BBBBHBBnHBHHHBnBHHBHBBHHHBHlUUUJUmum
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 PROFIT AND LOSS 
 
 IN MAN 
 
 By 
 ALPHONSO A. HOPKINS, Ph.D. 
 
 Author of "Wealth and Waste " 
 
 M The world is nothing, the man is all " 
 
 Emerson 
 
 FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY 
 
 New York and London 
 
 1909
 
 Copyright, 1908. by 
 FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY 
 Printed in the United States of America 
 Published December, 1908
 
 HV 
 
 TO THE MEMORY 
 
 OF 
 THOSE NOBLE MEN AND WOMEN 
 
 WHOSE LABORS 
 
 WERE GIVEN TOWARD RIGHTLY SOLVING 
 THE PROBLEM OF PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 AND 
 WHO HAVE ENTERED INTO REST 
 
 FOR THE HELP AND CHEER 
 
 OF 
 
 ALL THOSE TRUE AND FAITHFUL ONES 
 WHO STILL LIVE AND LABOR 
 
 TO UPLIFT 
 MANHOOD AND WOMANHOOD 
 
 AND THUS 
 TO EXALT THE NATION 
 
 152-1880
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 I. THE COST OF A BOY n 
 
 II. BOY AND BAR 41 
 
 III. MANHOOD AND GOLD 73 
 
 IV. LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 103 
 
 V. CHRISTIAN LOYALTY .....*.. 131 
 
 VI. BARABBAS :.- . . 151 
 
 VII. MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES ....... 181 
 
 VIII. MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS .... 207 
 
 IX. DICTIONARY POLITICS . 229 
 
 X. A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 251 
 
 XI. PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 285 
 
 XII. DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 315 
 
 XIII. METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 343
 
 PREFACE 
 
 IN the following pages, Author and Lecturer have 
 cooperated, with the Lecturer, it may as well be 
 confessed, rather predominating. Yet even the Lecturer 
 drew upon the Author with some freedom; for while 
 several Chapters of this book have done service as Lec- 
 tures, on the platform, many of their salient points, as 
 there given, were appropriated from the Author's own 
 "Wealth and Waste," to which volume these pages 
 are supplementary, while some facts and principles 
 therein, and a few incidents, here find reiteration. 
 
 In the Chapters, to be sure, certain matter appears 
 which the Lectures did not contain, and verbal changes 
 have been made to meet the demands of print where the 
 spoken word would not serve so well. But in large part 
 this book is a printed echo of the Lecturer's platform 
 work during these last few years ; and he has not deemed 
 it necessary, or wise, largely to recast the language into 
 which his thoughts of the platform came naturally to 
 shape themselves. 
 
 It gratifies him to know that many of the truths which 
 follow have been heard with approval by many thousands 
 of people, and have thus been his modest contribution to 
 a Righteous Cause, in that fashion. If these thousands 
 of hearers could be multiplied, or at least increased, by 
 as many thousands of readers, approving and accepting, 
 the Author ventures to hope that his contribution would 
 count in the final result for which now a full generation 
 he has labored and prayed.
 
 8 PREFACE 
 
 No apology is offered for placing at each Chapter's 
 end the bit of verse appended thereto. The Lecturer 
 found that rhythm and rime could gather up the pith 
 of a lecture, at the close, and emphasize it, while perhaps 
 mollifying as with ointment some wounded feelings, or 
 soothing inflamed prejudices; and so he came to adding 
 these verses, almost as a habit. The Author retains 
 them, to please the Lecturer, and to meet a certain 
 expectation of his friends. Several of the poems, though 
 written thus for platform purpose, have appeared hitherto 
 between covers, in a collection by the Author entitled 
 "Ballads of Brotherhood," now out of print; but others 
 are quite new to the types. 
 
 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN is a great Problem, 
 which this book is only a small endeavor to solve. The 
 effort could have been made to appear more formidable, 
 by pages of statistics; but these would not have proven 
 generally inviting or persuasive. There are facts and 
 argument enough to compensate for any lack otherwise, 
 or so the Author hopes. And both he and the Lecturer 
 born twins, if so it may be said would here return grate- 
 ful thanks to all who have testified of benefits derived 
 from the speech of the Lecturer and the Author's pen. 
 
 A. A. H.
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 
 
 And they have cast lots for my people; and have given a boy 
 for an harlot, and sold a girl for wine, that they might drink. 
 Joel 3, 3.
 
 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 THE COST OF A BOY 
 
 E5TEN to a voice from the near past : 
 "Now, gentlemen, how much am I offered for this 
 bright, likely boy? Only seventeen years old, and only 
 half black. Comes of good stock; is healthy; has been 
 well raised ; warranted sound as a nut ; got fifty years 
 of work in him and lots of real value. How much?" 
 
 Don't shudder as you hear the slave auctioneer. He 
 is gone. The slave auction has disappeared. The auction 
 block is but a memory. Yet over the space of barely five 
 decades you may catch once more the echo of those 
 words from the Southern market-place : 
 
 "Come, now, gentlemen, how much am I offered? 
 Who bids? Never sold a better boy in my life, let me 
 say. Tall, well-formed, built for strength. Good bargain 
 for whoever gets him, I tell you. Couldn't make a safer 
 investment of your cash. Bound to grow on your hands 
 and fetch a profit. No mistake in buying the stuff that's 
 in him, at a fair price. 
 
 "Who says Five Hundred? Thanks! Any more 
 offered? Five-fifty! Worth double, gentlemen, any day 
 in the week and all your life. Six Hundred ! Dirt cheap 
 still, and no discount.
 
 12 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "Six-fifty, and now you're talking! Make it Seven? 
 Seven it is, and shall I have Eight? Eight, now, and 
 who says Nine ? Nine it is, and no wonder ! You know 
 what likely boys are worth. Nine it is, and will you 
 make it Ten? 
 
 "Cost something to raise a boy like him, and think 
 of what he'll earn. Ten, is it? 
 
 "Nine-twenty-five! Say fifty? Nine-fifty and going 
 going 
 
 "Nine-seventy-five! and going going 
 
 "Are you all done, gentlemen ? Going at Nine-seventy- 
 five once, Nine-seventy-five twice, Nine-seventy-five three 
 times and 
 
 "Sold! at Nine Hundred and seventy-five dollars!" 
 
 I do not ask you to consider the moral side of such a 
 sale; all that was considered in earlier days, when dis- 
 cussion was of some account. The commercial features 
 of it, only, appeal to us now. What did the man buy 
 who bought? What did the man sell who sold? 
 
 Human potentiality productive power in the human 
 form. 
 
 In the slave-boy's body were bargained what he had 
 cost, what he might cost, his future capacity for service, 
 his endowment of health and muscle, his prospective 
 profits over the outlay which he involved. 
 
 Upon the lowest plane of consideration what is your 
 white boy today? Precisely what the slave-boy was 
 less than fifty years ago a cash investment in man- 
 hood for dividend-paying returns. 
 
 Will he pay? 
 
 That depends on what he costs, how long he lives, 
 what his productive power may be, and how carefully 
 it is conserved.
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 13 
 
 Productive power in the slave was mainly a thing of 
 brawn and muscle, rather than brain and skill. Moderate 
 intelligence, with good physique, chiefly carried value 
 and established purchase cost. At the auction block 
 education was not quoted, genius had no price. The 
 attributes of manhood for which we pay most were not 
 usually inventoried by the auctioneer. Brute-like faith- 
 fulness in the colored boy rated higher than any uncom- 
 mon mental caliber, or the promise of special gifts. 
 
 Born in the slave's cabin, cheaply reared apart from 
 school-house and academy, and early made to earn his 
 rude "keep," the slave-boy represented little cash invest- 
 ment compared with his average market figure; but he 
 was, as a rule, fairly defended from all which might 
 make him a commercial loss. 
 
 I was once addressing a colored audience in Richmond, 
 Va., when we were trying to carry that city Dry in a 
 Local Option contest. Upon the front seat, at my right, 
 leaning his head against the wall on his left, sat an old 
 man, whose cheeks were wrinkled and whose wool was 
 white. Something in his face attracted my special 
 attention after a little, and I stopt and addrest myself 
 directly to him. 
 
 "Uncle," I said, "you look like a very old man." 
 
 ' 'Deed, boss, I 'spect I is," he answered. 
 
 "You must have been a slave before the war ?" I con- 
 tinued ; and promptly he made answer 
 
 "Yes, suh, I was." 
 
 "Well, now, Uncle," I asked, "when you were a slave 
 how much were you worth?" 
 
 The question puzzled him, as I saw at once. 
 
 "I don't mean," was my explanation, "how much 
 property or money did you have, but how much did you 
 sell for?"
 
 i 4 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 He understood this, and he was glad to remember. 
 
 "I sold as high as two thousand dollars," he said 
 quickly, and with some pride. 
 
 "Indeed !" said I ; "then you must have been what they 
 called 'a pretty likely nigger' in those days." 
 
 He took no offense at this designation; he knew what 
 once it meant. 
 
 "Yes, boss," he responded, "I was." 
 
 "Well, now, Uncle," I went on, "when you were a 
 slave, and sold for two thousand dollars, they didn't have 
 any saloons for you, did they? They had Prohibition 
 of the saloon business for you then, sure, did they not ?" 
 
 " 'Deed, boss, that's a fact suah enough !" he answered 
 earnestly. 
 
 How many good Northern people know that, under 
 the old Slave regime, it was a penal offense for any man 
 to sell or give liquor to the colored servant of another 
 man? He knew it this old Uncle to whom I was 
 addressing myself. 
 
 "Why?" I asked him. "Why did they prohibit the 
 saloons for you then? Was it not because you were 
 worth more to another man sober than drunk?" 
 
 His face lighted up, and grew suddenly younger; his 
 old eyes gleamed. 
 
 "Suah's you lib, suh, dat's a fact!" he said strongly. 
 
 "Well, now, Uncle," said I, "one more question. If 
 there ever was a time when you were worth more to 
 another man sober than drunk, wouldn't you always be 
 worth more to yourself sober than drunk?" 
 
 I shall never forget the look on that old man's face as 
 he heard this question. An absolutely new idea had 
 entered his old brain. It was like a page of Revelations. 
 And I shall never forget the answer he shot back at me,
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 15 
 
 as he straightened his arm out toward where I stood, 
 and pointed at me his bony index finger. 
 
 " 'Deed, boss," he declared, and his voice rang out 
 clear and sharp through the silence, "dat's a line shot, 
 boss, suah's you lib!" 
 
 I fell to thinking of this old slave, a few years later, 
 when preparing some lectures on political economy for 
 my class in the American Temperance University down 
 in Tennessee. There came to me then, for the first time, 
 seriously suggestive thought about the cost and value of 
 a Boy, as a factor in the great economic problem of our 
 age. As my final question had been like a revelation to 
 the old colored man, so my remembrance of him, and the 
 train of thinking which that remembrance evoked, came 
 like a revelation to me. 
 
 I had a level-headed friend, in whose home was 
 growing up a lively lad of eight or nine years. To him I 
 went, with this inquiry: 
 
 "How much does a boy cost, Doctor ; the average boy, 
 in hard cash or its equivalent, every year, the first five 
 years of his life?" 
 
 He was of thoughtful mind and he reflected a little. 
 
 "Fifty dollars a year," was his answer. 
 
 Fifty dollars a year, for five years $250. 
 
 "And how much a year for the next ten years?" I 
 inquired farther. 
 
 He reflected longer at this ; and then he said : 
 
 "One hundred dollars a year is not too high an esti- 
 mate, on an average, in my opinion." 
 
 Ten years at one hundred dollars a year $1,000; add 
 this to the $250, and you have a total of $1,250, and the 
 boy is but fifteen years old. 
 
 The colored boy sold on the auction block, you will
 
 16 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 remember, for $975.00, at little more than the same age; 
 and that was not a large price. But that was a colored 
 boy, from a slave cabin, whose cost was little, and in 
 whom that price represented a profit to the man who 
 raised him. The Southern pickaninny ran wild and grew 
 like a weed in the sun. We don't grow Northern raga- 
 muffins in that cheap way. Why, I read of one epitaph 
 over a mere infant, which had more truth in it than 
 poetry : 
 
 "Beneath this stone our baby lays 
 He neither cries nor hollers; 
 
 He lived with us just thirteen days, 
 And cost just Ninety Dollars." 
 
 No, we don't grow babies, or ragamuffins, in any cheap 
 fashion; and the children in our average home are a 
 costly extravagance compared with the old-time slave- 
 boy, as to rearing; some of them would not sell as high, 
 if sale were permitted ; they have cost more to raise than 
 they are worth to keep! 
 
 Thinking further on this line, I remembered a chapter 
 heading in a book on economics which I had read 
 "Cash Value of a Man"* and finding the chapter thus 
 entitled, I found that the author exactly duplicated my 
 friend's estimate of the boy's average cost at fifteen years 
 of age, and also went on, as my friend did in my further 
 talk with him, to estimate the yearly cost for six years 
 more at $200, thus adding $1,200 to the former $1,250, 
 and making the full cost of a boy, up to legal age, the 
 snug sum of $2,450. 
 
 Rather a large investment, isn't he, at that figure? 
 Very large indeed, sometimes, considering the size of the 
 
 *The Economics of Prohibition by J. C. Fernald.
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 17 
 
 boy when he is grown both physically and mentally! 
 And the figure increases out of all proportion to his size, 
 when you add a $2,550 college course, plus football, and 
 billiards, and boat-racing making $5,000 outlay, with 
 little or no allowance for these expensive extras $5,000 
 outlay on possibly $500 worth of raw material in body 
 and brain. 
 
 And the outlay will be larger, the body and brain 
 smaller, if to the extras mentioned you add cigarets, a 
 sure device for dwarfing the boy's physique and checking 
 his intellectual development. The enemy of clean boy- 
 hood, strong manhood, and good scholarship, never 
 invented or discovered a more successful agency against 
 all these than this form of tobacco allurement, which 
 increases the boy's cost, decreases his bodily and mental 
 value, and swells without one iota of equivalent the large 
 investment made in him. 
 
 But you say that a boy the average boy will earn 
 something before he is twenty-one. Some economists 
 declare he does not return one dollar of the cash invested 
 in him before he is twenty-seven years old. Suppose you 
 are right, and the economists are wrong. How much will 
 the boy earn, to apply on his cost? 
 
 Not over $450. Deduct that from the $2,450 and you 
 have left how much? 
 
 Two thousand dollars! precisely what the old slave 
 cost his master years ago, when black manhood was 
 bought and sold. 
 
 And then the slave owner thought enough of his invest- 
 ment in the human form, of his cash capital in Man, to 
 make it a crime for anybody to sell or give liquor to his 
 slave, both before and after the age of twenty-one. Now 
 the white father, with like investment in flesh and blood,
 
 i8 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 with equal money at stake and more humanity, plus all 
 the love a father ought to feel for his offspring, will 
 uphold a policy of License which means peril to the boy 
 before he can reach majority and ruin for him farther on, 
 with final utter loss of the capital invested and involved, 
 not to speak of that other and greater value at stake an 
 immortal soul. 
 
 We thought the Southern slave-holder inhuman, and 
 we stigmatized him accordingly. What shall we say now 
 of the Northern father, who does what the slave-holder 
 would not do? When the slave-holder invested money 
 in manhood, he did it for dividend-paying returns. If 
 upon that low plane, for such reason, he felt it wise and 
 essential to guard the black man from saloons, and the 
 curse of Drink, how much more should the Northern 
 father, the father everywhere, defend therefrom the boy 
 of his own begetting, the child of his own loins, bone of 
 his bone, flesh of his flesh, and blood of his blood ? 
 
 Can we praise the cold business wisdom of the slave- 
 holder, in his course, and not condemn the business folly 
 of the father who rears a boy at far greater than the 
 slave's cost, and then deliberately sustains a policy that 
 shall ruin the investment? 
 
 In answering this question as to the father's folly, with 
 regard to the Liquor Traffic, in view of its relation to his 
 investment in the son, we must consider 
 
 1. The Boy's Cost and Conditions before attaining 
 majority; and 
 
 2. The Man whom the Boy becomes, and his divi- 
 dend-paying capacity. 
 
 We have spoken sufficiently of the Boy's Cost. What 
 of his Conditions ? How does the Saloon affect these ? 
 and how will they affect the man he is to be?
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 19 
 
 These interrogatories demand sober answer from all. 
 Man or boy, you can ignore them, or sneer at them, only 
 to your sore peril. Mother, sister, or sweetheart, you 
 have in them a vital interest. Some home which you 
 know, in the near future if not already, must be influenced 
 by the effect of certain conditions today upon some youth 
 into whose face every day you look. 
 
 "To reform a man you must begin with his grand- 
 mother," once declared Oliver Wendell Holmes. He 
 spoke, then, as a physician, having in mind the laws of 
 heredity. The same laws have seat in, as well as power 
 over, the other sex. Surely, to reform a man, you must 
 begin with his grandfather too. 
 
 Young man ! Whose grandfather are you? Some- 
 body's, beyond question. You expect to be. You intend 
 to be. That you shall be, is in the scheme for perpetu- 
 ation of the human race. What will you carry forward 
 to your grandson, as a direct result of the conditions 
 around you today? These conditions are in part of your 
 own choice, and partly the choice of your father. Who- 
 ever he is, he knows this, and he must not altogether 
 blame you. Neither should you blame everything on "the 
 old man"! If he will be a fool at the ballot-box, as to 
 the Liquor Business, you need not be a fool at the bar. 
 
 He banks too much on your wisdom and self-restraint, 
 I know ; he builds too securely on your inheritance of his 
 weak appetite and his strong will; he forgets the habits 
 of your grandfather or his, the taint of an earlier gen- 
 eration given to moderate indulgence, which he never 
 feels in his blood and does not suspect may lurk in yours 
 but it way be there. It may be your downfall here and 
 your damnation hereafter. Your conditions may reveal 
 it, and give it opportunity. Under other conditions you
 
 20 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 might go soberly through life, with your taint of inheri- 
 tance dying finally in you, and without any fatal trans- 
 mission to your grandson of what may be his curse. 
 
 You owe it to yourself that you defy conditions and 
 master them. You owe it to all who may come after you, 
 and bear your name, that you live so as by and by to 
 make better conditions for all who are to be. Against 
 your father's License folly set firmly and irrevocably the 
 law of Prohibition under your own hat. Make certain 
 that reform in your family began with your grandfather, 
 by insuring to your grandson the fact that such reform 
 continued with his grandfather. It will be a grand- 
 fatherly thing for you to do. It will help wonderfully to 
 solve the tremendous problem of PROFIT AND LOSS 
 IN MAN the greatest problem now before the scholars, 
 and statesmen, and workers, of the world. 
 
 What are these conditions, as to which I have been 
 thus addressing myself to this young man? 
 
 Merely what beset every boy wherever the Liquor 
 Traffic exists because or in spite of law. 
 
 They mean his education in the School of Drink, if the 
 unprincipled Saloon Principals can lure him to be their 
 pupil. 
 
 They mean his enticement as particeps criminis with 
 the saloon-keeper who sells liquor to him before he is of 
 lawful age, in violation of law. 
 
 They mean a bribe to the liquor-seller, under the 
 License System, to violate the law, and to make the boy 
 his co-criminal in such violation; and the larger the 
 license fee the greater the bribe. 
 
 They mean indorsement of such bribery, and consent 
 to its results, on the part of all men who uphold the 
 License System with full knowledge of its effects.
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 21 
 
 They make an accessory before the crime of every man 
 who votes to maintain License out of which the crime 
 comes. 
 
 Some years ago in a meeting of certain Ohio liquor 
 men, to which the general public were not admitted, 
 one of the liquor-sellers made a bold statement that 
 should send shivers of fear through every father's heart. 
 The fact of the utterance has been denied, but there is 
 good authority for saying it was made in Wirthwein's 
 Hall, at Columbus, by one of those officially present, 
 who supposed himself speaking confidentially and exclu- 
 sively to "the Trade," and later, was correctly reported by 
 one gentleman present who took notes and preserved 
 them. It is in line with the Liquor Traffic's logic; we 
 need not wonder or deny that one dealer should have 
 been honest enough to say what multitudes are bad 
 enough to do, what the High License Policy leads them 
 to do. 
 
 Thus he spoke: 
 
 "It will appear from these facts, gentlemen, that the success 
 of our business is dependent largely upon the creation of 
 appetite for drink. Men who drink liquor, like others, will die, 
 and if there is no new appetite created, our counters will be 
 empty, as well as our coffers. Our children will go hungry, or 
 we must change our business to that of some other, more 
 remunerative. 
 
 "The open field for the creation of this appetite is among the 
 boys. After men have grown, and their habits are formed, they 
 rarely ever change in this regard. It will be needful, therefore, 
 that missionary work be done among the boys; and I make the 
 suggestion, gentlemen, that nickels expended in treats to the 
 boys, now, will return in dollars to your tills after the appetite 
 has been formed. Above all things, create Appetite!" 
 
 Do you brand such utterance as an outrage? You 
 have a right to, you mothers of boys, who know what they
 
 22 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 cost in deep agony of the body and the soul you sisters 
 and sweethearts, who must one day be their wives, and 
 the mothers of men like them. You have a divine and 
 holy right to declare that such utterance is unholy, as all 
 which it implies is ungodly and hellish. 
 
 But men who vote License have no right of complaint. 
 That liquor-dealing official, who so frankly declared 
 himself, was no worse in what he said than such men in 
 what they have done. If these know enough to vote at 
 all, they must know that the Saloon bids for and feeds 
 upon young men -boys their sons ; or the sons of other 
 fathers. Ban the young men, under legal age, from the 
 liquor bars of this country if you could and keep the 
 bars open at all and these bars would be bankrupt insti- 
 tutions, four-fifths of them, in six months, on any license 
 fee anywhere charged. 
 
 And this is why in some cities the liquor-men encourage 
 the formation of boys' clubs, organized for the express 
 purpose of drinking and gambling. 
 
 In the latter part of November, 1897, Albert Cook, a 
 boy fifteen years old, died from a drunken debauch in the 
 city of Cincinnati. Investigation followed, a coroner's 
 jury sat upon the case, and the finding was that Albert 
 Cook came to his death by reason of acute alcoholism, 
 resulting from liquor purchased by himself "and several 
 other minor boys," and sold by parties whose names were 
 given. 
 
 These "minor boys" made up the membership of the 
 "Queen City Club," the age of whose members ranged 
 from fourteen to sixteen years only. To these boys cer- 
 tain men sold liquor with impunity ; and a trial of these 
 men, with ample evidence against them, only resulted in 
 a verdict of "Not Guilty," after seven minutes of dis- 
 cussion over the testimony!
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 23 
 
 The machinery of the law was in control of the liquor 
 men. To secure a jury in Cincinnati then, and probably 
 yet, the Board of Legislation must deposit fifty names 
 in the jury wheel from which the venire must be 'drawn. 
 This Board consisted of twenty-eight members, of whom 
 fifteen were saloon-keepers, bartenders, or in some other 
 direct way connected with the liquor business. So the 
 jury system of that city is a farce only, even when it 
 comes to protection of boys but fifteen years old. 
 
 And so, often unmolested, the gin-mill feeds on boys, 
 as a grist-mill feeds on grain. The man who doesn't 
 know this, doesn't know so much as a miller (a gin- 
 miller) or a mule. The man who does know it, and 
 votes for License, is no better than the gin-miller who 
 said those words at Columbus, so far as this liquor busi- 
 ness goes. And it goes far enough to trail him, as a 
 citizen, to the election booth, where he should turn and 
 face it like a stag at bay; it goes far enough to follow 
 him, as a Christian, into his church pew, where it ought 
 to haunt him like the ghost of a dead sin or dog him like 
 a live devil. 
 
 "It will be needful that missionary work be done 
 among the boys," said that liquor-dealer at Columbus; 
 and every License Voter responds to that suggestion in 
 the home-missionafy spirit which best pleases the saloon- 
 keeper. "And I make the suggestion, gentlemen," 
 further said the liquor-dealer, "that nickels expended in 
 treats to the boys, now, will return in dollars to your tills 
 after the appetite has been formed." From which it 
 might be inferred that St. Nickel-us had been made the 
 patron saint of the saloon business, for the behoof of 
 distillers, brewers, and barkeepers, in token of their 
 present liberality and for the multiplication of paying
 
 24 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 bummers by and by. All through the kindness and help- 
 ful cooperation of those men who believe in and uphold 
 the License System, and who, by their acts at the ballot- 
 box, make possible both liquor-dealers and Liquor 
 Leagues, and the purpose and policy of liquor-men con- 
 cerning boys boys who must become bummers if the 
 License System lives and the Liquor Traffic does not die. 
 Listen to some city facts, collated expressly to show 
 the Saloon's relation to and power over young men, in 
 the centers of population to which young men are flock- 
 ing today, and where, under the License System the 
 Saloon's power is greatest: 
 
 In a city of 32,000 inhabitants, 600 young men entered five of 
 the prominent saloons in one hour. There are 135 saloons in 
 the city. In a city of 30,000 population, 452 young men entered 
 four saloons in one hour. In a large western city, 478 young 
 men were seen to enter a single saloon in one night. In another 
 large city, 236 young men went into a prominent saloon in one 
 hour. 
 
 In a town of 11,000 population, 725 young men visited 34 of 
 the 50 saloons of the city in one night. In an eastern city, the 
 Y. M. C. A. secretary visited 19 saloons in one evening and 
 found 275 young men. In another eastern city, with a population 
 of 130,000, during one Saturday evening 355 young men entered 
 five saloons in two hours. 
 
 In a city of 30,000 population there are 150 saloons, and 1,045 
 young men entered seven of them one Saturday night, and only 
 75 attended all the churches in the city the next day. In a 
 city of 17,000 population, more than one-third of all the young 
 men in the city went into the drinking saloons in one hour. 
 
 All these figures were obtained and furnished by 
 Young Men's Christian Associations; and the conserva- 
 tism of these organizations, with regard to the Liquor 
 Question, is generally recognized.
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 25 
 
 What say the city fathers where the saloons have thus 
 laid their grip on the city sons? 
 
 Officially, when you spell City Fathers with a capital 
 C and a capital F, they say the saloon yields revenue with 
 which to run the city government ; and if they wax confi- 
 dential, and if you belong to their party, they will tell 
 you that the saloon helps elect their party ticket, and is a 
 necessity to political success. 
 
 If the city fathers are not men of such capital letters 
 I do not say if they are not such capital men if they are 
 only plain men of capital, whose money helps public 
 enterprise, and builds the fine blocks, and supports the 
 town they say that saloons make business, and bring 
 trade to the merchants, and keep the town going and 
 growing. You see even money-making business men can 
 be ignorant of the Science of Wealth, and can believe the 
 gray old fiction that the way for a community to grow 
 rich is to burn up, or drink down, what they earn or 
 produce. 
 
 If the city fathers, without capital letters, and with 
 more conscience than capital of any kind, say that the 
 saloons are a curse and a shame, and assert that saloons 
 ought to be put away, they are apt also to add with a 
 hopeless air of resignation "But you can't do it!" And 
 unless the unofficial city fathers happen to be official 
 members of the church even sometimes when they are 
 their worldly passions will rise if you urge otherwise, and 
 they will call you a fool and a fanatic for opposing the 
 Liquor Business. It is said by some who should know, 
 that even deacons, and stewards, and elders, in the 
 church, have been heard to affirm (not profanely to 
 swear, of course, but just piously to affirm) that tem- 
 perance agitators and leaders were of the fool-and-fanatic
 
 26 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 breed, over-much given to lying, and a nuisance in the 
 church and society that should somehow be supprest. 
 
 But this breed of reformers has one quality possest 
 by General Ingalls' dog in front of Petersburg, when 
 General Grant was patiently and slowly investing Rich- 
 mond. In a facetious mood one day, as the siege went 
 wearily on, General Grant bantered Ingalls about the 
 dog an ordinary looking, spotted specimen and finally 
 asked if Ingalls really intended taking that dog into 
 Richmond with him. 
 
 "I guess so, General," responded Ingalls, reflectively; 
 "he's of a long-lived breed." 
 
 And so we reformers, besieging the powers of Drink 
 in this land, are of a long-lived breed. We shall live, 
 some of us, until the Richmond of Drink surrenders. 
 
 In one little town of my acquaintance, some years ago, 
 five fathers, leading and wealthy citizens, had opportunity 
 to say and do what they would about the saloons. A 
 bright young lawyer was elected President of the village, 
 in which were 7,000 people. He had fallen, through 
 Drink lost the respect and confidence of his fellow men 
 gone down into the gutter, as such brilliant men often 
 go. The Reform Club Movement swept him in, lifted 
 him up, restored him to himself. Good men and noble 
 women stayed his hands. He regained public respect, and 
 his professional standing. He was by and by elected 
 President of the village, as has been said. He knew that 
 law was being violated. He sought the facts, and the 
 proof. One day in mid-week he met on the street a 
 deacon of his own church. 
 
 "Deacon," he said, "don't you think we ought to close 
 the saloons in this place on Sunday nights?" 
 
 "Oh, yes," said the deacon, "they ought to be closed, 
 but they've always been open ; they always will be."
 
 "Deacon," he said again, "do you know that your boy 
 was drunk last Sunday night, down at Blank's saloon?" 
 
 "No, sir, I don't," answered the deacon angrily; "my 
 boy does not drink, and I know that!" 
 
 "But your boy does drink, and I know that," said my 
 friend ; and that deacon went off in wrath. 
 
 Not many minutes later my friend met another deacon, 
 and to him he said: 
 
 "Deacon, don't you think the saloons of this village 
 ought to be closed on Sunday nights?" 
 
 And this good man made answer like unto the other : 
 
 "Oh, yes ! they ought to be closed ; it's a shame that 
 they're open, but we can't help it I" 
 
 Then to him also came the question : 
 
 "Deacon, do you know that your boy was drunk last 
 Sunday night, down at Blank's saloon?" 
 
 Again came the response : "No, sir, I don't ! And you 
 don't know it either. My boy doesn't drink." 
 
 "But your boy does drink, and I do know it !" insisted 
 my friend. 
 
 "I know better, sir!" was this deacon's angry reply. 
 "There he is now, across the street. I'll call him over 
 here, and he'll tell you he doesn't drink." 
 
 "And your boy will lie !" answered my friend. 
 
 "Charlie!" said the Deacon, in a mood not comely for 
 deacons, "Come here!" 
 
 It was the imperative mood, now. Charlie came. The 
 boy understands the imperative mood, in his father, if he 
 knows not another blessed thing about grammar. 
 
 "Charlie," said his parent and you will note the form 
 of his question "you don't drink, do you?" 
 
 "No, sir!" was the answer, prompt enough. 
 
 "You were not drunk last Sunday night down at 
 Blank's, were you?" in tones more persuasive.
 
 28 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "No, sir! I never was drunk in my life. I tell you I 
 don't drink." 
 
 "There !" said the Deacon in triumph, "I told you my 
 boy would say he doesn't drink!" 
 
 "And I told you," answered my friend, "that your boy 
 would lie!" 
 
 And away went another angry deacon now in the 
 Indicative Mood the mood indicating what he might say 
 if he were not a deacon ! 
 
 Under the village ordinances, the village President 
 had power to subpena witnesses and take their testimony 
 under oath. He subpenaed the five leading young men 
 of the village, including the two sons of the fathers 
 referred to; and he invited the father of each boy to be 
 present at the hearing. The five fathers were the wealthi- 
 est, most influential, citizens the village had. They came 
 in part because their sons were compelled to be 
 present. 
 
 There the boys were sworn upon the Book; and there 
 each testified that he was down at Blank's on the Sunday 
 night referred to, and was drunk there, and that it was 
 not his first experience in that place of that sort. 
 
 "Now, gentlemen," said my friend, "these are your 
 boys. I have none, thank God, to be led away as they 
 have been. They are your boys. The saloon taught 
 them to drink; it taught them to lie. They did not dare 
 perjure themselves, but the time will come soon enough 
 when they will, if you let the saloons remain open. With 
 your help I can close them, on Sunday ; without your help 
 I should fail if I tried, and I'll not try. If you want your 
 boys to go to the devil they may go to the devil, for I 
 can't stop them alone!" 
 
 The saloons were not closed. What became of these
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 29 
 
 five boys I never knew. But the last time I saw my 
 friend he stood in front of a hotel in the city of Albany, 
 and I knew what was becoming of him. His bleary eyes, 
 his bloated face, his unsteady figure, his general appear- 
 ance of degradation, told the story of another downfall. 
 The saloons of his village, which those wealthy, Christian 
 fathers would not try to put away, had won him back to 
 their besotting. 
 
 And I thought, as I saw him there, and stood with him, 
 of another young man, and of what he said one day, 
 walking down the same street. He had been my friend 
 when we both served the State, in that old brown stone 
 Capitol, a little farther up the hill my friend, handsome, 
 clean-lipped, fine-grained, strong-fibered a young man 
 to make you proud of young manhood because it can be 
 so glad, and gracious, and grand! 
 
 But even he had fallen, through an old taint of alcohol 
 in the blood of which we never dreamed "the worst 
 case of inherited alcoholism I ever knew," said the 
 leading physician of Albany, telling me about it after- 
 ward even he had fallen, and into deeper depths than 
 coarser mortals find. And one who knew him, even as 
 did I, saw him reeling down the broad sidewalk one day, 
 drest, yet, like the gentleman he had been, but unmistak- 
 ably the drunkard he had become. 
 
 "Colonel!" said his old office associate, stopping 
 squarely in front of him, "where are you going?" 
 
 And backing up against a tree at the edge of the side- 
 walk, for support, the Colonel glared at him from his 
 once handsome eyes, and said with a sneering laugh 
 
 "I am going to hell! And I've got twenty thousand 
 dollars yet to take me there !" he continued, as if proud 
 of means wherewith the awful journey could be made.
 
 30 PROFIT AND LOSS IN 
 
 An awful journey, with a saloon for every mile-stone, 
 and the miles so short ! 
 
 What now, of the Man whom the Boy becomes, either 
 because or in spite of the conditions which surround him? 
 What of his dividend-paying capacity? 
 
 Of one thing you may be sure : 
 
 I. THE LONGER HE LIVES THE MORE HE 
 WILL PAY, IF HE PAYS AT ALL. 
 
 Every man's life is a ledger, with Debit and Credit 
 accounts. Assuming that he begins business at twenty- 
 one years of age, these accounts must then be opened by 
 him, and against his life he must then charge the net cost 
 of it up to that time. 
 
 And there it will stand, the first entry on what may be 
 the Loss side 
 
 My Life Dr. 
 
 To cost at Man's Estate ...... $2,000.00 
 
 Kill him the next day and there are no credits; the 
 entry must remain unbalanced forever; somebody 
 invested in him without returns, but with unredeemable 
 loss, sure enough. Suppose he lives ten, twenty, forty 
 years, after this, and suppose, further, that the additional 
 cost each year is barely covered by his earnings in other 
 words, that every new year's credit is matched by a new 
 cost charge still forever unbalanced stands the charge 
 made at first; his life has not paid back the original 
 investment in it; that investment is yet and always a 
 total loss. He can not be dividend-paying until that is 
 paid except as dividends may apply thereon, to cancel 
 that debt. 
 
 If he earn or produce each year of manhood a little
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 31 
 
 more than each year he costs, he may in time pay out, and 
 not die, at last, a debtor, as a man, for what he cost, as 
 a boy. 
 
 Whatever discounts his natural term of life will dis- 
 count the profit of Society's cash investment in him. 
 Whatever discounts his normal capacity for labor will 
 further discount that profit. 
 
 The natural "expectation of life" (to use an insurance 
 term) in a young man of twenty-five, is thirty-five years. 
 Make him a drinker at twenty-five, and you curtail this 
 average "expectation" term by ten years. Make him a 
 drinker earlier, and this curtailment is increased. Make 
 him a hard drinker, and you still further hasten his end. 
 And every time you lop off the term of his life, you 
 decrease his dividend-paying possibilities. 
 
 Dr. Willard Parker, one of America's most eminent 
 physicians, and high authority on statistics of this kind, 
 still more strongly emphasizes the effects of Drink upon 
 the duration of life. He affirms that the average age of 
 temperance people is sixty-four years and two months, 
 while the average age of the intemperate is but thirty-five 
 years and six months ; thus making a difference between 
 them of twenty-eight years and eight months. 
 
 Of another thing you may be certain, concerning this 
 Man whom the Boy becomes : 
 
 II. THE LONGER HE LIVES AND FAILS TO 
 PAY DIVIDENDS, THE GREATER LOSS HE IS. 
 
 It would be a saving to the Nation if we could kill off 
 all its hard drinkers tomorrow. There are two and one- 
 half millions of these, and their first cost, at twenty-one 
 years of age, was at least FIVE BILLIONS OF 
 DOLLARS as much as the estimated value of all the 
 slaves in this country before the war.
 
 32 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 One-half of these two and one-half millions have never 
 returned in dividends one dollar of their first cost, and to 
 kill them now would forever lose the whole original 
 investment in them two and a half billions one-half as 
 much as the total cost of that war which freed the slaves ; 
 but their further cost would be saved. 
 
 Shall we vote to kill them? You shudder at the 
 question. It sounds harsh, heartless, cruel. But every 
 man votes precisely that way when he votes License. The 
 saloon feeds on the Boy ; it kills the Man whom the Boy 
 becomes. On the scaffold, sometimes yes ; of tener away 
 from it, inside the saloon itself, or in the home which has 
 been curst thereby, or in the asylum provided by the 
 State. Often, too, it kills the mother at whose breast 
 the Boy drew life the wife of the Man he has grown 
 to be, and the children begotten in his beastliness. Slow 
 killing of the man, in most cases; a little slower killing 
 of the wife and children, perhaps ; but sure though slow, 
 and as horribly swift, sometimes, as the gleam of a dagger 
 or the flash of a pistol in the dark. 
 
 If men vote to kill the saloon's victims, by license of 
 the thing that kills, why should they shrink from thought 
 of killing them, or some of them, in a way more direct, 
 but not more wicked ? 
 
 Normal capacity for labor, whatever its kind, on the 
 part of the Man, will protect Society from loss on account 
 of its investment in the Boy. This normal capacity for 
 labor demands normal conditions. The saloon is abnor- 
 mal. Its effects are against nature. 
 
 Natural law in the human world requires that every 
 man born into this world, under that law, shall pay his 
 way. Because this law is violated, we have want 
 everywhere.
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 33 
 
 "If one of my subjects does not labor," said once an 
 Emperor of China, "there 'is some one in my country 
 who suffers from hunger and cold." 
 
 Thus runs the natural yea, the Divine law of the 
 human world. It can be nullified only to the world's 
 bitter loss. Labor for self, returns to Society for the 
 cost of self, can alone meet that law. Wherever these 
 fail the law, there is misery. Wherever the law is abro- 
 gated, there is wretchedness and wo. Whatever abro- 
 gates the law, is unnatural, unwholesome, unchristian, 
 unpatriotic, and opposed to the very constitutionality of 
 things. 
 
 John Burns is the most noted labor leader in England, 
 and the best authority on all matters relating to the 
 workingmen of that country. Visiting the United States, 
 he was asked the greatest cause of poverty in England, 
 and with laconic emphasis he answered 
 
 "Drink!" 
 
 Being further asked what is the greatest obstacle to 
 the advancement of the working classes there, he said 
 again, sententiously 
 
 "Drink!" 
 
 To a further question why the working classes of 
 Great Britain are less tidy and less ambitious than those 
 of the United States, once more he answered 
 
 "DRINK !" 
 
 And to a fourth inquiry "What is the greatest incen- 
 tive to crime and vice among the working people?" he 
 replied as before, simply and tersely 
 
 "DRINK !" 
 
 "Is there any hope for the elevation of the working 
 classes of your country to the same standard of those in
 
 34 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 the United States?" he was finally asked; and his reply 
 was: 
 
 "Not so long as there is a public house at every cross- 
 roads in Great Britain." 
 
 The "public," there, is the saloon, here. The saloon, 
 here, determines the dividend or non-dividend paying 
 capacity of our American laborer, skilled or unskilled. 
 The American artizan's home may be far superior to the 
 English artizan's, while the American saloon may for- 
 ever make the American artizan a losing investment. 
 
 In Massachusetts, where he is probably at his average 
 best, mentally, morally, and mechanically, his annual 
 earnings are but $434.17, while the average annual cost 
 of maintaining his family is $488.96. Here, then, is a 
 difference on the Loss side of life, each year, of $54.79 
 a direct charge against the laborer, by the State, of that 
 sum a yearly item, to be multiplied by millions the 
 country over, in that vast problem of PROFIT AND 
 LOSS IN MAN. 
 
 It is true that the family of the Massachusetts laborer 
 increase his earnings an average of $100.82, so that the 
 average yearly earnings of a laboring man's entire house- 
 hold in that State are $534-99; but this is only $46.03 
 more than the family's yearly cost, a narrow margin, 
 indeed, between Profit and Loss. Three drinks a day, 
 six days in the week, at five cents a drink, will more than 
 wipe this margin out. Put one saloon between the 
 laborer's home and his place of work, and the margin is 
 likely to go. When the margin goes, with the Man, the 
 burden begins with the State. When the burden begins 
 with the State, the Man's dividend-paying powers are 
 ended. There is no hope in him forever after as a finan- 
 cial investment of the State's cash.
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 35 
 
 "The world owes me a living!" 
 
 I beg your pardon, young man, the world owes you 
 nothing. You are debtor to the world. Bad habits, if 
 you form them, or if being formed they be not broken, 
 will make you a delinquent debtor till your creditor buries 
 you. And then upon your tombstone a proper epitaph 
 would be: 
 
 "Death Found Him in Debt to Life. He Never Paid 
 His Cost as a Boy, Barely his Keeping as a Man. He 
 Died Insolvent, and Sleeps in Shame." 
 
 To this might be added what Artemus Ward said of 
 Jeff Davis "It would have been ten dollars in his pocket 
 if he'd never been born." 
 
 In the disgrace of such an epitaph every man should 
 share who aids in any manner to make it possible. To 
 make it impossible should be the effort of every citizen. 
 
 The well-being of all depends upon the well-doing of 
 each. He does ill for his fellow man who makes him a 
 debtor to life till he dies. Saloons breed this kind of a 
 debtor class. License breeds the saloon. Christianity 
 should breed a citizenship by whose hand the saloon shall 
 die. Self-interest should strike the blow to kill, if Chris- 
 tian righteousness lack nerve and grit for the Christian 
 deed. Commercial common-sense ought to put out of 
 legal existence every means whereby the cost of a man is 
 forever made a charge upon the community into which 
 he was born or wherein he lives. 
 
 All this, upon the lowest plane of material consider- 
 ation and financial returns. The full and final profit on 
 investments in Man must come from the largest possible 
 development of his mental and moral powers. To this 
 end the Home, the School, and the Church, cooperate. 
 To their work the Saloon is openly hostile. Its friend is
 
 36 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 their foe. It can be maintained only at their peril. To 
 maintain it means the constant, and growing, and awful, 
 loss of Society's investment in Man, and of Man's mental 
 and moral opportunities. 
 
 It is a solemn thing to assist in sending a man through 
 and out of life in debt forever to his fellow men for much 
 of his keeping and all his cost. It is a far more solemn 
 thing to assist in sending him thus through and out of 
 life forever hopelessly a debtor to his God. 
 
 For all he might have been and is not, a man stands 
 debtor when his life is done. For all they might have 
 helped him to become, when their help was not given, his 
 fellow men are responsible. With him they bear the 
 burden of his eternal debt. With him they share the 
 solidarity of the human race. Its laws of equalization 
 are binding upon all. Where the individual sinks, the 
 nation can not rise. A world of paupers can not be a 
 world of wealth. Loss of Manhood can not be gain for 
 the State. Prosperity for a great people can be sure and 
 permanent only where every man pays dividends upon 
 himself. 
 
 Born in a splendid palace, 
 
 With luxuries all at hand, 
 Or born to the poor man's frugal board, 
 
 With luxuries always banned, 
 The Boy is a costly blessing, 
 
 A luxury in himself, 
 Where Plenty waits by the palace gates, 
 
 Or Want on the poor man's shelf. 
 
 Home is a palace noble, 
 
 When Love is the keeper there; 
 And Life is a royal, holy gift, 
 
 That comes to its ward and care;
 
 THE COST OF A BOY 37 
 
 Though bells may ring at its coming, 
 
 By Royalty's glad commands, 
 Or want may wait at the poor man's gate 
 
 With hunger and empty hands. 
 
 Life is a gift all gracious, 
 
 From Source that is all Divine, 
 Yet ever a tax on life and love, 
 
 Your life and your love, and mine. 
 We pay for the princely token, 
 
 As other lives paid before 
 When thus we came for a place and name 
 
 To cottage or palace door. 
 
 Wealth pays, for the gift so precious; 
 
 Want pays, from its meager hoard; 
 Love gives its all, in the palace hall 
 
 And there by the humble board; 
 And life unto life is debtor, 
 
 For life and its costly care, 
 To all who pay, till the Judgment Day, 
 
 Unless it shall earn its share. 
 
 O Man with your debt uncanceled 
 
 O Men who have paid for such 
 One life went out on the crimson Cross 
 
 That Love might redeem for much; 
 But wo to your peace eternal 
 
 If all that you ought to pay 
 Stand yet unpaid when the scales have weighed 
 
 Your life, at the Judgment Day! 
 
 And wo to your soul, O Christian, 
 
 If any can point and cry 
 "He did not help me to pay my debt, 
 
 But helped me in debt .to die!" 
 For he who to life is debtor, 
 
 When comes the accounting time, 
 Through the deed you did, or the help you hid, 
 
 Shows life in yourself a crime!
 
 BOY AND BAR 
 
 He sitteth in the lurking places of the villages. Psalms 10, 8.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 BOY AND BAR 
 
 THE Boy is a necessity to civilization ; he always has 
 been. He was a necessity, in this country, before 
 civilization came. Don't you remember the old nursery 
 song? 
 
 "One little, two little, three little Indian, 
 Four little, five little, six little Indian, 
 Seven little, eight little, nine little Indian, 
 Ten little Indian Boys." 
 
 You see there must have been a nursery in this our 
 native land before the Cradle of Liberty was brought 
 here by our forefathers and rocked by our foremothers. 
 This idea may not be strictly original, but it is aboriginal. 
 
 The Boy is a necessity to civilization ; he was a neces- 
 sity before it. Without the Boy, there could have been 
 nothing to be civilized. 
 
 Who ever told you how old Adam was when he was 
 created? How do you know? He might have been 
 made with a mustache, to be sure; but I suspect that 
 was an afterthought. If Adam wasn't a boy, to begin 
 with, what a lot o' fun he must have missed in this 
 world! He had boys of his own soon enough, anyhow; 
 and this fact establishes the truth of what I said the 
 Boy was a necessity before civilization began. 
 
 The Bar never was a necessity. Noah got drunk with- 
 out it, and made a beast of himself before barkeepers 
 were heard of. The Bar of today is a modern institution,
 
 42 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 devised by the devil to make sure that Noah's beastliness 
 has modern perpetuation. But you don't read much 
 about the drunkenness of Man, in his earliest records. 
 When he began to be civilized he began to drink, it is 
 true, but not at the Bar. 
 
 The Bar seems to have been born of the License Idea, 
 before that idea was dignified by a name. And among 
 English-speaking people the Bar's early beginnings 
 appear to have borne out the beast idea as to Drink. A 
 common sign in London, about 1735, when gin had come 
 to be sold in public places, was : 
 
 "Drunk for a penny, dead-drunk for twopence, clean 
 straw for nothing." 
 
 Straw suggests the brute which liquor made then and 
 makes yet. It was a herd of swine, please remember, 
 into which entered certain devils that were cast out by 
 Christ; and it was the swine as to which their owners 
 were first concerned when Christ was caring thus for 
 men. And there are Men of Gadara now, in even this 
 Christian land, who deny the right of any man to cast out 
 the Devils of Drink from demon-possest society, because 
 their swine may suffer. What a fellow-feeling some men 
 have ! 
 
 The Drink Habit was originally a home habit, intensi- 
 fied by hospitality. It came 'of the vineyard a home 
 affair in the days when "his own vine and figtree" were 
 part of each man's estate. Even when the brewing of ale 
 followed the making of wine, or began where the vine- 
 yard had not flourished, the brewery was first the home, 
 with the housewife the brewer; and the first persons 
 licensed to brew were good Scotch matrons at their own 
 firesides. 
 
 And when distilling began in this country, the distil-
 
 BOY AND BAR 43 
 
 lery was but a modest home adjunct, without any Bar 
 appendage, with a deacon, perhaps, for the distiller a 
 neighborhood convenience, considered as respectable as 
 the church, and relied upon often to furnish what was 
 thought needful stimulus for church functions. 
 
 The Bar of today is the saloon of today ; and the saloon 
 of today was a thing unknown sixty years ago or at 
 farthest seventy-five. The country store sold liquor in 
 the country town, two generations back, as a part of its 
 general trade; or the tavern sold it, at the bar which 
 formed only part of a public house required as a necessity 
 by the traveling public. Liquor-selling then was an inci- 
 dent, not an avocation. Avarice and Appetite had not 
 then begotten the American saloon, in unholy wedlock; 
 politics and parties had not then pampered this bastard 
 of our time, for their unholy purposes; the Bar had not 
 grown to be Boss in government. 
 
 The evolution of Liquor, in commerce and in politics, 
 when you stop to contemplate it soberly, is a thing as 
 amazing as it is dangerous. In its bold assumption, in 
 its cumulative audacity, in its autocratic usurpation, in 
 its appalling results, the Liquor Power's growth is abso- 
 lutely without a parallel. As the New York Tribune 
 has said : 
 
 "From the caucus to the convention, from the State Legisla- 
 ture to Congress, the power and presence of drink are manifest. 
 The Reform measures which wisdom and patriotism demand 
 must be submitted to the allies and stipendiaries of those whose 
 whole existence is pledged against every civilizing agency, and 
 for whom National purification means extinction and death." 
 
 THe Boy has rights upon which the Bar constantly 
 infringes, of which the Bar is robbing him all the time. 
 The First of These is,
 
 44 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 THE RIGHT TO BE BORN WITH PURE 
 BLOOD. 
 
 The Boy has this right. His father owes it to him. 
 The State owes it to him. Father and Bar become 
 robbers of the Boy, where the father stands often at the 
 Bar. The State robs the Boy when it provides the Bar 
 at which the father stands. 
 
 There is no need that the father shall be a gutter 
 drunkard to debauch with liquor the blood in his boy's 
 veins. Frequent moderate indulgence on the father's part 
 may do this as dangerously. 
 
 The law of inheritance runs thus : A moderate drinker 
 in this generation, a drunkard in the next. 
 
 This law holds, except a strain in the mother's blood 
 shall neutralize it. And says Dr. Willard Parker in an 
 article on "The Hereditary Influence of Alcohol" : 
 
 "The drunkard by inheritance is a more hopeless slave than 
 his progenitor, and the children that he begets are more helpless 
 still, unless on the mother's side there is engrafted upon them 
 untainted stock." 
 
 We have no authority in the United States that out- 
 ranks Willard Parker along this line. 
 
 The law of inheritance may be all-dominating, and is 
 of tremendous power. Each, as a rule, will beget after 
 its own kind. Pointer dogs will breed pointer dogs. A 
 drunkard must breed the drunkard, as even the moderate 
 drinker will. There may be exceptions, among men and 
 dogs. Special characteristics of breed may not be equally 
 strong in all cases ; in some cases they may be abnormally 
 developed. 
 
 The owner of one dog boasted of its remarkable 
 instinct for pointing. "Would you believe it," said this 
 owner, "when I was walking into the city he suddenly
 
 BOY AND BAR 45 
 
 stopt and pointed at a man in a bookstall; and nothing 
 I could do would induce the dog to move. So I went up 
 to the man and said: 'Would you oblige me with your 
 name?' 'Certainly/ said the stranger, 'my name is 
 Partridge.' " 
 
 Inherited instinct in the dog, you see, came near making 
 game of a man. Perhaps the boy was a little after this 
 order who, when reading about the patriarchs, pro- 
 nounced them "partridges," and was rebuked by the 
 teacher, who said: "You must not tnake game of the 
 patriarchs in this way." 
 
 Writing years ago upon a book that has had rather 
 wide reading since*, and putting into one woman's mouth 
 the story of her husband's unholy life, I made that 
 woman to say : 
 
 "One day, Mr. Trent, 
 
 When my baby came to me," a far-away look 
 In her eyes, as she spoke, "in brief gladness I took 
 It up into my arms, and I said to the Lord 
 'Thou hast given me here what must be my reward 
 For the misery mine. May it minister so 
 To my need I may better and worthier grow!' 
 But it sickened. The dear little thing slipt away 
 From my clinging embrace. It was cruel to pray 
 It might live; for the blood in its innocent veins 
 Knew the sins of its father, and carried the stains 
 Of his lecherous life in each drop. So he killed it 
 By fatal transmission. They said the Lord willed it. 
 I hated Him then : I have doubted Him since." 
 
 I will take you into my confidence enough to say that 
 what thus found expression in my own verse was almost 
 the literal transcript of what one woman had told me, in 
 cold, pitiless prose, of the cruel tragedy in her life. It 
 
 *Geraldinea Poem Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston.
 
 46 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 could be matched, I have no doubt, by many a wife like 
 her. And the lecherous taint of blood, which has cursed 
 and killed so many babes that were ill-begotten, had 
 birth in the paternal drinking habit, nurtured and fostered 
 in the legal and illegal saloon. 
 
 And what do you think the babe must be, as to blood 
 and breeding, when the drink habit is maternal as well as 
 paternal? when alcohol is a part of its daily nourish- 
 ment, afforded by the mother both before and after 
 birth? 
 
 In the city of Rochester, at one time, a young man and 
 his young wife, who had taken board in a respectable 
 family, and both of whom had respectable family con- 
 nection, lay dead drunk in their room, day after day, for 
 a week, while their month-old baby slept in a drunken 
 stupor like their own, or wakened only to rouse the 
 household with its feeble cries beside the breast which 
 would not yield it food. A dear friend of mine, stopping 
 under the same roof, by good fortune heard the child, 
 and was one of those who found the drunken parents and 
 assisted in saving their babe from starvation, until the 
 mother grew sober enough to nurse it. 
 
 Said one of the most conservative physicians in 
 Rochester to me, some years ago: 
 
 "It would appall you to know how many children there 
 are in this city, not two years old, who have never drawn 
 a sober breath." 
 
 Another physician told me how he was called to a home 
 of wealth, in his parish, to minister to a babe in arms. 
 When he had looked it over carefully he said: 
 
 "I can do nothing for your child, madam; it is not 
 sick." 
 
 "Not sick, Doctor! my baby not sick? But what is the 
 matter with it then?"
 
 BOY AND BAR 47 
 
 "Drunk, madam!" was the blunt reply; "drunk at your 
 breast." 
 
 And what can the boy be, what can the man become, 
 whose being springs from poisoned source like that? 
 Almost we might say it were better for the babe to die, 
 in babyhood, than that the boy should grow to manhood 
 from such beginnings. And who knows how many babes 
 do die because thus besotted from their birth? 
 
 After this chapter had been planned, and largely pre- 
 pared, Mr. John G. Woolley made an address in Chicago, 
 at the great University there, in which he said : 
 
 "I wish I could show you a picture that I saw a while ago, 
 in a city not very far from here, where I was waiting for my 
 train at a railway station. In order to stretch myself, and pass 
 the time away, I went out and took a turn around a block or 
 two, and without knowing where I was going, fell into the wake 
 of an idly moving crowd, that led me presently to the morgue, 
 where I saw what you women would call a clothes-hamper a 
 large wicker basket filled with the bodies of little dead babies 
 which the keeper of the place told me had been gathered up in 
 the drunken hovels of that one town that one day. A clothes- 
 basket of babies, as sweet and as innocent and as deserving as 
 ever were born, lying there with their little shut fists upraised 
 where death had frozen them, clutching at love in the darkness 
 poor little things and calling to the Christian nation 'Life 
 Life Life !' " 
 
 Born with pure blood, this life might have been theirs, 
 for which, as Mr. Woolley said, these babies mutely 
 cried. Theirs, unless drunken parents murdered them, 
 while mutely still they slept. For it is estimated and 
 so Mr. Woolley told us by conservative statisticians, 
 that 2,500 babies are annually killed by drunken fathers 
 and mothers overlaying them in bed. And two-thirds of 
 this slaughter of the innocents, so statistics show, occurs
 
 48 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 on Saturday night the awful Pay-Day fruit of the legal 
 or illegal saloon. 
 
 And next Saturday night, after the saloon has robbed 
 the laborer and sent him staggering home to quote Mr. 
 Woolley again "thirty to fifty baby men and women 
 baby fellow-citizens of yours and mine will stretch 
 their little hands toward this Christian government and 
 cry Life ! Life ! Life ! and will hear nothing but a drunken 
 snore and strangle back into the unknown." 
 
 An English physician, Dr. W. C. Sullivan, made the 
 most exhaustive study of mortality among the offspring 
 of inebriate mothers, and reported the same in the 
 Quarterly Journal of Inebriety for October, 1899. He 
 selected from the inmates of Liverpool prison a series of 
 loo women who had borne children, taking only those 
 cases in which alcoholism occurred uncomplicated by 
 other degenerative factors; from the outside he added 
 twenty more of the same class, relatives and friends of 
 the prisoners. 
 
 To these 120 drunken mothers were born 600 children, 
 of whom 355, or more than 55 per cent, were born dead, 
 or died within two years of birth. 
 
 Of these 120 drunken mothers, twenty-one were able 
 to tell of sober sisters, daughters and friends, to the num- 
 ber of twenty-eight, who had married sober husbands 
 all of the same class in life, but differing as to habits. 
 The twenty-eight sober mothers, thus reported by these 
 drunken ones, had borne 128 children, of whom but 33, 
 or less than 24 per cent., died within two years; while 
 of the 125 children born to the 21 inebriates, 69, or over 
 55 per cent., were dead at birth, or died within two years 
 afterward ; showing that the death-rate for the first two 
 years, among children begotten and born of inebriate
 
 BOY AND BAR 49 
 
 motherhood, was nearly two-and-a-half times that of 
 sober mothers of the same general class and even of the 
 same stock. 
 
 Another fearful fact was demonstrated by Dr. Sulli- 
 van, viz. : the progressive degeneration of successive 
 children born during the mother's continued inebriety. 
 This was shown by the figures in a series of cases, and 
 also in several particular instances. In one of these 
 instances the three children earliest born seemed fairly 
 healthy; the fourth was defective, mentally; the fifth 
 was an epileptic idiot ; the sixth was born dead ; and the 
 number ended with a premature still-birth. According 
 to a writer in Medical Record (Forbes Winslow), one 
 leading American physician has given figures to show 
 that out of 300 idiots, whose history could be traced, 145 
 were the children of drunken parents. Other authorities 
 declare that liquor causes a far higher percentage of 
 idiocy. 
 
 The Second Right of the Boy is 
 
 THE RIGHT TO BE BORN INTO A SOBER 
 HOME. 
 
 Only sober parentage can insure this right. Pro- 
 hibition of the Bar is a necessity to sober parentage. 
 
 I am speaking, now, of the American Boy; and I am 
 thinking, when I declare this right, of all that my words 
 imply in an American Home of all that the Home 
 implies in our American Republic. 
 
 Bear in mind that we are building this Republic on four 
 foundation pillars 
 
 The Home, the School, 
 The Church, and the Ballot-Box. 
 
 If the Home- Pillar fails, the other pillars will not hold
 
 50 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 up the temple which we rear: it will totter and fall. 
 Build the Home upon empty bottles, or empty beer kegs, 
 and it will crumble into fragments. 
 
 Time was when the Home and the Bar could exist 
 and thrive under the same roof ; but they can't now. The 
 saloon has taken what the Home abandoned. The deacon 
 is no longer the distiller. The brewer is rarely a church 
 member. The Bar does not live to meet a domestic 
 necessity, but to create a private appetite, a public thirst, 
 to serve a political end. By it the Drink Habit say, 
 if you please, the Drink Disease is fostered in public 
 places, amid conditions destructive of private morals, in- 
 dividual health, family comfort, and public welfare. 
 
 If the Bar thrives, the Home suffers ; where the brew- 
 ery shadows are cast, the Home is blighted. Remove the 
 Bar and the brewery, and you shall see how homes grow 
 glad, and laugh with plenty ; how childhood sings in sun- 
 shine and motherhood smiles in song. 
 
 "What is it that makes the rich man richer and the 
 poor man poorer ?" shouted a Socialist orator, as reported 
 by the New York Tribune. The proper answer should 
 have been "Monopoly!" in the orator's way of thinking; 
 and for this he waited. But the answer, when it came, 
 was from a new member of the organization, not yet 
 properly instructed, who disgusted the orator by shouting 
 "Beer!" As unexpectedly as tersely, he told the truth. 
 Pages of testimony could be given to prove this. Let one 
 witness suffice. 
 
 When Atlanta, Ga., had closed one year of Prohibition 
 (in 1887), the Atlanta Constitution, not edited by a 
 Prohibitionist, gave column after column to reporting 
 Prohibition's beneficent effect upon the homes of Atlanta. 
 A few of the salient sentences ran thus :
 
 BOY AND BAR 51 
 
 "Fifteen new stores containing house-furnishing goods have 
 been started. More furniture has been sold to mechanics and 
 laboring men in the last twelve months than in any twelve 
 months during the history of the city. Rents are more promptly 
 paid than formerly. More houses are rented by the same 
 number of families than heretofore. Before Prohibition, some- 
 times as many as three families would live in one house. The 
 heads of those families, not now spending their money for drink, 
 are each able to rent a house, thus using three instead of one. 
 Working men who formerly spent a great part of their money 
 for liquor, now spend it in food and clothes for their families. 
 According to the coal-dealers, many people bought coal and 
 stored it away last winter, who had never been known to do 
 so before." 
 
 And so on and so on to the end of the Home Chap- 
 ter. Coal in the cellar, potatoes in the bin, flour in the 
 barrel, a piano in the parlor, beefsteak for breakfast, a 
 roast for dinner, hats for the head, coats for the back, 
 shoes for the feet comfort, clothing, content all these 
 are possible in the Home, when the Bar is forbidden; 
 and these make Home salubrious, and safe, into which 
 the Boy is born; these make safe the Republic which 
 rests upon the Home. Where these are, anarchy will not 
 come. 
 
 Did you read how one anarchist described himself, in 
 Pittsburg, after the great riots there, and when he had 
 found a better way? 
 
 Said he : 
 
 "I was an anarchist because I loved beer. I loved beer because 
 I was an anarchist. My wife loved me and ours, but I loved 
 my anarchy and my beer. She went to work. She washed 
 clothes to support me and my anarchy. I abused the capitalist 
 for making me poor, and making my wife work. I drank beer 
 and abused men of money. Finally, when I was unable to make 
 an impression upon the capitalist, I transferred my abuse to my
 
 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 wife. The impression made upon her was worth considering. 
 One day I did consider it. I became a Salvationist, and stopped 
 abusing my wife. I also stopped abusing capitalists, who didn't 
 care for my abuse, and stopped drinking beer." 
 
 If every beer-drinker would become a Salvationist, in 
 that way, there would be no anarchists, and a million 
 squalid homes in America would grow sweet and safe for 
 baby feet to enter, for the Boy to thrive in who must be 
 the Man. 
 
 The City has come to govern the Country; and the 
 great city of Greater New York is clamoring lustily for 
 Home Rule. Let the fact be made emphatic to our 
 consciousness, that Home Rule in the City must be the 
 rule of the City Home, if city and country are to sur- 
 vive, not of the city Bar. 
 
 But let the fact be also clearly understood, that the 
 City Bar threatens to outmaster and overrule the City 
 Home. Not many years ago what is now the Borough 
 of Brooklyn was known as the "City of Churches." It 
 was, even more markedly, the City of Homes. On the 
 27th of May, 1899, Rev. Dr. Horace Porter, Assistant 
 Pastor of Plymouth Church, speaking in the pulpit so 
 long Henry Ward Beecher's, boldly declared of the 
 Raines Law: 
 
 "It has committed three great crimes: 
 
 "ist. Sunday selling [of liquor] is almost universal. 
 
 "In Brooklyn there were thirteen hotels before the law was 
 enacted now there are ^,000. They can not live as hotels. They 
 can not live by the extra day's business they have obtained. How 
 are they supported? They are mostly disorderly and immoral 
 houses. 
 
 "2d. Brooklyn is no longer a City of Homes. 
 
 "A prominent brewer told me that one-third of all his 
 customers let the rooms of their hotels for disorderly purposes. 
 
 "3d. The third crime is the producing in this city such a 
 generation of drunken women as no city has ever seen."
 
 BO Y AND BAR 53 
 
 From the City of Churches, and the City of Homes, 
 in four short years of a boasted law to regulate the 
 Liquor Traffic, to utter lawlessness by that Traffic on the 
 Lord's Day, and to the establishment of 2,000 places of 
 iniquity (or half that number if Dr. Porter's figures were 
 too high) where Home is poisoned and the Home Life 
 corrupted where the Boy must learn vice and forsake 
 virtue from the City of Churches to the City of Sunday 
 Sales, from Homes to Harlots and the broad highway to 
 Hell tell us, ye who shout for the Raines Law and 
 Revenue, for Millions of Money rather than Mothers and 
 Manhood, ye who would propagate the Bar though it kill 
 the Boy, are ye proud of the swift and awful descent? 
 
 Breed your generation of drunken women in your 
 City of Churches if ye will, O men who uphold the policy 
 which brings this direful brood, and who cheer for the 
 party that maintains it ; multiply, if you will, in that city 
 and in other cities, the house where the blood of the babe 
 is tainted, and the boy's heart is corrupted, and the man's 
 life is cursed and made cancerous even unto death; but 
 remember as the City is the State must become, as the 
 Home is the Boy and the City will be ; that a Home in a 
 City of Churches is more Christian than a brothel in a 
 city of bars ; and that a party which perpetuates bar and 
 brothel, for sake of the price they pay, does not deserve 
 the support of Christian Patriots and should be buried 
 by Christian ballots without benefit of clergy at the polls. 
 
 The Third Right of the Boy is 
 THE RIGHT TO GO IN SAFETY OUTSIDE 
 THE SOBER HOME. 
 
 How can this right be his, when at every street corner 
 there waits for the Boy a Bar-trap? perhaps we should
 
 54 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 say, at every Bar a Boy-trap ? a trap legally set, it may 
 be, to catch men, but given every advantage of law and 
 opportunity to catch boys; a trap which pays high for 
 such advantage of opportunity and law, and can afford 
 to pay only as it succeeds in the purpose for which it is 
 set; a trap into the jaws of which go, night and day, day 
 and night, the hopes that were dear to mother's heart, 
 the ambitions which were part of the father's pride, the 
 love which might have made some woman glad, the possi- 
 bilities on which a nation must build, for the years that 
 are to be. 
 
 How can the Boy's right be assured, to go in safety 
 outside the sober home, when in a city of churches there 
 are 2,000 licensed webs of sin to lure him from the love 
 of saints? 
 
 Now, my brave and patriotic Raines Law partizan, my 
 worthy defender of any License Law, do not be in haste 
 to tell me that the law you approve and support was 
 intended to restrain evil, to regulate vice, and protect 
 your Boy. It was intended to fool good temperance 
 fathers like you; to hold your votes inside your party; 
 to bribe you to betray your flesh and blood. Listen ! 
 
 "Every request of those engaged in the liquor business should 
 be heard and complied with if not inconsistent with the revenue- 
 raising features of the law." 
 
 So declared the Lieutenant-Governor of New York, 
 Hon. Timothy L. Woodruff, speaking at Ogdensburg in 
 that State, on the i8th of October, 1898. 
 
 The liquor-men "request" your Boy; they invite him 
 to their Bar ; without him their Bar would close for lack 
 of business, in thousands of saloons. His presence there 
 is not "inconsistent" with the revenue-raising features
 
 BOY AND BAR 55 
 
 of the law; he swells the revenue. Why, then, should 
 the law protect him, when he goes outside the Home? 
 It was not constructed for his protection ; no license law 
 ever was. 
 
 The boy himself might define License as one boy did 
 define "a lie," when catechized by the Superintendent of 
 the Sunday School. "What is a lie?" was the question 
 put to him; and his answer somehow got a little mixed. 
 It ran 
 
 "A lie is an abomination unto the Lord, and a very 
 present help in time of trouble." 
 
 Ask a boy your boy any intelligent boy, "What is 
 a license?" even the Raines Law or any other productive 
 Tax license, and he might answer 
 
 "A license is an abomination unto the Lord and a very 
 present help (for the party) in time of political trouble 
 at the polls." You see the Boy can be a good definer. 
 There was the one who was inquired of about a bat. 
 "A bat," he said, "is a nasty little mouse with India- 
 rubber wings and a shoe-string tail and bites like the 
 devil." 
 
 I am afraid he hadn't often studied the catechism. But 
 if he had studied the saloon, with such familiarity as 
 many boys do, and if somebody had asked him, "What 
 is a bar?" he might have answered: 
 
 "A bar is a devil-fish, with a lot of slimy, winding arms 
 like snakes, that feel out after and fold in the boys ; and at 
 the last it biteth like a serpent and stingeth like an 
 adder." 
 
 And how does your law defend your Boy today, from 
 this octopus, this devil-fish, that you license? Try it, you 
 good Christian, Raines law, or any other tax-law sup- 
 porting father; try it, tomorrow, and see. Take your
 
 56 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 clean, bright boy, of a dozen years only ; take him in the 
 morning, after breakfast and after family prayer, and 
 walk with him down the street. He is a Sunday School 
 boy, you know ; he knelt with you at the family altar ; you 
 heard his voice praying with yours, "Lead us not into 
 temptation"; his lips were never soiled with touch of 
 liquor; he is as free from taint of sin as his baby sister 
 upon his mother's lap, or as when he sat, a babe himself, 
 upon his mother's knee. You know it, and as you walk 
 along the way, his hand in yours, to know it makes you 
 proud and glad. 
 
 But stop with him at the first saloon, even at the first 
 Raines Law Hotel, to which you come. It must be a 
 good and proper place you voted to license it; or you 
 voted with and for the party under whose policy it was 
 licensed, and which brags of the revenue derived from it. 
 It must be a righteous place to have so near your home, 
 or you would have condemned it, and the policy which 
 perpetuates it, at the ballot-box. A good place for the 
 boys of other men, of course, or you and they would not 
 allow it to be ; a good place for your own boy why not ? 
 
 Then pass him in, at the door you open for him now, 
 with your own hand, as you helped open it, for him and 
 others, with your own ballot. Pass him in, but stand out- 
 side, yourself you are a deacon, or a steward, or an 
 elder, in the church, and while that Tax Law Bar is a 
 proper thing for you to maintain by your vote, it might 
 not be seemly for you to stand before it in your own 
 person. 
 
 Pass the Boy in, and wait, without, yourself wait, as 
 patiently as you can, as hopefully as you will, if you have 
 been honest with yourself, your neighbors and the Bar; 
 wait, and be not once ashamed. If any, passing, wonder
 
 BOY AND BAR 57 
 
 why you stand there, beside the door of such a place, 
 say, with a voter's pride and a father's faith, "My boy 
 has gone inside. I sent him in, to the place which I 
 think necessary in this town, which I and my party stand 
 for ; it won't hurt boys ; it's only bad for men, but they 
 must have it ; I sent him in, to prove how safe the Boy is, 
 even before the Bar." Yes, pass him in, and wait one, 
 two, three hours, it may be; and when at last he comes 
 out to you blind, staggering drunk, you've got no case 
 against your Tax Law Saloon-keeper or Hotel-keeper 
 which will hold one hour in court. Unless you go in 
 yourself, and drink from the same glass, or the same 
 bottle, from which your boy drank, you have no evidence 
 that will convict your friend the barkeeper of a crime 
 against your boy. 
 
 Even on Sunday, when Law says the Bar shall close, it 
 makes perilous the Boy's path, outside the sober Home. 
 One Sunday night I was giving one of my Economy 
 Course Lectures in the village of Camden, N. Y. The 
 large Methodist church was crowded, and even the aisles 
 were packed. I noticed, just after beginning to speak, 
 that one of the ushers was called out. At the close he 
 came to me and said : 
 
 "Mr. Hopkins, I wanted to get a note to you, before 
 you finished speaking, but I could not, the aisles were 
 crowded so." And then he went on to explain. "I am a 
 deputy sheriff," said he, "and I was called out to arrest a 
 young man who had staggered into the vestibule of the 
 church, down stairs, and fallen down upon the stone 
 flagging, and lay there dead drunk, in danger of freezing 
 to death. And his father sat up here in one of these 
 pews, an official member of the church, with no suspicion 
 that his boy ever drinks at all"
 
 58 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 In Malone, the same month, I sat at supper with my 
 host, on a Saturday evening, and heard him tell, with 
 red-hot indignation, how that afternoon, at the caucus of 
 his party, whisky bottles had been freely circulated, 
 emptied, and thrown one side, and how he saw a group 
 of boys picking them up and sucking them dry of the few 
 drops left ; and I hardly need say it was not a Prohibition 
 party caucus. You might suspect it was a Democratic 
 caucus but it wasn't. 
 
 In one village of New York where I gave my Course, 
 they told me of one boy, under seventeen, who had been 
 missing over a year, whose people could get no trace 
 of him whatever, but who was last seen alive, by anyone 
 willing to testify, in a Raines Law Hotel, and much 
 intoxicated, at eleven o'clock on Sunday night. And 
 not long after that the hotel-keeper sold out, and left for 
 the Far West. It was common belief that the boy was 
 killed in a drunken brawl, and his body put away by 
 stealth, so that punishment could not follow. 
 
 If the Boy were held in as high esteem, by the courts, 
 as is the Dog, he would be safer, everywhere. This is 
 not mere sarcasm: it is plain, serious truth. For the 
 poorest, meanest, cheapest, dirtiest, mangiest mongrel 
 cur in the State of New York is better guarded by the 
 Law than is the cleanest, brightest, handsomets boy the 
 State contains. This is conspicuously, abominably true, 
 when the Boy has passed seventeen years of age ; for 
 then he is the legal prey of the Bar, whereas before he 
 was illegally preyed upon, but not legally and fairly 
 defended. 
 
 The great New York State Court of Appeals has 
 declared unconstitutional a law which licensed the killing 
 of dogs. The dogs were to be killed because they were
 
 BOY AND BAR 59 
 
 not licensed, and the Hudson River Humane Society held 
 license to kill them. Where the dog's owner would not, 
 or did not, pay a license fee of one dollar, to the local 
 Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, the 
 Hudson River Humane people humanely killed him I 
 mean the dog, not the owner to prevent the cruelty of 
 the dog's going about any longer unlicensed. 
 
 Then two dog owners in Albany brought suit to 
 restrain the Humane Society from such killing, on the 
 ground that the law licensing the killing was unconstitu- 
 tional; but the Supreme Court sustained the law. With 
 dogged determination the dog men carried their case to 
 the highest court, and secured a decision against license 
 and in favor of dogs. 
 
 "The grant of a license," said the Court of Appeals, 
 "is the exercise of sovereign power"; and the power to 
 kill dogs, the Court held, cannot be delegated by the 
 State even to a Humane Society the State, it follows, 
 must kill its own dogs. 
 
 This opinion is based on the ground that dogs are 
 property ; and that a dog owner cannot be justly deprived 
 of his property without due process of law. It is an 
 important opinion, you must admit for dogs. It means 
 life, liberty, and the pursuit of cats for dogs. It 
 grows out of a question vital, indeed for dogs. It 
 shows that our supreme judicial body, in this greatest 
 of all the United States, cares eminently and judicially 
 for dogs. Yet this is the same body this august 
 Court of Appeals this tribunal beyond which no appeal 
 can go the same body that, away back yonder in the 
 '505, declared unconstitutional the law of Prohibition as 
 to the beverage liquor business, or certain provisions of 
 it. Now, by its later edict, "the grant of a license is the
 
 60 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 exercise of sovereign power"; and by this dictum is 
 forever nullified every claim against the State's right to 
 prohibit the liquor traffic every claim that the State has 
 any right to license that traffic. 
 
 Has the sovereign power any right to permit, to 
 legalize, any wrong? If the sovereign power has right 
 to prohibit any certain thing must it not be because there 
 is wrong in that certain thing? If the sovereign power 
 has right to prohibit that certain thing, because of the 
 wrong in it, has the sovereign power any right to license 
 that certain thing ? to legalize and perpetuate the wrong ? 
 Does not this very right to prohibit forbid the right 
 to license? 
 
 "The more I see of men," said a wit once, "the more 
 I think of dogs." 
 
 If your Boy were property, as your dog is, the High 
 Court would think more of him. Then that Court might 
 declare it unconstitutional to license any man to kill him, 
 at the Bar even to kill the Manhood in him, and to make 
 him lower than the brute. If you had bought your boy, 
 as you might buy a dog, or as once, down South, you 
 could have bought a slave, then the law might declare it 
 a crime for any man to sell or give him liquor, as in the 
 slave's case the law declared. Seems a pity, doesn't it, 
 that your boy, your own flesh and blood, was not born a 
 dog, or born black and in bonds, that so he might come 
 into greater safety, under the law and before the courts. 
 
 I trust you realize, as never before, the high plane of 
 dignified being to which dogs have attained, through 
 the Court's consideration of their rights and standing in 
 society. They have attained thereunto because of the 
 real quality, or nature, of license for dogs. Let us hope 
 that some near day and if every dog has his day should
 
 BOY AND BAR 61 
 
 not every boy and man have his? a large class of men, 
 and all boys, may become beneficiaries of the same quality 
 of the same thing that the millions of saloon victims, old 
 and young, may profit by the sovereign power of the 
 State, in its utter refusal to license the liquor business 
 because of the essential nature or character of license, 
 coupled with the inherent wrong of the thing licensed and 
 the absolute unconstitutionality of the law which assumes 
 to license the thing. 
 
 Finally and Fourthly, as a preacher would say 
 The Fourth Right of the Boy is 
 THE RIGHT TO DEVELOP SOBER CITIZEN- 
 SHIP AMID SAFE POLITICAL ASSOCIATIONS. 
 
 And this final right of the Boy lines exactly with the 
 need of the State yea, more, with the State's imperative 
 duty. The four foundation pillars of this Republic 
 
 The Home, the School, 
 The Church, and the Ballot-Box, 
 must themselves rest on the Bed-Rock of Sober Citizen- 
 ship. Disintegrate this, and the Republic will go down. 
 Is there danger of such disintegration? Does this dan- 
 ger lurk in the relation to politics of the Bar ? 
 
 My own unsupported answer to these questions would 
 not carry sufficient weight. Listen to the New York 
 Tribune again: 
 
 "When we have done our best for our boys, and they set out 
 to take a part in the government of their country," said The 
 Tribune a few years ago, "they find that the entrance to politics 
 is through the door of the saloon, and that the men who in our 
 great cities wield the largest political influence are those whose 
 connection with the bottle is the closest." 
 
 What was true as The Tribune saw and said then, is
 
 62 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 not less but even more painfully true now. Send your 
 boys out into a great National or State campaign, when 
 they will find politics at white heat, let them carry the 
 banners, and bear the torches, and shout for the candi- 
 dates likely to be elected, and tell me, you who best 
 know, is it a good school for growing citizenship ? Look 
 at the men who hold local office, in the large cities and 
 the smaller towns, carefully consider the methods by 
 which they have won as political leaders, and tell me 
 did The Tribune lief 
 
 The last caucus that I attended, of the party into which 
 I was politically born, and whose banner I began to fly 
 when but thirteen years old the party which as a boy I 
 loved and as a young man I defended the last caucus 
 of it at which I was present met in a bar-room, and 
 wound up in a row. Not long since, I heard a good man, 
 a preacher, urging other good men, from the pulpit, to 
 attend their party caucuses (he did not say which party) 
 wherever held, and then he proceeded to tell how he had 
 attended a caucus when he had to crowd his way past the 
 Bar to reach it ; so you see the last one of that sort, of my 
 experience, was not the last one of its kind. 
 
 And a worthy deacon whom I knew well, a man high 
 in religious and business and educational circles trustee 
 of a college, and all that told me once how the City 
 Committee of his party (and he was a member of it) 
 took their candidate for Mayor out of his church pew, 
 on a Sunday night (the last before election), while the 
 sermon was in progress, put him into a carriage, and 
 drove him from saloon to saloon until three o'clock on 
 Monday morning, leaving from twenty-five to seventy- 
 five dollars in the till of every bar they visited ; and when 
 I spoke my indignant protest against that sort of thing,
 
 BOY AND BAR 63 
 
 what do you think, in cool complacency, this good man 
 said? 
 
 "We have to do it, or we can't win." 
 
 Bear in mind that I am not naming parties, or assailing 
 any party, or posing as a partizan, just now, at all. I am 
 simply illustrating proving, if you please what one 
 famous party newspaper has declared as to political con- 
 ditions. If you begin to feel a little warm under the 
 collar, blame your great and good New York Tribune for 
 the statement which it made, don't blame me for trying to 
 prove that statement true. 
 
 When one of the great National political conventions 
 was on, in 1900, I read without surprise that the favorite 
 melody of the delegates, as played oftenest by the bands, 
 in the immense auditorium and outside, was "There'll 
 Be a Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight." But I did 
 feel surprise when Senator Chauncey M. Depew, the same 
 week, testified that a month before, in a city of Europe, 
 an American (presumably himself), present at a concert 
 given by a band there, called for the American National 
 air, and the band promptly began to play "There'll Be a 
 Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight." You see I had not 
 supposed that our chief political song had made such an 
 impression of nationality so far abroad. 
 
 There is a story told, though I have never heard it on 
 the platform, of two old hens, that were one day scratch- 
 ing for their progeny, when one of them said to the other, 
 in some concern, "Have you seen my son?" And the 
 other answered, "I've not seen him since yesterday, and 
 I don't certain know where he is, but I saw a preacher 
 round here last night, hunting for supper, and I suspect 
 that before this time your son has entered the ministry." 
 
 Let two mothers of boys meet, almost anywhere dur-
 
 64 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 ing a political campaign, and let either ask the other 
 "Have you seen my son?" and the answer might well 
 enough be "I saw a politician around here last night, 
 hunting votes, and the chances are that your son has 
 entered a saloon." 
 
 No politics dominated by the Bar can be safe for the 
 Boy. What is unsafe for the Boy is dangerous for the 
 State. And even the so-called best politics, now, with 
 any show of success, must bow to the Bar to win. What 
 did The Tribune say? Let the quotation be repeated 
 which was made at the beginning of this chapter, let it be 
 recited slowly, solemnly, until the sore meaning of it 
 shall penetrate your inmost patriotic heart: 
 
 "From the caucus to the convention, from the State Legisla- 
 ture to Congress, the power and presence of drink are manifest. 
 The Reform measures which wisdom and patriotism demand 
 must be submitted to the allies and stipendiaries of those whose 
 whole existence is pledged against every civilizing agency, and 
 for whom National purification means extinction and death." 
 
 Nomination, election, legislation, administration of 
 all these, today, the Bar is boss. Do you want any fur- 
 ther proof? 
 
 Over and over again, in the last few years, in different 
 parts of my own great and good New York State, I have 
 found liquor-sellers Supervisors of their towns, or hold- 
 ing other high town office. In one village, of 3,000 
 people, the Overseer of the Poor was a saloon-keeper, 
 and transacted all his town official business, for the poor, 
 over the bar, where his private business helped make the 
 poor. In that same county the sheriff, chief executive 
 officer of the law, was a notorious liquor-seller and 
 gambler, whose liquor establishment was also notoriously 
 a gambling place, and who was running both kinds of
 
 BOY AND BAR 65 
 
 the devil's business had been for years when his Bar 
 and other bars dominated the convention that nominated 
 him. 
 
 I was in that county just before he was nominated, and 
 in the town where he lived and moved and had his politi- 
 cal being. Christian men were hot with indignation over 
 the prospect of his nomination, and one Doctor of 
 Divinity asserted with gratifying vigor that if such 
 nomination were made he would bolt it, and stump the 
 county against it ; but he didn't. He smothered his wrath, 
 and held on his even political way, as the saloon-men 
 expected he would; and the gambler and barkeeper 
 was elected overwhelmingly became Law's premier 
 before the people an object lesson, for the Boy, of cur- 
 rent Politics and the kind of party leadership that 
 succeeds. 
 
 Is it any wonder that such politics can win, that such 
 men rule in caucus and convention, and "get there" at the 
 polls, when a Y. M. C. A. President, an active church 
 worker, teacher of a Bible Class numbering two hundred 
 young men, and leader of a Good Government Reform, 
 can ally himself with liquor forces and speak to a crowd 
 of that sort, in a hall directly over a saloon, with beer 
 kegs on tap at the door, and every man treated to their 
 contents at the bar improvised for the occasion, in plain 
 sight of the speaker as he proceeded with his Good 
 Government speech? 
 
 When the Bar can thus plant itself, without rebuke, at 
 Reform doors, and make itself the accepted ally of such 
 a man and such a movement, his efforts in behalf of 
 Good Government become a farce, and safe political 
 association for the Boy must be sought for with other 
 men and in some other neighborhood.
 
 66 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Horace Greeley once declared, in that same Tribune 
 from which we have quoted with some freedom, that 
 political parties ought to be reorganized every twelve 
 years. I declare, as I believe, that political parties ought 
 to be reorganized whenever they cannot or do not furnish 
 safe political association for boys and young men. 
 
 There can be no issue great enough in politics to 
 justify the maintenance of a political machine the life 
 of which means the death of morality in Young Man- 
 hood. When to bear the party banner compels a Boy 
 to touch elbows with the Barkeeper, and to halt in the 
 party procession at the saloon door, and treat and be 
 treated at the party bar; when his feet must keep step, 
 if still sober enough, to the "Hot Time" song, or that 
 other which I have heard young men's campaign clubs 
 singing at midnight as they staggered down the street 
 "And we'll all drink stone-blind when Johnnie Comes 
 Marching Home" then the reorganization of parties, 
 which Horace Greeley advocated, has become a necessity 
 which every sober man should see and upon which every 
 patriot should insist. 
 
 The greatest moral and political issue in this country, 
 today, is that which involves the Boy and the Bar. In 
 his Letter of Acceptance when a candidate for the Vice- 
 presidency (1900), Theodore Roosevelt said: 
 
 "The paramountcy of an issue is to be determined, not by 
 the dictum of any man or body of men, but by the fact that it 
 vitally affects the well-being of every home in the land." 
 
 He was thinking, to be sure, of Silver and Gold, but 
 his words could not have rung truer had he been thinking, 
 as we are now, of Morals and Manhood. The well-being 
 of every home in this land is affected by whatever affects 
 the Boy. Far better, for him and the home of his birth,
 
 BOY AND BAR 67 
 
 that he keep silver in his pocket than that he spend gold 
 at the Bar. Far better, for him and the home that is his, 
 that his father shall die and leave him only gold in his 
 character and silver in the savings-bank, than the taint 
 of alcohol in his blood and the curse of Drink upon his 
 life. 
 
 The dictum of a party may assert that Gold, or Silver, 
 or Tariff, or Imperialism, is the Issue paramount, but 
 the imperial, imperious, vitally imperative Issue before 
 the American people and to be so until it is settled, 
 according to Mr. Roosevelt's own definition is that 
 of the Liquor Traffic the licensed Bar because it 
 vitally affects the Boy, on whom this Republic must 
 build, in the Home, which is the Republic's first founda- 
 tion pillar. 
 
 "There is .not a home or hamlet in the State that is 
 beyond its influence," said Mr. McKinley, speaking of 
 this traffic in 1874; and since then, as he learned well, its 
 influence has reached from the home of the hamlet to the 
 White House of the Nation. 
 
 "By legalizing this traffic," said Mr. McKinley then, 
 "we agree to share with the liquor-seller the responsibili- 
 ties and evils of his business. EVERY MAN WHO 
 VOTES FOR LICENSE BECOMES OF NECES- 
 SITY A PARTNER TO THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC 
 AND ALL ITS CONSEQUENCES." 
 
 Is not the man who sustains the License Policy, in a 
 License Party, equally a partner? Are you pleased with 
 the partnership? DOES IT PAY? 
 
 Look at the Bar, and its fruits; think of your Boy, 
 and his future; consider the Home into which he was 
 born and the Republic that is to be. Then make a new 
 partnership, with Boy and Wife, in whose profits the
 
 68 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Bar shall have no share, but on which the Home and the 
 State shall thrive; form new political associations, in 
 which the Boy shall be safe, and in which he shall grow 
 to Sober Citizenship; bare your head with a new sense 
 of self-respect, and of reverence for the Suffrage, when 
 you go to the ballot-box ; and refuse forevermore to stand 
 there as the friend and ally, the partner and perpetuator, 
 of the Bar ! 
 
 Many years ago, during certain excavations at Pom- 
 peii, in the compact mass of cinders and lava covering 
 that city buried so long before, two cavities were found. 
 They bore the outline of human figures, which once they 
 had held, but flesh, and sinew, and bone, were vanished 
 with the ages into nothingness. Filling them with plas- 
 ter, as if they were molds, the workmen reproduced in 
 likeness what disaster and time had so conspired to 
 remove a mother and her boy. With outstretched arms 
 the woman bent forward, fear, beseeching, and love in 
 her attitude, appeal and agony, as one could imagine, on 
 her face; while just beyond her yearning reach the child 
 remained, unconscious of his danger from the fiery flood, 
 or unheeding her possible help. 
 
 And I think this mute, pathetic memory of that 
 Pompeiian mother's love but typifies, today, the attitude 
 of every thoughtful American woman, and of every 
 young American son. The fiery Vesuvius of Drink is in 
 terrible eruption. Its lurid flow sweeps on unhindered 
 through our thronging streets; the deadly fumes of it 
 fill all the air. Law does not stay it, for Law has no 
 heart, it can not feel, and the Bar is Boss where this 
 eruption legally begins; Love would, but Love is weak, 
 and out of Love's fond reach the Boy has gone outside 
 the home, it may be, into the near saloon, or into a law- 
 created, law-defended, ante-chamber of hell.
 
 BOY AND BAR 69 
 
 And here the woman waits, but here she is not mute. 
 Her voice of beseeching has been heard all over the land. 
 It echoes in the ears of law-makers. It haunts the soli- 
 tude of judges. It troubles the peace of barkeepers. 
 It disturbs the dreams of the church. It is eloquent not 
 only of present suffering; it has in it all the sad, sore 
 pathos of all these eighteen centuries since Pompeii's 
 burial cycles full of heart-break and misery because of 
 the cup. 
 
 It will not cease, this pleading voice, though Vesuvius 
 overwhelm it. Out of the ashes of every smitten home it 
 will cry to God and Man, till even the deaf shall hear and 
 even the dumb shall heed ; and presently, beside this out- 
 reaching and beseeching Motherhood, the Fatherhood 
 shall stand, with love grown loyal and alert as hers, with 
 vision become as keen to see the awful peril which 
 impends, with courage born of Duty's call to meet and 
 master it; and then the Church will answer in its dear 
 Lord's name, and with a Shalt- Not from His own Deca- 
 log; then Shalt-Nots by the State will echo from its 
 all-sovereign statute-books; then Law and Religion, 
 Manhood and Morality, hand in hand and heart and 
 soul together, in mighty power for the common good and 
 in a patriotism diviner than our land has ever known, 
 shall boldly face the flood and bid its fires be quenched. 
 
 Wanted! a Boy for a licensed Bar! 
 
 Give him, at once, as the bar demands! 
 Home, where the Mother and Sisters are, 
 
 Cease to withhold him with tender hands! 
 Church, that would guide him in days of youth, 
 
 Yield him where curses and crime begin; 
 School, that would teach him in ways of truth, 
 
 Give him to teachers of shame and sin !
 
 70 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 What is the Home, when the Bar must be? 
 
 What is the Boy, when the Bar must live? 
 Who should the Mother defend, when she 
 
 Hears the Home-robber command her "Give"? 
 Give of the blood of her inmost heart; 
 
 Give of the life of her throbbing breast; 
 Give of her body and soul a part; 
 
 Give at the Home-robber's bold behest. 
 
 What are the School and the Church, to men 
 
 Greedy for gain at their cruel cost? 
 What do the barkeepers count it, when 
 
 Purity, learning, and love, are lost? 
 License them, Fathers, for price they pay! 
 
 Sell them your sons for their paltry gold! 
 Millions of revenue far outweigh 
 
 Morals and life, when your sons are sold! 
 
 Nay! by the pain that the Mother knew, 
 
 Giving the Boy to enrich the State! 
 Nay! by the hope in her heart that grew, 
 
 Holy and strong, for his Manhood great! 
 Nay! by the crown that the Father wears 
 
 King in a nation of Kings indeed 
 Silence forever the man who dares 
 
 Bid for the Boy, in his grasping greed! 
 
 Close the saloon, with its ravening cry! 
 
 Silence the men for the Bar who stand! 
 Lift the white banner of Manhood high, 
 
 Ever, for Home, with a Christian hand! 
 Banish the foe of the soul and brain; 
 
 Stand for the Right as you bravely can; 
 Go not with robbers, for greed of gain ! 
 
 Cast axclean ballot, for Boy and Man !
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 
 
 I will make a man more precious than fine gold. Isaiah 13, 12.
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 
 
 ff T WILL make a man more precious than fine gold." 
 
 * So spake the voice of God through the lips of His 
 prophet. In this utterance we get a divine estimate of 
 human values. Studying Profit and Loss in Man upon 
 the highest level, and in the clearest perspective, this 
 utterance illumines it as by the very X-rays of Truth. 
 
 Two distinct sides of the problem are presented; you 
 may see them as plainly as the traveler in Egypt can see 
 two sides of the Great Pyramid from any corner of it, 
 and only two sides the Divine side and the Human side 
 the God side and the Man side. 
 
 "And 7 will make a man." 
 
 Three things are suggested as you look at each of these 
 two sides : 
 
 On the Divine Side On the Human Side 
 
 1. God's Word. I. Man's Word. 
 
 2. God's Work. 2. Man's Work. 
 
 3. God's Way. 3. Man's Way. 
 
 But these three suggestions, or facts, upon these two 
 sides, are not like the two sides of the Pyramid, which 
 the traveler sees at the same time uniform, alike, in 
 majestic harmony of spirit and effect, with a solemn and 
 sacred correspondence of purpose and result. On the 
 God side we have beauty, and grandeur, the perfection of 
 Divine achievement, a sublime expression of immortality. 
 
 73
 
 74 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 On the Man side we have ugliness, and failure, debase- 
 ment and ruin and death. 
 
 The contrast is painful yea, appalling but a study 
 of it may be worth while. It must profit us, if we come a 
 little more clearly to understand the Divine thought, and 
 a little more plainly to realize the human deed and need. 
 
 "I will make a man more precious than fine gold." 
 
 Here is 
 
 First God's Word. 
 
 And will you note the Divine emphasis in it? Say it 
 over to yourself, as you are sure God must have said it 
 in the visions of that prophet whose record it is "I will 
 make a Man." Not a temple, not a people, not a country, 
 not a State; but A MAN. There you have the Divine 
 emphasis upon the human fact. 
 
 "I will make a man more precious" there you have 
 the Divine emphasis and the Divine comparison. "More 
 precious" than what? "Than fine gold, even a man, 
 than the golden wedge of Ophir;" and there the Word 
 repeats the emphasis, and makes it stronger yet. 
 
 And it is divinely indefinite, or divinely inclusive, as 
 you will observe. "I will make a man more precious" 
 not a prince, of some Ophir palace royal in splendor ; not 
 some sovereign potentate whose power could marshall 
 Ophir's gold ; but a man, any man, every man ; the man 
 in rags, not less than the man of royalty ; the plebeian, as 
 much as the prince ; the humblest, even as the highest. 
 
 So runs the Divine emphasis of the prophet's record; 
 so would run the Divine fact if Isaiah had not seen a 
 single vision or made record of a single word. For "in 
 the beginning was God," and "God created man in His 
 own image," and could the image of God, in the sight of 
 God, be less precious even than Ophir's gold?
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 75 
 
 God was, and Man became, and to make man more 
 precious than any other created thing was in the Divine 
 logic, or man's creation in the Divine image was a libel 
 on divinity by God's own Divine hand. 
 
 Second God's Work. 
 
 It was not completed in the creation of Man. He was 
 to make man more precious than fine gold more 
 precious than even at creation. There was to be Divine 
 development in man. And God created man in His own 
 image; not altogether perhaps not even largely, at the 
 very first in His own nature; surely not in His own 
 sovereign perfection; and that man should become more 
 and more precious, by the force of Divine evolution 
 within him, must surely have been in the Divine thought, 
 must have been the impelling motive of Divine work. 
 
 God did not make man, in His own image, to be 
 simply and forever the victim of a downward trend. The 
 first question put to the first man "Adam, where art 
 thou?" gave to the first man his first logical inference in 
 life that he ought to be somewhere in God's sight, and 
 not ashamed. And if the first man was precious enough 
 to be inquired after by His Maker in this personal way, 
 what about those Adams from then till now whom God 
 has been making more precious by all the gifts of His 
 love and grace through all the ages? 
 
 God's work is to develop man's worth. To this end 
 He inspires all the work of man which helps humanity 
 and uplifts the world. Every Divine tendency in the 
 heart of man is evidence of the divine purpose which 
 moved at his creation in the heart and the work of God. 
 
 In God's Word we find the key, the revelation, to God's 
 Work in making still more precious the work of God's 
 hand, and in His Word we can surely learn, if we but 
 honestly seek it
 
 76 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Third God's Way. 
 
 The record is clear. "In the beginning was the Word," 
 says John's Gospel, "and the Word was God." And 
 God, it may be added reverently, was a Prohibitionist. 
 The record proves it. God's first command to the first 
 man was a Prohibitory law. Adam disobeyed it, because 
 he believed in Personal Liberty. In this respect he has 
 many descendants. That first command of God had 
 reference to what man should eat ; and yet the Adams of 
 Personal Liberty now insist that no command, of God or 
 man, shall concern what man may drink! 
 
 Touching those things which were and are for the 
 hurt of man, God's way was and is the way of Prohibi- 
 tion. It was a plain enough way in Paradise; it was 
 blazoned before the Children of Israel in the Command- 
 ments given to Moses. In the Ten of these "Thou shalt 
 not!" can be counted eleven times, and nine of the Ten 
 are prohibitory. You shall search the Divine Word 
 from Genesis to Revelation and find no record of a license 
 to do that which is harmful unto man no grant of a 
 license for the doing of any wicked deed unto man 
 either with or without a price, save in the decree of King 
 Ahasuerus to Haman; and Haman was hung for asking 
 that! 
 
 God's way, having made man in His own image, was 
 and is to protect His image in the man, by "Shalt Nots" 
 to the man himself, and limitations upon him in behalf of 
 other men, and prohibitions upon each for the good of 
 all. In so far as Man's Way and Man's Work do not 
 harmonize with God's Work and God's Way, Man's 
 Word is the opposite of God's Word and results in dis- 
 counting the perfection of God's Work. To the extent 
 that this lack of harmony exists, certain things are true 
 concerning
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 77 
 
 MAN'S WORD 
 
 I. It Discounts the Divine Estimate of Human 
 Values. 
 
 Man's estimate of man's preciousness, as proven by the 
 law and the facts, is wickedly below God's. The State 
 enacts a law compelling the railroad that kills a man to 
 pay five thousand dollars for the man's life; and this 
 would seem to show that the State considers a man more 
 precious than any less sum in fine gold ; but the State also 
 enacts a law providing that for a price one man may sell 
 to another the stuff which will make him murder the 
 third, or which will make him and his family paupers, his 
 offspring idiotic, insane or criminal, despite their 
 preciousness and his. So the law of the State Man's 
 Word incarnate with the power of organic will is proof 
 that man's preciousness is not consistently safeguarded 
 by the State. 
 
 It has been well said "that political education, in its 
 last analysis, is the proper adjustment of human rela- 
 tions," and that "this adjustment, depending upon the 
 perfection of the person, multiplied many times by him- 
 self, constitutes the State." "Upon the perfection of the 
 person" depends the preciousness of man; and no word 
 of man, no law of the State, has moral or commercial 
 right, by direct purpose or indirect result, to imperil such 
 perfection. The beginnings of this perfection may be 
 prior to the person's birth ; and they must be safeguarded 
 then, they must be shielded later on. A recognized 
 medical authority (Dr. T. Alexander MacNicholl, in the 
 Philadelphia Medical Journal, June 8, 1901) has said: 
 
 "The child's first claim upon the State is not education, not 
 liberty, not even happiness ; but it is life, it is health. No human
 
 78 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 agent should have any right to the indiscriminate dispensing of 
 that which contaminates the fountain head of citizenship, 
 implants disease in the offspring, and casts upon the community 
 an unnecessary burden of defective and degenerate youth." 
 
 As showing how the Drink Habit of the parent affects 
 life and health in the child, Dr. MacNicholl presented 
 statistics which were startling, and which can not be con- 
 sidered with too serious care. He said: 
 
 "We have been able to trace the family histories of 463 children 
 in 150 different families, through three generations. Seventeen 
 (two males and 15 females) were precocious in some one thing, 
 as music, drawing, etc. ; 403 were generally deficient ( 193 males 
 and 210 females) ; 17 had neurotic fathers ; 78 neurotic mothers ; 
 313 had drinking fathers; 51 drinking mothers; 43 had neurotic 
 grandparents; 265 had drinking grandparents; 246 had drinking 
 parents and grandparents. Two per cent, of these children had 
 parents of less than average intelligence. A most notable fact 
 in these families was the constant relation of alcohol in the 
 ancestry to abnormal physical conditions in the descendants. 
 While 87 per cent, of these children of drinking and neurotic 
 ancestry were mentally deficient, 76 per cent, suffered from some 
 neurosis or organic disease." 
 
 Out of 231 children, in 51 families, having total absti- 
 nence antecedents, he found that less than three per cent, 
 were mentally deficient, and but 18 per cent, suffered 
 from any neurosis or organic disease. 
 
 In 24 families of drunken parents, as reported by Dr. 
 MacNicholl, there were 113 children, of whom 93 had 
 organic diseases, 66 were mentally deficient, eight were 
 idiots, one was an epileptic, and 16 were drunkards; 
 while of 116 children a total of three more in 31 
 families having neither neurotic nor drinking ancestry, 
 but 20 had organic diseases, but three were mentally 
 deficient, and there was but one drunkard. In 76 families
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 79 
 
 of moderate drinkers there were 236 children, of whom 
 1 86 over 76 per cent. had organic diseases, 169 were 
 mentally deficient, eight were idiots, eight were insane, 
 and there were 21 drunkards. 
 
 In the face of such figures as these more vital than 
 can be realized at first blush, and which could be multi- 
 plied many times were there occasion the fact comes 
 home to us with cumulative power that our problem of 
 Profit and Loss in Man must be studied, and at least 
 partially solved, at the cradle-side yea, even before the 
 cradle was bought or the babe was born ! 
 
 "I will make a man more precious than fine gold," 
 says the Word of God. Says the word of man "For 
 gold I will sell the right to discount man's preciousness, 
 to breed poison, sin and crime, to sow vice and ruin and 
 death, in the creation of God's hand." 
 
 II. It Lowers the Popular Valuation of Human 
 Life. 
 
 We have come to think more of breeding fine bull-pups 
 than prize babies. We care more for the pedigree of a 
 trotting horse than of a human being. We encourage, 
 by law by Man's Word made policy and power in the 
 State conditions that render men unfit to be fathers, and 
 women unworthy to be mothers, and which beget a con- 
 stantly increasing percentage of human life at its alarm- 
 ing worst. With an array of awful facts before us, of 
 which those quoted from Dr. MacNicholl are but a 
 sample or a hint, showing the result of Drink in the off- 
 spring of drinkers, we go right on legalizing the Drink 
 Traffic, providing for its idiotic and insane, supporting 
 its lazy and indigent, caring for its enfeebled and sick, 
 burying its dead. 
 
 In July, 1900, a boy of but sixteen years was hanged
 
 8o PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 for murder in Connecticut. The papers called him a mon- 
 strosity; and so he was, but whose the blame? The 
 boy's father, according to Dr. MacNicholl, was weak- 
 minded and a drunkard; his father's brother was an 
 epileptic ; his mother was feeble-minded, a prostitute, and 
 died drunk in the street; his mother's sisters were all 
 drunkards ; his mother's brother died insane ; his paternal 
 grandfather was an epileptic; his maternal grandfather 
 died insane ; his maternal grandmother was an epileptic, 
 a drunkard, and a prostitute. They hung the boy for his 
 brutal deed, after they had licensed men to make a 
 drunkard of the father who begat him, a drunkard and a 
 prostitute of the mother who bore him, and after the 
 State, by the statutory word of man, had sowed the 
 vilest seeds of sin and vice and crime all along his down- 
 ward reaching family line. 
 
 "I will make a man more precious " Ah! that was 
 God's Word! but they would seem not to have heard it 
 in Connecticut. 
 
 Dr. Paul Gamier, an official of the Paris Prefecture of 
 Police, writing near the close of 1901, declared that 
 juvenile criminality was fearfully increasing in France, 
 as compared with adult criminality; and this fact he 
 attributed to alcoholic heredity. He summed up the 
 question as follows in Annales d'Hygiene : 
 
 "During the last thirty years, examples of precocity in crime 
 have been so numerous that we are not surprised to see in the 
 criminal courts, among murderers, a large proportion of young 
 people, almost children. The causes of this social phenomenon 
 are numerous, yet it is evident that alcohol is the chief agent. 
 
 "In criminology, when we sum up the social offenses directly 
 attributable to alcohol, we are only mentioning a small fraction 
 of the harm that it does. To the direct action of alcohol should 
 be added its indirect effects through heredity. In Paris we have
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 81 
 
 seen alcoholic insanity progressing with astonishing rapidity, but 
 excessive precocity in crime fills us with wonder. Today the 
 great criminal, the 'hero of the assizes,' as a rule is a mere child. 
 One fact is now admitted: alcoholism is the most formidable 
 agent of degeneracy, and as such is the direct cause of insanity 
 and crime. If we take into consideration that drinkers become 
 the parents of epileptics and idiots, we ought not to be surprised 
 to find criminals among children." 
 
 In conclusion Dr. Gamier stated that "the adolescent 
 criminal is as a rule born of alcoholic parents," and that 
 "his criminal instincts are the result of a want of intel- 
 lectual development." And he contended that asylums of 
 a special kind, not necessarily jails or hospitals, should 
 be provided by the State to educate young people born 
 from alcoholic parents. 
 
 According to a report made in 1901, to the Legislature 
 of Mississippi, by the State Board of Prison Control, out 
 of 1,035 convicts in prison in Mississippi 513 were con- 
 victed either of taking human life or attempting to take 
 it. Statistics are not at hand, to show what percentage 
 of those 513 convicts, murderers and would-be murder- 
 ers, were inspired to their bloody purpose by Drink, but 
 a suggestion may be found in facts published the same 
 year by the Kreus Zeitung, a German periodical, about 
 drunkenness in the German army and navy. According 
 to those facts, of all the murderers imprisoned in 120 
 army prisons throughout Germany, 46 per cent, com- 
 mitted their crime while under the influence of Drink, 
 and 63 per cent, of the cases of manslaughter, 74 per 
 cent, of serious injury to the person, and 77 per cent, of 
 criminal immorality, were due to the same cause. But 
 Personal Liberty, and the fruits of it, may flourish more 
 luxuriantly in Germany than in our Southern States 
 let us fervently hope so!
 
 82 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 In the City of New York, during the week ending 
 Sept. 7, 1901, according to the Health Board Report for\ 
 that day, 1,475 babies were born, and of these 122 were 
 born dead because of unfit maternal and paternal con- 
 ditions ; 143 infants died of congenital debility showing 
 that their parents ought never to have married; while 
 during the same time 456 babies died under one year 
 old, and 646 children died who had not reached the age 
 of five years; a damning proof that the Word of Man, 
 as it finds expression and effect in the care of and regard 
 for human life, is criminally at war with the Word of 
 God, is criminally careless of Divine valuations. And 
 
 MAN'S WORK 
 
 is the logical and inevitable fruitage of Man's Word. 
 If the condensation of that word is License, for anything 
 which brings evil to Man, then his work will fruit itself 
 in evil and sin and crime. Hence 
 
 I. It does not Harmonize with God's Work in Con- 
 serving Human Life. 
 
 Proof of this is found in the daily conduct of every 
 liquor-seller, in the practice of some physicians, and the 
 public policy of the State. 
 
 No man is more precious than tainted gold, to his 
 fellow behind his bar. To the barkeeper every man 
 stands, at his bar, as a means of profit, a human con- 
 cession to his own laziness and greed; and all men are 
 invited to stand there. The possible pauper or criminal, 
 in every man before the bar, makes no appeal that is 
 heeded to the positive robber behind tfie bar. 
 
 Sometimes the physician sees in his patient only a 
 stomach to serve the liquor-seller's trade ; and the patient 
 is not always, in such case, as wise as one man I heard
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 83 
 
 of. The physician did not think him very sick, and told 
 him to get up and eat a hearty meal and drink a quart 
 of wine. But this patient turned his face to the wall and 
 said mournfully, "Goodby, Doctor ; I only hold a pint." 
 
 Possibly this man had the same opinion of his physician 
 that a certain old lady had of hers. He was feeling of her 
 pulse and was inclined to measure wits with her. 
 
 "I suppose you consider me an old humbug," he said, 
 banteringly. 
 
 "Why, Doctor," she promptly answered, "I had no 
 idea you could ascertain a woman's thoughts by merely 
 feeling her pulse." 
 
 These references to the medical profession are not 
 made invidiously. Physicians are coming more and more 
 to ban alcoholic prescriptions ; and they have always 
 valued human life as highly, perhaps, as other classes of 
 men. 
 
 It may be fair to remark that the average farmer 
 betrays a comparatively less regard for his fellow man 
 than the average Doctor betrays. The average farmer, 
 no doubt, would invoke the law, and demand its penalties, 
 upon any man who should feed beer and whisky to his 
 farm stock, but he will vote, year after year, that several 
 men shall have the right to feed beer and whisky to his 
 boys. He insists, you see, on having the best and safest 
 drink for the stock he can kill or sell. 
 
 Even his girls gave expression to this idea, one day, 
 as the record runs. A couple of young men from the 
 city were out fishing, and grew both hungry and thirsty. 
 Passing a farmhouse, they saw the daughters of the 
 household sitting on the piazza., and called to them. 
 "Girls!" they cried, "Have you got any buttermilk?" 
 And on the balmy rural air was borne the sweet reply, 
 "Yes, but we keep it for our own calves."
 
 84 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Less beer and more buttermilk, for the boys, would 
 mightily conserve the general welfare in country and 
 town. In almost every newspaper one reads there are 
 proofs of this fact terrible proofs, often. From a mass 
 of clippings I select only two, and these from the same 
 State, the same week. One is from the Milwaukee 
 Sentinel, chief daily paper in that city famous for its 
 beer ; the other was a general press dispatch. They read : 
 
 Two Rivers, Wis., Sept. 28. That the drinking habit is taking 
 root in many children attending school was forcibly demon- 
 strated here today when a six-year-old boy attending the second 
 grade in the public school appeared at school in a drunken 
 stupor. His body became rigid, and doctors were compelled to 
 work hard to save his life. How the liquor was procured by the 
 youngster is unknown. 
 
 Tomah, Wis., Oct. 3. Last night the little seven-year-old son 
 of George Brophy died in terrible agony, it is said, from whisky 
 poisoning. The boy was riding out to his uncle's farm on Mon- 
 day and complained of being cold. The whisky was given him 
 to warm him up. The bottle contained a pint and the little 
 fellow drank the whole of it. In a short time he became 
 unconscious and remained in a stupor for forty hours. 
 
 If more horrible examples of Man's Work, and the 
 fruits of it, are wanted, they can be found in the news 
 columns almost any day of any week. Death may not 
 always result it is usually delayed, with boys of added 
 years but sin and crime are sure to follow, and with 
 sore swiftness. 
 
 In October, 1901, the son of an eminent New York 
 clergyman, employed as messenger of the New Amster- 
 dam Bank, disappeared with Six Thousand Dollars of the 
 Bank's money which had been collected by him. Insist- 
 ent claim was made by his friends, for several days, that 
 he had been murdered and robbed. He had been held in
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 85 
 
 such esteem, his parentage was so good, that they would 
 not admit him a thief. 
 
 Then he surrendered himself, on "the advice of two 
 friends," he said one the keeper of a dance hall, and the 
 other a bartender at the same place ; and to the police he 
 confessed without reserve. On Tuesday afternoon, he 
 said, he "began drinking." He "had no settled intention 
 of stealing the funds" intrusted to him, but he was 
 "spending the money for drinks" He was "acquainted 
 with a woman on the upper West side," and he called at 
 her rooms with the proceeds of his bank collections. He 
 went out that night and visited resorts in "the Tender- 
 loin." He returned intoxicated, and the money was gone. 
 So were his character, his position, his future. And he 
 but twenty years old ! And the dance hall, and the bar- 
 tender, and the scarlet woman, legalized by the Word of 
 Man, by the Law of the State, or tolerated for the price 
 they paid ! 
 
 "I will make a man more precious than fine gold" a 
 magnificent promise of God, surely ; but how many men 
 are helping God to keep it by safeguarding the boys? 
 And how many governments, in their word and work, are 
 honestly helping God ? 
 
 "Considered as an economic fact, the highest value in 
 the world is man." 
 
 So says the Rev. William Burgess in his book on 
 "Land, Labor and Liquor." Under all wise political 
 economy you will find the same truth recognized in some 
 form. But you do not find wide-spread recognition of it 
 in Man's Work, for of Man's Work this is widely and 
 wickedly true: 
 
 II. It compels constant and criminal sacrifice of 
 Economic and Moral Values in Man, to Enrich an 
 Immoral and Criminal Traffic.
 
 .86 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 In war and peace, under every government on the 
 globe, this declaration holds good, with a few conspic- 
 uous exceptions, national or geographical. Kitchener 
 banned liquor from the Soudan, and his campaign was 
 brilliantly successful ; the British army in Egypt won 
 sober victories. Under the American Flag in the Philip- 
 pines our army has paid costly tribute to imported 
 American beer and imported American barkeepers. 
 Some years ago, T. S. Brown published a little work in 
 Montreal, in which he said: 
 
 "In the old wars between England and France on this conti- 
 nent, while it cost each country one hundred pounds for every 
 soldier sent out, the other side could kill him at the cost of a 
 ball cartridge after he got here. The experiment of importing 
 young men for the benefit of liquor-sellers might be measured 
 by the same scale." 
 
 What was true as to the youth of France and England, 
 who fell fighting each other on Canadian or American 
 soil generations earlier, was true in far greater degree of 
 American boys who were sent across the Pacific Ocean 
 for purposes not pacific, and for whose moral and 
 economic values our government cared less than for the 
 support of brewers, in America, at the polls. It cost 
 more than a hundred pounds to secure, equip and trans- 
 port, a soldier from the United States to Manila; and 
 American beer, sold over an American bar, or in an army 
 canteen, for the benefit of American brewers and poli- 
 ticians, could and did unfit that soldier for duty in three 
 months, if not in thirty days, or craze or kill him. The 
 figures to establish this would fill pages by the score. 
 "I will make a man more precious than fine gold." 
 A white man? No doubt. A brown man? Probably. 
 A black man? WHY NOT? And if so, the economic
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 87 
 
 and moral values in man are not measured by color alone. 
 And if this be the fact, what an account will England and 
 the United States have to settle, on some awful Judgment 
 Day, for the Opium Trade and the Liquor Traffic across 
 the seas! 
 
 A book published by the Reform Bureau, of Washing- 
 ton, in the summer of 1901, brought forward a cloud of 
 witnesses from dusky climes, of many classes, to show 
 that the worst curse of Africa, and Asia, and the islands 
 of the Pacific, is American liquor, and that the worst 
 curse of India and China is British opium. 
 
 According to one of these witnesses, Bishop Hartzell 
 of the Methodist Church, 75 per cent, of the demorali- 
 zation of native Africans, in their home life and charac- 
 ter, is due to drink; and Rev. Charles Satchell Morris, 
 after extensive travels in Africa, testifies that "no fewer 
 than 2,000,000 savages go forth to die every year, as a 
 result of the traffic." 
 
 Rev. James Johnson, a native of the island of Lagos, 
 referring to the blight of it, says, "The death of the 
 negro race is simply a matter of time"; and Rev. David 
 A. Day asserts: "In a few decades more, if the rum 
 traffic continues, there will be nothing left on the west 
 coast of Africa for God to save. The vile rum in this 
 tropical climate is depopulating the country more rapidly 
 than famine, and pestilence and war." 
 
 Similar citations could be made, as to the islands of the 
 Pacific, some of which are become American domain. 
 As to these latter, Great Britain forbade her subjects to 
 sell liquor to the natives there ; France has said she will 
 enact this prohibition if the United States will do so; 
 Germany is likely to follow; but our great and good 
 Christian government accepts the mandate of liquor-men,
 
 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 and fears to act. We were equally slow as to the natives 
 in Africa, and the International Treaty forbidding sale 
 to them : twelve countries signed this, including benighted 
 Spain and cruel Turkey, before our government (in 
 December of 1900) was willing to be as humane and 
 Christian as they. 
 
 MAN'S WAY 
 
 is in logical accord with Man's Work and Man's Word. 
 In some respects it is curiously consistent with these and 
 with itself. 
 
 I. It pitifully fails to protect the Best Work of Man 
 in Development of Himself. 
 
 Even as the farmer would safeguard from beer and 
 whisky the stock of his fields and stable, did anyone 
 propose to endanger them with such Drink, while he 
 votes to sell the privilege of providing beer and whisky 
 for his boys, so the nation safeguards the most that part 
 of its population which intrinsically it values least so 
 the leaders of the nation show most concern for those 
 upon whom the nation least depends, or who may be 
 entirely outside the pale of its direct responsibility and 
 power. 
 
 Man's Way, for generations, has been to prohibit, by 
 Law, the sale of intoxicating liquor to Indians; and a 
 Federal Court of the United States has decided (Judge 
 Sanborn, at South McAllister, Dec. 3, 1901) that once a 
 ward of the nation an Indian is forever a ward, and that 
 no matter what may happen it shall always be a crime to 
 sell whisky to him. After the Indian Territory is 
 allotted, and the Indians become citizens, and voters, they 
 are still, according to this decision, wards of the govern- 
 ment, and, as such, liquor can not be sold to them ; but is
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 89 
 
 not the white man as precious as the red? Should the 
 wards of the nation, in red, be safeguarded more care- 
 fully than the wealth of the nation, in white? Its original 
 investment in the bodies of white men (not to speak of 
 concern for their souls) is many thousands of times 
 greater than its aboriginal investment. 
 
 It is a fair inference from the law and the facts, that 
 the more precious we make a man, by education and 
 civilization, and the gracious arts of religion and 
 humanity, the less we defend him from things devilish, 
 the more we make him a prey to the devil in himself and 
 in his fellow men. 
 
 So the civilized nations of the earth, by their treaties 
 and agreements, manifest more care for the undeveloped 
 heathen of Central Africa than for the developed and 
 Christianized men and women of the general civilized 
 and Christian world, or for the degraded peoples that by 
 the force of arms or the will of Providence have come 
 under so-called Christian rule. 
 
 So Theodore Roosevelt, in his first Message to 
 Congress, as President of the United States, without one 
 thought of or word for the Millions Drink-cursed in 
 America and the Philippines tens of millions of men 
 and women who have cost this country tens of billions of 
 dollars to rear, and educate, and protect could say: 
 
 "In dealing with the aboriginal races, few things are more 
 important than to prevent them from the terrible physical and 
 moral degradation resulting from the liquor traffic. We are 
 doing all we can to save our own Indian tribes from this evil. 
 Wherever by international agreement this same end can be 
 attained as regards races where we do not possess exclusive con- 
 trol, every effort should be made to bring it about." 
 
 But here in America, and yonder in the Philippines,
 
 90 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 where our control is exclusive, no effort need be made to 
 lift "the White Man's Burden" for the white man's 
 behoof; and, in the language of Ex-President Benjamin 
 Harrison, "the feeble races wither in the breath of the 
 white man's vices," while the white man licenses to his 
 own constant and awful hurt the curse from which he 
 would defend the red man and the black man, and refuses 
 to prohibit for himself the thing he forbids for them, and 
 blights his own costly blood with the poison which he 
 knows is far too dear and too deadly for theirs ! 
 And this is the White Man's Way! 
 
 Look out where the millions gather who cry with our common 
 And behold them there as the load they bear [speech, 
 
 With a torturing share for each ! 
 
 Gaunt poverty stalks among them, and harlotry tempts to hell, 
 And the hands once white are a crimson sight 
 That of murderous might can tell. 
 
 The blood of the child is tainted by vice in the father's veins; 
 And his hot desire is a liquid fire 
 
 That will torture while life remains; 
 
 The devils of greed torment him wherever he walks the street, 
 And the fiends of sin would his Manhood win 
 To its final and sore defeat. 
 
 Where Virtue in white would worship, the scarlet flames forth 
 And the Church would sell to the gates of hell [of vice; 
 
 Its permission to swing, for price; 
 
 And Labor is robbed of wages, and Toil is taxed for naught, 
 And the fraud and shame are in Law's high name 
 For permission to rob is bought. 
 
 Go forth to your alien peoples, O ye who would make them men, 
 And the burden bear of their ward and care; 
 But remember your kindred, then!
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 91 
 
 Tomorrow is near, and mighty for weal or for human wo; 
 But the Lord has heed of your neighbor's need 
 As today on the way ye go ! 
 
 Far over the seas men famish for care from a Christian land; 
 But in want they die at our doors who lie 
 
 And they do it at our command. 
 
 The burden shall grow more heavy, so long as the curse we hold 
 For the crimson price of the shame and vice, 
 And humanity sell for gold. 
 
 "The burden shall grow more heavy" yes, it is grow- 
 ing heavier, every year, the burden of caring for those 
 who die at our very doors, or live a death-in-life, within 
 prison or asylum walls, at society's fearful cost. 
 
 This burden is recognized and lamented by all men 
 who study sociological problems. How it impresses the 
 careful student is revealed in one utterance by Gov. B. B. 
 Odell, of New York, made in an authorized newspaper 
 interview during the autumn of 1901, after he had closed 
 an official tour of inspection among the public institutions 
 of this great commonwealth, and had gone for a rest to 
 Lake Mohonk. He said: 
 
 "I had occupied seventeen dolorous days before coming here 
 in making the round of the State institutions, and it had so 
 worn upon me that I felt almost on the verge of prostration. 
 So much unfortunate humanity, so many creatures dead but 
 moving about! I had to see that over and over again. Think of 
 our army of the insane and helpless ! The State of New York 
 sustains between thirty thousand and forty thousand of them 
 more than the army of the United States before our War with 
 Spain. In our State institutions there are twenty-four thousand 
 lunatics and eight thousand feeble-minded folk imbeciles. Then 
 the prisons, with their piled-up and walled-in living corpses!" 
 
 Entire columns of statistics could not be more effective
 
 92 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 than this testimony, if you read into it all that Governor 
 Odell's language implied, all that his few figures indicate. 
 And Man's Way is constantly multiplying these figures, 
 and intensifying the awful fact which they represent. 
 
 II. It fatally discounts the Best Means Afforded 
 for Man's Development. 
 
 "I will make a man more precious than fine gold," says 
 the Divine edict; and 
 
 "I will help with my great Universities !" is the decla- 
 ration of Mother England ; and she boasts of her Oxford 
 and her Cambridge, and glories in her English culture 
 and her English manhood; but she makes barons of her 
 brewers, and bloats her national body with beer, and 
 floods with liquor the national stomach, and stupifies 
 China and India with opium. 
 
 "I will make a man more precious than fine gold." 
 
 "And I will give him the climax of culture," says the 
 Faderland ; "I will crown him with the laurels of intellect ; 
 I will teach him the secrets of science ; I will make him a 
 philosopher and a sage;" and the German Universities 
 welcome him from all the world, and assume to send him 
 forth steeped in the world's knowledge, but he goes more 
 literally soaked in German beer. 
 
 And the German's way across the water, it is insisted, 
 shall be Man's Way here in America, for the cosmo- 
 politan making of a Man out of a beer barrel or a beer 
 barrel out of a Man. 
 
 Yet in Germany a Society for the Suppression of 
 Alcoholism met late in 1901 (at Breslau), and startled 
 the advocates of Beer as a promoter of Temperance by 
 revealing that ten quarts of alcohol (besides the beer) 
 are consumed every year in Germany for every man, 
 woman and child the Empire contains, that the Ger-
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 93 
 
 man Empire spends yearly one-fourth ($750,000,000) as 
 much for intoxicating drink as it does for food 
 ($3,000,000,000). 
 
 About the same time Germany's Emperor was reported 
 as devoting special attention to the use of beer in work- 
 ing hours, by German workingmen, in its relation to the 
 productiveness of Germany, his inquiries indicating a 
 belief that such use was largely responsible for the indus- 
 trial inferiority of the German Empire. And, also about 
 the same time, the German press was alive with discussion 
 of the whole industrial situation in Germany; Vorwarts, 
 a Berlin paper, was applying the term "hunger duties" 
 to the tariff on cereals demanded by the landed aristo- 
 crats; these duties, it was declared, would add Four 
 Dollars a year to the workingman's bread bill; 80,000 
 unemployed workingmen, it was asserted, were idle in 
 Berlin alone; the food problem for Germany was 
 concededly serious, and the national outlook grave enough 
 to excite national concern on account of it; and insepa- 
 rably connected with the industrial cloud enveloping 
 Germany's present, and shadowing her future, was the 
 German laborer's beer habit, making sodden his intellect, 
 and slow his hands, and uncertain his mechanical skill, 
 and unsubstantial his manhood for the purposes of the 
 State. 
 
 A Munich employer of many skilled workmen, speak- 
 ing (in 1901) of the difficulties of competing with foreign 
 and even North German concerns, laid stress upon the 
 cheapness of Munich beer as one of his greatest handi- 
 caps. "If we were on equal terms in every other respect," 
 he said, "the fact that my men's brains and bodies are 
 sodden with beer, day and night, would put me behind in 
 the race." Manifestly his men were not more precious to
 
 94 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 him, even from the low plane of laborers, because of the 
 human way. 
 
 On the 28th of December, 1901, the conservative New 
 York Evening Post, never of recognized temperance ten- 
 dencies, had the following editorial paragraph: 
 
 "So serious has the drawback of beer-drinking workingmen 
 in Germany become, and so thoroughly is it recognized, that a 
 movement has been started to exclude the drink from the factory 
 premises. It has been not uncommon for a man to consume ten 
 pints a day in his shop, while the average is put at not much 
 below a gallon per day, excess being especially marked among 
 molders. Several experiments have already been made in 
 educating workingmen to dispense with the morning and after- 
 noon recesses for beer, and one firm making electrical apparatus 
 in Berlin has found an increase of 10 per cent, in product per 
 man since the change was made. There is no arguing against 
 such facts as these." 
 
 And if the preciousness of the German laborer is thus 
 affected by the German Way, what about that of the 
 German student? As long ago as 1881 Professor Binz, 
 of the University of Bonn, called attention to the peril of 
 student drinking in the following strong words: 
 
 "This flooding the stomach and brain with beer, so prevalent 
 among our young students; the habit of drinking between meals, 
 especially during the forenoon; this daily beer drinking, for 
 hours at a stretch, customary among great numbers of the lower 
 and middle classes in Germany, I regard it all as a national evil, 
 whether considered from the hygienic, economic, or intellectual 
 point of view." 
 
 Prof. Edward von Hartmann, author of "The Philo- 
 sophy of Unconsciousness," gave in this testimony : 
 
 "Although of all nations the German has the greatest capacity 
 for culture, THE GENERAL CULTURE OF ITS HIGHER 
 CLASSES IS UNDERGOING FRIGHTFUL RETROGRES-
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 95 
 
 SIGN, BECAUSE THE BEER CONSUMPTION OF ITS 
 STUDENT YOUTH IS AFFORDING NEITHER TIME 
 NOR SOBRIETY to acquire more than is demanded' by the 
 advanced requirements to prepare for their professional life." 
 
 Friedrick Paulsen, Professor of Philosophy in the 
 University of Berlin, has testified thus : 
 
 "The beery bliss of the academic, and not academic, Philistines, 
 so prevalent in Germany, and the worship of the belly among 
 the rich and distinguished, ravage life as surely as the habit of 
 drinking whisky among the poor." 
 
 The Rev. Dr. J. H. W. Stuckenberg, of Cambridge, 
 Mass., after long observance of conditions in the German 
 Universities, speaking before the Presbyterian ministers 
 of Chicago, in the winter of 1901, made the following 
 statement : 
 
 "I once saw a theological student drink twenty-four mugs of 
 beer in three hours on a wager. Outside the classroom theologi- 
 cal students take their beer and think nothing about it. When 
 the classes go to their lodgings after the night sessions the 
 members often are drunk. As a result there are disgraceful 
 quarrels and fights. I saw fifty or more duels fought while I 
 was in Germany, which could be traced directly to the habit of 
 beer drinking. When you are confronted with the statement 
 that there is no drunkenness in Germany, despite the large 
 amount of beer and light wines consumed, you can refute the 
 argument with figures which are easily obtainable. Beer drink- 
 ing in Germany is the greatest curse of the country, and it will 
 destroy the nation unless it is checked." 
 
 "I will make a man more precious than fine gold ;" "and 
 with my gold I will help to make more precious the man," 
 says the Scotch American, Andrew Carnegie, and he 
 gives five millions of dollars to Scotch Universities, and 
 five millions more for American libraries in New York, 
 and other millions for other libraries in this country ; but
 
 96 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 the grandeur of his gifts, in their princely possibilities 
 for man, is discounted by the environments which men 
 provide; and Carnegie's help for his kind will fail of its 
 richest beneficence because the wise philanthropy of it is 
 not matched by the philanthropic wisdom of his fellow 
 men. 
 
 Just how and just why this is true was explained 
 (tho without direct or intentional reference in this con- 
 nection) by Gov. Geo. P. McLean, of Connecticut, at the 
 New England Society Dinner in New York City, Dec. 24, 
 1901, in what was reported as the wittiest speech of the 
 evening. With no wit, but with sober force in this par- 
 ticular utterance, Governor McLean said : 
 
 "The boys that are running loose in the streets of New York 
 tonight, twenty years from now will make this city a glory or a 
 disgrace. I would not underrate the value of your libraries, but 
 it seems to me that they are the apex rather than the base of the 
 civic government. A boy that is fed at the breast of crime and 
 ignorance for twenty years may get into your jail, but he will 
 never get into your libraries." 
 
 Yet Man's Way is to license "the breast of crime," in 
 the shape of 13,000 saloons in Greater New York alone, 
 and let it flow with liquid vice to feed the manhood of 
 those years to be ! 
 
 I have somewhere seen the declaration, by somebody, 
 that "business which can not be conducted on Christian 
 principles is no business which should be conducted by 
 Christian men." And I declare to you, that business 
 which can not be conducted on Christian principles is no 
 business which should be licensed by Christian men to 
 be conducted by men unchristian in an unchristian way, 
 to the cost and harm of Christian society. 
 
 Any business that impairs the preciousness of man is an
 
 MANHOOD AND 'COLD 97 
 
 outrage on Christian principles; and Man's Way in 
 licensing such a business is an outrage on Christian civili- 
 zation, a sin against his fellows, and a crime against 
 God. 
 
 The true basis of civic government, the real foundation 
 of this republic, is Manhood made precious in the Divine 
 Way, according to the Divine Word, by work and influ- 
 ence of the Divine order. Let men long enough spell out 
 God's Way of Prohibition for things evil, in City and 
 State, and they may come to pronounce it Heaven ; if too 
 long they spell out man's way of License, for those things 
 which are the curse of man, they will come to pronounce 
 it Hell. For thus far and forever apart are these opposite 
 ways of God and Man ; and they who do not hold Man 
 precious, according to the Divine purpose, will never fit 
 him for the richest development of himself, for t'.e 
 highest service of the State, and the sweetest heavenly 
 rewards. 
 
 Hear the cry of the clamorous millions 
 All shouting for Silver and Gold! 
 They are eager for Money and Mammon; 
 
 For Gain they are zealous and bold ; 
 But they heed not the Cry of the Human 
 
 That rises from suffering hearts; 
 They see not the shame and the sorrow 
 That shadow the busiest marts. 
 
 Gold! Gold! 
 
 Silver and Gold ! 
 
 This is the battle-cry, 
 
 Ringing and bold, 
 That millions are making, 
 Tho souls may be aching, 
 And hearts may be breaking, 
 While Manhood is murdered for Silver and Gold!
 
 98 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Hear the prayers of the sisters and mothers 
 
 Go pulsing with pain upon high, 
 From the homes where they kneel in their anguish, 
 
 And weep in dishonor, and die ! 
 But the Chorus of Gain echoes louder 
 Than pleas of the. smitten can rise, 
 While millions go shouting for Mammon, 
 And Manhood in misery dies! 
 
 Gold ! Gold ! 
 Silver and Gold ! 
 Hear the loud battle-cry, 
 
 Ringing and bold, 
 That millions are making, 
 Tho souls may be aching, 
 And hearts may be breaking, 
 With pain and with sorrow that can not be told! 
 
 Are the beings divinely created, 
 
 Forever divinely endowed, 
 Of no value in sight of these millions 
 
 Who shout for King Mammon so loud? 
 Are the souls for whom God gave a Saviour, 
 
 For whom at a price He was sold, 
 Worth less than the Silver of Judas, 
 Or cheaper than ingots of gold? 
 
 Gold ! Gold ! 
 Silver and Gold ! 
 Such is the chorus from 
 
 Sheep of His fold 
 Where millions are praying, 
 But Mammon obeying, 
 Redemption delaying, 
 While Christ is dishonored for Silver and Gold! 
 
 By the Cross in the churches uplifted, 
 
 In sight of the sinner and saint ; 
 By His death who did perish upon it 
 
 In love that knew never complaint;
 
 MANHOOD AND GOLD 99 
 
 By the hope of the world in a Manhood 
 
 Well worth such a death to redeem, 
 Let Men be more precious than Money, 
 Let Manhood be counted supreme! 
 
 Gold ! Gold ! 
 Silver and Gold ! 
 Shame on the shouters for 
 
 Mammon so bold, 
 Their Saviour forsaking, 
 Tho souls may be aching, 
 And hearts may be breaking, 
 While Manhood is murdered for Silver and Gold!
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 
 
 Let him that stole, steal no more, but rather let him labor, 
 working with his hands the thing which is good, that he may 
 have to give to him that needeth. Ephesians 4, 28.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 
 
 INTO the great problem of Profit and Loss in Man 
 vitally enter three factors. As in our school days 
 or in school days earlier than ours there were said to 
 be the three R's "Readin', 'Ritin', and 'Rithmetic" so 
 in these Reform days there are surely the three L's 
 
 Labor, Liquor, and Law. 
 
 Others could be added, of course: Laziness, but tha 
 is only dislike of Labor; Licentiousness and lust, but 
 these are chiefly born of Liquor ; License, but that comes 
 under Law; Lawlessness, but that comes in defiance of 
 Law; Local-Option, but that is one form of law. 
 
 Labor, Liquor and Law these are the three broad, 
 inclusive and vital factors in this great problem we have 
 mentioned a problem which deserves the most careful 
 study that Scholarship can give, the most profound con- 
 sideration that Philanthropy can bestow, the most 
 thorough and perfect solution that Patriotism can find and 
 apply. 
 
 The relation of these factors to each other, clearly 
 determined, will go far toward solution of this problem. 
 To make plain such relation is the purpose of this chapter. 
 Our one purpose may be achieved by asking and answer- 
 ing two questions 
 
 i. WHAT IS THE RELATION OF LIQUOR TO 
 LABOR? 
 
 103
 
 104 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 2. WHAT IS AND WHAT SHOULD BE THE 
 RELATION OF LAW TO BOTH LIQUOR AND 
 LABOR? 
 
 In answer to the first question four statements may be 
 truthfully made 
 
 First LIQUOR BOTH DECEIVES AND ROBS 
 LABOR. 
 
 It claims to befriend Labor while plundering it ; claims 
 to strengthen Labor while paralyzing it; claims to assist 
 Labor while debauching it. 
 
 It may be declared safely that there is no calling, no 
 branch of industry, in which the habit of or the occasional 
 indulgence in Strong Drink is of the slightest benefit. 
 Day or night, wet or dry, hot or cold, the Drink Habit 
 offers no inducement to toilers which is not deceptive, but 
 robs them of endurance as well as dollars, of character as 
 well as cash, of Manhood as well as money. 
 
 The non-drinker outmatches the drinker in every field 
 of Labor. There is nowhere a workman at any trade, or 
 a scholar at any task, whose hand is more deft, whose 
 skill is greater, whose brain is more brilliant, and whose 
 product is worth more to the world, because of the 
 Liquor he takes. 
 
 Wine is a mocker of industry, whatever its kind ; beer 
 is the robber of all toilers who take it ; Strong Drink is a 
 pirate, preying upon Labor everywhere, to Labor's utter 
 loss. 
 
 The great English medical and Scientific authority, Sir 
 Andrew Clark, left on record this emphatic declaration : 
 
 "For all purposes of sustained, enduring, fruitful work, it is 
 my experience that alcohol does not help but hinders it. I am 
 bound to say that for all honest work alcohol never helps a 
 human soul Never! Never!"
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 105 
 
 A cloud of witnesses could be summoned in support of 
 this testimony, did space permit. 
 
 Perhaps the strongest possible proof that Liquor does 
 deceive and rob Labor will appear in the illustrations, to 
 be given before this chapter closes, of how Labor thrives 
 and accumulates where such robbery is not permitted. 
 
 Second LIQUOR TAXES LABOR WITHOUT 
 RETURN. 
 
 This declaration means more than that Liquor robs 
 Labor. Robbery is one thing ; taxation is quite another 
 though some people who pay taxes may think them quite 
 synonymous terms. One reason I believe the chief why 
 taxation so closely resembles robbery, is found in the 
 Liquor Traffic. Where that thrives, the taxes increase. 
 This is inevitable. A large liquor trade compels corre- 
 sponding ratio of pauperism and crime. For these Labor 
 must pay. Capital shirks largely the burden, because it 
 can hide, and sneak away. Mortgages evade the 
 assessor; bonds are not always in evidence; the million- 
 aire "swears off" his "personalty," but the poor man's 
 house and lot may not escape on them he pays tribute 
 for protection, and because of them he shares unduly the 
 burden of the State; he, far beyond his just proportion, 
 must help lift the load of all who do not pay their way. 
 
 It is declared, and with sufficient accuracy, no doubt, 
 that there are 250,000 accepted criminals in this country, 
 and that they cost the people of this country at least 
 a round Billion of Dollars every year. The very lowest, 
 most conservative estimate that of the Committee of 
 Fifty charges one-half of this cost to Intemperance, to 
 the curse which is mother of crime. Other estimates, 
 probably far nearer the fact, thus charge four-fifths ; and 
 Carroll D. Wright, U. S. Commissioner of Labor, Govern-
 
 io6 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 ment statistician, is credited with the assertion that for 
 every dollar received from the Liquor Traffic it costs this 
 country twenty-two dollars and a half. 
 
 The largest part of this fearful cost weighs down upon 
 the poor man's home, is an absolutely unrequited tax upon 
 Labor's purse and hand. If Government, without any 
 show of reason, without any claim of law, without any 
 demonstration of return, should assess the laborer even 
 ten per cent, of his wages, and compel payment every 
 day, the wicked wrong of it would excite universal wrath 
 and arouse a revolution. But Liquor thus makes levy 
 upon the laborer, and to a more depleting extent. The 
 saloon, called by some apologists for it "the poor man's 
 club," assesses him far more than ten per cent, of his 
 wages, and offers no pretense of beneficent return. Even 
 the most moderate beer drinker spends a larger percentage 
 of his wages at the bar; and a great army of laborers, 
 drinking daily from five to ten glasses of beer, pour down 
 their throats from one-fourth to one-half their wages. 
 And so the saloon-keeper taxes them for his own support ; 
 they work hard that he may loaf and wax fat ; they spend 
 their lives in toil that he may receive tribute and live at 
 ease ; and a large part of their earnings which he does not 
 take is exacted by Government to help maintain the 
 criminals, the paupers, the idiots and the insane who are 
 begotten of the saloon. 
 
 So Liquor taxes Labor, and Labor pays the tax, and 
 gets no good from it, in the field or at the forge, in the 
 shop or on the street, in heart, or hands, or health, or 
 home. It is a tax utterly without compensating return. 
 
 When George the Third taxed the drink of our fathers, 
 they rebelled, and Boston harbor became a tea-pot. Now 
 Liquor has grown a worse tax-gathering tyrant than ever
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 107 
 
 was George the Third ; and a new revolution is demanded, 
 that Labor may win and hold its own that the fruits of 
 Labor, in all this wide free land, may be its own to keep. 
 
 Third LIQUOR TYRANNIZES OVER LABOR. 
 
 All taxation without return is robbery and tyranny. 
 
 Liquor tyrannizes over Labor in other ways than by 
 directly or indirectly taxing it, viz : 
 
 (a) Through Appetite. 
 
 The thirst of a man, for Strong Drink, may become his 
 master may, yea, must, if given the chance. 
 
 "You know," said once a New Englander of brain and 
 refinement, "that I have a wife and three lovely children ; 
 you know that I love them as every man must love his 
 own. But I tell you that when the thirst is on me, and I 
 hold a glass of liquor in my hand, if you should say and I 
 should know that for me to drink it would send my wife 
 and children to hell, I should drink the liquor! I could 
 not help it!" 
 
 I quoted this utterance on one occasion, in a friend's 
 parlor, and one of those present said, "The man was 
 insane." 
 
 "Yes," I answered, "insane in his stomach;" the 
 insanity of abnormal thirst. Over that man, and his labor 
 of the pen, liquor tyrannized through appetite a tyranny 
 known to multitudes of the most gifted, which has been 
 the curse of genius and of manhood the world over. 
 
 (b) Through Habit. 
 
 The habit of Strong Drink tyrannizes even as the thirst 
 for it. Thirst may beget the habit ; Habit will beget the 
 thirst. Through habit and thirst the presence and possi- 
 bility of Drink sway as with a tyrant's wand the great 
 army of Drunkards. 
 
 One of these went to the polls on Election morning,
 
 io8 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 some years ago, in a village of Western New York. He 
 was the village toper, and so recognized. But that morn- 
 ing he was as near sober as he could get; his brain was 
 as nearly clear as it could become; his insanity of the 
 stomach had subsided enough to leave him partly sane. 
 There was a Prohibition ticket up, for the first time in 
 that town, and this man had heard of it. Trembling and 
 weak, blear-eyed and with bloated face, ragged and 
 unkempt, he walked up to the place of sovereign choice, 
 and asked for a Prohibition ballot. A liquor-seller got 
 him one, supposing a joke was at hand. Then the drunkard 
 folded it as best he could, with his trembling fingers, 
 and going to the ballot-box he put it in, to register his 
 wish. It was no joke, now. A ballot cast against the 
 Liquor Traffic is never a joke to the liquor-seller or 
 sympathizer. So they began to scoff at the village 
 drunkard who sought thus to strike at the thing which 
 made him a drunkard; they began to sneer at him, to 
 abuse him. 
 
 "A pretty temperance voter you are !" said one of them, 
 finally. "Why," he declared, "if there was a bottle of 
 whisky yonder, at the top of that Liberty Pole, and if you 
 could have the whisky by climbing the pole at the risk of 
 your life, you know you'd climb." 
 
 And then the drunkard straightened himself up as best 
 he might, and answered them. 
 
 "Know it !" he said, with trembling, painful emphasis ; 
 "Know it? Oh, yes, I know it. And I know another 
 thing, gentlemen; if the whisky -wasn't there I wouldn't 
 climb." 
 
 He knew the tyranny of Liquor; indeed he did. 
 Through habit and thirst he had become the Liquor 
 tyrant's abject slave.
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 109 
 
 (c) Through Political Domination. 
 
 Liquor's tyranny may be rebelled against at the ballot- 
 box, by the village drunkard, but a great army of working 
 men free drinkers, though scorning the drunkard class 
 non-drinkers, and proud of their sobriety, with their 
 ballots work out abjectly the tyrant's will. 
 
 Consciously or unconsciously they do this 
 
 By perpetuating a Liquor policy, with their votes, in 
 city and town and throughout the State a policy that 
 maintains the Robber Saloon, which fattens at Labor's 
 expense, and controls government for its own gain, and 
 breeds the striker to feed upon honest toil, and is forever 
 and everywhere a parasite sucking out Labor's life. 
 
 By Upholding Liquor Parties, which maintain this 
 liquor policy, which are dominated by this Liquor tyrant, 
 but which depend for their final power upon the ballot in 
 Labor's hand. 
 
 If Labor and Liquor were to meet at the ballot-box in 
 deadly grapple, each fighting to the finish for its own, 
 there could be no question of the end. Five hundred 
 thousand barkeepers, and 500,000 makers and handlers 
 of alcoholic drinks a round million of liquor men, if we 
 concede there are so many would go down before the 
 ten millions, more or less, of men who labor with hand 
 and brain, who may or may not be patrons of the bar, but 
 over whom, drunk or sober, Liquor dominates to their 
 terrible cost. 
 
 It may be, and it is, a sad, sore thing that Liquor domi- 
 nates over Morality and Manhood, to their deadly hurt; 
 it may be, and it is, a woful, wicked thing that these 
 consent to the tyranny and assist it; but it is a thing 
 amazing, beyond all words, that Labor should thus allow 
 Liquor to be its tyrant, and should thus perpetuate such
 
 no PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 tyranny, when Labor is so strong in very fact, and Liquor 
 in very fact so weak when Labor must work so hard for 
 all it gets, and Liquor lords itself in such a lazy way 
 behind the bar which Labor bows before ! 
 
 Fourth LIQUOR DETHRONES LABOR. 
 
 If anywhere on this round earth a king should be, 
 Labor should be that king. 
 
 "Labor omnia vincit," runs the Latin recognition of 
 this fact. 
 
 "Labor conquers all things." 
 
 To conquer is kingly. The conqueror has right to his 
 throne, if to conquer was right. But it is sober Labor 
 which wins the crown, and sways the scepter of success. 
 
 Drunken Labor does not conquer. Drunken Labor is 
 dethroned. Liquor dethrones it. And the tyrant Liquor 
 sits upon the throne where sober Labor should reign, and 
 millions of laborers fall in meek suppliance at his feet, 
 acknowledge their allegiance, and grovel in the slime of 
 self-abasement for their stomach's sake, or their party's 
 sake. 
 
 Ask the great Railroad corporations what Labor they 
 want, to establish commercial empire, and they answer, 
 "Sober Labor." 
 
 One political economist (Henry Fawcett, M.P.) has 
 said: "Wealth may be defined to consist of every com- 
 modity which has an exchange value ;" and another 
 (Henry George) has said that "Nothing which nature 
 supplies to man without labor is wealth." Accept these 
 two definitions together, and you enthrone Labor as King 
 over Wealth. No other commodity has an exchange value 
 to match Labor it masters the exchanges of all the 
 world. Nature can not yield wealth without Labor. 
 Labor, then, is King or should be in the mine, in the
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW ill 
 
 forest, in the field, in the mill, in the shop, in the store, 
 upon the railway, on every exchange and on every throne ; 
 but it is Sober Labor. 
 
 And sober labor is dethroned by the Liquor which 
 makes too much Labor drunken. The throne of Labor is 
 its opportunity to achieve and acquire. The crown of 
 Labor is its intelligent achievement and acquisition. 
 
 Where sober Labor is robbed of its chance, and hin- 
 dered in its effort, its dethronement has begun or has been 
 accomplished. 
 
 If one million families, curtailed in their necessities and 
 comforts by Drink, require of sober Labor only one-tenth 
 of the maximum production those one million families 
 might fairly require, then it would take ten million 
 families to give such Labor its fair chance; and Labor's 
 enthronement demands that comforts and necessities be 
 insured to those one million homes. 
 
 It is Labor's right to meet the demands of a sober 
 world. Grant that right by making the world sober, and 
 you will insure Labor's honest share in the world's wealth, 
 you will end the bitter strife between Labor and Capital, 
 you will crown Labor securely and forever upon its 
 throne of opportunity and power. 
 
 "A full dinner-pail !" was the winning campaign cry in 
 this country, a few years ago. It was the politician's 
 appeal to Labor. Labor was king in that campaign. 
 "Labor omnia vincit!" said the leaders of a great party; 
 and for them Labor did conquer but side by side with 
 the saloon. In that campaign Labor and Liquor were 
 allies, with Labor's chief enemy profiting chiefly from the 
 victory which Labor chiefly won. 
 
 Dethrone Liquor, in this country, end its tyranny over 
 Labor, stop its taxation of the drunken and the sober
 
 ii2 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 laborer, shut the saloon doors which invite him to enter, 
 and in ten years Labor will own a controlling 1 interest in 
 every bank, and every mill, and every factory; in ten 
 years more it will control the ownership of every mine 
 and every railroad ; and in one short generation of sober, 
 saving, wealth-making effort, America will be the richest 
 land on all this great, grand globe, and American Labor 
 will rule the commerce of all the peoples of all the earth. 
 
 Thus briefly, as needs must be, we have answered, or 
 sought to answer, our first question, viz: "What is the 
 relation of Liquor to Labor?" Boiled down to their 
 final concentration, our answers declare that this is a 
 relation of robbery, of taxation, of tyranny, and of 
 sovereign usurpation. 
 
 The second question now confronts us, viz: 
 
 WHAT IS AND WHAT SHOULD BE THE RELA- 
 TION OF LAW TO BOTH LIQUOR AND LABOR? 
 
 What is and what should be. Consider, first, what is. 
 And 
 
 First LAW DOES NOT PROHIBIT LIQUOR, 
 but provides it legal perpetuation. 
 
 Such is the fact wherever the Law spells License or 
 Tax. The spellings differ, of these two words, but they 
 pronounce exactly the same Perpetuation. Law that 
 licenses must perpetuate ; Law which taxes does perpetu- 
 ate. License is perpetuative in purpose and effect ; tax is 
 perpetuative in effect and purpose. 
 
 License, of Liquor, began as a revenue creator, hun- 
 dreds of years ago; tax, of Liquor, in its character and 
 its dominant results, is now what license was then. The 
 relation of Law to Liquor will be what it has been through 
 the centuries, in its perpetuating effects, if tax and license 
 continue to be the law.
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 113 
 
 Men may talk as they please of the restrictive intent of 
 license ; but they deal in contradictions. License is not to 
 forbid, but to forbear, to permit. And tax is to continue, 
 that tribute may not cease. Any license or tax law with 
 intent actually other than this would be like that local 
 ordinance passed some years ago in a certain Southern 
 town, where the county voted for saloons, and the little 
 city did not want them, and the city officers fixed the 
 license fee at a hundred thousand dollars. And there 
 Liquor was not perpetuated. The relation of Law to 
 Liquor, in that town, ceased being perpetuative. 
 
 I ran across the trail of a certain judge, in another 
 Southern State, under whom Law did not perpetuate 
 Liquor. The authority for License, then, rested in Dis- 
 trict Judges, after the people in a county had voted for it, 
 under Local Option. 
 
 In two counties of this man's judicial district they had 
 voted in favor of License, and some would-be liquor- 
 sellers went to the Judge and called for license certificates. 
 
 "But you can't have them," said the Judge. 
 
 "But, Judge," they made answer, "you don't under- 
 stand. We have voted for License in our county by a 
 large majority; we have a right to the licenses, and we 
 demand them." 
 
 "But you can't have them," reiterated the Judge. "The 
 law is not mandatory, but permissive ; it doesn't say that 
 the Judge must, but that the Judge may, grant license, 
 when a majority have voted for it ; and I tell you that if 
 every man votes for license, in every one of the eight 
 counties of my judicial district, there shall not be a 
 license granted while I am Judge!" 
 
 But such cases are exceptional. 
 
 Second LAW DOES NOT DEFEND LABOR, 
 but conspires with Liquor to rob it.
 
 ii4 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Remember that when you tax Liquor it is Labor that 
 pays the tax; that when you license Liquor it is Labor 
 that provides the fee ; that the perpetuation of Liquor, by 
 license or tax, means the perpetual and increasing taxation 
 of Labor without any return ; that all such taxation is 
 robbery; and that any law which takes from Labor any 
 part of its own, without equivalent, conspires to rob 
 Labor is a conspirator with Labor's enemy, not the 
 defender of Labor's good. 
 
 Labor builds the home where it may live, the school- 
 house where it may learn, the church where it may wor- 
 ship ; every law which licenses the saloon is direct 
 evidence, in its terms, that Liquor is the enemy of Home, 
 and School and Church; and when Law comes between 
 Labor and these which Labor builds for its own behoof 
 and the State's, when the fruits of these are lost to Labor 
 through that which Law perpetuates, then Law conspires 
 to rob Labor of its dearest values and its most priceless 
 possessions then Law and the Liquor-seller are as foot- 
 pads on the highway of industry demanding tribute which 
 Justice, and honor, and humanity, forbid that Labor shall 
 longer pay. 
 
 Consider, next, what should be the relation of Law to 
 both Labor and Liquor. And 
 First "LAW SHOULD PROTECT LABOR. 
 
 It should do this because: 
 
 (a) Law's duty is to conserve the general good if 
 this were not so, Law would be unnecessary. For Law is 
 more than a defense for the weak ; it may be for the wel- 
 fare of the strong. Failure to protect Labor will affect 
 harmfully the welfare of all. A prince of commercial 
 empire may suffer when a pauper is made of the common-
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 115 
 
 est workingman. Labor and Capital are like Siamese 
 Twins. You harm one and you hurt the other. 
 Law should protect Labor 
 
 (b) Because the general good is dependent primarily 
 on Labor, and things which are specially bad primarily 
 affect Labor, and the worst results of Liquor come from 
 its effects on Labor. 
 
 (c) Because there is for Labor no adequate protection 
 other than Law, the law of the State. The law of Supply 
 and Demand will not defend Labor, when Liquor both 
 paralyzes the supply and cuts off the demand. 
 
 The necessity for Law's protection of Labor is recog- 
 nized along differing lines, and has been undisputed. An 
 Eight-Hour Day for Labor was demanded ; and Law pro- 
 vided it, to a large extent. In that measure, to that 
 degree, Labor was protected by Law, but against Capital, 
 which ought to be Labor's best friend, not against Liquor, 
 which is Labor's worst enemy. Who ever heard of an 
 Eight-Hour Law for the saloon? 
 
 Tariff laws have their foundation in the protective idea 
 as applied to Labor. "Infant industries" must be nursed, 
 not because they are infants, and need nursing, but 
 because they are industries which can not thrive unless 
 protected by Law. But not one of them thrives any 
 better for being brought up on a bottle ; all should be pro- 
 tected by Law from the bottle which curses all. 
 
 Second LAW SHOULD PROHIBIT LIQUOR. 
 
 I. Because only as Law prohibits Liquor can Labor 
 be protected. 
 
 It is nonsense to say or assume that Law protects 
 Labor when Liquor is licensed. 
 
 So long as Liquor deceives and robs Labor, and taxes it 
 without return, and tyrannizes over it, and dethrones it,
 
 ii6 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Labor can not be protected from it by either License or 
 Tax. A protective tariff, levied on the saloon, is no pro- 
 tection for the laborer on whom the saloon lives. 
 Prohibition of the saloon affords him the only protection 
 possible by law. And if law can not prohibit, successfully, 
 Law has no right to License, wickedly. Even if every 
 Prohibition law were a failure, every license law would 
 be a fraud. For any law which does not assume to benefit 
 Labor is in violation of Law's fundamental purpose, and 
 a law which assumes to benefit Labor and legalizes and 
 perpetuates the worst foe of Labor is both outrageously 
 and fatally a fraud. 
 
 Law should prohibit liquor 
 
 II. Because the prosperity of State and nation depends 
 upon this protection of Labor. 
 
 "Open mills are better than open mints," declared 
 William McKinley, from his front porch, in his first 
 campaign for the Presidency ; but to make them better, up 
 to their best, the open mill-doors must be protected from 
 the open saloon-doors, or the laborer must be protected 
 and shielded from the saloon while the -mill-doors open 
 for his entrance. 
 
 The open saloon, opposite the open mill, is a slimy 
 leech, sucking Labor's best life-blood, and of it the State 
 should be forever sickened and ashamed. The claims of 
 dominant party leadership have been insistent, year after 
 year, on behalf of Labor and the Laborer, but only in a 
 loose and uncertain way have they gone far enough. 
 
 Writing of reciprocity and the tariff, in his first 
 message to Congress, President Roosevelt said : 
 
 "Every application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting 
 national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact that 
 the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 117 
 
 the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well- 
 being of the wage worker is a prime consideration of our entire 
 policy of economic legislation." 
 
 And so, following in the footsteps of his Protective 
 Tariff predecessor, President Roosevelt must recognize 
 and proclaim "the well-being of the wage-worker," the 
 defense of Labor, as "a prime consideration" of all eco- 
 nomic law. 
 
 Upon "the well-being of the wage-worker" depends 
 the prosperity of State and Nation, and this well-being 
 can be insured no other way so well as by the prohibition 
 of Liquor. Protected ports and protected mills may bring 
 wealth to the mill-owner and manufacturer, and in this 
 the wage-worker may share, but when the saloon-keeper 
 shares with him, prosperity does not yield its largest 
 benefits. 
 
 Protected Homes afford the only sure and full harvest 
 of protected industries, and the purpose to secure these 
 should underlie and inspire "our entire policy of economic 
 legislation." Where these are secured where "the well- 
 being of the wage-worker" is guarded from domestic 
 assault not less than from a foreign rival the welfare of 
 Labor is guaranteed, and prosperity follows for the 
 laborer and the town, for State and Nation, as by divine 
 logic. 
 
 Whole pages of illustration could be cited to prove this. 
 One or two cases may be sufficient. 
 
 In the summer of 1901, a brief statement went the 
 rounds of the press headed "The Richest Town in the 
 World," and credited to the Boston Transcript. There 
 were but three paragraphs in it, of a dozen lines each, or 
 less, and they ran like this :
 
 n8 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "Brookline, the richest town in the world, is $5,000,000 richer 
 this year than last, according to the assessors. The rate of 
 taxation is lower; there is a gain in the valuation of personal 
 estate of over $3,000,000, and over $2,000,000 in realty. There 
 are more inhabitants and a gain in the number of assessed polls. 
 The tax rate per $1,000 has been placed at $10, which is 20 cents 
 less than last year, and the lowest rate that Brookline has had 
 since 1890, when it was $9. 
 
 "The total valuation this year is $83,180,700, against $77,952,900 
 last year. The personal estate is valued at $26,871,000, against 
 $23,499,800 in 1900. The real estate is valued at $56,309,700, as 
 against $54,453,100 last year. The gain in realty is largely on 
 land values, chiefly because of the many recent improvements and 
 the extension of railway facilities. Buildings in the town are 
 valued at $23,203,600, against $22,441,500 last year, and the land 
 valuation is put at $33,106,100, last year's figures being $32,011,600. 
 
 "The number of polls is 5,773, against 5,630 assessed last year. 
 The town's income from sources outside of direct taxation is 
 $325,000. The State tax is estimated to be about $47,617.50, 
 county tax $58,129.39, metropolitan sewer tax $24,786.63, parks 
 (maximum amount) $35,000." 
 
 After seeing this statement in several papers, I grew 
 curious to know if it was reliable, and if Brookline had 
 become the richest town in the world through making or 
 selling and drinking beer and whisky; or, rather, I felt 
 sure it had not, and I wanted confirmation of my belief. 
 So I wrote to Hon. Henry H. Faxon, of Quincy, Mass., 
 asking information as to the accuracy of these figures 
 given, and as to the Liquor Traffic in Brookline; and at 
 the request of Mr. Faxon the Rev. Dillon Bronson, a 
 resident there, referred these figures to the assessors of 
 Brookline, who confirmed them in every essential particu- 
 lar, and the further fact appeared that Brookline had been 
 a No-License town since 1887. 
 
 "The well-being of the wage-worker" in Brookline had 
 been safeguarded against the saloon for a sufficient period
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 119 
 
 to show results. Multiply Brooklines, and you will mag- 
 nify the nation's wealth. Extend Brookline's No-Liquor 
 policy, and you will multiply Brooklines. 
 
 "What's in a name?" asked Shakespeare. It may be 
 noted that the name of the richest town in the world (or 
 at least in the United States) is Brookline, not Beerl'me. 
 
 Quincy, Mass., has been a No-License town since 1881. 
 A comparative statement, published by Mr. Faxon, in 
 1898, showed the gain to Quincy, under a Prohibition 
 policy, during those seventeen years. Its population had 
 increased in that time from 10,855 to 23,540; its valua- 
 tion from $7,560,381 to $19,236,832; its Savings Bank 
 Deposits from $173,950 to $488,453.56, its depositors in 
 Savings Banks from 2,530 to 7,41 1 ; and its number of 
 new houses in process of erection from 24 to 236; while 
 the amount paid for support of the poor, with but 10,855 
 population $15,415.07 was decreased to $8,534 (little 
 more than one-half) with the population more than 
 doubled. 
 
 Naturally enough, with such an array of facts in its 
 favor, local prohibition had increased its majority, and 
 was not likely to be given up. 
 
 In November, 1892, in "Arrow Leaflets," published by 
 the Massachusetts Total Abstinence Society, Mr. Faxon 
 thus testified as to the results of No-Liquor in the city of 
 his home: 
 
 "Quincy, under Prohibition, has prospered as Quincy under 
 rum rule never did. Her population and valuation have 
 increased to a marked degree, pauperism has been very largely 
 diminished, temptation in one of its most alluring forms has been 
 removed from the young man's daily path, and the community has 
 been orderly and law-abiding." 
 
 Law should prohibit liquor
 
 120 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 III. Because every legitimate industry profits by Pro- 
 hibition of the Liquor Business. 
 
 Mr. Faxon has well said that "every dollar expended 
 for liquor as a beverage comes out of the landlord, grocer, 
 baker, tailor, butcher, and others who pursue an honest 
 calling." Speaking as a landlord, Mr. Faxon added this 
 testimony : 
 
 "I have rented houses for more than thirty years, and can 
 safely say that three-fourths of all my losses in rents during that 
 period have been due, directly or indirectly, to the use of intoxi- 
 cating liquors." 
 
 The Census Bureau of 1900 made public a statement 
 showing an increase of the manufacturing industries of 
 Vermont, since the year 1890, of 55.4 per cent., and an 
 increase of 45.2 per cent, in wages paid. That was under 
 Prohibition, none too well enforced. To extend produc- 
 tion over one-half, and to augment wages paid nearly one- 
 half, means more money in the laborer's pocket, more 
 comforts in his home, and more rent in the landlord's 
 purse, if the saloon-keeper and the brewer do not profit 
 thereby. 
 
 Under a Prohibition Sheriff in Portland, Me., the No- 
 Liquor policy was enforced with great vigor, beginning 
 Jan. ist, 1901. A strike of carpenters, masons and plumb- 
 ers was inaugurated in the spring following, and lasted 
 nine weeks, but not a single act of violence was committed 
 by the strikers, and there was no drunkenness. After the 
 strike was declared off, one contractor testified that he 
 was having less trouble with his men than in any previous 
 year, and went on to say : 
 
 "For several years I have had to discharge a number of men 
 every week on account of drunkenness, and on every Monday
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 121 
 
 morning there would be twenty or thirty of a crew of one hun- 
 dred and fifty who would not report for work because of their 
 usual Sunday debauch. But this Spring I have had to discharge 
 only two or three men since the Spring work began, and only 
 one man has failed to report on account of drunkenness. If this 
 is enforcement, it is money in my pocket, but I don't believe in 
 Prohibition." 
 
 In the summer and autumn of 1901 wide-spread news- 
 paper accounts were published, setting forth in extenso, 
 and with great pride, the marvelous financial improve- 
 ment shown by the people of Kansas within a few years. 
 We were told how, in spite of recurring droughts, and 
 occasional cyclones, the farmers of that State had broken 
 all records at paying off their mortgages, how the banks 
 were plethoric of money, and land values had been steadily 
 on the gain how starving Kansas was grown to be the 
 granary of the world, and a thriving nursery of wealth. 
 
 "This year," said one of these accounts (in the Chicago Inter- 
 Ocean), "the State was smitten with a great drought. The 
 crops, excepting the winter wheat, were partially or wholly 
 ruined. Millions of dollars' worth of corn was totally destroyed. 
 Yet what are the present facts? The State Bank Commissioner 
 of Kansas has just issued what is properly regarded as the most 
 remarkable financial statement ever made concerning the pros- 
 perity of a Western commonwealth. The combined bank 
 deposits aggregate $87,181,194, or over $60,000,000 in excess of 
 what they were in the banner year of 1898, and about $50,000,000 
 in excess of what they were in 1899. The total deposits, if dis- 
 tributed, would give every man, woman and child in the State 
 $59.28. Stranger than any comparison made is the fact that 
 notwithstanding the drought, the deposits this year exceed those 
 of last year by about $21,000,000. 
 
 "In Brown County, northeastern Kansas," ran another of these 
 stories, "the average price brought by land sales in 1895 (there 
 was only one that year), 1896 and 1897, was $42 an acre. Today 
 the average is $6l. In the grazing country in northwestern and
 
 122 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 southwestern Kansas, in Thomas and Comanche counties, five 
 years ago land could not be given away, but it was valued 
 nominally at one dollar an acre. Practically all these lands have 
 been sold in the last three years, and today they find ready sale 
 at $2." 
 
 But while this kind of record was glowingly made, the 
 newspapers were shy of telling that in 44 out of 105 
 counties of Kansas there was not a pauper, and in 37 
 counties not a criminal case on the court docket, because 
 Prohibition was the law and the fact ; their editors never 
 once called attention to the contrast between Kansas 
 prosperity, under Prohibition, and the lack of such 
 astonishing prosperity in Nebraska a State bordering on 
 Kansas, with at least equal native richness, but maintain- 
 ing the Liquor Traffic by High License. It was easy for 
 anti-Prohibition writers to sneer at Kansas for her Carrie 
 Nation crusade in a few Kansas cities and towns ; it was 
 hard for them to comprehend how driving Liquor from 
 the State at large had closed the jails, and cultivated the 
 farms, and insured the crops, and wrought out harvest 
 returns, and made Kansas a marvel of thrift and 
 accumulation. 
 
 In the summer of 1887 I was out in Kansas, making 
 speeches of a radical sort. One of these was made in 
 Lawrence, of "Border Ruffian" memory, and in the after- 
 noon a little party of us drove around the city, and out- 
 side of it, to observe its condition and environment. 
 Prohibition had been a constitutional fact of the State for 
 seven years, and mainly well observed; but yet the 
 Walruff Brewery stood on a commanding bluff a mile 
 outside the center of Lawrence, and as we drove past it I 
 noticed the Stars and Stripes flying proudly from its flag- 
 staff, as if not ashamed of the business carried on illegally 
 beneath them.
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 123 
 
 I made some inquiry as to the capital and men employed 
 in it, but none as to the politics of its proprietor. That 
 feature of the case did not occur to me. 
 
 At evening my speech came off in the Opera House 
 the first Prohibition party speech that Lawrence had ever 
 heard. In the course of it I put this question "What 
 is the difference between a Republican and a Democrat?" 
 And I waited for a reply. 
 
 "Do you want an answer to that question?" courteously 
 inquired a well-dressed, good-looking man seated not far 
 from the platform. 
 
 "Certainly I do," was my answer to him; "What is 
 the difference between a Republican and a Democrat?" 
 
 "Well, sir," he promptly asserted, "one is loyal, and the 
 other is disloyal." 
 
 Whereat that loyal audience, Republican to the core, 
 cheered this loyal utterance till the house rang. 
 
 "Yes," I echoed, when the applause had ceased, "one 
 is loyal, and the other is disloyal!" And again they 
 cheered, but not so loudly, not so long; and when they 
 had again subsided, once more I said : 
 
 "Yes, one is loyal, and the other is disloyal !" but they 
 did not repeat their cheers, for my reiteration had grown 
 ominous, and they wondered what it might mean. 
 
 "Then the sober Democrat, in Georgia," I went on, 
 "who obeys the law, and votes for Prohibition, and good 
 government, and the best interests of society, in his 
 county and State, is disloyal, but your Republican brewer, 
 running his brewery within a mile of where you sit now, 
 defying the law of your State every day of his life, 
 deliberately trampling the Constitution of your State 
 under his feet, and flying the flag of our country over his 
 own deliberate daily treason, he's loyal f"
 
 124 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 The audience sat a moment in hushed amazement, as if 
 smitten by a blow, and then applauded far more tremen- 
 dously than they had done before. At the meeting's close, 
 one of the friends on the platform, who had ridden with 
 me in the afternoon, came and said: 
 
 "How dare you say what you have said here tonight? 
 How did you know that that brewer is a Republican? 
 I didn't hear anybody tell you." 
 
 "Nobody did tell me," was my reply. 
 
 "Then how did you know ?" my friend persisted. 
 
 "Logic told me," I answered. "I had not thought to 
 ask. But when that man answered my question as he did, 
 the whole situation flashed upon me. I knew the brewer 
 would not be permitted thus to defy the law if he were 
 not of the party administering the law. A Democrat 
 would have been dealt with differently." 
 
 "Well," commented my friend, "it was a shot in the 
 dark, but it hit the bull's-eye straight enough." 
 
 I have recited this not merely to record, neither to 
 magnify, a bit of platform experience, but to fix in your 
 mind, by attaching to them a flavor of personality, some 
 final economic facts. 
 
 WalrufFs brewery closed its doors within a few months 
 of my visit to Lawrence. The people tired of his insult- 
 ing treason; he tired of their prosecution; his business 
 came to an end in Kansas. He sought a more congenial 
 field ; and some foolish people thought it "a calamity" for 
 Lawrence when WalrufFs brewery shut down and 
 Walruff quit the State to avoid being shut up. 
 
 After a time the brewery was sold, and became a shoe 
 factory. How stood the "calamity" account, now? 
 
 The brewery had employed twelve men, none of them 
 skilled artizans, and their weekly wages would not
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 125 
 
 average over ten dollars each a total yearly sum earned 
 by and paid to these of $6,240. 
 
 The shoe manufacturer employed one hundred opera- 
 tives, at least half of them skilled, with an average weekly 
 wage of at least twelve dollars and a half a total yearly 
 sum, earned by and paid to these, of $65,000. 
 
 Assuming that the brewery employees were as tem- 
 perate and saving as those of the shoe factory (and the 
 assumption is violent), here were $6,240 a year, earned 
 in the brewery, as against $65,000 a year, earned in the 
 shoe factory, to be spent with "the landlord, grocer, baker, 
 tailor, butcher, and others who pursue an honest calling." 
 
 And what would this mean for these men "who pursue 
 an honest calling ?" 
 
 The landlord would be called upon for at least one 
 hundred cottages or lodgings, because of the shoe factory, 
 as against a dozen, at most, because of the brewery ; and 
 the building of these must mean work for the lumber- 
 man, the saw-mill-man, the architect, the mason, the 
 paper-hanger, the painter; the furnishings of these must 
 mean work for the cabinet-maker, the carpet-maker, the 
 iron-maker, the tinsmith, the cotton manufacturer, the 
 linen-spinner; and the provisioning of these must mean 
 work and pay for the grocer, the baker, the butcher, the 
 farmer, the gardener, the cattle-raiser ; while the clothing 
 of their occupants must mean work and pay for the tailor, 
 the wool-grower, the cotton-grower, the merchant, the 
 weaver, the tanner, the shoemaker, the milliner and the 
 dressmaker. 
 
 More than ten times as much money each week, each 
 month, each year, would go into the tills of honest trade, 
 in that one town, with the brewery converted into a shoe 
 factory, as went into them before from the employees in
 
 126 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 that plant, with no allowance whatever for the brewery's 
 effect, or the influence of its product, upon Labor outside 
 the brewery, upon the employees of other and better 
 concerns. 
 
 And it should be borne in mind that shoes are a safer 
 output in any community than "booze" a surer guaran- 
 tee of success and profit for every other industry. Sober 
 feet, well shod, will run the race of commercial prosperity 
 and gain it, will strive after the crown of professional 
 achievement and win it, will struggle for and attain every 
 golden goal in life. 
 
 A shoe factory will not debauch private character or 
 public morals ; a beer factory debauches both, and curses 
 every interest with which it comes in contact. 
 
 In the year' 1900 there were 1,845 breweries in the 
 United States. The bulk of these employed many more 
 than that small Walruff affair in Lawrence the average 
 number of employees was over fifty per cent, greater. If 
 the conversion of one brewery into a factory meant in 
 round numbers $60,000 a year more cash to the honest 
 trade of one community from that one factory alone, then 
 the conversion of 1,845 average breweries would mean 
 over $166,000,000 every year for honest trade, in such 
 increase alone; and other figures than these put the 
 increase in wages, by the closing of breweries, at over 
 $250,000,000 annually a total of $280,000,000 as against 
 $28,000,000 while the saving of wages, resulting from 
 such action, would be immensely greater, and almost 
 incalculable. 
 
 In one town of Northern New York one woman 
 counted forty men going into one beer saloon in one hour. 
 Say that there are 250,000 such places in this country, and 
 that each averages but forty patrons in one day, the total
 
 LABOR, LIQUOR, AND LAW 127 
 
 is ten millions of workers who spend some part of their 
 wages at the bar. Say that their wages average but one 
 dollar a day, and that they average only four drinks a day 
 each, for working days only, and their total of wages thus 
 spent is TWO MILLIONS OF DOLLARS A DAY, or 
 over $600,000,000 a year ! 
 
 And this barely approximates what Liquor costs Labor 
 barely suggests how legitimate industries would profit 
 by Prohibition of the Liquor Business; but it does tre- 
 mendously emphasize the reasons why and the manner 
 how Law should master Liquor in Labor's behalf and for 
 the welfare of all. 
 
 Add this Saving of wages to this Increase of wages; 
 filter through the tills of honest trade and healthy manu- 
 facture this aggregate of over $900,000,000 yearly not 
 to mention a billion more that would be saved by closing 
 the breweries and saloons ; and see how the farmer's acres 
 would laugh with their harvest when he tickled them with 
 his hoe ; how the cotton spindles would whir with delight 
 over the demands for their product ; how the invils would 
 sing and the forges ring, and the grocers grin and the 
 butchers win and the big fat barkeepers all grow thin; 
 how the merchants would smile all the glad long while, 
 and the landlords build, and each house be filled with a 
 man well fed and a wife well-willed and their children 
 never by grim Want killed; how the open mills would 
 forbid the idle millions and make demand for the open 
 mints; how mines would pour out their abundance, and 
 supply the smoking furnaces, and speed the flying trains, 
 and feed the noisy work-shops, and crowd the busy fac- 
 tories, and gild the happy homes; how Labor and Law, 
 hand in hand with Manhood and Morality, with Educa- 
 tion and Religion, would make this land a marvel of the 
 ages and its people the richest that the ages ever knew.
 
 128 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 All sober and steady, 
 
 All willing and ready, 
 The muscles of Labor are quick to command; 
 
 They man the proud vessel, 
 
 With tempests they wrestle, 
 They win the world's prizes on sea and on land. 
 
 Wealth waits their creation; 
 
 The need of the nation 
 They meet at the forge, in the shop and the mill; 
 
 When sober and steady, 
 
 Then, able and ready, 
 They coin of their manhood for traffic and till. 
 
 Stand there, with hat lifted, 
 
 Where common and gifted 
 March by in the army that works for the world ! 
 
 No sound of the saber, 
 
 As legions of Labor 
 File on to the future with battle-flags furled! 
 
 They shout in glad chorus 
 
 "Man's good is before us; 
 We toil that the millions may eat and be clad; 
 
 That Want we may banish, 
 
 That Hunger may vanish, 
 That Plenty may reign and the People be glad!" 
 
 Salute them, as proudly 
 
 They march, and as loudly 
 They sing in their pride of the work of their hands! 
 
 Mark time to their chorus 
 
 Fall in! for before us 
 Are Hunger and Want; and the Master commands! 
 
 Bring Law till it catches 
 
 Love's impulse, and matches 
 The need of the Future with Justice and Right; 
 
 Till Labor, defended 
 
 By Law, and befriended, 
 Shall bless all the land with its bounty and might!
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 
 
 Render, therefore, unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, 
 and unto God the things that are God's. Matt. 22, 21.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 
 
 ENDER therefore unto Caesar the things which 
 are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are 
 God's." 
 
 In this Scripture one thing at least is clearly implied, 
 and two things are plainly commanded. The thing im- 
 plied is 
 
 The Citizen's loyalty to Government. 
 
 The things commanded are 
 
 The Citizen's loyal tribute to Government; and 
 
 The Citizen's loyal tribute to God. 
 
 Every man owes tribute to God and Government. He 
 can not pay honest tribute to God, and deny to Govern- 
 ment his highest loyalty. 
 
 What is Loyalty? 
 
 "The quality or state of being loyal," says the Stand- 
 ard Dictionary. Another authority says that Loyalty, 
 "being derived from the French word Lot, properly 
 expresses that fidelity which one owes according to law." 
 
 "To be loyal," it has been declared, is "to be devoted 
 to the maintenance of law ; to be disposed to uphold the 
 lawful authority." 
 
 Loyalty to Government demands of the Citizen four 
 things : 
 
 ist. That he shall himself be law-abiding. 
 
 2d. That he shall engage in no business which begets 
 Law-breaking in other men. 
 
 131
 
 132 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 3d. That he shall not encourage, endorse, uphold or 
 support, in any manner, at any time, anywhere, any 
 policy which induces law-breaking by anybody. 
 
 4th. That while assisting to conserve loyalty in others, 
 and himself engaged in lawful pursuits, he shall pay 
 such loyal tribute to Government as Government may in 
 fairness and justice demand of him for his own defense 
 and the welfare of all. 
 
 The Citizen, then, to be loyal, must obey law. He 
 must not be a law-breaker. He must not conduct any 
 business that breeds law-breakers. He must not support 
 any policy which leads to law-breaking. 
 
 Measured by these requirements, is the great mass of 
 our citizenship loyal? In the light of these requirements, 
 is our Christian Patriotism genuinely patriotic and as 
 truly Christian? 
 
 Has the Christian spirit so pervaded all our Christian 
 people, has their Christian patriotism so based and 
 grounded itself on Christian principle, that the great mass 
 of them have no part or lot in disloyalty of any kind, 
 refuse all support of and alliance with disloyal men, 
 and are themselves always and absolutely loyal to Gov- 
 ernment and to God? 
 
 To particularize : If we measure him by these require- 
 ments, can the citizen-saloonist be loyal? 
 
 Measuring his business by what it begets, is it a loyal 
 business ? 
 
 Measuring that business by its results, and measuring 
 Loyalty by these requirements, can any other citizen sup- 
 port that business, or support any policy which maintains 
 it, and be a loyal citizen? 
 
 With all due consideration of my words, understanding 
 clearly what they include and how grave is the charge
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 133 
 
 they bring, I declare that the Liquor Traffic is a disloyal 
 element in our national life; that it menaces the very 
 foundations of Government; that the men engaged in it, 
 the men upholding it, the men responsible for it, are in 
 spirit if not in fact and in fact to an alarming, a dan- 
 gerous extent in actual rebellion against our national 
 institutions; and that through their support of it, or 
 their responsibility for it, the great mass of Christian 
 Citizens in this Country are doing more to aid the devil, 
 and perpetuate his works, than to establish righteousness 
 in the land and win America for Christ. 
 
 I. AS TO OBEDIENCE UNTO LAW 
 
 Assume, if you please, that the liquor-seller is a law- 
 abiding man. Admit that he observes every feature of 
 the law that says he may be a liquor-seller. Concede that 
 he absolutely meets the first requirement of the loyal 
 citizen. What of the second ? 
 
 Does not even a law-abiding liquor business beget law- 
 breakers ? 
 
 Witnesses could be cited by the score to prove that 75 
 per cent, of the crimes committed in this country are 
 caused by Drink. A large proportion of these crimes 
 must be caused by drink legally sold. 
 
 A gallon of beer or a pint of whisky has as much 
 crime-cause in it on Saturday night or Monday morning, 
 when sale of it is legal, as on Sunday night, when to sell 
 it is a crime. 
 
 That crime-cause would have as much crime-effect 
 on a young man of eighteen, to whom that liquor could 
 be legally sold, as on a young man of only seventeen, sale 
 to whom would be illegal. 
 
 On a Sunday morning years ago, in the village of
 
 134 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Canandaigua, N. Y., an awful deed was discovered. It 
 was at the pretty cottage home of a German laborer, 
 almost in the shadow of a great brewery. He was a 
 peaceable citizen, a kind husband, a quiet neighbor, 
 always except after freely drinking beer ; he drank noth- 
 ing stronger. So it was testified by those who knew him 
 best. 
 
 But on that summer Sunday morning, at one end of the 
 vine-covered piazza of that cottage home, the neighbors 
 found his wife dead, with her throat cut and weltering 
 in her blood; at the other end of the piazza, some ten 
 feet away, lay dead also the husband, his throat cut as 
 was hers; and by his side lay an empty beer keg, the 
 contents of which had inspired that murder and suicide. 
 
 And it was beer legally sold, on Saturday night, which 
 caused the crime. 
 
 Hundreds of similar cases are on record, the papers 
 teem with them every week, illustrating with ghastly 
 awfulness the unlawful results which follow even the 
 lawful sale of Strong Drink. 
 
 But is the liquor-seller, as he runs, a law-abiding citi- 
 zen? Is the Liquor Traffic "devoted to the maintenance 
 of law ?" Is it "disposed to uphold the lawful authority ?" 
 
 The Liquor Traffic has been a law-breaker from the 
 beginning. It is today the open, defiant enemy of law. 
 
 "Thou shalt not sell to a minor !" says the State to the 
 saloon; and regularly a large percentage of the liquor 
 sold, within the legal and illegal hours of sale, is bought 
 by young men under legal age. 
 
 "Thou shalt not sell to an habitual drunkard!" says 
 the State to the saloon ; and regularly the habitual drunk- 
 ards reel up before the legally or illegally open bars and 
 obtain the liquor illegally dealt out to them.
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 135 
 
 "Thou shalt not sell upon the Sabbath Day !" says the 
 State to the saloon ; and regularly for years the saloon's 
 back door has been ajar, if the front door were not 
 squarely open, and the Sunday profits of the saloon have 
 often been as much as the whole week's profits besides. 
 
 "Prohibition is a failure!" say the saloon men them- 
 selves ; and every time they say it, and tell the truth, they 
 impeach their own loyalty, they advertise their own rebel- 
 lion against law, it is their own boast that they are 
 disloyal. 
 
 Any business that dare and does assert its independence 
 of or superiority to any law, is a danger, a menace, a 
 traitor to the State. 
 
 Such a business the Liquor Traffic long has been in 
 this country. Its independence of law has grown more 
 and more marked, emphatic and arrogant, year by year; 
 its open and organized rebellion against law has become 
 more and more defiant and bold. To this rebellion every 
 Law-and-Order League instituted has been a witness; of 
 such rebellion the courts furnish endless and appalling 
 record; by such rebellion the popular respect for law is 
 made popular irreverence and unpatriotic disregard; and 
 because of such rebellion, aided and abetted by Christian 
 men who endorse the policy which promotes it, the work 
 of the Church is discounted, and the Cross of Christ can 
 not draw all men unto it that they may be saved a law- 
 defended, law-defying and disloyal, Liquor Traffic 
 stands in the way, at the open door of a saloon made 
 lawful by Christian votes, but made lawless by the devil 
 and the very nature of things ! 
 
 II. AS TO BREEDING LAW-BREAKERS 
 
 What is the second requirement of Loyalty in the 
 citizen ?
 
 136 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 That he shall engage in no business which begets 
 law-breaking in other men. 
 
 After the Liquor-seller himself, who form the chief 
 law-breaking classes in this country? 
 
 The striker; the Communist; the Anarchist. 
 
 What is a strike? In seven cases out of ten the half- 
 drunken, largely brutish, thoroughly lawless offspring 
 of a Beer Barrel. Oftener than otherwise a strike is born 
 of a brewery and wet-nursed in a saloon. 
 
 When the great Buffalo strike was on, in 1892, and the 
 Militia were ordered and kept there in large force, at 
 great cost, one daily telegraphic report said : 
 
 "All day the strikers have been pouring down beer and whisky 
 in the saloons around the Lehigh yard, and bloody times are 
 expected before tomorrow." 
 
 And they were bloody, with burning cars and con- 
 suming freight to make the night more terrible. 
 
 A friend of mine, the daughter of Gen. Clinton B. Fisk, 
 was en route to bury her husband by her father's side in 
 Michigan, and spent that night in such terror as she will 
 never forget, with the demons of carnage and outlawry 
 around her on every hand, herself in doubt, through long 
 and awful hours, whether she would ever get away from 
 the Buffalo freight yards with her coffined companion 
 in the baggage-car ahead. 
 
 With the saloon closed, in the neighborhood of great 
 industries, great strikes would be the exception, and great 
 outrages, wanton destruction of property, would not 
 characterize any strike. 
 
 Lawlessness is the natural fruit of the open saloon. 
 
 Open defiance of law stalks brazenly abroad through 
 the saloon's open door, while conspiracies against Law 
 and Order brood and breed within.
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 137 
 
 During the last great Chicago strike, miles of blazing 
 freight cars were but the gleaming Red Fire wherewith 
 the Chicago Liquor Traffic signalized its Disloyal Sover- 
 eignty over Law. 
 
 What is Communism? 
 
 A definition given by one tramp to another is as good 
 and accurate as any I have come across. 
 
 Said Tramp No. i : 
 
 "I say, Bill, what is Communism?" 
 
 Said Tramp No. 2: 
 
 "I'll explain it to you. I've got an empty bottle, and 
 you've got a dime. I let you have the bottle. You buy 
 a dime's worth of whisky and put it in the bottle, and I 
 drink it out, and then I pound you on the head with the 
 empty bottle. That's Communism." 
 
 It is the empty bottle and empty purse that make the 
 Communist, and the Anarchist. 
 
 What is an Anarchist, and why is he? 
 
 Whenever and wherever the Anarchist and his crimes 
 are traced back to their common source and his, there is 
 found a saloon. The connection of saloons with the Hay- 
 market murders in Chicago, a few years ago, was com- 
 mon knowledge, which one paper recorded thus : 
 
 "The anarchists went forth from saloons to make their 
 incendiary harangues, and they slunk away into saloons when 
 charged upon by the police." 
 
 Speaking of the Milwaukee riots, the same paper went 
 on to say that those were also aided by the saloons, and 
 that 
 
 "The objective point of the mob at each of its wild demon- 
 strations was either a brewery or one of the immense beer- 
 gardens." 
 
 In Freiheit, the organ of anarchistic teachings,
 
 138 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 appeared a summary of the creed and aspiration of the 
 anarchist, in which were the following words: 
 
 "We wish to be free from the control of the State, we will 
 have no masters. To make the existence of a Government need- 
 less we deny the need of moral laws. There is no immorality 
 where there is no teaching of morals." 
 
 Nothing ever written, so far as I have ever seen, would 
 make so truthful a motto as this, for the saloons and the 
 liquor manufactories of this land. In substance, in almost 
 exact form, the language of the anarchists is their 
 language. 
 
 "We will have no masters" they say; "we deny the 
 need of moral laws" 
 
 And so far as their influence with Legislatures may 
 reach, they seek to lower law to the levels of their own 
 immoral standards. Easier than that, or less expensive, is 
 their open disregard of laws they cannot change. 
 
 III. AS TO A POLICY OF LAW THAT BEGETS 
 LAW-BREAKING 
 
 We come now to consider the third requirement of 
 Loyalty in the Citizen, viz.: 
 
 That he shall not encourage, endorse, uphold or sup- 
 port, in any manner, at any time, anywhere, any policy 
 which leads to law-breaking by anybody. 
 
 The Liquor Traffic is the lawless child of Law. The 
 law by which it is begotten comes of a License Policy 
 which the Citizen does or does not approve, for which he 
 is or is not responsible. The License Policy, formulated 
 in Law, leads directly and inevitably to law-breaking, to 
 defiance of law ; it breeds law-breakers ; it is the politi- 
 cal hot-house of Disloyalty.
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 139 
 
 But may not the liquor-seller, should not the liquor 
 business, assist in support of government? 
 
 "Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's," 
 we are reminded, in the language of our text. 
 
 "Is it lawful to give tribute unto Caesar?" inquired the 
 Pharisees, of Christ. 
 
 "Is it not lawful to give tribute unto Caesar?" inquire 
 the License Pharisees today, speaking for the Liquor 
 Traffic, and thinking of it upon the Income side. 
 
 The Roman Government was Caesar. Our Caesar is the 
 State. "The State must live!" has been a long, far cry. 
 It began with the beginnings of License ; which appears 
 to have existed from before the Twelfth Century, at 
 least, as a revenue system rather than a means of regula- 
 tion. It has been heard and repeated by statesmen, by 
 politicians, by taxpayers, by Christian Citizens, who saw 
 only the Revenue side of the Liquor Traffic, and who did 
 not consider the cost side, the moral side. They have 
 looked at the income as with a microscope ; their search 
 for the cost has been telescopic. Toward the moral phase 
 of it they have been blinded utterly by the silver spec- 
 tacles they wore. 
 
 It is possible to hold a pair of silver dollars so close to 
 your eyes that you can not see the sun in the heavens, or 
 the boy in your own home, or the church across the 
 street. Many a man has been made morally cross-eyed 
 by holding too close to his mental vision the coins of his 
 own self-interest, his immediate material gain, or the 
 apparent financial benefit of his town or county or 
 commonwealth. 
 
 "The State must live!" yes, but the first requisite of 
 the State is Human Life ; Revenue comes next. And any 
 system of revenue which cheapens Human Life, which
 
 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 results from human degradation, which is the fruit of 
 social depravity, which tends to lower moral standards, 
 is a curse to the State, a crime against Humanity. 
 
 "Every industry should pay its way," says the License 
 Advocate, looking still at the liquor business from the 
 Income Side. "The State must live !" again he declares ; 
 "the Liquor Traffic is fairly bound to aid in its support." 
 
 But in determining whether the Liquor Traffic has 
 a right to live and pay its way, the State must weigh 
 its pay in the scale of Justice and Righteousness, first ; 
 of Manhood and Social Order, next; and lastly by the 
 Troy Weight of Silver and Gold. 
 
 Will the "pay" of the Liquor Traffic meet its cost? 
 No! Every dollar of income from it calls for at least 
 sixteen dollars of outlay on its account a Sixteen to 
 One currency condition far worse than any other of like 
 proportion ever considered. 
 
 Will the "pay" of the Liquor Traffic match its evil 
 effects upon Manhood and Social Order? No! If its 
 income were tenfold greater, and its cost not half so 
 great, the State could not afford to maintain that traffic, 
 for this reason alone. 
 
 Will the "pay" of the Liquor Traffic outweigh Justice 
 and Righteousness, and so justify it in the highest bal- 
 ance of all? Never! if Truth is true, if God is God, and 
 if the things of God are to be defended and preserved in 
 the world of men for the salvation of a race! 
 
 "The State must live !" Yes, if it be a Christian State, 
 and worthy to stand. But to give it a fair chance, to give 
 all men who are in it and who help to form it, a fair, even 
 chance, the saloon must die. 
 
 The State has no right to protect the saloon, for sake 
 of its "pay," at the expense of the Man upon whom it
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 141 
 
 preys. The State has no right to drain its Manhood 
 through saloon sewers, for sake of sharing the money in 
 men's pockets with saloon-keepers, distillers and brewers. 
 
 No saloon-keeper pays a dollar of taxation ; his neigh- 
 bors pay it all. No brewer pays a dime of Internal 
 Revenue; the beer-buyers pay it all. 
 
 "It is better to tax whisky than farms, and homesteads, 
 and shops," said once a celebrated statesman of this 
 country, and his words were echoed across the land. 
 
 But the fact is that a whole barrel of whisky never 
 yet paid one cent of tax. When you tax whisky and beer 
 you do tax farms, and homesteads, and shops. It is these 
 that pay the tribute, not the beer keg or the whisky barrel 
 these, in the person of the farmer, the home-maker, the 
 man at the bench the man, wherever he is who in his 
 own manhood pays the most costly tribute of all; the 
 man, for whom the State exists, for whose betterment it 
 should live, from whom it is entitled to receive tribute 
 only as it renders him protection, whom it is bound to 
 protect in its own defense and to insure its own life, 
 whom it fails to protect when it licenses another man to 
 plunder him in any way at any price. 
 
 "Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are 
 Cesar's." Some things are not Caesar's. The right to 
 license the saloon is one of these. The right to tax the 
 saloon is one of these. And if Caesar the State claim 
 both rights, the truly loyal citizen will oppose the claim, 
 and any policy which comes thereof, because the laws of 
 God and man are outraged thereby and thereunder the 
 policy breeds law-breakers all the way through. 
 
 One plain, hard lesson we must learn : 
 
 The saloon is no worse than the license ; the license is 
 no worse than the license policy ; the license policy is no
 
 142 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 worse than the license party which maintains it; the 
 license party is no worse than the license voter who main- 
 tains the party, which maintains the policy, which per- 
 petuates the saloon, which opposes the church and plun- 
 ders the Home. 
 
 IV. AS TO THE LOYAL CITIZEN'S 
 TRIBUTE 
 
 Finally, what was the fourth requirement of the loyal 
 citizen ? 
 
 That while assisting to conserve loyalty in others, 
 and himself engaged in lawful pursuits, he shall pay 
 such loyal tribute to government as government may 
 in fairness and justice demand of him for his own 
 defense and the welfare of all. 
 
 What is the first and best tribute which I, a loyal citi- 
 zen, can pay to government, in this republic of ours? 
 
 The best Manhood which it is in my power to make, 
 with the help of God and good influences. 
 
 What is the next best tribute which I can pay to gov- 
 ernment, and which as a loyal citizen I am bound to pay ? 
 
 Such conduct of life, on my part, as shall make it easy 
 for other men to pay the highest tribute due from them as 
 from me. 
 
 Under the Caesars, coin counted more than character : 
 magnificence rather than Manhood. Caesar was the 
 Emperor and the Empire. Tribute in cash was what he 
 mostly craved. In a nation of nobles and serfs, what 
 money would buy, and muscle create, made the crown 
 secure and the court brilliant. In a nation of men in a 
 Republic of Manhood the tribute of character is chief- 
 est, is indispensable. 
 
 National character, national honor, and national wel-
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 143 
 
 fare, under our form of government, depend upon the 
 citizen unit, developed in symmetrical proportions, men- 
 tally, morally and spiritually, made conscious of his indi- 
 vidual responsibility through his individual relation to 
 God, and so ennobled, refined, Christianized, in his own 
 person, that through him the nation rises to a higher 
 level of life. 
 
 The demand of our day is Christian Citizenship; and 
 this means the final expression, in the Christian State, of 
 Christian Manhood, at its noblest and best. There can be 
 no high type of Christian Patriotism where there is but 
 low development of Christian Manhood; and where 
 Christian Patriotism is dwarfed, in any manner, by any 
 influence, the progress of civilization suffers. Christian 
 Patriotism is that virtue developed in a Christian nation 
 which would uplift the national character, defend the 
 national honor, and promote the national welfare. All 
 this it must do through the individual unit the citizen, 
 who is the State the citizen sovereign, who rules the 
 State. 
 
 "Whose is this image and superscription?" asked the 
 Christ, when he had called for a coin. 
 
 "And they said unto Him, 'Caesar's.' " 
 
 Let me hold up before you a Man a boy clean, 
 handsome, bright-eyed, clear-browed, manly, and ask : 
 
 "Whose image and superscription is this?" and rever- 
 ently you would answer: 
 
 "God's." 
 
 "And God made Man in His own image." 
 
 We are image-keepers, for God; not only in our own 
 person, but in the persons of other men. If we are loyal 
 to God and Government, we owe to both such conduct of 
 life as shall make it easy for other men to be loyal also, to
 
 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 be image-keepers without peril to the image, to pay the 
 full tribute which in God's image they are expected to 
 pay. 
 
 The saloon debases God's Image. It can not exist 
 and fail to do this. It can not pay tribute to government 
 and fail to do this. The policy which maintains it leads 
 both to latv-breaking and to image-breaking; and my 
 conduct of life, if I am loyal to God and government, if 
 I pay my loyal tribute to government and to God, must be 
 in opposition to that policy and to every influence and 
 agency by which it is upheld. 
 
 The Liquor Traffic is a crime against morality and 
 good government, for it violates the written and unwrit- 
 ten law of both. It can not be lawful, according to the 
 spirit of law, and the nature and character of the thing 
 itself. 
 
 To license it, therefore, is to license a crime; to tax it 
 is both to tax and to license a crime. 
 
 To license a crime is criminal. It follows, therefore, 
 that they by whose authority crime is licensed are them- 
 selves criminal. 
 
 And the tribute they receive for the crime they license 
 does not condone the crime they commit. 
 
 They can not be loyal to their fellow men, loyal to 
 government, loyal to God, and authorize the policy which 
 compels the tribute ; government can not be loyal to them 
 and accept the tribute ; they and government are guiltily 
 criminal together while the policy of license continues 
 and the tribute paying by the Liquor Traffic goes on. 
 
 My conduct of life, as a loyal citizen, must line with 
 my acknowledgment of these truths. How about yours ? 
 
 I dare not, as a Christian Patriot, pray "Thy Kingdom 
 Come !" the only kingdom wherein every man may be a
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 145 
 
 prince the only kingdom for which an American may 
 pray and be a patriot and then cast my vote for the 
 License system, by which the Devil's Kingdom is per- 
 petuated, and "Thy Kingdom," the Lord's Kingdom, 
 wearily deferred. Dare you ? 
 
 We sing with unction, as we sit in our soft church 
 pews In the Cross of christ j glory! 
 
 If the line be not a lie God pity us if it is ! we glory 
 in the Cross of Christ because it can save men from their 
 sins from each other, and themselves because through 
 the Cross of Christ all men may pay to God the tribute 
 His due from them. 
 
 Thus we glory in the Cross, as we should if we sing 
 the truth God help us if our song be false ! for sake of 
 the Manhood and Womanhood around us for sake of 
 the defaced images of God for whom Christ died yet 
 we plant by the foot of that Cross, between it and the 
 sinner who gropes blindly that way, a saloon, into which 
 he stumbles and through the door of which he is lost. 
 We plant it there, through the License system which we 
 sustain at the ballot-box, as much by our own hand as if 
 no other hand helped there to plant it ; and when we have 
 done it, if ever we do it again, let us be silent forever- 
 more while they sing of glorying in the Cross, lest we 
 sing a lie indeed ! 
 
 By every saloon the death of Christ is nullified for 
 many a sinner. "Broad is the road that leads to death ;" 
 and you make it broader by every License ballot that you 
 cast. 
 
 If the saloon must live, let it not kill in you the power 
 to pay loyal tribute for youf own life. If alone you can 
 not kill the saloon, let no deed of yours endorse its 
 murder of other men.
 
 146 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Render, thou, therefore, in and for thyself, out of 
 thine own loyalty to God and Government, "the things 
 which are Caesar's" not the things which corrupt poli- 
 'tics may demand of you; not the things which a party 
 boss may command or party gain require but "the 
 things which are Caesar's," that so and always, for 
 thine own sake and thy fellow man's, for the welfare of 
 all the world, thou sha.lt render "unto God the things 
 that are God's." 
 
 We are building a stately Temple 
 By the labor of Christian hands, 
 
 In the World's great West 
 
 Where we build the best, 
 In the fairest of Christian Lands; 
 We must mold it of loyal Manhood, 
 Made clean in the Master's Name, 
 
 Through the Christ who died 
 
 For a world so wide, 
 To redeem it from sin and shame. 
 
 We are building a Golden Temple, 
 For the Ages to guard and hold 
 
 When the scroll of Time 
 
 Shall have grown sublime 
 With the deeds of the Age of Gold. 
 We may mold it with Man's endeavor 
 
 Made strong in the strength of Youth, 
 
 We may work and sing 
 
 Till its arches ring, 
 We may blazon its walls with Truth, 
 
 But as proudly they rise to Heaven, 
 And as grander their glory grows 
 
 Through the day supreme, 
 
 Till the evening's dream 
 In the gleam of the sunset glows,
 
 CHRISTIAN LOYALTY 147 
 
 Though the Temple is broad and massive, 
 As if by the Master planned, 
 
 And we build it strong, 
 
 Be it based on Wrong 
 It will not through the Ages stand. 
 
 We are shaping a dream of splendor 
 God give us the Christian will 
 To be builders true 
 As the Ages knew, 
 And to build it with Christian skill; 
 We must mold it of royal Manhood, 
 And shape it with loyal hands, 
 And rear it to stay 
 Till the Judgment Day, 
 But not upon golden sands! 
 
 God help us as Christian builders 
 
 To build on the Rock of Truth! 
 
 To be brave and wise ! 
 
 We may pierce the skies 
 With our Temple of Gold and Youth, 
 We may rear it in gorgeous glory, 
 As if by Divine commands, 
 
 But if reared on Wrong, 
 
 Though it seem so strong, 
 We are building on golden sands!
 
 BARABBAS 
 
 Now Barabbas was a robber. John 18, 40.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 BAPABBAS 
 
 BARABBAS holds a certain high distinction in the 
 story of Jesus Christ. He was the only man 
 offered as a substitute for the Son of God. 
 
 He might have been crucified in lieu of Christ, had 
 the wish of Pilate become the people's will. And 
 Barabbas on the Cross might have changed the record of 
 all history. 
 
 Bearing in mind the substitutionary importance which 
 for a little while he bore, and considering what a momen- 
 tous figure he might have been, humanly speaking, it isn't 
 much that we know or can learn of Barabbas. 
 
 As by a fine irony, his name implies a strain of divinity 
 in him the Son of the Father. But he was in prison 
 for his misdeeds. 
 
 "Now Barabbas was a robber " and more. He was ? 
 revolutionist, a disloyal member of society, and a mur- 
 derer. His character, or his lack of character his dis- 
 position, his habits, his purpose and spirit as we may 
 assume, were familiar to his fellow men. What he had 
 done, what they might expect him to do again if again 
 he should go free, was well enough understood by them. 
 
 The Nazarene had robbed none. He had stirred up no 
 strife. He had sought to inspire no sedition. "Render 
 unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's," had been His 
 loyal command. He had wrought no murder. 
 
 For three years He had gone up and down in Galilee
 
 152 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 ministering to those in great need. His life had been one 
 affluent stream of beneficence, for the sick, the sinning, 
 the sore-hearted, the sore-bodied, the helpless, even the 
 leper beneficence for the living, divine breath for the 
 dead. 
 
 The fame of His good deeds had gone abroad through 
 all that country round about. They would have made 
 Him King, the mad crowd who looked for their Messiah. 
 And He who refused a crown was refused their courtesy. 
 He who had blessed them with His divine bounty, was 
 denied their human gratitude, even their scant justice. 
 The murderer was preferred before Him. 
 
 "Not this man, but Barabbas!" was their angry cry, 
 when Pilate would show mercy and release one of the 
 two. 
 
 "And what shall I do, then, with Jesus?" was a ques- 
 tion which did not disturb them as it fell from Pilate's 
 lips. ' 
 
 Out of their ingratitude and their injustice, with bitter 
 emphasis of hate, they could still cry 
 
 "Let Him be crucified! crucify Him!" 
 
 And the Son of Man went to His crucifixion, while the 
 slayer of men went free ! The murderer had release unto 
 life, while the Messiah came to resurrection through 
 death and the grave. 
 
 Let me draw you a parallel. 
 
 Jesus the Christ is on trial today, at the bar of human 
 judgment. 
 
 These Nineteen Centuries, almost, He has been like a 
 broad, benign, beneficent Gulf Stream of love and bless- 
 edness flowing through the vast ocean of time, the wide 
 human sea of the world. His life has made sweeter and 
 milder and purer the atmosphere of all the ages.
 
 BAR ABB AS 153 
 
 Or He has been a holy and enduring Presence, glad and 
 gracious and joy-giving, wherever want held empty 
 hands to Heaven, or sorrow sobbed out its heart-break, 
 or hunger cried in weakness to be fed, or pain or passion 
 laid hold in mighty power upon human life. 
 
 The healer of Galilee has been the help and the hope of 
 all Humanity, through more than sixty generations of 
 men. In storms without number He has bade the waves 
 of bitter experience Be Still. In Bethanys uncounted He 
 has been a brother to Lazarus, and made the home-life 
 richer for Martha and Mary, whom He loved. By many 
 a wayside He has met the mourner and given comfort 
 even unto great joy. From His immortal Mount of the 
 Beatitudes, men have heard His "Blessed," "Blessed," 
 "Blessed," ringing on from cycle unto cycle, until all the 
 poor should feel their beatific impulse, and all the meek 
 should inherit the earth, and all the pure in heart should 
 see God. 
 
 In sermon and in sacrament, through the whole Judea 
 of Christendom, He has blessed and brightened all man- 
 kind. 
 
 Yet as yonder in Jerusalem, so now : Jesus the Christ 
 must be put on trial before Pilate. 
 
 Pilate sits in your home ; he walks along your streets ; 
 he rents a pew in your church ; he stands here and there 
 in the pulpit ; he rules in the editorial chair ; he goes to 
 your State Legislature; he controls in Congress; he 
 wields power in or near the White House; he sways 
 popular destiny ; he washes his hands of Christ. 
 
 He finds no fault in this man Jesus, but he releases 
 Barabbas, unto the people, the mob, whose only cry as 
 to the Christ is "Crucify Him!" 
 
 It is the same Christ, of Bethlehem, of Bethany, and of
 
 154 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Capernaum immortal and eternal Christ, of the manger 
 and the Resurrection morning'; divine son of Joseph the 
 carpenter, divine victim of the crucifying cross, divine 
 guest of that other Joseph, of Arimathea, in his new and 
 consecrated tomb. The same Christ ah, yes! but 
 another Barabbas ! 
 
 "Now Barabbas was a robber," a seditionist, a 
 murderer. 
 
 What is the Barabbas of today? 
 
 The same outrageous trinity in one embodiment 
 THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC! 
 
 And this Barabbas of today was in prison of the Pro- 
 hibition principle wherever a license law exists in prison 
 for his misdeeds in prison because a robber, a seditionist, 
 a murderer; a prisoner, denied common liberty because 
 unsafe to go at large; a convicted embodiment of evil, 
 under ban for the general good; but released unto the 
 people, through License, at their own will, to their own 
 peril and cost. 
 
 Every license law is evidence that this Barabbas was in 
 prison of 'this Prohibition principle; that this principle 
 had right thus to imprison him ; that the character of this 
 Barabbas justified such imprisonment; that the release of 
 this Barabbas was granted to satisfy popular appeal ; that 
 some Pilate of place and power consented to such release ; 
 and that the men who clamored for it, and who won 
 Pilate's consent to it, had in their hearts if not on their 
 lips, either consciously or unconsciously, the cry of Jeru- 
 salem's mob concerning Jesus Christ "Crucify Him 
 Crucify Him." 
 
 For Barabbas can not be released without that cry ! To 
 set Barabbas free, is to bind Christ upon the Cross! 
 Whoever clamors for Barabbas, conspires for the cruci-
 
 BARABBAS 155 
 
 fixion ! It was so in Jerusalem ; it will be so in all time, 
 through the whole Judea of Christendom. 
 
 Whoever frees evil in any form, or helps by choice to 
 free it, from any bondage wherewith it is bound, of prin- 
 ciple or fact, is an accomplice on Calvary. 
 
 So much for the parallel. Let us consider the proofs. 
 
 "Now Barabbas was a robber." 
 
 I. OUR BARABBAS IS A ROBBER 
 
 This personification of the Liquor Business can not be 
 any less than a robber, though he can be much more, 
 much worse. 
 
 He can give no full equivalent for what he gets, how- 
 ever little he may mean to rob. He must rob while he 
 lives. He can never stop robbing till he dies. Wherever 
 he is in prison of the principle which has right to imprison 
 him, it is because he did rob while he went free. To 
 release him is to consent that he shall rob again. 
 
 Do you say that this is mere assertion, and not proof? 
 Do you believe that Barabbas behind the bar, or in the 
 brewery, is but one party to legitimate bargain and sale? 
 No ; you neither say nor believe either ! 
 
 You know that what a man buys of Barabbas is no 
 equivalent for what he pays. Even commercially, if the 
 buyer paid cash only and nothing besides, the bargain 
 would be one-sided, as no commercial transaction ought 
 to be. Cut the word bargain in two hyphenate it, as you 
 should, when considering the subject properly and you 
 have what this commercial transaction yields every time 
 Bar-gain for Barabbas; bar-loss for the man to whom 
 Barabbas sells. And all commerce which makes always 
 and inevitably to the profit of but one party thereto, and 
 to the loss of the other, is robbery.
 
 156 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "Commerce," declares one of our accepted authorities 
 on Political Economy, "is an exchange of goods, for the 
 mutual BENEFIT of the respective owners." The 
 emphasis on that word Benefit is his own. The lesser 
 emphasis on that word "goods" is mine, but another 
 economist, still higher in authority, across the water, has 
 justified me in making it, by the assertion that 
 
 "In 'goods' must be included all that is good for the advance- 
 ment of the individual and of the human race." 
 
 Push these two definitions along together, side by side, 
 to their logical ultimate, and there can be no legitimate 
 commerce in Strong Drink. It has never been "good" 
 for the mutual advantage of buyer and seller. It has not 
 brought advancement to buyer, or seller, or their com- 
 mon kind. 
 
 All commerce in it has been robbery, more or less. It 
 has made fortunes for a few, and misfortunes for a great 
 multitude, more than any man could number. It has 
 made millionaires of a few, and has pauperized millions. 
 It has torn down cottages by the ten thousand, that a few 
 palaces might rise in splendor. It feeds a few like 
 princes, while the millions want, and starve, and die. 
 
 Bar-abbas, one of the bar-gainers when Strong Drink 
 is bought (and please note how easily his name hyphen- 
 ates to suggest his place of robbery), Bar-abbas is the 
 only bar-gainer through the purchase, but the man who 
 buys is not the only bar-loser, is not the only person 
 robbed, in the sale. 
 
 If he were, and if he were robbed of cash only, the 
 robber would not be so great a thief, and his release in 
 society would not be so great an outrage and shame. 
 
 Barabbas is not only a robber of the man who buys, 
 but beyond him,
 
 BARABBAS 157 
 
 First A ROBBER OF THE HOME. 
 
 Robbing the man of his cash, Barabbas robs the Home 
 of its comfort. Taking from the man that for which no 
 equivalent is rendered, this Barabbas takes from the 
 Home that for which no compensation can be possible. 
 
 Said the Massachusetts Board of State Charities, in its 
 Fifth Annual Report: 
 
 "Poverty and vice are what the poor man buys with his 
 poisoned liquor; sickness, beastliness, laziness and pollution are 
 what the State gives in exchange for the license money which 
 the dram-seller filches from the lean purse of the day laborer 
 and the half-grown lad." 
 
 Ah, then, the boy is robbed, as well as the man; and 
 when this Barabbas of Drink filches from "the half- 
 grown lad," from his purse and his person, the Home 
 suffers worse than as by a house-breaker, the heart of the 
 Home is beset most sorely of all. 
 
 Steal the father's earnings if you must, O Barabbas of 
 the Beer-mug and the Brewery, of the Distiller and his 
 Liquid Death ! steal the father's character and manhood 
 if you will, and a? you will if you take his earnings ! 
 but leave us the pure lips of the boy, and the boy's pure 
 life, and we will not accuse you of the sorest shame and 
 of the foulest crime! 
 
 But when you rob manhood of its birthright, in the 
 boy; when you strike at motherhood through the boy you 
 rob; when sickness, beastliness, and pollution are the 
 boy's heritage in the Home because you robbed the 
 Home's head and corrupted, polluted, beastialized the 
 fatherhood that should have been clean and loyal; when 
 you assail the boy outside the Home as well as taint and 
 pollute his blood within it then we say, O Barabbas of 
 the Bar, that you should not have been granted release
 
 158 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 unto such robbery and wreck as this that you deserve 
 only to die! 
 
 Robbing the man, the Home, and the boy, this Barab- 
 bas of Drink is 
 
 Second A ROBBER OF THE SCHOOL. 
 
 Where the dram-shop is open to every man, the school- 
 house is shut for many a child. 
 
 It has been shown to be true, in Massachusetts, that 
 the men there, who are fathers of children, rely upon 
 those children for from one-quarter to one-third of all the 
 family earnings. 
 
 It was further shown to be true there, that children 
 under fifteen years of age supplied from one-eighth to 
 one-sixth of the total family earnings. 
 
 Your boy can not be at the school and the factory both 
 unless he was born twins ! Whatever sends him to the 
 factory, robs the school. In a large percentage of cases, 
 a factory for the boy is proof positive that for the father 
 there is or has been a saloon. 
 
 In Kansas, under Prohibition, in 1890, the average 
 attendance at the public schools was 246,102; while in 
 Nebraska the same year, the average public school attend- 
 ance was but 146,315 a difference of 99,787. The saloon 
 and the anti-saloon system, in adjoining States, made the 
 school system ineffective for almost 100,000 children, in 
 one State, as compared with the other. 
 
 And in Prohibition Kansas, that year, they paid their 
 school teachers $839,473 more money than Nebraska paid 
 her public school teachers, because in High License 
 Nebraska the Barabbas of Drink paid from $500 to $1,000 
 for his right to rob, and profit would be impossible if he 
 could not plunder both the Home and the School-House 
 too!
 
 BARABBAS 159 
 
 If you will take money from Barabbas, you must let 
 Barabbas take what he will from you character, knowl- 
 edge, brain, from those you love. 
 
 Yes brain ! It has been asserted that eleven-twelfths 
 of the idiots well-nigh all of them, you see are born 
 of intemperate parents. It is known that idiocy and 
 insanity are increasing far beyond the rate of population ; 
 and that Strong Drink stands responsible, in large 
 degree, for this increase. 
 
 Brain-robbery by Barabbas ! To speak of it is to cross 
 the border-line into a realm where even Science goes with 
 muffled feet, and Reform ventures but with bated breath. 
 When Barabbas enters there, and steals the intellect of 
 immortality, before mortality is known of men as a babe 
 in the cradle, or deadens, deranges, destroys the intellect 
 of manhood, robbing it of treasure no mortal can ever 
 return, the outrage becomes a crime, the crime becomes 
 an infamy, and the infamy becomes a sin against God 
 and Man, against the civilization of every century that 
 shall be! 
 
 Walk with observing care through the average com- 
 munity, where only a few hundred people congregate, and 
 you shall strike the trail of Barabbas the brain-robber 
 you shall see where he has left behind him a sad, sore 
 lack. You shall find it either at the cradle of the babe, 
 begotten in drunkenness and to be a babe forever as to 
 brain development; or beside the drooling, sprawling, 
 idiotic boy, the shame of his kindred, a sorry spectacle for 
 all; or in the person of some half-demented man, once 
 manly and proud and self-respecting, now beer-soaked, 
 mind-sodden, brain robbed, a physical waste, a mental 
 failure, a moral wreck. 
 
 And if you want to follow the trail till you find further
 
 160 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 evidence of the robbery, and further proof to show for 
 indictment of the robber, go to the poor-house, or the 
 home for feeble-minded, or the insane asylum, and behold 
 the evidence, the proof, already in awful revelation at 
 your hand! Trace it back, case after case, in somber, 
 sickening recital, from this haven of lost mind or lacking 
 brain, to the years that used to be or the birth that should 
 not have been, and you will say with profoundest shudder 
 of your soul 
 
 "And Barabbas was the robber!" 
 
 You will marvel, with a great and growing wonder, 
 how he could have been released unto robbery like this. 
 
 Robbing the man, the boy, the Home and the School, 
 this Barabbas of Drink is 
 
 Third A ROBBER OF THE CHURCH. 
 
 The release of Barabbas, nearly 1900 years ago, meant 
 the killing of Christ. 
 
 The release of Barabbas today means more than that. 
 It means to conspire in Christ's Crucifixion; it means to 
 conspire against what His crucifixion made possible; it 
 means open alliance with all who are the foes of His 
 truth, the deniers and nullifiers of His redemption for the 
 race. It means constant and increasing assault upon the 
 organic body of Christian faith and works known as the 
 Christian Church. It means the growing and final failure 
 of that body to achieve its wide Christ-purpose in the 
 world. 
 
 Even if the church borders were as broad now as they 
 are said to have been when the church began, what I have 
 just asserted would be as true as any church creed. 
 
 "In the beginnings of the Gospel," said D'Aubigne, 
 "whosoever had received the Spirit of Christ was 
 esteemed a member of the Church."
 
 BARABBAS 161 
 
 Banish every creed of sect, efface every boundary line 
 of sectarianism, wipe out every visible vestige of church 
 organization, tear down or burn up every church edifice, 
 and still Barabbas of the Liquor Business would be a 
 robber of the Church; the spirit that is in him would 
 antagonize the Spirit of Christ, which is Christianity. 
 
 The two spirits would be elementally at war in the 
 world, with the Barabbas-spirit a highwayman on the 
 path of Christian progress, plundering all who should 
 walk that way. 
 
 The basement of one church edifice was rented once as 
 a liquor store-house, and a wag came along who recog- 
 nized the antagonism of such near neighborliness. Over 
 the basement door he wrote: 
 
 "There's a spirit above, 
 
 And a spirit below; 
 A spirit of love, 
 
 And a spirit of wo; 
 The spirit above is the Spirit Divine, 
 The spirit below is the Spirit of Wine." 
 
 To the Christian Church we must credit all the 
 grandest individual uplift of human thought, all the most 
 magnificent achievements of the human mind. Civiliza- 
 tion alone has not supremely civilized men, developed 
 races, uplifted peoples, guided nations, and guarded the 
 image of God. 
 
 The spirit of Christ, inherited from His life, dissemi- 
 nated through His teachings, embodied in His children, 
 perpetuated through His church^ has been the saving, 
 gracious force during all the ages, whereby from barbar- 
 ism men have come to beneficence, from beastliness they 
 have risen to blessing, from cruelty they have mellowed 
 to kindness, from torture they have risen to Truth, from
 
 162 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 sensuality they have exalted Self, from crime they have 
 grown to compassion, from fear they have laid hold on 
 Fatherhood, from lust they have refined to love from 
 hells of human greed for gain or glory they have made 
 their way to heavens of Human Brotherhood and of 
 divine embodiment in human form. 
 
 And over against the church this church of History, 
 this church of Hope, this church of Christ's consumma- 
 tion among men stands Barabbas-of-the-Saloon, big of 
 abdomen, small of brain, smaller of heart, shriveled of 
 conscience, a cigar in his mouth, a sneer on his face, an 
 oath on his lips, sedition in his nature, murder in his 
 mind, blood on his hands, the proceeds of robbery in his 
 pocket, the certificate of his release unto robbery hanging 
 near by him on the wall, bearing the signature of Pilate, 
 written there because of the People's Will ! 
 
 Beside him stand the men who have petitioned for his 
 release some of them; the men who face Barabbas daily 
 at his bar ; who wanted him to rob them ; who pleaded 
 with Pilate that he might have the chance ; who preferred 
 him to Christ. 
 
 But all who so pleaded, petitioned and preferred are not 
 there. Others who cried out with these for his release 
 will barely recognize him upon the street, would not 
 introduce him to their wives and families, will not admit 
 him to membership in the particular church to which they 
 belong. They join the mob, and shout for Barabbas, only 
 when it is Election Day in Jerusalem. On every sacred 
 day of every week they worship circumspectly in their 
 synagogs, and lips that only once a year cry "Crucify 
 Him !" can there be heard to sing in weekly coronation 
 
 "All hail the power of Jesus' Name!"
 
 BAR ABB AS 163 
 
 Barabbas robs the church by stealing its cash, its 
 converts, and its converting opportunities. 
 
 A billion and a quarter of dollars spent in one year for 
 Strong Drink, in this country, and only $125,000,000 
 contributed for the preaching of Christ's Gospel Ten 
 Dollars for the devil to One Dollar for Christ will indi- 
 cate that Barabbas takes a tremendous pile of cash that 
 might go for better things. Less money paid over the 
 robber's bar, would insure a better verdict by and by, for 
 those who pay it, at the Bar of God. 
 
 For every male convert that the churches make, 
 Barabbas is a bidder against the churches ; and he bids 
 high, bids loud, bids every day in the week, in some 
 places. And where Barabbas counts as 300 to 30, in a 
 city of say 30,000 people, the chances that Barabbas gets 
 what he bids for are not only ten to one, as is the number 
 of saloons to the number of churches, but at least 60 to 
 one the ratio of saloons to churches multiplied by the 
 ratio of Week-days to Sundays. 
 
 With such awful odds on the saloon side, is it any 
 wonder that the saloons win in their fight against church 
 influences? 
 
 Why is it that in every church, almost, the great bulk 
 of the church work is done by women? 
 
 Robbery of the church, its cash and its converts, by 
 Barabbas-of-the-Saloon. 
 
 Why is it that the great majority of church worshipers 
 are women? Why is it that in almost every town, when 
 a temperance meeting is held in any church, the speaker 
 feels like saying, as he rises to address his audience 
 "What a lot of widows and orphans there must be in this 
 place !" 
 
 Robbery of the church, its cash, its converts, and its 
 converting opportunities, by Barabbas-of-the-Saloon!
 
 164 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 To convert men to the Gospel of Christ, you must bring 
 them within the sound of it. Your preacher's voice may 
 be clear, and honest, and persuasive, but it will not carry 
 from his pulpit a single block up or down the street into 
 the nearest saloon. If the young men of his town were 
 in the saloon on Sunday morning, or Sunday night, they 
 could not be in church. If they were in the saloon Satur- 
 day night, they were not likely to be in church next day. 
 If they were not in the saloon Saturday night, and other 
 nights of the week, for the saloon to rob, the saloon could 
 not live. 
 
 For the saloon can live only as it robs the Church. 
 And Barabbas-of-the-Saloon can be released unto church 
 robbery only as the church consents to his release, peti- 
 tions for it, becomes responsible to Pilate for such release 
 and all the consequences which follow therefrom. 
 
 Robbing the man, the boy, the Home, the School, and 
 the Church, this Barabbas of Drink is 
 
 Fourth A ROBBER OF THE NATION. 
 
 The boy could not be robbed, without loss to the man 
 he must become. The man can not be robbed without loss 
 to the citizen he must be. The school and the church can 
 not be robbed without robbery of the nation, of which the 
 citizen is a part, in which the citizen holds place as an 
 integer of responsibility and power. 
 
 On this integer the nation builds. Robbed of intelli- 
 gence, of morality, the foundation becomes unstable, 
 perilous. 
 
 Close the school-house and the church, in this country, 
 and you may write Failure across the Capitol front at 
 Washington, and over every token of Republican institu- 
 tions everywhere. Rob the Republic of intelligent 
 Christian Manhood, and you have committed high treason
 
 BARABBAS 165 
 
 against the State. Whatever would close the school- 
 house and church, for any percentage of our people, is a 
 party to such treason in such degree. Whoever supports 
 the thing that commits robbery of this kind, is giving aid 
 and comfort to the Republic's enemy. 
 
 We are a Christian nation. Without any State Church, 
 we are building a Christian State upon the best in every 
 church. With church and state forever separate, we 
 demand the best the church can bring to make the State 
 secure. The thief of the school-house and of the church 
 is the robber of civilization. 
 
 The nation has need has great and growing need of 
 police and padlock, in safeguard against this Barabbas of 
 Drink. Every year, every week, every day, we are 
 absorbing ignorance and vice from across the seas. The 
 peril of it is graver than pestilence. The saloon intensifies 
 it. The foreign spirit of the saloon fosters it. The bold 
 highwaymanship of the saloon promotes it. 
 
 All that is best in the nation's life, purest in its possi- 
 bilities, grandest in its realization, richest in its treasure, 
 is plundered by the Saloon Barabbas, without one 
 redeeming impulse of patriotism, without one compen- 
 sating equivalent in money, morality or Manhood. 
 
 He steals the prosperity of the people; he robs the 
 nation of its gold and its grain ; he claims its morality 
 and its Manhood ; he demands tribute of its intelligence 
 and its integrity ; he despoils it of honor and of honesty ; 
 he captures and corrupts its holidays and its holy days; 
 he soils the sanctity of citizenship and the sacredness of 
 the suffrage; he robs the public treasury and the till of 
 honest trade ; he burglarizes the savings bank and palsies 
 the hand of Labor ; he pauperizes the rich and persecutes 
 the poor ; he populates the prisons, cte-populates the pews,
 
 166 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 forces the contributions of industry, feeds while the 
 hungry starve, and is the lusty, unholy, unchristian, 
 unpatriotic progenitor of lust and laziness, waste and 
 want, wo and wickedness, crime and criminals, easy ruin 
 and hard times ! 
 
 For Barabbas is a robber. It is his business to rob. 
 And the nation which he robs concedes him the right, if 
 so be he will return a share of the proceeds ! 
 
 We are like the old Egyptians, only more generous with 
 our thieves. In those days of the early Pharaohs, steal- 
 ing was a profession, and those who followed the pro- 
 fession of thief gave in their names to the chief of 
 robbers, and agreed that to him they would make known 
 every theft committed by them without delay. 
 
 And in those days of such high calling of robbery as 
 a profession the owner of stolen goods would always 
 apply by letter to this chief robber for their return ; and 
 having stated their quality and quantity, given adequate 
 description of them, and told the day and hour when they 
 were taken, the goods were duly restored to the owner on 
 payment of one-fourth their full value. 
 
 The claim is made by the historian responsible for this 
 statement (Wilkinson), that under such an arrangement 
 theft by anyone outside the profession was the sooner and 
 more surely discovered and punished according to law; 
 for it is further said that the chief of robbers (the Grand 
 Mogul Barabbas, we might call him), drew his revenue 
 not alone from the one-fourth allowed the profession on 
 all thefts, but was probably accorded a fixed remuneration 
 by government "as one of the chiefs of police." 
 
 Yes; we are far more generous with our professional 
 robbers than those old Egyptians were. We don't ask 
 that they return to the nation three-fourths of all they
 
 BARABBAS 167 
 
 take, and keep a meager one-fourth for themselves. We 
 let them keep three-fourths, at least nine-tenths more 
 commonly and where a chief of police is necessary, to 
 watch over their daily thefts, we generously pay him all 
 the salary he receives, to do his duty, and if he gets any 
 extra compensation they only pay that in order to make 
 sure that what we pay him for shall not be done ! 
 
 And we claim we who favor the profession of our 
 Barabbas that the more we demand of the profession 
 as the State's share of Drink Robbery, the more surely 
 shall we be informed by the thieves who have not been 
 authorized to steal the more certainly will they be pun- 
 ished for stealing without authority the more orderly, 
 and regular, and profitable, and respectable, all the steal- 
 ing will be ! 
 
 But mark you ! we are behind the old Egyptians most 
 lamentably in one important feature: It is only to the 
 nation that a tenth, or even a fourth, of the stolen treas- 
 ure is ever returned, under our system of authorized 
 robbery. The individual Egyptian got back three-fourths 
 of what he lost. Our individual member of society who 
 is robbed gets back nothing unless it may be in such 
 remotest fashion as a mill or two per thousand on his 
 taxes. He may be robbed of a farm, and not an acre of 
 it will come back to him. Barabbas may steal his home, 
 and he will never see returned to him by the robber a 
 single shingle on the roof. 
 
 "Doctor," said once a red-nosed man to a physician, 
 "won't you just take a look in my throat?" 
 
 The Doctor inspected it. 
 
 "Rather inflamed," he said presently, "but nothing in 
 particular the matter with it. Why?" 
 
 "Well," the man answered, "there's a farm of forty
 
 i68 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 acres, and a pair of mules, and a saw-mill, gone down 
 there in the last ten years, an' I didn't know but you 
 could see some signs of 'em." 
 
 "Not a sign," said the doctor; "but my advice to you 
 is that when you get another saw-mill you run it by 
 water." 
 
 Stolen mills, and factories, and shops, are never 
 returned by Barabbas. Purloined fortunes which he 
 takes are not restored by any Chief of Police. Robbery 
 of the brain he never even in part makes whole again. 
 Plundered manhood he never brings back to its own. 
 Captured character is never made good by this thief. 
 Only God and good influences can ever make up, to boy 
 or man, in any measure, the losses in life, and heart, and 
 soul, which follow the release unto the people, on their 
 own appeal, of this Barabbas whose profession they 
 uphold, to whose robbery they consent, and in whose 
 shame and sin only can they share. 
 
 We have given so much space to Barabbas as a robber, 
 that our consideration of him in his other characters must 
 be brief. 
 
 But we can not forget that Barabbas was more and 
 worse than a robber was, and is. 
 
 Barabbas of Jerusalem was a seditionist. 
 
 "And Pilate," Luke tells us, "released unto them him 
 that for sedition and murder was cast into prison." 
 
 II. OUR BARABBAS IS A SEDITIONIST 
 
 A sedition, the Dictionary tells us, is a tumult, a mob, 
 a riot, almost a revolution, or an insurrection ; an uprising 
 against lawful authority. 
 
 Mark speaks of Barabbas as one "bound with them that 
 had made insurrection with him.'*
 
 BAR ABB AS 169 
 
 As a seditionist, then, Barabbas of Jerusalem was of 
 about the worst possible type. Some even called his 
 sedition an insurrection. 
 
 A seditionist is one who possesses, who betrays, the 
 spirit of sedition. 
 
 Our Barabbas possesses it. Our Barabbas engages in 
 sedition whenever and wherever he rebels against law. 
 He advertises himself a seditionist every time and every- 
 where he declares Prohibition a failure. 
 
 He proves himself a seditionist by every Law-and- 
 Order-League which exists to enforce law. He can not 
 live and be less than a seditionist. It is not in his nature 
 to be law-abiding. The very essence of his being is law- 
 lessness. The very conditions of his being, under law, 
 compel him to be lawless, disloyal. He lives to rob, and 
 robbery can not be lawful ; or if made so by the letter, it 
 will be unlawful according to the spirit of law. 
 
 Barabbas sells liquor to the boy, and the law says he 
 says he shall not : Barabbas is a seditionist. 
 
 Barabbas sells to the habitual drunkard, and the law 
 says he shall not : Barabbas is a seditionist. 
 
 Barabbas sells on Sunday, to boy and man, and the law 
 says he shall not: Barabbas is a seditionist. 
 
 He organizes to defy law, that he may rob more con- 
 tinuously ; he organizes to defeat justice, that he may not 
 suffer for his defiance; he organizes that he may secure 
 laws permitting him to rob, or to repeal laws which for- 
 bid him to rob, and he debauches the majesty of law- 
 making to win his own lawless ends ; and he is a 
 seditionist. 
 
 He bribes men in official place, that law may be power- 
 less and government subverted to his profit and per- 
 petuity. He buys men their office, that his lawlessness
 
 170 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 may continue, and the profits of it may increase. He 
 even shares with the people, the government, the proceeds 
 of his robbery, that lawfully or unlawfully he may be 
 permitted to rob. And he is a seditionist. 
 
 The spirit of sedition is not alone in him, and in his 
 calling; he creates it, wherever his calling is carried on. 
 He breeds uproar, tumult, riot, insurrection, revolution. 
 
 He is like the yeast in the meal to which the good old 
 lady referred when she said she "put a little yeast in the 
 meal and up jumped 'leven." 
 
 Put a little of his spirit the spirit of sedition, the 
 spirit of wine into any gathering or organization of 
 men, and it multiplies not only eleven times, but eleven 
 times eleven. Hence when riots come from other cause, 
 it may be, in part the door of Barabbas is temporarily 
 ordered shut ; too much yeast in the social meal already ; 
 too much danger from the " 'leven." 
 
 Back of every riot stands Barabbas, at the open door 
 of his saloon, a smile on his lip, a sneer on his face, 
 sedition in his heart the fermenting and fomenting 
 yeast of social and industrial life, eager to ferment and 
 foment the more, that the uprising may be more to his 
 lawless gain. 
 
 You can never write the history of strikes in this 
 country, or in any other, and leave out the saloon. The 
 chief of robbers is the chief of strikes. Barabbas-at-the- 
 Bar has counted among the biggest of his bar gains the 
 robberies of Labor which have enriched him during the 
 great strikes that have been maintained largely by him, 
 or while, by his spirit of sedition, he was assisting to 
 make them possible, and make certain their profit to him- 
 self. 
 
 The first open rebellion, or insurrection, in this
 
 BARABBAS 171 
 
 country, was a Whisky Rebellion. It has record in 
 history. The first out-breaking spirit of sedition in these 
 United States was in a Pennsylvania whisky barrel. 
 Many a whisky barrel since then has given birth to the 
 same spirit, in other States, even to the state of 
 intoxication ! 
 
 One of the Chicago rioters, Haymarket murderers 
 one whose sedition led him to the murder and to the 
 gallows which followed one without whom the Hay- 
 market massacre might perhaps never have been found 
 his seditionary spirit, it has been asserted, in a whisky 
 barrel before he ever saw Chicago; left behind him a 
 youth of rare opportunities, lost grip on a manhood rich 
 in splendid endowment ; abandoned hope of a future mag- 
 nificent in promise sold himself to the devil of disap- 
 pointment and of fiendish desire all because Barabbas 
 robbed him of the dearest things life gives a young man, 
 and then gave him in return only the tortures of the 
 damned, whether living or dead. 
 
 If this was not true it well might have been. Of 
 another fact which history does not record I have no 
 question : 
 
 The last rebellion in this country was a whisky 
 rebellion. I have had it so vouched for, to me, in the 
 South, by Southern men whose word could be trusted 
 men who knew the truth men who went out to fight for 
 a cause that needed not to be fought for, at the first. 
 
 To be sure, there was clamor for State's Rights. Hot- 
 headed ones were loud for Secession and War. But 
 cooler counsels had prevailed, and were likely to prevail. 
 
 A conference was called, in New Orleans, of leading 
 men from the cotton States, to determine on a common 
 course. They were the men whose judgment and influ-
 
 172 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 ence must govern. They opposed secession. Hour 
 after hour they stood firm for another policy, in face of 
 a fiery minority which wanted war. 
 
 But Barabbas-of-the-Bar stood behind that minority 
 with his spirit of sedition, to support their seditious pur- 
 pose. His liquor still more and more inflamed them. At 
 last it inflamed those who for hours had overruled them 
 for the country's good. Liquor swept away judgment 
 and statesmanship. A half drunken company of South- 
 ern men voted for a course which the sober majority of 
 them condemned and never would have supported had 
 they kept sober. 
 
 Barabbas won, for secession, for rebellion, and for all 
 which came of these in those awful years of blood-red 
 loss that followed. 
 
 I set down here but the baldest outline of the story, as 
 it was given to me. And I believe it true. 
 
 Barabbas of the Scripture story was a murderer. 
 Says Mark (15, 7.): 
 
 "And there was one named Barabbas, which lay bound with 
 them that had made insurrection with him, who had committed 
 murder." 
 
 III. OUR BARABBAS IS A MURDERER 
 
 A hard charge you think it, perhaps, this third count 
 in the indictment. Yes! But it is the logical climax of 
 human nature; it is the inevitable result of conditions 
 which lead to and permit robbery, seditious organization, 
 the spirit and purpose of misrule. 
 
 I am not saying that every man who drinks liquor will 
 seek to kill his fellow man. I am not saying that every 
 man who sells liquor will freely take human life. There
 
 BARABBAS 173 
 
 is no need to say either, and yet make terribly true pre- 
 cisely what I do say: that the Barabbas of Drink the 
 embodied, personified Liquor Traffic of this land 
 robber, and law-breaker, is a murderer. He comes of 
 death. Strong Drink is the agent of death. There is 
 high authority for saying that alcohol is a more prolific 
 source of death than tuberculosis or contagious disease. 
 Alcohol is born of corruption and decay. It kills the 
 living and preserves the dead. A brute will not drink it, 
 but it makes a brute of the man who does. 
 
 Taken in its mildest popular dilution, it has mischief 
 in it yea, murder. The Scientific American, not a Tem- 
 perance paper, declares that "the most dangerous class 
 of ruffians in our large cities are frm'-drinkers." It fur- 
 ther says that "excessive beer-drinking is even more 
 brutalizing than whisky drinking." 
 
 In a previous chapter we have referred to the murder 
 of his wife by a beer-drinker almost under the shadow of 
 McKechnie's big brewery, in Canandaigua, some years 
 ago, to the suicide of the man, and have told how man 
 and wife were found on their vine-clad piazza, of a sum- 
 mer Sunday morning, weltering in their gore. 
 
 After giving this incident one night, I was criticized 
 sharply for citing such an extreme case of beer's murder- 
 ous effects, my critic saying that the case was excep- 
 tional ; that beer was stupefying, not inflaming, as a rule. 
 And some who read this might incline to believe that the 
 Barabbas-of-Beer is not so bad as the Whisky Barab- 
 bas that while he may rob a little, and may cause a little 
 sedition, he will not kill. But whole pages could be given 
 to prove that beer has death in it, and murder. 
 
 Years ago I published in The American Reformer, 
 which I was then editing in New York, a series of articles
 
 174 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 on Beer, by an educated German, himself a beer-drinker, 
 which told in terrible terms of the character and effects 
 of that common beverage. The brewers were so wrought 
 up over the articles that they threatened me with condign 
 punishment if the articles were not stopt, and for 
 weeks I went armed for personal defense whenever I 
 walked the streets at night, because there was murder in 
 Beer. 
 
 A medical friend of mine in New York, whose name 
 carries weight on the title-pages of many printed works, 
 told me that he was once drawn on a grand jury which in 
 six weeks tried six men for murder ; five were convicted, 
 and it was shown conclusively that every one of these 
 committed the awful crime while under the influence of 
 beer. And he did not hesitate to say, what other high au- 
 thorities have since declared over and over again, that the 
 Beer spirit is largely a spirit of riot, of rapine, of revenge ; 
 of malicious, murderous purpose. 
 
 Barabbas is a murderer. Being a seditionist, he 
 becomes that. Wherever men seek to enforce the law 
 against him, for sedition and robbery, he sneaks up in the 
 dark and shoots or stabs. So doing, he obeys one law 
 the law of his own nature. 
 
 In Sioux City the law becomes too sharp, and pricks 
 him too closely; and Haddock goes down at the hand of 
 Barabbas. 
 
 In Omaha the law is brought mercilessly to bear; and 
 Watson B. Smith falls at his office door, murdered by 
 Barabbas. 
 
 I stood one bright winter Sunday morning on a bridge 
 in Jackson, the Capital City of Mississippi, with a noble- 
 faced, pure-hearted, lion-souled young man, and listened 
 while he told me how he and his brave father had been
 
 BARABBAS 175 
 
 fighting the saloonists, in the courts and before the 
 people. And I said to him, at last, 
 
 "Roderick, they will get away with you yet." 
 
 And only a few weeks later, upon that very bridge, 
 within thirty feet of the spot where he and I had stood and 
 talked together, five cowardly ruffians converged their fire 
 upon him, and shot and shot and shot and shot and 
 shot him to his death, and then beat his manly face to a 
 jelly with the butts of their pistols while his life went out. 
 So Barabbas murdered my friend, Roderick Gambrell, 
 silenced his tongue and pen because they were too bold; 
 stilled his true heart because it was too brave. 
 
 A few months afterward I went back there, and 
 brushed away with my foot the dust upon that bridge, 
 and saw the dark and awful blotch which discolored the 
 planking where Roderick's life-blood ran forth. And I 
 will declare Barabbas a murderer, until I die, if only 
 because of him! 
 
 Yet friendship, alone, ought not to move us, when we 
 tell the truth. 
 
 Humanity is the thing most royal in human life. Love 
 for our fellow men is the love most nearly divine. 
 
 Jesus Christ did not give His life for Lazarus, whom 
 He loved, and whose sisters He loved. He raised 
 Lazarus, His friend, from the dead, by that Divine love 
 and power which were His. He died for all men for 
 Humanity's wide good. He died because Divine love is 
 wider than human friendship, more beneficent than human 
 affection, more loyal and royal than the love of man. 
 
 If no friend of mine had been beaten and shot by 
 Barabbas, if no friend of yours had been smitten and 
 robbed by the same outrageous hand, how could we think 
 of the Living Christ and His awful crucifixion, how
 
 176 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 could we remember Calvary and that open tomb, how 
 could we believe in His death, and have faith in His 
 resurrection, and not cry out against the robber and the 
 murderer who belies both, and who for a great multitude 
 makes both as if they never had been ? 
 
 Once a year we bring our Easter offerings, we revel in 
 Easter bloom, we sing our Easter songs. And this is 
 well. 
 
 Christ was crucified, was buried, and rose again on the 
 third day. Let the world sing it, and the bells ring it, and 
 the flowers bring it, and let us all be glad! Let Easter 
 perfumes breathe it, and Easter blossoms wreathe it, and 
 Easter music burden all the air! 
 
 Let Easter be the sweetest, whitest fact in all the whole 
 round year, for that great company of Believers who 
 recognize it and make it as a sacrament in all the world. 
 
 But for another great multitude each Easter is a lie. 
 For them Christ did not savingly die, because Barabbas 
 lives. For them Christ did not redeemingly rise because 
 Barabbas is released unto the people. For them the 
 divine gift of love to men is a sad, sore failure, because 
 Barabbas is the one great, cruel, constant, all-consuming 
 human fact. 
 
 Let none rise from perusal of this chapter, and say I 
 have been harsh, and abusive of Barabbas. He is a rob- 
 ber, a seditionist, a murderer. I repeat it, with sober, 
 solemn emphasis, in these final words. But he is no 
 worse, as such, than his accomplices. He may be less 
 moral than they are, man for man; the church might 
 refuse him membership, as an individual ; the community 
 may hold him in less esteem, if not in open contempt; 
 but as Barabbas, the embodied Liquor Traffic the rob- 
 ber, the seditionist, the murderer that unholy three in
 
 BARABBAS 177 
 
 one which blocks the way of Christianity and civilization 
 as Barabbas, he is no worse than those who appeal to 
 Pilate for his release, and who securing it, by their own 
 deliberate choice, become his accomplices thereafter in 
 all the sin he begets, in all the corruption he breeds, in 
 all the wo he creates, in all the crime he executes or 
 inspires. 
 
 Barabbas, or Christ! Are ye choosing the first? 
 Then ye share in the sin which our country has cursed! 
 Have ye been by the gains of Barabbas enticed? 
 Then ye march in the mob that would crucify Christ! 
 
 Bind Him there, once again, on the Cross, if you can 
 The Divine Son of God, and the Saviour of Man; 
 But remember, as boldly ye put Him to shame, 
 On yourselves and your children must linger the blame.
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 
 
 Not gold, but only men, can make 
 
 A people great and strong; 
 Men who, for truth and honor's sake, 
 
 Stand fast and suffer long. 
 Brave men, who work while others sleep, 
 
 Who dare while others fly; 
 They build a nation's pillars deep, 
 
 And lift them to the sky. 
 
 Ralph Waldo Emerson.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 
 
 THERE might be no Problem of Profit and Loss in 
 Man if there were only one man, and if there could 
 never be another. But when you multiply Man you make 
 Society ; and Society makes the State ; and the State is 
 confronted by no other problem so important and so 
 imperative as this. 
 
 The State is but organized Society; and of Society 
 these four things are true: 
 
 1. Society is composed of three factors its Organized 
 Moral Forces, its Organized Political Forces, and the 
 Individual Man. 
 
 2. The maintenance of Society, in any safe and 
 enduring form, demands absolute harmony between its 
 Organized Moral and Organized Political Forces. 
 
 3. This absolutely essential harmony between Society's 
 Organized Moral and Organized Political Forces must 
 come through Society's third factor, the Individual Man. 
 
 4. This absolutely essential harmony becomes abso- 
 lutely impossible when the Organized Political Forces 
 create, maintain and foster any system the ultimate of 
 which is the demoralization of Man, the sole harmonizing 
 agent. 
 
 These four statements, embodying one great funda- 
 mental fact, logically inspire certain interrogatories which 
 may be fruitful of suggestion, and in the answers to 
 which we may find a mass of patriotic truth. 
 
 181
 
 182 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 I. WHAT ARE THE ORGANIZED MORAL 
 FORCES OF SOCIETY? 
 
 Primarily three: 
 
 First THE HOME. 
 
 This is the unit of social organism the smallest 
 organization known to Society. In it moral impulses 
 have their earliest beginnings, and from it these flow 
 forth in moral influences which determine civilization, 
 mold communities, and shape the State. No State can 
 rise higher, in its culture and its character, than its 
 average Home. What its homes are, the State will be. 
 
 The Home is and must remain a moral organization. 
 Demoralize the Home, and you disintegrate the founda- 
 tions of the State. It is because this is true that we have 
 marriage laws, and that polygamy is made a crime. In 
 all the history of Authority, it has never thrown its 
 protecting egis around anything else with such constant 
 care as around the purity and sanctity of the Home. 
 
 Where one man and one woman, in loving and loyal 
 devotion to each other as husband and wife, guard well 
 their mutual honor and wisely train for the future those 
 children committed to their charge, there abide the moral 
 foundations of the State, upon which only can rest the 
 entire superstructure of social and political security. 
 Where these foundations have been guarded the least 
 where Home ties have grown the loosest and have bound 
 husband and wife the most lightly social security has 
 the soonest failed, and political revolution has wrought 
 its direst ruin, its bloodiest record. 
 
 'Second THE SCHOOL. 
 
 In this larger and higher form of social organization, 
 the moral impulses, which were born and have been nur-
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 183 
 
 tured in the Home, are taken up and carried on and sys- 
 tematically developed into character, the teachings of 
 the Home go forward with judicious discrimination to 
 mental growth and moral progress, the scholar, that is, 
 ripens wisely and safely into the citizen that is to be, for 
 the soundness and safety of the State. 
 
 And the School must continue a moral organization, 
 must remain a moral force, if the Home is to be defended 
 and the State preserved. Public education must and will 
 remain a moral agency while the civilized State endures. 
 This is a moral and political necessity, in a government 
 like our own. The Bible may be eliminated from our 
 public-school system, and from every college and uni- 
 versity might be put away every text-book with a dis- 
 tinctly moral trend, and yet the School must abide in its 
 moral purpose and power, if social and political stability 
 are to be maintained, if an organized State is to be the 
 logical and enduring result of organized Society. 
 
 Third THE CHURCH. 
 
 Here is the highest form of moral organization known 
 to men. In it the best impulses and teachings of the 
 Home, the noblest and purest unfoldings of the School, 
 find their sweetest and ripest fruitage, crystallize into 
 Christian character, become assertive in Christian Citi- 
 zenship, and are exalted in Christian Patriotism. 
 
 In it are focalized the strongest moral incentives, the 
 sublimest social sympathies and ambitions, the holiest 
 aspirations and the highest loyalty. From it resounds 
 throughout the State a call and a command which the 
 School must hear and the Home must heed the loftiest 
 utterance which can summon Patriotism to social and 
 political duty that most loyal and royal creed of conse- 
 crated Citizenship, as potent and imperative today as 
 when it fell with divine power from the lips of Christ
 
 184 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "Render, therefore, unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, 
 and unto God the things that are God's." 
 
 And thus are taught and commanded, in close and 
 inseparable connection, the supreme function of Citizen- 
 ship in the State, the supreme requirement of Morality in 
 the Citizen. Thus the Church enjoins upon every citizen 
 his duty to God and Government. To fit him for the full 
 discharge of that duty, with intelligence and patriotic 
 wisdom, these three Organized Moral Forces of Society 
 are and will remain imperative, and for his best benefit 
 they should be always at their best, amid the best environ- 
 ments possible, working out their best possible results 
 under conditions the most favorable which can be found 
 or created. 
 
 There are secondary Organized Moral Forces which 
 might be named, such as church auxiliaries, Temperance 
 organizations, and penal institutions even reformatories, 
 and prisons, and jails ; but tliey are purely secondary ; 
 and they are essential and exist mainly if not altogether 
 because the primary Moral Forces have failed to achieve 
 their purpose, to accomplish their work. For such fail- 
 ure of these primary Moral Forces ample reason will be 
 found, before this chapter's end. 
 
 II. WHAT ARE THE ORGANIZED POLITICAL 
 FORCES OF SOCIETY? 
 
 Secondarily they may be numerous, and weak; pri- 
 marily they are few, and potent. 
 
 These primary Political Forces are the Political 
 Parties, which practically include and control all forms 
 of secondary political organization. 
 
 These forms of secondary organization may greatly 
 assist the primary Political Forces, may even lead to
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 185 
 
 reorganization and thus to new primary forms; but the 
 real Political Forces of this country are the political 
 parties, which bear names, and build platforms, and con- 
 duct campaigns, and announce policies, and administer 
 government or seek to assume its responsibilities. 
 
 And they are organized Political Forces must be 
 counted such and so recognized even though too small 
 for success in any campaign even though they may stand 
 years for policies which do not succeed. 
 
 It may be doubted if any country ever saw an Orga- 
 nized Political Force more potential than the old Liberty 
 Party, or Abolition Party, of James G. Birney, and 
 William B. Goodell, and William Lloyd Garrison, and 
 John G. Whittier, and Wendell Phillips; although it 
 never elected a candidate, never lived to sec its ideas 
 embodied in law. Men sneered at its weakness, long 
 years, who came at last to confess its might. It was the 
 herald of a New Time, the harbinger of a Great Hope. 
 It had its mission for the Home, the School, and the 
 Church. It recognized as Home the humblest cabin of 
 the blackest slave, and claimed for that the highest virtue 
 and the surest defense; it stood for the School's benefi- 
 cence toward all children of all men, whether white or 
 black ; and of the Church it demanded absolute separation 
 from the sin of Slavery, that so at every altar clean hands 
 might be uplifted to a holy God in behalf of a nation 
 cleansed from unholy guilt. The harvest of its ideas, its 
 faith and its heroism, was garnered in history. 
 
 Other minority parties, or parties of protest, have 
 demonstrated their potency as Organized Political Forces, 
 by compelling legislation which they were unable to enact, 
 by forcing the recognition and settlement of issues which 
 they deemed paramount, but which older and larger
 
 186 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 parties would not accept or admit until compulsion came. 
 
 The Populist Party and the Prohibition Party should 
 have conspicuous mention in this class. The former 
 stood for Free Silver, a million strong, and forced the 
 Democratic Party to champion that issue and fight for it, 
 even to ignominious and repeated defeat. While the 
 Populist Party did not live long, its ideas died hard, and 
 the potentiality of it affected national politics more 
 widely than is commonly understood, more permanently 
 than may ever be generally comprehended. 
 
 The Prohibition Party has a record of longevity 
 unmatched by any other party of Reform, and while for 
 a generation it elected few candidates, and apparently 
 failed of establishing its policy in government, as a sepa- 
 rate organization, it has been potent among Organized 
 Political Forces to a degree far greater than is claimed 
 in general by its most enthusiastic supporters. An entire 
 chapter would not suffice to tell of the prohibitive legisla- 
 tion enacted by Democratic and Republican legislatures, 
 and of the purpose to repeal such legislation that such 
 legislatures dared not carry out, because of this Organized 
 Political Force for Prohibition, which lifted itself in 
 almost every State, and voiced itself on almost every 
 public platform, and with heroic boldness proclaimed its 
 principle and heralded its policy wherever the Liquor 
 Traffic bulldozed other and greater parties into submis- 
 sion, with its insolent demands. 
 
 The political force of the Prohibitionists, as manifested 
 through their party press and on their platforms and in 
 their pulpits, can never be measured by the ballots which 
 they have cast, or which to their credit have been counted, 
 at the polls. The agitation they have maintained, the 
 education they have imparted, the sentiment they have
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 187 
 
 inspired, the campaigns they have compelled, and the 
 laws they have indirectly established and preserved, are 
 abundant proof that as an Organized Political Force the 
 Prohibition Party has justified its organization and main- 
 tenance, and that the votes and efforts of those men 
 who organized and who have sustained it have not been 
 thrown away that such votes and efforts will never be 
 wasted while Political Forces must supplement Moral 
 Forces in preserving Morality and Government among 
 men. 
 
 However widely variant the Organized Political Forces 
 may be, their final expression is and must remain uniform 
 in Law. The laws which they aim to establish may 
 widely differ, but through Law only can political force 
 assert itself, at the last. Principles may find enunciation ; 
 sentiment may be created and extended; policies may be 
 proclaimed; truth may have general diffusion, and 
 become influential; and as the agency and means of all 
 this an Organized Political Force may be indeed a mighty 
 power ; but the ultimate expression of that power is lack- 
 ing unless it takes form in LAW. 
 
 All Organized Political Forces look to Law, and the 
 execution of Law, as the means whereby their declared 
 purposes and nolicies may be established in government. 
 
 III. HOW SHALL WE DETERMINE 
 WHETHER A POLITICAL FORCE IS IN HAR- 
 MONY WITH MORAL FORCES? 
 
 By the policy of administration it proposes; by the 
 Law it enacts and administers. 
 
 And we must judge of a policy, of a law, by its effect 
 upon the Home, and the School, and the Church. There 
 is no other basis of judgment. In no other way can the
 
 i88 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 absolutely essential harmony between Moral and Political 
 Forces be determined. 
 
 Is there a law which guards and nourishes the Home 
 Life; which defends the marriage relation inside the 
 Home ; which makes pure and safe the path of children's 
 feet that cross Home's threshold ; which tends to comfort 
 within, through sobriety and industry without; which 
 conserves, in every way law can, those moral impulses 
 cradled at the hearthstone and nurtured in the Home; 
 which makes easy and sure the development of morality 
 in Manhood and Womanhood, amid sober conditions and 
 virtuous environment? Then this law is evidence that, 
 so far as this law goes, there is actual harmony between 
 the Organized Moral and the Organized Political Forces 
 of the State. 
 
 Is there a law which promotes the School ; which brings 
 to it the young life eager to learn and hungry to be 
 taught; which renders easy the teacher's task and certain 
 its returns; which guarantees intelligence in growing 
 citizenship, and safeguards thus the government of years 
 to come, and helps to build more securely the civic foun- 
 dations on which our nation must stand? Then this law 
 is evidence that, so far as this law goes, there is actual 
 harmony between the Organized Moral and the Organized 
 Political Forces of the State. 
 
 Is there a law which upholds and protects the Church ; 
 which maintains the sanctity of the Sabbath; to which 
 men listen as a human echo of that Divine Com- 
 mand "Remember the Sabbath Day to keep it holy!" 
 which insures the regular presence in the sanctuary of 
 those who are growing up in the Home; which enables 
 the Church to compete with fair show of success against 
 those unhallowed agencies that are striving to overthrow
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 189 
 
 it; which helps the Church to help the School and the 
 Home in developing, defending and preserving a Chris- 
 tian Citizenship which alone can be stable as the founda- 
 tion of a Christian State? Then this law is evidence, as 
 far as this law goes, that there is actual harmony between 
 Society's Organized Moral and Organized Political 
 Forces. 
 
 But is there a law which imperils the Home; which 
 robs the wife of her husband, and makes of him a brute ; 
 which pollutes the Home's purity, and scars it with sin; 
 which depraves the blood of childhood, and corrupts 
 fatherhood and motherhood, and curses youth and age 
 from the cradle to the grave? 
 
 Is there a law which comes between the Home and the 
 School, and halts the feet that seek the halls of learning, 
 and turns them surely to the paths of shame; which 
 makes more difficult the teacher's task, and renders less 
 beneficent the School's mission, and spreads ignorance, 
 vice and crime where education should be beneficently 
 diffused ? 
 
 Is there a law which assails the sanctity of the Sabbath, 
 and opens the Church to the assaults of its enemies, and 
 closes the Church to millions who remain outside ; which 
 discounts the work of the preacher, and helps the devil 
 to capture those whom Christ would save, and makes 
 Christianity a failure, for great masses of men and 
 women, in a so-called Christian land? 
 
 Then this law is an evidence, actual, unimpeachable, 
 and appalling, that there are Organized Political Forces 
 not in harmony with Moral Forces ; that these Organized 
 Political Forces create, maintain and foster a system the 
 ultimate of which is the demoralization of Man, through 
 whom only can Moral and Political Forces be harmonized.
 
 190 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Is there such a law? 
 
 Yes ! wherever License or Tax of the beverage Liquor 
 Traffic prevails. 
 
 Every License law is proof, within itself, that this 
 declaration is true. Almost, if not quite, without excep- 
 tion, every such law provides that no saloon shall be 
 licensed within a specified distance of any school-house or 
 any church ; thus in plain terms admitting that the saloon 
 is hostile to School and Church that the work of the 
 saloon is not in harmony with their work, and must not 
 be prosecuted in too close proximity to theirs. 
 
 In some States, a Four-Mile Law, outside incorporated 
 towns, forbids all near neighborliness with School and 
 Church of the confessedly hostile saloon, and makes it an 
 impossibility throughout large rural sections, happily 
 extending their areas, and with the incorporated excep- 
 tions growing fewer and more favorable as in 
 Tennessee. 
 
 Many License laws prohibit establishment of any 
 saloon within so many hundred feet of a Home ; and this 
 partial recognition of any Home's right affords ample 
 proof that the saloon is nowhere the friend of the Home 
 but everywhere its enemy. It may be safely said that 
 wherever a saloon is planted, there, or near there, within 
 its octopus-like outreach, and by its deadly influence, at 
 least five clean and comfortable American homes are 
 blotted out. What is left of these, when the saloon devil- 
 fish has gripped them in its remorseless arms, and sucked 
 their life away, forms but the saddest mockery of or 
 travesty on Home where childhood has no Home sweet- 
 ness, motherhood no refining love, fatherhood no manli- 
 ness, the School no beneficiaries, the Church no allies, 
 and the State no support, its future no defense.
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 191 
 
 IV. HOW SHALL WE RESTORE THIS HAR- 
 MONY BETWEEN MORAL AND POLITICAL 
 FORCES UPON WHICH DEPENDS THE MAIN- 
 TENANCE OF SOCIETY AND THE STATE? 
 
 Remember that 
 
 (a) This harmony must come, can come only, 
 through Society's third factor, the Individual Man. 
 
 (b) The Individual Man can not insure this harmony, 
 can not be the essential harmonizing agent, when he is 
 demoralized by the Liquor Business. 
 
 (c) Demoralization by this Business is not limited to 
 the man who drinks to the daily patron of Liquor Bars. 
 
 More men are demoralised by the Liquor Traffic, and 
 by the License System which maintains it, who seldom or 
 never enter a saloon, than there are habitual drinkers in 
 the whole country. 
 
 Are illustrations needed to make this fact more 
 apparent ? 
 
 When the Prohibition Amendment Campaign was on 
 in Michigan, in 1887, an eminent educator stood at the 
 head of Michigan's great University, with many hun- 
 dreds of young men and young women under his care, 
 molded in their thought and conviction by his utterance 
 and influence. He had held high position by govern- 
 mental appointment ; he may have anticipated the further 
 honors of that kind which later came to him. For weeks 
 after the campaign began, while the moral and immoral 
 forces were being alined against each other, this man 
 made no sign; and other good men wondered whether 
 this distinguished educator at Ann Arbor would speak 
 out finally for the Home, the School and the Church. And 
 when he spoke it was for the enemy of institutions like
 
 192 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 that of which he stood the honored chief ; when he got off 
 the fence of neutrality or indifference, to the regret of 
 many thousands who knew and revered him, it was on 
 the saloon side. 
 
 Here was one conspicuous example of the demoraliza- 
 tion of a great and learned man by the Liquor Traffic. 
 
 In that same Amendment Campaign there figured 
 prominently an eminent lawyer, of high lineage and of 
 profoundly Christian character son of a distinguished 
 Doctor of Divinity, and himself of such Christian faith 
 and feeling that soon afterward he could and did pay a 
 fine poetic Easter tribute to the dead and risen Christ a 
 man who probably seldom if ever saw the inside of a 
 saloon. And this man made a speech, in the City Opera 
 House of Detroit, which abounded in statements that were 
 baseless, which was false to logic and to fact, but which 
 was printed and strewn broadcast over the State of Michi- 
 gan during the few days intervening before election a 
 speech the chief burden of which was: "Carry the 
 Amendment and we shall lose $250,000 revenue every 
 year from the saloons of Detroit alone." 
 
 And here was another conspicuous example of the 
 demoralization which comes to good men through the 
 Bad Liquor Business. Whether this particular good man 
 was or was not the paid attorney of liquor-sellers, and 
 serving as their public advocate for the fee received, does 
 not affect the fact. He stood for the Revenue System ; 
 he championed the saloon for the money it would pay, 
 to him or his municipality. He assisted in the demoraliza- 
 tion of other good men, by the thousands, who could be 
 and were persuaded to support the demoralizing Liquor 
 Traffic for a price. 
 
 A year or two later, in the city of Richmond, Va., a
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 193 
 
 Local Option campaign was on, in which a few of us 
 from the North had part. The saloons won, by a large 
 majority, and this illustration will show how, and why : 
 
 On the special election day, after our campaign had 
 closed and its fruits were to be garnered, two of us took 
 a carriage and rode from ward to ward of the city, to 
 observe the men and methods in and around each ward- 
 room. About noon we arrived at the polling-place of the 
 only ward which went Dry. In that ward-room was the 
 only Dry Ward Judge the official whose duty it was to 
 take from each voter his long, unfolded ballot, and to 
 slip the same, unfolded still, through the narrow opening 
 in the ballot-box cover into the box. Into that room, and 
 up to that Ward Judge, strode a tall, fine-looking, well- 
 dressed man, who bore the marks of social and profes- 
 sional standing ; and. behind him came eight younger men, 
 all of voting age. 
 
 Who was this gentleman? Superintendent of the 
 largest Sunday School in that ward one of the largest 
 in Richmond. Who were his followers ? His Bible Class. 
 
 And handing his open ballot to the Ward Judge, this 
 Sunday School Superintendent stept back a pace, and 
 with an air of bravado, and looking squarely in the 
 Judge's face, he said: 
 
 "I vote Wet!" 
 
 The Dry Judge took the Wet ballot, dropped it through 
 the ballot-box cover, and stept a pace backward him- 
 self, and then with a swiftness and keenness of rebuke 
 seldom equaled, and pointing upward as he spoke, he 
 made answer: 
 
 "The clerk of this court does not have to record how 
 any man votes ; there's a Clerk Up Yonder who is keeping 
 that record!"
 
 194 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 The Sunday School Superintendent dropped his head 
 and walked away without another word. He illustrated, 
 again, the demoralization of a good man by a Bad 
 Business. 
 
 The Liquor Traffic lives and thrives today, in this 
 country, because these illustrations are so numerous. For 
 the sake of revenue to the State or the town, or occasional 
 self-indulgence, or political preferment, or party success, 
 or some other selfish and shameless reason, good men in 
 every community uphold the bad Traffic, and perpetuate 
 it, willing to be recorded Wet that some personal ends 
 may be satisfied, and heedless of the fact that there is a 
 Clerk Up Yonder who keeps the record by which at last 
 they shall be judged. 
 
 The lost harmony between Moral and Political 
 Forces can be restored only by the better record which 
 these men can make ; by their restoration to a noble Man- 
 hood and a new patriotism which the Liquor Traffic can 
 not again demoralize ; and by such changed conditions as 
 will make impossible the demoralization of another great 
 army of men, who can never serve as harmonizing agents 
 because demoralized in every attribute of citizenship an 
 army of Drinkers, recruited steadily, now, from the 
 saloon which better men authorize and uphold ; main- 
 tained, while the saloon lives, at the sore cost of the State ; 
 a growing peril to the nation, a costly sacrifice of bodies 
 and souls and human hearts before the gates of Hell. 
 
 These changed conditions must come, can come only, 
 through policies and laws defending and promoting the 
 Home, the School and the Church. These policies and 
 laws must come, can come only, through and by the 
 Organized Political Forces which are to dominate govern- 
 ment and embody power.
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 195 
 
 The demoralization of men drinking men, sober men ; 
 bad men, good men by the Liquor Business, will con- 
 tinue and increase while the dominant Political Forces 
 are dominated by Drink, and proclaim policies, maintain 
 laws, which are out of harmony with Moral Forces. And 
 these dominant Political Forces these arrogant political 
 parties will continue to proclaim such policies, to main- 
 tain such laws, until good men refuse to be demoralized 
 thereby until every honest man, every sincere patriot, 
 for the sake of his conscience and his own self-respect; 
 for sake of the Home into which he was born, or into 
 which his children came to make him proud and glad; 
 for sake of the School that was his and now is theirs ; for 
 sake of the Church he loves, and his loving loyalty to 
 Christ shall insist upon being the honest, loyal agent he 
 was meant to be for harmonizing Moral and Political 
 Forces in the land of which he is a loyal part. 
 
 V. BUT WHERE, AND WHEN, AND HOW, 
 CAN THE INDIVIDUAL MAN EFFICIENTLY 
 SERVE AS THE HARMONIZING AGENT BE- 
 TWEEN MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES? 
 
 Let three negative answers be first made : 
 
 1. Not in or through the work of some Temperance 
 organization. 
 
 That is but one of the secondary Moral forces, closely 
 allied to the primary ; and he who would harmonize these 
 primary Moral with the primary Political must not expect 
 to do this through the secondary. 
 
 2. Not in or through the work of the Church, or 
 any direct auxiliary of that. 
 
 The Church is a primary Moral Force; its auxiliaries 
 are secondary and subordinate, yet a part of it. To har-
 
 ip6 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 monize any two forces or bodies one must stand apart 
 from each, at some point of power and influence between 
 both. 
 
 A million prayers at the church altar will not bring 
 Political Forces into harmony with Moral Forces, while 
 the church members uphold laws and policies which 
 demoralize their fellow men. 
 
 3. Not through the good work of his good wife, in 
 the Church, or the W.C.T.U., or anywhere else. 
 
 I am reminded here of a man about whom I was told 
 by George Chambers, of the old Silver Lake Quartette 
 that group of singers who sang Prohibition truth with 
 such magnetic charm. The man lived in a Western New 
 York village. He was of superb physique; stood six 
 feet three in his stockings; appeared to have been made 
 for a man's work in the world. 
 
 One day this man was at the village tavern, leaning in 
 manly pose against a post of the piazza, and near him sat 
 a commercial traveler, impressed by the man's grace and 
 strength. And as the traveler looked at the man, a won- 
 der grew in the traveler's mind as to what the man was 
 doing with that splendid form. At last the traveler's 
 curiosity became so great that he said : 
 
 "Excuse me, sir, but may I ask what is your occu- 
 pation ?" 
 
 Then the man of such manly build hesitated a few 
 seconds, in some embarrassment, twirled his manly, mus- 
 cular thumbs as if uncertain what to say, and murmured : 
 
 "Well, my wife sews." 
 
 There are stalwart Christian men in every community 
 men who stand six feet three in their religious pro- 
 fessions, who make long prayers in the prayer meetings 
 and boast of their Temperance habits and sympathies
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 197 
 
 who, if you ask them "What is your Temperance occupa- 
 tion?" will twirl their manly, muscular Christian thumbs, 
 and murmur with sweet serenity : "Well, my wife sews 
 in the W.C.T.U." 
 
 And I am reminded here of a colored preacher about 
 whom I heard once in Mississippi. He thought he read 
 the text correctly one Sunday morning and he surely 
 did so read it for the purpose of this illustration. 
 
 "The text," he said, "my bredderin', reads as follows: 
 Whatsoeber a man soweth and you'll notice it says 
 a man, not a woman whatsoeber A MAN soweth that 
 shall he also rip." 
 
 And it may be declared with solemn truth that whatso- 
 ever a man soweth for Temperance, through the good 
 work of his good wife in the W.C.T.U., or through his 
 own prayers within the Church, or his own professions 
 outside, that shall he also rip when he votes a liquor 
 ticket on Election Day. 
 
 On the positive side these answers must be made: 
 
 1. Efficiently to serve as harmonizing agent 
 between Moral and Political Forces, the Individual 
 Man must stand at some focal point between them 
 where he can potently influence both. 
 
 2. There is but one such point, in a republic like 
 ours, where the Individual Man's outreach can affect 
 Moral and Political Forces and Government itself 
 the Ballot-Box, the Voter's Booth. 
 
 It is as individual as the Man : it is large enough for 
 but one man at a time. It narrows the man down to him- 
 self. It shrinks his responsibility to his own size and 
 form. He can not share it with his party. It is exclu- 
 sively and solely for A MAN ; not for boys without judg- 
 ment, or fools without sense, but for A MAN, with brain
 
 198 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 and conscience, with head and heart, with independence 
 and courage; not a mere atom of some huge Political 
 Mass, moving at the will and by command of some Party 
 Boss, but A MAN, given to stand there, at that particu- 
 lar point of individual vantage and responsibility, to har- 
 monize Moral and Political Forces in the interest of 
 all that Homes hold sacred, that Schools conserve and 
 magnify, that churches develop and consecrate, for 
 Humanity's good and the glory of God. 
 
 To this Individual Man with brain to think, and 
 heart to feel, and conscience to move, and will to act 
 to THIS ONE MAN is given the solemn privilege and 
 the mighty power to bring again into clear accord and 
 majestic unity the Moral and Political Forces which with 
 him compose the State. No party can do for him the 
 loyal duty which is his. In the profoundest consciousness 
 of the harmonizing agency which he holds, and of the 
 responsibility which it imposes, he must perform this duty 
 himself. 
 
 Where? 
 
 At this focal point in government, where government 
 narrows to the man he is, but where his horizon widens 
 to enclose all men where his deed's outreach is as broad 
 as the land it may affect, yet where he should answer for 
 it to his own conscience as if government were only 
 him and God at the Ballot-Box, or in the Voter's 
 Booth. 
 
 When? 
 
 On every solemn day of sovereign duty when to 
 that focal point in government he comes. 
 
 Not merely when some great stress of public passion 
 has moved the people to sudden impulse; not merely 
 when his own feelings have come to white heat and his
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 199 
 
 own conscience may stir him with sudden strength; but 
 steadily, year by year, when at the Ballot-Box or in the 
 Voter's Booth he must stand, moved by the calm con- 
 viction of his own manhood, regardless of minorities and 
 majorities, heedful of his own harmonizing purpose alone, 
 proud in the performance of a duty which no other man 
 can do, patient as to its results because thus proud, willing 
 rather to see his harmonizing efforts apparently fruitless, 
 even till he dies, than to uphold policies and laws demoral- 
 izing to other men and forever making harmony impos- 
 sible while they exist. 
 
 How? 
 
 By opposing these policies and laws which demoral- 
 ize men and make harmony impossible. 
 
 By standing for laws and a policy, for a policy and a 
 principle, that shall develop manhood and render every 
 man a fit harmonizing agent between Moral and Political 
 Forces. 
 
 By recording himself, persistently and fearlessly, 
 against the demoralizing Liquor Traffic, and every law 
 and policy which upholds it, and thereby doing all one 
 unit of government can to secure that unity between the 
 integral parts of government which is imperative to pres- 
 ervation of the whole. 
 
 Upon this unit the Individual Man in such unity, 
 this nation depends. Upon this unit we build the State. 
 To magnify this unit, Home, and School, and Church, 
 exist. What harms the unit, harms them. What curses 
 them, curses the unit and corrupts the State. 
 
 And every unit every Individual Man must magnify 
 and exalt every other unit, and the sources from which all 
 units come. He will do this the more successfully, the 
 more he magnifies and exalts himself not in the selfish-
 
 200 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 ness of lust, and greed, and pride of personal gain; but 
 in the recognition of his cost as a man, and of the develop- 
 ment wrought in his own Manhood by the Moral Forces 
 to which he is debtor and which he must defend; in the 
 recognition of his responsible relation to other men, 
 because of his responsibility to God ; in the exaltation of 
 his own powers, and of all his attributes as a Man and a 
 Citizen, because these powers and attributes are God- 
 given, to be Man-kept and Man-used, for the best behoof 
 of MAN. 
 
 On one of my visits to Mount Washington, many years 
 ago, I spent a wild night upon its summit a night of 
 fearful storm, which shook the stout walls of "Tip-Top," 
 and rattled the roof's fastenings, and roared in mad rage 
 around the little chamber where I slept. 
 
 Next morning I was up betimes, to see the sun rise. 
 The storm's fury had spent itself, but thick folds of cloud 
 still enveloped the mountain's crown, and shut me in. 
 Over the slippery rocks I clambered, to the topmost point 
 of all, and there waited. 
 
 Suddenly the cloud-folds lifted, the flying mists fled 
 away and what a scene ! 
 
 Far below, but midway up the mountain-side, the 
 storm-masses lay, motionless, and wondrously beautiful, 
 sweeping off on every hand from my island anchorage, 
 an ocean of milk-white foam, more lovely than painter 
 ever dreamed or shallop ever skimmed, magnificent 
 beyond all words: 
 
 A silver sea, without a sail 
 To hint of earthly haven nigh, 
 
 Where one could almost hear the hail 
 Of angel voyagers floating by.
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 201 
 
 Far to the eastward, out of this unearthly sea, the sun 
 had risen, and looking there I saw straight on from me to 
 it a shining track, a glimmering way to glory ! 
 
 The valley far beneath knew no sun. Shut in by all 
 that dun, dense mass, to me so beautiful, it waited, in its 
 twilight, for the morning. 
 
 I was alone in the world. Here and there a rock-bound 
 peak its head uplifted, another island in the wondrous sea, 
 but uninhabited. For me, alone, the sun had risen, in 
 splendor such as mortal rarely sees. For me, alone, as 
 much as if in all the world beside no mortal ever lived. 
 For me, alone, as much as if for me the world were made, 
 and God had set me there upon the throne of it, and 
 crowned me, in His glory, King! 
 
 And then I knew, and ever since have known, that my 
 own being runs from me to God that God has part in it, 
 and thought in it, and purpose that for its uses and for 
 its results He holds me ever as accountable, as if I were 
 the one sole creature of His hand, as if I were the only 
 human known, and God and I made up the universe ! 
 
 In such a consciousness of his relation and responsi- 
 bility to God, bearing in his bosom the sense of his rela- 
 tion and responsibility to his fellows, the Individual Man 
 will stand upon the summit of Citizenship, at the sunrise 
 of every Election Day, while all about him will shine the 
 glory of Truth, and on before him will gleam the path of 
 Duty, straight from his own feet to the far Beyond as if 
 no other path or person went that way ! 
 
 And he will walk it, willing, now, and glad. And when 
 he halts beside it, at the polling-place, and steps, alone, 
 into the Voter's Booth, and takes his ballot sheet, and in 
 the circle at the head of it marks there a cross, the symbol 
 of a straight, unswerving choice, he will think what means
 
 202 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 The Cross within this world of men of the sore sacri- 
 fice and the wide salvation it meant when on it hung the 
 Christ of all it represents today for the redemption and 
 exaltation of human life, in Home, and School, and 
 Church of the sad, sore failure it is for smitten millions 
 because of the Saloon of the ally which his vote must 
 make him, then and always, of THE CROSS or of THE 
 CURSE and there and then, with head uncovered but 
 with Manhood crowned, he will make his ballot count a 
 shining unit for Prohibition, and the Moral Forces which 
 have made him A MAN. 
 
 We are building in the Western World a Temple fine and grand, 
 
 For the Peoples of the Future in its beauty to behold; 
 And the glory of its grandeur shall illumine every land, 
 
 When the pages of the ages have been told. 
 We must rear it in the splendor of a Manhood that is true 
 To the Godlikeness within it, for divinest mission born; 
 With a love as wide and tender as the One Messiah knew 
 We must labor till the Consummation Morn. 
 
 There are four foundation pillars of the Temple that we build, 
 And each one must bear its burden, howsoever great the share ; 
 Never yet was master-builder in his art so wisely skilled 
 
 That for sure foundations he could idly care. 
 And this Temple, slow uprearkig, must be founded on the rock, 
 
 If the Future shall behold it, if unmoved it may remain 
 Thro' the stress of angry tumult, thro' the wilder tempest-shock 
 When fierce lightnings rive the burning air in twain. 
 
 Shape THE HOME support with caution, O ye builders of the 
 
 State ! 
 Guard it well from every danger; keep it plumb with Love and 
 
 Truth ; 
 
 For upon this comely pillar rests forevermore the fate 
 Of our Temple, in the future of our youth.
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES 203 
 
 Build the Home of empty bottles, empty casks, and empty kegs, 
 
 It will crumble into fragments underneath its heavy load, 
 
 And the Temple based upon it will go down among the dregs 
 
 Where the flood of Drink with wreck and ruin flowed. 
 
 Shape THE SCHOOL with careful wisdom, while the Home 
 
 ye guard so well ; 
 
 Let no liquid foe assail it, thro' the cruel greed of men; 
 Shield the childhood that it symbols from the poisoned fumes of 
 
 hell; 
 
 Keep it firm and fair as fashioned, always, then. 
 For they build the State in beauty who adorn the human mind, 
 Who extend its range of vision, and who broaden human 
 
 thought ; 
 
 They are dastards to their duty, they are traitors to their kind, 
 Who to deaden brain and conscience can be bought. 
 
 Fair, and firm, and strong, unyielding, let THE CHURCH for- 
 ever stand, 
 
 At its corner of the Temple that we rear with costly pride ; 
 Let it bear full share of burden, at the Master's own command, 
 
 And refuse again to see Him crucified! 
 For the virtue of the Woman, for the purity of Man, 
 
 It should lift itself with courage and its honor swift avow; 
 It should smite the bar and brothel, and the shameless License 
 
 Plan 
 Which compels it in obedience to bow. 
 
 Be THE BALLOT-BOX a pillar that shall not be overthrown, 
 
 Rising still erect, unbroken, 'mid the perils which abound, 
 While around it men shall gather, in the greatness they have 
 
 grown, 
 
 To defend the rights of Manhood they have found! 
 Make it clean from all corruption, keep it free from curse of 
 
 gold, 
 
 Shield it well from sin that sanctions other sin for guilty gains, 
 Till the lords of mighty nations in their majesty behold 
 How the Rule of Man in majesty remains!
 
 204 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 We are building here a Temple for the Future wide and vast, 
 
 And its four foundation pillars on THE CITIZEN we rest, 
 Solid Rock of Sober Manhood, from the quarries of the Past, 
 
 Fit and fashioned for the Future's final test 
 Shall the wages of the ages all our labor compensate? 
 Shall our Temple stand in beauty when the thrones of men go 
 
 down? 
 Then upon THE SOBER CITIZEN build well THE SOBER 
 
 STATE, 
 Make its Manhood fit for Coronation's crown!
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 
 
 The naked sword of justice, in the hands of a determined 
 party, is the only instrument that will bring the desired 
 result. John B. Finch.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 
 
 WHEN we take or follow Temperance into the realm 
 of Politics when we study the problem of Profit 
 and Loss in Man as affected by political conditions two 
 questions may be sincerely put : 
 
 1st. Why any party in regard to this Reform? 
 
 2d. Why a party which advocates Prohibition? 
 
 The former inquiry may come from those men who 
 accept Prohibition as the only wise and righteous basis of 
 settlement for the Liquor Problem, but who do not see 
 the need of a party to insure this. "The Temperance 
 Question," they say, "is a Moral Question; why mix it 
 with politics? why try to solve it through a political 
 party?" 
 
 The latter inquiry may come from those men who do 
 not accept Prohibition as the best basis of settlement, but 
 who believe that some settlement must be had, through 
 some party, perhaps, their own preferably, on less radical 
 terms. 
 
 To these questions let us make such careful answer as 
 we can, by presenting, and establishing, if possible, five 
 distinct propositions, viz. : 
 
 I. WITHIN THE PURVIEW OF POLITICS 
 MUST COME EVERY MORAL QUESTION 
 WHICH AFFECTS MAN IN HIS RELATION TO 
 GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The intelligence and virtue of the people, on which,
 
 208 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 our government rests, will forever demand this, while 
 our form of government remains. To this fact are due 
 all Sunday laws, all marriage laws, and all other laws 
 establishing by legal statute a moral standard among men. 
 And let it be said that legal statutes do establish moral 
 standards. The morality of a people will never rise 
 above the moral level of their laws. Said once a well- 
 known jurist of Massachusetts, Judge Sprague: 
 
 "The laws of a country may reconcile public sentiment to 
 crimes, even the most abhorrent to our nature, to murder itself." 
 
 In the little principality of Monaco is the great gam- 
 bling establishment, Monte Carlo, to which go thousands 
 of men and women from all over the world. There 
 gambling is reputable, to a large degree, because no law 
 exists there to make it otherwise. 
 
 The great Louisiana Lottery held a certain place in 
 public respect for a long term of years because of legal 
 sanction by the State. 
 
 Let any State sanction Polygamy by law, and in a 
 year's time it would not be generally thought a heinous 
 thing, even in its most moral community, for one man to 
 have more than one wife. 
 
 Politics and morals, moral questions and political 
 reform, can be divorced only to the peril and ruin of the 
 State; but let no one suppose, because moral questions 
 come within the purview of Politics, that the province of 
 Politics is to settle moral questions upon any other than 
 moral standards, or that any part of a people have a 
 political right to unsettle moral standards to suit their 
 own immoral tendencies or tastes. 
 
 The Ten Commandments were not given on Sinai to 
 be voted upon in Sodom. No opportunity was afforded 
 in Gomorrah to revise the tables of stone. Local Option
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 209 
 
 was not in the decrees given to Moses, if it did prevail in 
 the Garden of Eden. And the chief trouble with it there 
 has troubled it more or less ever since the devil deter- 
 mined the vote. 
 
 II. EVERY TRUE MORAL REFORM, WHICH 
 BROADLY AFFECTS THE STATE, MUST BE 
 MADE A FACT IN GOVERNMENT TO BE 
 EFFECTIVE; AND A MORAL FACT CAN BE 
 ASSERTED AND CAN DOMINATE IN GOV- 
 ERNMENT ONLY THROUGH A POLITICAL 
 REFORM. 
 
 The moral reform in whose interest these pages appear 
 broadly affects the State. It focalizes in the unit citizen 
 of the State, but it radiates through all his relations to 
 society, permeates all the functions of government, and 
 influences all the future of civilization. 
 
 Whether the citizen shall be sober or drunken, may be 
 first a moral question with the man himself, but there- 
 after and directly it becomes a social question, ramifying 
 through all the avenues of social interdependence, and 
 resultantly a political question, because in the man is the 
 unit of political sovereignty. 
 
 The citizen is the State. The drunken citizen means a 
 drunken State. A pauperized citizenship means a pauper 
 State. A corrupt citizenship means a corrupt State. 
 
 Said President Garfield in his Inaugural Address : 
 
 "We have no standard by which to measure the evil that may 
 be brought upon us by ignorance and vice in the citizen when 
 joined to corruption and fraud in the suffrage." 
 
 Whether the man shall be drunk or sober, pertains first 
 to him, in the realm of his personal morals, but thereafter 
 and directly to the State, in the realm of his political 
 relationship. His personal immorality, through drink,
 
 210 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 at home or in the saloon, may become political corruption 
 at the polls. Ignorance and vice in the citizen will bear 
 fruit in corruption and fraud of the suffrage. What he 
 is, the government must become. It will not go above 
 his average level, and stay there. 
 
 Import him as a political babe from beer-drinking 
 Europe, wet-nurse him in a foreignized brewery, and 
 suckle him in the American saloon, and the government 
 shall sink to the levels from which he came and in which 
 he remains. It is the law of political gravitation. The 
 nation can not rise while the individual goes down. The 
 individual can not rise when you dead-weight him with 
 Drink. The average individual morality determines the 
 average of national morals. 
 
 The domination of moral facts in government depends 
 on political factors. Chief of these, always in our form 
 of government, is the political party. It defines the 
 boundary lines between popular beliefs and opinions. It 
 formulates varying political creeds. It is the agency of 
 political reforms. It is the vehicle of moral expressions 
 which become political acts. It assumes the responsi- 
 bility for establishing moral facts in government. It is 
 the only medium through which those facts can be estab- 
 lished there. 
 
 Because, to be so established they must become politi- 
 cal reforms; and 
 
 III. A POLITICAL REFORM CAN BECOME 
 A FACT IN GOVERNMENT ONLY THROUGH 
 A POLITICAL PARTY WHICH ADMINISTERS 
 GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Be it remembered that what we require, we of the 
 Prohibition faith, is that this Temperance Question shall 
 be settled, as a fact in government, through a political 
 factor competent to settle it.
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 211 
 
 It is not enough that we have a declaration of the 
 church, a sentiment in the community, a moral spasm of 
 the moral forces which make show of righteousness. It 
 is not enough that we have statutes, even, made to satisfy 
 moral sentiment and pacify the morally spasmodic mem- 
 bers of society. 
 
 A fact in government is what we are after some- 
 thing admitted, recognized, undisputed, sovereign; like 
 the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the 
 United States. 
 
 Such a fact in government can be based upon one 
 foundation only that of principle. "There shall be no 
 more slavery on American soil," was the political fact, 
 written into our government with the best American 
 blood; but back of it, or under it, was the eternal 
 principle that "No man has a right to hold another man 
 in bondage." 
 
 No church could thus have established that fact, even 
 upon that principle. The church is not a political factor. 
 It has no mission to control government. It has no 
 machinery wherewith to maintain such control. 
 
 Suppose we were to admit that this moral fact of the 
 Temperance Reform should and could somehow be writ- 
 ten into government through a great moral organization 
 like the church. At once we would be confronted by the 
 serious question What church? 
 
 Some zealous Baptist brother might insist that a cold- 
 water reform should be fostered and effected through a 
 decidedly cold-water church. Whereat a worthy Meth- 
 odist might refer us with pride to the splendid resolutions 
 of his General Conference, and might claim, with reason, 
 that no Baptist body has ever uttered such grandly 
 emphatic and widely authoritative truth in regard to the 
 Liquor Traffic. He might say:
 
 212 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "No political party has a right to expect, nor should it receive, 
 the votes of Christian men, so long as it stands committed to the 
 license system, or refuses to put itself on record in an atti- 
 tude of open hostility to the saloon." 
 
 And this declaration by the Methodist General Confer- 
 ence of 1892, reaffirmed by the General Conference of 
 1900, could not be matched in authority and force by any 
 Baptist record, not even that of the American Baptist 
 Home Mission Society, when in session at Chicago in 
 1890, which declared of the Liquor Traffic: 
 
 "That it has no defensible right to exist, that it can never be 
 reformed, and that it stands condemned by its unrighteous fruits 
 as a thing un-Christian, un-American, and perilous utterly to 
 every interest in life." 
 
 Brave words these, to be sure, but they do not speak of 
 party; and our Methodist brother might urge that his 
 church, because of its greater courage, should stand for 
 us instead of party if any church could, concerning this 
 matter. Nor could we quite silence him as another Bap- 
 tist tried once to silence another Methodist. 
 
 "I don't like your church," he said squarely; "it has 
 too much machinery. There are your Official Boards, 
 your Presiding Elders, your Fall Conference, your Spring 
 Conference, your General Conference, and your Bishops 
 too much machinery for me." 
 
 But the Methodist quietly made answer : 
 
 "We may have more machinery in our church than 
 you have in yours, but it doesn't take near so much water 
 to run it." 
 
 It may be fairly assumed that the church with most 
 v/ater-power, and the church with most machinery, would 
 not soon agree as to which of them should settle the 
 Temperance Question, as a fact in government, if either
 
 213 
 
 could. And while they were disputing about it, Congre- 
 gationalists, Presbyterians, United Presbyterians, Cum- 
 berland Presbyterians, Universalists, Dutch Reformed 
 and Catholic, would come forward and cite what their 
 highest organic bodies have said, insisting that any 
 church which would thus bravely resolve would as truly 
 serve our need. 
 
 Ecclesiastical clamor for selection might long delay 
 establishment of the political fact. But Ecclesiasticism is 
 not Politics. No church ought to become a political 
 machine. While as between good politics and bad politics 
 every church ought to stand for the best, when it stands 
 for either, it may properly let alone both except so far as 
 they concern a moral question involving the work and 
 power of the church, the morality of men, and the salva- 
 tion of souls. 
 
 A fact in government is not the choice of the rabble, 
 today, in Gomorrah or Gotham, in Sodom or Chicago. 
 It is the deliberate, decisive, fixed and final utterance of 
 the average character which forms government, written 
 down in the fundamental law, and sacredly enforced. 
 
 To write it there is not the work of the church, but 
 requires a political party; to maintain and establish it 
 there may require the maintenance of that party. What 
 is a political party? Says one definition: 
 
 "One of the parts into which a people is divided on questions 
 of public concern." 
 
 Should the People be divided on the Temperance 
 question? Is it not of sufficient public importance to 
 divide the people upon? 
 
 "A party," says the Standard Dictionary, is 
 
 "One of the opposing political organizations striving for 
 supremacy in a State."
 
 214 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Should any party strive for supremacy on behalf of 
 this reform? 
 
 In one of its national deliverancies (1888) the Repub- 
 lican Party declared that 
 
 "The first concern of good government is the virtue and 
 sobriety of the people and the purity of the home." 
 
 Who denies it? What Republican will now rise up and 
 say that this declaration of his party was not true? 
 
 Certainly upon "the first concern of good government" 
 the people may be divided, if unhappily there be any 
 portion of the people who do not believe in virtue and 
 purity in the American Home. For the supremacy of 
 this "first concern" surely a part of the people should 
 stand. 
 
 What is a Political party? 
 
 According to Gladstone : 
 
 "An instrument for attaining great ends." 
 
 // "the first concern of good government is the virtue 
 and sobriety of the people and the purity of the home," 
 can there be any greater ends for government to seek 
 than the establishment of these? Could any "instrument" 
 be more needed than an "instrument" for attaining them ? 
 
 What is a political party? 
 
 According to Edmund Burke : 
 
 "A body of men joined together, for the purpose of promoting, 
 by their joint endeavors, the national interest upon some par- 
 ticular principle upon which they are all agreed." 
 
 Does any man believe that the national interests can be 
 promoted in any other way so well as by shutting up the 
 saloons and stopping the sale of Strong Drink ? Is there 
 any man who knows of any other particular principle
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 215 
 
 upon which a great body of men are now agreed, which 
 could be made a fact in government with such beneficent 
 financial, political and moral results? 
 
 The field is challenged to find one other such principle, 
 and the challenge will not be accepted by any honest and 
 intelligent citizen. 
 
 By all the definitions of party, then, which are accepted 
 as fair and exact; by all the philosophy of morals and 
 politics which can be sustained in logic and which has 
 been embodied in law ; the Temperance Question demands 
 a political party for settlement, and can never be settled 
 outside a political party. But 
 
 IV. NO POLITICAL PARTY CAN ESTAB- 
 LISH A POLITICAL REFORM AS A FACT IN 
 GOVERNMENT WHEN INSIDE THE PARTY 
 THERE IS AN ELEMENT OPPOSING THE RE- 
 FORM GREATER THAN THE PARTY'S DOMI- 
 NATING MAJORITY. 
 
 A party is not an army. It can not be wielded in solid 
 phalanx, at the word of command. It is but a body of 
 men joined together because agreed upon some particular 
 principle. For that principle it may be massed as a unit, 
 but for no other. Be the party what it may, let some 
 question arise within it on which all are not agreed, and 
 the disagreeing minority will make possible its defeat. 
 Such possible defeat will be made sure, if this disagree- 
 ing minority exceed in size the normal majority which 
 the party boasts over its opponents. 
 
 There are in round numbers about 30,000 licensed 
 liquor-sellers in the State of New York. It is fair to 
 assume that each one of these represents, in himself and 
 in those whom he may directly control, at least five votes. 
 Here, then, are 150,000 straight liquor votes in the two
 
 216 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 old parties of this one State. Evenly divided, this would 
 mean 75,000 liquor votes in each of the great parties. 
 Probably no one will claim that less than 50,000 of these 
 votes are found in either the Republican or the Demo- 
 cratic party. Take these 50,000 votes out of either party, 
 and add them to the other party, and there would be a 
 change in party figures of 100,000, while the normal 
 Democratic or Republican plurality of New York has not 
 reached one-half such amount 
 
 It may be charged, without fear of contradiction, that 
 even in 1882, when the Democratic party's plurality 
 exceeded 192,000, there were more liquor votes then in 
 that party, in New York, than this abnormal winning fig- 
 ure would record. It is equally true, no doubt, that even 
 in 1896, when the Republican plurality was unparalleled, 
 reaching over 260,000, the liquor vote in that party 
 matched it, if not more. 
 
 No intelligent man will claim that there are not inside 
 each of the great parties in New York at least a quarter 
 of a million men who do not believe in Prohibition as a 
 means of settlement for this Reform. Were either party 
 to declare for this means of settlement, for Prohibition 
 as the basis of settlement, the liquor vote the anti-Prohi- 
 bition vote would leave it en masse. This is not theory, 
 nor prophecy ; it is history. 
 
 And this is why the Republican Party, though begin- 
 ning there as a Prohibition Party, and claiming for so 
 many years to be a Temperance party, in New York, 
 became so openly a License Party and set itself so boldly 
 for perpetuation of the Liquor Business. It sought to 
 save the saloon vote, through a saloon policy. Its enor- 
 mous plurality, immediately following adoption of the 
 Raines Law, was proof that it did not lose that vote in
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 217 
 
 consequence of that law. The loss of that plurality in 
 large part, a year later, may have indicated some disgust 
 with some of the Law's provisions on the part of saloon 
 men. But any License Law, however burdensome to 
 the Liquor Business, will hold for the party originating it 
 a large share of the anti-Prohibition vote. A Prohibition 
 Law would lose it all that vote. 
 
 It requires a successful party to establish any reform in 
 government as a fact. Agreement is indispensable to 
 success. A divided party means a defeated party. 
 Neither the Republican nor the Democratic party in New 
 York or in Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa 
 will ever be agreed upon Prohibition while those two 
 parties live. Under the laws of partizan human nature 
 and of party politics, as they rule today, for either of 
 these parties to declare for Prohibition, by a majority act 
 in Convention, would be to invite defeat at the polls 
 would mean simple party suicide. If either party is pre- 
 pared to die, that method may be recommended. It would 
 be respectable, unselfish, and sure. 
 
 When it came to burial, however, what should we 
 bury? and where should we go to weep over the 
 remains? A party is but "one of the parts into which a 
 people is divided." It has no more body or soul, to lose 
 or save, than a ghost. It is imponderable, intangible. 
 Nothing dies, if a party die, but a noun a very proper 
 noun, it may be or an adjective used instead of a noun. 
 The People abide even that one part of the people which 
 it is said a party is. 
 
 You might bury all the parties in this land, this very 
 day if you could find anything for burial, and if you 
 could find a grave large enough, or small enough, to bury
 
 2i8 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 them in and no man would miss anything tomorrow. 
 The world would wag right on, in its old-fashioned way. 
 And all our tears would be for something dead which 
 never had organic life, for something gone we never 
 saw! 
 
 Yet parties are a necessity while government exists, as 
 ghost-like as they are, as disembodied as they must be, in 
 their organic whole. Some party is imperative, to estab- 
 lish as a fact in government the greatest reform ever pro- 
 posed since government began. 
 
 "But why a Prohibition Party?" comes again the 
 second inquiry to which we at first referred. "Why name 
 it so?" we are further asked. "Why make it so? Why 
 not a High License Party? or a High Tax Party? or 
 a Local Option Party? We might go with you under 
 some other name, and on a different principle," say a 
 great multitude. "Why not give us a chance?" 
 
 Well, friends, we want you to come, we urge you to 
 come, our victory waits on your coming, but we say to 
 you and this is our final proposition: 
 
 V. THERE IS NO PRINCIPLE BUT PRO- 
 HIBITION ON WHICH THIS POLITICAL RE- 
 FORM CAN BE MADE A FACT IN GOVERN- 
 MENT BY ANY POLITICAL PARTY. 
 
 There is no principle proposed for the settlement of 
 this Temperance Question by any but Prohibitionists. 
 
 "Ah, but," comes the answer, "there is the principle of 
 License ; you surely must admit that." 
 
 No ; License is not a principle ; it is only an exception 
 to the principle of Prohibition. 
 
 What is a principle? 
 
 A fixed, immutable, unalterable and uniform physical, 
 moral, spiritual, political or scientific law. It is the same
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 219 
 
 in Massachusetts as in Mississippi, in Kentucky as in 
 Connecticut, in Michigan as in Maryland. 
 
 There is nothing fixed, or immutable, or uniform, about 
 License, or Tax, or Local Option. And all these are 
 based upon the one fixed, immutable, unchanging prin- 
 ciple of Prohibition, to which either is an exception, and 
 which is antagonized by all. 
 
 There must be prohibition of all men, before you can 
 license any man, or tax any man ; and even Local Option 
 builds on the principle but allows men to say whether or 
 where it shall be broken. 
 
 Every License law is a confession that the principle of 
 Prohibition exists, and is right. Either the State which 
 enacts the law had a right to prohibit the licensed thing, 
 or it has no right to accept the license fee. If the 
 licensed man had a right to pursue his licensed vocation 
 before he paid his license fee, then the exaction of that 
 fee by the State was a license fraud. He either had that 
 right, or the State had right to prohibit it, and later, if at 
 all, to confer it for the price he paid. 
 
 But had the State any right to confer that right, on his 
 payment of a price? I tell you nay! 
 
 "There is no inherent right in a citizen to sell intoxicat- 
 ing liquors by retail," says the Supreme Court of the 
 United States ; and in close connection it declares : 
 
 "No legislature can bargain away the public health or the 
 public morals." 
 
 If there is no inherent right in the citizen to sell, it 
 must be because there is inherent wrong in the sale. If 
 there is inherent wrong in the sale, what right have Town 
 Boards, or Boards of Excise, or Legislatures, or even the 
 People themselves, to say that sales may be ? What right
 
 220 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 has any man to propose a policy of sale ? What right has 
 one part of a people, otherwise a party, to stand for such 
 a policy, to proclaim it, to support it, to perpetuate it? 
 What right has any patriot, any Christian, to ally himself 
 with such a party, supporting and perpetuating such a 
 policy, for the direct purpose or with the direct result of 
 bartering public morals for a price? 
 
 "Ah, but," comes a rejoinder, "the License policy, in 
 its proper form, is but a Tax Policy. License means Tax, 
 properly interpreted. And you surely will not go so far 
 as to deny the State's right to tax the Liquor business ?" 
 
 Yea, verily, our denial even goes that far, and with 
 good reason. 
 
 What is taxation? 
 
 De Laveleye, the greatest French economist, has 
 declared : 
 
 "It is the price paid by the citizens for the blessings of social 
 order." 
 
 In the language of Montesquieu : 
 
 "The revenue of the State is a portion of his wealth sacrificed 
 by each citizen in order to gain security for the rest, or the 
 means of enjoying it more agreeably." 
 
 De Laveleye further says: 
 
 "When in exchange for the tax a government gives neither 
 security nor comfort, the tax is mere robbery." 
 
 Does it not follow that when the security is incomplete, 
 and the comfort inadequate, the tax is robbery to a cer- 
 tain extent? Do not partial comfort and security prove 
 partial robbery? 
 
 If I, a citizen, pay for security not afforded me, has 
 not my money been taken upon a false pretense? Has 
 government any right to take my tax, my tribute, my
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 221 
 
 payment for security and comfort, and then accept a pay- 
 ment, a tribute, a tax, from any other man, for any other 
 business that discounts the comfort and security for 
 which I pay ? 
 
 If he pay a special tax on a special business, is it not 
 for the special purpose that in such business he may have 
 a special privilege? Has government any right to grant 
 any man any special privilege to the cost of my security 
 and comfort when I have paid for the same ? 
 
 John Stuart Mill has been more quoted in favor of 
 Personal Liberty, and against Prohibition, than any other 
 man. In his Chapter on the General Principles of Taxa- 
 tion Mr. Mill declares : 
 
 "The ends of government are as comprehensive as those of 
 the social union. They consist of all the good, and all the 
 immunity from evil, which the existence of government can be 
 made either directly or indirectly to bestow." 
 
 When I pay, then, for the support of government, I 
 give tribute, I sacrifice of my possessions, that the best 
 ends of government may be mine I contribute to the 
 maintenance of government that I may receive from it 
 the greatest possible good, and may be insured by it the 
 largest possible immunity from ill. 
 
 And I deny that government has any right to recog- 
 nize, to foster, to protect, upon any terms of payment, 
 either of License or Tax, any bad business or industry, 
 any evil or wrong, from which I can not be guaranteed 
 that immunity for which I pay. I declare that when I 
 pay my tax, as the loyal tribute to government of a loyal 
 citizen, I have established my claim to the government's 
 loyal consideration of all my interests and rights, and 
 Government, through special grants to other men, must 
 not be disloyal to me !
 
 222 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "Ah, but," is finally insisted, "license or tax, right or 
 wrong, the will of the people must rule. Whatever the 
 majority wish, you must admit, they should have. This 
 is a government of the people, by the people, for the 
 people." 
 
 But why did we not apply this logic to the problem of 
 Slavery? The slaveholder did so apply it, and insist that 
 we should, and we refused. Every slaveholder was a 
 Local Optionist. All he asked was that the people should 
 rule in those localities where they believed in Slavery. 
 Because men did not want slaves in New York, he argued, 
 was no reason why he should not want and have slaves 
 in North Carolina, or any other Southern State. 
 
 Said his Northern ally, Stephen A. Douglas, in 1857: 
 
 "If Kansas wants a Slave- State Constitution, she has a right 
 to it; if she wants a Free-State Constitution, she has a right to 
 it. It is none of my business which way the slave clause is 
 decided." 
 
 That was Local Option on a broad scale, sure enough. 
 Douglas was openly a Local Optionist on that question. 
 But Abraham Lincoln was not. And it was he the man 
 whose Proclamation finally freed the slave who 
 answered Mr. Douglas in these words: 
 
 "He contends that whatever community wants slaves has a 
 right to have them. So they have if it is not a wrong. But if it 
 is a wrong, he can not say a people have a right to do a wrong." 
 
 "Squatter Sovereignty" had an able advocate in 
 Douglas, but it went down before the logic of righteous- 
 ness. Local Option is the "Squatter Sovereignty" of the 
 saloon, but it can not stand an hour before the spirit of our 
 institutions which is Human Brotherhood, in precept
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 223 
 
 and practise, in Church and State. It fails utterly, this 
 Local Option policy does, when you test it by the measure 
 of Principle, in place of which it puts taste, sentiment, 
 self-interest, political considerations. Carry the logic of 
 Local Option to its legitimate end, and every vicious com- 
 munity should rule itself, should have the right to spread 
 its vicious influence throughout the State. 
 
 But the fact holds, that in the settlement of Moral Right 
 versus Wrong majorities never have counted; the 
 majority wish of localities or sections has never been a 
 final arbiter. 
 
 Lincoln was greater than Douglas; and he uttered a 
 great truth when he said: 
 
 "Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and 
 the nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to 
 any policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as 
 being an indifferent thing. Nothing will make you successful 
 but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as being 
 wrong." 
 
 So we yield all, when we yield to any policy which 
 recognizes the Liquor Traffic as being right or as having 
 rights which concedes that anywhere the people may 
 treat it as a matter of righteous choice which allows that 
 any legislature may confer rights upon it, or any part of 
 a State may authorize it to be. 
 
 If a majority-right in a whole State did not remove the 
 moral and political wrong of slavery, no majority- 
 right in a single town or county can remove the 
 wrong of License. 
 
 Lincoln was greater than Douglas far greater until 
 that day when Douglas ceased being an apologist and a 
 partizan, and became a Patriot. "There are now but two 
 parties," he declared then "patriots and traitors."
 
 224 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Today there are but two parties, with regard to this 
 one great reform Prohibitionists and Perpetuationists. 
 Whoever stands for Local Option, or Tax, or License, or 
 for any party supporting either, is a Perpetuationist in 
 fact, whatever way he spells his political name. If the 
 Liquor Traffic is a traitor to the Home as it is ; a foe to 
 the School as it is ; the enemy of the Church as it is ; 
 disloyal to the Republic as it is a Perpetuationist can 
 not be a Patriot in the fullest sense. And no party, I 
 care not how loyal may have been its past, can stand for 
 the policy of Saloon Perpetuation and be truly patriotic 
 now. 
 
 Patriotism meant once to save the nation ; it means now 
 to save those institutions whereon the Nation's perpetuity 
 depends to save the Boy, as the citizen in embryo, the 
 very germ of the State. 
 
 But now our great parties wax ardent in their zeal for 
 everything but Manhood. They respond with cheerful 
 alacrity to about every demand upon their consideration 
 save the demand of the Home for its protection the 
 demand of Motherhood for defense against its bitterest 
 enemy the demand of Childhood for guardianship from 
 its most unrelenting foe. 
 
 They are not the half so humanitarian as a certain 
 policeman in New York of whom I read. There was a 
 fire in one of those great apartment houses, an apart- 
 ment on the fourth floor being in flames. With great 
 exertion all the occupants had been removed in safety, 
 as they supposed, when suddenly the woman of the saved 
 household began wringing her hands and crying out in 
 distress, as she ran up and down on the sidewalk "Save 
 my baby ! Oh, save my baby !" 
 
 A brave police officer heard her, asked where the
 
 MORAL FACTS AND POLITICAL FACTORS 225 
 
 baby was, and rushed back into the burning apartment. 
 Up the stairs he went, and the lookers-on held their 
 breath. He was taking life in his hands, but it was to 
 save a life. He was doing a noble deed, and they honored 
 him. 
 
 Into the smoking rooms he rushed, and found the 
 special room to which he had been directed, and there, 
 tied with a cord to a leg of the table, was a pet pug dog, 
 and around its neck a silver collar on which was the name 
 "Baby." And that "Baby" her "Baby" was borne 
 to the anxious woman on the sidewalk by that brave man 
 who had risked his life for a dog. 
 
 The best motherhood of America begs for the life of 
 its own. The babe, the Boy, inside the Home or lured 
 away into dens of infamy and vice, is in dire danger 
 today. Worse than the fires of this world threaten him. 
 The flames and fumes of Drink, the wreck and ruin of 
 the Liquor Traffic, are all about him. He should be saved, 
 for his own sake, and the Home's sake, and the sake of 
 all that is dear and sacred in Society. If he were only 
 a pig-iron dog, with a silver collar on it, or a silver dog 
 with a gold collar, and if on that collar were the "Baby's" 
 name, then the great parties would be as brave as that 
 policeman was who cared so bravely for life they would 
 seek to save it, for the silver in its body or the gold 
 around its neck. 
 
 But the Boy, for his own sake, for sake of the Man 
 he should become, they will not try to save. To a dead 
 past they may be loyal, but not to a living present, and a 
 future embodied in Today's Youth. 
 
 The new line of patriotic party division runs direct and 
 straight between the Home, the School, the Church, the 
 Ballot-Box, upon the one side, and the saloon upon the
 
 I 
 226 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 other. No patriot can be on both sides of that line at 
 once. If he will stand in the saloon door he must get off 
 the church steps. If he believes in saloon perpetuity 
 if he persists in supporting a political policy which per- 
 petuates the saloon he should stop praying for the sal- 
 vation of men and the glory of God. The Prohibitionist 
 seeks to establish in government a moral fact, for the 
 perpetuity of the nation and the welfare of all. He must 
 do this through a political factor which represents the 
 fact. The Perpetuationist upholds immorality, condones 
 crime, defends vice, maintains wrong, opposes Right, and 
 hinders the progress of Civilization. This he does 
 through a political party upholding the saloon, and 
 responsible for its results. His intent may not go thus 
 far, but thus far goes the effect of his party support. The 
 record of his act is in his ballot, and in the results of that, 
 not in his intention; and by that record must he be 
 judged. 
 
 And at the last an honest man's intent 
 
 The thing which in his heart he surely meant 
 
 Was but the thing which o'er and o'er he did, 
 
 And not some purpose that his doing hid. 
 
 Would he in earnest serve his fellow men, 
 
 His deed swift matches his intention then ; 
 
 Would he in earnest smite the Giant Wrong, 
 
 His blow is true, and like his faith is strong; 
 
 Is he a patriot faithful, firm and bold, 
 
 He holds his manhood dearer far than gold, 
 
 Or place, or party, and his fellow man 
 
 He serves in love wherever serve he can, 
 
 His duty pointing on Election Day 
 
 To yonder place where Sundays he should pray, 
 
 His ballot proving, when the count is in, 
 
 How at the Ballot-Box he hated sin 
 
 And smote it there, for God and Man to win!
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 
 
 And the government shall be upon his shoulder. Isaiah g, 6.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 
 
 TAKING the Bible for his theme, an eminent puipit 
 orator once declared in my hearing that anybody 
 could find anything in said Book which they desired to 
 find and for which they sought. He was even willing to 
 admit that hell-fire could be found there, as he good- 
 naturedly confessed, while himself not believing in it; and 
 he rather rejoiced that other preachers find it, and are 
 willing to preach it, "because," he said, "men are like 
 swine some men. 
 
 "I remember," he went on, with his bit of a brogue, 
 "when I was a lod in Yorkshire (England), seeing a 
 mon driving a swine along the road, and the beast lay 
 down in the mud and wouldn't budge an inch, you know 
 just lay there grunting. And coaxing wouldn't do any 
 good, and beating wouldn't do any good ; but by and by 
 the mon just put a wisp of straw under the swine's nose 
 and set fire to it ; and then the beast got up and went on. 
 
 "So there are some men, you know, going along the 
 highway of life," continued this quaint preacher, "who 
 lie down in the mud and slime of their own sins, and who 
 will not budge a foot. You can't coax them ; you can't 
 drive them ; there they stay. And I am just glad that 
 there are men who find a wisp of hell-fire and burn it 
 right under their noses, until they get up and move on. 
 I never could do it myself, you know, but it needs to be 
 done, and I'm glad somebody can do it."
 
 230 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 The Bible is wonderfully comprehensive and inclusive, 
 surely. Both believer and infidel will admit this. And 
 so, in its way, is the Dictionary. You can find almost 
 everything you wish in that even faith, and comfort, 
 and riches ; even joy, and sorrow, and sympathy ; though 
 the faith may not stay your soul, and the comfort may 
 not gladden your heart, and the riches may not relieve 
 your need the joy may be joyless, the sorrow but a 
 word, and the sympathy mere syllables. 
 
 So in the Dictionary you can find Politics just the 
 word, you know, with what it stands for clearly defined; 
 Politics, with other words related, though standing quite 
 apart, and a study of these and their meanings will not 
 be inopportune before we proceed further. 
 
 It is not party politics that we ask you to consider in 
 this chapter ; but Dictionary Politics. To this theme, of 
 course, no man should object who believes in the 
 Dictionary; to it no man will object, I am sure, who 
 believes in the Bible and the Dictionary both. And the 
 man who believes most in the Bible will have least objec- 
 tion to the Dictionary as ive shall use it. 
 
 Dictionary Politics let it be, then ; and let the Diction- 
 ary define: 
 
 ''Politics the science of Government; that part of ethics which 
 has to do with the regulation and government of a nation or 
 state; the preservation of its safety, peace and prosperity; the 
 defense of its existence and rights against foreign control or 
 conquest, the augmentation of its strength and resources, and 
 the protection of its citizens in their rights with the preserva- 
 tion and improvement of their morals." 
 
 Politics, then, according to the Dictionary, must relate 
 to the Governing Authority, and to those who are gov- 
 erned by it ; to the State, and to the unit of the State, the 
 individual citizen.
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 231 
 
 With Politics, therefore, every citizen has to do; and 
 Politics must deal with all citizens individually. Gov- 
 ernment builds upon the individual. 
 
 Listen to Chief-Justice Story, speaking to us from his 
 past generation: 
 
 "The American Republic above all others demands from every 
 citizen increasing vigilance and exertion, since we have deliber- 
 ately dispensed with every guard against danger and ruin except 
 the intelligence and virtue of the people themselves." 
 
 It follows that Politics must deal particularly with pri- 
 vate and public morals. It follows, further, that there 
 must be Political Righteousness. Within its realm, 
 popular intelligence and virtue must be conserved, pro- 
 moted, guarded, for the general good. 
 
 "Politics the Science of Government; that part of 
 Ethics." Thus runs the definition. 
 
 And what may ethics be? According to that great 
 philosopher and logician, Sir William Hamilton 
 
 "Ethics is the science of the laws which govern our action as 
 moral agents." 
 
 If Sir William's definition of Ethics be correct, and if 
 the Dictionary's definition of Politics be accepted, the 
 domain of Politics must lie within the realm of "our 
 action as moral agents." 
 
 Ethics, according to the Dictionary, is 
 
 "The science of human duty; the body of rules of duty, drawn 
 from this science." 
 
 What Ethics may be, then, depends upon what Duty is ; 
 and Duty, says the Dictionary, is 
 
 "The relation or obliging force of that which is morally right." 
 Therefore, Duty being what it is declared to be, Ethics
 
 232 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 being what it must be as the science of Duty, and Politics 
 being "that part of Ethics which has to do with the regu- 
 lation and government of a nation or State," "that which 
 is morally right" must dominate in Politics and prevail 
 in government, or Duty is outraged, Ethics belied, and 
 Politics disgraced. Therefore Christianity can hold aloof 
 from Politics only as it fails in Duty; therefore the Poli- 
 tics of the Dictionary cannot be barred from our pulpits 
 or cast out of our churches, without wrong to morality. 
 
 Things ethical may pertain either to church or State, 
 to the individual or the mass ; but all ethical things have 
 relation to Duty, and Duty is the moral bond between 
 man and man, in the mass or individually, or between man 
 and government, or between man and God. 
 
 "Duty," says another Dictionary definition, is "loyal 
 performance of obligation ;" and obligation implies moral 
 status, loyalty covers moral faithfulness; the loyal per- 
 formance of obligation, in Politics as in Religion, must be 
 recognized as a moral act; and immorality in Politics 
 becomes disloyalty in life, or as an immoral fact. 
 
 Politics, according to the Dictionary, must deal with 
 four distinct yet closely related things, which we may 
 well consider with care, viz. : 
 
 ist. The safety, peace and prosperity of the State. 
 
 2d. The defense of the State from interference 
 without. 
 
 3d. The increase and growth of the State from 
 material development within. 
 
 4th. The protection of its people in their rights, with 
 the preservation and improvement of their morals. 
 
 I. POLITICS AND THE STATE 
 If there be any element, agency or influence, in the
 
 233 
 
 State or outside of it, which threatens its prosperity, 
 safety or peace ; which would make it more easily a prey 
 to foreign power; which would hinder its increase of 
 strength and check its development of resources; which 
 would rob its citizenship of their rights and render impos- 
 sible the preservation and improvement of their morals 
 with that element, agency, or influence, Politics must 
 have immediate dealings, and these dealings must be in 
 both the material and the moral realms. Is there any 
 such element, agency, or influence, in State or Nation? 
 Let the New York Tribune answer: 
 
 "The Liquor Traffic is the greatest clog on the civilization of 
 the ipth century. It lies at the center of all political and social 
 mischief; it paralyzes energies in every direction. It neutralizes 
 educational agencies, it silences the voice of religion, it baffles 
 penal reform, it obstructs political reform." 
 
 Hear Gladstone, the great English leader, when he 
 says: 
 
 "This traffic has wrought more harm than the three historic 
 scourges, war, famine, and pestilence, combined." 
 
 Says the greatest newspaper in the world, The London 
 Times : 
 
 "We must somehow end this evil or it will end us." 
 
 Witnesses by the ten thousands could be cited from 
 the most eminent observers, to prove that in this and other 
 nations the Liquor Traffic impairs public safety, wrecks 
 public and private peace, weakens the strength of the 
 State, exposes it to domestic and foreign disturbance, dis- 
 counts its development and prosperity, robs the people of 
 their rights, and insures degradation of their morals. 
 
 This being so, and Politics being what the Dictionary 
 asserts, Politics must deal with the Liquor Traffic, and
 
 234 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Christian Citizenship must deal with Politics, or forever 
 fail in its obligations to God and Man. 
 
 II. POLITICS AND THE DEFENSE OF THE 
 STATE 
 
 "The defense of its existence and rights against for- 
 eign control or conquest," is a part of the duty which 
 Politics owes to the State, the nation, if the Dictionary 
 tell truth. 
 
 Such control or conquest may be sought by fleets and 
 armies, or in more secret and more successful ways. 
 Against the latter, as against the former, it is the province 
 of Politics to defend us. Our boast has been that we are 
 a Christian people, with Morality at the center of our 
 civilization. Foreign control or conquest is rapidly 
 making us un-Christian, with immorality throned in 
 power. 
 
 Besodden Europe, worse bescourged than by war, 
 famine and pestilence, sends here her drink-makers, her 
 drunkard-makers, and her drunkards, or her more tem- 
 perate but habitual drinkers, with all their un-American 
 or anti- American ideas of morality and government ; they 
 are absorbed into our national life, but not assimilated; 
 with no liberty whence they came, they demand unre- 
 stricted liberty among us, even to license for the things 
 we loathe; and through the ballot-box, flung wide open 
 to them by foolish statesmanship that covets power, their 
 "foreign control or conquest" has become largely an 
 appalling fact; they dominate our Sabbath, over large 
 areas of country ; they have set up for us their own moral 
 standards, which are grossly immoral; they govern our 
 great cities, until even Reform candidates accept their 
 authority and pledge themselves to obey it ; the great cities
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 235 
 
 govern the nation; and "foreign control or conquest" 
 could gain little more, though secured by foreign armies 
 and fleets. 
 
 As one feature of this foreign conquest, foreign capital 
 has come here, and to the extent of untold millions has 
 invested itself in breweries, until we are told that their 
 annual profits at one time reached about $25,000,000 
 yearly, sent over seas to foreign stockholders, who 
 shared thus in their conquest of America, while to them, 
 in their palaces and castles, American Labor paid tribute, 
 and for their behoof American morals were debased, the 
 American Sunday surrendered. 
 
 To make sure its continual security and profit, this 
 foreign capital gets and keeps control of the political 
 machinery of our great cities, through the saloon power, 
 and uses it to create saloon perpetuity. Cincinnati may 
 well be called the Beersheba of this country (though a 
 dozen other places might dispute her claim to such title), 
 and at the election there in the fall of 1897, seventy-seven 
 polling places were rented of saloon-keepers. It is not 
 believed that later years have shown any great improve- 
 ment in this respect. 
 
 Read the list of liquor licenses, granted in any city of 
 considerable size, and observe the proportion of foreign 
 names. Consider the increasing percentage of foreign 
 population, throughout all the cities of the North, and 
 estimate the number of saloons, in those cities, to every 
 one thousand voters, and you will see how far this foreign 
 control or conquest has already gone, and what are its 
 results. 
 
 Take one of our smaller cities, in the State of New 
 York, as the figures were given for 1898, in the Report of 
 the Commissioner of Excise, these being conveniently at
 
 236 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 hand take Elmira. It then had five saloons and four- 
 tenths for every 1,000 inhabitants. Assume that only 
 one-third of the inhabitants are adult males a large 
 assumption, probably and we had then in that city one 
 saloon for about every 62 voters. 
 
 Assume that every saloon averages forty patrons a 
 small assumption, no doubt and that ten of these are 
 under legal age (God help our country in the years to 
 come if this latter estimate be too small!), it follows that 
 of every 62 voters 30 were the direct allies of the 
 saloon, enlisted with it for conquest over American 
 morals, at the expense of America's welfare. 
 
 Utica's figures were even worse, and Buffalo's worse 
 than both; while Schenectady, Yonkers, Hudson and 
 Kingston held fairly along with all three each of these 
 five cities having between five and six saloons to every 
 1,000 people. Forming the class which have between four 
 and five saloons to every 1,000 were the cities of Amster- 
 dam, Albany, Cohoes, Dunkirk, Hornellsville, Little Falls, 
 Lockport, Middletown, Mt. Vernon, Newburgh, Oswego, 
 Poughkeepsie, Syracuse and Watervliet. 
 
 Binghamton, Brooklyn, Corning, Geneva, Gloversville, 
 New York, Ogdensburg, Troy, Rochester and Rome, had 
 each between three and four saloons to every 1,000 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Take the entire forty-one cities of New York State, 
 that year of 1898 (and the change since is not appreciably 
 for the better), and they averaged just four and one-half 
 saloons for every 1,000 people which those cities aggre- 
 gated ; making precisely one saloon to every seventy- four 
 voters and these forty-one cities contained over three- 
 fifths of the total population of our State. 
 
 On the basis of forty patrons for each saloon, and ten
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 237 
 
 of these under voting age, about two-fifths of all the 
 voters, in all these cities, are saloon supporters, in open or 
 secret alliance with the open or secret enemy of the Home, 
 the School, and the Church our distinctively American 
 institutions. 
 
 Such being the fact, why should we marvel that city 
 officials protect the brothel and license the bar? that 
 city governments are corrupt to their very core? that 
 municipal politics are a stench in the public nostrils? 
 and that even Good Government Clubs fear to assail the 
 source of political corruption the saloon system and 
 are as futile against the sirocco breath of saloon misrule 
 as a lady's fan against the blast of a hurricane ? 
 
 For bear in mind that the figures given did not include 
 any place where liquor is sold to be drunk off the prem- 
 ises, and that to the influence and power of the saloon 
 must be added the power and influence of the drug-store, 
 sometimes, of the brewery and the distillery always, when 
 you measure the voting strength of the liquor business, 
 and its domination over those interests which we as Chris- 
 tian Americans hold supremely dear. 
 
 III. POLITICS AND THE GROWTH OF THE 
 STATE 
 
 "The augmentation of its strength and resources," is 
 a part of the duty owing by Politics to the State, if the 
 Dictionary be true. 
 
 The Liquor Traffic depletes the resources of the State, 
 and paralyzes the strength of it. It has been thought wise 
 and beneficent statesmanship which adds territory to the 
 nation and extends our border-lines; we exulted, as a 
 people, over the acquisition of Louisiana, and Texas, and 
 California, and Alaska, and Porto Rico and the Philip-
 
 238 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 pines ; loud clamor has been heard for new acquisitions in 
 Canada. But however great may be its treasure, however 
 measureless its broad square miles, the real strength and 
 resources of a nation are not in these alone: they are in 
 its Manhood and Womanhood, in the institutions which 
 develop morality and character, in the human life 
 upbuilded thereby. 
 
 Whatever breeds ill for these is a menace to society and 
 the Nation. 
 
 Says Dr. Willard Parker, one of the greatest physicians 
 America has ever known, and speaking far more con- 
 servatively than some others : 
 
 "Alcohol is responsible for 35 per cent, of all lunacy, 45 per 
 cent, of all idiocy, 75 to 90 per cent, of pauperism, and 10 per 
 cent, of deaths." 
 
 Lunatics and idiots are the legitimate offspring of the 
 illegitimate saloon. They are the direct brood of alcohol 
 in the blood. Their percentage is increasing as the saloon 
 thrives. The more they multiply, the less augmentation 
 of strength and resources will the nation know. 
 
 Multiplying States, in this great Union of ours, will 
 not make it rich and permanent, without increase of sober 
 population, born of sober wedlock, nurtured at the breast 
 of sober motherhood, and reared in sober homes. 
 
 Said Count de Montalembert once, in the National 
 Assembly of France: 
 
 "Where there is a wine-shop, there are the elements of disease, 
 and the frightful source of all that is at enmity with the interests 
 of the workingman." 
 
 In this country, wherever there is a beer-shop the same 
 statement holds true. 
 
 Said Archbishop Ireland, of the Roman Catholic 
 Church, in a speech at Baltimore:
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 239 
 
 "The claim of saloon-keepers to freedom in their traffic is the 
 claim to spread disease, sin, pauperism." 
 
 Disease is an enemy of national increase ; and whatever 
 wars against the interests of workingmen is hostile to the 
 development of national resources. 
 
 M. Jules Simon, another distinguished Frenchman, 
 speaking of wine-drinking in France, once declared : 
 
 "Women rival the men in drunkenness. At Lille, at Rouen, 
 there are some so saturated with it that their infants refuse to 
 take the breast of a sober woman." 
 
 Change the reference from wine-drinking to beer- 
 drinking, and the statement would be nigh the truth in 
 some cities of America. Thousands of babes are born of 
 beer-drinking mothers which were drunken at birth and 
 will never be otherwise while they remain babes at the 
 breast and are not likely to become sober afterward, 
 amid their surroundings. 
 
 Every child born into this Christian country has a right 
 to sober birth and a fair chance. To a large per cent, of 
 children this right is denied by the drink habit ; and more 
 and more, year by year, the nation suffers because of this 
 terrible fact. Referring to the slum portions of our large 
 cities, Dr. Willard Parker has said: 
 
 "There many of the children are born of parents tainted on 
 both sides, and these are brought into the world with constitu- 
 tions so enfeebled that a large percentage of them die the first 
 year, and those that live are unsound in mind and body. * * * 
 I am led to the conclusion that by far the larger share of mental 
 disease, poverty and crime is the direct heritage of alcohol; 
 that it also is the cause of a great share of our bodily diseases, 
 and is a powerful element in shortening the average duration of 
 life in certain localities or among certain classes."
 
 240 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 We deplore Wars, as we deplore Pestilence and 
 Famine. They are a waste of treasure, and of life. But 
 worse than all these combined are the results of the 
 Liquor Traffic on Human Life alone, even if we measure 
 these results alone by death. 
 
 Assume that we are still only 70,000,000 of people, 
 instead of nearer 80,000,000 as shown by the Census of 
 1900, that there are annually eighteen deaths to every 
 1,000 persons, and that, as Dr. Parker estimates, ten per 
 cent, of these deaths are due to alcoholic drinks ; and this 
 means 126,000 lives given every year as an offering to the 
 Liquor Traffic ; while the total of soldiers killed in all the 
 four years of our great Civil War, on both sides, was 
 10,000 less than this yearly number! 
 
 According to Mulhall, the great English statistician, 
 the annual average loss of life, in all the leading wars of 
 all the world (fifteen of such), during ninety years ending 
 1880, was barely 50,000 (49,884) ; considerably under 
 half the total of yearly deaths caused by Drink in this 
 country alone, computing these on a lower basis than we 
 have just recorded them. 
 
 National conservation and protection, through care 
 and concern for Human Life, are demanded of Politics, 
 the applied science of government; and we are quick to 
 accord this in some cases. 
 
 Cholera's ravages begin in some foreign country, and 
 we close our ports against it promptly. Yellow fever 
 appears in the South, and sectional quarantine follows 
 with swift speed. Minor contagious diseases break out in 
 town or country, and household quarantine forbids even 
 neighborly intercourse. 
 
 A few hundred whalers are frozen up in the far north- 
 ern sea, and government swiftly dispatches an expedition 
 to their relief.
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 241 
 
 A few thousand gold seekers are threatened with 
 famine in the Klondyke, and Congress makes immediate 
 provision to supply them there. 
 
 But a hundred thousand men die annually of the Drink, 
 at our own doors burn themselves out with its liquid 
 fire and Congress will not even appoint a Commission 
 of Inquiry concerning the Liquor Traffic. Millions of 
 men breed disease in their own blood, and beget offspring 
 tainted with it; millions of women become unworthy of 
 motherhood, and breed impurity in their children; mil- 
 lions of children are born into pauperism and misery and 
 crime and statesmanship, so-called, gives no heed to 
 the cause Politics, the applied science of government, 
 only helps to propagate the curse. 
 
 For sake of the money drawn from it, and the men 
 engaged in it, our government protects the cause, and 
 perpetuates the curse; when the fact is that for every 
 dollar the Liquor Traffic yields it costs us at least sixteen 
 dollars, and for every man employed by it the traffic makes 
 two paupers, one lunatic, one idiot, and one criminal. 
 
 IV. POLITICS AND THE PROTECTION OF 
 RIGHTS, THE IMPROVEMENT OF MORALS 
 
 "The protection of its citizens in their rights," is a 
 part of the duty owing by Politics to the Nation, the 
 State, if Dictionary definitions define. 
 
 What rights? 
 
 The right, as a babe, to be born sober, first of all ; the 
 right to sober fatherhood and motherhood, in a sober 
 home. 
 
 The right, as a boy, to be safe outside the sober home, 
 in a sober community, through the streets of which he can 
 walk without a little licensed hell on every corner to 
 entice him away from heaven.
 
 242 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 The right, as a man, to the honest fruit of honest toil, 
 to the comforts which he earns or ought to earn by the 
 skill of sober hands, without a licensed thief on every 
 street to rob him of his daily wage and unfit him for his 
 daily work. 
 
 The right of a free-born, clean-born, sober-born 
 American citizen, to govern himself according to the dic- 
 tates of Morality and Manhood to stand for clean gov- 
 ernment and pure Morality in the State; to protect the 
 State and himself from the direst foe of Morality and 
 Manhood without the bribery or bulldozing of the 
 Liquor business, without fear of its political power or 
 assault from its licensed piracy. 
 
 The right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," 
 as declared in the sublime Charter of our National Inde- 
 pendence to life, protected from the most prolific source 
 of premature death ; to liberty, free from the shackles of 
 appetite which enslave men in their worst bondage; to 
 happiness, unassailed by the most fruitful and awful 
 cause of wretchedness, want and wo. 
 
 "The protection of its citizens in their rights, with the 
 preservation and improvement of their morals." 
 
 To this climax, brave and beneficent indeed, comes the 
 duty of Politics at last, in government as in the Diction- 
 ary, if Politics be not a coward. 
 
 And thus let it be fixt in your mind forever the apex 
 of the pyramid of the science of government of 
 Politics 
 
 MORALITY! 
 
 THE PRESERVATION AND 
 
 THE SURE IMPROVEMENT OF 
 
 PUBLIC MORALS, THROUGH AND BY 
 
 THE SOBER PRIVATE CITIZEN
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 243 
 
 "You can not legislate men into morality," has been 
 declared by some ; and "You have no right to do it if you 
 could," has been asserted by others ; but there stands the 
 pyramid, with MORALITY blazoned on the cap-stone, 
 and you can not pull it down ! 
 
 Or if you please to reverse the figure, there stands your 
 pyramid of Republicanism, of Democracy of the science 
 of government by the people, for the people, and of the 
 people with MORALITY at its base; and above this 
 broad foundation you may read Education, Industry, 
 Wealth, Strength, with MANHOOD royally crowning 
 the whole! 
 
 If you can not legislate men into Morality, you can 
 legislate Morality into men. Deny this, and you deny 
 the force and effect of Law. Prove your denial true, and 
 you have shown the folly of the Decalog. 
 
 "The end of all political struggle," declared Emerson, 
 the poet-statesman, "is to establish morality as the basis 
 of civilization." 
 
 And if we accept the declaration of Charles Sumner, 
 that noblest statesman-scholar of the most heroic epoch 
 this nation ever knew, true politics must mean "the appli- 
 cation of morals to political life." 
 
 The only conspicuous contradiction of utterances like 
 these, was in the person of a brilliant Western Senator, 
 who pronounced the Decalog an "iridescent dream" in 
 public life, sued for a divorce between Politics and 
 Morality in the High Court of Public Opinion, had his 
 application denied "with costs" (the cost of his own good 
 fame and political fortune), and closed his public career 
 as reporter of a prize fight for a journal daily exploiting 
 the lowest order of private life and public record. 
 
 "Morality," said Daniel Webster once, "is the chief 
 qualification for citizenship."
 
 244 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 And who dares deny this ? What petty politician, even, 
 hunting the suffrage of his fellows for some paltry place, 
 will declare that Webster the Statesman was wrong? 
 And if he was right the great and god-like Daniel, as 
 he was called, he of the forum and the Senate why not 
 also that other Webster, the definer of words, in the defi- 
 nition with which we began and on which we build 
 why not also the Standard Dictionary, in its definition, 
 differing somewhat as to language, but embodying the 
 same spirit? 
 
 If "Morality is the chief qualification of citizenship," 
 then the chief duty of Politics is to preserve and improve 
 the morals of all who are or may become citizens; then 
 every leader in Politics must hold public morality superior 
 to all other considerations ; then every political party must 
 refuse alliance with and responsibility for everything 
 which is morally debasing; then every teacher of morals, 
 and every man claiming Christian Citizenship, must be 
 loyal to Citizenship and Morality before all else before 
 personal preferment, or party gain, or church cowardice 
 must stand four-square for Truth as in the face of 
 God! 
 
 So our two great Websters Noah, and Daniel; the 
 definer of words and the orator of the world so other 
 great statesmen and other great definers make plain 
 and clear the one great political and moral Issue for the 
 Century just begun The Liquor Power versus Moral 
 Supremacy. 
 
 What is an issue ? Let one Definer say : 
 
 "The presentation of alternatives between which to 
 choose or decide." 
 
 The alternatives are before us: the Liquor Traffic, as 
 "the greatest clog on the civilization of the iQth Century,"
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 245 
 
 to be perpetuated and carried forward as the greatest clog 
 on the Twentieth Century civilization; or Prohibition 
 of that Traffic, and removal of the clog, through 
 the proper application of "Politics the science of 
 government." 
 
 Between these alternatives we must choose or decide 
 churches, in what they say, and in what organically they 
 can do ; parties, in what they declare for and in the policy 
 they uphold; men, citizens, at the ballot-box, in what 
 they vote. 
 
 Are you a Democrat? What is a Democrat? Says the 
 Standard Dictionary: 
 
 "One who favors a government controlled by the 
 people." 
 
 Are you a Republican? What is a Republican? Says 
 the Dictionary: 
 
 "One who advocates or upholds a Republican form of 
 Government." 
 
 From Lincoln, in his immortal words at Gettysburg, 
 down to the smallest campaign orator, the reiteration has 
 come to us that this is a government by the people. If 
 such be the fact, and if government by the people is a 
 Republican form of government, we may reduce 
 these definitions to their exact meaning in simpler 
 phrase : 
 
 A Democrat one who believes in Republican insti- 
 tutions. 
 
 A Republican one who believes in Democratic insti- 
 tutions. 
 
 Democrat and Republican, then, are alike in definition, 
 identical in foundation belief. Both stand for self-govern- 
 ment by the people for the defense of those institutions 
 which make it safe and wise for the people to govern
 
 246 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 themselves. If the party of either fail in its defense of 
 these if the Democratic or the Republican party stand 
 for anything which endangers these institutions that 
 party is neither Democratic nor Republican, but a libel 
 on its name, and no man can support that party and be 
 what he calls himself, a Republican or Democrat. His 
 party's name is a misnomer, and he is no longer politically 
 what he professes to be. 
 
 A "clog upon civilization" must be a menace to society 
 to those Democratic and Republican institutions upon 
 which our nation rests. Any party holding in trust these 
 institutions, and upholding the Saloon System, is disloyal 
 to its trust. Any loyal party in this Republic, true to the 
 principles of its founders and the faith which gave 
 it birth, will solemnly and loyally assert and main- 
 tain that 
 
 Whatever abridges human life, or degrades human 
 character, shall not be licensed by Government or 
 upheld in Law. 
 
 This is the only conclusion which Christian Citizenship 
 can reach. This is the only final patriotic utterance which 
 is worthy a Christian minister in the pulpit or a Christian 
 patriot at the polls. 
 
 And there at the polls we leave him, the Christian 
 Patriot, to do his duty in the light of Christian Politics 
 the Science of Government in full accord with the life 
 and lessons of Him who said "Render therefore unto 
 Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and unto God the 
 things that are God's !" of Him concerning whom it was 
 foretold by the ancient prophet "And the Government 
 shall be upon His shoulder" of Him who should stand 
 forever in this Republic as the ideal type of a CHRIS- 
 TIAN CITIZEN.
 
 DICTIONARY POLITICS 247 
 
 Make room for him there, O ye men 
 Who care not for duty or God ! 
 
 Make room for a man 
 
 Who must walk as he can 
 The way which the patriots trod ! 
 There he stands as a unit for freedom 
 Of Manhood, and purpose, and might,- 
 
 Make room for him there, 
 
 In his ballot a prayer, 
 Embodied, for Truth and the Right. 
 
 II 
 
 Make room for him there, lesser men 
 Who bow to your party's behest! 
 
 Make room for a son 
 
 Of the Patriots, one 
 Who carries their creed in his breast 
 In his heart is the hope of the nation ; 
 Its trust is upheld in his hands ; 
 
 Make room for him, then, 
 
 As a master of men 
 Obeying his Master's commands! 
 
 Ill 
 
 Make room for him there, as he comes 
 A witness for God and the Truth! 
 Defender of all 
 Who for justice may call 
 From want, or from weakness, or youth. 
 There he stands in his glory, a freeman 
 No bond party-slave to be freed ! 
 His forehead might wear 
 A King's coronet, fair 
 As crowns but the kingliest deed !
 
 248 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 IV 
 
 Make room for A MAN, as he brings 
 His tribute to God and the Right,- 
 Who goes with the soul 
 Of a freeman, to goal 
 The grandest in Liberty's Light, 
 Who bears in the boon of his ballot 
 A trust that he never betrays, 
 Make room for him where, 
 With his ballot a prayer, 
 He votes as the Patriot prays!
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 
 
 A wonderful and horrible thing is committed in the land; 
 * * * and my people love to have it so: and what will ye do in 
 the end thereof? Jeremiah 5, 30, 31.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 
 I. PREVALENCE OF THE CURSE 
 
 A CURSE was upon our people, but they gave it small 
 * * heed. It festered in the city slums ; it poisoned the 
 villages ; it blighted the hamlets ; it shadowed the homes ; it 
 corrupted the citizens ; it polluted politics ; it endangered 
 the foundations of society ; it menaced the maintenance of 
 the State; it sapped public morals; it paralyzed private 
 industry ; it robbed the purse of Labor ; it stole from the 
 tills of trade ; it calloused conscience, and hardened man- 
 hood, and weakened brain, and shrivelled character, and 
 strangled religion, and perverted patriotism. 
 
 It did all this, and more so much more that words 
 and patience fail me for the sickening recital, and I must 
 draw on your imagination for the further awful array of 
 facts; and yet the people gave it little heed, or heeding 
 made no sign. And the Curse went on, gathering force 
 and power, increasing and widening its effect, becoming 
 constantly a greater peril and more aggressive, dominating 
 legislation and administration, nominating the officers of 
 law, nullifying law itself, breeding misrule, defying 
 Authority, prostituting Government, and shaming Man- 
 kind. 
 
 But still the great mass of men were not concerned 
 about it, or if they were they held their peace. A few 
 cried out against the Curse, and would not cease to cry; 
 
 251
 
 252 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 the many would not hear, or hearing went their way and 
 smiled at those who feared. 
 
 A Crime smote the people, as if it were a lightning-bolt 
 from out serenest blue. Men staggered where they stood. 
 For an hour, for a day, the social fabric reeled. The finger 
 of an assassin, pressing the fatal trigger, felt for and 
 almost found the Nation's heart. For the assassin's 
 victim was the Nation's head honored and beloved; he 
 typified the Republic; he was the Government embodied. 
 To shoot him down was to strike a blow at our national 
 institutions ; and this blow these felt in every fiber ; under 
 it they quivered even to the core. 
 
 The shot of the Anarchist at Buffalo, on the 6th of 
 September, 1901, was heard round the world. And the 
 world went into mourning, not merely because a great and 
 good ruler was gone, but because in such a land as this a 
 ruler such as he could meet an end like his. 
 
 By the manner of his taking-off, the Nation's grief over 
 President McKinley's death was intensified to a degree 
 almost without historic parallel, until even the heart-beats 
 of trade and business were hushed, from ocean to ocean, 
 as they laid him in his tomb. 
 
 And a great chorus of outcries went up against this 
 awful Crime against the spirit of Anarchy that could 
 inspire it against the conspirators responsible for it. 
 From the Pulpit and the Press these outcries were heard ; 
 and one demand was voiced by them all the Anarchist 
 must go. This clamor grew insistent, from the hour of 
 that cruel, unchristian deed on the Pan American Grounds 
 until the hour of Mr. McKinley's Christian death, and 
 after that it swelled like a spring torrent, and swept across 
 the land like a cyclone, and the wrath of a great people 
 against Anarchism was as mighty and wide-spread in
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 253 
 
 expression as was their grief over the Crime which 
 Anarchism had wrought, or their sorrow over the loss 
 which came of that Crime. 
 
 And yet in all the hundreds of printed columns, in 
 all the scores of daily newspapers, that I read during 
 those twelve dark days between the President's assassina- 
 tion and sepulture, not one single paragraph appeared 
 suggesting a natural and logical connection between the 
 Crime and the Curse. We were told, it is true, varying 
 tales that connected the assassin with saloons that a 
 part of his education had been in a saloon his father kept ; 
 that he had been a barkeeper himself not many months 
 before, or had worked in a brewery and haunted saloons ; 
 that he was harbored in a Raines Law hotel of Buffalo 
 when he went there for his deadly work. We were told 
 how the police, in search for other anarchists, went 
 naturally and first to saloons, to find the men they sought ; 
 we were even advised by a high police official of New 
 York City (Mr. Devery) that the very chief of anarchists 
 (Herr Most) never could talk till he had "two or three 
 kegs of beer in him" ; but through no line or sentence of 
 printed comment or declaration did the great daily Press 
 make charge that the Saloon is the mother of Anarchy, 
 the hot-bed of lawlessness, the foe of government that 
 the Saloon is itself the most dangerous anarchist 
 America has ever known. 
 
 In certain weekly papers, of less influence, but with 
 more clearness of perception or more boldness of spirit, 
 this connection between the Curse and the Crime was 
 boldly proclaimed. The New Voice said: 
 
 "It is much to be doubted if an active anarchistic propagandist 
 or an active anarchistic assassin has ever come into prominence 
 who was not both physically and intellectually the product of the
 
 254 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 saloon. It is to be doubted if an anarchist's plot was ever laid 
 save over a beer can, or an anarchist's headquarters ever estab- 
 lished more than arm's-length away from a saloon." 
 
 And the fact stands that Herr Host's headquarters for 
 anarchists, in New York, were always in just that close 
 relation to the saloon he was said to have owned. 
 
 The New Voice further said : 
 
 "The point of supreme importance is the fact that for a full 
 half-century it has been taught from one end of the country to 
 the other, by the most forceful object lesson possible, that law 
 has no sacredness, statutes no force, and the will of the sovereign 
 people no meaning, when the liquor traffic is concerned. No one 
 feature of American life is more universal than the liquor traffic's 
 contempt of law. 
 
 "Whether the statute be regulative or prohibitive, whether it 
 be enacted by a municipality, a State Legislature, or the United 
 States Congress, the liquor traffic has demonstrated, not only 
 that it is not minded to regard it, but that it need not regard it. 
 
 "At the behest of the saloon, the officials of city and county 
 violate their oath of office have violated it so long and so com- 
 monly that the fact has ceased to provoke comment anywhere. 
 At the behest of the saloon, State officials disregard the will of 
 the people as expressed upon the statute books. At the dictation 
 of the liquor traffic the representatives of the people at Washing- 
 ton ignore legislation and even nullify the most specific enact- 
 ments, while Congress makes the Capitol itself the scene of 
 violation of law." 
 
 The Defender put into different phrase the same terri- 
 ble truth, and gave it still sharper point, in these words : 
 
 "Violence is by no means the only sign of anarchy, and if it 
 were the violence which attempts to kill Presidents is not the 
 only way in which it seeks manifestation. Anarchists, emerging 
 from their headquarters in the gin-mills, have been maiming and 
 killing God's innocents, Presidents in embryo for all we know, 
 ever since the government was formed, and scarcely a wail save
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 255 
 
 that of the dying and broken-hearted has gone up to heaven in 
 protest. 
 
 "The whole liquor power of the country has been in one con- 
 stant conspiracy of lawlessness for generations. The liquor 
 traffic has sought from the State laws permitting and protecting 
 the business, and has with perpetual insolence and cunning 
 ignored and violated the statutes of its own asking, and has done 
 so with the connivance of the State's own officials. Disrespect 
 for law has thus honeycombed the atmosphere, and it is but a 
 step in the descending order of education from the gibbeting of 
 a statute to the assassination of a President" 
 
 But such utterances concerning the Crime were con- 
 fined to journals which had long been crying out against 
 the Curse; they were not heard from the seats of the 
 mighty in journalism; they did not come from editorial 
 pens which wield power with the multitude, which mold 
 public policy. 
 
 II. OPPORTUNITY FOR THE CRIME 
 
 On that mournful iQth of September, when all the 
 nation stood as with bared head beside the dead Presi- 
 dent's bier, and when all the air throbbed and sobbed, 
 from the Atlantic to the Pacific, with the pleading and 
 pathos of that hymn which had come to be known as his 
 on that day when hearts beat in a unison of sorrow 
 around the globe, and when public teachers from every 
 \valk of life stood up in the presence of great public 
 gatherings and paid the tribute of tender speech to the 
 man whom Anarchy had slain on that day when tears, 
 perhaps, but fear and partizanship never, should dim the 
 vision of teachers and preachers and stay their faltering 
 tongues, many things were said that were inspired of 
 courage, many patriotic declarations were made as to the 
 sins and shame of our people ; and these the daily papers
 
 256 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 printed and magnified, as if in these were found the cure 
 for Anarchy in this country; and amid all these the 
 Saloon had slight if any mention the Curse was not held 
 responsible in any measure for the Crime the removal 
 of the Curse was not demanded as a condition essential to 
 protection from crime of like nature, conceived at the 
 same source, in years to come. 
 
 And why this remarkable silence as to this awful Curse 
 in presence of this awful Crime? 
 
 Over and over again I have put this question to myself. 
 But one answer seems to me possible, which is not an 
 evasion 
 
 The relation of the Curse to parties that control gov- 
 ernment, and the subjectivity of good men to the bad 
 parties which control them. 
 
 Yellow Journalism was condemned, and its prohibition 
 more than suggested ; but no man, minister or layman, so 
 far as reported, dared and did say in bold, plain English 
 "We must pull down the black flag of the Saloon !" 
 
 Anarchy was denounced with vigor, and anarchists 
 were eloquently and properly stigmatized, but preachers, 
 teachers, Congressmen, Senators and Governors all who 
 stood up before their fellow men on that sore day and 
 shaped their thought in speech apparently overlooked 
 the one American institution that, in the language of The 
 Voice, "more than all others combined, is 'the breeder and 
 feeder, instigator and abettor, of Anarchy THE 
 AMERICAN SALOON." 
 
 Said the only living ex-President, Grover Cleveland, in 
 an address before the faculty and students of Princeton 
 University : 
 
 "We can hardly fail to see, however, behind the bloody deed of 
 the assassin horrible figures and faces from which it will not do 
 to turn away."
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 257 
 
 And these horrible figures and faces, we may add, are 
 seen oftenest and surest in the saloon. 
 Said Mr. Cleveland further: 
 
 "If we are to escape further attack upon our peace and 
 security, we must boldly and constantly grapple with the monster 
 of Anarchy;" 
 
 and we can boldly and constantly grapple with this mon- 
 ster only where he constantly abides in the Saloon. 
 Speaking further of this monster Mr. Cleveland said: 
 
 "It is not a thing that we can safely leave to be dealt with by 
 party or partizanship. Nothing can guard us against its menace 
 except the teaching and the practise of the best citizenship, the 
 exposure of the ends and aims of the gospel of discontent and 
 hatred of social order, and the brave enactment and execution of 
 repressive laws." 
 
 Where the teaching and practice of the best citizenship 
 become dominant, the Saloon is impossible; where the 
 Saloon dominates, the teaching and practice of the best 
 citizenship can not prevail ; and repressive laws can not be 
 bravely enacted and executed under a partizanship that 
 serves the Saloon, in a party dominated by the Saloon. 
 
 Among the noblest utterances heard that day were those 
 of a man standing in the most famous pulpit of America 
 the successor of Henry Ward Beecher, in Plymouth 
 Church Rev. Dr. Hillis. Truly and well did he say: 
 
 "In the highest sense our President has now entered into the 
 Holy of Holies bearing the sins of his people with him. Rever- 
 ently we confess that' he was wounded for our transgressions and 
 he was bruised for our iniquities. Black and grievous the story 
 of the sins of the nation. In a Republic founded on law we 
 have fostered anarchy and lawlessness." 
 
 Yet in his recital of our transgressions, of our anarchy 
 and lawlessness fostered, the great preacher, so far as
 
 258 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 report said, spoke only of irreverent criticism, of brutal 
 blame, of class bitterness, and all that, and did not once 
 flame out in righteous arraignment of the unrighteous 
 Saloon, and of the system which perpetuates it and insures 
 the perpetuation of lawlessness and anarchy. But in 
 closing he did say a little, in a single sentence, that 
 implied much, and that men may well remember : 
 
 "If today, assembled in church and hall, the i eople register a 
 vow that they will so strengthen the home, the school, the press 
 and the church, through wise legislation and noble precept, as to 
 expel anarchy, lawlessness, injustice and class hatred from the 
 land, our martyred President will not have died in vain." 
 
 Was any such vow registered by the American People? 
 Then it means that we shall acknowledge and arraign the 
 Liquor Curse; that we shall admit its connection with 
 Anarchy and shall profit by Anarchy's foulest Crime ; that 
 we shall recognize honestly and honestly apply the only 
 Cure. 
 
 And what is this only Cure ? Who proposes it ? Who 
 can honestly and successfully apply it? 
 
 The Democratic Party says of the Curse: 
 
 "We will cure it by License. Where Personal Liberty 
 prevails a public curse cannot be prohibited. Or if you 
 do prohibit the many you must permit a few. Every man 
 has a right to make a beast of himself, and some other 
 man must be authorized to assist him according to law." 
 
 So, perpetuating the Curse, the Democratic Party 
 would perpetuate and legalize opportunity for the Crime. 
 
 Says the Republican Party: 
 
 "We will cure this Curse by a Tax. We will apply to 
 it such a Tax Law blister as will draw millions into our 
 State Treasury. The effects of the Curse may continue, 
 but we will poultice them with Revenue, and mollify
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 259 
 
 them with Income Ointment, and thrive upon our part- 
 nership with vice and sin." 
 
 And so in Brooklyn the Republican system of Cure 
 breeds two thousand Raines Law hotels (according to 
 Dr. Horace Porter, then assistant of Dr. Hillis), where a 
 baker's dozen of hotels had been sufficient before that 
 system was inaugurated; the dive and the den and the 
 house of the scarlet woman multiply and infest the City 
 of Homes, and the City of Churches becomes in shame 
 and infamy the city of drunken women and Sunday sales ; 
 and from a Raines Law hotel in Buffalo, product of the 
 Republican Cure for our State and National Curse, goes 
 forth the anarchist assassin, product of Liquor lawless- 
 ness, to slay the Republican President! 
 
 "What is the remedy for poverty?" thundered a Social- 
 ist orator, as if the conundrum could be answered only 
 by himself. And a man in the back seat quickly 
 responded "You might try the Gold Cure !" 
 
 The Republican Party is trying the Gold Cure for this 
 Curse of the Liquor Traffic; and the Curse grows more 
 virulent every year. Over Eighteen Millions of dollars 
 went into the Gold Cure Treasury of New York State 
 from that traffic in 1907; and the United States govern- 
 ment accepted a revenue from the same source in the year 
 1900 of $183,429,571.67. 
 
 Ah, yes! we have tried and we are trying the Gold 
 Cure with a vengeance, but our vengeance is not for the 
 Curse it is for ourselves ; for the womanhood outraged, 
 the childhood starved, the home defrauded, the school 
 robbed, the church crippled, the State debauched. 
 
 Healing and salvation must be found another way. 
 
 What is it? Who proposes it? 
 
 Bear in mind that no Cure is proposed for this Curse,
 
 260 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 by even those least radically minded, which does not find 
 embodiment in some form of Law. Unless we are all to 
 be anarchists, and to assume and assert that all law is to 
 be set aside, we must admit that the Liquor Traffic 
 should become and remain amenable to Law that it can 
 not otherwise be dealt with and the State be safe. The 
 only question then is 
 
 What law, honestly applied to this Curse, can work 
 the Cure? 
 
 If all forms of law had not been tried, this question 
 might not be so easy to answer. Where every form has 
 failed, more or less, to find the reason for failure may 
 assist in determining which form has in it the largest 
 element of success. 
 
 On that sorrowful iQth of September, among those 
 laymen who delivered Memorial Addresses was a dis- 
 tinguished editor of Brooklyn who spoke in one of the 
 Brooklyn churches Mr. St. Clair McKelway, and as if 
 by verbatim report the papers told us that he said : 
 
 "Anarchy, of course, strikes at the head of the State. One 
 cause of anarchy is unenforced law. Government breaks down 
 at the point at which law is not enforced. Government breaks 
 down at no one point without the weakening of it at other points, 
 and the creation of contempt for it in thoughtless, desperate, 
 vicious, idle or frivolous minds. Contempt for government in 
 any degree is a partial adoption of anarchy. Some Laws are 
 not enforced because they are unenforcible. Unenforcible laws 
 are anarchy breeders. Their passage is wrong, not their failure. 
 They are passed to make votes where they do not apply. Both 
 parties have equally offended in this respect." 
 
 With much that Mr. McKelway thus expressed we can 
 heartily agree. Government does break down, pitifully 
 and criminally, at the point where it fails to enforce law ; 
 and through the weakness of government at this point
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 261 
 
 has it grown weak all along the governmental line. But 
 what laws are unenforcible, where government has kept 
 itself pure, and clean, and strong? 
 
 As to but one class of laws has this claim of Brooklyn's 
 distinguished editor been generally put forth prohibitive 
 laws concerning the Liquor Traffic. And this claim 
 has usually been urged by editorial and other advocates 
 of License or Tax. I have long admired Mr. McKel- 
 way's brilliant gifts as a writer and speaker, but when he 
 echoes this old claim as to the weakness of law and the 
 power of lawlessness, I am tempted to quote, as I often 
 have quoted, a remark made by Josh Billings when, 
 speaking of or to editors, he said (and from my own long 
 editorial experience I can enjoy the saying) : 
 
 "It's a great deal better not to know so much than to know 
 so many things that ain't so." 
 
 One of the things that decidedly "ain't so" is the 
 implied (and often alleged) non-enforcibility of prohibi- 
 tive laws against the beverage Liquor business. 
 
 If the fact that a law is not well enforced proves that 
 it is not enforcible, then all permissive or but partially 
 restrictive laws are demonstrated more non-enforcible 
 than laws which are prohibitive alone. For I declare, and 
 challenge successful contradiction, that the Democratic 
 dispensary and license laws, and the Republican Tax and 
 mulct laws, are more openly and widely defied, and more 
 grossly and wantonly outraged, in the hands of their 
 friends, than is the law of Prohibition in the hands of its 
 enemies. 
 
 "By their fruits ye shall know them" is as true now 
 concerning laws that affect men, as in the time of Christ 
 concerning trees. And even in Republican Kansas,
 
 262 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 before the hatchet-ation of Mrs. Nation, the fruits of 
 Prohibition in unfriendly Republican hands were vastly 
 better than the fruits of Raines-Lawism in New York, 
 administered by the Raines-Law party ; and the violation 
 of law in Kansas, openly permitted or secretly encouraged 
 by the administration in power, gross and wicked as it 
 was, did not nearly match in extent and grossness the 
 boldness of liquor insolence and lawlessness all over the 
 Empire State. 
 
 In Republican Maine, even before Sheriff Pearson 
 demonstrated what Prohibition law can do with an honest 
 official behind it, the law was not so glaringly defied as is 
 the Mulct Law of Republican Iowa, or the Dispensary 
 Law of Democratic South Carolina; and the fruits of 
 Prohibition in Maine, during the years it has had but 
 unfriendly support from the ruling party, are incompar- 
 ably superior, morally and materially, to the Mulct Law 
 fruits in Iowa, or to those of South Carolina's Dispensary 
 System, though in each of these two States the law has 
 been backed by the party which begat it. 
 
 These facts may not have been familiar to Mr. McKel- 
 way, but they should be, when he assumes to say what 
 laws are anarchy-breeders. Indeed, he may have had 
 them in mind when his utterance was made, for he. 
 charged both parties with equal guilt in the passage of 
 laws which breed anarchy because not enforcible (in his 
 opinion), and neither the Democratic nor the Republican 
 party, in any State, has passed a Prohibition law for 
 years. If guilty in this regard, it must have been along 
 Tax or License lines. 
 
 But what would this distinguished editor, r.nd others 
 like him, really have? If government breaks down at 
 the point of law's non-enforcement, as we admit; if Pro-
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 263 
 
 hibitory law, as to the Liquor Traffic, is non-enforcible, 
 as we assume him to mean ; and if License and Tax laws, 
 being at least equally unenforced, are at least equally 
 non-enforcible, as we assert and as we think he implies ; 
 what are we to do? 
 
 Must we, then, make laws merely for the lawless? If 
 laws which men will not obey, and which we can not or 
 do not enforce, breed anarchy, shall we proceed simply to 
 make laws for the anarchists we have bred? Shall we 
 lower all law, so far as it concerns them, to the level of 
 men who oppose all law? 
 
 If the editor will follow his own logic where it leads, it 
 will take him that far. Is he willing to go? Going that 
 far, will he not have landed in anarchy himself? 
 
 Admitting that government breaks down at the point 
 of law's non-enforcement, and admitting that an unen- 
 forced law is a breeder of anarchy, what shall we say 
 when a law of Congress is broken down by government 
 itself, is openly nullified in behalf of the traffic which 
 breeds anarchy? And in that case is it the law that is 
 the anarchy breeder, or the man behind the law, in whom 
 government is embodied, and through whom govern- 
 ment breaks down the law while being broken down itself? 
 And in that case, to press the question one step further, 
 shall we say that the charge of breeding anarchy must 
 lie against the Anti-Canteen law, which was not enforced 
 or against Attorney-General Griggs, whose nullify in 
 decision stayed its enforcement, or against the President 
 who appointed the Attorney-General and permitted him 
 to remain Attorney-General in spite of his nullifying 
 attitude ? 
 
 The non-enforcement of law is due not to the power of 
 lawlessness, but to the weakness of government ; and the
 
 264 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 weakness of government is found at the saloon door, 
 through which government goes to compel tribute, within 
 which parties win support and insure victory. Reason for 
 the failure of Prohibition, where it has partially or 
 entirely failed, rests not in the law, or its alleged unen- 
 forcibility, but in the failure of government to assert its 
 power over anarchy for the preservation of law and 
 order. 
 
 III. SUNDAY ASSERTION OF LAW 
 
 To the man who in his own person became beneficiary 
 of Buffalo's awful Crime, this country owes a debt we 
 may well remember, when we think of law as a Cure for 
 the country's awful Curse. Theodore Roosevelt was 
 made President by the act of an assassin. A deadly 
 infraction of law placed at the head of this people a man 
 who had boldly demanded and compelled the enforcement 
 of law of law relating to the Liquor Traffic of law 
 prohibitive as to that traffic, of law in the seething center 
 of a population supposedly resolved upon maintaining 
 that traffic every day in the week of law actually pro- 
 hibiting that traffic on Sunday, the hardest day of every 
 seven to enforce Prohibition anywhere. 
 
 Have you forgotten what Theodore Roosevelt did as 
 Police Commissioner in the great City of New York? 
 The liquor-sellers have not. He was not a Prohibitionist, 
 he was not even a total abstainer. He had no standing 
 quarrel with the Liquor Traffic. But he believed in Law. 
 He respected it. He had taken an oath of office. He 
 respected that. He found a law on the statute-books 
 which had not been respected by others, and he said they 
 should respect it. 
 
 Men laughed at him ; they sneered at him ; they threat-
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 265 
 
 ened him. They treated him as if he were a Prohibition- 
 ist. They even said to him, as they have said to Prohibi- 
 tionists "You can't do it; the law was never intended 
 for enforcement; you can't enforce it; it is unenforcible ; 
 you'll ruin the party, you'll kill yourself, if you do enforce 
 it ; hands off the saloons !" 
 
 But Mr. Roosevelt went right on trying to do his duty ; 
 he did it, like a brave and honest man, as a fearless official 
 should ; he shut up the bars of New York, Sunday after 
 Sunday ; he made law a fact instead of a farce ; he stopt 
 the breeding of anarchists by non-enforcement; he 
 demonstrated that the cry of non-enforcibility is false. 
 That his work failed of permanency was not his fault. 
 He had shown Law's largest possibilities where they 
 seemed the least. He had answered forever the stale 
 excuse of hypocrits and cowards that you can't prohibit 
 the Liquor Traffic in a large city. 
 
 It had been answered before, in cities of considerable 
 size on this continent. Cambridge had answered it, every 
 day of every week for years; and maintains the answer 
 yet. Worcester had answered it, more briefly. Atlanta 
 had answered it, through twelve prosperous months, with 
 conclusive emphasis. Portland had answered it, in large 
 degree, for a generation. 
 
 I went once to lecture in Toronto, a city of 150,000 
 people. I was to speak in that great Horticultural Hall, 
 seating 2,700, where on every Sunday afternoon, for a 
 large part of each year, a great Temperance Meeting is 
 held. 
 
 I arrived in the city at 5 o'clock on Saturday P. M., and 
 after supper my host said, "Would you like to walk down 
 King Street?" and down that handsome thoroughfare we 
 went. Presently a bell began striking. My host stopt 
 and laid a hand on my shoulder.
 
 266 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "Do you hear that ?" he asked. 
 
 "Yes," I answered. 
 
 "And do you see that and that and that?" said he, 
 as he pointed to the doors of as many saloons near us, 
 that were going suddenly shut. 
 
 "Yes," I answered, "I see. But what relation has the 
 bell to those doors?" 
 
 "It is seven o'clock," he said, "and our saloons must 
 close on Saturday evening at this hour." 
 
 "But do they really close ?" I asked him. 
 
 "You saw those," he made answer ; "you'll not see any 
 open, farther on." 
 
 And we didn't. But presently he stopt me again, 
 and in front of a door that was open, and pointing to that 
 he asked again : 
 
 "Do you see that ?" 
 
 "Yes," again I answered. 
 
 "What does that place look like?" he continued. 
 
 "Like a bank," I said, as we stood and looked inside, 
 where business was going on; "like a savings bank." 
 
 "Yes," he told me, "it is a savings bank. We close our 
 saloons on Saturday evening, but we keep our savings 
 banks open." 
 
 "We do just the reverse on our side of the line," I 
 commented, "and the saloons get the savings." 
 
 "Tell me more about this," I urged, as we walked on ; 
 to which he replied, "I'll do better I'll take you to the 
 Police Inspector of this First Precinct, who is the same 
 as Chief of Police for the city, and let him tell you;" 
 and to him w r e went, at once. 
 
 I found the Inspector a man of large frame and honest 
 face, of quiet, manly speech not a sport, or a political 
 bum. After his courteous greeting he said:
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 267 
 
 "What can I do for you, Mr. Hopkins?" 
 
 "Tell me about your Sunday Closing, Mr. Inspector, if 
 you please," I made answer. 
 
 "What would you like to know about it?" he asked, 
 with a smile. 
 
 "Do you really close the saloons of this city at seven 
 o'clock every Saturday night?" was my inquiry. 
 
 "We really do." 
 
 "And when do they open again?" 
 
 "At six o'clock on Monday morning." 
 
 "And they stay closed all the time between?" 
 
 "They do." 
 
 "How many are there?" 
 
 "Three hundred." 
 
 "That is a small number for a city of such size," I 
 commented, "does your High License fee keep the num- 
 ber down?" 
 
 "Not at all," he said ; "we have many more applicants 
 for License every year. The number is limited to 300, 
 and no more can be licensed." 
 
 "Do many of them violate the law ?" 
 
 "Very few." 
 
 "Isn't it hard to convict them of violation ?" 
 
 "No; it is easy. We put the burden of proof on the 
 saloon-keeper, if he is even suspected of violation. If 
 there is a light seen in his place, or a door open, or the 
 least sign of anybody inside, when the place ought to be 
 shut, we make him prove his innocence, we don't have to 
 prove his guilt." 
 
 "Is it not harder to enforce the law on Saturday night 
 and Sunday than it would be for the same length of time 
 the rest of the week?" 
 
 "Very much harder."
 
 268 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "Could you enforce the law all the time as easily as 
 you enforce it this portion of the time?" 
 
 "More easily, sir," he answered with emphasis ; "much 
 more easily, and at much less cost. I would take the 
 contract to keep the saloons closed all the time with 75 
 per cent, of our present police force." 
 
 And then he added, with an earnestness I shall never 
 forget 
 
 "I am praying for total Prohibition !" 
 
 It may be doubted if the Chiefs of Police on our side 
 the Canadian border ever pray for anything. 
 
 IV. LAW'S EDUCATIONAL POWER 
 
 But suppose prohibitive laws really were unenforcible. 
 Suppose any given good law can not be enforced, and 
 that its non-enforcement breeds anarchy. Shall we then 
 favor bad laws which breed anarchy whether enforced or 
 not? Has law no standard quality, no high, supreme 
 function, which must be recognized and asserted by the 
 State? 
 
 If in Paul's time, as Paul taught, the law was a school- 
 master to bring men unto Christ, why should not the law 
 in our time be "our schoolmaster" to bring men up to the 
 highest levels of Christian Citizenship? 
 
 I lectured one night in the city of Corinth, Mississippi, 
 near which place the Union forces under General Grant 
 won an important battle for the law of national unity. 
 When the lecture was over, among those who came and 
 shook my hand was a tall, typical Southern gentleman 
 who promptly said : 
 
 "You do not make enough of the educational power 
 of law."
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 269 
 
 I asked him what he meant, and with increase of 
 emphasis he answered: 
 
 "Precisely what I said. You men of the North do not 
 make enough of the educational power of law. I used to 
 hold slaves in this State ; my neighbors held slaves. We 
 thought we had a right to hold them. There was no 
 sentiment in Mississippi against our holding them. But 
 you came down here, you men of the North, and you said 
 to me, you said to my neighbors, 'You shall hold no more 
 slaves/ There was absolutely no sentiment to justify 
 you in saying it ; but you said it, with the power of Gov- 
 ernment behind you ; and today you can't find three men 
 of any thousand, in all Mississippi, who ever held slaves, 
 who would take them back if they could do so by a turn 
 of the hand. It is the educational power of law!" was 
 his final declaration. 
 
 But it was enduring law that had wrought this educa- 
 tional work law based on a principle, and permanent 
 because of this principle. Suppose the slaves of Missis- 
 sippi had been taken from their owners by some policy of 
 Local Option, under which, in two or three years, they 
 could have been restored ; suppose the same policy had 
 prevailed in the other Southern States ; what would have 
 been the result? The Slavery Question would be 
 unsettled now. 
 
 Atlanta, Ga., had Prohibition one year, and lost it, 
 through Local Option. Could she have kept it five years 
 longer, through the power of law, she would have it now. 
 
 The power of law in the State Constitution, reasonably 
 permanent because not easily changed, gave permanent 
 Prohibition to Maine, Kansas, and one of the Dakotas; 
 and the educational effect of it has been such that even 
 Resubmission could not wipe it out, in those States, will 
 not be given a chance.
 
 270 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "Contempt for government in any degree is a partial 
 adoption of anarchy." 
 
 True enough. But what breeds contempt for govern- 
 ment? Unen forced law? Perhaps; but unwholesome, 
 unrighteous law, surely. Any law which lowers the 
 moral standard of society is bound to breed contempt for 
 government. Any law which allies government with evil 
 is cause for contempt. Any law which establishes gov- 
 ernment as a protectorate over the sources of vice and 
 crime is itself a breeder of anarchy. The following state- 
 ment, in The New Voice of Sept. 12, 1901, should be 
 reflected on soberly: 
 
 "The very legalization of the saloon, in the present enlightened 
 condition of the public conscience, is of the essence of anarchy. 
 It is a violation of the most sacred rights, a contravention of the 
 very purposes of civilized government. When a state or a 
 municipality, professing to rest its political system upon the 
 fundamental charter of American Liberty, legalizes vice and 
 crime, sells license to create domestic discord and public rob- 
 bery, that state by that act strikes at the very fundamentals of 
 government, and puts before the people an object lesson of 
 anarchy high as heaven and loud as thunder." 
 
 Strong Drink is the Essence of anarchy. Laws to 
 legalize the sale of it are essentially and fundamentally 
 anarchistic. 
 
 The very man who fell, upon the 6th of September, 
 1901, so bright and shining a mark before the assassin's 
 bullet, must have held something like this opinion when 
 his public life began. For in 1874 the people of Ohio 
 were called upon to revise their State Constitution, 
 which forbade licensing the sale of intoxicating liquors. 
 A proposition was made that License be incorporated in 
 the new charter of liberties. Then William McKinley, on
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 271 
 
 the loth of July, in that year, 1874, in a paper published 
 in his own town of Canton, over his own signature, said 
 to his fellow citizens : 
 
 "We need scarcely remind you that the liquor traffic, which is 
 sought to be legalized by the License section, is one that deeply 
 concerns not only the honor of this great State, but also the 
 material, moral, and social interests of all the people. There is 
 not a home or hamlet in the land that is beyond its influence. 
 Its evils are wide-spread and far-reaching." 
 
 In further discussion of it Mr. McKinley said: 
 
 "Consider what the consequences will be if the License section 
 carries. 
 
 "First, we will legalize this great wrong. We will give the 
 sanction of the Constitution and the laws of this great, free, and 
 intelligent State to this most degrading and ruinous of all human 
 pursuits, so that the men who are spreading ruin and death may 
 say to all protestors: 'Stand aside, my business has received the 
 sacred sanction of the law, and is therefore legal and right.' Can 
 we afford thus legally to sanction a great wrong? 
 
 "Second, by legalizing this traffic we agree to share with the 
 liquor-seller the responsibilities and evils of his business. Every 
 man who votes for License becomes of necessity a partner to the 
 Liquor Traffic and all its consequences." 
 
 And all that Mr. McKinley said so well in 1874, as to 
 License and the Liquor Traffic, is true today, in yet more 
 painful degree. The honor of every State is outraged 
 where License prevails. The men who sustain License 
 who become partners to the Liquor Traffic by their votes 
 to sustain it are parties to the outrage, the defiling 
 shame. They share with the liquor-seller in his responsi- 
 bilities ; they prostitute government to the level of their 
 partnership with vice and crime ; they bring government 
 into contempt, by giving to men who are spreading 
 anarchy, ruin and death "the sacred sanction of the law."
 
 272 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Yea, verily ; "to preserve the honor of the State," as 
 Mr. McKinley said in 1874, "and to protect the truth 
 and the right" so ran his very words there is a better 
 way. 
 
 V. THE ONLY CURE 
 
 What is it? 
 
 The way Mr. McKinley then believed right and advo- 
 cated Prohibition of the Liquor Traffic, not License 
 for it. 
 
 Who propose it now ? 
 
 Prohibitionists. It is 
 
 The law and policy of Prohibition, proposed by Pro- 
 hibitionists, which can be applied with fairness and suc- 
 cess only by and through a party declaring plainly this 
 policy and standing boldly for this law. 
 
 Why Prohibition? 
 
 Because it is the only form of law which does not mean 
 perpetuation of the Liquor Traffic the only form which, 
 fairly tested, is a Cure for the Curse. 
 
 Why a Party? 
 
 Because through parties only are political policies 
 applied; because the law of Prohibition must come 
 through a political policy ; because law must be enforced 
 through or by officials whom a party elects. 
 
 Why a Prohibition Party? 
 
 Because no other party can honestly adopt the Prohibi- 
 tion policy, and honestly enforce a Prohibition law. 
 Because any other party will, as every other party does, 
 mortgage itself to the liquor vote to win success, and 
 must expect foreclosure if it fail to meet the saloon 
 demands. 
 
 But may there not be a union of citizens, for good
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 273 
 
 government, outside party lines, that shall down the 
 saloon ? 
 
 No, for two reasons : 
 
 First No union of citizens, call it what you please, can 
 down the saloon, so long as it subordinates that purpose 
 to any other and fears to make it supreme. 
 
 Second Any union of citizens, making a supreme 
 effort to down the saloon, in order to win must make 
 that effort so long, and its organization so permanent, as 
 to become in actual fact a party. For a party is but "one 
 of the parts into which a people is divided on questions 
 of public concern." If the division be but brief, the parts 
 may not call themselves parties, yet such in effect they 
 will be. If the division be for any considerable period, 
 they will take to themselves party names. There may be 
 a union of one part of the people in Greater New York to 
 down Tammany, and this union may be composed of 
 several organizations avowedly partizan and non-partizan, 
 but the whole form for the time being the Anti-Tam- 
 many Party; and the effort is essentially a party effort, 
 while it lasts. In the intent of its leadership, in the spirit 
 of its composition, it may be an honest effort for Good 
 Government, but such effort will fail of such end while 
 the Anti-Tammany forces fail or fear to assail the strong- 
 hold of Tammany the saloon. 
 
 Successfully to fight the devil in politics, men must go 
 where he is ; they must go where they hunt the anarchist 
 to The Saloon. 
 
 One spelling-lesson, as taught by an Englishman, 
 should be learned by all good Americans before they 
 enter upon a Good Government campaign. He was lib- 
 eral with his "h's," this Englishman was sometimes, 
 but with these he taught the correct way to spell saloon
 
 274 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "with a hess, and a ha, and a hell, two &0.s and a 
 the "hell," you see, square in the middle of it. And there 
 it is, and there the Anti-Tammany men propose it shall 
 remain the hell in the middle of the saloon because 
 the German must have his beer, and the Irishman his 
 whisky, and the anarchist both. 
 
 The first reported meetings of anarchists held after the 
 assassination of President McKinley, were held in 
 saloons, within forty-eight hours after he was shot ; and 
 one which was held after his death and held within three 
 days of his burial occurred in the rear of a saloon on 
 Long Island. 
 
 "From outside," said one report, "it could be heard 
 that the saloon was doing a large business, as the cash- 
 register bell was constantly jingling. Occasionally a 
 round of cheers could be heard coming from the dance 
 hall extension," said this report, and in this dance hall 
 extension the anarchists were gathered, 500 strong, lis- 
 tening to the beery harangue of their leader, Herr Most. 
 
 Yes, the saloon was doing a large business the saloon, 
 with the hell in the middle of it, and the dance hall at one 
 end, and the devil in John Most inciting those 500 to 
 hatred of Good Government and outrages on Morality 
 and Law. The saloon was there, with its cash register 
 registering the Beer Vote on which Tammany depended 
 for power, and which Anti-Tammany, the same fall, pro- 
 posed to win over and register for Good Government by 
 letting the saloon stay ! 
 
 The saloon was there, and the anarchists were there, 
 and their orator out on bail from a previous arrest, and 
 again arrested before he could leave the dance hall was 
 the same man Most, in whose paper, Die Freiheit, a few 
 years ago, appeared that summary of the creed of the
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 275 
 
 anarchists quoted in a previous chapter, which it will 
 profit us to repeat and fasten in memory 
 
 "We wish to be free from the control of the State. We will 
 have no masters. To make the existence of government needless 
 we deny the need of moral laws. There can be no immorality 
 where there is no teaching of morals." 
 
 It is the creed of the saloons "We wish to be free 
 from the control of the State. We will have no masters. 
 We deny the need of moral laws." They teach it and 
 preach it all the time. For this creed every saloon is a 
 sanctuary, and it finds an altar at every bar. 
 
 On the night before President McKinley's burial, the 
 Excise Commissioners of Newark, N. J., after denying 
 license to a certain "Hill" resort where an assemblage 
 had insulted the martyr's memory, adopted the following 
 preamble and resolutions: 
 
 "Whereas, It has come to the notice of the Board of Excise 
 that certain saloon-keepers of this city have been guilty of per- 
 mitting Anarchists to assemble in their places of business and 
 make speeches against the head of our Nation, therefore be it 
 
 "Resolved, That any saloon-keepers in this city who shall be 
 charged by the police with harboring Anarchists or permitting 
 them to hold meetings in their places of business, and make 
 speeches against the government and the good order of the 
 community, shall be deemed to be not the kind of persons to 
 conduct a business of this character, and any person guilty of 
 such an offense shall suffer the revocation of his license and be 
 debarred from again receiving a license to do business in this 
 city." 
 
 A wise utterance this, by that Board, surely wise, and 
 opportune, as far as it went ; and it went as far as those 
 men could go, perhaps, under the License Law. But is it 
 really worse for a man to permit the gathering of anar-
 
 276 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 chists in front of his bar, and allow speeches by them 
 against the government, and the good order of com- 
 munity, than for him to stand behind his bar, and there 
 daily defy law and antagonize good order ? Are not "the 
 men who are spreading ruin and death" (note the force 
 of Mr. McKinley's words) by their business behind the 
 bar, as perilous to government as their patrons can be by 
 any speech of theirs before the bar ? 
 
 If men who cry out against Law, and who "make 
 speeches against government and good order in the com- 
 munity," or who permit this to be done in their places of 
 business, are "not the kind of persons to conduct a busi- 
 nes of this character" a business that lives by law-break- 
 ing and breeds disorder everywhere it exists in the 
 name of all that is pure and holy and patriotic by what 
 kind of persons ought that business to be conducted ? 
 
 VI. A CRIMINAL PARTNERSHIP 
 
 In a century and a quarter of national life the Spirit of 
 Anarchy has killed three Presidents of the United States. 
 In the last ten years the Curse of the Liquor Traffic has 
 killed a million citizens of the United States. 
 
 And so the Curse, to a degree that should appall every 
 patriot, has itself become a Crime, and fearfully cumula- 
 tive. Once it may have been only a vice, as murder is 
 said once to have counted; and then the murderer was 
 considered only vicious. But then the government, as we 
 are told, finding this vice growing more rampant, laid a 
 tax upon the murderer, and his act became criminal, but 
 in his crime the government had share. 
 
 And every license or tax law, demanding tribute of the 
 Liquor Traffic, is essentially criminal. The citizen who
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 277 
 
 supports it has criminal share in the criminality 
 "becomes of necessity a partner" if Mr. McKinley's 
 declaration was true ; and the party whose policy upholds 
 it is criminal with the citizen party and citizen are 
 guiltily criminal together while the criminal policy goes 
 on. 
 
 If old-party leaders would utter their actual thought 
 about it all, in every campaign they would say or sing : 
 
 "Yes, we know that the tolls which in taxes we take 
 Come at last (or at first) from the many who make 
 
 By the bar and the brothel their manhood a lie; 
 
 But so long as the tax (or the license) is high, 
 Then the millions we get from the sin and the shame 
 Shall begild all the vice and efface all the blame, 
 
 And the men who pray loud for the coming of Christ 
 
 Will with gold to our guilty success be enticed. 
 
 We will talk of Taxation, and smile as we see 
 Still how easy to fool the poor tax-payers be; 
 We will tell how the bar and the brothel have paid 
 The high taxes that on the poor voter we laid; 
 For the dollar we show he will vote for the dive 
 That, so long as it lives, on his pocket must thrive; 
 But we never will tell him we haven't the tongue 
 Thus to save by the ballot is waste at the bung!" 
 
 As has been said, there are 250,000 accepted criminals 
 in this country; they cost the people of this country at 
 least a round Billion of Dollars every year, of which at 
 least one-half is chargeable to Intemperance, to the Curse 
 which is mother of Crime ; and Carroll D. Wright, official 
 statistician, testifies that for every dollar which govern- 
 ment receives from the Liquor Traffic it costs this country 
 twenty-two dollars and a half; yet License party leaders,
 
 278 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 notwithstanding these facts, will smile serenely at the 
 License party voter, and say 
 
 "But we never will tell him we haven't the tongue 
 Thus to save by the ballot is waste at the bung!" 
 
 And in every campaign they will implore, they will 
 beseech him, for sake of the party, or some new fiction 
 of reform that shields the saloon, just this one time more 
 to rally around the bung-hole rally to put the Demo- 
 crats out, rally to put Croker out, rally to put everything 
 out but the Beer, and the Bar, and the Liquor Business 
 that is and that makes the Curse that is and that breeds 
 the Crime that calls for the only Cure. 
 
 And the fact stands, for you to quarrel with as you see 
 fit, that any movement, by any party or other division of 
 citizens, which openly or tacitly favors letting down the 
 bars of Law by keeping up and open the bars that are 
 lawless, to win the support of any class of people who 
 believe the Law too strict any movement that to down 
 Tammany and kill Tammanyism consents or implies that 
 the Saloon may down Sunday and kill Christian senti- 
 ment any movement which thus eliminates morality and 
 principle while professing to be moral and pure outrages 
 the basic principles of Good Government,, has in it the 
 Spirit of Anarchy, and breeds and increases the most 
 dangerous contempt for Law. 
 
 To promise or imply non-enforcement of any law, in 
 order to win the votes of any persons who oppose that 
 law, is to assist in bringing Law and Government into 
 disrepute is to assassinate Good Government at the Bal- 
 lot-Box, where to every American it should be sacred, 
 and where it should be defended loyally by every loyal 
 man.
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 279 
 
 The Curse of the Liquor Traffic will never be cured, 
 the Crime and the crimes of that Curse will never cease, 
 until the law shall prevail in its purity, and majesty, and 
 power. 
 
 To be a Prohibitionist is to believe in Law's purity, 
 instead of its prostitution for political ends; to demand 
 the application of its power for the uplift of human life 
 and the elevation of the State; to stand for its majestic 
 rule, in behalf of Manhood and Morality, at all times and 
 in all seasons, and especially to stand for this, as the 
 defender of Home and School and Church, on the throne 
 of Good Citizenship, upon the sovereign day of civic duty 
 when Suffrage makes every American citizen a King. 
 
 VII. CIVIC SOVEREIGNTY 
 
 A friend of mine once told me how there came to him, 
 upon that day of sovereign opportunity, a great con- 
 vincing light. He had rank in the high places of men; 
 was President of a College; carried the prefix "Rev." 
 before his name, and affixed to it the degree letters, S.T.D. 
 and LL.D. ; believed in Law and Righteousness. 
 
 One Sunday morning the last Sunday before the 
 Election of that year he filled the pulpit of his church 
 membership, in the city of his home; and he said plain 
 things about political righteousness and the moral situa- 
 tion at large; he laid particular stress upon certain local 
 conditions which were disgraceful, and went so far as to 
 designate by name one of the liquor-sellers, and to hold 
 this worst man of this bad class up to public execration 
 and contempt. He fairly put this man in pillory, from 
 that pulpit, until those who listened began to fear evil
 
 2 8o PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 consequences to the preacher, from the saloon-keeper or 
 his kind. And there was harsh talk by them, because of 
 the preacher's harsh truth, upon the streets next day, and 
 behind the bars. 
 
 Then Tuesday came, and this Doctor of Sacred The- 
 ology, this good and honest Doctor of Laws, this eminent 
 educator of youth and of men, went to the Ballot-Box, 
 for the discharge of his sovereign duty as a citizen. He 
 had always voted the ticket of his party of high moral 
 ideas. He held now its ticket in his hand, as he 
 approached the throne of Citizenship. He joined the line 
 of sovereigns like himself, and step by step he neared the 
 supreme place, awaiting his turn to vote. 
 
 Another man stept up behind him, and followed on. 
 The flavor of liquor from his breath polluted the air this 
 College President must breathe. It was the liquor-seller 
 whom the President had so boldly and bitterly denounced. 
 And step by step, step by step, these two men marched up 
 to the Ballot-Box, each holding his party ballot; and 
 when the Doctor of Sacred Theology had cast in his, and 
 was turning to go, in the proud consciousness of a sacred 
 civic duty done, he saw that the liquor-seller's ballot pre- 
 cisely duplicated his own, upon which it fell in sweet 
 companionship. 
 
 He went away less proud, but more thoughtful. The 
 more he thought, the more disgusted he grew. When he 
 got home for dinner he was in an unusual mood, and his 
 wife wonderea. 
 
 "What is the matter?" said she. 
 
 "I am mad !" said he. 
 
 "Why, what is the matter ?" she asked again, and again 
 he answered: 
 
 "I am mad !"
 
 A CURSE, A CRIME, AND THE CURE 281 
 
 "Has anybody insulted you ?" she finally inquired, when 
 he sat and said nothing more. 
 
 "Yes," he admitted, with some reluctance. 
 
 "Who did it?" was her eager question. 
 
 "He did it," said the Doctor, slowly, significantly point- 
 ing to his own breast; "he is the guilty man! I have 
 insulted myself!" 
 
 And then he told her the story. And since that day he 
 has known, what it takes many wise men a long while to 
 learn, that a Prohibition party is needed politically to 
 differentiate the Doctor of Divinity, and the Sunday 
 School Superintendent, and the Christian Voter, from 
 the dive-keeper, the drink-seller, the gambler, the distiller 
 and the brewer, the breeder of Crime, the perpetuator of 
 Drink's awful Curse. 
 
 I know another Doctor of Divinity, at the head of a 
 Theological institution, who has not learned that yet. 
 He is a clean and royal man, of high ideals. He goes to 
 the polls with as much solemnity as he manifests when 
 entering the pulpit; and when he casts his ballot he rev- 
 erently lifts his hat and stands with uncovered head. But 
 he votes the other ticket of those two parties in which the 
 Bishop and the Brewer, the Doctor of Divinity and the 
 Distiller of Death, the Sunday School Superintendent and 
 the Saloon-keeper, go shoulder to shoulder and cast bal- 
 lots identically the same. 
 
 These two men, these long, long years, have repre- 
 sented one great class, whose division only makes 
 possible, yea insures, perpetuation of the Liquor Curse. 
 When we bring them together, with a common purpose, 
 at the Supreme Place of Civic Sovereignty, the Crime of 
 the Liquor Traffic will cease, for the legal Curse of that 
 Traffic will have found its only legal Cure.
 
 282 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN _^ 
 
 Will you wear the party collar, or the voter's kingly crown, 
 
 When Election Day invites you to a sovereignty sublime? 
 Shall the dive's debasing dollar drag your princely purpose down 
 
 To the low, corrupting level of a crime? 
 
 Will you bow in meek surrender to the tyrant that would reign 
 Over Home and School and hamlet, in the city's crowded street ? 
 Will you stand a sure defender, for some share in guilty gain, 
 Of the Curse that claims your vassalage complete? 
 
 In the nest of Human Freedom sits a vulture bird of prey 
 And it hatches foulest brood that ever darkened fairest sky; 
 Till our land has grown an Edom for God's Children, on their way 
 
 To the better Land of Promise by and by. 
 And the birds of evil breeding sweep their shadows over all, 
 While the blight of their corruption spreads its poison every- 
 where ; 
 And the smitten, sore and pleading, in their weakness faint and 
 
 fall, 
 For there comes no Christian answer to their prayer. 
 
 Love is weak, and Law it falters to uphold the Truth and Right, 
 And the brave become as cowards, breathing poison's fetid 
 
 breath, 
 Till the fire on Freedom's Altars feebly flickers to its flight, 
 
 And the Curse would strangle Manhood to its death. 
 But the Better Day is nearing, when the vulture shall be slain, 
 
 When its brood of evil breeding shall be smitten ere they fly, 
 
 When a Christian Manhood, hearing weak and wounded cry in 
 
 Shall make, answer from its throne of purpose high. [pain, 
 
 Be a unit for the glory of the land we love so well, 
 
 Not a fraction in the forces that its glory would efface; 
 Have a part within the story that the Better Day shall tell, 
 
 When the Ballot ends forever Law's disgrace; 
 Wear no more a party collar, in the country or the town, 
 When the Nation's weal commands you to assail a Curse and 
 
 Crime ; 
 Hold the Man above the Dollar, wear your Manhood's kingly 
 
 crown, 
 On the Sovereign Day of Duty all sublime!
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 
 
 Victorious parties are born of many elements in citizenship, 
 gathered about one great issue of paramount importance. 
 
 Parties die when they lack an issue that stirs the conscience and 
 sounds the bugle note of progress for a free people. Mrs. 
 Mary T, Lathrap.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 
 
 STUDYING further the problem of Profit and Loss in 
 Man, we are everywhere confronted by the fact that 
 Man is under government, or is a part of government, 
 and that government, in this country, depends on political 
 parties. Whether Man shall be socially or economically a 
 profit or a loss, must be more or less, but will be greatly, 
 a matter of political policy, of partizan administration 
 will depend upon how his moral and economic welfare is 
 politically safeguarded and conserved, by the ruling party 
 power. 
 
 No survey of man's economic situation, its possibilities 
 and certainties, can be complete, or fairly comprehensive, 
 which does not include careful analysis of party relations 
 to it, of party attitudes concerning it, or party policies 
 affecting it. And since the Drink Question is inseparably 
 connected with public and private economics, we are 
 driven to consider the great political parties in their his- 
 toric and current attitude toward that question, and to 
 show, impartially if we can, fearlessly as we must, what 
 has been and must be the effect of such attitude upon the 
 morals and economics of the nation and State. 
 
 It is difficult to do this, in print or on platform, with- 
 out offending party prejudice ; it may be impossible. The 
 average man gets hot under the collar immediately, when 
 you say or imply that as to any great question his party 
 is unwise, unjust, or unpatriotic. He disputes the most
 
 286 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 conclusive proof, he denies the plainest facts, he can -not 
 see the clearest logic ; or facing logic, and fact, and proof, 
 and admitting them all, he says to himself and you, "It is 
 my party, and I love it ; I was born into it and I can not 
 leave it; and whatever its faults or its failures, on this 
 question or any other, it's better than the other party, 
 anyhow, and you've no right to abuse it." 
 
 With no thought of abuse, and without assuming to 
 say that this average man's party is worse or better than 
 the other party, we invite him to a frank and fair con- 
 sideration of what his party promises and performs with 
 regard to the sale of Liquor with regard to the recog- 
 nition and perpetuation of saloons. 
 
 And the average man should not complain if we first 
 recognize that one of the two great parties which has 
 made loudest claim to Temperance and Morality that 
 party through which, if many advocates of it are to be 
 believed, the Temperance Question is finally to have 
 settlement. If both of the great parties had ranked 
 equally high in moral profession, and had been upheld in 
 equal fashion as moral agencies for the betterment of 
 man, it could make no difference which of them should 
 be considered first ; but the record of one, and the claims 
 urged on behalf of it, compel the courtesy of its prior 
 consideration. 
 
 If this average man objects to the courtesy, and feels 
 that we are not giving his party due credit, let him possess 
 his soul in peace, and wait with patience until the other 
 party's turn comes for treatment. If he thinks himself 
 and his party ill-used, or severely spoken of, he may be 
 comforted when he hears the other party discussed. 
 
 "Does this razor go easy?" asked the barber of his 
 customer in the chair.
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 287 
 
 "That depends on what you are doing," said the man. 
 "If you are just shaving me, it's pretty hard, and it pulls; 
 if you are skinning me, it's easy enough." 
 
 If you think we are skinning you, or your party, just 
 consider how easy it is, and don't flinch it may be 
 harder for the other fellow next time. You may feel it a 
 duty, then, to condole with him, even as now he may 
 condole with you ! 
 
 "Publicans and Republicans." 
 
 This is more than a mere alliteration, or a catchy play 
 upon words. 
 
 I. WHAT WERE AND WHAT ARE PUBLI- 
 CANS? 
 
 In Bible times, taxgatherers ; men to whom others paid 
 tribute; a class through whom filtered the revenue of 
 government, required by odious Roman rulers; men 
 whose calling, for or without any good reason, lost them 
 the respect of their fellows; men held in low repute 
 because of the way in which they gained their livelihood ; 
 in the language of Biblical definition "political renegades 
 and social outcasts." 
 
 In these times, according to the dictionary and common 
 usage, men who pay tribute ; men whose calling demands 
 constant tribute from their fellows; men through whom 
 is filtered some of the government's revenues, to the 
 people's awful cost; a class held in low repute by their 
 fellow men because of their low calling; "keepers of 
 public houses where drinks are sold" ; "sellers of spiritu- 
 ous liquors" ; in brief, saloon-keepers ; "political rene- 
 gades and social outcasts." 
 
 The Publicans of today, like their prototypes of nine- 
 teen centuries ago, lack popular esteem and respect for 
 intrinsic reasons.
 
 288 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Sam Jones, the plain-spoken evangelist, put one of 
 these reasons into forcible if not elegant phrase. 
 
 "My objection to the saloon-keeper," said Sam, "is 
 the same as my objection to the louse he gets his living 
 off the heads of families." 
 
 The Publican has lost caste not because of any law, 
 but rather in spite of law. During the famous Fusion 
 Reform Campaign in New York City, in the fall of 1901, 
 Judge William Travers Jerome, a Reform candidate, 
 speaking as if to win liquor votes, admitted the stigma 
 resting upon publicans, but did not admit the cause. 
 
 "I'll tell you," said he, "one reason I don't approve of 
 the law requiring bars to be closed on Sunday. Any 
 law that makes a great body of honest citizens ashamed 
 of their business is pernicious. That is what the Sunday 
 closing law does for saloon owners. They grow ashamed 
 of the way they make their living when they should not 
 be ashamed of it if the business is properly conducted. 
 The self-reproach that the law engenders in the men goes 
 further, and influences their families." 
 
 But the law closes the grocery, on Sunday, and the 
 dry-goods business, and the blacksmith-shop, and every 
 other honest and legitimate industry ; and who ever heard 
 of the grocer, and the merchant, and the blacksmith, or 
 any other honest business man, getting ashamed of his 
 calling because he could not legally prosecute it on Sun- 
 day ? It must be the legal prosecution of the liquor-seller, 
 because of his illegal prosecution of liquor-selling, coupled 
 with the essentially illegal and unworthy character of his 
 business, which has brought it into ill repute which has 
 engendered so much of self-reproach in the publican, and 
 has reflected so unhappily upon his family. One liquor- 
 seller's child gave a hint of this, in Sunday School. She
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 289 
 
 was asked who made the world, and how long it took 
 Him to make it. Her answer was mixed : 
 
 "God made the world in six days," she said promptly, 
 "and was arrested on the seventh." 
 
 The publican of Bible times was not arrested, on Sun- 
 day or any other day, yet he had not the social status of 
 other men ; and one of the complaints made about Christ, 
 by men of pride and place, was that He ate "with publi- 
 cans and sinners." 
 
 If the publican of today were never arrested, if he 
 broke no law, he would rank with the sinners' class, he 
 would be in bad repute because of his manner of life; 
 and, it may be assumed and said with reverence, that 
 manner of life and livelihood would not command respect 
 and esteem now, even if Jesus Christ were to come again 
 and eat and drink with the publican. 
 
 There is a divine law of the human world which for- 
 bids men truly to respect any purpose among them to live 
 and thrive at the cost and by the degradation of their 
 fellows. 
 
 It is deeper and more fundamental than any law enacted 
 by men. It is this law which makes the gambler despised 
 and the thief contemned. If there could be a law to 
 license stealing, six days in the week, but prohibiting it 
 on the seventh, that law would not make thieving dis- 
 reputable, would not make licensed thieves ashamed of 
 their calling, even though law does establish moral stand- 
 ards. The self-reproach engendered in the thief and his 
 family would not come of the law, merely, but of the 
 vicious conduct largely protected by law. 
 
 Any law which licenses any evil, goes as far as law 
 can to make that evil respected and respectable. Licen- 
 sing any trade or calling six days out of seven,
 
 290 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 may not so completely afford legal endorsement as to 
 license it all the days of every week ; but if it is the law 
 which gives respectability, then the traffic in dry-goods 
 is less respectable than the traffic in wet-goods, for the 
 dry-goods house is not licensed at all, and a place which 
 has the law's special endorsement six days in the week 
 should be six times as respectable as a place which lacks 
 particular legal endorsement every day of the week. 
 
 No, it is not the Sunday law not any law, merely 
 which stigmatizes the publican and his trade: it is some- 
 thing deeper, something inherent in the trade itself. And 
 this it was which made one liquor-seller say to Mr. 
 Jerome, as that gentleman reported in a campaign speech, 
 "Why, Judge, I am ashamed of my business. I got into 
 it when I was young, and now I wish I was out of it." 
 
 And a million Jeromes may declare, as this one Judge 
 Jerome did, that the trade of the publican must and shall 
 be purged of contempt, and washed clean of its odium by 
 the enactment of a Sunday selling law, but the contempt 
 will remain, the odium will not be removed ; the publican 
 will be a publican, toward whom honest industry will 
 point its finger of shame, from whom honest social pride 
 will hold aloof in scorn, against whom the doors of church 
 membership will be closed, and for whom the selectest 
 ranks of human brotherhood will never again open, in 
 this land where human brotherhood has its noblest aspira- 
 tions and its divinest ideals. Thus far have the American 
 people gone along the highway of Christian progress for 
 the good and the glory of Man. 
 
 II. WHAT HAVE BEEN REPUBLICANS, AND 
 WHAT ARE THEY NOW? 
 
 It would not be wide of the mark to say that they were 
 born of a despised political class. Politically, they
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 291 
 
 descended from the Abolitionists. It is true that their 
 party did not boldly champion Abolition, at the start ; but 
 it did oppose the extension of Slavery, and its opening 
 battle-cry, in 1856, was "Free soil, Free speech, Free 
 Men and Fremont !" 
 
 And this came directly of the Anti-Slavery agitation by 
 men who were socially and politically ostracized on Free- 
 dom's account men who cried aloud, and would spare 
 not, against the thing they hated, in behalf of the human- 
 ity they loved. Had there been no Abolitionists in 1844 
 and 1848, there could have been no Republicans in 1856 
 and 1860. Republicans were begotten of the Anti-Slavery 
 Idea ; they were born of the Abolition faith. They came 
 to power in government through the cumulative recogni- 
 tion and assertion of intrinsic Value in Man a value 
 which could not be measured in coin, upon which no man 
 had right to set a price that another man should pay. 
 They came to power in government upon the highest 
 moral and political plane of their century, of the human 
 race. 
 
 At this high level of manhood, and mission, Republi- 
 cans were the political elect. As such, for a long time, 
 they remained. During its earliest years, the Republican 
 Party held within its ranks a great majority of the clergy- 
 men, the teachers, the college Professors, the writers and 
 other cultured men, of the Northern States. There may 
 have been just a little of the Pharisaic spirit among 
 Republicans, then, as later. They could not quite under- 
 stand, the great mass of them, how any man of culture, 
 and brain, and conscience, could be a Democrat. 
 
 In 1885 I met a College Professor in the South, who 
 had come North the year before to attend the great gath- 
 ering of the National Teachers' Association ; and he told
 
 292 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 me how among a thousand teachers he found no Demo- 
 crat but himself, and how amazed they were, in their 
 days of educational and social contact, to find him politi- 
 cally what he was. 
 
 "Why," they said to him again and again, "you talk as 
 we do, you feel as we do, you have the same standards of 
 moral purpose and the same ideals of citizenship; and 
 how can you be a Democrat?" 
 
 But the Democrat, in the South, for some years after 
 the Civil War, was largely a Northern Republican in 
 Southern disguise. He was there, socially, intellectually, 
 morally, what the Republican was here. The Republican, 
 there, was black, or r carpet-bagger, as a rule; and it 
 was a rule the Democrat did not like, and could not 
 respect. If the white carpet-bagger had principle, which 
 he often lacked, he dominated the State through the 
 Black Republican, who commonly had none, neither char- 
 acter nor caste. The Northern bottle had gone down 
 there to multiply the Southern bottle and to curse the 
 Southern black; and Southern Republicanism differed 
 radically from Northern Republicanism it was mentally 
 and morally of quite another sort. 
 
 The War itself changed Northern Republicanism ; I do 
 not mean in its political composition, but in its personal 
 character. The habits of the soldier, in war, clung to the 
 citizen, in peace. When the War was over, a painful per- 
 centage of men who believed in and had fought for 
 Republicanism, as they comprehended it, smelled of bar- 
 rooms and beer. Boys who had left the farm and the 
 village clean of lip and life, came back with oaths on their 
 tongues, and the odor of liquor on their breaths ; and by 
 thousands these were made local political leaders, in town 
 and country, to the lowering of the party tone and the 
 vitiating of party methods.
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 293 
 
 Meanwhile, as we shall presently see, the attitude of 
 government, toward the Liquor Business, had completely 
 changed; open partnership, for the sake of revenue, had 
 come about between government and the brewers; the 
 necessities of war expenditure, as per the claim of a 
 Republican administration, had sought share in the Liquor 
 trade's receipts ; and the Republican Party of the nation, 
 upheld by its organization in the several States, was in 
 deliberate alliance with the demoralization of Drink, 
 through the Revenue System, for the liquidation (no pun 
 intended) of the National Debt. 
 
 While the War changed Northern Republicanism, con- 
 ditions which followed the War continued to change the 
 Republican party's composition, until it is today largely 
 unlike that of the Sixties and the early Seventies. This 
 declaration need not be taken as mine alone. The fact 
 in it has been declared and admitted by many accredited 
 Republicans. Mr. Seth Low, four years Republican 
 Mayor of Brooklyn, running for Mayor of Greater New 
 York in 1901, as a Republican candidate on a Fusion 
 Reform ticket, in one of his Carnegie Hall campaign 
 speeches he frankly said : 
 
 "Everybody that has given close attention to municipal affairs, 
 to the history of municipal government in the United States I 
 say everybody, perhaps I ought to say almost everybody appre- 
 ciates that there is no single force which makes the obtaining of 
 good government in cities so difficult, as that some parties seem 
 to change. * * * It is because the Republican party is in such 
 overwhelming domination in the city of Philadelphia, that that 
 city has persistently such bad government." 
 
 This language clearly attributed bad government in 
 one great city to a bad change in the dominant party. And 
 this bad change, in large measure, has come about
 
 294 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 through the dominance of cities in party rule, and the 
 changed character of city populations. The voting per- 
 centage of the cities, within the period of the Republican 
 Party's life, has entirely changed in ratio with the town 
 and the country vote ; and the character of that city vote 
 has altered as much as the percentage ratio. Into that 
 percentage enters now a foreign element far greater than 
 was found in it thirty years ago ; and this foreign element 
 has been courted by Republican leadership, and brought 
 into Republican ranks, until it controls in city and State 
 and rules the nation ; and it is this foreign element which 
 determines the dominating Republicanism of today. 
 
 Pennsylvania is and long has been Republican by a 
 tremendous majority; and the bad government in Repub- 
 lican Philadelphia, recognized and explained by Mr. Low, 
 exists not in spite but with the consent of Pennsylvania 
 Republicans, who assume it a necessity to their State 
 party life. In other words, country politics must bow to 
 the bad methods of city politicians, the State party must 
 sink to the level of the city partizan, because of the bad 
 element in city control. 
 
 Quayism, in the Quaker commonwealth, was the open 
 proof of change in the Republican party. Political rot- 
 tenness, in Philadelphia, the Quay-ker City, and Harris- 
 burg, the capital of Quay-kerdom, was the over-ripe fruit 
 of that change. 
 
 Further, and more wide-spread, proof of that change 
 is found in the fact that this great Republican party, born 
 of a great moral idea in government, and a great moral 
 issue in politics, dares not now anywhere accept and 
 assert a moral issue and stand for it as in the good old 
 days. Even acknowledged Republican leaders dare not 
 avow themselves upon great moral questions.
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 295 
 
 Dominant, even predominant, among these leaders, 
 during and years before the Reform Campaign in New 
 York City, in the fall of 1901, was Thomas C. Platt, U. S. 
 Senator from the Empire State. Under that campaign 
 to down Tammany, the question of Open Saloons on 
 Sunday was bubbling to its outbreak. After that cam- 
 paign this question came to the surface, and boiled furi- 
 ously. It was a moral question, if ever such could be, 
 though it appeared likely to become a political issue. 
 While the pulpits and the press were full of it, Senator 
 Platt was interviewed for a leading daily, no doubt on his 
 own invitation, and was asked his personal opinion as to 
 what should be done about Sunday opening. 
 
 "I have no personal opinion," answered the dominant 
 Republican of New York State; and in explanation he 
 made haste to add "my politics does not permit it." 
 
 In the days of Hale, and Giddings, and Sumner, and 
 Seward, and Chase, and Lincoln, their politics did not 
 forbid their having personal opinions ; and their opinions 
 they uttered, in Congress and out of it, with mighty 
 power. Simply to name these men, and recall their 
 standing in their party, and then to name Quay and Platt, 
 and point to their leadership and record, should be suffi- 
 cient to show that the Republican party has changed 
 more than words can tell that such change would have 
 been utterly impossible without a change in the member- 
 ship of that party, or in a dominating minority of that 
 membership, of tremendous import. 
 
 There is neither space nor need for more proof or illus- 
 tration of this change. All that should be further stated 
 here is the fact that a great mass, perhaps a great major- 
 ity, of Republicans have not changed they are as 
 honest and moral and patriotic as Republicans ever were ;
 
 296 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 and this admission should comfort and mollify any reader 
 who may feel his temper rising at this particular moment. 
 But this great mass, even this majority, cannot control its 
 party action, or shape its policy, or determine its utter- 
 ance, on great moral and patriotic issues: the bad 
 minority has grown essential to party success, and 
 runs the party machine. The good majority must bow 
 before it in meek suppliance for political support must 
 smother conscience to make sure of party control must 
 have no personal opinion as to moral assertiveness and 
 the recognition of principle must be willing to refer the 
 Ten Commandments to popular vote, and to lower the 
 laws of man to a level with the immoral purposes and 
 lawless life of a foreign, cosmopolitan mob. 
 
 Without apology to the many good men who bear their 
 party name, because of this declaration about the fewer 
 bad men who dominate the party's acts, let us proceed to 
 consider 
 
 III. WHAT HAS BEEN AND WHAT IS THE 
 ATTITUDE OF REPUBLICANS TOWARD PUB- 
 LICANS ? 
 
 This question has reference to Republicans as a mass 
 to their organic attitude, as a party. Space is not at 
 command for an answer in full detail, by States ; and yet 
 we must be more specific than by answer only as to the 
 National organization. 
 
 SOME PARTY RECORDS 
 
 There was no Republican party in any State, prior to 
 1854; no national Republican party prior to 1856 no 
 party to which that name applied as it has applied since 
 those years. In the first of those years a Republican 
 ticket was elected in Maine, and in Michigan, and a
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 297 
 
 fusion candidate for Governor won election in New York 
 (Myron H. Clark), who counted as a Republican. In 
 that year, in those States, Republicanism, then a new 
 political factor, stood for Prohibition; the party's first 
 platform, in New York, was a Prohibition platform 
 straight and plain. The Legislature of New York, mixed 
 in character, by a mixed vote had passed a prohibitory 
 law the year before, but this had been vetoed by a Demo- 
 cratic Governor (Horatio Seymour), and his veto made 
 the measure a plain political issue, upon the right side of 
 which, with the Whigs and other organizations, rallied 
 the young Republican party, which to this issue largely 
 owed its life in this State. 
 
 In Maine a Democratic Legislature passed the original 
 "Maine Law" (which other Democratic Legislatures 
 copied after in other States), only to repeal it a year 
 later; in New York a Republican Legislature passed a 
 Prohibition Law, like unto that of Maine, which the first 
 Republican Governor of New York signed, only to 
 repeal it one year afterward. The Republicans of Maine 
 re-enacted what the Democrats had repealed; but the 
 Republicans of New York would not even amend their 
 own law, to meet objections of the highest court and 
 make it easily constitutional; they followed the lead of 
 Maine Democrats, and also repealed. 
 
 Prior to 1860, in eight States where Democratic Legis- 
 latures had enacted Prohibition laws prior to 1856, these 
 laws were repealed by legislatures Republican. And 
 after 1856 only two Republican Legislatures passed a 
 Prohibitory law, as to the Liquor Traffic, until in 'the 
 '8o's, when Constitutional Amendment majorities, in 
 Kansas, and Iowa, and Rhode Island, compelled it, for 
 those States; and the two States in which prohibitory
 
 298 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 laws passed, after 1855 and before 1880 (Massachusetts 
 and Rhode Island), repealed these laws when their 
 Republican Legislatures re-assembled. 
 
 The National Republican party, in its platforms, has 
 never committed itself to Prohibition. Once, in the 
 "Raster Resolution" (1876 "adopted by the Platform 
 Committee," as Mr. Raster afterward certified, " with the 
 full and explicit understanding that its purpose was the 
 discountenancing of all so-called Temperance-Prohibitory 
 -and-Sunday laws"), it covertly declared for the opposite. 
 Its earliest platform declaration recognized a moral issue 
 in politics Polygamy and the party was nationally born 
 of yet another question not less moral than political 
 Slavery ; but on this moral question of the Liquor Traffic 
 the Republican national party has chosen to be silent, 
 since it spoke for saloons in the Raster Resolution 
 referred to. With one exception, which it is more cruel 
 than kind to recall. In 1888, following the Republican 
 defeat of 1884 (to which Prohibitionists contributed, as 
 Republican leaders and press declared), the national 
 Republican Convention, in the Boutelle Resolution, 
 adopted apart from its platform, said this: 
 
 "The first concern of all good government is the virtue and 
 sobriety of the people and the purity of the home. The Republican 
 party cordially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts 
 for the promotion of Temperance and morality." 
 
 Bonfort's Wine and Spirit Circular quoted this resolu- 
 tion (July 10, 1888) and asked: 
 
 "And pray, who withholds endorsement from such propositions 
 as these? In behalf of the wine and spirit trade, we hereby 
 accord this declaration our unreserved approval." 
 
 And the Republican Commercial Gazette, of Cincin-
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 299 
 
 nati, cheerfully said of the resolution: "If it had meant 
 anything it would not have passed." 
 
 There is a paragraph in this party record that should 
 never be overlooked. 
 
 Four years previous to this inoffensive deliverance on 
 Temperance, in that same city of Chicago where this 
 deliverance was made, at that memorable convention of 
 1884 when Mr. Elaine was nominated for President, Miss 
 Frances E. Willard headed a deputation which appealed 
 with pitiful eloquence to the Republican Platform Com- 
 mittee not for a Prohibition plank, but for the most 
 moderate expression of sympathy, and was ignominiously, 
 even insultingly, refused. Until that time John P. St. 
 John, who had been twice Republican Governor of Kan- 
 sas, and had been beaten for a third term by the liquor 
 men inside his own party, and their alliance with liquor 
 Democrats, was yet a loyal Republican, refusing to iden- 
 tify himself with the Prohibition Party, and holding that 
 the National Republican organization would sufficiently 
 declare itself to satisfy him and others expectant, and 
 keep faith with Republican Prohibitionists in Kansas 
 of which fact ample evidence is in my possession. Disap- 
 pointed and grieved, Ex-Governor St. John became the 
 National Prohibition standard-bearer against his wish, 
 even against his will, and (as he was forced to regard it) 
 almost as by Divine Command to which fact I could 
 bear testimony in detail, of my own personal knowledge, 
 were there occasion so to do. 
 
 A RECORD OF PARTNERSHIP 
 
 This action of the Republican Party, in convention 
 assembled, was altogether consistent with the Republican
 
 300 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Policy as to public revenue, maintained for twelve years 
 preceding. 
 
 It was in 1862 that the United States government 
 accepted partnership with the Liquor Business, under the 
 Internal Revenue System. And government was by no 
 means a silent partner, as the years went on. It sent its 
 chief revenue official, or one of his trusted lieutenants, 
 again and again and again, to the great liquor gatherings, 
 and backed his authorized assurances of sympathy and 
 support, suggested his kind inquiries as 'to the needs and 
 wishes of liquor men. At many conventions of the U. S. 
 Beer Brewers' Association, the Republican administration 
 at Washington was represented by one who spoke with 
 declared authority for the Revenue Department, and 
 whose voice was accepted as the administration's guaran- 
 tee as the special partner's voice, in which were both 
 partnership and power. 
 
 In 1865 a representative of the Internal Revenue office 
 (Mr. Wells) attended the Brewers' Convention at Balti- 
 more (Oct. 18), and said: 
 
 "It is the desire of the Government to be thoroughly informed 
 of the requirements of the trade, and I will give information on 
 all questions, in order to bring about a cordial understanding 
 between the Government and the trade." 
 
 In 1872, at the Brewers' Convention in New York 
 (June 5 and 6) Mr. C. A. Bates officially spoke for the 
 Government and said: 
 
 "Let us take no backward step. I say us, for I am with you. 
 The Commissioner of Internal Revenue is with you. The 
 President is with you." 
 
 In 1873 the Commissioner of Internal Revenue sent 
 two representatives to the Brewers' Convention (at
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 301 
 
 Cleveland, June 4), and wrote a message which they bore, 
 saying : 
 
 "I am glad to learn that the conduct of this Bureau has been 
 satisfactory to such an important body of tax-payers as the 
 brewers of the United States, and I trust that nothing will occur 
 to disturb the friendly relations now existing between this office 
 and your Association." 
 
 This Commissioner attended in person the Convention 
 of 1878, at Baltimore, and spoke cheering words to the 
 Brewers there; in 1884 his successor, Mr. Evans, sent 
 "best wishes for the success of your Association" to the 
 same body of men, in session at Rochester; and in 1890, 
 when the brewers met at Washington, the successor of 
 Mr. Evans, John W. Mason, graced the occasion with his 
 presence, made a gracious address, and acknowledged the 
 partnership between Government and the Brewers in 
 these words: 
 
 "Our business relations for the last year have been quite exten- 
 sive, and I may say speaking for the office of the Commissioner 
 of Internal Revenue that they have been of a pleasant charac- 
 ter. In order that they may continue so, and that the pleasant 
 features of the connection may as far as possible be increased, 
 it is very desirable that the Commissioner should know you all, 
 personally, and that, personally, he should know your wishes. 
 * * * You are all business men, engaged in a lawful business, 
 and entitled to pursue that business untrammeled by any regula- 
 tion of the office of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 
 except in so far as may be necessary for the purpose of collecting 
 the revenue. * * * If there be any regulations or anything 
 whatever pertaining to the office which you may deem unreason- 
 able or unnecessary, I beg that you will not hesitate to express 
 your views." 
 
 At the Government's head, when this partnership 
 began, stood a man who had said brave and noble words
 
 302 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 against the Liquor Business a man who at heart was a 
 Prohibitionist a man whose name the world honors and 
 Americans love the first Republican President. But 
 Abraham Lincoln had one great and grave task to per- 
 form at that time. His patriotic purpose was Pauline. 
 "This one thing I do," he no doubt said over to himself, 
 all those weary days of war, in his great, loyal heart. 
 
 In the face of lesser difficulties he might have refused 
 let us believe he would to accept revenue from vice 
 to carry on a war for patriotism and righteousness. Only 
 the sorest need, let us admit, could have justified him to 
 himself, in approving the Revenue System created in that 
 fearful stress to uphold our national structure. 
 
 But it has been maintained under other conditions, with 
 less yea, without any excuse. To that System seven 
 Republican national administrations have since held; the 
 partnership which that System began these administra- 
 tions have continued and have continued to recognize and 
 encourage; from that partnership they have drawn 
 uncounted millions for the national treasury; because of 
 that System and this partnership the Liquor Business 
 has grown rich and insolent, its demands have been 
 imperious and have been met, its power has grown 
 despotic. 
 
 It should be said that in four States, commonly Repub- 
 lican by legislative and popular majorities Maine, Ver- 
 mont, New Hampshire, and Kansas Prohibition laws 
 have been long maintained on the statute books; and if 
 there is credit in this fact let the Republican party have 
 it, and welcome. But saying this, it must be said, further, 
 that the non-enforcement of these laws, or the partial non- 
 enforcement of them, in those States, has long brought 
 shame and dishonor upon the Prohibition policy, and
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 303 
 
 given hope and comfort to the enemies of Prohibition; 
 and that because of political conditions existing in Ver- 
 mont and New Hampshire Prohibition has there been 
 supplanted by Local Option; and if there is discredit in 
 this let the Republican party bear it all. 
 
 For the Republican party has there been responsible. 
 In the hands of its chosen officials have been the powers 
 of government. Wherever, and in so far as, government 
 has failed to make the law a fact, it was because Republi- 
 can executors of law were incompetent or false to their 
 plain duty and their solemn oaths. Back of these has 
 been their party, condoning their incompetency, their 
 cowardice, or their crime. 
 
 And in so far as Prohibition has proven a success, in 
 the States named, or either of them and this is to a 
 degree magnificently helpful, both morally and financially 
 it has been so rather in spite than because of the Domi- 
 nant party. In other words, the people, regardless of 
 party, have compelled such measure of success, or have 
 compelled party officials to perform a small measure of 
 their duty in the enforcement of law. 
 
 Mrs. Nation's hatchet crusade in Kansas (in 1901) 
 was the direct and logical outcome of Republican fail- 
 ure to uphold the law and the Constitution of that State ; 
 and all the outcries against her and her methods, bitterly 
 sounded across this country, should have been made 
 against the Republican Governor, who perjured himself 
 at the command of liquor votes, and against the Republi- 
 can party, which conspired in his falsifying and nullifying 
 course. 
 
 The election of Sheriff Pearson, a Third Party Prohibi- 
 tionist, in Portland. Me. (1900), was possible only 
 because Republican Sheriffs had so long been dominated
 
 304 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 by the anti-Prohibition, anti-law, element, of that city 
 and county, and because these and other officials, elected 
 by the Republican party, had imbibed (the word is care- 
 fully used) so much of the nullifying spirit of that party 
 in that State and other States. 
 
 The uprising of public sentiment in behalf of law 
 throughout New Hampshire, in 1902, and the compulsory 
 action of its courts, was but the natural result of Republi- 
 can disregard for law through more than three decades, 
 and the final disgust which this caused among decent men 
 of all parties. 
 
 I was in New Hampshire, at the beginning of one 
 Republican campaign there, years before, and in Con- 
 cord, where the Republican convention was held, on the 
 day it was held, when the presiding officer of that con- 
 vention, then State's Attorney-General, in the opening 
 address, declared his ability and willingness to show the 
 Prohibition candidate for Governor how he (this Prohibi- 
 tionist) could shut up every one of the sixteen open bars 
 then running in Concord within ten days. The only 
 condition made by this Republican office-holder, this chief 
 prosecuting attorney for the State, was that this Prohibi- 
 tion candidate, this plain private citizen, should come to 
 him, and "manifest a sincere desire to close the saloons" 
 in other words, a heroic zeal to do what the office- 
 holder was paid and had sworn to perform enforce and 
 uphold the law. 
 
 And that same night, in the same hall, in the presence 
 of this prosecuting attorney who did not prosecute 
 (though ready enough to tell another how), and before 
 an audience of his fellow citizens who were presumably 
 his friends, when I charged to his face that by his own 
 admission the Attorney-General of New Hampshire was
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 305 
 
 either incompetent or unwilling to do his duty, they 
 cheered me to the echo. 
 
 RESULTS OF THE PARTNERSHIP 
 
 This third question of ours can be truthfully answered 
 in but one way: 
 
 The attitude of Republicans toward Publicans the 
 attitude of the Republican Party toward liquor-sellers 
 has been, in certain States and at certain times, a hostile 
 attitude, but is now either in law or fact a friendly 
 attitude the Republican Party, in most of the Republican 
 States, and of the nation at large, by a State and national 
 policy of Revenue, is both the friend and ally of the 
 Liquor Business and by it is relied upon for perpetuation 
 and power. 
 
 In Massachusetts, in Pennsylvania, in Michigan, in 
 Ohio, in Illinois, in Wisconsin, in Iowa, in Rhode Island, 
 in Oregon, and in Minnesota those ten States which 
 have been so reliably Republican so long under License, 
 High License, or tax, the liquor business lives and thrives 
 and waxes bold. In Connecticut, New Jersey, New York, 
 Indiana, Nebraska, and California, which are oftener 
 Republican than otherwise, the same thing holds true. 
 
 The Portland Oregonian, leading Republican organ of 
 Oregon, told the truth of its own party in that State and 
 other States when it said: 
 
 "The Republican party has been betrayed by villainous leader- 
 ship into an alliance with the liquor ring. It has been debauched 
 and prostituted to the liquor ring's services. It must shake off 
 that leadership, repudiate that alliance, or go to its death. It 
 can not support the infamy of such associations. It will lose all 
 its men of character, conscience and decency, and it will die 
 ignominiously, as it deserves. Redeem the Republican party from 
 the liquor ring ! Disenthrall it, or let it die !"
 
 3 o6 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 A State policy of Revenue, for which the Republican 
 party is directly responsible in at least sixteen of the older 
 States, and a national revenue policy which that party 
 created and has maintained, testify to the Republican 
 party's friendliness for and perpetuation of the Liquor 
 Traffic. This attitude was revealed with painful clearness 
 during those years (from 1883 to 1889 inclusive) when 
 Constitutional Amendment campaigns were unsuccess- 
 fully waging to establish Prohibition in the organic law 
 of certain States. 
 
 Ohio, with a frequent Republican majority of 40,000, 
 in 1883 lacked nearly that number of sufficient votes to 
 carry the Amendment in a total vote for State officers of 
 721,310 or the count of Amendment ballots was falsely 
 returned. 
 
 Michigan returned 5,540 majority against Prohibition 
 (in 1887) though since then (and normally) Republican 
 by several times those figures. 
 
 Pennsylvania's normal Republican majority of 80,000 
 did not save the Prohibition Amendment from defeat (in 
 1889) by almost an even 190,000 (188,027). 
 
 Massachusetts could elect her Republican ticket by over 
 50,000 majority any year, but let her Amendment fail by 
 over 45>oo (45,820). 
 
 New Hampshire could be Republican by an unshaken 
 majority, from year's end to year's end, and maintain a 
 Prohibition law which Republican officials did not 
 enforce, but vote down the Prohibition Amendment (in 
 1889) by 5,190. 
 
 Little Republican Connecticut, as the direct result of 
 Republican affiliation with liquor forces, could (in 1889) 
 roll up the large majority of 27,595 against Prohibition 
 in that form.
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 307 
 
 And it was the Republican Revenue System which 
 defeated Constitutional Prohibition in those Republican 
 States unless it was Republican party corruption, 
 debauching the suffrage to perpetuate itself, or counting 
 out the clean ballots of honest men to perpetuate a dirty, 
 dishonest business. 
 
 "The Amendment died of High Tax," was Miss Wil- 
 lard's declaration as to Michigan; and its death was 
 certainly due to high tax or low political trickery. 
 
 In Rhode Island a Republican State official's nullifica- 
 tion of the Constitution and the law, as nobody now 
 denies, led to repeal of the Prohibition Amendment three 
 years after its adoption there. (Adopted April 7, 1886; 
 repealed June 20, 1889.) 
 
 High tax in Ohio, and High License in Pennsylvania, 
 plus knavery and corruption in both States, painfully 
 swelled the vote against Prohibition when amendments 
 were defeated in those States. 
 
 "We understood and agreed to the passage of the High 
 License Law," testified one of the liquor leaders in Penn- 
 sylvania, "before the Amendment was submitted, so that 
 we could use it as a means to defeat Prohibition. And it 
 was that and that alone that saved us. With all our 
 money and political backing we could not have defeated 
 the Amendment on any other plea than High License." 
 And his advice to his kind was emphatic "Clamor for 
 High License!" 
 
 Republican Iowa gave a popular majority of almost 
 30,000 (in 1882) for Constitutional Prohibition, but a 
 Republican Legislature found it easy to nullify the 
 people's will, and set aside their verdict, and the Revenue 
 System, under a Mulct Law, practically replaced Prohibi- 
 tion, by the choice of Republican legislators in that State.
 
 308 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 REVENUE AT ITS WORST 
 
 The State of New York affords the most painful con- 
 trast between what was and what is the attitude of the 
 Republican party towards the Liquor Traffic. Remem- 
 ber that in this State that party began on a Prohibition 
 basis, and by enacting a Prohibition law. Forty years 
 later it laid upon the Liquor Trade "a tariff for revenue 
 only," in the Raines Law, but under pretense of serving 
 Temperance. 
 
 No other State has matched this form of Liquor Tax, 
 in the extent of its financial returns and in the terrible 
 immoralities begotten and legalized by it. In no other 
 State has the Republican party so openly declared its 
 revenue purpose concerning Liquor, so boldly boasted of 
 millions drawn from the Liquor Traffic, so shamelessly 
 heralded its partnership with the saloon and the house of 
 sin. By grace of the Raines Law, disgrace of the people, 
 and prostitution of public and private virtue, the State 
 Treasury has been glutted with money stolen by bar- 
 keepers from the earnings of boys and men, and won in 
 brothels from the shame of women and girls, and boasted 
 of in and on Republican platforms and through the 
 Republican press as a gain to the State, and a relief to the 
 tax-payers, regardless of its effect upon the great moral, 
 political, and economic problem of Profit and Loss in 
 Man. 
 
 The evil effects of this law have been sufficiently 
 declared. It need only be cited, now, in further and 
 final proof as to the Republican party's attitude toward 
 the Publican, however vile the place he may maintain, 
 however degrading in character it may be. New York 
 City's Fusion Campaign of 1901 made horribly clear the
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 309 
 
 relation of this law to the Social Evil there, and the 
 imperative necessity for some change in behalf of 
 Morality ; but the change most loudly demanded, by lead- 
 ing Republican papers, and by some influential Republi- 
 can preachers, in the city itself, was for Open Saloons a 
 part of every Sunday! So with law as a feeder to one 
 form of destructive and costly vice, it was proposed to 
 legalize the grossest Sabbath desecration, and thereby 
 open larger avenues for the spread and perpetuation of 
 that vice. 
 
 To such logical ultimate comes the Republican policy 
 of Revenue from the Liquor Traffic, of partnership with 
 liquor-sellers. Seven days of trade should return more 
 profit than six. So reasons the Publican. So the .Re- 
 publican would reason, in honest logic ; so he does reason 
 when he argues for an Open Sunday. And the oppor- 
 tunity to declare for an Open Sunday, favored by so large 
 a part of the Republican Party in consonance with the 
 Republican theory of Local Option (and proposed in the 
 Sunday Referendum), shocking as a multitude of Sab- 
 bath-loving Republicans considered it, was but the 
 unyielding logic of the Local Option idea, irresistibly 
 asserting itself. 
 
 If it was legitimately true, under the Local Option 
 feature of the Raines Law, that any township of the State 
 might vote by a majority in favor of liquor-selling six 
 days in the week, why should it not follow, as a legitimate 
 fact, that any city of the State by a majority vote could 
 establish liquor-selling seven days in the week? If the 
 immoral standards of men may prevail six-sevenths of 
 the time, why not all the time? If men a majority of 
 men have a right to dominate and to determine law by 
 their personal habits and appetites, why not also by their
 
 3 io PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 religious, or irreligious, beliefs? If any locality in the 
 State may be subject on six days to the vicious wish or 
 vote of a bad majority, why not on the seventh? They 
 may not agree with us any more as to the sacredness of 
 the Sabbath than they do as to the defilement and waste 
 of Drink. If we should bow to their major will and 
 wish as to the latter, why not as to the former? If the 
 majority is indeed to establish moral rather, immoral 
 standards, where shall we stop? 
 
 In that remarkable Fusion Campaign in Greater New 
 York, Mr. Edward M. Shepard, Democratic candidate 
 for Mayor, said this: 
 
 "The school teacher, faithful and hard worked, is in the long 
 run the most useful of all those who serve the city. For from 
 him or her must come the moral character and intellectual stan- 
 dards which are to determine the wonderful future of our city." 
 
 Close beside the teacher in the school ranks the 
 preacher in the pulpit, as a public educator, as a defender 
 of moral standards. And, as we have stated, in the 
 Republican party the teacher and the preacher stood once, 
 naturally, side by side it was confessedly the party of 
 both ; it had a moral standard high as the heavens, broad 
 as humanity, unbending as truth. Now if teacher and 
 preacher march in the Republican procession, they must 
 keep step and touch elbows with the Publican, must see 
 the portraits of their candidates look out at them from 
 the windows of Republican saloons, must mingle their 
 cheers as they march on with the beery breath of Publi- 
 can and Republican shouters, and must listen to orators, 
 when the march ends, who can talk long and loud of 
 Money, and Tariff, and Expansion, but who forevermore 
 on great moral questions, involving high moral standards 
 and pure political principles, are silent as the Sphinx !
 
 PUBLICANS AND REPUBLICANS 311 
 
 And the chief est reason they can urge for being 
 Republicans, yet, is a reason of heredity their fathers 
 were Republicans; it was born in the blood and bred in 
 the bone the Italic reasons why they should remain 
 Republicans, as read in their party papers, are that theirs 
 is the party of "good times," of "abounding prosperity ;" 
 that it brings money to their pockets and grists to their 
 mills in other words, preferment and place and pay; 
 that it means low taxes, because of high tariff on the 
 foreigner across the seas and high tax here at home on 
 the foreigner behind the bar! 
 
 And if teacher and preacher read with eyes open for 
 truth, when holding their party organs in hand, and listen 
 with ears of conscience when their party orators declaim, 
 and think with honest brains of what relation Publicans 
 and Republicans have come to maintain politically 
 toward each other, between the printed lines they will 
 see, or under the spoken word they will hear, these boast- 
 ful confessions of the attitude (in our controlling cities 
 and large towns, if not more widely) which their party 
 has come to hold: 
 
 We are proud of our Revenue Record we are ! 
 
 Of the gains we have gathered from brothel and bar; 
 Of the tribute we take from the house of ill-fame, 
 Of the profits we make from the woman of shame; 
 
 Of the millions we've brought to the coffers we hold, 
 
 From the manhood betrayed and the womanhood sold; 
 But we beg for clean ballots wherewith we may win 
 While we boast of our tolls from the traffic of sin. 
 
 We are proud of the millions ! But what of the men 
 And the women who pay? They shall pay us again! 
 We will fatten on sin and will thrive upon vice, 
 While we hold the State's virtue for sale at a price;
 
 312 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 The saloon shall remain with its festering crime, 
 And the brothel shall fume with its terrible slime; 
 They may ruin young men, but so long as they pay 
 We will share in their profits, their bidding obey. 
 
 To the brewers, barkeepers and brothels we give 
 The protection of law that permits them to live; 
 
 And we say to them softly, "Stay by us ! and hold 
 
 On your way, to our gain, while we garner your gold 1" 
 And we say to the pulpits which meekly obey 
 "Let the party alone, and the party will pay; 
 
 Pour the gospel of love sweetly over the pews, 
 
 But the Decalog do not too widely diffuse!" 
 
 We are proud of the revenue records that tell 
 Of our toll-gates maintained on the highway to hell; 
 We delight in the leeches that suck the warm life 
 Of the heart of the Home, of the Mother and Wife; 
 For the manhood betrayed and the womanhood slain 
 We hold up the red hands of a murderer's gain; 
 And we boast of our millions, to bribe you to sin 
 With your ballots again, that again we may win !
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 
 
 The rights of man are limited where they clash with the rights 
 of other men. John B. Finch.
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 
 
 E'lT no Democrat swiftly take offense at this conjunc- 
 tion of terms. None in the North would be likely 
 to; for throughout the Northern States there is an 
 acknowledged affinity between Democrats and Drink 
 and Drink of the strongest kind. Even in parts of the 
 South this affinity has long been a popularly understood 
 fact. Kentucky Bourbon and Kentucky Democracy have 
 stood as almost synonymous designations. Both referred 
 to the same political class. Both comprehended the same 
 party politics. Both meant the same thing in govern- 
 ment. Hence it came as a startling inconsistency, when 
 Bourbon County went Dry, and the native home of Bour- 
 bon whisky repudiated its own. The average Northern 
 citizen, be he Republican or Democrat, will probably 
 question if it ever did go that way. 
 
 Indeed, the average Northern Republican, however 
 well informed, knows little of the wide Southern areas 
 from which the Liquor Traffic has been legally banished, 
 and comprehends less of the comparative rigor with 
 which law is enforced on Southern soil. Georgia, Ala- 
 bama, Mississippi and North Carolina have recently and 
 successively adopted state-wide Prohibition, and a vast 
 number of counties in Democratic Maryland, Arkansas, 
 Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, Florida and Texas are 
 without an open saloon. In these the affinity has ceased 
 between Democrats and Drink, so far as local conditions 
 are concerned or would indicate. 
 
 315
 
 316 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 And the fact stands that the Democratic Party, in cer- 
 tain entire States of the North, was once a Prohibition 
 party, as it never was until recently, if it is yet, in any 
 State of the South, however locally Prohibition may have 
 come there to prevail. But that was years ago "befo' 
 the wa'," as a Bourbon Democrat might say. From 1846 
 to 1855 inclusive mainly from '51 to '55 prohibitory 
 laws were enacted in ten States which had elected Demo- 
 cratic legislatures; and only two of these were in the 
 South. Prior to 1840 three States had passed prohibitory 
 laws; and only one of these was in the North (Ohio). 
 
 The original "Maine Law," which Northern Demo- 
 crats came to hold in such abhorrence, was put on the 
 statute-books of Maine by Democratic legislators (in 
 1846 and 1851), though too soon repealed by legisla- 
 tors of the same party kind (1856). It was imitated by 
 Democrats in Illinois (1851), Minnesota (1852), Michi- 
 gan (1853), Ohio (1854), Iowa (1855), Indiana (1855), 
 Nebraska (1855), an d Mississippi and Texas (the same 
 year). The imitation was not in each case a strong one, 
 but it passed for such, and it bore the opprobrium while 
 it remained the law. 
 
 But when the Republican party began, and began on 
 the high plane of morals in politics, the Democratic party 
 changed front upon Temperance, and became the open 
 opponent of Prohibition, generally. Then for five years 
 before the war it was a toss-up between the Republican 
 party and the Democratic party, as to which should go 
 farthest to befriend the Liquor Business, with the 
 Republicans ahead because they elected the most legis- 
 latures, in States which had enacted Prohibition laws, 
 and were therefore best able to accomplish repeal. 
 
 The change in both parties was so great, upon this
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 317 
 
 question, that if each could have been embodied in one 
 man, and thus could have met the other, they would both 
 have passed without recognition. Like the two Irishmen 
 who met upon the highway ; each saw the other coming, 
 and thought he beheld an old friend. 
 
 "Good morning, Moike," says one, and "How are ye, 
 Pat ?" says the other, as they advanced with outstretched 
 hands. 
 
 And then they stopped short, and gazed with surprise 
 each at the other's face, for they were strangers. 
 
 "Begorra, Pat," at length says Mike, "I thought it was 
 you, an' you thought it was me, an' faith! it's nayther 
 of us !" 
 
 And today, if these two old and changed parties could 
 meet, each, as I have said, embodied in one man, some 
 such conversation might occur as was reported of two 
 other Irishmen, Casey and Cassidy, when they met. Said 
 Cassidy "Casey, man, you're drunk." Said Casey 
 "It's a lie, Cassidy, an' if Oi was sober Oi'd make ye 
 prove it!" "An' if ye was sober," said Cassidy, "ye'd 
 know ye was drunk !" 
 
 And I leave it for you to say which of the two 
 embodied parties would pass for Cassidy. 
 
 In all soberness, in all kindness and candor, let us see 
 whether the Democratic party, State and national, has a 
 record which might fairly entitle it to be embodied in 
 Casey whether the policy of that party, so far as advo- 
 cated in its platforms or in its press, or as expressed in 
 any direct legislation since before the War, has been to 
 make fewer Caseys, and fewer places where Caseys are 
 made ; has been to solve rightly and surely the problem 
 of Profit and Loss in Man ; has been to make Casey and 
 other men sober enough to pay dividends upon Society's
 
 3i8 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 investment in them, and to guarantee a stable society and 
 a permanent State upon the citizen- foundations which 
 they form. 
 
 In several particulars the Democratic Party, as to this 
 Temperance Question, may claim equality with, and in at 
 least one of them precedence over, the Republican Party. 
 This last reference is to the passage by Democratic Legis- 
 latures of prohibitory laws ; but that legislative epoch 
 ended, for the Democratic Party, full six years before 
 the War began, and of this we have already and 
 sufficiently made record. Let us now scrutinize the other 
 particulars, and learn, if we can, whether as to these the 
 Democratic Party has been more or less than the Republi- 
 can Party a friend of Casey drunk or Cassidy sober. And 
 
 I. AS TO LOCAL PROHIBITION BY LOCAL 
 OPTION 
 
 We may properly consider this the first particular, 
 because Local Option, as a supposed settlement of the 
 Temperance Question, really preceded State Prohibition, 
 though it was much more extensively applied after that 
 had been enacted by a dozen legislatures and as often 
 repealed. 
 
 Local Option appeared to be an easy and sure way, 
 then, of relieving both Democrats and Republicans of any 
 partizan responsibility for solving the Liquor problem, by 
 making the people responsible, through popular vote. 
 Both parties appear to have snatched with equal eager- 
 ness at this offering, after the Republican party was 
 born, and the policy of Local Option, for some years any- 
 how, was as much favored by the Democrats as by the 
 Republicans, balancing North and South. 
 
 This policy, in the South, made peculiar appeal to the
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 319 
 
 Democratic Idea. It was clearly akin to the Democratic 
 doctrine of States' Rights: It recognized the will of a 
 locality, or a section. Hence it has made singular head- 
 way in the Southern States, or some of them; and per- 
 haps in this particular, not less than as to that of early 
 State Prohibition, the Democratic party takes precedence 
 over the Republican. 
 
 Local Option began in Georgia as far back as 1833, 
 when that State was not less democratic than at any time 
 since. It made early permanent foothold in Democratic 
 Maryland, years later. Its largest State area, by counties, 
 has since been in Arkansas, Florida, Kentucky, Georgia, 
 Alabama, Maryland, Virginia, Texas, Tennessee, Mis- 
 souri and Mississippi. In these eleven Democratic 
 States, in 1901, there were 684 counties under Local 
 Prohibition by Local Option, being almost 62 per cent, 
 of all the counties therein. With Texas left out, the 
 percentage would be over 66. 
 
 Some of the results of Local Prohibition, in Demo- 
 cratic States, will appear in the following comparative 
 figures, dating back even prior to the largest achievements 
 of Local Option: 
 
 In the States which went Democratic, in the Presi- 
 dential campaign of 1888, there were but 53,663 legalized 
 liquor-sellers ; while in the States which went Republican 
 that year there were 149,711 liquor-sellers nearly three 
 times as many. 
 
 The population, in 1890, of the States that in 1888 
 were carried for Harrison, was 37,420,579, there being 
 one legalized liquor-seller for every 250 people in those 
 States; while the population in the States carried for 
 Cleveland was 24,347,473, showing one legalized liquor- 
 seller for every 454 people. In other words, the Demo-
 
 320 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 cratic States averaged not much over half as many legal- 
 ized saloons, in proportion to population, as the Republi- 
 can States; despite the fact that five States counted as 
 Republican then where Prohibition prevailed by law, and 
 legalized saloons were not known to the census-takers. 
 
 So, giving the Republican party full benefit of the fact 
 that in five Republican Prohibition States there were no 
 legalized saloons to count, and of the further fact that 
 Local Option prevailed in the strong Republican States 
 of New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Michigan 
 and Ohio, it is clear that Local Prohibition produced by 
 far its largest results under local Democratic rule, on 
 Democratic soil, and among life-long Democrats. 
 
 But this was in the Southern States. Throughout the 
 North, as before and since, the Democratic Party was no 
 friend of Local Option as a rule. Where the Republicans 
 have favored it, the Democrats have opposed it. Penn- 
 sylvania had almost a Local Option tidal wave in 1872, 
 when forty counties voted for Prohibition; and against 
 this wave the Democratic Party of that State set itself 
 in open alliance with Liquor. Per contra, in Democratic 
 Missouri, during the elections of 1887 and 1888, thirty- 
 eight counties voted for Prohibition to forty-four against 
 it a credit to the Democrats; yet in Arkansas, in 1882, 
 a State vote on the question, by counties, carried Wet by 
 a large majority, though many Arkansas counties have 
 long been commendably Dry. 
 
 II. AS TO CONSTITUTIONAL PROHIBITION 
 BY CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 
 
 In four Democratic States Prohibitory Amendments to 
 the State Constitution, have been submitted to the people, 
 and have met with overwhelming defeat. Texas, Ten-
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 321 
 
 nessee, West Virginia and North Carolina, by Demo- 
 cratic Legislatures, were given opportunity for a popular 
 vote upon Prohibition, and in each of these States the 
 Amendment suffered defeat because the Democratic 
 leaders conspired to defeat it, their attitude and effort 
 being dictated, no doubt, by the National Democratic 
 Party's leadership. 
 
 Texas rolled up the most astonishing adverse majority, 
 far more than matching, in proportion to population, that 
 of Republican Pennsylvania on such an Amendment. 
 Yet it should be said, to the credit of Texas Democrats, 
 that the Amendment fight in Texas was under Demo- 
 cratic auspices, and led by Democrats of high standing, 
 U. S. Senator Reagan being the chief Prohibition advo- 
 cate. The Prohibition Party had made slight headway in 
 Texas, up to that time, and aggressive party Prohibi- 
 tionists were few in that State. It should be said further 
 that Prohibition speakers from other States were barred 
 out of the Texas Amendment Campaign, by those in 
 charge, but that the liquor managers were shrewd enough 
 to enlist Jefferson Davis, former President of the 
 Southern Confederacy, against Prohibition; and it may 
 be properly added that this final act of Mr. Davis's life 
 (a widely circulated letter opposing the Amendment) 
 cost him the respect of many Southern Democrats and 
 was keenly regretted by a host of his long-time followers 
 and devoted friends. 
 
 In Tennessee the adverse majority was large, though 
 many influential Democrats there advocated the Amend- 
 ment with great earnestness. Probably in no Republican 
 State where an Amendment battle was fought did so 
 many dominant party men, of such rank in their party, 
 commit themselves with such boldness to Constitutional
 
 322 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Prohibition as in those Democratic Southern States 
 where the Amendment was fought for so ably, yet lost. 
 I was in the Tennessee campaign, and had personal occa- 
 sion to know the facts there. In my opinion, had an 
 equal number of equally influential Republicans advo- 
 cated the Amendment, in those Republican States where 
 it was defeated, it would have been adopted in every one, 
 with the possible exception of Pennsylvania. Massachu- 
 setts, New Hampshire, New York, Michigan and Ohio 
 would surely have carried it. 
 
 On the other hand it must be written down that in all 
 the Northern States Democrats have opposed submission 
 of Prohibition Amendments to the people, with the 
 exception of Oregon, and have opposed the Amendments 
 when submitted. They have gone farther, and have per- 
 sistently opposed the Amendments after adoption, in 
 those States where adoption followed, and have clamored 
 for License, instead, urging Re-Submission in the 
 hope that on another trial Prohibition could be beaten. 
 In Maine and Kansas, year after year, they have main- 
 tained this attitude of opposition, and avowed this 
 purpose to change the State's policy, and thus have 
 given aid and comfort to the liquor men and upheld the 
 hands of every liquor-seller defying the Constitution and 
 the law. 
 
 The hope that a whole State could and would recant 
 its Prohibition policy, kept alive by the Democratic 
 party's constant and aggressive attitude of opposition, 
 has inspired law-breaking, even as has the hope of an 
 early change in local policy under Local Option. Where 
 Local Prohibition has been tried and soon repealed, the 
 reason for such repeal has been found, as a rule, in the 
 violation of law by liquor-sellers; and this violation has
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 323 
 
 been persistent because of collusion by party officials, and 
 the known fact that in two years popular decision could 
 be reversed, and under a resumed liquor policy the viola- 
 tors would not finally be punished, the purpose of their 
 violations would be achieved. 
 
 In Texas, at one time, before the Amendment contest, 
 I found that county after county, having once gone Dry, 
 had gone Wet again for this very reason: Liquor suits 
 against liquor-sellers had been hung up in the courts, by 
 collusion of Democratic officials, until the legal Dry Term 
 had passed ; liquor-selling had gone on defiantly pending 
 these hung-up suits, with all the bad results of it and no 
 revenue ; until the men who had once voted Dry were dis- 
 gusted, or many of them, and went to the polls at next 
 opportunity and voted Wet. 
 
 III. AS TO PROPOSED RESTRICTION BY 
 HIGH LICENSE 
 
 High License, as known to the United States, was 
 born in Nebraska (1881), where two Democrats, who 
 later became Prohibitionists on account of their High 
 License experience, framed the bill which made High 
 License a legal fact. One of them was H. W. Hardy; 
 the other was John B. Finch, who lived some years after 
 confessing the failure of that policy which he helped 
 create, and who died the ablest and most influential advo- 
 cate of Prohibition it has ever known. 
 
 Excepting that of Missouri (1883), I do not recall a 
 single Democratic legislature which has followed Nebras- 
 ka's lead and made High License a State policy. Despite 
 its commercial doctrine of "a tariff for revenue only," 
 the Democratic party has not in general stood for such a 
 tariff on the Liquor Traffic. And that tariff in that State
 
 3 24 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 has been maintained as a Republican measure which it 
 really was at the outset, though drafted by Democrats 
 and which High License early became and has remained 
 in other States. Illinois adopted it when Republican. 
 Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Pennsylvania, 
 and New York followed along this line, in Republican 
 procession. 
 
 Since its early days of Prohibition law-making, the 
 Democratic party has been too friendly towards and too 
 dependent on the liquor power for imposing serious bur- 
 dens upon it, generally speaking. Wherever the Demo- 
 crats have won, in any Northern State, they have done so 
 by massing solidly on their side the Liquor Vote of that 
 State as, for instance, in Ohio, in 1883, when Hoadley 
 was elected Governor, and in 1889 when Campbell was 
 elected. Those two were Democratic years on that 
 Republican stamping ground, because the Democrats 
 outbid the Republicans for Liquor support ; and got what 
 they bid for. If any Republican thinks there is no per 
 contra to this which discredits Republican victories in 
 that usually Republican stronghold, let him study his 
 party's records there, and be not too sorely shocked when 
 he encounters liquor-selling George B. Cox, Republican 
 boss of Cincinnati, to whose control of the Liquor Vote, 
 in that City of Beer and other sins, Ohio Republicanism 
 owes it perpetuity and power! 
 
 It must be confessed that Nebraska nearly set the high- 
 water say more truly the high-liquor mark for High 
 License when she established it, and that Republicans 
 have nowhere greatly exceeded her figure by any legisla- 
 tion generally applied, unless in Massachusetts. A $500 
 license fee, in all towns having less than 10,000 popula- 
 tion, and a fee of $1,000 in towns containing more than
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 325 
 
 10,000, was naturally enough considered restrictive; and 
 these Nebraska figures were fixed, as is well-known, in 
 the belief that to a certain salutary extent they would be 
 prohibitive. 
 
 At that time even John B. Finch, with his clear under- 
 standing of the Liquor Traffic's nature, and his logical 
 perception of cause and effect, did not comprehend how 
 a debasing, disreputable business, made to pay for its 
 right to be, will grow more debasing and debased in the 
 struggle to maintain itself, and will become a more 
 poisonous contamination in every community to which it 
 pays tribute. 
 
 The dream of making the Liquor Traffic respectable by 
 High License, through putting it in respectable hands, 
 was natural, yet illogical. And Mr. Finch and his asso- 
 ciates were shocked, though they should not have been 
 surprised, when the first license called for at the high fee, 
 and under the new law, in the State's Capital where the 
 law had birth, was called for and granted to the vilest 
 place in Lincoln, and when the first application for a 
 thousand-dollar license in the largest city Nebraska had 
 came from the most notorious gambling hell and house of 
 prostitution in all Omaha. Neither should anyone have 
 been, nor should anyone be now, surprised to find that 
 High License did not, does not, and never will, greatly if 
 at all reduce the amount of liquor drank. It is against 
 the logic of trade and appetite. As to the contaminating 
 nature and effect of a High Licensed Liquor Traffic, and 
 the comparative amount of liquor handled by and con- 
 sumed under it, the Revenue producing Raines Law of 
 New York, and the Brooks High License Law of Penn- 
 sylvania, have been amply in evidence. They have not 
 everywhere exacted quite the Nebraska tribute, but it
 
 326 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 has been large enough to gild with gold the sin and crime 
 they have fostered, to make it a deceptive and wicked 
 bribe to the State. 
 
 Since its beginning, as a supposedly restrictive or Tem- 
 perance measure, High License has been adopted, 
 whether by Democrats or Republicans, as a compromise 
 to hold the party allegiance of Temperance men. Con- 
 spicuously in this way came the Downing Law of Mis- 
 souri, the Harper Law of Illinois, the Scott Law of Ohio, 
 the Brooks Law of Pennsylvania, and the Raines Law 
 of New York. Missouri's law was enacted to stop a 
 prohibitory law which was urged there. 
 
 Even if High License, first framed by Democrats (but 
 enacted first by Republicans), had been maintained and 
 extended as such, the Democratic party should have no 
 credit for its perpetuity from those who do not favor per- 
 petuation of the saloon. In the Cyclopedia of Temper- 
 ance and Prohibition pages of facts and figures are given 
 to prove this statement true: 
 
 "High License legislation is shown to have no genuine tem- 
 perance value and to be incapable, even under the most favorable 
 circumstances, of producing encouraging temperance results. 
 And it is not a failure merely in the sense that restrictions proper 
 are failures; it is condemned as an obstructive device, more 
 dangerous than any other compromise yet tried, and the most 
 effective policy that can possibly be resorted to by the forces that 
 seek to defer Prohibition." 
 
 After nine years of High License in Nebraska, testi- 
 mony was overwhelming to the effect that Nebraska had 
 more drunkenness and crime in proportion to population 
 than under low license, the city of Omaha showing, in 
 1888, one arrest for every eleven persons the city con- 
 tained an appalling ratio. And St. Louis, with 1,800
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 327 
 
 saloons under low license, had 14,000 arrests for all 
 causes, while with 1,700 saloons under High License 
 that city's total of arrests ran to 15,217, of which 4,112 
 were for drunkenness. 
 
 Even in the staid city of Philadelphia, in the second 
 year of High License (1890), although legal saloons 
 were decreased largely, the sales of beer were 1,458,846 
 barrels, as against 1,409,478 barrels the last year of low 
 license (1888) ; and the fact that fewer men sold liquor, 
 according to law, did not worry the brewers in the least. 
 
 "High License is one of the devil's best devices to 
 deceive good temperance people," wrote H. W. Hardy, of 
 Lincoln, Neb., after seeing the fruits of the law he had 
 conceived and helped to frame. "Then to think I was 
 his first agent on earth to start it !" 
 
 Said the Chicago Daily News, in 1888, after five years 
 of High License in Illinois: 
 
 "Call High License what it is, an easy way to raise a revenue 
 from vice, but let there be an end of endorsing it as a temper- 
 ance measure." 
 
 Said J. M. Atherton, President of the National Pro- 
 tective Association (of distillers and wholesale liquor 
 dealers in the U. S.), in 1889: 
 
 "The two most effective weapons with which to fight Pro- 
 hibition are High License and Local Option." 
 
 And similar testimonies could be given by the score, 
 did occasion require and space permit. 
 
 IV. AS TO PROHIBITION AND PERSONAL 
 LIBERTY 
 
 We come now to the climax of confessed and final 
 Democratic alliance with the Liquor Traffic. The plea
 
 328 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 that Prohibition interferes with Personal Liberty is a 
 recognized, almost a copyrighted, Democratic Party plea, 
 in direct opposition to early legislative Democratic prac- 
 tice. No instance is recalled where an important Repub- 
 lican convention has put this plea into its platform, 
 though it has been urged persistently in behalf of the 
 German vote by Republican orators and the Republican 
 press. For authoritative party uses Personal Liberty 
 belongs to the Democrats, who politically preempted it. 
 It has been and remains a shibboleth of the National 
 Democratic party, echoed and reiterated with eager 
 emphasis in State Democratic assemblies. 
 
 It was in 1876, when Samuel J. Tilden was nominated 
 for the Presidency, that a National Democratic Conven- 
 tion first uttered this shibboleth and announced the Per- 
 sonal Liberty idea, implied against Prohibition as being 
 "sumptuary." That convention declared its belief in 
 several things, and among them 
 
 "in the liberty of individual conduct unvexed by sumptuary 
 laws." 
 
 In 1880 the convention which nominated Gen. Han- 
 cock condensed the shibboleth to "No sumptuary laws." 
 
 In 1884 the Democrats nominated Grover Cleveland 
 and said: "We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the 
 citizen and interfere with individual liberty;" and they 
 reaffirmed the Platform of '84 in 1888. 
 
 In 1892, with Mr. Cleveland again their candidate, the 
 Democrats echoed their former utterances by saying: 
 "We are opposed to all sumptuary law as an interference 
 with the individual rights of the citizen." No direct 
 reference was made to sumptuary laws, in 1896, but in 
 the paragraph declaring "Democratic Principles" their
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 329 
 
 platform said: "The Democratic party is pledged 
 * * * to the largest freedom of the individual consist- 
 ent with good government." 
 
 In all its newspaper and platform talk about and 
 against "sumptuary laws," understood and intended to 
 assail Prohibition, the Democratic party has betrayed the 
 need of a dictionary. 
 
 What is a sumptuary law? That depends upon what 
 the word "sumptuary" means. To determine its mean- 
 ing, you must go to the "root" of it. From the Latin 
 word sumptus, meaning expense, cost, we get our Eng- 
 lish word sumptuary, which means relating to expense, 
 regulating expense or expenditure. 
 
 You see many of our English words come from Latin 
 derivatives. Bayard Taylor, long an artist in their use, 
 was given to saying that pretty much every English word 
 could be traced back to the Latin ; and having once made 
 that statement to some of his Bohemian friends, as they 
 sat at table together in a place they frequented, one of 
 them challenged him to give any Latin derivative for 
 "restaurant." And quick as a flash Taylor said : "That's 
 easy. Restaurant comes from two Latin words, res, a 
 thing, and taurus, a bull restaurant, a bully thing." 
 
 The Democratic party thinks the restaurant a bully 
 thing indeed, if it has a licensed bar, and the free-lunch 
 saloon a social necessity, and believes that any law to 
 prohibit these is "sumptuary." 
 
 Whereas Prohibition, of the Liquor Traffic, has no 
 "sumptuary" quality whatsoever. It does not limit what 
 a man shall buy, nor what a man shall pay. It does not 
 care whether a man pays five cents a mug, or five cents a 
 gallon, for beer, or whether he squanders ten cents or ten 
 dollars a drink for whisky. It simply says what a man
 
 330 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 shall not sell. It forbids him to sell intoxicating liquors 
 for beverage use; just as Prohibition says he shall not 
 sell tainted milk, or diseased meat, and for like reason 
 the common good. 
 
 Sumptuary laws, when there were such, limited what a 
 man should pay for the food on his table and the clothing 
 on his person; but they did not say what clothing he 
 should wear or what food he should eat. They had 
 regard to his income and his outgoes, not to his temper- 
 ance or intemperance. They were laws of economy, with 
 reference primarily to the man himself, not of morality, 
 with reference to the well-being of those about him, to 
 public protection. 
 
 There are laws more akin to sumptuary laws than is 
 Prohibition of liquor-selling, but the Democratic party 
 has never meant one of these in all its anti-sumptuary 
 declarations, and has never attempted their repeal. They 
 forbid a man to go naked on the street ; they forbid him 
 to wear his wife's clothing, to cover his nakedness ; they 
 prohibit houses of ill-fame where his passions may be 
 gratified ; they forbid him to store gunpowder on his own 
 premises, to his neighbors' peril ; they meet him, in some 
 form or other, wherever he goes and whatever he does, 
 in the interest of decency, of common concern for public 
 virtue and the general weal. 
 
 Not only does the Democratic party betray its ignor- 
 ance of meanings, when it strikes at Prohibition by 
 assailing "sumptuary laws;" it exhibits gross ignorance 
 of the purpose of Law, and of the highest judicial decis- 
 ions, when it cries out against Prohibition as an improper 
 interference with Personal Liberty ; it manifests the most 
 glaring inconsistency, or dishonesty, when at the same 
 time it opposes Prohibition and favors License.
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 331 
 
 For if Prohibition interferes with the liberty of all men 
 to sell, and of all men to buy and drink, intoxicating 
 liquors, then License interferes with the liberty of some 
 men to sell and of some men to buy and drink ; and the 
 principle of interference with some is the same as that of 
 interference with all. If the State has right to violate 
 the freedom of a part of its citizens, as to selling and 
 buying and drinking, has it not the same right, for the 
 same reason, to interfere with the freedom of all ? 
 
 But what liberty has the citizen which is personal to 
 him? How far does any liberty reach that in his own 
 person he can boast? 
 
 I made an address one morning to 400 young men and 
 young women in the chapel of a large academy, and this 
 idea of Personal Liberty came to mind. I stood upon a 
 narrow platform, and at my right, quite close to me, sat 
 the Principal, on my left sat his chief assistant. With a 
 table close in front of me, I had no room to step aside. 
 And wishing to illustrate my point, as to the limitations 
 on Liberty, I said : "These are my hands. These are my 
 arms. They belong to me. I have a right to use them. 
 I may stand here and swing them all I wish;" and I 
 began to swing both arms to the front and the back of me, 
 a little farther back each time toward the two faces on 
 my right and left; "my arms, Oh, yes! and mine to 
 swing as I please if I do not swing them too far, Oh, yes ; 
 but my right to swing them ends just where the noses 
 of these two gentlemen begin!" and each hand stopt in 
 close proximity to a nose. 
 
 The cheers which followed were proof that my point 
 was as plain as the nose on each face before them. 
 
 What liberty has the citizen which is personal to him? 
 
 None whatever which interferes with the peace and 
 well-being of his neighbor.
 
 332 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Natural Liberty a man may have when he lives alone : 
 Robinson Crusoe had it, solitary, on his desert island; 
 but limitations of it began the moment he found those 
 foot-prints upon the sand which told of another man. 
 With the incoming of the other man, whether his nose 
 be long or short, your natural liberty finds a narrowed 
 horizon. With him your civil liberty begins. His 
 rights are like yours. No single right pertaining to you 
 can justly overlap the smallest right pertaining to him. 
 Together, you and he become the People; and it is the 
 People's right to stop, to destroy, any business that 
 harms public welfare. So have decided all the highest 
 Courts. So Civilization has recognized since it began. 
 And every outcry of the Democratic party in behalf of 
 Personal liberty, as against the Prohibition of the Liquor 
 Traffic, is an echo from a barbarian past, an absurd and 
 silly protest against the intelligent verdict of judicial 
 interpretation and social ethics from the beginning of 
 Law and Government to the present time. 
 
 Personal liberty to sell liquor, if that sale injure society, 
 ends where that injury begins; and personal liberty to 
 drink liquor can not command the liberty to sell, and the 
 opportunity to drink, after such injury has begun. The 
 sale must stop, the opportunity must pass, because the 
 injury came. There is no dodging the logic of this. No 
 highest court has ever sought to dodge it. And it was 
 a Democrat (Justice Stephen J. Field) who wrote the 
 decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in 
 the case of Christensen v. California (November, 1890), 
 which forever settled the legal attitude of State and 
 Nation concerning Prohibition versus Personal Liberty, 
 and settled it in direct opposition to the Democratic 
 party's illogical and inconsistent claims. Parts of that
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 333 
 
 decision can not be too often repeated. Let us read them 
 again : 
 
 "By the general concurrence of opinion of every civilized and 
 Christian community, there are few sources of crime and misery 
 equal to the dram-shop, where intoxicating liquors, in small 
 quantities, to be drunk at the time, are sold indiscriminately to 
 all parties applying. The statistics of every State show a greater 
 amount of crime and misery attributable to the use of ardent 
 spirits obtained at these retail liquor-saloons than to any other 
 source. 
 
 "The sale of such liquors in this way, has, therefore, been, at 
 all times by the Courts of every State, considered as the proper 
 subject of legislative regulation. Not only may a license be 
 exacted from the keeper of the saloon before a glass of his 
 liquors can thus be disposed of, but restrictions may be imposed 
 as to the class of persons to whom they may be sold, and the 
 hours of the day, and the days of the week, on which the saloons 
 may be opened. Their sale in that form may be absolutely pro- 
 hibited. It is a question of public expediency and public morality, 
 and not of Federal law. The police power of the State is fully 
 competent to regulate the business, to mitigate its evils, or to 
 suppress it entirely. THERE IS NO INHERENT RIGHT IN 
 A CITIZEN TO SELL INTOXICATING LIQUORS BY 
 RETAIL; IT IS NOT A PRIVILEGE OF A CITIZEN OF 
 THE STATE OR OF A CITIZEN OF THE UNITED 
 STATES." 
 
 Thanks to a Democrat, and his concurring Democratic 
 and Republican associates on the Supreme Bench, for an 
 opinion so sweeping, definite, and final ! 
 
 V. ATTITUDE OF THE PARTY AND THE 
 PARTIZAN 
 
 But though it is directly in line with all sound social 
 and political reasoning since political and social reasoning 
 began though it accords precisely with the teachings of 
 Aristotle, and Socrates, and Plato, and Paul, and Christ
 
 334 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 the great mass of the Democratic party consent to deny 
 it, as party policy; the great Democratic leaders insist 
 upon arraying the Democratic party against it ; the Demo- 
 cratic party, as a national organization, every four years 
 and all the time between, appeals for support to the baser 
 appetites of men, proclaims the Personal Liberty of 
 every man to make a beast of himself, and affirms his 
 right to such bestial opportunity; and Local Prohibition 
 Democrats of the South, and moral-minded, sober-living 
 Democrats of the North, uphold the Personal Liberty 
 Idea, and accept it as a party shibboleth, that so they 
 may perpetuate their party's life, and regain or maintain 
 their party's power. 
 
 And a growing minority of Republicans emulate this 
 Democratic example, echo this Democratic party cry in 
 behalf of Appetite and the Stomach, would Personal- 
 Libertize this land of ours to its moral death, that so the 
 Democratic party may lose and the Republican party may 
 gain and keep the Liquor Vote that so the Democratic 
 party's dominance may end, and Republican sovereignty 
 be assured and perpetuated. 
 
 Just after the Fusion Reform campaign of Greater 
 New York, in 1901, Ballington Booth told a story illus- 
 trating the spirit of the Democrats, even as revealed in 
 the prayers of good Democrats who pray, and the feeling 
 toward them of Republicans, even those who accept 
 prayer as a possible means of Divine intermediation. 
 While the campaign was waxing warm, according to Mr. 
 Booth, a Methodist prayer-meting was held, on the East 
 Side; and in the midst of his prayer one pious brother 
 said: 
 
 "O Lord, we pray Thee that the Democratic party may 
 hang together in the coming election."
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 335 
 
 "Amen ! answer prayer, Lord," put in a Republican 
 who was near. 
 
 "But I do not mean it as the Republican brother means 
 it, Lord. I pray that we may hang together in concord 
 and accord," continued the Democrat. 
 
 "Amen !" again said the Republican, with great unction. 
 "Any cord, Oh Lord, so long as they hang." 
 
 And the Republicans, upon this Temperance Question, 
 are quite willing to furnish the cord wherewith to hang 
 them a High License cord, a Local Option cord, "any 
 cord, O Lord," that shall not be used for binding the 
 Monster Drink, but merely to suspend the Democratic 
 party as a political corpse, while the Republicans live 
 and thrive on Beer and Boodle, Rum and Revenue, and 
 the Liquor Traffic grows bigger and more beastly, more 
 grasping in its greed and more insolent in its demands, 
 until the immoral liberties of men transcend the moral 
 rights of Man, and Citizenship is become but a debased 
 and bloated burlesque of the thing in manly form which 
 true Democracy and genuine Republicanism intended it 
 should be! 
 
 Nationally, the Democratic party is the open ally of 
 saloons, the open enemy of Prohibition; and Statewise, 
 in almost every State, it is the same. Its recognized 
 National and State leadership, for more than a genera- 
 tion, has demonstrated this. 
 
 Horatio Seymour signalized his governorship of New 
 York by opposing Prohibition, and became the Demo- 
 cratic candidate for the Presidency. 
 
 Grover Cleveland was no more friendly to Prohibition, 
 as New York's Governor; and was twice chosen Demo- 
 cratic President by the preponderance of liquor votes, 
 for which in at least one of his letters of acceptance he 
 deliberately appealed.
 
 336 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 David B. Hill, total abstainer himself, served eight 
 years as Democratic Governor of the Empire State, 
 vetoed every bill which made in the slightest degree for 
 Temperance, solidified the Rum Vote for his party so far 
 as he could, and did not cease to be a party chief for this 
 reason. 
 
 W. J. Bryan, three times Presidential nominee, pre- 
 pared himself to satisfy the Liquor Democracy by oppos- 
 ing Nebraska's Prohibition Amendment, as a platform 
 orator against it, and in more speeches to the American 
 people, during his three candidacies, than were ever 
 before made by any other candidate in the same number 
 of months, has never once alluded to the Drink Traffic 
 as a cause of Hard Times, or a factor in the Industrial 
 Problem. 
 
 One instance of a minor Democrat, running for a 
 minor office, may be typically cited. In that Fusion 
 Campaign of Greater New York, ex-Judge W. T. 
 Jerome represented the Reform Democrats on the Fusion 
 ticket as candidate for District Attorney, and his "whirl- 
 wind" on the platform betrayed the boldest bidding for 
 saloon support. He even went so far as to declare his 
 purpose, if elected, to secure a legal Open Sunday, and to 
 make the Liquor Trade as respectable as the hardware 
 trade. One of the newspapers ardently supporting him 
 The Commercial Advertiser comprehensively outlined 
 the influences to which he made appeal, and the neighbor- 
 hood associations invoked by him (and which won him 
 election), in this declaration: 
 
 "The Judge deliberately went down on the East Side and 
 offered himself to the Jews, Poles, Lithuanians, Slavs, Austrians, 
 Hungarians, Polacks, Chinamen, Greeks, Assyrians and other rep- 
 resentatives of the nations of Europe and they have taken him 
 into their bosom. Consequently the two or three small rooms
 
 DEMOCRATS AND DRINK 337 
 
 which the candidate has hired on the second floor of the Harry 
 Howard Square Hotel, OVER McAVOY'S SALOON, at the 
 corner of Canal and Baxter Streets, usually present a scene that 
 is foreign and polyglot in the extreme." 
 
 In power and out of power, in State and nation, in 
 town and city, the Democratic party has maintained its 
 Liquor Alliance, through Liquor leadership and a con- 
 senting rank and file, for more than forty years. Its 
 machinery is under control of the distillers and the 
 brewers. When Democratic Temperance leaders in the 
 South went up to the National Democratic Convention of 
 1888, and begged their party to repudiate its former anti- 
 Prohibition utterances, and change front upon this ques- 
 tion, they were treated no better than were those Tem- 
 perance Republicans who appealed for sympathy to the 
 National Republican Convention of 1884. 
 
 To love God and Man, to respect the Sabbath and 
 Morality, and be a Democrat, one must be also the vic- 
 tim of political or moral strabismus ; his moral or politi- 
 cal vision must be fearfully deflected. For not alone does 
 Northern Democracy represent open saloons, and their 
 endless perpetuation : it has over and over again 
 demanded an Open Sunday for the great cities; it has 
 practically given that, in spite of law, and the protest of 
 the Church, and the Divine Command. 
 
 With Tammany controlling Greater New York, in 
 every Presidential Campaign, and New York City con- 
 trolling New York State, and New York State controlling 
 the nation, what does it mean, to be a Democrat, but 
 complicity in Tammany's crimes, and endorsement of 
 Tammany's vileness, and partnership with Tammany in 
 the lawlessness of Liquor, in the filth of depraved Per- 
 sonal Liberty, in the slime and crime of Sabbath dese- 
 cration and bestial sin?
 
 338 ' PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Remember that no President of the United States has 
 been elected, since 1856, for whom New York State did 
 not give the determining vote, save in the campaign of 
 1892. Recall the narrow margin by which Grover Cleve- 
 land won in 1884, when James G. Elaine spent the last 
 Sunday before election in journeying to New York City, 
 that his presence there might insure his success, and catch 
 again the echo of those tell-tale words of the Republican 
 preacher by which he was beaten "Rum, Romanism, 
 and Rebellion " with RUM first, and most emphatic, 
 most influential. 
 
 Reflect upon the fact that successful National Democ- 
 racy, in its last analysis, is Tammany Hall, New York, 
 and that successful Tammany, in its last analysis, is the 
 Sunday Saloon, the week-round Liquor Traffic, with all 
 the allies and accessories thereof, with all the debasement 
 of manhood and womanhood and all the corruption of 
 politics which follow therefrom. 
 
 The Tammany Tiger is but the Liquor Traffic 
 embodied in its natural beastly form, which the Demo- 
 cratic party insists upon maintaining as the national pet 
 and would not even keep chained. What should be done 
 with the embodiment is precisely what was advised as to 
 the beast in that Fusion Reform Campaign of 1901, 
 already referred to. But a morning or two before the 
 election this advice was forcibly summed up and anony- 
 mously offered in the columns of that high-toned political 
 and literary journal, the New York Evening Post: 
 
 "Ho, all ye men of the city, that love your children and wives! 
 Come with your guns and your torches, Oh, come with your 
 
 skinning knives ! 
 The morn of a mighty hunting is red in God's clean east;
 
 339 
 
 Roll out like a flood to the place of blood, like a tide to the lair 
 of the Beast! 
 
 Tiger ! Hunt the Tiger ! 
 
 The Tiger is gold-and-tawney, and sleek is his striped skin; 
 He has washed the stain and the slaver from the silvery frill of 
 
 his chin ; 
 
 Regard not his evil beauty, nor shrink at his snarling yell; 
 From the pit of death is the reek of his breath, and his eyes are 
 
 coals of hell ! 
 
 Tiger ! Hunt the Tiger ! 
 
 The weak ewe-lambs he has stolen, and the lean kine of the poor ; 
 He has given us law with the crunch of his jaw, in the lust of 
 
 his heart secure; 
 He is fat with the bodies of women, he is fat with the honor of 
 
 men, 
 And the bones of the little children are white in the dark of his 
 
 den. 
 
 Tiger ! Hunt the Tiger ! 
 
 Come every man but the coward, or the slave that is chained to 
 
 sin, 
 
 Make one in the mighty Hunting, and one in the bringing in; 
 And when the day of the doom of God red in the west has died, 
 Ye shall nail to the gates of the city the pride of his painted hide. 
 Tiger ! Hunt the Tiger !"
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 
 
 Wo unto them * * * which justify the wicked for reward. 
 Isaiah 5, 20, 23. 
 
 Prohibition in the National and State Constitutions, made 
 effective by a political party pledged to the principle of prohibi- 
 tion, not as a matter of policy, is the only sure remedy for this 
 most terrible social and political evil the liquor traffic. John B. 
 Finch.
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 
 
 WE come finally, in our study of Profit and Loss in 
 Man, and of the Liquor Question as affecting 
 that problem, to consider Methods of Settlement. We 
 will try to answer certain interrogatories that are often 
 put, or that properly may be put, and that should be 
 squarely answered. 
 
 I. IS THE LIQUOR QUESTION SO LARGE 
 AND SO IMPORTANT THAT IT MUST BE 
 SETTLED, FOR THE GENERAL GOOD? 
 
 What answer make the scholars? men who have 
 studied this problem in the cold light of science, who do 
 not come to it as partizans, but as philosophers ? 
 
 Listen to Prof. J. J. McCook, of Trinity College, Hart- 
 ford, Conn., as he testifies in The Forum for September, 
 1892: 
 
 "Now I am not a total abstainer, either theoretically or practi- 
 cally, and I have always voted in favor of License. It is needless 
 to say that I do not belong to the Prohibition Party. But any- 
 body who can see must know that, considered merely as a 
 question of social economy, of dollars and cents, of tax bills and 
 public convenience generally, the drink question is the question of 
 the day. The tariff wrangle is a mere baby to it." 
 
 What say the statesmen? the men who view public 
 questions in the light of national relationship, who should 
 measure this problem by the calm standards of Political 
 Economy? Listen to William Windom, as he testifies when 
 
 343
 
 344 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury in the President's Cabinet 
 of this country, before death claims him as its own : 
 
 "Considered financially, socially, politically, or morally, the 
 licensed liquor traffic is or ought to be the overshadowing issue 
 in American politics, and the destruction of this iniquity stands 
 next on the calendar of the world's progress." 
 
 What says the Press? search-light of modern civili- 
 zation, throwing its rays across the land, finding out 
 facts, recording figures, uncovering crime ? Listen to the 
 New York Tribune, not a partizan of Prohibition (never 
 that, since the early days of Horace Greeley), in its 
 testimony concerning the Liquor Traffic: 
 
 "It costs every year more than our whole Civil Service, our 
 army, our navy, our Congress, including the River and Harbor 
 and the Pension Bills, our wasteful local governments, and all 
 national, State, county, and local debts, besides all the schools in 
 the country. In fact, this country pays more for liquor than for 
 every function of every kind of government. How is a question 
 of that size to be put aside with a sneer?" 
 
 What says the Church? nursery of morals among 
 men, organized on earth that souls may find sure Heaven, 
 set for the salvation of a world from sin unto righteous- 
 ness? Listen to those whom certain evangelical sects 
 are disposed to regard more lenient toward evil things 
 than themselves to the Universalists, when they declare : 
 
 "The Home, the State and the Church are confronted by no 
 foe to their peace and prosperity so great as is the Drink Habit." 
 
 Hear an Archbishop of the Roman Catholic Church 
 Bishop Ireland when he asserts : 
 
 "The Catholic Church is absolutely and irrevocably opposed to 
 drunkenness and to drunkard making. In vain we profess to 
 work for souls if we do not labor to drive out an evil which is
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 345 
 
 daily begetting sins by the ten thousand and peopling hell. In 
 vain we boast of civilization and liberty if we do not labor to 
 exterminate intemperance. Education, the elevation of the 
 masses, liberty all that the age admires is set at naught by 
 the dreadful evil." 
 
 What say statistics? cold, unfeeling figures, with no 
 sentiment or humanity or politics in Addition and Multi- 
 plication? Read so few that they will not overtax your 
 powers of mental arithmetic, or your gifts of memory: 
 
 Every twelve months the 7,000,000 or more drinkers in 
 this country pay over its liquor bars more money than the 
 total of Gold and Silver mined and minted in this country 
 in forty years ! 
 
 Every ten months the direct and indirect loss and 
 waste on account of the Liquor Traffic, in this country, is 
 greater than all the Gold produced in this country since 
 the discovery of gold in California to the present time ! 
 
 Since the discovery of gold in California (in 1848) 
 that State has not produced enough of the yellow metal 
 to pay the American liquor bill alone for sixteen months, 
 not to mention the loss and waste caused by this. The 
 figures are: 
 
 American drink bill for 16 months, at the rate of 1899, 
 $1,426,199,802. 
 
 Production of gold in California, 1848-1898, $1,354,182,097. 
 
 Since the discovery of America the entire production 
 of gold and silver throughout the world, from 1493 to 
 1898 inclusive, a period of more than 400 years 
 $20,480,748,600 would not pay the drink bill of this 
 country for twenty years, on the basis of that bill for 
 1899. 
 
 All the gold produced in this country during the year 
 1898 ($64,463,000) would not pay this country's drink
 
 346 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 bill for twenty days; and the entire production of both 
 gold and silver in the United States during that year, 
 Alaska included ($134,847,485), would barely more than 
 pay the drink bill of the American people forty days. 
 
 The direct and indirect loss on account of the Liquor 
 Traffic in this country is every year greater than the total 
 of both gold and silver coined in this country during the 
 entire century ending with 1895 (which coinage was 
 $2,477,000,000). 
 
 Every six weeks we spend for liquor almost as much 
 as the whole tariff revenue of the country for the year 
 1896, which revenue was $160,000,000. 
 
 Every nine months our Drink Bill exceeds all the 
 capital of all the National Banks of all the United 
 States ! 
 
 Every eighteen months or less our drinking population 
 pays for alcoholic beverage more money than the whole 
 circulating medium of the nation gold, silver, and paper 
 combined ! 
 
 Pages on pages of testimony could be cited, from 
 scholars, from statesmen, from the Press, from the 
 Church, and from the compilers of statistics, to prove the 
 Liquor Question greater than all other moral, social, 
 industrial, political and financial questions before the 
 American people. What has been given is enough, before 
 coming to consider the next interrogatory 
 
 II. WHAT METHODS OF SETTLEMENT FOR 
 THIS GREAT LIQUOR QUESTION ARE PRO- 
 POSED? 
 
 Three only: 
 
 (a) General perpetuation of the Liquor Traffic. 
 
 (6) Partial perpetuation of it. 
 
 (c) Its total Prohibition.
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 347 
 
 General perpetuation is proposed through general 
 license or tax. 
 
 Partial perpetuation is proposed through Local 
 Option, affording Prohibition in part. 
 
 Total Prohibition is proposed for State and nation 
 through a State and national policy. 
 
 Perpetuation is but another and the correct name for 
 Regulation. Regulation is the more polite and sugar- 
 coated name for License. 
 
 What is License? A legal grant. 
 
 "To license," affirms the dictionary, "is to permit by 
 grant of authority; to remove from legal restraint by 
 a grant of permission; to authorize to act in a particular 
 character." 
 
 License, then, is permission. And Bouvier, a dis- 
 tinguished Law definer, says that license is "permission 
 to do that which without such permission would be a 
 crime." 
 
 Permission of the Liquor Traffic is perpetuation of it. 
 All regulation is perpetuation. We can not regulate what 
 we do not perpetuate. 
 
 To regulate by Tax is to permit by law, as much as by 
 License. You can not separate Tax and License in effect. 
 Wheh they were trying once to get rid of the License 
 odium in Ohio, where the State Constitution forbade a 
 license law, and High Tax legislation was resorted to, 
 Senator John Sherman said : 
 
 "I can not see how you can have a Tax Law without its 
 operating as a license law. A license is a legal grant. A 
 tax on a trade or occupation implies a permission to fol- 
 low that trade or occupation. We do not tax a crime. 
 We prohibit and punish it. We do not share in the 
 profits of a larceny, but by a tax we do share in the
 
 348 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 profit of liquor-selling and therefore allow or license it." 
 
 Tax implies license; and license means permission. 
 When you "permit by grant of authority" you do not 
 forbid. When you "authorize" you do not condemn. 
 When you "remove from legal restraint" you do not 
 legally restrain. A general license or tax law is general 
 perpetuation. 
 
 Partial perpetuation of the Liquor Traffic means at 
 most only its curtailment; and so long as you give the 
 Traffic a right to retail, anywhere, curtailment will not 
 count. 
 
 Perpetuation of this kind is partial to the Traffic, per- 
 petuating it in the great centers of population where it 
 works always the most harm, and from whence it will 
 spread its retailing and entailing influences the most 
 viciously and powerfully. 
 
 Says the Atlantic Monthly: 
 
 "The saloon has abolished party politics in our largest cities, 
 and today in every such city the local government is vested in 
 neither party but is in the hands of the saloon itself." 
 
 I made this quotation once before a large audience in 
 the city of Buffalo, and then I asked: "Is it true here?" 
 and at least fifty voices answered "Yes !" "Yes !" "It is !" 
 "It is!" Shortly afterward I repeated the quotation 
 before a large audience in Rochester, and there told of 
 the Buffalo inquiry made by me and the answers received, 
 and then I asked "Is it false here?" and promptly a 
 score of voices made response "No!" "No!" "It's true 
 here !" 
 
 Thus testified men of intelligence as to the accuracy of 
 The Atlantic's declaration, in the two largest cities of 
 New York State outside Greater New York.
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 349 
 
 License is born of government. It is the "grant of 
 Authority." Where government "is in the hands of the 
 saloon," the saloon will perpetuate itself. With the 
 saloon perpetuated "in our largest cities," the Liquor 
 Traffic will in time command general perpetuation. 
 
 You can never kill a snake by cutting off its tail. The 
 saloon snake is hydra-headed, and one head hisses and 
 fumes in every city of every License State. Partial per- 
 petuation coddles every head and nourishes every tongue. 
 The tongue commands obedience on the part of city 
 officials. The jaws grasp and grind the poor victims who 
 can not escape them. The fangs drip with venom. You 
 may squeeze the tail of the reptile all you choose or can, 
 but if you do not crush the head of it you are in danger 
 from its poison and its power. 
 
 Johnnie and Jennie owned a cat in common, and the 
 joint ownership made serious trouble, but it was finally 
 suggested by the mother, and agreed, that the girl should 
 claim the head and front half and the boy the remaining 
 portion. By and by there was a fearful howling heard, 
 and their mother inquired the cause. 
 
 "I'm standing on my cat's tail," said Johnnie, "and 
 Jennie's cat's head is a hollerin'." 
 
 The tiger-cat of the Liquor Traffic, in the State of New 
 York and in other States, belongs to the country and city. 
 The country towns may stand on its tail while the head 
 "is a hollerin'," but mainly the head will howl with 
 delight over the long life the city insures it, because "local 
 government is in the hands of the saloon." 
 
 Total Prohibition of the Liquor Traffic offers the only 
 alternative to Perpetuation. You must prohibit that 
 traffic or perpetuate it. You can not prohibit by License 
 or Tax. You do not prohibit when "by grant of Author-
 
 350 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 ity" you permit save as you discriminate against the 
 man who does not pay for permission. You may pro- 
 hibit some the majority, perhaps under License, but 
 you permit enough to perpetuate the whole race of liquor- 
 sellers. Under License that race will not become extinct 
 while the world stands. 
 
 Total Prohibition or actual Perpetuation this is the 
 issue presented, these are the alternatives, when you face 
 the Liquor problem. In other words 
 
 III. WHICH OF THESE PROPOSED METH- 
 ODS OF SETTLEMENT IS RIGHT, WISE, AND 
 PRACTICABLE? 
 
 Consider License first. And 
 
 First LICENSE IS UNAMERICAN. 
 
 If a thing be right to do, our American theory is that 
 all men have equal right to do it. If it be wrong to do, 
 what right has any man to say it may be done by any- 
 body? If it be wrong to do, what right has any aggrega- 
 tion of men to declare a policy which would permit it to 
 be done ? what right has any Legislature to enact a law 
 making such a policy lawful? 
 
 "We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men 
 are created equal," says the Declaration of Independence ; 
 and those words embody the essential spirit of 
 Americanism. 
 
 If one man have right to earn his bread by the sweat 
 of his brow beside the carpenter's bench, another man has 
 equal right to earn his bread by the sweat of his beer- 
 mugs behind a bar, if bench and bar be equally right. 
 And if one be wrong, by whose divine right shall the 
 wrong thing be made lawful at a price? 
 
 We decry Monopoly, and it is taken into politics and 
 magnified as a monster, to be battled with everywhere, in
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 351 
 
 legislative halls and at the ballot-box. And the greatest 
 monopoly this land has ever known is the Liquor Traffic 
 under the License System. 
 
 Second LICENSE IS UNCHRISTIAN. 
 
 "Woe unto them * * * which justify the wicked 
 for reward !" 
 
 We ban liquor-sellers from the church altar why? 
 Their calling is unchristian. Can that be a Christian 
 policy which permits an unchristian thing? Can a 
 Christian man support an unchristian policy? 
 
 "Get out of the liquor business or get out of the 
 church!" said a Catholic Bishop to the liquor-sellers in 
 his diocese, years ago; and not a saloon-keeper has 
 Bishop Ireland allowed inside the church membership of 
 his jurisdiction since that time, as I have been told. 
 
 Suppose Methodist Bishops, and Baptist clergy, and 
 Presbyterian Synods, should say "Stop voting to license 
 liquor-sellers or get out of the church!" what would be 
 the effect? 
 
 I put that question once to an audience in the First 
 Methodist Church, Rochester, and a Doctor of Divinity 
 sitting on the front seat said 
 
 "There would be the greatest shaking up the churches 
 ever knew !" 
 
 If a saloon-keeper must forsake his licensed bar, to 
 win the church blessing, why should not the License 
 Voter be required to forsake his License Ballot if he is to 
 retain his church membership? 
 
 If the Liquor Traffic "can not be legalized without sin," 
 as the great Methodist Church asserts, then the act of 
 legalization is a sin; then the man who has part in, by 
 support of, that act is a sinner; then the church ought 
 not to fellowship with him if he persists in the sin and is 
 persistently a sinner.
 
 352 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Hard logic ? Yes ! But it is the law of church purity 
 and Christian power among the people. 
 
 To make forever plain and ineffaceable the line between 
 the church and the saloon, to build the barricade between 
 them so high and strong that it will hold, we must make 
 plain to the church and the church membership this very 
 plain and simple proposition, viz. : 
 
 That the saloon is no worse than the license of it ; that 
 the license is no worse than the license policy; that the 
 license policy is no worse than the license party ; that to 
 support the license party is to support the license policy, 
 which maintains the license, which perpetuates the saloon, 
 which opposes the church. 
 
 And the church ought to make plain to the church 
 member that if he jump the barricade, into the license 
 forces, he can not enter again into the sheepfold save as 
 he repents of his sin and forsakes the devil and all his 
 political works. 
 
 Logic says that a man can be as good a Christian and 
 drink at the licensed bar, even stand behind it and sell, as 
 to cast his ballot of permission that the bar shall be, 
 behind which another man may sell and before wjiich 
 another man may buy. License is unchristian, because 
 it violates the Golden Rule spirit of Christianity in many 
 ways. Take but one : 
 
 When you vote to license the saloon, you vote to put it 
 somewhere. It must be next door to some other proper- 
 ties. Its presence there decreases their market value. 
 Here is one item of proof : 
 
 Hyde Park forms a ward of Chicago, and has Prohibi- 
 tion. It has a Protective Association, to see the law 
 enforced. Mr. Thomas A. Hall, when President of that 
 Association, declared that such work of his Association
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 353 
 
 had "raised the value of property in the Prohibition dis- 
 trict, at the lowest estimate, $50,000,000 over what it 
 would be worth were saloons permitted to remain open 
 and flourish." 
 
 Yes, the saloon decreases market values. You know it 
 must do that. In effect, therefore, if you vote License, 
 you intelligently, and with cool deliberateness, aid to 
 take from some man some part of his possessions. You 
 might as well rob him of his purse. The robber breaks 
 the Golden Rule when he robs. So do you, if you vote 
 for saloons. 
 
 Third LICENSE IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL. 
 
 Let us go very carefully here. We have come upon 
 ground which few made familiar until quite recently. 
 But it is plain, open ground, after all, as I found over 
 thirty years ago, and have been insisting ever since. 
 
 Note the purposes of the National Constitution 
 
 "To establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for 
 the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the 
 blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." 
 
 Justice is impossible of establishment, in large 
 measure, while the Liquor Traffic is maintained. Domes- 
 tic tranquility can not be insured while you maintain that 
 traffic. The general welfare is not promoted by it, and 
 never can be. And the blessings of liberty can not come 
 from the curses of license. 
 
 Says the Constitution of New York : 
 
 "We the people of the State of New York, grateful to God for 
 our freedom, in order to enjoy its blessings, do ordain," etc. 
 
 Imagine the Constitutional fathers to have said "in 
 order to enjoy its curses do ordain " or "grateful to God 
 for our freedom we do now proceed to ordain the works 
 of the devil !"
 
 354 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 One high State Court has declared (the Kentucky 
 Court of Appeals) "that honesty, morality, religion and 
 education are the main pillars of the State, for the pro- 
 tection and promotion of which government was insti- 
 tuted among men," and that "Government, through its 
 agents, can not throw off these trust duties, by selling, 
 bartering, or giving them away." 
 
 A still higher judicial body, the Supreme Court of the 
 United States, has declared : 
 
 "No legislature can bargain away the public health or the public 
 morals. The people themselves can not do it, much less their 
 servants. Government is organized with a view to their preserva- 
 tion, and can not divest itself of the power to provide for them." 
 
 License is based on the prior fact of Prohibition. 
 That fact must rest on the principle of Prohibition. 
 License could not be constitutional unless Prohibition 
 were so. Prohibition could not be constitutional save for 
 the constitutional right to prohibit wrong things. You 
 can never constitutionally prohibit what is right. You 
 can never constitutionally license what is constitutionally 
 wrong. 
 
 Against the principle of Prohibition, as applied to the 
 Liquor Traffic, no court of last resort has ever yet found. 
 Under a constitution to promote popular safety, to insure 
 domestic peace, to enhance the general happiness and to 
 conserve the general welfare, no law to license the Liquor 
 Traffic can be legitimate. Test every license law by its 
 proper title and its results, before any court of the 
 country, from that of a town justice to Supreme Judge, 
 and the verdict "Unconstitutional" would promptly 
 follow. And every license law should begin with these 
 words :
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 355 
 
 "An act entitled An Act to promote misery among men, to 
 disturb the peace of communities, to depreciate property values, 
 to increase taxation, to debauch public morals, to beget crime, to 
 injure the general welfare, and to imperil our best interests." 
 
 And thus entitled, its real purpose thus betrayed, the 
 License Act would be swiftly, surely condemned by every 
 Court, as now it should be condemned at the ballot-box 
 by every citizen. 
 
 Men will say that License means restraint, regulation, 
 or that License means Tax, and that Tax means Revenue. 
 But under License restraint does not restrain, regulation 
 does not regulate; and under Tax the perpetuated evil 
 goes on, while Isaiah says : 
 
 "Woe unto them * * * which justify the wicked 
 for reward;" and 
 
 "No legislature can bargain away the public health or 
 the public morals," says the Supreme Court. 
 
 Says one great economist: 
 
 "Taxes ought never to be raised from immoral sources, such as 
 lotteries and gambling-houses." 
 
 Why? Because they are evils, from which the moral, 
 tax-paying citizen pays to be defended. 
 
 Is the saloon any less immoral than the lottery or the 
 gambling-house? Is not every gambling-house a saloon? 
 or neighbor to it? 
 
 When the citizen pays tax to be defended against 
 immoralities, can the State in decent honesty take pay 
 from those immoralities also? If the State does take 
 pay from them, is not the honest tax-payer or the tax- 
 paying immorality swindled in the transaction? 
 
 Is it not true that the more the immorality pays, the 
 less moral right has the State to disturb it? that the
 
 356 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 larger the fee paid to the State, the greater ought its care 
 to be over the immoral thing, or the greater the fraud of 
 the State in accepting a bribe and not protecting the busi- 
 ness which pays it? 
 
 Can the State "bargain away the public morals," and 
 then morally refuse to deliver the goods? 
 
 And if you pay the State to defend the moral and 
 material interests which are yours, against immoral 
 agencies which assail them, what right has the State to 
 accept a bribe which forbids and makes impossible their 
 defense? 
 
 No ! the higher the tax paid by immorality, the greater 
 is the immoral claim on the State that receives it. The 
 larger the bribe paid by immorality for the legal right to 
 be, the greater will be its effort to insure a return of the 
 bribe. 
 
 Call your license a tax, if you please, make it a High 
 License Tax to the highest degree you can, but remember 
 it means a bribe from an immorality and a premium by 
 the State upon law-breaking. The larger the bribe, the 
 larger the premium to law-breakers. The larger the 
 premium, the more accomplices will the law-breakers 
 require and command. In one of the smaller cities of 
 the West, on one Sunday night, nearly 16,000 young men 
 were counted in the saloons and dens of iniquity a large 
 proportion of them under legal age, and particeps 
 criminis with saloon-keepers and brothel proprietors in 
 the violation of law. And on the previous Sunday even- 
 ing less than 1,900 young men attended all the churches 
 of that city. 
 
 Exact of any man a large bonus for any privilege, and 
 he will strive to get his bonus back that's philosophy. 
 After he has paid for his privilege, if the business covered
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 357 
 
 by it be of a doubtful character, he will even do doubtful 
 things to insure the bonus that's human nature. Pay- 
 ing $200, $500, or $1,000 for a chance to make money 
 selling liquor, he will break every law that stands between 
 him and profit that's fact. You say he must be a bad 
 man who will pay so much that he must do bad things or 
 lose money. But is he any worse than the man who will 
 vote to accept his money and thus make certain that he 
 will do the bad things ? 
 
 I once went to a small hamlet to make a speech, on 
 short notice. Nobody knew me there ; nobody met me. I 
 proceeded to the one hotel, or country tavern, and sat 
 some time in the one public apartment of that, the bar- 
 room, alone with the landlord. In some way, I do not 
 recall how, conversation led up or led down to the matter 
 of license, and without any utterance of mine to call it 
 forth the landlord went on to say: 
 
 "It looks to me as if the authorities of this town want 
 me to teach the boys and young men to drink. Just think 
 of it," said he : "Here they charge me $100 a year license ; 
 and there ain't three hundred people in this little burgh ; 
 the country is not thickly settled round about; the pat- 
 ronage for my hotel is moderate, as you must know. If 
 only a few men drink, I can't make money enough to 
 pay my license, and if I can't make some profit I can't 
 live. Looks to me like they wanted me to teach drinking 
 in this town. How does it look to you?" 
 
 No doubt he was willing to keep that kind of a school ; 
 but if others were willing he should, were they not equally 
 to blame? 
 
 I once had a long conversation on the cars with ex- 
 President Rutherford B. Hayes, who did me the honor 
 to recognize my Prohibition faith by direct reference 
 thereto.
 
 358 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 "The only law against the Liquor Traffic which will 
 ever be effective," he went on smoothly to say, "is the 
 law which we have in my ward of the city where I live." 
 
 "And what law is that, please?" I asked him. 
 
 "The law of Supply and Demand," he answered with 
 an air of satisfaction. 
 
 I looked at him interrogatively, and he proceeded: 
 
 "There isn't a saloon in our ward. There is no demand 
 for any. I have reared three sons to manhood, and either 
 one would as soon think of stealing his friend's purse as 
 of entering a saloon. Stop the demand for liquor, and 
 the supply will cease." 
 
 I looked at the ex-President of these United States in 
 amazement. Gathering breath at last, I ventured to 
 reply. 
 
 "But suppose," I said, as modestly as one should after 
 such a statement from such a source "suppose, some 
 day, the Liquor Dealers' Association of Ohio sends a 
 representative into your ward, and he selects the finest 
 business corner, fits it up in elegant style, with cut-glass 
 and mahogany, and all the appurtenances of a first-class 
 saloon, and then stocks it with liquor and opens up for 
 trade. Where will be your law of Supply and Demand 
 then, General Hayes?" 
 
 "Oh, but they wouldn't do that," he answered with all 
 the self-confidence peculiar to a distinguished statesman 
 when answering a plain reformer ; "it wouldn't pay." 
 
 "But this is precisely what the Liquor Dealers' Asso- 
 ciations are doing, in this State and elsewhere," I made 
 reply. "They are placing their representatives at eligible 
 points, where the demand for saloons will not now yield a 
 profit; they are keeping them there at a loss till supply 
 creates a profitable demand, if it takes years to do this.
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 359 
 
 These associations and individual brewers have thus been 
 building up their business, in this State and elsewhere, in 
 about all our important cities and towns, for years past ; 
 and upon this very basis of extension, through the crea- 
 tion of demand, the liquor business has been thriving 
 widely and fearfully in spite of your splendid law in the 
 city of Fremont." 
 
 "Can it be possible?" answered the statesman. "I 
 would not have believed it." And he looked as if he 
 barely believed it then. 
 
 "I know that to be the case in Buffalo and Rochester," 
 said a stranger to both of us, sitting opposite, who had 
 been an attentive listener ; and as I saw him three weeks 
 later, in a railway restaurant, with a bottle of liquor in 
 front of him, and drinking from it with apparent relish, 
 it would seem that he possibly did know. 
 
 "I wouldn't have dreamed it to be so," said the ex- 
 President, slowly and reflectively, as if one pet theory of 
 his had been rudely shaken. And he appeared sincere. 
 
 A large license fee or tax means extraordinary efforts 
 to create a demand for liquor ; large capital in the liquor 
 business; elegant saloons at most eligible places; all the 
 allurements of sin and Satan to make the business pay. 
 It is a hot-house system of vice. Pass one of the hot- 
 houses, read the sign above its mahogany doors which a 
 friend of mine saw over one saloon in New York 
 "Here to do business" then look within the doors, and 
 listen, and you may almost hear the boastful words: 
 
 Here to do business! we brazenly tell it! 
 
 Liquor to sell and our trade is to sell it! 
 Enter, young man ! we invite, we compel it by splendors untold ! 
 
 Gleaming the glasses within that invite you; 
 
 Beaming the beauties that dazzle, delight you ; 
 Pleasures are here to allure and requite you come in, and behold.
 
 3<5o PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Here to do business! our bar, as you see it, 
 
 Glistens and sparkles why fear it or flee it? 
 Men in high places endorse it, decree it as proper and right ; 
 
 Welcome, young man! as you boldly come nearer, 
 
 Smile at yourself, in each elegant mirror; 
 Think not of Home, or of any place dearer than this is tonight. 
 
 Pictures are here, to beguile, to debase you; 
 
 Harlots are near, to defile, to disgrace you; 
 All the good cheer is a wile to deface you, but be not afraid; 
 
 Many a man we have tempted before you ; 
 
 Steady your nerve with a glass we will pour you; 
 Drink, as they drank be a man till the more you our profits 
 have made. 
 
 Life is too short for young fellows to care for; 
 
 Love is not worthy a thought or a prayer for ; 
 Heaven is a hope too illusive to share, for the future is hell ! 
 
 Here is the gateway, we know it and say it, 
 
 Licensed by law, though we do not obey it, 
 Open for Silver and Gold, and we pay it, damnation to sell ! 
 
 Manhood forget all its morals, its duty; 
 
 Womanhood care not for virtue and beauty; 
 Sin for a season is luscious, though fruity of sorrow and shame. 
 
 Look, and behold how our business has paid us ! 
 
 Riches magnificent here it has made us, 
 What do we care if the fools who obeyed us to poverty came? 
 
 Here to do business, with license to do it! 
 
 Licensed by men who in sorrow may rue it, 
 Once we have won by our blandishments to it some promising 
 son; 
 
 Here, by the ballots of men who defend us ; 
 
 Here, to make sots of the sons they will send us; 
 Here for success may it ever attend us, as long it has done!
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 361 
 
 Down with the Church, and the Cross, and the Preachers ! 
 
 Down with the School, and the Scholars, and Teachers ! 
 Live the Saloon, with its vice, and its creatures of ruin and sin ! 
 
 Listen, young man, to its music and madness ! 
 
 Laugh, while you can, in the glare of its gladness ! 
 Scorn the s-leek saints who belie it as badness and fear to come in ! 
 
 Here to do business ! Good-night ! come again, sir ! 
 Splendor, and music, and mirth for young men, sir ! 
 Down the dim street is the dirty low den, sir, that waits with its 
 
 wo; 
 
 When we have robbed you, with legal permission, 
 Stolen your all without care or contrition, 
 
 Down through its doors, to the deeps of perdition, at last you 
 shall go! 
 
 NEXT CONSIDER BRIEFLY LOCAL OPTION, 
 the popular term for partial Perpetuation. 
 
 1. What does Local Option do? 
 
 It effaces the positive line of a broad principle, and 
 seeks to establish an imaginary one, as invisible as the 
 equator, between local policies. 
 
 It appropriates to fractional parts of a State the power 
 of decision as to a vital matter affecting the whole. 
 
 It breaks the educational force and influence of law. 
 
 It weakens the moral significance of choice between 
 Right and Wrong. 
 
 It blunts the popular conscience, by permitting inde- 
 pendent moral standards which antagonize each other. 
 
 It allows a vicious majority, in unwholesome centers of 
 population, to enthrone vice and assert lawful power. 
 
 2. What are the people compelled by Local Option 
 to do? 
 
 To concede that somewhere License may be right, or 
 that somewhere men have right to permit a wrong.
 
 362 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 To concede that if anywhere License is right it must be 
 right everywhere. 
 
 To admit the right everywhere of a vicious majority to 
 establish immorality by law. 
 
 Therefore we deny the legitimacy of Local Option. 
 We join with many of the ablest legal minds in their 
 doubt of its constitutionality. 
 
 We declare that there must be for the State a Moral 
 Standard, upon which Law must rest, and against which 
 the will even of a majority can not array itself. We 
 assert the sovereign unity of the State, and we deny to 
 any fraction of it any right to set up an immoral standard 
 for itself, either of morals or of politics. We hold with 
 Judge Pitman, of Massachusetts, when he says: 
 
 "If the drink traffic is indeed the destroyer of national 
 wealth (who doubts it?), the clog that drags down labor 
 (who denies it?), the poisoner of public health (who 
 does not believe it?), the enemy of the home, the feeder 
 of pauperism, the stimulant of crime (who does not admit 
 all this?), the foe of Christian Civilization and the degen- 
 erator of the race (confessed such by the best students of 
 sociology), then the State clearly owes to each community 
 of its citizens its best wisdom and its most persistent 
 energy in the repression of such traffic, and it may not 
 rightfully or even prudently abandon the virtuous, or for 
 that matter the vicious, citizen anywhere to the rule of a 
 debased locality." 
 
 We insist that the body politic is like unto the body 
 physical. Blood poison in the one is as dangerous as in 
 the other. Cancerous localities, maintained and fostered, 
 mean death to both. Gangrene in the foot is peril to the 
 brain. The virus of liquor-poisoned social and political 
 life, pampered and bred in New York city, will infest the
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 363 
 
 State's entire body politic. It is the law of political and 
 commercial as well as of physical circulation. The 
 arteries and veins of the State are as active and sure as 
 those of the human system. They will carry poison as 
 inevitably from one part to another. You might as well 
 license a carbuncle on the back of your neck, under some 
 Local Option policy for the body, and not expect it to 
 disturb your head, as to permit the saloon cancer to live 
 and grow in any city of any State, and not expect it to 
 influence and affect legislation at the capital thereof and 
 the State's moral and political whole. 
 
 THE LOGICAL METHOD 
 
 We accept Prohibition, therefore, as the only right and 
 righteous, wise and practical, method of settlement for 
 the Liquor Question. We must accept it as such, if we 
 are honest men, true Christians, and sincere patriots. 
 
 Unless we care more for the stomach than social sta- 
 bility, let appetite rule over conscience, hold prejudice or 
 party above patriotism, set personal ambition or profit 
 above Human Brotherhood, and sacrifice Christian 
 Progress for the Devil's gain, we must accept the Prohibi- 
 tion principle and policy, uniform for State and Nation, 
 as the only safe and righteous basis of settlement, such as 
 Christianity can approve and Statesmanship establish, 
 for the good of the People and the Glory of God. 
 
 And we will not be hopeless as to the end. When such 
 a settlement seems far away, or forever impossible ; when 
 all that we have done is as an idle dream, and all 
 that we prayed for mocks us like a mirage ; when faith 
 grows weary, and the hands grow weak, and our hearts 
 within us faint and fail then we will remember that 
 auction-block of Slavery in the South, and across the
 
 364 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 picture of it which Memory holds our gladdened eyes 
 will read: 
 
 No Wrong 
 
 So strong 
 
 In all this patient world, 
 
 But o'er it Right, 
 With royal victor's might, 
 The Truth's own Flag forever has unfurled! 
 
 Years ago, within a decade or little more of our War 
 for the Union, I sat, in a small town of Michigan, in the 
 humble home of an old colored woman, whose face bore 
 the marks of a round century and over, but whose eyes 
 burned still as with a sybil's inner light. And as I sat and 
 talked with her, of that long life of bondage which had 
 been hers, of that long waiting for Freedom which her 
 race had known, I recalled a historic incident (at Salem, 
 Ohio), when with her simple faith she matched the 
 eloquence of despair. It was the voice of Frederick 
 Douglass to which she listened then. He had not large 
 hope in God. He used to tell, with a shade of bitterness 
 often, how he prayed for liberty and was not answered, 
 till he prayed with his legs. He was more than once 
 heard to say that the grandchildren of his grandchild 
 would never see the slave set free by law. 
 
 And so, on that night which I recalled, the great orator 
 of his people was declaring his hopelessness, with only 
 the courage of a great soul to relieve the darkness of his 
 bitter doubt. Then suddenly, in the rear of his audience, 
 that gaunt negro woman, known as Sojourner Truth, 
 rose up like the black shadow of a ghost, and stretching 
 her bony arm out toward the speaker, and pointing her 
 index finger at him like a prophetess, she said : 
 
 "Frederick! is God dead?"
 
 METHODS OF SETTLEMENT 365 
 
 It was a dramatic interruption, at a time when popular 
 feeling quickly grew intense. And only those who may 
 have heard Fred Douglass at his best can imagine how 
 that magnificent voice of his rang out, upon the swift 
 hush of silence which ensued, as he made answer 
 
 "No ! God is not dead ; and therefore it is that Slavery 
 must go out in blood !" 
 
 God forbid that our greatest national problem, of 
 Profit and Loss in Man, shall ever find fulfillment of such 
 a prophecy! God give to its true solution in Human 
 Brotherhood His Divine benediction of blessedness and 
 peace ! 
 
 The sun goes down and the light fades out 
 
 "God has forgotten the world!" 
 Over the heavens come dark and doubt 
 
 "God has forgotten the world!" 
 
 The darkness deepens in gloom we grope 
 
 "God has forgotten the world !" 
 Hidden forever the stars of hope 
 
 "God has forgotten the world!" 
 
 But see! there's a gleam in the midnight sky! 
 
 "God will remember the world !" 
 The stars do shine in the By and By ! 
 
 "God will remember the world !" 
 
 And see ! there's a glow on the Eastern hills ! 
 
 "God will remember the world !" 
 The glad day dawns when the good God wills ! 
 
 "God will remember the world !" 
 
 Ruin and death are abroad, today 
 
 "God has gone out of the world !" 
 
 What does it profit to preach and pray? 
 "God has gone out of the world !"
 
 366 PROFIT AND LOSS IN MAN 
 
 Truth is futile, and Right is weak, 
 
 "God has gone out of the world!" 
 
 Vainly we listen to hear Him speak 
 
 "Has He forgotten the world?" 
 
 No ! He liveth, He heeds, He hears ! 
 
 "God will remember the world !" 
 Faith can see Him, through pain and tears 1 
 
 "God will remember the world!" 
 
 He will help, in His own good time 
 
 "God will remember the world !" 
 
 Right shall win, on a day sublime 
 
 "God lives on in the world!"
 
 INDEX 
 
 Abolitionists in 1844, 291 
 
 Age of temperance people, 31 
 
 Alaska, 237 
 
 Albany, 29 
 
 Alcohol, Heritage of, 239 
 
 Hereditary influence of, 44 
 
 Influence of, 44 
 
 responsible for, 238 
 Amendment Campaign, 192, 306 
 American Temperance Univer- 
 sity, 15 
 
 Amsterdam, 236 
 Anarchist, Creed of, 138; 
 
 What is an, 137; must go, 
 
 252 
 Anarchists, Breeding of, 265 
 
 Harboring, 275 
 
 Anarchy, An object lesson 
 of, 270 
 
 Essence of, 270 
 
 had slain, 255 
 
 Monster of, 257 
 
 Spirit of, 278 
 Annales d'Hygiene, 80 
 Ann Arbor, 191 
 Appeals, N. Y. State Court 
 
 of, 58 
 Appetite, Creation of, 21 
 
 Through, 107 
 "Arrow Leaflets," 119 
 Artizan, The American, 34 
 Association, Beer Brewers', 300 
 
 of Ohio Liquordealers, 358 
 
 Young Men's Christian, 24 
 Anti- Slavery agitation, 291 
 Atherton, J. M., 327 
 Atlanta, Ga., 50, 269 
 Authority, Governing, 230 
 
 Grant of, 349 
 
 Baby, Save my, 224 
 Ballot-Box, 198, 203 
 Bank, Savings, 266 
 
 At the, 226 
 Baltimore, 238 
 Baptist body, 211 
 
 Home Mission Society, 212 
 Bar, Boy and, 39, 41 
 Barabbas, 149 
 
 a murderer, 172 
 
 a robber of the Church, 160 
 
 Brain Robbery by, 159 
 
 or Christ, 177 
 
 Profession of, 167 
 Bar-gain, 155 
 Bar, Home and, 50 
 
 of today, 43 
 
 Bars would be bankrupt, 22 
 Bat, Definition of, 55 
 Bates, C. A., 300 
 Beecher, Henry Ward, 52, 257 
 Beer Brewers' Association, 300 
 
 drinkers, dangerous, 173 
 Berlin workingmen, 93 
 Billings, Josh, 261 
 Binghamton, 236 
 Binz, Professor, 94 
 Birney, James G., 185 
 Bishop, A Catholic, 351 
 Elaine, James G., 338 
 
 for President, 299 
 Blood poison, 362 
 Bonfort's Wine and Spirit Cir- 
 cular, 298 
 
 Bonn, University of, 94 
 Booth, Ballington, 334 
 Bottle, northern, southern, 
 
 292 
 Bourbon, Kentucky, 315 
 
 367
 
 368 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Boutelle Resolution, 298 
 
 Bouvier, 347 
 
 Boy and Bar, 39, 41 
 
 First right of, 43 
 
 Fourth right of, 61 
 , Rights of, 43 
 
 Second right of, 49 
 
 The Cost of, 9 
 
 Third right of, "?3 
 Breslau, 92 
 
 Brewer, A Republican, 123 
 Brewers' Convention, 300 
 Brookline, Mass., 118 
 Brooklyn, 52, 236, 259 
 
 Mayor of, 293 
 
 Brooks High License Law, 325 
 Brophy, Seven-year-old son of 
 
 George, 84 
 Brown, T. S., 86 
 Bryan, W. J., 336 
 Buffalo freight-yards, 136 
 
 The Anarchist at, 252 
 Burgess, Rev. Wm., 85 
 Burke, Edmund, 214 
 Burns, John, 33 
 Business, Bad Liquor, 192 
 
 Here to do, 359 
 
 wisdom, 18 
 Buttermilk, 83 
 
 Caesar, Render unto, 139, 184 
 Caesar's, Things which are, 146 
 California, 237 
 Gold in, 345 
 Cambridge, 92 
 Camden, N. Y., 57 
 Campaign, Prohibition Amend- 
 ment, 191 
 
 Campaigns in Texas and Ten- 
 nessee, 321 
 Canada, 238 
 
 Canandaigua, N. Y., 134 
 Canton, 271 
 Carnegie, Andrew, 95 
 Carpenters, Strike of, 120 
 Carpet-bagger, The white, 292 
 Casey and Cassidy, 317 
 Cash Value of a Man, 16 
 Catholic Bishop, A, 351 
 
 Census Bureau, 120 
 Chambers, George, 196 
 Character, National, 142 
 Charlie, said the Deacon, 27 
 Chicago, Murders in, 137 
 
 Session at, 212 
 
 University of, 47 
 Children, Family histories of, 78 
 Cholera's ravages, 240 
 Christensen y. California, 332 
 Christian citizenship, 268 
 
 civilization, 362 
 
 loyalty, 129 
 
 nation, A., 165 
 Cincinnati, 22, 23 
 Citizen, The sober, 204 
 Citizenship, Chief qualification 
 
 of, 244 
 City facts, 24 
 
 fathers, 25 
 
 Home rule in, 52 
 ^ of Churches, 52 
 Civic government, 97 
 Civilization, Clog on, 233 
 Civil liberty, 332 
 
 War, Killed in, 240 
 Clark, Myron H., 297 
 
 Sir Andrew, 104 
 Clerk up Yonder, 194 
 Cleveland, Ex-President 
 
 Grover, 256, 257, 328, 335 
 Club Queen City, 22 
 Cohoes, 236 
 Columbus, 21, 23 
 Commandments, The Ten, 76 
 Commercial Advertiser, 336 
 
 Gazette, 298 
 
 Commissioner of Excise, Re- 
 port of the, 235 
 Commission, 137 
 Concord, Saloons in, 304 
 Constitutional Amendment, 297 
 Amendment Campaigns, 321 
 Constitution, Atlanta, 50 
 of New York, 353 
 Slave, free, 222 
 Cook, Albert, 22 
 Corinth, Miss., 268 
 Corning, 236
 
 INDEX 
 
 369 
 
 Cox, Geo. B., 324 
 Crime, Buffalo's awful, 264 
 Crime-cause, 133 
 Criminals, Accepted, 277 
 Crusade in Kansas, Hatchet, 
 
 303 
 
 Cure, The Gold, 259 
 Cyclopedia of Temperance, 36 
 
 Daily News, Chicago, 327 
 Davis, Jefferson, 35 321 
 Dakotas, One of, 269 
 D'Aubigne, 160 
 Declaration of Independence, 
 
 350 
 
 De Laveleye, 220 
 Democracy and liquor, 337 
 Democrat, A, 245 
 Democrats and drink, 313, 315 
 Democrats, Northern State, 
 
 322 
 
 Depew, Chauncey M., 63 
 Detroit, Mich., 192 
 Devery, Mr., 252 
 Dictionary politics, 227, 229, 
 
 230 
 
 Dinner pail, A full, II 
 Dispensary, Democratic, 261 
 Dividend-paying powers, 34 
 Dividends, Fails to pay, 31 
 Divinity, Doctor of, 281 
 Dog, A pig-iron, 225 
 Dogs, 59 
 
 Pointer, 44 
 Domination, Through political, 
 
 109 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A., 222, 223 
 Douglass, Frederick, 364 
 Drink, 33 
 
 bill, 346 
 
 Demoralization of, 293 
 
 Vesuvius of, 68 
 Drinker, A moderate, 44 
 Dry territory, 315 
 Dunkirk, 236 
 Duty, 231, 232 
 
 and oaths, Republican, 303 
 
 Sovereign, 198 
 
 Sovereign day of, 282 
 
 Earnings, Laborer's, 34 
 Ecclesiasticism, 213 
 Economy Course Lectures, 57 
 Egyptians, The old, 166 
 Election Day, 197 
 
 Sunday before, 279 
 Elmira, 236 
 
 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 170 
 Ethics, 231 
 
 Europe, Besodden, 234 
 Evening Post, New York, 94, 
 
 .338 
 
 Excise Commissioners of New- 
 ark, 275 
 
 Factors, Political, 205, 207 
 
 Three, 181 
 Facts, Moral, 205 
 Family's Yearly Cost, 34 
 Fawcett, M. P., Henry, no 
 Faxon, Henry H., 118 
 Fernald, J. C, 16 
 Field, Justice Stephen J., 332 
 Finch, John B., 313, 323, 325, 
 
 34i 
 
 Fisk, Gen. Clinton B., 136 
 Forces, Moral and political, 
 181, 189 
 
 Organized moral, 182, 184, 
 195 . 
 
 Organized political, 184 
 
 Society's organized, 189 
 France, Wine-drinking in, 239 
 Fraud, A license, 219 
 Freedom's altars, 282 
 Freiheit, Die, 137, 274 
 Fremont, Ohio, 359 
 
 Free men and, 291 
 Fusion campaign, 308 
 
 Gambrell, Roderick, 175 
 Garfield, President, 209 
 Gamier, Dr. Paul, 80 
 Garrison, Wm. L., 185 
 General Conference, Method- 
 ist, 211 
 Geneva, 236 
 George, Henry, no 
 Geraldine, 45
 
 370 
 
 INDEX 
 
 German, An educated, on beer, 
 
 174 
 Germany, 92 
 
 Beer in, 94 
 Gettysburg, 245 
 Gladstone, 214, 233 
 Gloversville, 236 
 God has forgotten, 365 
 God's way, 76 
 
 word, 74 
 
 work, 75 
 
 Gold and silver, 345 
 Golden sands, 147 
 Gold produced, 345 
 Gomorrah, 213 
 Goodell, Wm. B., 185 
 Goods, 156 
 
 Good government clubs, 237 
 Good citizenship, Throne of, 
 
 279 
 
 Good government, First con- 
 cern of, 298 
 
 Good men, Subjectivity of, 256 
 Government, 270 
 
 A fact in, 210, 211, 215, 218 
 
 Applied science of, 241 
 
 breaks down, 260 
 
 Contempt for, 260 
 
 Focal point in, 198 
 
 God and, 184 
 
 Loyalty to, 131 
 
 Man in his relation to, 207 
 
 Municipal, 293 
 
 Parties that control, 256 
 
 Politics the science of, 230 
 
 The ends of, 221 
 
 The weakness of, 263 
 
 Tribute to, 131 
 Governors, Two Democratic, 
 
 324 
 
 Grandfather, Whose, 19 
 Grant, General, 26, 268 
 Great Britain, 34 
 Greater New York, 273, 293 
 
 Fusion Campaign in, 310 
 Greeley, Horace, 66, 344 
 
 Habit, Through, 107 
 Haddock, Sioux City, 174 
 
 Hall, Thomas A., 352 
 Hamilton, Sir William, 231 
 Hard Drinkers, 31 
 
 times, 336 
 
 Hardy, H. W., 323, 327 
 Harmony between forces, 188 
 Harper Law of Illinois, 326 
 Hartzell, Bishop, 87 
 Hayes, Ex-President, 357 
 Haymarket murders, 137 
 Herr Most, 253, 254, 274 
 High License in Nebraska, 323 
 
 First fruits, 325, 326 
 
 in Republican States, 324 
 
 Law, Brooks, 325 
 
 legislation, 326 
 
 Restriction by, 323 
 
 tax, 307 
 
 Hill, David B., 336 
 Hillis, Rev. Dr., 257 
 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 19 
 Home, The, 182, 189, 202 
 Home life, 188 
 
 Home, Right to go in safety 
 outside the sober, 53 
 
 rule in the city, 52 
 Homes, City of, 52 
 
 Protected, 117 
 Hornellsville, 236 
 Hotel, Raines Law, 56 
 Hudson, 236 
 Humane Society, Hudson 
 
 River, 59 
 Human Life, Concern for, 240 
 
 Conserving, 82 
 
 Popular valuation of, 79 
 Human Potentiality, 12 
 
 values, 77 
 Hyde Park, 352 
 
 Idiots, Lunatics and, 238 
 
 Illinois, 217 
 
 Image-keepers, 143 
 
 Indiana, 217 
 
 Indian wards, 88 
 
 Inebriety, Quarterly Journal 
 
 of, 48 
 
 Ingalls, General, 26 
 Inheritance, Law of, 44
 
 INDEX 
 
 37i 
 
 Inspector, Police, 266 
 Interest, The national, 214 
 Internal Revenue, Commission- 
 er of, 300, 301 
 Iowa, 217 
 
 Ireland, Archbishop, 238 
 Issue, The overshadowing, 344 
 What is an, 244 
 
 Jackson, Miss., 174 
 Jerome, Wm. Travers, 288 
 
 Judge, 290 
 
 Jerome, Judge W. T., 336 
 Jerusalem, Election day in, 162 
 Johnnie and Jennie, 349 
 Johnson, Rev. James, 87 
 Jones, Sam, 288 
 Journalism, Yellow, 256 
 Judge, Dry Ward, 193 
 
 Kansas, 222 
 
 and Iowa, 297 
 
 Prohibition in, 158 
 
 Prosperity of, 121, 122 
 
 Republican, 262 
 Kingston, 236 
 Kreuz Zeitung, 81 
 
 Labor, Law does not defend, 
 
 H3 
 
 Law should protect, 114 
 Liquor dethrones, no 
 Liquor and Law, 101, 103 
 Liquor taxes, 105 
 Liquor tyrannizes over, 107 
 Normal capacity for, 32 
 Omnia Vincit, in 
 Relation of liquor to, 103 
 Sober, in 
 
 "Land, Labor and Liquor," 85 
 Lathrap, Mrs. Mary T., 283 
 Law, 187 
 
 and the liquor seller, 288 
 Anti-Canteen, 263 
 breakers, As to breeding, 
 
 135 
 breaking, Policy that begets, 
 
 138 
 Dispensary, 262 
 
 Law, does not defend labor, 
 
 "3 
 
 does not prohibit liquor, 112 
 
 Enduring, 269 
 
 Every License, 219 
 
 Four mile, 190 
 
 High License, 307 
 
 in the human world, 32 
 
 License, 190 
 
 Mulct, 307 
 
 Mulct, in Iowa, 262 
 
 Obedience unto, 133 
 
 of the human world, 289 
 
 our schoolmaster, 268 
 
 Prohibitory, 297 
 
 Repressive, 257 
 
 should prohibit liquor, 115 
 
 should protect labor, 114 
 
 Sumptuary, 328, 329 
 
 The Raines, 308 
 
 The violation of, 322 
 
 Un en forced, 260 
 
 which breed anarchy, 268 
 Lawlessness, 136 
 
 Conspiracy of, 255 
 Lawrence, Kansas, 122, 124 
 Law's purity, 279 
 Leadership, Republican, 294 
 "Legions of labor," 128 
 Legislation, Board of, 23 
 Legislatures, Democratic, 297 
 
 Democratic and Republican, 
 
 186 
 Liberty, 242 
 
 American, 270 
 
 Blessings of, 353 
 
 Civil, 332 
 
 Individual, 328 
 
 Limitations of, 331 
 
 Natural, 332 
 
 Party, 185 
 License Idea, 42 
 
 Men who vote, 22 
 
 not a principle, 218 
 
 system, 24, 191 
 
 un-American, 350 
 
 unchristian, 351 
 
 unconstitutional, 353 
 
 voter, 23
 
 372 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Life, In debt to, 35 
 
 Expectation of, 31 
 
 is a ledger, 30 
 
 Loss side of, 34 
 
 Natural term of, 31 
 Lille, 239 
 Lincoln, Abraham, 222, 223, 302 
 
 At, 245 
 
 Nebraska, 325 
 
 Liquor business, Demoraliza- 
 tion by, 191 
 
 Evolution of, 43 
 
 Law should prohibit, 115 
 
 power v. Moral supremacy, 
 2/|/| 
 
 Liquor-seller, A bribe to, 20 
 Liquor traffic a law breaker, 
 The, 134 
 
 Partner to, 67, 271 
 
 unchristian, 212 
 Little Falls, 236 
 Liverpool, 48 
 Local Option, 219, 222, 361 
 
 Favored by, 318 
 
 in Democratic States, 320 
 
 in Republican States, 320 
 
 in Vermont and New 
 Hampshire, 303 
 
 Local Prohibition by, 318 
 
 Logic of, 223 
 
 Policy of, 269 
 
 Southern Judge on, 113 
 Local Prohibition, Results of, 
 
 319 
 
 Lockport, 236 
 Lotteries, 355 
 Lottery, Louisiana, 208 
 Louisiana, 237 
 Low, Seth, 293 
 Loyalty, 131 
 
 Christian, 129 
 Lunatics, 238 
 
 Mac Nicholl, Dr. T. Alexander, 
 
 77, 78 
 
 McCook, J. J., 343 
 McKelway, St. Clair, 260 
 McKinley, President, 252, 274 
 William, 67, 116, 270, 271 
 
 McLean, Gov. Geo. P., 96 
 Maine, 296 
 
 Law, 297 
 
 Law, Democrats and, 316 
 
 Republican, 262 
 
 Republicans of, 297 
 Majorities, Legislative and 
 
 popular, 302 
 Majority, Party's dominating, 
 
 215 
 
 Malone, N. Y., 58 
 
 Man, 74 
 
 Man, Best work of, 88 
 Cash capital in, 17 
 Creation of, 75 
 Demoralization of, 189 
 Economic and moral values 
 
 in, 85 
 
 his earnings, 30 
 Intrinsic value in, 291 
 Investments in, 35 
 Profit and loss in, 20, 34, 
 
 134 , 
 
 Society s investment in, 35 
 
 The betterment of, 286 
 
 The individual, 181, 191, 197, 
 198, 199 
 
 The more he will pay, 30 
 Manhood and gold, 71, 73, 97 
 
 and social order, 140 
 
 Cash investment in, 12 
 Manila, 86 
 Man's development, 92 
 
 way, 88 
 
 word, 77 
 
 work, 82 
 
 Mason, John W., 300 
 Massachusetts, 158, 298 
 
 Annual earnings, 34 
 
 Board of State Charities, 
 157 
 
 Total Abstinence Society, 
 
 119 
 
 Medical Record, 49 
 Method, The logical, 363 
 Methods of settlement, 341, 346 
 Michigan, 191, 217 
 
 Republican party in, .296 
 Middletown, 236
 
 INDEX 
 
 373 
 
 Mill, John Stuart, 221 
 Milwaukee riots, 137 
 Milwaukee Sentinel, 84 
 Minority, The bad, 296 
 Mints and mills, 116 
 Mississippi, 269 
 
 Legislature of, 81 
 Monaco, 208 
 Monopoly, 50, 350 
 Montalembert, Count de, 238 
 Monte Carlo, 208 
 Montesquieu, 220 
 Mood, The indicative, 28 
 Moral Forces, Harmony with, 
 
 187; reform, 209; standards, 
 
 208, 362; supremacy, 244 
 Morals, Improvement of 241, 
 
 242; The public, 219, 356 
 Morris, Rev. C. S., 87 
 Moses, Decrees given to, 209 
 Mothers, Drunken, 48 
 Mount Washington, 200 
 Mt. Vernon, 236 
 Mulct Law, 307 
 Mulhall, Statistician, 240 
 Munich employer, 93 
 Municipal government, 293 
 
 Nation, Mrs. Carrie, 303 
 
 Hatchetation of Mrs., 262 
 National banks, 346 
 
 debt, 293 
 
 Protective Association, 327 
 
 Teachers' Association, 291 
 Nebraska, High License in, 158 
 Necessity, A partner of, 277 
 Newburg, 236 
 New England Society, 96 
 New Hampshire, 304 
 
 Attorney General of, 304 
 New Jersey, 217 
 New Orleans, La., 171 
 New York, Election in, 297; 
 
 Liquor votes in, 216, 217; 
 
 Northern, 126; State of, 215 
 New York Tribune, 43, 50, 61, 
 
 63, 64, 233, 344 
 Non-enforcement, Law's, 262 
 North Carolina, 222 
 
 Odell, Gov. B. B., 91 
 Ogdensburg, 54, 236 
 Ohio, 217, 270 
 Omaha, 325, 326 
 Organization, Temperance, 195 
 Oswego, 236 
 Oxford, 92 
 
 Pan American grounds, 252 
 
 Parker, Dr. Willard, 31, 44, 
 238, 239 
 
 Parties, Change in, 316 
 Victorious, 283 
 
 Partner of necessity, A, 277 
 
 Partnership, A record of, 299; 
 Results of, 305; Open, 293 
 
 Partridges, 45 
 
 Party, Abolition, 185; Anti- 
 Tammany, 273 ; Liberty, 
 185; Populist, 1 86; Prohibi- 
 tion, 186, 187; records, 296; 
 suicide, 217 ; Democratic, 
 186, 258; Republican, 214, 
 258, 298; What is a politi- 
 cal, 213; Why a Prohibi- 
 tion, 272 
 
 Patriotism, 224 
 Christian, 132 
 
 Patriot, The Christian, 246, 247 
 
 Paulsen, Friedrick, Prof., 95 
 
 Paul's time, 268 
 
 Pearson, Sheriff, 262, 303 
 
 Pennsylvania, 207, 294 
 
 People, The American, 258 
 
 Perpetuation, 112; General, 
 347; Partial, 347, 361 
 
 Perpetuationists, 224 
 
 Personal Liberty, 221, 258, 295, 
 
 327 
 
 Prohibition versus, 332 
 The Democratic party 
 against it, 334 
 
 Petersburg, 26 
 
 Philadelphia, City of, 293 
 High License in, 327 
 
 Philippines, 86, 237 
 
 Phillips, Wendell, 185 
 
 Pilate, 152, 153 
 
 Pitman, Judge, 362
 
 374 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Pittsburg, 51 
 
 Platt, Thomas C, 295 
 
 Platform Committee, Republi- 
 can, 299 
 
 Plurality, Democratic or Re- 
 publican, 216 
 
 Plymouth Church, 52 
 
 Police Commissioner, 264 
 
 Policy, Judge of a, 187 
 
 Political factors, 205, 207 
 forces, 181, 189, 195, 196 
 forces, Primary, 184, 185 
 renegades, 287 
 
 Politics, 232; and defense of 
 State, 234; and the State, 
 232 ; an applied science, 241 ; 
 Chief duty of, 244 ; The pur- 
 view of, 207 
 
 Polygamy, 208, 298; a crime, 
 182 
 
 Pompeii, 68 
 
 Porter, Dr. Horace, 52, 259 
 
 Porto Rico, 237 
 
 Poughkeepsie, 236 
 
 President, Assassination of, 255 
 
 Principle? What is a, 218 
 
 Productive power, 13 
 
 Progress, Bugle note of, 283 
 
 Prohibition Amendment, 191 
 Constitutional, 307, 320 
 
 Prohibition, Economics of, 16; 
 Force for, 186; Industry 
 profits by, 120; Local, 319; 
 No principle but, 218; Prin- 
 ciple of, 354; State-wide, 
 315; States, 312; The fail- 
 ure of, 264; Total, 349 
 
 Prohibitionists, 186, 224 
 
 Publicans and Republicans, 285 
 Republicans toward, 305 
 What are? 287 
 
 Public health, 354; house, 34 
 
 Pure blood, Right to be of, 44 
 
 Quay and Platt, 295 
 Quay-kerdom, 294 
 Queen City Club, 22 
 Question, Temperance, 286 
 Quincy, Mass., 118, 119 
 
 Races, Aboriginal, 89 
 
 Ragamuffins, 16 
 
 Raines Law hotel, 252, 259 
 Law, partizan, 54 
 
 Raster resolution, 296 
 
 Reagan, U. S. Senator, 321 
 
 Rebellion, A whisky, 171 ; first, 
 170; last, 171 
 
 Reciprocity, 116 
 
 Referendum, Sunday, 309 
 
 Reform Bureau, 87 
 club movement, 26 
 Political, 209, 215 
 
 Regulation, 347 
 
 Republic, The American, 231 
 
 Republican, A, 245; and a 
 Democrat, 123; States un- 
 der License, 305 ; The black, 
 292 
 
 Republicanism, Northern, 292, 
 293 
 
 Republicans, Attitude of, 206; 
 in 1856, 291; What have 
 been, 290 
 
 Restriction, High License, 323 
 
 Resubmission, 269 
 
 Revenue, A State policy of, 306 ; 
 at its worst, 308; of the 
 State, 220; record, 311; Re- 
 publican policy of, 309; 
 system, 192, 293; system, 
 Internal, 300, 302 
 
 Rhode Island, 297, 298 
 
 Richest town, 117 
 
 Richmond, Va., 26, 192 
 
 Right, No inherent, 219, 333 
 
 Righteousness, Political, 231 
 
 Rights of the boy, 43 
 Protection of, 241 
 
 Robbery of the church, 163 
 
 Rochester, 46, 236 
 Brewers at, 301 
 
 Roman rulers, 287 
 
 Rome, 236 
 
 Roosevelt, President, 116 
 Theodore, 66, 89, 264 
 
 Rouen, 239 
 
 Rum, Romanism and Rebel- 
 lion, 338
 
 INDEX 
 
 375 
 
 Sacred Theology, Dr. of, 280 
 Salem, Ohio, 364 
 Saloon, The American, 34 
 Saloons, Creed of the, 275 
 Perpetuation of, 286 
 to every 1,000 people, 236 
 Saloonist, The citizen, 132 
 Sanborn, Judge, 88 
 Savings Bank, 266 
 Schenectady, 236 
 School, Law promotes, 188 
 Science of government, 241, 243 
 Scott Law of Ohio, 326 
 Scourges, Historic, 233 
 Sedition, The spirit of, 169 
 Seditionist, Barabbas a, 168 
 Settlement, Methods of, 343 
 Seymour, Horatio, 297, 335 
 Shepard, Edward M., 310 
 Sheriff in Portland, 120 
 Sheriffs, Republican, 303 
 Sherman, Senator John, 347 
 Shoes and booze, 125, 126 
 Silver and gold, 97 
 Silver Lake Quartette, 196 
 Simon, M. Jules, 239 
 Slavery, 222; Spread of, 223 
 Smith, Watson B., 174 
 Sober citizenship, 61 
 Social outcasts, 287 
 Society, Maintenance of, 191 
 Sodom, 213 
 South Carolina, 262 
 South McAllister, Federal 
 
 Court at, 88 
 Sovereign power, 60 
 Sovereignty, Civic, 281 
 Sprague, Judge, 208 
 Squatter Sovereignty, 222 
 Standard Dictionary, 209, 213, 
 
 245 
 
 State, A drunken, 209; Institu- 
 tions, 91; rights, 319; The 
 sober, 204 
 
 States, Multiplying, 238 
 of the North, 316 
 of the South, 315 
 
 Statesmanship, 241 
 
 Statistics, What say, 345 
 
 St. John, John P., 299 
 St. Louis, Arrests in, 326 
 Story, Chief Justice, 231 
 Strike, What is, 136 
 Strong drink, A, 156, 270 
 Stuckenberg, Dr. J. H. W., 95 
 Suffrage, Fraud in, 209 
 Sullivan, Dr. W. C, 48 
 Su'mner, Charles, 243 
 Sumptuary, 219, 329, 330 
 Sunday closing Toronto, 267 
 
 Traffic on, 264 
 Supply and demand, 358 
 Supreme Court of the U. S., 
 Swine, Herd of, 42 
 Syracuse, 236 
 
 Tammany, 274, 295; Control- 
 ling, 3375 Tiger, 338 
 
 Tariff, Protective, 117 
 Reciprocity and, 116 
 
 Tax and License, 144; special, 
 221; High License, 356; 
 Policy, 220; regulate by, 
 
 347 
 Taxation, 141, 228 
 
 General principles of, 221 
 Taxes, 237, 355 
 
 and local option, 323 
 Taylor, Bayard, 329 
 Teacher, The school, 310 
 Temple, A stately, 146 
 
 Building a, 202 
 Ten Commandments, 208 
 The American Reformer, 173 
 
 assassin, deed of, 256 
 
 Atlantic Monthly, 348 
 
 ballot, A robber of, 160 
 
 boy's cost and conditions, 
 18 
 
 Bung-hole, 278 
 
 church, 183, 189, 195, 203, 344 
 
 citizen, Ignorance and vice 
 in, 210; sovereign, 143 
 
 Civil War, 292 
 
 constitution, Nullification of, 
 307; Sanction of, 271 
 
 Court of Appeals, Ken- 
 tucky, 354
 
 376 
 
 INDEX 
 
 The cross, 145, 202 
 
 cure, Curse, crime, and, 251 
 curse, 202; Cure for, 272; 
 
 Effects of, 258 
 decalog, an iridescent 
 
 dream, 243 
 Defender, 252 
 Democratic party, 258 
 Forum, 343 
 
 home, A robber of, 157 
 lawless, Laws for, 263 
 liquor traffic Prohibition, 272 
 liquor question, 343 
 London Times, 233 
 louse, 288 
 
 nation, A robber of, 164 
 National Constitution, 353 
 New Voice, 253, 254, 256, 270 
 party, Attitude of, 333 
 party collar, 282 
 people, 332 
 
 Portland Oregonian, 305 
 Press, 344 
 
 Prohibition principle, 154 
 publican of Bible times, 289 
 publican of today, 289 
 Republican party, 258 
 Roman Catholic Church, 344 
 saloon, Allies of, 236 
 saloon, Black flag of, 256 
 saloon feeds on the boy, 32 
 school, 182, 189, 203 
 school, A robber of, 158 
 Scientific American, 173 
 slave auction, n 
 South, College professor in, 
 
 291 
 
 South, Democrat in, 292 
 State, Existence and rights 
 
 of, 234 
 
 State must live, 139 
 State Politics, 232; and the 
 defense of, 234 ; the growth 
 of, 237 
 
 State, Strength and re- 
 sources of, 237 
 W. C. T. U., 196, 197 
 Thirst, Abnormal, 107 
 Tilden, Samuel J., 328 
 
 Times, The London, 233 
 Tolls in taxes, 277 
 Toronto, 265 
 Tribute, in cash, 142 
 
 Loyal citizen's, 142 
 Trinity College, 343 
 Troy, 236 
 Truth, Sojourner, 364 
 
 Universities, German, 92 
 University, Michigan's, 191 
 Princeton, 256 
 
 Value in man, 291 
 Vermont, Industries of, 120 
 Vice, The sources of, 270 
 Von Hartmann, Edward, 94 
 "Vorwarts," 93 
 Vote, Anti- Prohibition, 217 
 Voter's booth, 197, 199, 201 
 
 Wages, Increase in, 126 
 
 Saving of, 126 
 Walruft Brewery, 122, 124 
 Wanted, A boy, 69 
 Ward, Artemas, 35 
 Watervliet, 236 
 Wealth, Science of, 25 
 Webster, Daniel, 243, 244 
 Whisky, Better to tax, 141 
 White man's way, 90 
 Whittier, John G., 185 
 Wilkinson, 166 
 Willard, Frances E., 299 
 Windom, William, 343 
 Wine, The spirit of, 161 
 Winslow, Dr. Forbes, 49 
 Wirthwein's Hall, 21 
 Wisconsin, 217 
 Woodruff, Timothy L., 54 
 Woolley, John G., 47 
 Workingmen, Interests of, 238 
 Wright, Carroll D., 105, 277 
 
 Yellow fever, 240 
 Y. M. C. A. Secretary, 24 
 Yonkers, 236 
 Yorkshire, England, 229
 
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