in Salem, 60, 87, 89 
 
 Smith, John, the Se-Baptist, 41, 89 
 
 Ralph, minister in New Plymouth, 59, 88 
 
 Somerset, Duke of, Lord Protector, 23 
 
 Southampton, England, departure from, 56 
 
 Sovereignty of the New England governments, .... 77 
 
 Stevenson, Marmadukc, a Quaker, executed, 128 
 
 Stoddard, minister at Northampton, 228, 248 
 
 Stone, minister at Hartford, 165, 168, 172 
 
 Strasburg, exiles in, 27 
 
 Street, minister in New Haven, . . . . - . . . 180, 192 
 
 Swansea, in New Plymouth, 201 
 
 Synod of 1637 against the Antinomians, 100 
 
 1646-1648, (Platform of Church-discipline,) ... 148 ff. 
 
 1657, 168 ff. 
 
 1659, in Connecticut, 173 ff. 
 
 1662, on the subjects of baptism, . . , . . . 174 ff. 
 
 Reforming synod of 1679, 211 ff. 
 
 1708, at Saybrook, 231 ff. 
 
 1725, attempt for a, 235 
 
 Tennant, Gilbert, of New Jersey, 272 
 
 / Theocracy, Congregationalist, 75 ff. 
 
 dissolution of, 162 
 
 Turner, William, an Anabaptist, 202 
 
 Unitarians, 238 
 
 United Colonies of New England, 125, 198 
 
 Upsal, 122 
 
 Vane, Sir Henry, 95, 104 
 
 Virginia, Company for North and South, 52 
 
 Westminster, Assembly and Confession of, 149 
 
 Wheelwright, minister in Boston, 99, 102 
 
 Whitefield, in New England, 272, 279 
 
 Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, 35 
 
 William HI., 219 
 
INDEX. 303 
 
 TAOU 
 
 Williams, Roger, 80 ff. 104, 106. 115, 120 
 
 Willard, minister in Boston, 227 
 
 Wilson, " " 89,115,190 
 
 Winthrop, John, Governor of Mrt-ssachusetts, 05, 87, 89, 90, 141, 144 
 John, Governor of Connecticut, son of Jolin, . . 127, 181 
 Fitz^Tohn, Governor of Connecticut, son of the preceding, 230 
 
 Witch-trials, 221 
 
 Witter, William, an Anabaptist, Ill 
 
 Yale College, 85 
 
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WORKS JUST PUBLISHED. 
 
 THE BETTER LAND ; or, Thb Believer's Joitrney and Future Home. Bj 
 Rev. a. C. Thompson. 12mo, cloth. 85 cents. 
 
 Contents. The Pilgrlmajie Clusters of Eschol Waymarks Glimpses of the T^nd 
 Xhe Passage The Recognition of Friends The Heavenly Banquet Children m Heaven 
 Socletv of Angels Society of the Saviour Heavenly Honor and Riches No Tears in Heaven 
 -Holiness of Heaven Activity in Heaven Resurrection Body Perpetuity of Bliss in Heaven. 
 
 A most charming and Instructive book for all now Journeying to the " Better Land." 
 
 THE SCHOOL OF CHRIST ; or, Christianity Viewed in its Leading 
 Aspects. By Rev. A. L. R. Foote, author of " Incidents in the Life of 
 Our Saviour," fcc. IGmo, cloth, 50 cts. 
 
 MEMORIES OF A GRANDMOTHER. By a Lady of Massachusetts. 16mo 
 
 cloth. 60 cents. 
 
 "My path lies in a valley which I have sought to adorn with flowers. Shadows from the hill 
 cover It, but I make my own sunshine." 
 
 The little volume is gracefully and beautifully writien. Journal. 
 
 :f ot unworthy the genius of a Dickens. Transcript. 
 
 HOURS WITH EUROPEAN CELEBRITIES. By the Rev. William B. 
 Sprague, D. D. 12mo, cloth. $1.00. Second Edition. 
 
 Tlie author of this W( rk visited Europe In 1828 and In 1836, under circumstances which 
 afforded him an opportunity of making the acquaintance, by personal Interviews, of a large 
 number of the most distinguished men and women of that continent ; and in his preface h 
 says, " It was my uniform custom, after every such Interview, to take copious memoranda of 
 the conversation, including an account of the individual's appearance and manners ; in short, 
 deflnhig, as well as I could, the whole Impression which his physical, Intellectual and moral 
 man had made upon me." From the memoranda thus made, the material for the present 
 Instructive and exceedingly Interesting volume Is derived. Besides these "pen and ink" 
 sketches, the work contains the novel attraction of a fac-slmlle of the signature of eact^of the 
 persons introduced. 
 
 THE AIMWELL STORIES. 
 ' A series of volumes Illustrative of youthful character, and combining Instruction with amuse 
 ment. By Walter Aimwell, author of " The Boy's Own Guide," " The Boy's Book of Morali 
 and Manners," *c. With numerous Illustrations. 
 The first three volumes of the series, now ready, are 
 
 OSCAR ; or, The Boy who had his own Way. 16mo, cloth, gilt. 63 cent*. 
 CLINTON ; or, Boy-life in the Country. 16mo, cloth, gilt. 63 cents. 
 ELLA ; or. Turning over a New Leaf. 16mo, cloth, gilt. 63 cents. 
 
 J8^ Each volume will be complete and Independent of Itself, but the series will be c^n- 
 oected by a partial Identity of character, localities, &c. 
 
 THE PLURALITY OF WORLDS. A New Edition. With a Supplementary 
 Dialogue, in which the author's reviewers are reviewed. 12mo, cloth. $1 
 
 This masterly production, which has excited so much Interest In this country and In Europe, 
 Pill now have an Increased attraction in the addition of the Supplement, In which the authcc'i 
 OTlewers are triumphantly reviewed. 
 
 j9a- The Supplement will be furnished separate to those who have the original work. 
 
 INFLUENCE OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE UPON INTELLECTUAL 
 EDUCATION. By William Whewell, D. D., of Trinity College, Cambridge 
 Eng., and the alleged author of Plurality of Worlds." 16mo, cloth. 25 cts 
 
 fHE LANDING AT CAPE ANNE , or, The Charter of the First Perm a- 
 SENT Colony on the Territory of the Massachusetts Company. Now 
 discovered and first published from the original manuscript, with an in 
 quiry into its authority, and a History of the Colony, 1624-1628. Roge: 
 Conant Governor. By Joh Wingate Thornton. 8vo, cloth. $1.50. 
 
 This Is a curious and exceedingly valuable historical document. 
 
 A volume of great ''iterest and Importance Evening Traveller. (10 
 
IMPORTAJ ^T NEW WORKS. 
 
 THE CHRISTIAN LIF2 : Social and Individual. By PrrKB Batitk, A. M 
 
 12nio. Cloth. #1.25. 
 
 CoHttnis. V ART 1. Statkmknt. I. The Individual LJfls. II. The Social I JA. 
 
 Part II. Exposition and Illubtration. Book I. Christianity tht Dasu / 
 
 xai Life I. First Principles. II. Howard; and the rise ol Philanthropy. III. 
 
 ilberfoice; and the development of Philanthropy. IV. Budf^tt; tlie Christian 
 
 imau. V. Theuocial problem oftheaKe, and oneortwohintstowardsitssolution. 
 
 t //. Chriatianity the Basis of Individual Character. I. lutroductory : a few 
 
 < olds on Moderu Doubt. II. John Foster. III. Thoma Arnold. lY. Tbomaa 
 
 Chalmers. Part III. Ootlook. I. The rositire Philoflophy. IL rantlMlflUf 
 
 Spiritualism. III. General Conclusion. 
 
 1'auticular attention is invited to this work. In Scotland, Its publication, during 
 
 the lu:Jt winter, produced a great sensation. Uugh Miller made it the subject of ac 
 
 elaborate review in his paper, the Edinburgh Witness, and gave his readers to uuder> 
 
 stand that it was an extraordinary work. The '* News of tht Churches^^^ the monthly 
 
 orjan of the Scottish Free Church, was equally emphatic in its praise, pronouncing 
 
 it " the religious book of the season." Strikingly original in plan and brilliant in 
 
 t -xi-cutiou, it far 8urpases the expectations rai'^d by the somewhat familiar title. It 
 
 < i II truth, a bold onslaught (and the first of the kind) upon the Pantheism of Carlyle, 
 
 !ite, etc., by an ardent admirer of Carlyle; and at the same time an exhibition of 
 
 Christian Life, in its inner principle, and as illustrated in the lives of Howard 
 
 oui-torce, ISutt^ett, Fotiter. Ciiaiiners. elt. The brilliancy and rigor of the author f 
 
 I' are remarkable 
 
 PATRIARCHY; or, the Family, its Constitution and Proba By Joh 
 
 Hakkis, D. D., President of " New College," London, and author of " The 
 Great Teacher" " Mammon." " Pre- Adamite Earth," " Man Primeval," eta 
 12mo. Cloth. $1.25. CriT" A newwork of great interest. 
 This is the third and last of a series, by the same author, entitled '' Contributions 
 to Theological Science." The plan of this series Is hij;hly ori;;inal, and has been 
 mo.t succe.s/!fully executed. Of the two first in the series, '' Prc-Adamite Earth" and 
 *' Man Primeval," we have already issued four and five editions, and the demand 
 still continues. The immense sale of all Dr. Harris's works attest their intrinsic 
 worth. This volume contains most important information and instruction touching 
 the family its nature and order, parental instruction, parental autliority and gov- 
 ernment, parental responsibility, &c. It contains, in fact, such a fund of valuabl# 
 information as no pastor, or head of a family, can afford to dispense with. 
 
 GOD REVEALED IN NATURE AND IN CHRIST: Including a Refutation 
 of the Development Theory contained in the " Vestiges of the Natural History 
 of Creation." By the Author of " Th Philobopht or thb Fulk of Sai#- 
 VATioH." 12mo. Cloth. $1.00. 
 
 The author of that remarkable book, " The Philosophy of the Plan of Salvation," 
 ha devoted several years of incessant labor to the preparation of this work. Without 
 being specifically controversial, its aim is to overthrow several of the popular errors 
 of the day, by establishing the antagonist truth upon an impregnable basis of reaaos 
 and logic. In opposition to the doctrine of a mere subjective revelation, now so 
 plausibly inculcated by certain eminent writers, it demonstrates tbe necessity of an 
 external, objective revelation. Especially, it furnishes a new, and as it is conceived, 
 a conclujiive argument against the " development theory " so ingeniously maintamed 
 in the " Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation." As this author does not pob- 
 lish except when he has something to say, there is good reason to anticipate that the 
 work will be one of unusual Interest and value. Uis former book has met with the 
 most signal success in H>th hemispheres, having passed through numerous editions 
 in England and Scotlana, and been translated into four of the European languagei 
 besides It ts also about to be translated into the Ilindoostanee tonjtue. (nu 
 
IMPORTANT WORKS. 
 
 ANALYTICAL CONCORDANCE OF THE HOLY SCEEPTTJIIES ; 
 or, The Bible presented under Distinct and Classified Heads or Tcpics. By Johk 
 Eadie, D. D., LL. D., Author of "Biblical Cyclopaedia," "Dictionary of the 
 Bible," &c., &c. One volume, royal octavo, 836 pp. Cloth, $3.00; sheep, $3.50. 
 Just published. 
 
 The publishers would call the special attention of clergymen and others to some of the peculiar 
 features of this great work. 
 
 1. It is a concordance of sufjects, not of words. In this it differs from the common concordance, 
 Which, of course, it does not supersede. Both are necessary to the Biblical student 
 
 2. It embraces all the topics, both secular and religious, which are naturally suggested by the entire 
 contents of the Bible. In this it differs from Scripture Manuals and Topical Textrbooks, which are 
 tonfined to religious or doctrinal topics. 
 
 3. It contains the whole of the Bible without dhridgment, differing in no respect from the Bible in 
 common use, except in the classification of its contents. 
 
 4. It contains a synopsis, separate from the concordance, presenting within the compass of a few 
 pages a bird's-eye view of the whole contents, 
 
 5. It contains a table of contents, embracing nearly two thousand heads, arranged in alphabetical 
 order. 
 
 C. It is much superior to the only other work in the language prepared on the same general plan, 
 ond is offered to the public at much less cost. 
 
 The purchaser gets not only a Concordance, but also a Bible, in this volume. The superior con- 
 venience arising out of this fact, saving, as it does, the necessity of having two bookj at hand and 
 of making two references, instead of one, will be readily apparent. 
 
 The general subjects (under each of vhich there are a vast number of sub-divisions) are arranged 
 OS follows, viz. : 
 
 Ministers of Beligion, Sacrifice, 
 Miracles, Scriptures, 
 
 Occupations, Speech, 
 
 Ordinances, Spirits, 
 
 Parables and Emblems, Tabernacle and Temple, 
 Persecution, Vineyard and Orchard, 
 
 Praise and Prayer, Visions and Dreams, 
 
 Prophecy, "War, 
 
 Providence, Water. 
 
 Redemption, 
 
 , Sabbaths and Holy Days, 
 That such a work as this is of exceeding great convenience is matter of obvious remark. But it 
 Is much more than that ; it is also an instructive work. It is adapted not only to assist the student 
 in prosecuting the investigation of preconceived ideas, but also to impart ideas which the most care- 
 ful reading of the Bible in its ordinary arrangement might not suggest. Let him take Tip any one of 
 the subjects " Agriculture," for example and see if such be not the case. This feature places 
 the work in a higher grade than that of the common Concordance. It shows it to be, so to speak, a 
 work of more mind. 
 
 No Biblical student would willingly dispense with this Concordance when once possessed. It is 
 adapted to the necessities of all classes, clergymen and theological students; Sabbath-school 
 .uperintendents and teachers; authors engaged in the composition of religious and even secular 
 works; and, in fine, common readers of the Bible, intent only on their own improvement. 
 
 A COMMENTARY ON THE ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE ACTS 
 OF THE ATOSTLES. By Horatio B. Hackett. D. D., Professor of Biblical Liter- 
 ature and Interpretation, in the Newton Theological Institution. DCr'A new, 
 revised, and enlarged edition. Octavo, cloth. In Press. 
 
 B@~ This most important and very popular work, has been throughly revised (some parts being 
 entirely rewritten), and considerably enlarged by the introduction of important new matter, the 
 result of the Author's continued, laborious investigations since the publication of the first edition. 
 Bided by the more recent published criticisms on this portion of the Divine "Word, by othe^: distin- 
 guished Biblical Scholars, in this country and in Europe. (T) 
 
 Agriculture, 
 
 Genealogy, 
 
 Animals, 
 
 God, 
 
 Architecture, 
 
 Heaven, 
 
 Army, Arms, 
 
 Idolatry, Idols, 
 
 Body, 
 
 Jesus Christ, 
 
 Canaan, 
 
 Jews, 
 
 Covenant, 
 
 Laws, 
 
 Diet and Dress, 
 
 Magistrates, 
 
 Disease and Death, 
 
 Man, 
 
 Earth, 
 
 Marriage, 
 
 Family, 
 
 Metals and Mir 
 
IMPORTANT NEW WORKS. 
 
 THE TESTIMONY OF THE ROCKS : or, Geology in its Bearings on 
 the two Theologies, Natural and Kevealcd. By Hugh Miller. " Thou Hlialt be 
 in league with the stones of the field." Jo6. With numerous elegant illustratlous. 
 12mo, cloth, 125. 
 
 The completion of thii important work employed th laat boon of th lamented author, and may 
 be coniidered his greatet and in Act his life work. 
 
 MACAULAY ON SCOTLAND. A Critique. By Huoh Miller, 
 Author of " Footprints of the Creator, * &o. 16nia, flexible cloth, 25c. 
 
 When we read Hacaulay's It volumes, we said that they wanted nothing but the Action to maka 
 an epic poem; and now it seems that they are not wanting even in that. Pubitak Rxcokdbb. 
 
 lie meets the historian at the fountain head, tracks him through the old pamphlets and newspapcn 
 on which he relied,and demonstrates that his own authorities are against him. BosToa Trait scai ft. 
 
 THE GREYSON LETTERS. Selections from the Correspondence of 
 
 R. E. U. auTSOX, Esq. Edited by Hznbt Kogees, Author of The Eclipse of Faith." 
 
 1:^0, cloth, $1.25. 
 
 " Mr. Oreyson and Mr. Rogers are one and the same person. The whole work Is from his pen 1 
 and every letter is radiant with the genius of the author of the ' Eclipse of Faith.' " It discusses a 
 wide range of sul^ects in the most attractive manner. It abounds in the keenest wit and humor, 
 satire and logic. It fairly entities Mr. Rogers to rank with Sydney Smith and Charles Lamb as a 
 wit and humorist, and with Bishop Butler as a reasoner. 
 
 If Mr. Rogers lives to accomplish our expectations, we ftel little doubt that his name will share, 
 with those of Butler and Pascal, in the gratitude andvenerationof posterity. Loir dok Quabtkui.t. 
 
 Full of acute observation, of subtle analysis, of accurate logic, fine description, apt quotation, pithy 
 remark, and amusing anecdote. ... A book, not for one hour, but for all hours; not for one mood, 
 but for every mood, to think over, to dream over, to laugh over. Boston Joubxal. 
 
 A truly good book, containing wise, true and original reflections, and written in an attractive style. 
 
 Hon. Obo. S. Uillabo, LL. D., in Botton Courier. 
 
 Mr. Rogers has few equals as a critic, moral philosopher, and defender of truth. . . . This volume 
 is ftoU of entertainment, and full of food for thought, to feedon. Puiladelpuia PBBSBTXBBiAir. 
 
 The Letters are intellectual gems, radiant with beauty and the lighto of geniiu, happily Inters 
 mingling the grave and the gay. CnBisTiAJr Obsbbvbb. 
 
 ESSAYS IN BIOGRAPHY AND CRITICISM. By Peter Batoe, 
 
 M. A, Author of " The Christian Life, Social and Individual." Arranged in two Bxaaa, 
 OR Parts. 12mo, cloth, each, $1.25. 
 
 This work is prepared by the author eaclndvely for his American pnbllshers. It tnelodes el^ 
 teen articles, vist 
 First Sebibs :- Thomas De Quincy. Tennyson and his Teachers. Mrs. Barrett Browning. 
 
 Recent AspecU of British Art. John Ruskin. - Hugh Miller. The Modem Novel ; Dickens, to. 
 
 Ellis, Acton, and Currer BelL Charles Kingslcy. 
 
 Second Series : 8. T. Coleridge. T. B. Blacaulay. Alison. Wellington. Napoleon. 
 Plato. - Characteristics of Christian CivUiMtion. Education hi the Nineteenth Century. - The 
 Pulpit and the Press. 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER OF JAl^IES MONl'GOMERY. Abridged 
 from the recent London, seven volume edition. By 3Ir8. H. C Kniout, Author 
 of ' Lady Huntington and her Friends," &c. With a fine llkene and an elegant 
 illustrated title page on steel. 12mo, cloth, 91.25. 
 
 This is an original biography prepared fW)m the abundant, but llWlgested materials con- 
 tained in the seven octavo volumes of the London edition. The great bulk of that work, together 
 with the heavy ttyle of its literary exe.:utio}i, must necessarily prevent its republication in this 
 country. At the same time, the Christ'a'i ptiU'f. in America will expect some memoir of a poet 
 whose hymns snd sacred melodies ha''e dceB th/ '^'llght of every household. This work, it is confl- 
 den tly hoped, will taWy satisfy the p'ltOi'l'ren MiM prepared by ona who has already von distin- 
 guished laurels in this department oT htenfejn (xj 
 
GOULD AND LINCOLN, \ 
 
 69 WASHINGTON STREET, BOSTON, ] 
 
 Would call particular attention to the following valuable worKS described i 
 
 in their Catalogue of Publications, viz. : ; 
 
 Hugh Miller's Works. ' 
 Sayne'fl Works. Walker's Works. Miall's Works. Bungener's Woxk. 
 
 AJmnal of Scientific Discovery. Knight's Knowledge is Power. 1 
 
 Krummacher's SuflFering Saviour, ; 
 
 Banvard's American Histories. The Aimwell Stories. ] 
 
 WewoOjnb's Works. Tweedie's Works. Chambers's Works. Harris' Works. ] 
 
 Kitto's Cyclopaedia, of Biblical Literature. i 
 
 %r8. Knight" s Life of Montgomery. Kitto's History of Palestin | 
 
 Wheewell's Work. Wayland's Works. Agassiz's Works. ' 
 
 JLK'JiwryKSii 
 
 William's Works. Ghuyot's Works. 
 
 Chompson'B Better Land. Kimball's Heaven. Valuable Works on Missions. 
 
 Haven's Mental Philosophy. Buchanan's Modern Atheism. 
 
 Cruden's Condensed Concordance. Eadie's Analytical Concordance* 
 
 The Psalmist : a Collection of Hymns. 
 
 Valuable School Books. Works for Sabbath Schools. 
 
 Memoir of Amios Lawrence. 
 
 Poetical Works of Milton, Cowper, Scott. Elegant Miniature Volumes. 
 
 Arvine's Cyclopaedia of Anecdotes. 
 
 Ripley's Notes on Gospels, Acts, and Homans. 
 
 Sprague'B European Celebrities. Marsh's Camel and the Hallig. 
 
 Boget's Thesaurus of English Words. 
 
 Hackett's Notes on Acts. M'Whorter's Yahveh Christ. 
 
 Biebold and Stannius's Comparative Anatomy. Marco's G-eologioal Map, U". 8. 
 
 Beligious and Miscellaneous Works. 
 
 Works in the various Department* cf Literature, Science and Art. 
 
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