GIFT OF BRITAIN'S HERITAGE OF SCIENCE Sir Isaac Newton From an engraving of a painting by Kneller, in the Possession of Lord Portsmouth BRITAIN'S HERITAGE OF SCIENCE BY ARTHUR SCHUSTER, F.R.S. AND ARTHUR E. SHIPLEY, F.R.S. ILLUSTRATED LONDON CONSTABLE & CO. LTD. 1917 ..*: ' - : ' v m ERRATA. Page 70, line 5 from bottom : far "Robert" read "Charles." Page 286, line 10 from bottom : for "Sir William Herschel " read "Sir William James Herschel, eldest son of Sir John Herschel." for " Foulds " read " Faulds." Page 291 , line 11 from top : for " Thompson " read " Thomson." LIST OF PORTRAITS SIR ISAAC NEWTON - Frontispiece From an engraving of a painting by Kneller, in the posses- sion of Lord Portsmouth. JOHN DALTON - Facing p. 16 From a painting by R. R. Faulkner, in the possession of the Royal Society. MICHAEL FARADAY - Facing p. 32 From a painting by A. Blakeley, in the possession of the Royal Society. THE HON. ROBERT BOYLE - - Facing p. 72 From a painting by F. Kerseboom, in the possession of the Royal Society. JOHN CLERK MAXWELL - Facing p. 86 From an engraving in " Nature " by G. J. Stodart of a photo- graph by Fergus, of Glasgow. SIR HUMPHRY DAVY - - Facing p. 112 From a painting by Sir Thomas Lawrence, in the possession of the Royal Society. SIR GEORGE GABRIEL STOKES - - Facing p. 124 From a photograph by Fradelle & Young. 370907 vi List of Portraits JAMES PEESCOTT JOULE - Facing p. 160 From a photograph by Lady Roscoe. WILLIAM THOMSON, LORD KELVIN - Facing p. 190 From a photograph by Messrs. Dickinsons. THOMAS YOUNG - - Facing p. 212 From a portrait by Sir Thomas Lawrence. JOHN RAY - - Facing p. 232 After a portrait in the British Museum. STEPHEN HALES - - Facing p. 236 After a portrait by Thomas Hudson. CHARLES DARWIN - Facing p. 268 After a photograph by Messrs. Maidl & Fox. WILLIAM HARVEY - Facing p. 294 After a painting by Cornelius Janssen, now at the College of Physicians. CHARLES LYELL - - Facing p. 310 After a daguerreotype by J. E. Mayal. SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGES I. THE TEN LANDMARKS OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE 1-45 Roger Bacon Gilbert, the founder of terrestrial mag- netism, his electrical researches Napier's discovery of logarithms Continuity of scientific progress in Great Britain from the seventeenth century onwards New- ton's laws of motion and discovery of gravitation Importance of Newton's work Foundation of modern chemistry by Dalton Foundation of undulatory theory of light by Young Faraday's electrical discoveries Conservation of energy established by Joule and Thom- son Clerk Maxwell's electro -magnetic theory of light His work on kinetic theory of gases Biographical notes on Newton, Dalton, Young, Faraday, Joule, Thomson, and Clerk Maxwell. II. PHYSICAL SCIENCE THE HERITAGE OF THE UNIVERSITIES DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES - - 46-71 Activity in the Universities during the seventeenth cen- tury Foundation and early history of Gresham College Briggs, tables of logarithms and decimal fractions Edward Wright and Mercator's projection Wallis Lord Brouncker's use of infinite series Wren's mathe- matical and astronomical work The Gregory family, first suggestion of reflecting telescopes Newton's op- tical discoveries Robert Hooke, " Micrographia " Flamsteed, first Astronomer Royal Halley's mag- netical and astronomical work Bradley's discovery of aberration and nutation Bliss Maskelyne, founder of the "Nautical Almanac" Density of earth The Scottish Universities William Cullen, founder of the Scottish school of Chemistry Black's chemical dis- coveries Latent heat Use of hydrogen for filling balloons Rutherford's isolation of nitrogen Robison Playfair Desaguliers Robert Smith. viii Contents CHAPTER PAGES III. PHYSICAL SCIENCE THE NON-ACADEMIC HERIT- AGE DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES - 72-105 Distinction between amateurs and professional men of science Robert Boyle's life and work Boyle's law Optical and chemical experiments Taylor's theorem Early history of the Royal Society First record of electric spark by Hauksbee Isolation of argon forestalled Joseph Priestley, chemical production of oxygen Composition of water Direct proof of gravitational attraction by Cavendish Michell's tor- sion balance Horrocks, first observation of transit of Venus Molyneux William Herschel, discovery of Uranus and other astronomical work Discovery of infra-red radiations Importance of construction of scientific instruments Oughtred's slide-rule Gas- coigne's eyepiece -micrometer Hadley's sextant Tem- perature compensation of pendulum by Graham and Harrison Divided circles Ramsden's eyepiece Achromatism : More Hall and Dollond Early history of steam engine : Somerset, Savery, Papin, Newcomen Improvements by James Watt Invention of con- denser First locomotive constructed by Trevithick First compound engine by Hornblower Murdock and illuminating gas Bramah's hydraulic press. IV. PHYSICAL SCIENCE THE HERITAGE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY - - 106-142 Nicholson's electrolytic decomposition of water Cor- relation of physical forces Count Rumford's generation of heat by mechanical power Humphry Davy Dis- covery of laughing gas Isolation of metallic potassium and sodium Safety lamp Revival of scientific re- search at Cambridge Woodhouse, Peacock, Whewell Physical optics advanced by Airy and Baden Powell The golden age of mathematical physics at Cambridge Green Stokes' researches on light and hydrodynamics Fluorescence Discovery of Neptune by Adams Sylvester, Cayley, Routh Miller's work on crystallo- graphy Physical science in the Scottish Universities Maximum density of water discovered by Hope Leslie's investigations on radiant heat Brewster's researches on light Important work of Forbes Tait, Chrystal, Kelland Rankine and conservation of energy James Thomson Hamilton, discovery of conical refraction Physical science in Ireland Trinity College Contents ix CHAPTER PAGES Lloyd, McCullagh, Jellett, Salmon, Haughton Fitz- gerald, Johnstone Stoney Andrews on ozone and liquefaction of gases Science at Oxford : Henry Smith, Odling, Vernon Harcourt, Pritchard. V, PHYSICAL SCIENCE THE HERITAGE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (continued)- - 143-186 Foundation of University of London University Col lege and King's College De Morgan Graham's re- searches on gases Discovery of palladium and rhodium by Wollaston Chemical work of Williamson Electrical researches of Wheatstone Owens College and Man- chester University Chemical school of Frankland and Roscoe Osborne Reynolds and scientific engineering Balfour Stewart on radiation and absorption History of spectrum analysis Discovery of thallium by Crookes Riicker's researches on thin films, his magnetic sur- veys Poynting and energy paths Radiation pressure Distinguished work of amateurs : Baily, Gassiot, Grove, Spottiswoode, Schunck, Sorby Waterston's neglected investigations on theory of gases Progress in astronomy : John Herschel, Gill, Rosse, Lassell, Nas- myth Application of photography to astronomy : de la Rue, Common, Roberts Application of spectrum analysis to astronomy : Lockyer, Huggins Newall's large telescope Early history of photography : Wol- laston, Wedgwood, Herschel, Fox Talbot Dry plates and gelatine emulsions Abney's work on theory of photography Colour photography : Rayleigh, Joly Geophysical work of Kater, Sabine, Clarke Meteoro- logical work of Wells, Howard, Apjohn, Glaisher, Archibald, Buchan, Aitken George Darwin and cos- mical evolution Foundation of seismology by Milne Recent advances in physics Rayleigh's discovery of argon Researches of Ramsay Discovery of helium Crookes' radiometer His improvement of air pumps J. J. Thomson and electric discharge through gases Electric constitution of matter Larmor Discovery of radio-activity Rutherford's discovery of emanation Theory of radio-activity Moseley's brilliant researches and early death. VI. PHYSICAL SCIENCE SOME INDUSTRIAL APPLI- CATIONS - - - - 187-202 Manufacture of steel The electric telegraph : Ronalds, Cooke, Wheatstone Submarine cables : Kelvin, Newall, Hancock Vulcanization of rubber The microphone x Contents CHAPTER PAGES of Hughes Sturgeon's electromagnet Development of electrical industry Wilde Hopkinson, Ewing, Ayrton The alkali industry : Gamble, Leblanc, Muspratt, Gossage, Solvay, Mond, Deacon, Weldon Royal Col- lege of Chemistry Discovery of coal-tar dyes Perkin, Nicholson Early promise and subsequent neglect of industry Meldola Explosives : Abel, Dewar Play- fair and encouragement of science. VII. PHYSICAL SCIENCE SCIENTIFIC INSTITUTIONS 203-215 Early history of Royal Society Privileges as regards patents Their action in promoting food production, inoculation, the prevention of jail fever, and protection against lightning Repository of natural rarities Pro- motion of scientific expeditions, surveys Comparison of standards Connexion with Greenwich Observatory and Meteorological Office Foundation of National Physical Laboratory Friendly relations with foreign academies Royal Society of Dublin Royal Society of Edinburgh Royal Society of Arts and other scientific societies Constitution of Royal Society compared with that of foreign academies Royal Institution Dewar's work on liquefaction of gases The British Association. VIII. BIOLOGICAL SCIENCE IN THE MIDDLE AGES- 216-228 Physiologus Bartholomew's " Liber de Proprietatibus Rerum " Roger Bacon yesalius, the founder of modern anatomy and physiology Moffett Biological science in Elizabethan and Stewart times Francis Bacon Lord Herbert Evelyn Pepys King Charles' interest in science. IX. BOTANY - - 229-255 Early herbalists Turner, Gerard, Johnson New era inaugurated by Ray Morison Grew, one of the first students of vegetable anatomy Hales, the founder of the physiology of plants Knight and cir- culation of sap Foundation of Linnsean Society by Smith Scientific explorers : Sloane, Banks Great Britain leads the way in introducing scientific classifica- tion Robert Brown Discovery of nucleus of cells Brownian movement Lindley, a great taxonomist The elder Hooker, Bentham -Joseph Hooker; early expeditions, friendship with Darwin, Himalayan travels Flora Indica Huxley's influence on teaching of botany Berkeley and cryptogamic botany Botany Contents xi CHAPTER PAGES at Oxford : Sherard, Sibthorp, Daubeny Botany at Cambridge : Martyn, Henslow, Marshall Ward Botany in Scotland : Sutherland, Greville, Balfour Botany in Ireland : Threlkeld, Allman Historical summary of British Botany. X. ZOOLOGY - - 256-293 Early history Turner, Wotton, Caius, Topsell Influence of falconry Willughby and Ray The Tra- descants Zoology in eighteenth century : Pennant, William Hunter -John Hunter, his zoological collections Revival in nineteenth century Owen His efforts to reorganize the natural history department of British Museum Charles Darwin His ancestry, Erasmus Dar- win Studies at Edinburgh and Cambridge Voyage of the "Beagle" Appreciation of Darwin's work by Wallace History of evolution and natural selection Heredity Early supporters of Darwin : Huxley, Lyell, Hooker The work of Wallace Allman Huxley, morphologist, teacher, and organizer F. M. Balfour's work on embryology and early death Romanes, Sedg- wick Biometrics : Weldon, Galton Ray Lankester, his work on morphology and other branches of zoology Maritime zoology Edward Forbes, Gosse Voyage of " Challenger " Scientific results of cable laying Progress in scientific classification during nineteenth century Exploration of Central America by Godman and Salvin Marine stations and laboratories. XI. PHYSIOLOGY - 294-307 Harvey, the circulation of blood Mayow's researches on respiration and the oxidizing of venous blood, muscular heat Medical science and physiology Syden- ham, Glisson, Lower and the transfusion of blood Willis and brain anatomy Havers' " Osteologia Nova " Important researches of Hales, blood pressure, secre- tions Joseph Black's contributions to physiology Hewson, discovery of lymphatic and lacteal vessels Coagulation Young, founder of physiological optics Addison Bowman Cambridge School of Physio- logy Michael Foster Gaskell, studies on nerves and heart action Action of chloroform on heart Sharpey Specialization of biological science Wooldridge Contributions to the practice of medicine Discovery of chloroform by Simpson Jenner, preventive inocu- lation Bell Lister's antiseptic surgery Roy. xii Contents CHAPTER PAGES XII. GEOLOGY - 308-319 Great Britain, a geological microcosm William Smith, rock strata Beds of rocks characterized by fossils Chronological sequence Hutton and the Huttonian theory Lyell and Uniformitarianism Allport, D. Forbes Sorby, crystal structure Influence of local surroundings The district of St. David's, oldest rocks in Great Britain Aymestry limestone The Silurian system Sedgwick, Cambrian rocks Miller, old red sandstone Delabeche, importance of mapping The Government geological survey Phillips New red sand- stone Fitton and Mantell Prestwich, E. Forbes Palseontological work by Davidson and others James Geikie Archibald Geikie Buckland, diluvial deposits Economic geology. INDEX 321 PREFACE HPHIS book does not pretend to establish any thesis. * Incidentally it may point a moral which different readers will interpret in different ways. Our main purpose was to give a plain account of Britain's great heritage of science; an heritage that handed down through several centuries of distinguished achieve- ments will, if the signs speak true, be passed on to the coming age with untarnished brilliancy. A limit had to be set to the extent to which contemporary science should be included, and some difficulty was felt in fixing that limit. It seemed desirable for obvious reasons to avoid discussing the work of living men ; but no fixed rule could be enforced because that work is often too much interwoven with that of others who are no longer with us to be com- pletely ignored. Sometimes, also, researches undertaken by our present leaders have led to results that are firmly established, and to have omitted them would have conveyed a false idea of the part which Great Britain has played in the recent progress of science. In such cases we had to use our discretion in breaking through a rule which as a principle we have tried to adhere to. xiv Preface It was not intended to write a complete history of British science, but to lay stress mainly on its salient features, without overburdening our account with work which, though meritorious and perhaps precursory to a real advance, did not deal with fundamental matters. Our judgment probably was at fault in some cases, and accidental omissions have, no doubt, also occurred. It is to be expected that these will be most numerous in the chapter on technical applications, where it was found difficult to select from the extensive material those special instances which most clearly show the part that pure science has taken in the economic life of the country. The subject naturally divides itself into two great groups, one dealing with the physical, the other with the biological sciences, and we are respectively respon- sible for the one and the other. Our thanks are due to Professor Seward, Master of Downing College, Cam- bridge, for kindly helping in the chapter on Botany ; to Mr. H. H. Brindley, of St. John's College, Cambridge, for his assistance in the chapter on Zoology ; and to Professor F. G. Hopkins for help in that on Physiology. The chapter on Geology was partly re-written and much increased in value by the late Professor McKenny Hughes, while Dr. Marr and Mr. R. E. Priestley have also assisted us with advice. Extensive use has been made of the " Dictionary of National Biography," and of some articles in the " Encyclopaedia Britannica." Preface xv Part of the History of Biological Science has been taken, by kind permission of the Editors and of the authorities of the Cambridge University Press, from the "Cambridge History of English Literature." In that portion of the chapter on Zoology which deals with Charles Darwin considerable extracts have also been made from the Presidential Address to the Zoo- logical Section of the Winnipeg Meeting of the British Association. Our thanks are due to the Council of the Royal Society for permission to reproduce a number of por- traits, and to the Editor of " Nature " for allowing the reproduction of the excellent engraving of Clerk Maxwell. The portraits which accompany the last five chapters were prepared from photographs kindly taken by the Rev. Alfred Rose, of Emanuel College, Cam- bridge, from various well-known prints. The excellent likeness of Joule, taken about 1875 by Lady Roscoe, now appears for the first time. A. S. A. E. S. August 1917. BRITAIN'S HERITAGE OF SCIENCE CHAPTER I THE TEN LANDMARKS OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE (Roger Bacon, Gilbert, Napier, Newton, Dalton, Young, Faraday, Joule, William Thomson, Clerk Maxwell) history of British Science begins with Roger Bacon, JL the Franciscan friar, who, cutting himself adrift from the scholastic philosophy of his time, rejected the traditional appeal to recognized authority, and urged with a powerful voice that a knowledge of Nature can only be attained through experimental research and by logical reasoning. Intellectually he stood high above the level of his contemporaries; 1 by his writings he set the true standard of scientific enquiry, and planted the first of the great landmarks along the path of British science. " There are two methods," he writes, " in which we acquire knowledge, argument and experiment. Argu- ment allows us to draw conclusions, and may cause us to admit the conclusion ; but it gives no proof, nor does it remove doubt, and cause the mind to rest in the conscious possession of truth, unless the truth is dis- covered by way of experience, e.g., if any man who had never seen fire were to prove by satisfactory argument that fire burns and destroys things, the hearer's mind would not rest satisfied, nor would he avoid fire; until by putting his hand or .some combustible thing into it, he proved, by actual experiment what the argument laid down; but after the experiment had been made, his mind receives certainty and rests in the possession of truth, which could not be given by argument but 1 An interesting account of the general character of scientific speculations before Bacon's time has been given by Charles L. Barnes (" Manch. Lit. and Phil. Soc.," Vol X. 1896). 2 Britain's Heritage of Science only by experience. And this is the case even in mathe- matics, where there is the strongest demonstration. For let anyone have the clearest demonstration about an equilateral triangle without experience of it, his mind will never lay hold of the problem until he has actually before him the intersecting circles and the lines drawn from the point of section to the extremities of a straight line." 1 In a more detailed discussion of experimental science, he points to three " prerogatives " which it has over other sciences. It tests the conclusions of these other sciences by experience, it attains to a knowledge of truth which could not be reached by the special sciences, and " it has no respect for these, but investigates on its own behalf the secrets of Nature, which consist in a knowledge of the future, the past and the present, and the inventing of instruments and machines of wonderful power." We further note Bacon's repeated plea for the study of mathematics, which he judges to be " the key and door to the special sciences." Roger Bacon was born about 1214, in the county of Dorset, of wealthy parents. Having completed his studies at Oxford, he seems very soon to have gained a reputation by lecturing, both at Oxford and Paris, where he went about 1236. He entered the Franciscan Order, and, though in bad health, continued his studies, devoting part of his time to optical experiments. " During the twenty years," he writes in 1267, " in which I have laboured specially in the study of wisdom, after abandoning the usual methods, I have spent more than 2,000 on secret books and various experiments and languages and instruments and mathematical tables, etc." Bacon found a friend in Pope Clement IV. , an enlightened Frenchman, who,.having been a lawyer and judge, took orders after his wife's death and rapidly rose in the Church. In 1263 Clement was appointed papal legate in England, and it was probably then tlaat he came to hear of Bacon's writings. When elected Pope, two years .later, he asked 1 The translation (with a slight modification) is that given by Prof. R. Adamson (see " Cbjnjnejnoration JCssays on Roger Bacon," edited by A. G. Settle, p. 18). Roger Bacon 3 for fair copies of Bacon's works, who, thinking that nothing he had yet written was good enough, set out on a more ambitious undertaking, of which the " Opus Majus " was the first instalment. In this work he displayed such indepen- dence of thought, and attacked the prevailing ideas so forcibly, that his opponents were converted into bitter enemies. They saw their opportunity and used it when Clement died. Accusations of heresy were raised, and Roger Bacon was condemned to prison by the General of the Franciscan Order in 1277. He remained in captivity till shortly before his death, which took place in 1292. With Roger Bacon England took the lead in laying the foundation of modern science. While the scholastic tradi- tion held the whole of Europe in bond he stood alone, fearlessly holding up the torch of enlightenment; but its rays fell on eyes that could or would not see. More than three barren centuries separated Bacon from the next great scientific figures, William Gilbert and John Napier. Gilbert (1540-1603) has been called the father of electric and magnetic science. He belonged to an old Suffolk family, was born at Colchester, and after a distinguished career at Cambridge, spent three years in Italy and other parts of Europe. On his return he settled down in London as a medical practitioner, and soon gained a reputation which secured him many honours, and among them the appoint- ment as physician to Queen Elizabeth. His chief work is described in a volume published in 1600 under the title of " De magnete, magnetisque corporibus et de magno magnete tellure." It was known to the Greek philosophers that a, certain mineral originally found in Magnesia had tin pow^r of attracting small pieces of iron. In the twelfth .century the knowledge of the compass was brought to JSurope. jChe Chinese, who had been familiar with it jn very early times, already knew that the clireotion in which the needle points was a little to one side of North, and Columbus discovered that this deviation differed in different localities. Nearly a century later, Robert Norman, a British sailor, had observed that the .force which acted on the needle was not, *s bad generally beeto assumed, directed upVards towards A 2 4 Britain's Heritage of Science the pole star, but downwards, and in 1576 he measured the angle between the horizontal and the direction of the magnetic needle, which we now call the magnetic dip, and found it to be nearly 72 in London. Such was the know- ledge at Gilbert's disposal when he began his celebrated researches. The word " loadstone " for the magnetic mineral, derived from lead-stone, indicates how the main interest in magnetic properties had been concentrated in their use for purposes of navigation. Gilbert's object, on the other hand, was chiefly scientific. The high position which he occupies in the history of science is not merely due to his discoveries, but to a great extent on his being the first man of science who gave effect to Roger Bacon's teaching, possessing the power and will to draw logical conclusions from his experiments, and to verify by new experiments the wider views suggested by these conclusions. Mapping out the directions in which a freely suspended magnetic needle sets at different points on the earth's surface, it appears to us a simple matter to infer that the earth as a whole behaves like a huge magnet. A diagram seems to be all that is required to complete the deduction. But the world at the time was not accustomed to logical reasoning of this kind. It was necessary, therefore, to enforce conviction by corroborative evidence, which Gilbert supplied, showing that the earth, so far as could be tested, possessed all the properties of a magnet. He pointed out that rods of iron lying about become magnetic under its influence, just as when placed near magnetized iron, and he noted that the effect is the stronger the more nearly the direction of the rods coincides with the direction in which a suspended needle comes to rest. Gilbert further constructed a" magnetic sphere, and suspending small .magnets by thin fibres, he examined how these set in different directions at different points on the sphere. He could thus, on a small scale, reproduce a model of the earth as a magnet, and. observing that the magnetic forces extend beyond the surface of his " terellum," was led to speculate on the possible action of terrestrial magnetism on the moon, and the mutual magnetic effects of planets on each other. We readily forgive him if in these cosmic William Gilbert 5 speculations he travelled beyond the justifiable limits of his experimental facts. In his electrical researches Gilbert had the same wide outlook. Amber, when excited by friction, was known to attract light bodies; why he asked himself should special properties be confined in one case to iron and in another to amber? He tried but failed to find a magnetic action on water and other bodies, but discovered that the property of amber was shared by a large number of substances, such as glass, sulphur, and the precious stones. He was the first to note that electric effects persist longer in dry air than in wet weather, that an electrified body loses its power when moistened with water or spirit, or when glowing coal is brought near to it. We also owe to him the word " electricity " (derived from " rj\Tpov ", the Greek word for amber) ; though only in the form of the adjective. " Vim illam," he writes, " electricam nobis placet appellare, quse ab humore provenit." In a posthumous work he declares himself to be an adherent of the Copernican doctrine, and shows a clear scientific perception, as when he explains that there is no intrinsic property of " levity," but that when light bodies are seen to ascend they do so under the influence of the pressure of the surrounding heavier bodies. Galileo, 1 almost the only man of science born in the sixteenth century who stands on an intellectual level with Gilbert, appreciated his work. In the third of the famous " Dialogues " he gives an account of it, and Salviati, the imaginary person who is made to express Galileo's own views, mentions Gilbert's book, " which might not have come into my hands if a peripatetic philosopher had not presented it to me, for the reason, I believe, that he did not wish to contaminate his own library with it." After referring to some of Gilbert's experiments, Salviati further says : " I highly praise, admire, and envy this author for having formed such a stupendous conception on a 1 The name is given in its usual form, but it sounds rather like calling a man Thomas whose full name is Thomas Thomasson. Galileo's father was Vincenzio Galilei ; his own full name Galileo Galilei. 6 Britain's Heritage of Science matter which has been treated by many sublime intellects, but solved by none; he appears to me also to deserve the highest praise for his many and true observations, putting to shame the lying and vain authors who write not only of what they know, but also of what they hear from the silly crowd, without satisfying themselves by experiment of what is true perhaps, because they do not wish to shorten their books. What I should have desired in Gilbert is that he would have been a little more of a mathematician, and especially well schooled in geometry, the practice of which would have made him less inclined to accept, as conclusive proofs, what are only arguments in favour of the deductions he draws from his observations. . . . . . I do not doubt that in the course of time this new science will be perfected by new observations, and by true and cogent demonstrations. But the glory of the first inventor will not be diminished thereby; I do not esteem less, but, on the contrary, admire, the first inventor of the lyre (though probably his instru- ment was roughly constructed and more roughly played), much more than the hundred other players who, in the succeeding centuries, have brought his art to exquisite perfection." Coming from Galileo this was high praise, indeed. The next landmark was planted by a man of equal power but different type of intellect. John Napier, of Merchiston, descended from a distin- guished Scotch family, which, in the fifteenth century, included three Provosts of Edinburgh among its members. His father, Sir Archibald Napier, was Justice Deputy under the Earl of Argyll, and Master of the Mint. John was born at Merchiston Castle in 1550; after a short period of study at the University of St. Andrews, he probably spent some time in foreign travel, but returned to Scotland at the age of twenty-two. Though involved in the political and religious controversies of his age, he devoted his spare time to the study of mathematics, and, what to him seemed of greater importance, the writing of a book on the Apoca- lypse. This mathematical work culminated in the discovery John[Napier 7 of logarithms, and gave to the world a method by means of which multiplication is converted into addition, division into subtraction, and the extraction of square or cube root into a division by two or three respectively. The scientific merit of introducing logarithmic functions into the domain of mathematics is surpassed by the incalculable importance of assisting the complicated numerical calculations which were vital to the progress of astronomy and of other branches of science. Without explaining the objects which Napier primarily had in view, or the steps by which he arrived at his final results, we may justify the prominent position here given to him in the history of science by quoting a few passages from an article contributed by Dr. J. W. L. Glaisher to the " Napier Tercentenary Memorial Volume " : " The process of multiplication is so fundamental and direct that, from an arithmetical point of view, it might well be thought to be incapable of simplifica- tion or transformation into an easier process, so that there would seem to be no hope of help except from an apparatus. But Napier, not contented with such aids, discovered by a most remarkable and memorable effort of genius that such a transformation of multipli- cation was possible, and he not only showed how the necessary table could be calculated, but he actually constructed it himself. That Napier at a time when algebra scarcely existed should have done this is most wonderful; he gave us the principle, the method of calculation, and the finished table. " The * Canon Mirificus ' is the first British contribution to the mathematical sciences, and next to Newton's ' Prin- cipia ' it is the most important work in the history of the exact sciences that has been published in Great Britain, at all even' s until within the memory of living persons. " In whatever country the ' Canon Mirificus ' had been produced, it would have occupied the same com- manding position, for it announced one of the greatest scientific discoveries ever made." Independently of his work on logarithms, Napier's con- tributions to spherical trigonometry would alone have secured him a high position among mathematicians. 8 Britain's Heritage of Science The interval between the death of Gilbert in 1603 and that of Napier in 1617 marks the period of Galileo's astro- nomical discoveries and of Kepler's fundamental work on planetary orbits. The world was now waiting for a great generalization, but Kepler passed away and Galileo died an old and broken man before one was born who surpassed both in genius and power as much as they had excelled those who went before them. From the seventeenth century onwards, British science has continuously advanced, sometimes rushing ahead with torrential energy, sometimes in a smooth and almost imper- ceptible flow ; at one period chiefly concentrated in the uni- versities; at others almost entirely kept alive by private enthusiasts ; but taken as a whole never losing contact with past achievements or ceasing to foreshadow future conquests. To appreciate correctly the different stages of the advance, we must distinguish between the slow work of accumulating facts or proving and disproving theories and the generation of new ideas which suddenly alter the whole trend of scientific thought. Such creations form the seven land- marks which bring us to nearly the end of the nineteenth century : Newton's establishment of the law of gravitation, Dalton's atomic theory, Faraday's electric discoveries, Young's contribution to the wave-theory of light, Joule's foundation of the conservation of energy, Kelvin's demon- stration of the dissipation of energy; finally, Maxwell's formulation of the electro-magnetic theory of light. Roger Bacon made an acute remark to the effect that while in mathematics we can proceed from the simple to the more complicated, it is impossible to do so in other branches of science, because Nature does not, as a rule, present us with the simple phenomenon. The whole history of science shows how it is always struggling in search of the simple starting point with respect to which we are constantly driven to modify or even reverse our ideas. Thales believed water to be the elementary substance from which everything else could be derived, Anaximenes thought it was air, and Heraclitus substituted fire, while, according to Pythagoras, it was the relations between integer numbers which formed the foundation of all science. Sir Isaac Newton 9 Take the case of " rest " and " motion." At first sight it seems obvious that the former is the simpler phenomenon ; but our trouble begins when we try to define " rest." Dis- regarding this difficulty, let us ask ** What is the simplest kind of motion ? " Every schoolboy now could give the" answer : "A uniform motion in a straight line " ; but he would be sorely puzzled if he were required to give an example of a body moving with uniform motion in a straight line, for such a thing does not exist. The Greek philosophers kept more in touch with realities when they considered motion in a circle to be the simplest of its kind, because they had observed that the stars describe circles in the sky, and they could artificially produce circular motion by tying a weight to a string and whirling it round. As astronomy advanced, and the motion of the planets were further investigated, it became more and more difficult to reduce everything to circular motion. All efforts to persevere in such attempts finally broke down when the laws regulating the fall of bodies from a height were discovered. The straight line motion although never directly brought within the range of observation then took its place as the simpler basic idea. Sir Isaac Newton (1643-1727) formulated the laws of motion ; they - have formed ever since the foundation of physical science, and a few words must be said as to their significance. Our first idea of " force " is derived from muscular sensation. We push a body, and see it change its place, and are conscious that we can ourselves be made to move by an application of muscular force from outside. From this it is natural, though perhaps not altogether logical, to conclude that every change of motion which we observe in a body is due to some push or pull on that body. This imaginary push or pull we call a force. The first law, originally due to Galileo, asserts that absence of force does not necessarily imply that a body is at rest ; it may be moving, but, if so, it continues to move in a straight line with unaltered velocity. The second law allows us to measure a force, and may be said to have been first applied by Huygens. The third law asserts that whenever we observe a change of motion in a body there must be an equal and opposite change of motion in another body or system of bodies. This 10 Britain's Heritage of Science is the law of u action and reaction," which has played so important a part in the history of science. Having accurately defined what is meant by change of motion, Newton in his " Principia " establishes a number of propositions relating to the motion of a body acted on by a force directed to a fixed centre. The Copernican hypothesis that the earth and planets are in motion round the sun, replacing the older view which believed the earth to be the centre of the universe, was at that time generally accepted by scientific men, and Kepler had formulated three laws defining the orbits of the planets. Newton's pro- positions, applied to Kepler's laws, proved that the movements of the planets may be accounted for by imagining attracting forces to act between the sun and the planets diminishing in proportion to the squares of the distances. If this attrac- tion be accepted, it is natural to identify it with the force that keeps the moon in its orbit round the earth, and finally with that which we observe directly when a body falls down from a height. But it had to be proved that the intensity of gravitation at the surface of the earth and that acting on the moon were related to each other according to the law deduced from the planetary motions; in other words, as the distance between the centres of the earth and moon is 60 times the earth's radius it had to be shown that the gravitational force at the surface of the earth is 3,600 times as great as that which keeps the moon in its orbit. The calculation is easily made if we know the length of the earth's diameter, and this having been ascertained with sufficient accuracy by Picard in France shortly before the publication of the " Principia," Newton had the satisfaction of finding an almost perfect agreement. His theory was confirmed, and it was definitely proved that the motion of the planetary system, as well as the behaviour of heavy bodies on the surface of the earth, could all be deduced from the general proposition that every particle of matter attracts every other particle with a force which varies in the inverse ratio of the square of the distance. Commentators on Newton's work frequently draw atten- tion to the delay in publishing for ten years or more the results of his calculations, because when they were first Sir Isaac Newton 11 completed there seemed to be a discrepancy of about 11 per cent, between the value of gravity at the surface of the earth as deduced from the moon's orbit, and that which can be observed directly. It has even been said that, for a time, he rejected the theory altogether, but there is reason for believing that the delay was due to one uncertain step in the argument which might have caused an error and accounted for the disagreement. Newton consequently deferred publi- cation until he could satisfy himself with regard to this doubtful point. The attraction of the earth as a whole is made up of the attraction of its separate parts. When the attracted body is at a distance, no great error can be committed by assuming the earth's mass to be concentrated at its centre, but it might be otherwise, if it is near the surface. Ulti- mately, Newton proved that, when the law of attraction is that of the inverse square, we may indeed take the attraction of a sphere at all distances to be the same as that of an equal mass placed at its centre. The real cause of the disagreement was then found to be the inaccurate value originally adopted for the circumference of the earth. When the measurements of Picard became known the agreement was found to be complete. The importance of Newton's discovery extended far beyond its immediate results; its wider and far-reaching effect lay in the demonstration it supplied that by means of a rigorous mathematical analysis the facts of Nature can be represented not only in the vague speculative manner which then was considered sufficient by the majority of philosophers, but definitely and quantitatively, allowing a numerical test to be applied. Apart from the philosophic value of a rigorous treatment, the human mind is always strongly (on occasions too strongly) impressed by numerical coincidences. Newton's investigation which enabled him to calculate the force of gravity at the earth's surface from the time of revolution of the moon therefore earned conviction, and was accepted by the majority of his countrymen ; but it took some time before the continent of Europe gave its full assent, and the criticisms which were raised illustrate the danger of taking up too definite an attitude with regard to the ultimate starting point representing the simple 12 Britain's Heritage of Science phenomenon from which everything else should be derived. In France, at any rate, the influence of Descartes' philosophy was paramount, and Descartes had truly started from the beginning : " I think, therefore I exist," was to him the only justifiable & priori assertion to make ; everything else was to be deduced from that proposition. With a most powerful and original intellect, he had developed an ingenious and in many ways logical and consistent system, in which there was no room for the motion of .any body except that which was brought about by the impulse of another body which itself was in motion. If the planets revolve round the sun, it was to him, therefore, clear that they must be carried along by an invisible medium whirling round the sun. Hence his hypothesis of gigantic vortices filling all space. This is not the place to explain how all phenomena in Nature were supposed to be accounted for by such means, but it is clear that the hypothesis was elastic, and could be varied, added to, and infinitely extended, whenever some difficulty arose. What concerns us here is that it seemed to go to the foundation of things the origin of motion and to those trained up in the doctrine of vortices, the mere postulate of a universal attraction to account for one set of natural phenomena, disregarding all the rest, seemed to be a retrograde step. Hence very naturally arose consider- able opposition, and it was mainly those who disagreed with Descartes and believed in the possibility of action at a distance, who inclined towards Newton. But this was really beside the point, because Newton expressly guards himself against the implication that his theory necessarily involved action at a distance, the origin of gravitational force being in no way prejudged by the affirmation of its existence. We have here an example of the often re- curring struggle between a general but indefinite hypothesis which suggests many things, but cannot be submitted to a numerical test, and what is characteristic of the Cambridge school of investigation. This school, which had its period of triumph in the nineteenth century, clearly defines a problem, confining it to such limits, wide or narrow, as will convert it into a precise problem which can be formulated and submitted to mathematical analysis. There must Sir Isaac Newton 13 always be a definite answer to a definite question, and, unless the mathematical difficulties v are insuperable, the consequences of any assumption may be obtained in a form in which they can be tested, not only as to their general nature but also as to their numerical values. The result may not be far-reaching, but within its limited field it is definite. We may not have penetrated to the foundation of the building, but we shall have mapped out one of its apartments and perhaps reached a fresh starting point. Two centuries and a quarter have now passed since the publication of Newton's " Principia," and during that time our astronomical measurements have become more and more accurate. Though the mathematical analysis has sometimes found it difficult to keep pace with the improved methods of observation, Newton's simple law of the inverse square has hitherto always been found sufficient to explain apparent irregularities in the motion of the celestial bodies, with perhaps the solitary exception of an irregularity in the motion of Mercury, which may ultimately be cleared up without calling in some other agency or perhaps is destined to open out an entirely new aspect of gravitation. The most precious heritage bequeathed to us by Newton is this : He has given us the confidence that, complicated as the problems of Nature may be, they are soluble if we confine ourselves to a limited and definite range, and follow up by irrefragable logical or mathematical reasoning the consequences of clearly-defined premises. By his laws of motion Newton laid the foundation of modern dynamics. The next great advance relates to the constitution of "matter." Common experience shows that . each .piece of matter may change in shape or volume ; it even seemingly vanishes, as when water evaporates, or is freshly formed, as when dew is deposited on. a blade of grass. If this be kept in mind, we are forced to concede, in opposition to the school which, professes to. reject all theories, that an introspective philosophy entirely detached from observation may lead to a truth hidden from the pure experimentalist. To perceive that matter in spite of all appearances is indestructible goes beyond the limits of our direct observation; and a science without imagination 14 Britain's Heritage of Science confining itself to that which it can see would have grown very slowly indeed. We owe that much to the Greek philosophers, that they took a wider view, and at any rate tried to evolve a system which would satisfy our sense of harmony in the perception and interpretation of Nature. Their imagination frequently led them astray, but as often prepared the way for the evolution of the correct view. The idea that all matter is composed of separate small particles which cannot further be subdivided appears very early among the Greek philosophers. Anaxagoras, in the fifth century before Christ, assumed the existence of indestructible and immutable elements of which all bodies are composed, and called them " seeds." Half a century later, Democritus first used the word " atom," but differed from Anaxagoras by ascribing the different properties of bodies not to a differ- ence in kind, but merely to one in shape and arrangement. Aristotle rejected this hypothesis completely, and his unhappy doctrine, apparently borrowed from Indian sources, which treats matter as an embodiment of mixtures in different proportions of the imaginary elements, fire, earth, water, and air, had a most paralysing influence on the history of science. The atomic theory consequently remained through centuries the subject of metaphysical speculations and the plaything of philosophers; as the foundation of chemical science, it takes its place only in modern times. But one great obstacle had to be removed. The chemistry of the eighteenth century was entirely under the influence of an erroneous theory of combustion, according to which inflammable bodies contained an invisible substance " phlogiston "^-showing itself as a .flame on being expeUed, and no progress was possible until the true nature of com- bustion had been demonstrated by the eminent French chemist Lavoisier. .His explanations were so simple and convincing that ifr js difficult to understand why the atti- tude taken up by JEngJisfr chemists with regard to them was entirely hostile. Cavendish, like Black and Priestley, adhered to the phlogiston theory, even when the latter, by his discovery of oxygen, .had supplied the c.hief weapon by which it ultimately .fell. Robert Boyle (1627-1691) had clearly shown how a John Dalton 15 sharp distinction between elementary and compound bodies could be drawn, and even explained the difference between mixtures and chemical compounds. But it was only when phlogiston had been finally abandoned that the way was prepared for our present conception of the constitution of matter. This is indelibly connected with the name of John Dalton (1766-1844), who taught us that the material uni- verse contains a certain number of elementary substances, each possessing, as its ultimate constituent, a distinctive atom which cannot be split up farther by chemical or physical means. There are, therefore, as many different kinds of atoms as there are elementary substances. The atoms of each element are alike in every respect, and have the same weight. When atoms of different elements enter into close union with each other, they form what Dalton called " compound atoms," or, according to our present nomenclature, " molecules " ; these are the ultimate con- stituents of compound bodies. Dalton's first scientific interests, which he preserved through life, were connected with meteorology. He was led to his chemical investigations through attempting to find a reason for the uniformity in the mixture of gases at different levels of the atmosphere, being much puzzled to know why the oxygen, nitrogen, and aqueous vapour did not arrange themselves in layers according to their density, as when oil rises to the top if mixed with water. His difficulty was mainly due to the peculiar ideas he had formed of the nature of a gas. For a time he seems to have adopted the correct view that all gases at the same temperature and pressure have the same number of ultimate particles in unit volume, but he abandoned it because ,it did .not seem to Mm to lead to tfce observed .intenningjing of gases irrespective of their density. ,IJe then invented a , rather Janciful .hypothesis wl^ich drew a distinction between the density of a& Atom and its weight, and he tried to find -some connexion between the two. This led him to investigate atomic weights. Dalton's temperament and methods of procedure were different from those of the other leaders of science whose work is under review. He is rightly considered tP be tl^e originator of the principle 16 Britain's Heritage of Science of multiple proportions, but he did not base his results so much on accurate measurements, as on the logical coherence of the system he advocated. In its simplest form, this principle means that if one atom of an element can combine with one, two, or more atoms of another, the weight of the compound molecules formed must increase by equal steps. But in the " New System of Chemical Philosophy " (first published in 1810), though examples are given in illustration, no systematic attempt is made to reach an accuracy sufficient to establish a proof. To Dalton the principle was obvious, and he was mainly interested in determining the relative atomic weights and showing, for a number of simple substances, how many atoms of each element are combined to form the compound molecule. The most important portion of the work deals with sub- stances in which one or all of the combined elements are gaseous, and he depends a good deal on the measurement of volumes before and after combination. As the methods of drying and otherwise purifying gases were imperfectly understood at the time, the figures which he obtained were, according to our standard, very inaccurate; nevertheless, the power and success with which he treated the subject very soon convinced other chemists that the foundations of his system were correct. Dalton's evidence was cumulative rather than indi- vidually decisive, and it may be said that he convinced the scientific world more by the strength of his own con- victions than by the experimental proofs he supplied. The total number of elements known in Dalton's time was twenty-three, but others were soon added, until, towards the middle of last century, over 'sixty elementary sub- stances were recognized. At present -we have reason to believe that the number' is strictly limited. 1 Whatever opposition there was to Dalton's views it. died. out quickly, though some philosophers found much that was distasteful in the immediate result of his teaching. There is, indeed, at first sight, something repellent in the idea that there should be one number, whether it be sixty-three or ninety- two, raised in importance so far above all others that it 1 See the result of Moseley's researches, page 185, John Dalton From a painting by K. R.Faulkner in the possession of the Poyal Society John Dalton 17 fixes the limits of creation, as regards the possible diversity of matter. But all such scruples must be set aside, for the atom of Dalton is only a stepping-stone to a higher level of knowledge. The chemist knows what he means by an atom, and when he is building up his compounds with them, he is not concerned with the question of their ultimate constitution; just as the builder who constructs a house with bricks need not trouble to enquire whether the substance of the bricks is continuous or made of up of mole- cules. The merit of Dalton f s atomic theory, like that of then law of gravitation, is that it sets certain boundaries beyond L which our imagination need not wander for the moment ; \ it defines a limited problem and for the time solves it. Speculations on the nature of light could not fail to attract the attention of the old philosophers; but, for our present purpose, we need not go farther back than to the rival theories of Newton and Huygens. The former led, no doubt, by his predilection for an accurately definable starting point from which he could proceed to develop the consequence of a theory with mathematical precision adopted the view (to be found already in the writings of Democritus), that light consists of small corpuscles emitted by the luminous body. The rectilinear propagation of light, and its bending as it passes from one transparent body to another, could easily be explained on this theory, and though it was incapable of dealing with the more complex properties of light, it received general support until the middle of last century. It was apparently Hooke who first suggested that light was an undulatory motion in an all-pervading medium, but Huygens has the merit of showing how this hypothesis could explain luminous phenomena with a precision at least equal to that of the corpuscular theory. There being at that time no crucial test to decide between the rival theories, the cleavage of scientific opinion took place along the line of separation between metaphysical tendencies. Those who disliked the idea of a vacuum and action at a distance inclined towards Huygens, others towards Newton. Com- promises have never been favoured by men of science, and as the theory of gravitation starts from an assumption B 18 Britain's Heritage of Science implying action at a distance, those who were guided by Newton considered it to be almost a sacrilege to go further than the master. To them action at a distance became an universal dogma, and the undulatory theory had no chance until it could produce a conspicuous success by explaining experimental facts, which were not amenable to treatment by the more favoured hypothesis. The analogy of light to sound attracted the attention of Thomas Young (1773-1829), and was emphasized by him in a paper published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society in 1800. Here, again, it was the detailed examination of one special aspect of the problem which led to the decisive advance. Some of the charac- teristic features of a wave motion may be illustrated by an examination of the waves passing over a sheet of water. Everyone is familiar with the circles spreading out from a centre when a stone is thrown into water; each point of the surface as the wave passes over it rising and falling alternately. If two stones are thrown, and enter the water at points near each other, each will start its own system of circles. These will overlap, and the question arises : how does the motion at any point of the surface of the water depend on the motion due to each wave separately? The question is so simple, and the answer seems so easy, that many must have passed it by as hardly worth recording; but Young saw that it was the key to the position : each wave produces its own effect without inter- ference from the other. If, under the influence of one set of waves, a point were raised one inch above the undisturbed level, and the other set caused by itself alone an elevation of two inches, then the combined effect would be a rise of three inches. If the effect of the second wave at any time were a depression of two inches, the effect of the first being the same as before, the depression of two inches would overbalance the rise of one inch, and leave a depression amounting to one inch. If the rise due to one set of waves equals exactly the fall due to the other, there will be neither a rise nor a fall, but the point will remain at rest. This, in a few words, is the principle of " super- position of motions," which applies only approximately to Thomas Young 19 water waves, but generally to all small displacements such as those we suppose to occur in the propagation of light. The important point to notice is, that two rays of light falling on the same point can neutralize each other's effect, so that there is darkness, where each ray separately produced illumination. The colours of thin plates could not be explained onl Newton's theory, unless the corpuscles of light were endowed / with some peculiar attributes, and it occurred to Young that a more natural explanation presented itself by con- sidering the overlapping of waves which occurs whenever two rays of light meet at a point. This led him to design new experiments in which two sets of light waves could ^ be made to overlap in such a manner that the crest of one set falls exactly over the hollow of the other, so that the two waves neutralize each other. By measuring the distances of the dark regions from each other, he showed how the lengths of waves could be determined. All seemed simple and straightforward, when a formidable difficulty arose, through the discovery of a new property of light, now called polarization. This seems to have baffled Young to such an extent that he began to be doubtful of his theory. It was only when the French engineer, Fresnel (who rediscovered the cause of the " interference " of light and corrected Young's explanation of " diffraction "), had, in conjunction with Arago, formulated more precisely the experimental conditions under which polarized light may interfere, that the clue to the solution was found. In a letter to Arago, dated 12th of January 1817, Young suggested that the peculiarity of waves which gave rise to polarization might be due to the direction in which the motion takes place. In a wave of sound, each particle of air moves backward and forward in the direction in which the sound is propagated, so that if the sound spreads out from one point, the motion is directed every- where to or from the centre. In a wa er wave propagated over a horizontal sheet of water, on the other hand, the direction is mainly up and down. It occurred to Young that if a wave of light resembled that spreading over a sheet of water, two disturbances propagated in the same direction B 2 20 Britain's Heritage of Science might still show different effects, for if the wave comes straight towards us the direction of motion might be hori- zontal or vertical. If the originality of a discovery can be gauged by the opposition it rouses, Young's work takes a high rank. In referring to his explanation of the interference of light (Edinburgh Review, Vol. I., p. 450) Lord Brougham expresses the opinion that it " contains nothing which deserves the name either of experiment or discovery," and concludes by " entreating the attention of the Royal Society, which has admitted of late so many hasty and unsubstantial papers into its Transactions." As regards the suggestion of transverse vibrations, one might have imagined that the analogy of water waves would have secured its being more readily accepted, but the passage from two to three dimensions is by no means obvious, and its difficulties presented themselves with special force to mathematicians. When Fresnel had inde- pendently recognized that the experimental facts could not be explained except by accepting this transverse motion, he placed the wave theory of light on a new and firm basis ; but he lost the collaboration and sympathy of his colleague Arago, who, up to the time of his death in 1853, would not recognize the possibility of a spherical wave in which the motion was not entirely radial. Even Laplace and Poisson were strongly antagonistic to the idea of spherical waves with transverse displacements ; their difficulty was a very substantial one, solved only at a later date by the investigations of Stokes. Of all men who have spent their lives in the search for experimental discoveries, no one has ever approached Michael Faraday (1791-1867) in the number, the variety, or the importance of the new facts disclosed by his labours. If we wish to select from among these discoveries one or two which have had a predominant influence in directing scientific efforts into new channels, we must give the first place to his researches on electro-magnetic induction. Starting from the discovery that an electric current suddenly generated or suddenly stopped caused an instantaneous current in a wire placed in its neighbourhood, he proceeded Michael Faraday 21 to show that a current passing through a wire which is made to move in the neighbourhood of another circuit induces similarly a current in the latter; and finally he extended these facts to the effects of moving magnets in place of electric currents. Faraday thus not only prepared the way for a consistent theory of electro-magnetic action, but proved that it was possible to convert electric energy into mecha- nical power, or, reciprocally, obtain electric energy by an expenditure of mechanical work. In other words, the whole of the present electric industry is based on his discoveries. As a second example of Faraday's experimental genius, we may take his work on the chemical decomposition of a liquid when an electric current is sent through it. Though this process of electrolysis had been used with great success by Sir Humphry Davy, its laws were not fully understood. Faraday proved that the total quantity of the substance decomposed depends only on the total quantity of electricity which has passed, independently of whether it be a strong current acting for a short time, or a weak current acting for a correspondingly longer time. He also discovered a most important relation between the amount decomposed and the chemical constitution. In his own words : "If we adopt the atomic theory and phraseology, then the atoms of bodies which are equivalents to each other in their ordinary chemical action, have equal quantities of electricity naturally associated with them." How pregnant these words are as forerunners of the most recent researches in electricity will appear in due course. During a long life Faraday piled his discoveries one upon another in almost continuous succession, yet they are united by a common thread of thought applied both consistently and persistently. New facts were brought to light, not through an omnivorous desire to penetrate into detached bits of unexplored regions, but by the wish to find a common link binding together all the forces which in each branch of Physics gravity, electricity, magnetism and chemistry had been treated as peculiar to that branch. His manner of looking at things was so different from that of other scientific men of his time, and in some ways so prophetic, that a few words must be said with regard to 22 Britain's Heritage of Science o it, more especially as it was much more thorough-going than is generally represented. Matter is only known to us through the forces which it exerts, and we cannot, therefore, reason about matter at all, but only about forces. This truth was so strongly impressed on Faraday's mind, that he warned scientific men against the use of the word " atom," because it fixed their attention on what he considered to be unessential. He could only conceive centres of force and lines of force emanating from these centres. Though all visible effects are perceived at the termination of the lines, his whole attention was fixed on the space which was filled by them. He objected to all materialistic conceptions and looked upon an all-pervading medium which had been invented to explain the phenomena of light as an unnecessary and objectionable imagination. He insisted that the lines of force which spread out from a centre cannot be conceived to be made of different stuff from the centres themselves, and that, therefore, the aether, if it exist at all, must itself be made up of lines of force emanating from separate centres. We may, perhaps, regard this view as a dim foreshadowing of the most recent and not yet firmly established views which have emerged from the so-called principle of relativity. The vibration of light Faraday tentatively suggested to be due to a vibration of the line of force emanating from a centre, and therefore forming an essential part of it. Each particle of matter in his mind sends out tentacles through space, and when two bits of matter seem to act on each other at a distance they only appear to do so because their tentacles are in- visible to us. During the closing days of his fertile" life r he planned experiments no doubt in connexion with his -4 speculations on the nature of light to test whether magnetic *- force requires time for its propagation. Our belief in the conservation of energy now forms the foundation of our conception of nature, and we hold to it more firmly than to anything else that science has taught us. All the changes we witness in the material world are merely transformations of one form of energy into another, and these different forms can all be measured in the same units. The principle of conservation asserts that energy John Prescott Joule 23 is never lost or gained in any of these transformations, the total quantity in the universe remaining the same. The simplest kind of energy is that of a body in motion, and is measured by half the product of the mass and the square of the velocity. If a heavy body be allowed to drop from a height, it increases its velocity as it falls, and strikes the ground with a certain amount of energy. If that energy has not been created, it must have existed already when the body was placed at the height from which it fell. Hence we must recognize some form of energy which depends on the gravitational attraction between the earth and the body. This potential energy, as we call it, is being trans- formed into the energy of motion (kinetic energy) as the body falls. These are the two great subdivisions of energy. If heat be not a substance, as was generally believed till the middle of last century, but a form of energy, a definite quantity of heat should be equivalent to a definite amount of energy ; so that whatever the means by which we trans- form mechanical work into heat, we ought always to get the same amount. That this conclusion is correct was esta- blished by Joule's researches. It forms our first law of thermodynamics . John Prescott Joule 1 (1818-1889) began his scientific career at the age of nineteen, and already six years later he had established his position as one of the greatest benefactors of the community. The characteristic quality of mind which enabled him without aid and without en- couragement to accomplish so much was his ability to fix on the essential factors of a problem, and to verify his ideas by accurate measurements. Inspiration came to him from his own experiments; his first ideas were hesitating and sometimes wrong, but correcting them step by step, he was led almost automatically to the final great discovery. His cautious and strictly scientific procedure showed itself at an age when an abundance of energy and originality so often lead to ambitious speculations which are beyond the powers of inexperienced youth. Joule published his first 1 A valuable account of Joule's fife and work, by Osborne Reynolds, will be found in the Joule volume of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. 24 Britain's Heritage of Science results in a series of letters addressed to Sturgeon's " Annals of Electricity," and in the fourth of them he gives us the guiding motive of his research. " I can hardly doubt," he writes, " that electro- magnetism will ultimately be substituted for steam to propel machinery. If the power of the engine is in proportion to the attractive force of its magnets, and if this attraction is as the square of the electric force, the economy will be in the direct ratio of the quantity of electricity, and the cost of working the engine may be reduced ad infinitum. It is, however, yet to be deter- mined how far the effects of magnetic electricity may disappoint these expectations." Sturgeon's electro-magnetic engine which Joule tried to improve was a very primitive machine. His first attempt to render it more effective was not successful, as he admits ; but what is remarkable is the strictly scientific manner in which he measured the power by the weight the engine could raise per minute. Joule next turned his attention to the measurement of the electric power absorbed. He designed and constructed a galvanometer for the purpose, and as a first result discovered an important law (subse- quently shown to be only approximately true), which appeared to him to justify his belief in the future of the electro-magnetic engine. The passage -quoted above in which he expresses this belief shows, however, that consideration of the con- servation of energy had not crossed his mind at that time, and that he considered it possible to have an effective machine the cost of working which may be reduced ad infinitum. He had, nevertheless, some scruples about the effects of " magnetic electricity," which may disappoint his expecta- tions. He therefore directed his attention to these effects. Referring to the impossibility of understanding experiments made by different investigators, " which is partly due to the arbitrary and vague numbers which are made to characterize the electric current," he adopted a system of units which can be reproduced anywhere, using the amount of water decomposed per hour as the standard of current, and the quantity of electricity delivered in one hour by the unit current as the unit quantity. John Prescott Joule 25 In a paper " On the Production of Heat by Voltaic Electricity," he announced the most important law, that heat generated in a circuit is proportional to the time, the resistance and the square of the current. In the early stages of his investigations, Joule tacitly adopted the then accepted view that heat is a substance, which could not be generated or destroyed, but he soon altered his opinion. In 1843 he expressed himself as follows : " The magnetic electrical machine enables us to convert mechanical power into heat by means of the electric currents which are induced by it. And I have little doubt that, by interposing an electro -magnetic engine in the circuit of a battery, a diminution of the heat evolved per equivalent of chemical change would be the consequence, and this in proportion to the mechanical power obtained." It seems that Joule was not then aware of the previous experiments by Count Rumford, in which heat had been generated by means of mechanical work (see page 108). He assumed a more decisive attitude in a subsequent paper, which is introduced with the words : "It is pretty generally, I believe, taken for granted that the electric forces which are put into play by the magneto-electrical machine possess, throughout the whole circuit, the same calorific properties as currents arising from other sources. And indeed when we consider heat not as a substance, but as a state of vibration, there appears to be no reason why it should not be induced by an action of a simply mechanical character, such, for instance, as is presented in the revolution of a coil of wire before the poles of a permanent magnet. At the same time, it must be admitted that hitherto no experiments have been made decisive of this very interesting question ; for all of them refer to a particular part of the circuit only, leaving it a matter of doubt whether the heat observed was generated or merely transferred from the coils in which the magneto -electricity was induced, the coils themselves becoming cold. The latter view did not appear untenable without further experiments. . . ," 26 Britain's Heritage of Science The crucial experiment was performed by Joule with the result again in his own words " that we have therefore in magneto-electricity an agent capable by simple mechanical means of destroying or generating heat." The second part of the same paper, entitled " On the Mechanical Value of Heat," begins as follows : " Having proved that heat is generated by the magneto- electrical machine, and that by means of the inductive power of magnetism we can diminish or increase at pleasure the heat due to chemical changes, it became an object of great interest to enquire whether a constant ratio existed between it and the mechanical power gained or lost. For this purpose it was only necessary to repeat some of the previous experiments and to ascertain, at the same time, the mechanical force necessary in order to turn the apparatus." He thus finds that " The quantity of heat capable of increasing the temperature of a pound of water by one degree of Fahren- heit's scale is equal to, and may be converted into, a mechanical force capable of raising 838 Ibs. to the perpendicular height of one foot." The particular method adopted to determine what we now call the mechanical equivalent of heat was beset with many experimental difficulties, and it is not therefore sur- prising that his first result was nearly 9 per cent, in error. Osborne Reynolds observed that the paragraph quoted really overstates the conclusions Joule was entitled to draw, because he has only shown that work could be converted into heat, but not the inverse process, and that, at that time, he had no clear ideas as to the conditions under which heat may be converted into work. In fact he had dealt only with the first law of thermodynamics, and it took some years before the second law could be formulated with precision. It must be remembered, however, that Joule was only twenty-five years old at the time of his great discovery, and that he was working alone, unsupported, and opposed by all the prejudices of the recognized authorities. It is not necessary to refer here in detail to the skill with which Joule extended his investigations in many directions, John Prescott Joule 27 generating heat by mechanical force in different manners, but always finding the same equivalent, until no vestige of doubt was left that all different forms of energy could be expressed in the same units. His measurements became more and more accurate, and such uncertainties as remained in the numerical value of the equivalent were, in great part, due to the difficulty of measuring the temperature with a glass thermometer ; the accuracy obtained was indeed to some extent the result of the accidental excellence of his thermometers. A few years later the composition of glass became much less suitable for scientific use. It has already been noted that while the conversion of mechanical work into heat was completely and satis- factorily dealt with by Joule, the converse transformation of heat into work involves further important considerations, into which it was necessary to enter. Sadi Carnot had, in 1824, published a work entitled " Reflexions sur la puis- sance motrice du feu, et sur les machines propres a developper cette puissance," in which the subject was treated with masterly perspicuity, but his reasoning was expressed in the language of the material theory of heat. He was, however, the first to point out that the mechanical production of an effect by a heat engine is always accompanied by a transference of heat from one body to another at a lower temperature. Relying on the axiom that a perpetual motion involving a continuous performance of work is impossible, he laid down the conditions for a thermodynamic engine which, with a given transference of heat, would do the maximum amount of work. The peculiarity of such an engine is, that whatever amount of work can be derived from a certain transference of heat, an equal reverse thermal effect will be produced if the same amount of work be spent in working it backwards. Further, the work done by a perfect heat-engine must be the same for the same trans- ference of heat, whatever be the nature of the material used. If heat be a form of energy, and not a substance, it is clear that the amount which enters the cooler body of an engine must be less than that which leaves the hotter one, and that the difference is equivalent to the mechanical work done in the passage. The position of 28 Britain's Heritage of Science Joule was, therefore, necessarily antagonistic to Carnot's assumption. William Thomson (1824-1907), known to the present generation as Lord Kelvin, while studying in Regnault's laboratory in Paris, had become acquainted with the important conclusions that may be drawn from Carnot's thermodynamic cycle, and with the efforts which were being made in France to verify the relations between the thermal properties of substances which can be derived from it. Though at first reluctant to abandon so fertile a principle, and hesitating to give full assent to Joule's views, he soon discovered that Carnot's reasoning may be modified so as to bring it into harmony with the principle of the conservation of energy. The same solution had occurred to Clausius, who, anticipating Kelvin, was thus the first to give the correct theory of the heat engine; but we are here concerned only with the account of Kelvin's share in advancing the subject; and a very magnificent share it was. His great paper " On the Dynamical Theory of Heat," communicated to the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 1851, places the whole matter on a firm scientific basis, and establishes relations between the physical properties of substances which have all been verified experimentally. Full credit is given in the paper to those who have contributed to, and, in part, initiated, the ideas which led up to the final recognition of the conservation of energy as the most fundamental law of nature. What is called the second law of thermo- dynamics is really the adaptation to thermodynamics of the axiom expressing the impossibility of obtaining a perpetual motion by a heat-engine. As formulated by Lord Kelvin, it runs as follows : " It is impossible, by means of inanimate material agency, to derive mechanical effect from any portion of matter by cooling it below the temperature of the coldest surrounding objects." Considerations leading up to a complementary principle as important as that of the conservation of energy seem to have been in Kelvin's mind at an early stage. If we imagine a hot and a cold body, say, the boiler and condenser of a steam engine, we may, by transferring the heat from the William Thomson 29 first to the second, transform part of the thermal energy into work, but only a certain definite portion, exactly calculable in accordance with the second law and Carnot's principle. But if we bring the hot and cold bodies into actual contact with each other, and allow the heat to pass directly from one to the other, without doing mechanical work, their temperature will be equalized, and we shall have lost for ever the possibility of utilizing the thermal energy which has been transferred. There is, therefore, a funda- mental difference between the transformation of mechanical work into heat and the inverse transformation. In the former case we may convert the whole mechanical energy into heat, as when we rub two bodies together and raise their temperature through friction, while, in the reverse operation, when heat is transformed into work, only part of that which leaves the source of heat is utilized. We must therefore distinguish in the energy of a body a part which is available for the performance of useful work, and another part which is unavailable, the thermal energy of a body containing only a definite proportion belonging to the first category. Moreover, it is only the ideally perfect engine that can utilize the whole of the available energy; in machines such as those we can construct there is always a further loss due to their imperfection. We must conclude that in the constantly occurring processe3 in which heat is allowed to pass from one piece of matter to another without doing useful work, the quantity of available energy stored in the universe is diminished. This leads us to the counter- part of the principle of conservation, which is that of the dissipation of energy. Among the wealth of achievements contained in the intellectual heritage left us by Kelvin, the discovery of this truth is pre-eminently the one which stands out as a landmark to future generations. It was first announced in 1852, and we may quote the main conclusions as then formulated. 1. There is at present in the material world a universal tendency to the dissipation of mechanical energy. 2. Any restoration of mechanical energy, without more than an equivalent dissipation, is impossible in inanimate material processes, and is probably never effected by means 30 Britain's Heritage of Science of organized matter, either endowed with vegetable life, or subject to the will of an animated creature. 3. Within a finite period of time past, the Earth must have been, and within a finite period to come the Earth must again be. unfit for the habitation of man as at present constituted, unless operations have been, or are to be, performed, which are impossible under the laws to which the known operations going on at present in the material world are subject. The third of these statements must necessarily apply not only to this earth but to the whole universe, and there is therefore no escape from the conclusion that the material universe, as we know it, is like a clockwork which is slowly but steadily running down. It was reserved to Clerk Maxwell to perceive the reason of our inability to check the gradual degradation of energy. Heat is essentially a disorderly motion, the particles of matter in a body which is apparently at rest moving irregularly in all directions. We are unable to convert this irregular into a regular motion, and it is this limitation of our powers which prevents our making full use of molecular energy as a source of mechanical work. Speaking of the second law of thermodynamics, Maxwell says : . . . . " it is undoubtedly true, as long as we can deal with bodies only in mass, and have no power of perceiving or handling the separate molecules of which they are made up. But if we conceive a being whose faculties are so sharpened that he can follow every molecule in its course, such a being, whose attributes are still as essentially finite as our own, would be able to do what is at present impossible to us. For we have seen that the molecules in a vessel full of air at uniform temperature are moving with velocities by no means uniform, though the mean velocity of any great number of them, arbitrarily selected, is almost exactly uniform. Now let us suppose that such a vessel is divided into two portions, A and B, by a division in which there is a small hole, and that a being, who can see the individual molecules, opens and closes this hole so as to allow only the swifter molecules to pass from A to B, and only the slower ones to pass from B to A. He will thus, without Clerk Maxwell 31 expenditure of work, raise the temperature of B and lower that of A, in contradiction to the second law of thermo- dynamics." In the history of electrical science Maxwell (1831-1879) stands in very much the same relative position to Faraday as Lord Kelvin occupied towards Joule in the domain of heat. They both brought pre-eminently mathematical minds to bear on the results of experimental discoveries, and saw more clearly than the original discoverers the important consequences which flowed from their researches. Neither Faraday nor Joule were experimentalists pure and simple, they were indeed guided mainly by theoretical considera- tions; but it lay beyond their object or powers to enter fully into the wider generalizations, though Faraday showed in the passages we have quoted that his imagination went far beyond his immediate experimental results. The theory of electrostatics which deals with electric charges at rest, their distribution on conductors, and their mutual attractions or repulsions, is explained in the simplest manner by assuming the existence of two kinds of electricity, for which it is convenient to retain the old names, positive and negative electricity. The mechanical effects of the charges may be dealt with mathematically very much as we do in the case of gravitational attractions. There is also a formal analogy between magnetic and electric actions, so that independent magnetic fluids were sometimes intro- duced to facilitate the treatment of magnetic problems. Faraday saw that, if we wish to grasp the relationship between the action of electric charges at rest and the electro- dynamic effects produced by electricity in motion, and more especially, if we wish to include in the same field of enquiry the electric effects produced by moving magnets, we must take a more comprehensive view. We must cease to look at the centres or origin of the forces, and fix our attention on the medium between them. This, as has already been explained, was Faraday's outlook. Further, if the effects of light and electricity are both transmitted through a medium, our natural distaste to add unnecessarily to the number of hypotheses inclines us to the belief that the same medium serves bo:h purposes. But here a formidable 32 Britain's Heritage of Science difficulty presented itself. The phenomena of light seemed to be explained in a satisfactory manner by giving to the aether the properties of ordinary incompressible elastic bodies, though certain circumstances might have roused the suspicion that we had not got hold of the whole truth. Yet the essential points seemed so well accounted for by the investigations of Green and Stokes, that there was every reason to believe that outstanding difficulties would be satisfactorily solved, without abandoning the substance of the theory. It was quite clear, nevertheless, that the medium invented to explain the properties of light, 'could not account for the electrical effects. It is here that Maxwell's genius saw the solution : the problem had to be inverted. It was not the question of whether a medium adapted to account for the comparatively simple phenomena of light could explain electrical action, but whether a medium constructed so as to explain electrical action could also explain the phenomena of light. In formulating the essential properties of the medium which could produce the electrical effects, Maxwell had to fit a mathematical mantle on the somewhat crude skeleton of Faraday's creation. The task was formidable, and the manner in which it was carried through stands unequalled by any achievement in the whole range of scientific history, both as regards its intellectual effort and its final results. Only one of its successes need here be recorded. A quantity of electricity may be measured either by its electrostatic, when it is at rest, or by its electrodynamic effect, when it is in motion. Looking separately at the two manifestations of electricity, we are led to two different units in which it can be measured, the so-called electrostatic and electro- magnetic units. The time of propagation of an electro- dynamic effect through space was proved by Maxwell to be equal to the ratio of these two units. It could be calculated, therefore, from purely electric measurements, and it turned out to be exactly equal to the velocity of light. Hence luminous and electrodynamic disturbances are propagated with the same velocity, and we must conclude that their nature is identical. There was, after the publication of Maxwell's work, really nothing more to be said for the older Michael Faraday From a painting by A. Blakeley, in the. fonKSPSKinn ni the. 7?mvi/ Snrietv* Clerk Maxwell 33 view which gave to the aether the properties of elastic solids. Brought up in a school of physicists which based the explanation of natural phenomena on perfectly defined conceptions, and required, therefore, always a mechanical model to represent properties of matter and force, Maxwell in his first efforts tried to outline the mechanical construction of the aether necessary to explain the electrical effects. He conceived this aether, the ultimate elements of which retained the properties of the cruder forms of matter, to be composed of cells, each of which enclosed a gyrostatic nucleus. Gradually, however, he abandoned these attempts at finding a mechanical model for the aether, and was satisfied to rely mainly on the mathematical formulae which expressed its properties in the simplest way. In this he followed, or, to be strictly accurate, helped to initiate, the modern tendency of refusing to go beyond the immediate results of observa- tion, relegating tacitly all questions of interpretation to the domain of metaphysics; which means disregarding them altogether. Maxwell's electrical work has revolutionized the whole aspect of science ; and though undertaken in the purest spirit of philosophic enquiry, it has led directly to the great practical results which we see in the present applications of wireless telegraphy. It is seldom that it is given to one man to open out new paths of thought in more than one direction. Newton's theory of gravitation and his optical work is an example of such a rare success, and there is perhaps no other equally marked except that supplied by Maxwell. Though his work on the constitution of gases may not have been as far-reaching in its results as the monumental researches we have already noted, it has introduced a new and original idea into the treatment of the properties of matter. Towards the middle of last century, Herapath had revived the theory originally proposed by Daniel Bernoulli, according to which the pressure of a gas is due to the impact of its molecules against the sides of the vessel which contains it, and Joule, adopting this view, had calculated the velocity of the molecules of a gas from its known density and pressure. Such calculations can only give us the measure of an C 34 Britain's Heritage of Science average. Through mutual collisions or otherwise, each particle constantly changes its velocity both in magnitude and direction, and it becomes important to determine the law regulating the distribution of velocities. Maxwell's classical investigation of this difficult problem has since been modified in detail and extended, but the manner in which he attacked it introduced an entirely novel method of applying mathematical reasoning to physical phenomena. Its results were decisive, and led to the discovery of new experimental facts connected with the internal friction of gases. When a metal disc is suspended from a wire passing through its centre so that the plane of the disc is horizontal, a twist imposed on the wire will cause the disc to perform oscillations in its own plane, which diminish in magnitude and gradually disappear owing to the internal friction of the gas surrounding it. Maxwell's calculations led to the unexpected result that this retarding effect should be the same whatever the pressure of the gas, so that air at a pressure of a few millimetres should diminish the motion of the disc as rapidly as when it is at atmospheric pressure. This surprising result was tested experimentally and found to be correct. We are naturally interested in the personal history of those who have initiated new departures in science, and it is more especially instructive to record the character of their early education and the conditions under which they accom- plished their work. Without entering into biographical details, we may briefly state, so far as they have not already been given, the essential facts in the lives of the great men whose achievements have formed the subject of this chapter. Isaac Newton, the posthumous son of a small freehold farmer in Lincolnshire, is reported to have been like Kepler a seven months' child. While attending school at Grantham, he showed little disposition towards book learning, but great aptitude for mechanical contrivances, and he amused himself with the construction of windmills, water clocks, and kites. Not being considered fit to be a farmer, he was sent to the University of Cambridge in 1661, on the recom- mendation oi an uncle who was a graduate of Trinity College. He does not seem to have received much inspiration from Clerk Maxwell, Isaac Newton 35 his teachers, but pursued his reading according to his own choice, and it was Descartes' " Geometry " that inspired his love for mathematics. In 1665, at the age of twenty-five, he left Cambridge on account of the Plague, and it seems that in this year the method of " fluxions," which contains the germ of the differential calculus, first occurred to him. Returning to Cambridge, he began his optical and chemical experiments, and continued his mathematical researches at the same time. In the year 1669, he was elected Lucasian Professor of Mathematics, and chose Optics as the subject of his first series of lectures. He continued his studies at Cambridge, the " Principia " being published in 1687. As a sign of national gratitude, Montague (afterwards Earl of Halifax), then Chancellor of the Exchequer and at the same time President of the Royal Society (1695-1698), offered Newton the post of Warden of the Mint in 1695, and this was followed five years later by his appointment to the Mastership, which was then worth between 1,200 and 1,500 per annum. Newton continued, however, to dis- charge his professorial duties at Cambridge until 1701. From 1703 onwards until his death, twenty-five years later, he held the Presidency of the Royal Society. One is tempted to look upon the quiet life of the old Universities as being specially conducive to study and research, but the times of active progress in the Universities coincided rather with the periods when political disturbances were sufficiently intense to penetrate these havens of rest. Such a time was the end of the seventeenth century, when the interference of James II. into University affairs was a source of trouble both at Oxford and Cambridge. Newton himself took an active part in defending the prerogatives of the University. On a previous occasion he had taken the side of the Senate against the Heads of Colleges in a dispute about the Public Oratorship, and when in 1687 the King issued a mandate that a certain Benedictine monk should be admitted a Master of Arts without taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, Newton was one of the deputies appointed by the Senate to make representations to the High Commissioners' Court at Westminster. In recognition of the services rendered to the University, C2 36 Britain's Heritage of Science he was elected on two occasions as their representative in Parliament. The interest which Newton displayed in University politics illustrates his intellectual vigour, and is inseparable from those qualities to which he owes his commanding position in the history of science. While it is, therefore, useless to speculate whether he was wise to allow his attention to be diverted from his more serious work, it is much to be regretted that his mind should have been disturbed by discussions about priority which affected his nervous system and damaged his health. These discussions were forced upon him, and he would gladly have avoided the bitter controversies with Hooke and, in later years, with Leibnitz. No two men could differ more in temperament or outlook than Newton and John Dalton. To Newton the accurate numerical agreement between the results of observation and those of theory was of paramount importance, while in Dalton's experiments, numerical results were mainly used as illustrations of a theory which to him did not admit of any doubt. John Dalton was the second son of a weaver in poor circumstances living in Cumberland. In 1778, when only twelve years old, he started teaching at the Quaker School in Eaglesfield, where he himself had obtained his first instruction. In this he was not successful, and after a brief attempt at earning his living as a farmer, he left his native village In 1781, in order to assist a cousin who kept a school at Kendal. In 1793 he moved to Manchester, where he spent the remainder of his life as a teacher of mathematics and natural philosophy, first in " New College " (which ultimately was transferred to Oxford as " Manchester College "), and later privately. As early as 1787 he began to keep a meteorological diary, which he continued to the time of his death fifty-seven years later. He led the quiet life of a student, interrupted by occasional visits to the Lake District. In 1822 Dalton paid a short visit to Paris; of London he remarked that it was " the most disagreeable place on earth, for one of a contemplative turn, to reside in constantly " In addition to the work which gained him immortality, he foreshadowed several subsequent discoveries, and enunciated the correct law of expansion of gases some John Dalton, Thomas Young 37 months before Gay Lussac, without, however, ever giving the numerical measurements required to prove the law. He was affected by colour-blindness, and first examined that defect scientifically. Dalton died in 1844, being then seventy-eight years old. Thomas Young was probably, next to Leonardo da Vinci, the most versatile genius in history. He was descended from a Quaker family of Milverton, Somerset, and at the age of fourteen was acquainted with Latin, Greek, French, Italian, Hebrew, Persian and Arabic. He studied medicine in London, Edinburgh and Gottingen, and subse- quently entered Emmanuel College, Cambridge. In 1799, at the age of twenty-six, he established himself as a physi- cian in London. Subsequently he held for two years the Professorship of Physics at the Royal Institution, but resigned, fearing that his duties might interfere with his medical practice ; during the tenure of his Professorship he delivered many lectures, which were subsequently published, and contain numerous anticipations of later theories. In 1804 he was elected Foreign Secretary of the Royal Society, and held that position for twenty-six years. In 1811 he became physician to St. George's Hospital, and Super- intendent of the Nautical Almanac. His efforts to decipher Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions were among the first that were attended with success. His share in establishing the undulatory theory of light has already been described, and his claims as the founder of physiological optics will be discussed in another chapter (p. 299). Thomas Young was a man of private means, and not dependent on his medical practice for a living. He died in London in the year 1829. To quote Helmholtz : " He was one of the most clear-sighted of men who ever lived, but he had the misfortune to be too greatly superior in sagacity to his contemporaries. They gazed at him in astonishment, but could not always follow the bold flights of his intellect." Michael Faraday, the son of a working blacksmith, was brought up in humble circumstances, and had but a scanty school education. In 1804, at the age of thirteen, he became an errand boy to a bookseller and stationer in 38 Britain's Heritage of Science London, part of his duties being to carry round the news- papers in the morning. After a year of probation he was formally apprenticed to learn the art of bookbinding. It was by reading some of the books that passed through his hands that his mind was first attracted to science. Noticing an advertisement in the streets announcing evening lectures in Natural Philosophy with an admission fee of one shilling, he obtained his master's permission to attend the lectures. The account of his first connexion with the Royal Institution may be given in his own words : " When I was a bookseller's apprentice I was very fond of experiment and very averse to trade. It happened that a gentleman, a member of the Royal Institution, took me to hear some of Sir H. Davy's lectures in Albemarle Street. I took notes, and afterwards wrote them out more fairly in a quarto volume. " My desire to escape from Trade, which I thought vicious and selfish, and to enter into the service of Science, which I imagined made its pursuers amiable and liberal, induced me at last to take the bold and simple step of writing to Sir H. Davy, expressing my wishes, and a hope that, if an opportunity came in his way, he would favour my views ; at the same time, I sent the notes I had taken of his lectures. . . . This took place at the end of the year 1812, and early in 1813 he requested to see me, and told me of the situation of assistant in the laboratory of the Royal Institution, just then vacant. " At the same time that he thus gratified my desires as to scientific employment, he still advised me not to give up the prospects I had before me, telling me that Science was a harsh mistress ; and in a pecuniary point of view but poorly rewarding those who devoted them- selves to her service. He smiled at my notion of the superior moral feelings of philosophic men, and said he would leave me to the experience of a few years to set me right on that matter. " Finally, through his good efforts, I went to the Royal Institution early in March of 1813 as assistant in the laboratory ; and in October of the same year went with him abroad as his assistant in experiments and Michael Faraday 39 writing. I returned with him in April 1815, resumed my studies in the Royal Institution, and have, as you know, ever since remained there." The journey abroad was a great event in Faraday's life, as he became acquainted with many famous men of science. Unfortunately his position was an unpleasant one. At the last moment, Sir Humphry Davy's valet had refused to leave the country, and Faraday had undertaken to replace him until he could engage a substitute at Paris; but no suitable person being found there, Faraday had to continue in the menial work which did not form part of the duties for which he was engaged. " I should have little to complain of," wrote Faraday, in connexion with this matter, " were I travelling with Sir Humphry alone, or were Lady Davy like him." An interesting incident took place during their stay at Geneva in the summer of 1814. During a shooting expedition, Faraday accompanied the party in order to load Davy's gun, and De La Rive, their host, accidentally entering into conversation with him, found that the boy who had been dining with his domestics was an intelligent man of science; accordingly he invited Faraday to dine at his table. To this Lady Davy strongly objected, and matters had to be compro- mised by dinner being served for Faraday in a separate room. On his return home, after an absence of eighteen months, Faraday was again engaged as an assistant at the Royal Institution, and obtained some practice in lecturing at the " City Philosophical Society." His independent scientific work began in 1816, and was continued without interruption until 1860. In 1827 Mr. Brande, who had succeeded Davy as Professor of Chemistry at the Royal Institution, resigned his position and Faraday was elected in his place, having already, since 1825, occupied the position of Director of the Laboratory. Faraday's emoluments were insufficient even for his modest requirements, so that he had to supplement them by undertaking private practice in chemical analysis and expert work in the law courts; but though the income which he thus secured was very substantial, he soon gave it up, as he found it interfered with his scientific work. 40 Britain's Heritage of Science In its place he accepted a lectureship at the Royal Academy of Woolwich with a salary of 200. Subsequently, he was made scientific adviser to Trinity House. At a later period he was granted a Civil List pension of 300. Unselfish, high-minded, and modest, Faraday enjoyed the confidence of his friends, and declined all official honours. His out- standing quality was his irrepressible enthusiasm for experi- mental research. Foreign visitors to the laboratory relate how, after a demonstration of one or other of his discoveries, " his eyes lit up with fire," or how, when in their turn, they showed him a striking experiment, he danced around, and wished he could always live " under the arches of light he had witnessed." Though interested in all practical applications of science, he preferred to leave their development to others. " I have rather," he is reported to have said, " been desirous of discovering new facts and new relations dependent on magnetoelectric induction than of exalting the force of those already obtained; being assured that the latter would find their full development hereafter." The importance of the electrical industries to-day prove how brilliantly this assurance has been justified. Joule's name appears to be derived from " Youlgrave," a village in Derbyshire where his family originally resided; but his grandfather migrated to Salford and acquired wealth as a brewer. When Joule was ten years old, his father sent him, together with his elder brother, to study chemistry under Dalton, who, however, during two years confined his instruction entirely to elementary mathematics, and before they could proceed to chemistry, Dalton was struck by paralysis, and had to give up work. It has already been explained how Joule was led to his final discoveries, starting from the desire to utilize the power of electrodynamic machines, which were then not more than interesting toys. Towards the end of 1840, when Joule was only twenty -two years of age, he forwarded a paper to the Royal Society in which he announced the correct law indicating how the heat developed in a wire through which a current of electricity passes depends on the intensity of the current. That paper was published in abstract in the Proceedings of the Royal John Prescott Joule 41 Society, but full publication in the Transactions was declined. A worse fate befell a later paper : "On the Changes of Temperature produced by the Rarefaction and Condensation of Air," read on June 20th, 1844, but not printed by the Society even in abstract. Joule must have felt severely disappointed at the time, but his dis- position was so amiable and indulgent to human failings that, at any rate in his later years, he did not show any resentment. "I can quite understand," he once remarked, " how it came about that the authorities of the Royal Society refused my papers. They lived in London ; I lived in Manchester ; and they naturally said : What good can come out of a town where they dine in the middle of the day ? " Joule had not, however, to wait long for recognition; he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1850, a year before the same honour fell to Lord Kelvin and Stokes. The turning point in his life came with the meeting of the British Association at Oxford in June 1847, where he described his experiments. According to Joule's account that communication would have passed without comment if a young man had not risen, and by his intelligent observa- tions created a lively interest in the new theory of heat. That man was William Thomson, afterwards Lord Kelvin, whose recollection of the meeting differs, however, from that of Joule. " I heard," he writes some years later, " his paper read at the sections, and felt strongly impelled to rise and say that it must be wrong but as I listened on and on, I saw that Joule has certainly a great truth and a great discovery and a most important measurement to bring forward. So, instead of rising with my objection to the meeting, I waited till it was over, and said my say to Joule himself at the end of the meeting." Whichever version of the incident be the correct one, it led to a lifelong friendship, and marks the date at which opposition to Joule's views began to break down. Faraday was also present at the meeting, and was impressed by Joule's work, 42 Britain's Heritage of Science On the whole, Joule's life ran a smooth course. The independent means of his father allowed him to devote his whole time to scientific researches. He never took an active share in the management of the brewery, but the record of his observations of the pressure and temperature of the air are often entered on the blank pages of the books in which the stocks of barrels were kept. After his father's death, unfortunate investments materially diminished his income, and he was unable to undertake the heavy expenditure involved in the prosecution of his researches without some assistance from scientific societies with funds available for research purposes. The grant of a pension of 200 from the Civil List released him in 1878 from further anxieties. In private life Joule often expressed his opinions strongly, but the kindness of his character impressed all who came into contact with him, and the modesty of the man who, as much as any one, has placed experimental science in this country in the commanding position it occupies, is typically illustrated by the remark he made about himself two years before his death : "I believe I have done two or three little things, but nothing to make a fuss about." William Thomson, born in 1824, was the second son of James Thomson, who, at the time of his marriage, was Professor of Mathematics in the " Academical Institution," Belfast. He was eight years old when his father took over the Professorship in the same subject at the University of Glasgow, and matriculated at that University at the early age of ten. He entered as an undergraduate at Cambridge in October, 1841, his first paper " On Fourier's Expansions of Functions in Trigonometrical Series " having already been published in the Cambridge Mathematical Journal in May of the same year. The paper was apparently written during a journey to Germany in the previous summer. No less than thirteen additional papers were published by him in the same journal during his undergraduate career, which ended in 1845 with his graduation as second wrangler. In the following year he was appointed Professor of Natural Philosophy at Glasgow, a position which he held during fifty-four years. From an early period he was recognized John Prescott Joule, Lord Kelvin 43 as one of the greatest scientific intellects of his time, sur- passed in power by none, in originality perhaps only by Maxwell. Well merited honours came to him in rapid succession. He was created a knight in 1866, General Commander of the Victorian Order in 1896, and a Peer of Great Britain as Lord Kelvin in 1892. The Royal Society awarded to him the Copley Medal their highest distinc- tion in 1883, and he occupied their Presidential Chair between 1890 and 1895. He was one of the original members of the Order of Merit, which was founded in 1902, and in the same year was made a Privy Councillor. He was buried in Westminster Abbey by the side of Newton. Lord Kelvin's powers of work were prodigious and his memory unequalled. He claimed to be able to take up at any time the thread of an investigation which he had left unfinished ten years previously. His brain was uninterruptedly active ; his notebook handy on every railway journey, and he could work till the late hours of an evening without risking a sleepless night. Everyone interested in the history of science must often have asked himself the question how far its progress would have been retarded if a particular brain had never been called into existence. With few exceptions the answer arrived at would be that, though discoveries might have- been delayed and reached by different roads, and the work of one man divided between two and three, the effect in the long run would have been small and perhaps insignificant ; but it is difficult to believe that science would stand where it does to-day if Maxwell had never lived. Faraday's way of looking at things was perhaps equally distinctive, but Faraday's originality lay in the manner in which he was led to perform the experiments which brought new facts to light, and the same experiments might have suggested themselves to others in a different manner. Maxwell's originality of thought, on the other hand, was the essential factor in the investigation, and it is almost impossible to see how his results could have been arrived at by a different road from that which he took. He also possessed another power not always given to great intellects. A mind that excels in originality is frequently unable or, at any rate, 44 Britain's Heritage of Science unwilling to follow other men's lines of reasoning, and thereby loses much of its power of fructifying contemporary thought. But in Maxwell it was not only his originality, but also his receptivity that was exceptional. No one was less imitative, either in the manner of expression or in the direction of his thoughts ; but he always knew how his own way of looking at things was related to that of others. We possess a good account of Maxwell's life, 1 rendered specially valuable by the number of his letters which are reproduced; these allow us to get a glimpse of the attractive quaintness with which he could illuminate every subject, but the barest outline of his career must here suffice. His powers of observation showed themselves at a very early age. In a letter, written when he was not yet three years old, his mother relates that " Show me how it does " was never out of his mouth, and that he investigated the hidden courses of streams and bell wires. At school, he did not at first take a very high place, and his schoolfellows so much misunderstood the character of the reserved, dreamy boy, that they gave him the nickname of " Dafty." He soon, however, grew interested in his work, and ah 1 his letters home breathe a healthy playful spirit. When fourteen years old he was taken by his father to attend some of the meetings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, and a year later wrote a paper " On the Description of Oval Curves," which, on the recommendation of Professors Kelland and Forbes, was published by that Society. At that time he was already repeating for his own instruction experiments on light and magnetism. He entered the University of Edin- burgh in 1847 at the age of sixteen, and after remaining three years entered Peterhouse at Cambridge, from which college, however, he soon migrated to Trinity, graduating as second wrangler in 1854. While still an undergraduate he pub- lished a number of papers in the Cambridge and Dublin Mathematical Journal ; from that time onwards his scientific activity never ceased and gradually spread over a wider and wider range of subjects. 1 "Life of James Clerk Maxwell,' 5 by Lewis Campbell and William Garnett (Macmillan, 1882), Clerk Maxwell 45 In November 1856 Maxwell was appointed Professor of Natural Philosophy at Marischal College, Aberdeen, a chair which was abolished in 1860 in consequence of the fusion of the two colleges in tha town. Among many characteristic remarks which occur in his letters of that period we may quote the following : "I found it useful at Aberdeen to tell the students what parts of the subject they were not to remember, but to get up and forget at once as being rudi- mentary notions necessary to development, but requiring to be sloughed off before maturity." Between 1860 and 1865 Clerk Maxwell taught Physics at King's College, London. His duties there were exacting and he suffered from two serious illnesses. He may have realized that his powers of teaching did not lie in the direction of making matters easy to students, many of whom were not over anxious to learn, but it was probably mainly for reasons of health that he resigned his chair and settled down at Glenlair, the house built by his father on the family estate in Dumfriesshire. A few years later he was, however, persuaded with some difficulty to take over the newly- established Professorship of Experimental Physics at Cam- bridge. The Cavendish Laboratory was built in that University by the Vllth Duke of Devonshire for the pro- secution of experimental research in Physics ; it was opened in 1870, and there probably never has been a benefaction more fruitful in its results. The laboratory has, indeed, had a brilliant history ; its immediate result was to allow Clerk Maxwell to spend the closing years of his life among old friends and new pupils. He died after a short but painful illness in November 1879, at the age of forty-eight. Those who knew him will hold his memory in affectionate remem- brance, and to all who turn to his writings for a knowledge of his work he will always remain a source of inspiration. 46 Britain's Heritage of Science CHAPTER II (Physical Science) THE HERITAGE OF THE UNIVERSITIES during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries THE range of activity covered by University teaching in the sixteenth century is indicated by the subjects assigned to the five Regius Professorships founded in 1546 at Oxford and Cambridge by King Henry VIII. These were Divinity, Hebrew, Greek, Civil Law, and Medicine, the latter subject forming the only point of contact with science. The practical demands of navigation were, how- ever, beginning to stimulate the study of mathematics and astronomy, and when Gresham College was founded in 1575, separate professorships in these subjects were provided for. A few years later (1583), Edinburgh appointed professors of mathematics and natural philosophy, and Oxford followed with the endowment of the Sedleian Professorship of Natural Philosophy (1621), the Savilian Professorship of Geo- metry (1619), the Savilian Professorship of Astronomy (1621), and a Professorship of Botany (1669). During the seventeenth century, Cambridge could only claim the Lucasian Chair of Mathematics (1663), but it was the first University with a Chair of Chemistry, endowed in 1702. Its two Professorships of Astronomy were founded in 1704 and 1749 respectively. Chemistry and Botany being mainly introduced as adjuncts to medicine, it appears that science at the Universities may be said to have been confined to the application of mathematics first to Astronomy, and subsequently to other subjects, which, as they became more definite began to supply material for* the exercise of mathe- matical skill. Experimental science for its own sake began to be taught at the Universities only in comparatively recent Gresham College 47 times. On the other hand, it is well to dispose at once of the erroneous impression that the British Universities were bodies which confined themselves to the academic discussion of abstruse subjects unrelated to the ordinary interests of the community. The Universities trained the medical men. who kept the flag of science flying in the eighteenth century, and the study of astronomy was pursued in great part for the sake of its value in finding the position of ships at sea, and in the measurement of time. The problems dealt with by mathematicians were, at first, generally suggested by practical requirements, and only gradually became detached from them. In fact, science began to be taught as a means towards a practical end. If Gresham College had developed as it ought to have done into a University of London, it might have affected the higher education of England at a critical time in a manner which it is difficult now to estimate. Its founder, Sir Thomas Gresham, had studied at Cambridge, and was a man of exceptional abilities. He was admitted to the Mercers' Company at the age of twenty-four, and soon afterwards went to the Netherlands, where his father, a leading London merchant, had business interests. By his management of affairs in Amsterdam he helped King Edward VI. over his private financial difficulties, and received valuable grants of land as a reward. Under Queen Elizabeth he continued to act as financial agent of the Crown, and was knighted previous to his departure on a mission to the Count of Parma. Having realized the utility of the " Bourse " of Amsterdam during his residence in Holland, he offered to build at his own expense what after- wards became the Royal Exchange in London, if a suitable plot of land were placed at his disposal. This was done, and, in the upper part of the building erected, shops were established, the rental for which was handed over to Gresham. He then conceived the idea of converting his own mansion in Bishopsgate into a seat of learning, and endowing it with the revenues arising from the Royal Exchange. Some correspondence about this scheme took place in 1575, and after his death in 1579 it was found that subject to the life interest of his wife he had provided 48 Britain's Heritage of Science in his will for the foundation of a college. The first lectures were given in 1597, each professor receiving the stipend of 50, a sum somewhat larger than the revenue of the Regius Professors at Oxford and Cambridge, which was 40. The building contained residential quarters for the professors, an observatory, a reading hall, and some alms- houses. It ultimately proved to be too expensive to be maintained with the available funds, and in 1768 was handed over to the Crown; the lectures were then held in the Royal Exchange until 1843, when the present building was erected. The appointment of the professors was, by Gresham's will, vested in the Mayor and Corporation of London, who in their first selection consulted the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, requesting them to nominate two candi- dates for each of the seven professorships ; the final selection included three graduates of Oxford, three of Cambridge, and one who was a graduate of both Universities. The first Professor of Geometry at Gresham College was Henry Briggs (1561-1631), who, after the discovery of logarithms by Napier, calculated complete tables, and thus made their general use possible He also introduced the present notation of decimal fractions, one of the most important advances in the history of arithmetic. The last twelve years of his life were spent at Oxford, where he held the newly-founded Savilian Professorship of Geometry. Edward Wright (1560-1615), a mathematician closely associated with Napier and Briggs, translated into English the Latin original of the work which contains the first account of logarithms, but his name deserves chiefly to be remembered in connexion with navigation, to which science he rendered conspicuous service by laying the scientific foundation of the method of constructing maps known as ** Mercator's Projection." Wright studied at Cambridge, was elected to a fellowship of Caius College, and became a teacher of mathematics in the service of the East India Company. Among those who, during the seventeenth century, held professorships at Gresham College, we note John Greaves, Isaac Barrow, Robert Hooke, Edward Gunter, Henry Gilli- H. Briggs, E. Wright, J. Greaves, J. Barrow 49 brand, and Christopher Wren. Their work now calls for consideration. John Greaves (1602-1652), who held also for a time the Savilian Professorship of Astronomy at Oxford, from which position he was dismissed on political grounds in 1646, must be considered to be the earfiest scientific metro- logist. He determined with fair accuracy the relation between the Roman and English foot, and also carried out some investigations on Roman weights. One of his suc- cessors at Oxford, Edward Bernard (1638-1697), followed up this work, and published a treatise on ancient weights and measures. 1 The mathematics of the time, as has already been noted, was under the influence of Descartes, who had invented the method of analytical geometry, in which the position of a point is defined by its distance from two lines at right angles to each other, and which represents a curve in the form of an equation as an algebraic relationship between these distances. When this is done, many problems suggest themselves, such as that of forming the equation to its tangent at any point, or calculating the area bounded by the curve. The solution of such problems led naturally to the concep- tions from which the differential calculus emerged. Isaac Barrow (1630-1677), working along the lines indicated by Fermat and Pascal, succeeded in finding the correct expres- sion for the tangents of a number of curves. A successful lecturer and writer of books, rather than an independent discoverer, he was, nevertheless, an interesting figure in the history of science. The son of a linendraper in London, educated at Charterhouse, he proceeded to study medical subjects as well as literature and astronomy at Cambridge, where he took his degree and obtained a Fellowship at Trinity College. Having been driven out of the University by the persecution of the Independents, he travelled in France and Italy, proceeding thence to Smyrna and Con- stantinople. After spending a year in Turkey, he returned home through Germany and Holland in 1659. In the following year, he was appointed to the Chair of Greek at 1 See " Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1890," " The Art of Weighing and Measuring," by William Harkness. D 50 Britain's Heritage of Science Cambridge, and subsequently was elected Professor of Astronomy at Gresham College. He returned to his Alma Mater in 1663 to take up the newly-founded Lucasian Professorship of Mathematics. Perhaps he performed his most noteworthy scientific act when he resigned his chair in favour of his pupil Newton. John Wallis (1616-1703) is another example of a Univer- sity Professor who took an active share in the national life. After passing through Cambridge, where like Barrow he studied medicine, he took Holy Orders in 1641, but became involved in politics; he attained considerable facility in deciphering intercepted despatches of the Royalists, and thereby rendered considerable service to the Puritan party. After holding several livings in succession, he was appointed Savilian Professor of Geometry in 1649, in spite of the opposition of the Independents, who resented his having signed the protest against the execution of Charles I. John Wallis was one of the foremost mathematicians of his time. His work dealt chiefly with applications of Descartes' analytical geometry; but he also published a book on algebra. He seems to have been the first to conceive the idea of representing geometrically the square root of a negative quantity, and is the originator of the sign oo for infinity. Other writings of his dealt with the tides. His efforts to teach deaf mutes to speak, which are said to have been successful, were the first attempts in that direction. Wallis was also interested in investigations on sound, and in a paper published in the Philosophical Transactions he communicated some interesting experiments made by William Noble, fellow of Merton College, and Thomas Pigot, Fellow of Wadham, which contain important investigations on the phenomenon of resonance in sound. Light bodies were placed as riders to investigate the vibrations of stretched wires, and it was shown that when these wires responded to a higher harmonic, the riders were not set in motion if placed at what we now call the nodal points. Associated with the group of mathematicians who were contemporaries of Newton, Lord Brouncker (1620-1684) takes an intermediate place between the professional and non-academic class. The title descended to him from his John Wallis, Christopher Wren 51 father, who had been elevated to the peerage by Charles I. Brouncker, after obtaining the degree of Doctor of Physic in the University of Oxford, devoted himself to the study of mathematics, and acquired a great reputation at home and abroad by his investigations, which take a high rank in the history of the subject. He made extensive use of approximation by infinite series, and though he is not the originator of continued fractions, he first used them effectively. He was one of the original promoters of the Royal Society, and was named as its President in the Charter. He occupied that position for fifteen years, during which he assiduously devoted himself to its duties. The first years of the Society were necessarily critical ones, and much credit for the judicious and successful direction of its affairs is due to his distinguished services. Christopher Wren (1632-1723), though known to fame mainly as a great architect, distinguished himself at Oxford as a mathematician. He had, independently of Newton, suggested the existence of a universal attraction as the cause which retained planets in their orbits, and is highly spoken of in the " Principia." He also was the first to calculate the length of the curve called the cycloid. In 1657 he became Professor of Astronomy at Gresham College, and three years later took over the Savilian Profes- sorship at Oxford. Wren's contributions to science were substantial. When the Royal Society expressed a wish that mathematicians should investigate the laws of impact, Huygens, Wallis and Wren sent in independent investiga- tions. All these contained a correct appreciation of the principle of conservation of momentum. The great archi- tect's solution was correct so far as perfectly elastic bodies were concerned. Wallis began with the consideration of inelastic bodies, but ultimately treated the problem in the most general manner, including both perfect and imperfect elasticity. A most striking instance of a family, who in many successive generations reached distinction in the academic world, may here be recorded. James Gregory (1638-1675), educated at Aberdeen, published, at the age of twenty- five, a treatise on optics, containing the invention of the D 2, 52 Britain's Heritage of Science reflecting telescope which goes by his name, but he had no opportunity of actually constructing an instrument. He was also the first to show how the distance of the sun could be deduced by observations of the passage of Venus across the disc of the sun. After a period of study at Padua he became Professor of Mathematics at St. Andrews and subsequently at Edinburgh. His elder brother, David Gregory (1627-1720), was privately engaged in scientific pursuits, and having used a barometer to predict the weather, paid the penalty of his success by being accused of witchcraft. David had three sons, the eldest of whom (1661-1708) successively held the Chair of Mathematics at Edinburgh and the Savilian Professorship of Astronomy at Oxford ; the second son succeeded his elder brother in the Chair of Mathematics at Edinburgh, and the third (Charles) was Professor of Mathematics at St. Andrews. The eldest son of David, the Savilian Professor, was Dean of Christ Church and Professor of Modern History at Oxford. Among the descendants of James Gregory we find in three generations four distinguished medical men, all of whom held professorships in the subject, and in the fourth generation, two brothers, the elder of whom, William (1803- 1858), became Professor of Chemistry at the Andersonian University in Glasgow, at King's College in Aberdeen, and finally at Edinburgh University. His younger brother, Duncan Farquharson Gregory, entered Trinity College. Cambridge, assisted for a time the Professor of Chemistry, but ultimately devoted his attention to mathematics, and founded the Cambridge Mathematical Journal. The scientific activity of the Universities in the second half of the seventeenth century was naturally dominated by the influence of Newton's work. His dynamical investi- gations, leading up to the explanation of the observed motions in the solar system, have already been described, and it is interesting to trace the historical connexion between those discoveries and others which remain to be mentioned. Fortunately his own words describing the succession of ideas as they occurred to him have been preserved : " In the beginning of the year 1665 I found the method of approximating series and the rule for deducing David Gregory, Isaac Newton 53 any dignity of any binomial into such a series. The same year, in May, I found the method of tangents of Gregory and Slusius, and in November had the direct method of fluxions, and the next year, in January, had the theory of colours, and in May folio wing I had entrance into the inverse method of fluxions. And the same year I began to think of gravity extending to the orb of the moon, and having found out how to estimate the force with which a globe revolving within a sphere presses the surface of the sphere, from Kepler's rule of the periodical times of the planets being in a sesquialterate proportion of their distances from the centres of their orbs, I deduced that the forces which keep the planets in their orbs must be reciprocally as the squares of their distances from the centres about which they revolve; and thereby compared the force requisite to keep the moon in her orb with the force of gravity at the surface of the earth, and found them answer pretty nearly. All this was in the two Plague years of 1665 and 1666, for in those days I was in the prime of my age for inven- tion, and minded mathematics and philosophy more than at any time since." 1 In explanation of this passage it may be noted that the " method of fluxions " was the foundation of the differential calculus, and the " inverse method of fluxions " that of the integral calculus. Newton's attention was probably drawn to the study of optics by Barrow. The change of direction of a ray of light on entering a transparent body obliquely had been a favourite subject of investigation in many countries, and the law regulating it was first correctly formulated by Snell (1591-1626), Professor of Mathematics at the University of Leiden. It was reserved to Newton to show that ordinary white light, such as sunlight, consisted of a mixture of different rays. When transmitted through a prism it spreads out into a band of coloured light called the spectrum, because the different rays are deviated to a different degree. With the same transparent material, the measure of the 1 From a MS. among the Portsmouth Papers, quoted in the preface to the " Catalogue of the Portsmouth Papers." 54 Britain's Heritage of Science deviation, or the refrangibility, as we should now call it, is perfectly definite for each ray, and is intimately connected with its colour. Having once separated a ray of definite colour, no further refraction will alter that colour, and it will continue to retain the same properties. As one of the results of this discovery it became apparent that a lens cannot form a perfect image of an object, because different colours are not brought together at the same focus. This appeared to Newton to be such a serious and irremediable defect of telescopes with glass objectives, that he set himself to construct an instrument in which the principal lens is replaced by a mirror. At the request of the Royal Society, who had heard of his telescope, Newton forwarded the instrument to its secretary in December, 1671, with the result that in January of the succeeding year he was elected a Fellow of the Society. The idea of reflecting telescopes had, as already mentioned, previously occurred to Gregory, whose proposal differed, however, essentially from that of Newton in the manner in which the rays were ultimately brought to the observer's eye. Newton's name is attached to the coloured rings seen when two slightly curved surfaces of glass are brought together, so that there is a thin circular wedge of air formed near the point of contact. The explanation of these rings presented considerable difficulties, especially with the theory of light adopted by Newton. Though cognisant of the wave- theory of light, which, as shown by Huygens, could explain its propagation and refraction, Newton had good grounds for not accepting it. He saw that the analogy of sound which had been invoked in its favour broke down when applied to the formation of shadows. Sound after passing through an opening spreads in all directions, while light apparently follows a straight course. In other words, sound can turn a corner, while light seems unable to do so. More than a century later, Fresnel gave the correct explanation of the apparent discrepancy, showing that when the experimental conditions were made to correspond, the analogy was main- tained. It is necessary for the purpose that the relation between the size of the aperture and the length of the wave should be the same, and as the waves of light are very short, Isaac Newton, Robert Hooke 55 either the aperture through which the light is made to enter has to be very small, or the opening allowing the sound to be transmitted must be large. In the latter case we get " sound shadows," in the former the light spreads out just as the sound does. But such refined considerations only matured in the nineteenth century. In the meantime, the ordinary laws of refraction and reflexion of light could be satisfactorily explained by the corpuscular theory, which seemed better able to cope with the formation of shadows, and Newton therefore preferred the simpler theory. It is unfortunate that an error of judgment, arising really from superior knowledge, paralysed the progress of optics for the time being, but this is the price which had to be paid for the many benefits which accrued to science through the confidence which Newton's work had inspired, and which in all other cases proved to be justified. Newton's work on light brought him into controversy with Robert Hooke (1635-1703), a man of great genius but unpleasant temperament, who, for a time, held the Chair of Geometry at Gresham College. Hooke graduated at Oxford and there came into contact with John Wilkins, Thomas Wilkins and Robert Boyle. With an extraordinarily prolific mind he touched on many subjects, insisting on his priority in almost every new idea that was brought forward by others. In his " Micrographia " Hooke described important observations on the nature of combustion and of flames. Almost identical experiments were conducted by John Mayow (1640-1679), a fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, and it is impossible now to ascertain to whom they were originally due. Mayow, who was also a distinguished physiologist (see p. 296, Chapter XL), interpreted these ex- periments with remarkable foresight. He truly recognized that there must be a common element in air and in such bodies as nitre, which readily give up their oxygen, and showed that the air contains some constituent which is consumed in combustion; he thus came very near anti- cipating by more than a century Lavoisier's great discovery. Hooke was the first who conceived the idea of regulating watches by the balance wheel and spiral spring, and this 56 Britain's Heritage of Science alone would give him a high place among discoverers. He first constructed a spirit level, but others had anticipated him in the use of the Vernier. He was the first to use light powders to study the vibration of sounding bodies, and invented an instrument to measure the depth of the sea. His more theoretical speculations always showed acuteness, and might have led to great things if he had been more persevering. In 1674 he published views on a universal gravitation which was to explain the planetary motions ; with the exception of the law of the inverse square, these contained the main principles of the theory which Newton had then already worked out, though not published. In optics, Hooke favoured the undulatory theory, and even expressed the idea that the motion of the particles of the medium which transmitted light was transverse to the direc- tion of propagation, differing in this respect from the waves of sound. Newton, who disliked controversies, is said to have delayed the publication of his book on optics until after Hooke's death for fear of rousing an acrimonious discussion. The second edition of Newton's " Principia " was pub- lished in 1713 by Cotes (1682-1716), a distinguished and promising mathematician, who died at the early age of thirty- four, having held during the last ten years of his life the newly-founded Plumian Professorship at Cambridge. Among the professional representatives of mathematics during the eighteenth century, it must suffice to name Maclaurin (1698-1746), Professor of Mathematics at Aberdeen ; Matthew Stewart (1717-1785), who succeeded him in the Professorship, and Thomas Simpson, the son of a grocer, who ultimately became Professor of Mathematics at the Royal Woolwich Academy. After Newton had placed astronomy on a sound dynamical foundation, a vast field was opened out to further research. It had still to be proved that the law of gravita- tion was sufficient to account for every detail of the motions of celestial bodies, and was not only a first approximation to be supplemented by other effects. Hence it became necessary to increase the accuracy of astronomical observa- tions, and to extend the theoretical investigations, based on the laws of gravity, so as to include the mutual action Isaac Newton, John Flamsteed 57 of planets on each other. We have now to consider the work of some of the great men occupied in this task. Flamsteed (1646-1720) does not strictly belong to the academic circle, but as he was the first official representative of astronomy in this country it is convenient to speak of his work at this stage. Flamsteed began at an early age to take an interest in astronomical observations. He entered Jesus College, Cambridge, apparently with the object of taking holy orders, but after obtaining his degree, influential friends procured him an appointment as " King's astronomer." About the same time, a Frenchman, called Le Sieur de S. Pierre, visited England with proposals for improved methods o determining longitudes at sea, and Flamsteed in a report expressed the opinion that the project was impracticable, because the position of the stars were not known with sufficient accuracy. According to some manuscripts kept at the Greenwich Observatory, when this came to the ears of King Charles II, "he was startled at the assertion of the fixed stars places being false in the catalogue, and said, with some vehemence, he must have them anew observed, examined and corrected, for the use of his seamen." This incident was the immediate cause of the foundation of Green- wich Observatory, the warrant for its building being issued on June 12th, 1675. When it was completed, Flamsteed set to work to form an improved star catalogue. Up to that time, only observations with the naked eye had been used to determine the positions of the stars, though the cross wire and measuring micrometer had already been invented by Gascoigne. Flamsteed realized the advantages of applying the telescope in combination with a clock. But he had to struggle against great disadvantages; his salary was 100 a year, and he was provided by the Government with neither assistants nor instruments. The latter had to be provided by friends, or made at his own expense. In spite of these difficulties he produced as a result of his labour a star catalogue three times as extensive as, and six times more accurate than, that of Tycho Brahe, which up till then had been in use. Altogether he recorded the positions of 3,000 stars. Flamsteed was succeeded at Greenwich by Edmund 58 Britain's Heritage of Science Halley (1656-1742), who plays an important and interesting part in the history of science. The son of a soap-boiler, and educated at St. Paul's School and Queen's College, Oxford, Halley, at the early age of nineteen, invented an improved method for determining the elements of planetary orbits. Finding that more accurate measurements of the positions of fixed stars were necessary to the progress of astronomy, and that this task was being satisfactorily carried out at Greenwich for the northern heavens, he planned a journey to catalogue some of the southern stars. Through the good offices of the East India Company he obtained a passage to St. Helena, but disappointed with the weather conditions, he returned to England after having registered the positions of about 300 stars. He was an ardent supporter of Newton, and it was in great part due to Halley's efforts that the " Principia " were published. Halley was the first to take a comprehensive view of the subject of Terrestrial Magnetism. Some advances had been made in that subject since Gilbert's time, notably by Edward Gunter (15811621), one of the early professors of astronomy at Gresham College, who had taken regular observations of the angle between the direction in which the magnetic needle sets and the geographical north, and found a progressive change in its amount. When the first observation was taken in England, the needle pointed to the east of north; in 1657 it pointed due north, and the declination then gradually increased towards the west. Henry Gellibrand (1597-1637) continued and extended these observations. In order to explain these slow changes called " the secular variation of terrestrial magnetism," Halley formed the theory that the earth is divided into an outer crust and an inner nucleus, each part possessing its own inde- pendent magnetic poles. A fluid layer was supposed to separate the shell and the core, and Halley imagined the latter to revolve with a slightly smaller velocity than the former about a common axis. It is easy to see that if we accept the premises, a suitable adjustment of the mag- netic axes of the inner and outer parts of the earth would lead to a slow revolution of the resulting magnetic axis. This theory was recently renewed and extended by Henry Edmund Halley 59 Wilde, and, though not generally accepted, it shows that Halley recognized that the study of terrestrial magnetism could yield important information on the constitution of the earth and that he looked upon the subject from a wider point of view than that of its mere application to the purposes of navigation. The observations he took in two journeys specially undertaken for the purpose of determining the magnetic declination in different parts of the world, are invaluable to us as historical records. Halley's most important discoveries in astronomy were the secular acceleration of the moon's mean motion, the proper motion of the stars, and the periodicity of comets. Comparing the dates at which certain total eclipses of the sun had occurred, Halley could fix the times of the new moon with sufficient accuracy to ascertain that the length of the month was diminishing by about one-thirtieth of a second per century. This implied that the moon's orbital velocity is increasing and may be explained in accordance with Newton's principles, partly as a result of an indirect effect on the earth's orbit round the sun due to the attrac- tion of planets, and partly by friction between the tides and the solid parts of the earth, which increases the length of the day, and indirectly reacts on the moon. In all three of the discoveries mentioned, Halley made extensive use of old records; it was by comparing the observed distances of well-known stars from the ecliptic with the observations of the Greek astronomers, that he discovered their independent motions, and, similarly by calculating the orbits of comets observed in previous centuries, he found that some of them pursued nearly identical paths. He concluded that though these were regis- tered each time as new intruders into the solar systems, they might only be reappearances of the same body. As an example, he took the comet which had been observed at intervals of about seventy-six years, and had last been seen in 1682. He predicted that it would be seen again in 1758. Halley did not live to see his prophecy come true : the comet was actually observed on Christmas Day of that year, and is now recognized as a permanent member of the Solar System. 60 Britain's Heritage of Science Halley succeeded Waller as Professor of Geometry at Oxford in 1678, and Flamsteed as Astronomer Koyal in 1720. When he arrived at Greenwich, he found most of the instruments removed, being the private property of his predecessor. He procured some new ones, and began the series of observations of the moon, the continuance and improve- ment of which has always been the special care of the Royal Observatory. But the age at which he took over his duties prevented his making much progress. Halley 's activity covered a large range of subjects, and proved him to be a man of extensive knowledge and great versatility. He investigated, independently of Mariotte, the diminution of the pressure of air as we rise above the surface of the earth, and gave the correct formula for calculating differences in altitude from the barometric records; he observed the aurora borealis, and connected it with terrestrial magnetism by noting that the highest point of the arch lies in the magnetic meridian. He gave the generally accepted explanation of the cause of the trade winds, but was less successful in his attempts to improve the construction of thermometers ; he was the first to give the formula which connects the position of objects and images formed by lenses ; he formed an esti- mate of the quantity of water vapour which enters the atmosphere by the action of solar heat on the oceans; he wrote on the effect of the refraction of air on astronomical observations, worked out the method of deducing the distance of the sun from observations on the transit of Venus, and made valuable contributions to the method of calculating logarithms. He improved the construction of diving bells, and was the originator of " life statistics." There are few men who can show a finer record of scientific activity. Halley was succeeded at Greenwich by Bradley (1692- 1762), to whom, according to the astronomer Delambre, we owe the accuracy of modern astronomy. Bradley was a nephew of John Pond (1669-1724), a clergyman who had erected an astronomical observatory at his rectory of Wan- stead in Essex, and done some meritorious work on the satellites of Saturn and Jupiter. After graduating at Oxford, Edmund Halley, James Bradley 61 Bradley went to reside with his uncle, and became interested in astronomical work. His observational skill soon secured results of sufficient importance to justify his election to the fellowship of the Royal Society in 1718, and the appointment to the Savilian Chair of Astronomy in 1721. He, however, continued to live in Wanstead even after the death of his uncle, visiting Oxford only for the delivery of his lectures. It was known to Robert Hooke that the distance of the stars might be ascertained by noting their change of position at different times of the year, for as the earth revolves round the sun, we look upon each star from a slightly different point of view according to the position of the earth in its orbit. The more remote the stars, the smaller will be the displacement, and no one could tell beforehand whether any of them were sufficiently near to show a measurable effect. Hooke himself, with his accustomed impetuosity, had tried the method, and using a star which for particular reasons was specially fitted for the purpose, believed that he had observed a comparatively large displacement. Samuel Molyneux (see page 90) had erected a suitable telescope at his house in Kew Green, for the purpose of verifying Hooke's observations, and observed the same star on a series of evenings during the early part of December, 1725, but no material change of position was noted. At this stage Bradley, a friend of Molyneux, began to take part in the investigation. On visiting the Observatory at Kew on December 17th, curiosity tempted him to take an observa- tion, and he noted that the star had slightly increased in declination. To his surprise, however, the displacement was found to be in a direction opposite to that to be expected if it were due to the proximity of the star. The apparent movement was then continuously watched, and the star was found to describe a closed curve, returning at the end of a year's observation very nearly to its original position. Bradley, much puzzled by the result, at first thought that the displacement might be due to a periodic change in the inclination of the earth's axis. In order to test this idea, it was necessary to observe stars in different parts of the sky, and Bradley set up a new instrument at his home in Wanstead for the purpose. He found, indeed, that evesy 62 Britain's Heritage of Science star examined described an elliptic curve similar to that observed with Molyneux's telescope, but the difference? in size and shape did not agree with the hypothesis he had formed. At last the true explanation occurred to him. Owing to the fact that light is not transmitted instanta- neously, a star is not actually seen in the direction in which it would appear if light took no time in its passage to the earth The cause of this curious effect may be illustrated by a familiar analogy. A person driving in a carriage during a shower of rain on a windless day, though the drops fall down vertically will feel them striking against his face, as if he were meeting the wind. Hence, holding up an umbrella to shield himself, he would have to tilt it forwards and if he were unaware of his own motion, he would believe that the drops fall at an angle slightly inclined to the vertical. Sub- stituting Newton's corpuscles of light for the drops of rain, it becomes clear that the velocity of the earth affects the angle at which the light coming from a star seems to reach us. This effect is called the " aberration of light." As the earth's velocity changes in direction while it revolves round the sun, a star, though stationary, will appear to describe a closed curve. From the known velocity of the earth, and the extent of a star's apparent motion, the velocity of light may be calculated, and Bradley found it to agree closely with that which had been calculated by Roemer from the eclipses of Jupiter's satellites. The accuracy of Bradley 's observations may be appreciated by noting that if the star's position in the sky be such that it appears, owing to the aberration of light, to describe a circle, the angular diameter of the circle is about that of a halfpenny piece placed at a distance of 420 feet; the dimensions of the curve described by the star were measured by Bradley with an accuracy of about two per cent. After Bradley had established himself at Greenwich Observatory, he continued his observations, and found that the stars after a year's interval did not return to the same position, as they ought to do if the aberration of light were the only cause of their apparent displacement. Returning to his original idea of a small change in the inclination of the earth's axis, he then found it to account satisfactorily James Bradley, Nevile Maskelyne 63 for this residual effect. He thus discovered the " nutation " of the earth's axis, which is caused by an attractive effect of the sun on the equatorial protuberance of the earth, which is not an exact sphere, but a spheroid with a larger equatorial than polar diameter. When it is considered that every measurement of a star's position has to be corrected so as to eliminate the effects of aberration and nutation before its true position is ascer- tained, Delambre's judgment that the accuracy of astro- nomical observations owes everything to Bradley cannot be gainsaid, and we shall also probably agree with the same author 1 that " ce double service assure a son auteur la place la plus distinguee apres celle de Hipparque et de Kepler, et au-dessus des plus grands astronomes de tousles ages et de tous les pays." After Bradley's death, Nathaniel Bliss, Savilian Professor of Geometry at Oxford, was appointed Astronomer Royal, but he only held the position for two years. Nevile Maskelyne (1732-1811), a man of much greater ability, next had charge of Greenwich Observatory. He graduated as seventh wrangler at Cambridge in 1754, and twelve years later was appointed to the post of Astronomer Royal, the duties of which he discharged successfully during forty- six years. His mind was first turned to astronomy as a boy of sixteen by watching a solar eclipse. During a voyage undertaken to observe the Transit of Venus, in 1761, he became interested in a process for determining longitudes by measuring the distances of selected stars from the moon, and he ultimately succeeded in introducing this method as a regular practice in navigation. The im- portance of the procedure consisted in its being independent of timekeepers, and it consequently retained its place until recently, when the construction of chronometers improved so much that it lost its practical value. In order to make the tabulations of the position of the moon and of the selected stars readily accessible to navi- gators, Maskelyne persuaded the Government to issue an annual publication. This was the origin of the Nautical 1 Delambre, " Histoire de I'Astronomie au dix huiti&ne si&ele." 64 Britain's Heritage of Science Almanac, which has proved to be of immeasurable value to all seamen. Maskelyne remained its editor until his death. He also re -organized in many ways the work and instrumental equipment of the Greenwich Observatory, and instituted an important research which led to the first determination of the density of the earth. To appreciate the importance of this experiment, we must remember that by noting the rate of fall of a body we can measure the force with which the earth attracts it, but not knowing the total mass of the earth, we cannot tell how much one pound of matter would attract another pound at a given distance. That can only be ascertained by measuring the attraction between masses both of which are known. From the result of such a measurement the mass of the earth may be calcu- lated, and as its dimensions are known, we can deduce its mean density. The problem of finding the density of the earth is, therefore, identical with that of finding the gravita- tional attraction between known masses, and herein lies its chief value. Maskelyne 's method consisted in deter- mining the deflexion of a plumb line in the neighbourhood of a mountain. As this deflexion cannot be observed directly, we must have recourse to an indirect method; but this presents no difficulties. If the latitudes of two places, one to the north and the other to the south of a mountain, be determined astronomically, and their distances directly measured, the discrepancy between the observed and measured differences of latitude gives us the data we want for calculating the gravitational effect of the mountain. The method cannot give very accurate results, as the density of the material composing the mountain must be taken into account, and this requires a geological survey and complicated calculations. Maskelyne was assisted in his measurements, which were conducted in the neighbourhood of the mountain Schehallien in Perthshire, by Charles Hutton (1737-1823), Professor of Mathematics at the Military Academy, Wool- wich; the figures they obtained showed that bulk for bulk the material of the earth is on the average between 4*48 and 5 -38 times heavier than water. While learning at Oxford and Cambridge rapidly declined after the first impulse of Newton's discoveries had died away, William Cullen, Joseph Black 65 the reputation of academic science in the eighteenth century is retrieved by the splendid record of the Scotch Univer- sities, and notably of Edinburgh. It was indeed a brilliant period in which Black originated quantitative chemistry, Hutton founded the science of geology, Robert Simpson taught mathematics, and John Robison, natural philosophy, while Watt worked out his inventions, and in other branches of knowledge Adam Smith and David Hume added to the fame of their Universities. William Cullen (1710-1790), who may be said to be the founder of the Scotch school of chemists, studied at the University of Glasgow, and at the age of nineteen obtained, through the influence of friends, a post as surgeon on a merchant ship sailing to the West Indies. On his return home he became a medical practitioner in his native town, Hamilton, but a small legacy enabled him to spend two years at Edinburgh, in order to pass through a regular course of study. After a period of activity in Glasgow, during which he occupied the Chair of Medicine, and assisted in founding the medical school in that university, he returned to Edinburgh as Professor of Chemistry. Cullen was the discoverer of the lowering of temperature which takes place when a liquid evaporates, or a solid dissolves in a liquid. He also experimented on the heat generated in chemical transformations . It was no doubt these researches on heat which directed Joseph Black's attention to that subject. Black (1728- 1799) was the son of a Scotch wine merchant living at Bordeaux. He was educated at Belfast, Glasgow and Edin- burgh, studied medicine at the latter University, and presented to it at the age of twenty-six an inaugural disser- tation containing discoveries of fundamental importance to chemistry. Limestone, which forms so important a portion of the earth's surface layers, was at that time considered to be an elementary substance. It was known, of course, that at a high temperature its properties are changed; it becomes quicklime, which gives off a great amount of heat when brought into contact with water. This was explained at the time by supposing that the limestone absorbed, when heated, an imaginary thermal or caustic substance which E 66 Britain's Heritage of Science it gave out again when brought into contact with water. The corresponding compound of magnesia behaved similarly, and was not clearly distinguished from the calcium salt. Magnesia had then already some importance as a drug, and the title of Black's dissertation " De humoro acido a cibis orto et magnesia alba " indicates that it was the medi- cal aspect that led him to the research. Black proved that the current explanation was wrong, and that, instead of absorbing anything, limestone, on heating, lost in weight, and gave out a gas, which he collected and identified with Helmont's " gas sylvestre." He definitely proved that this gas, now known as carbonic acid, differed from air, because it could combine with caustic soda and potash, which air could not; he also showed that atmospheric air always contained small quantities of it. Black further established the essential differences between the behaviour of calcium and magnesium compounds. His use of the balance in these researches justifies the claim that has been made on his behalf of being the father of quantitative chemistry. In his researches on heat, Black showed an equal power of selecting the fundamentally important questions, and of treating them with experimental skill and scientific precision. His results were explained in his lectures, but many of them remained unpublished until after his death It is, therefore, not always easy to fix the dates at which his discoveries were communicated to his students, so as to compare them with similar results arrived at in other countries, notably by Wilcke at Stockholm, and Deluc, who, born in 1727 at Geneva, left his native town at the age of forty-three and after various travels settled down in England, and died at Windsor in 1817. There is no doubt, however, that Black was the discoverer of latent heat. Deluc had noted the slow melting of ice, and made the observation that when a mixture of ice and water is heated, the temperature of the water remains constant until all the ice is melted, but Black went a good deal further, and not only measured the heat required to melt the ice, but showed it to be the same in amount as that which was set free in freezing the water. He applied the term "latent heat," which is still in use, and his measurements were correct to two per cent. The corre- Joseph Black 67 spending phenomenon was observed when water was converted into steam, but, owing to the greater experimental difficulties, the numerical value obtained was not so accurate. Black also had clear ideas on the differences in the amounts of heat required to raise different substances through the same range of temperature; but handed over this part of the subject to his pupil Irvine. An interesting paper by Black- on " The supposed effect of boiling on water in disposing it to freeze more readily, ascertained by experiments " (Phil. Trans. 1775) is worth reading as an example of clear thinking, lucid description, and good experimenting. It is still to-day the common belief of plumbers, and those who derive their knowledge of science from plumbers, that hot-water pipes freeze more readily in winter than cold ones. This belief seems to have had its origin in the report, made on good authority, that when water is exposed at night in the dry atmosphere of the Indian winter, in order to convert it into ice through the loss of heat by radiation, it is essential to boil it previously. In order to find the reason for this, Black exposed two similar cups, one filled with boiled and the other with unboiled water, to a temperature below the freezing point, and saw, indeed, ice crystals appearing on the surface of the former, while the latter remained clear. But on intro- ducing thermometers, he discovered that the temperature of the unboiled water had fallen below the freezing point, without being converted into ice, which, however, formed as soon as the water was stirred. Black was aware of Fahrenheit's observation that water, when kept perfectly quiescent, could be cooled considerably below the normal temperature of freezing. The question that remained to be solved was, therefore, this : why should the unboiled water be more easily undercooled than that which had been boiled? The only effect that boiling can have on the water is to expel the absorbed air, and one might be tempted to reason from the above experiment that the absorbed air favours the undercooling. But this explanation is negatived by the circumstance that Fahrenheit's experiments were conducted in a vessel from which the air had been removed by the air pump. Black, realizing, therefore, that water E 2 68 Britain's Heritage of Science deprived of its air could be undercooled as well as ordinary water, concluded that the cause of the difference lay in the act of re-absorbing the air. He suggested that the absorp- tion caused (possibly through minute differences of tempera- ture or density) sufficient circulation, or, as he expressed it, " agitation " to prevent the undercooling. It is remarkable that the subject has never been examined further, but Black's explanation finds some support in the experiments made by Thomas Graham, who showed that the admission of air into a previously boiled and undercooled solution of Glauber salt, set the crystallization going, and this was traced to a slight diminution of the solubility of the salt in water which contains air. To Black must also be given a place in the history of aeronautics, as he was the first to make the attempt to fill a balloon with hydrogen; this was as early as 1767, two years before Montgolfier made his first balloon ascent. Black practised as a medical man ; he held for a time the Chair of Anatomy and Chemistry at Glasgow, but distrustful of his qualifications as a chemist, exchanged it for that of Medicine. In 1766 he succeeded Cullen in the Professorship of Medicine and Chemistry at Edinburgh. In private life he was fond of painting; the weakness of his health is probably responsible for a certain lack of energy which sometimes led him to abandon his work when half finished, and to leave many of his researches unpublished. " No man had less nonsense in his head," said Adam Smith, " than Black." One further contribution of the Scotch Universities to chemistry remains to be noticed. Rutherford (1749-1819), a medical man who occupied the Chair of Botany at Edin- burgh, was the first to isolate the gas nitrogen in 1772, by burning substances in an enclosed volume of air, and absorbing the carbonic acid formed in the combustion. Black's lectures were edited after his death by John Hobison (1739-1805), a man of great intellectual powers, who, like so many other men of science of the time, led an eventful life. After a brief period of study at Glasgow, he became tutor to the son of Admiral Knowles, who as a midshipman was about to accompany General Wolfe to Joseph Black, John Robison 69 Quebec. Robison took part in the war, and after his return home was charged by the Board of Longitude to under- take a journey to the West Indies for the purpose of testing a chronometer constructed by John Harrison. A few years later Robison accompanied, as private secretary, Admiral Knowles to Petrograd, on his appointment as President of the Russian Board of Admiralty. For a time he also held the mathematical professorship attached to the cadet corps of nobles at Petrograd. Before he went to Russia Robison had occupied during four years the Chair of Chemistry at Glasgow, and after his return home in 1773 he became Professor of Natural Philosophy at Edinburgh. When the Royal Society of Edinburgh received its charter in 1783 he was elected secretary, and held this position until within a few years of his death, which took place in 1805. Robison enjoyed a high reputation among his contem- poraries, but we cannot assign any great advance in science to him. He was a man of great learning and published researches, which only just fell short of marking a distinct step. He deserves to be remembered even if it were only for his connexion with James Watt, who owed him much assistance and encouragement. Robison was always inter- ested in steam, and had, before Watt's improvement of the steam engine, conceived the idea of applying the power of steam to the propulsion of vehicles. David Brewster collated some of the manuscripts left by Robison, and published them in a work of four volumes : " Elements of Mechanical Philosophy." It appears from this work that Robison undertook several researches, which he omitted to publish. Among them was an experimental investigation on the law of action of electrical forces. This, he states, was communicated to a " public society " in 1769, some years before Cavendish and Coulomb discovered the law of the inverse square. The experiments which are described in the published work, lead unmistakably to that law, but it is not stated whether they were the original ones or were repeated and improved upon later. Robison makes no claim in this respect, but refers to Cavendish as having " with singular sagacity and address, employed his mathematical knowledge in a way 70 Britain's Heritage of Science that opened the road to a much further and more scientific prosecution of the discovery, if it can be called by that name," and finally adopts Coulomb's measurements as con- clusive. It seems, however, to have escaped notice hitherto that Robison in his experiments used what must be con- sidered to be the first absolute electrometer, the electric force being balanced by the action of gravity, and there- fore reducible to its value in terms of dynamical units. Robison was a strong adherent of Boscovich, the Italian philosopher, who tried to dispose of the difficulties inherent in the definition of matter by considering atoms to be merely centres of forces without extension. Boscovich had applied his theory to the effects of ponderable matter on the trans- mission of light, and Robison took up this subject and treated it in a paper (Ed. Phil. Trans., Vol. II., 1790), which in many ways is remarkable. Its title, " On the motion of light as affected by refracting and reflecting substances which are in motion," shows that it deals with one of the most puzzling and difficult problems of physics . It was the phenomenon of aberra- tion of fight discovered by Bradley which gave practical im- portance to the subject, and, without entering into details, it deserves to be recorded that Robison had the idea of apply- ing telescopes filled with water to clear up experimentally some of the obscure points, which up to our own times have puzzled mathematicians. This idea was revived and success- fully applied later by Airy, but Robison failed on account of the difficulty of obtaining water that was sufficiently transparent. Although his ideas are now superseded, the paper gives us some idea of the powers of the man of whom Watt wrote : "He was a man of the clearest head and the most science of anybody I have ever known." Robison's successor, both in the Chair of Physics and as Secretary of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, was John Playfair (1748-1819), previously Professor of Mathematics, who had taken part in the geological survey connected with the Schehallien experiment of Maskelyne and Robert Hutton. His first work was a book on " Button's Theory of the Earth," which had considerable influence in making James Button's geological theories known and appreciated. His mathematical contribution to science is mainly con- Robison, Desaguliers, Robert Smith 71 fined to a publication " On the Arithmetic of Impossible Quantities." Though but little work of importance was produced at Oxford and Cambridge in the eighteenth century, science was kept alive. John Theophilus Desaguliers (1683-1744), the son of a French Protestant clergyman, who left his country on the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, was brought to England while an infant. He studied at Oxford and acted as Professor of Physics in that University. He settled in London in 1712, and ultimately became Chaplain to the Prince of Wales. After leaving Oxford, he became a voluminous writer on many subjects. In his first paper he describes a new method of building chimneys so as to prevent their smoking. He invented a machine for measur- ing the depth of the sea and other mechanical contrivances. He is best remembered by his electrical work in which he clearly defined the nature of a conductor as distinguished from bodies which could be electrified by friction with- out being attached to insulating handles. He enjoyed a great reputation, being consulted by men of science, and notably by James Watt in connexion with steam engines, having himself introduced some improvements in their construction. At Cambridge, Robert Smith (1689-1768), as Plumian Professor, made some valuable contributions to acoustics, published in a separate volume " Harmonics." His great treatise on light contains a wealth of information, and still possesses considerable historical interest. It had a great influence at the time, stimulating the study of optics, more especially with regard to its practical applications in the construction of optical instruments. 72 Britain's Heritage of Science CHAPTER III (Physical Science) THE NON-ACADEMIC HERITAGE during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries THE scientific investigator should be endowed with knowledge, critical judgment, and inventive power. For the first two attributes we must look mainly to pro- fessional men, who have gone through a recognized training and are engaged in teaching or research. Such men, brought up under the compelling influence of accepted currents of thought, though well prepared to advance their subject and even to make new discoveries along the paths opened out by their predecessors, are heavily handicapped when the time has come for a revolution of fundamental ideas. Often they have risen to the occasion, and thrown anti- quated doctrines overboard, but sometimes the academic tradition is strong enough to prevail. The advantage, then, lies with those who are not burdened by the weight of inherited opinions, and great opportunities are offered to the inexperienced youth or the enthusiastic amateur. What constitutes an amateur ? All efforts to define the term must fail, because we cannot define what is not definite. The word in its literal sense denotes a man who pursues a subject for the love of it, but it carries a suggestion of weak- ness, or rather a suspicion, associated more particularly with amateurs in art, that they have not completely mastered their craft. So far as the actual work of research is con- cerned the difference between the amateur and professional man is not always pronounced, and is frequently obliterated ; some University professors have retained through life the characteristic attributes of free lances of science, and The Hon. Robert Bovle From a -baintinp bv F. K Robert Boyle 73 amateurs have occasionally rivalled professional scholars in profundity of knowledge and academic conservatism. The essential distinction and it is an important one lies in the wider range of subjects which the professional man of science has to cover. He may have to lecture or advise students on matters which are outside his own researches, or he may have to direct an institution burdened with a quantity of routine work which cannot be neglected. He both gains and loses by the exigencies of his duties ; while his compulsory reading may supply him with analogies which are frequently fertile in valuable suggestions, he is often drawn away to side issues, and is tempted to adopt a dogmatic attitude on those portions of his subject which he teaches or directs, but is not much interested in. The non-academic class of workers are free from any routine which they do not impose on themselves and, as might be expected, present less uniformity in their aims and modes of working. What greater contrast could, indeed, be found than that between the three men whose work forms the main subject of this chapter : Robert Boyle, the indefatigable experimenter and voluminous writer, who, though refusing a peerage and the Presidency of the Royal Society, found his chief pleasure in intercourse with other men of science : Henry Cavendish, the taciturn recluse, who disliked contact with the ordinary affairs of life, and was remiss even in publishing his revolutionizing researches; William Herschel, the poor Hanoverian oboist, who had to earn his living as a teacher of music, and fight his way up until, with telescopes constructed by his own hands, he attained unrivalled pre-eminence as an astronomer. Robert Boyle (1627-1691) belonged to an old Hereford- shire family, whose name is mentioned in Domesday Book as Biuville. His father, Richard, described by Thomas Birch as one of the greatest men of his age, passed through a course of study at Cambridge, and having spent some time in London as a student of the Middle Temple, went to Ireland to make his fortune, married a rich wife, and ulti- mately became Baron of Youghall, Viscount of Dungarvan and Earl of Cork. He was married twice and had fifteen children. Robert, the last but one of them, received his 74 Britain's Heritage of Science education partly at Eton, and then privately at his father's newly-purchased property near Stalbridge in Dorsetshire. At the age of eleven he was sent on a lengthy journey to the continent, accompanied by an elder brother and a French tutor, Marcombes; they reached Geneva, where they stayed nearly two years before proceeding to Italy. At Florence, Boyle became acquainted with the works of Galileo, and one can imagine the impression the death of that great man, which occurred during his stay, must have made on his youthful mind. The party proceeded to Rome, and ultimately set out on their return journey, but found themselves at Marseilles without means, as a remittance from Boyle's father had been stolen by the messenger. Almost penniless, they made their way back to Geneva, M. Marcombes' native place, and ultimately the two brothers reached England in the summer of 1644. They found their father dead, and the country in such confusion that it was nearly four months before Robert Boyle, who inherited the manor at Stalbridge, could make his way thither. 1 In London, Robert Boyle made the acquaintance of John Wallis, Christopher Wren, and other distinguished men, whose weekly meetings were destined to lead to the foundation of the Royal Society. Though his scientific studies were interrupted by an enforced visit to his dis- ordered Irish estates, which extended over two years, he settled down in 1654 at Oxford, where, during the following fourteen years, he devoted himself entirely to scientific research. He spent the remainder of his life in London, taking an active part in the affairs of the Royal Society until two years before his death. Boyle had strong religious views; but he refused to take orders on the ground that he felt no inner call, and thereby lost the appointment as Provost of Eton. He so strictly interpreted the command of the New Testament not to swear " neither by heaven, nor by earth, nor by any other oath," that he refused the Presidency of the Royal Society, because the Charter pre- scribed the taking of an oath on his accession to office. By his will he founded the " Boyle Lectures " for the defence 1 " Dictionary of National Biography." Robert Boyle 75 of Christianity. He was never strong in health; weak eyesight troubled him throughout life, and a painful disease caused him much suffering in later years. His scientific work is distinguished by great experi- mental skill, and a determination to remain free from the bias of preconceived notions. In his travels he had become proficient in several languages, and he continued to keep himself informed of what was being done on the continent of Europe. Having read an account of Guericke's air-pump (or, as Boyle calls it, " wind-pump "), he set to work to construct one, and with the help of Robert Hooke, who appears to have acted as his assistant at that period, succeeded in effecting considerable improvements. With this pump a large number of experiments were per- formed, all devised to prove some definite point, such as comparing the weight of air with that of water, or inves- tigating what he calls the spring of air. He showed that flames are extinguished and hot coal ceases to glow in a partial vacuum. He proved that magnetic and electric actions persist in his exhausted receiver, and that warm water begins to boil under reduced pressure. The action of the pump in removing air from a vessel suggested the inverse process of increasing the pressure, and this led to the construction of the compression pump. In his measure- ments he attained considerable accuracy; the specific gravity of mercury was correctly determined to one half per cent., that of air to about 20 per cent. Boyle's name is associated with the important law connecting the density of air with its pressure. The proof of the law is contained in a long paper entitled " Defence of the doctrine touching the spring and weight of air," published in 1662. The range of pressures covered by the experiments extended from four atmospheres (involving the use of glass tubes ten feet long) down to 1J inches of mercury; the agreement between observed pressures and. those calculated from the changes of volume, assuming that density and pressure are proportional, was quite sufficient to prove the correctness of the law. The often repeated assertion that it was Townley who first drew Boyle's attention to the significance of these observations and for- 76 Britain's Heritage of Science mulated the law is not justified, and is founded apparently on some misconception of a passage in Boyle's account of his experiments. We owe to Boyle the use of the term " barometer," and he constructed an instrument in which the mercury is replaced by a short column of water with sufficient air above to counter-balance the atmospheric pressure. When no temperature changes interfere, such an instrument would be considerably more sensitive than an ordinary barometer. With it Boyle could observe the difference of pressure between the roof and floor of Westminster Abbey, thus confirming Pascal's experiment without having to ascend a mountain. In his optical experiments Boyle showed that colours are produced by a modification of the light which takes place at the surface of the coloured body. The connexion between radiant heat and light was illustrated by covering half of a tile with black and the other half with white paint, when he found that in sunlight the black paint becomes hot while the white remains cold. He also first drew attention to the colours of thin films such as soap bubbles. He investigated freezing mixtures and discovered that when salt is added to snow or ice the observed cooling is connected with the lique- faction of the salt. Boyle invented the hydrometer and showed how to determine by means of it specific gravities not only of liquids but also of solids. He made extensive chemi- cal experiments, and correctly explained a chemical reaction as being due to the substitution of an atom of one kind for an atom of another kind in the original compound. Boyle's completed works occupy six folio volumes; he is somewhat prolix in his discussions, but his descrip- tions are always clear and interesting. By the manner in which he allows himself to be led from one experiment to another he almost reminds one of Faraday, though his indiscriminate mixing of what is important with what is of minor value partakes a little of the weakness of the dilettante. He was highly esteemed by his contemporaries, and Newton, as well as many other eminent men of science, showed, in their correspondence, that they attached great value to his opinions. Robert Boyle, Brooke Taylor 77 It is comparatively rare to find an eminent mathema- tician among amateurs, but a noteworthy example is furnished by Brooke Taylor (1685-1731), a wealthy man who, having completed his studies, soon acquired a reputa- tion by his researches, and was elected into the Royal Society in 1712; two years later, he became one of the secretaries of that body. Taylor's theorem is known to every student of mathematics; in the subject of mathe- matical physics we owe to him the formula which connects the period of vibration of a stretched string with its length, cross-section and tension. The meetings of the Royal Society in the early days of its activity were only partly occupied by the reading of papers. Experiments were shown and discussed, and new subjects were proposed for investigation; particular questions were occasionally assigned to individual Fellows for enquiry and report. In this manner scientific research was organized more successfully than has ever since been possible. To assist the Society's work, a curator was appointed, whose special duties consisted in preparing the experiments for the meetings. A wide range of subjects was therefore brought to the notice of the meetings in an attractive form, and we find that many Fellows extended their researches in consequence of the stimulus received at the meetings. The inducement to do so was more especially strong with those who acted as curators, and this may be one of the reasons why Robert Hooke, the first who occupied that position, touched upon such a variety of subjects in widely different fields of enquiry. Among those who were employed at the beginning of the eighteenth century to prepare experiments, though he does not seem to have received the title of curator, was Francis Hauksbee, to whom we owe many interesting observations. Passing a strong current of air over the reservoir of a barometer, he found that the height of the column of mercury dimi- nished by two inches, thus proving the reduction of pressure accompanying the increase of kinetic energy in fluid motion. He connected this observation with the fall of the barometer during a gale of wind. He was the first who investigated the transmission of sound through water, 78 Britain's Heritage of Science and made some interesting experiments on the intensity of sound transmitted through air of different densities. Hauksbee deserves, perhaps, most to be remembered by his researches in electricity. Frequent references occur in the publications of the time to the curious luminosity in the partial vacuum above the barometer column which occasionally appears when the mercury is made to oscillate in the dark. Hauksbee had the idea that the luminosity was connected with some electrical action. To test this, he mounted a spherical glass vessel so that it could be made to rotate round a central axis. The vessel was exhausted, and, being set in motion, became highly electrified by friction when the hand was placed against it. At the same time the remnant of air in the vessel became luminous, and Hauksbee rightly concluded that the luminosity was of the same nature as that observed in the barometer; in the latter case, of course, the friction is produced internally between the moving mercury and the glass. Incidentally it may be mentioned that the first record of an electric spark occurs in Hauksbee 's writing; it was produced by approaching the finger towards the electrified glass vessel, and is said to have been an inch long. Very little is known about the life of Hauksbee, or of that of Stephen Gray and Granville Wheler, two other important contributors to our knowledge of electricity. Gray, elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1732, was the first to point out the effects of conductivity in electrical experiments, classifying bodies as conductors or insulators. He had been led to this fundamental distinction by experimenting with a glass tube which was closed at one end by a cork, and noting that, when the glass was excited by friction, the cork attracted light bodies, thus showing that it had become electrified. When a rod several feet in length carrying an ivory sphere at its further end was inserted in the cork, the sphere also became electrified. When other experiments did not give the expected result, Gray seems to have consulted another Fellow of the Royal Society, Granville Wheler, a clergyman, who suggested to him that the cause of the failure was likely to be due to the difficulty of supporting the bodies experimented upon in Francis Hauksbee, Robert Symmer 79 such a manner that the electricity could not escape to earth. He advised the use of silk threads, as owing to their thinness they were likely not to conduct so well. This proved to be successful, not for the reason given but because silk is an excellent non-conductor. Besides silk, other substances like glass and resins were recognized as insulators, and the range of experimentation was thereby much enlarged. There was at the time considerable confusion owing to the capricious manner in which electrical forces showed themselves, sometimes by attraction and sometimes by repulsion. No progress could be made in this respect until Dufay, a Captain in the French army, showed in the year 1733 that these apparently contradictory effects could be explained by assuming the existence of two kinds of elec- tricity, which he called vitreous and resinous, terms which in our own time Lord Kelvin used in preference to the more common nomenclature of positive and negative electricity. Dufay's experiments attracted little attention, and Franklin, two years later, formed independently a theory, which admitted only one kind, but distinguished between an excess and defect of that kind. Bodies were called positively and negatively electrified according as they contained an excess or deficiency. Another Fellow of the Royal Society, Robert Symmer, also apparently unaware of Dufay's work, revived in 1759 the theory of two separate kinds of electricity with opposite properties, and he was for some time supposed to be its first originator. He did much to promote clear and definite notions on electrical matters and the merit of his investigations cannot be called in question. Though the controversies between the followers of Franklin and those of Dufay and Symmer lasted until quite recent times, they could not lead to any substantial result because there is no fundamental difference between the two views. Both emphasize the distinction between two opposite electrical states, and our preference for one or other alternative depends mainly on the ideas which we unconsciously attach to forms of expression which suggest more than they are intended to do. As a matter of convenience, we may think of positive and negative 80 Britain's Heritage of Science electricity without committing ourselves to any definite theory as to their ultimate nature. When the primary phenomena of static electricity had been established, the further progress took its natural and regular course. Experimental appliances had to be improved, and instruments constructed suitable for quantitative measure- ments. In this work John Canton (1718-1772), a private schoolmaster, took an active and successful part. He increased the efficiency of electrical machines by coating the friction cushion, which was pressed against the glass cylinder, with an amalgam of mercury. For the coarser indicators of electricity, such as that which Gray had used, Canton substituted two small spheres of pith or cork, suspended from threads, which diverged when the spheres became electrified. Canton was also successful in other fields of science; we owe to him the first experimental demonstration that water is compressible, and the discovery of a new phosphorescent body which he prepared by the action of sulphur on oyster shells. William Henley, a linen-draper residing in London, who reached sufficient distinction to be admitted to the fellowship of the Royal Society, also constructed an electro- scope intended for quantitative measurements. He was chiefly interested in thunderstorms and atmospheric elec- tricity generally, and noted the positive electrification of the air in a dry fog. Greater importance is to be attached to Abraham Bennett (1756-1799), a clergyman residing in the Midland counties, who introduced the gold-leaf electro- scope, the most sensitive instrument invented up to that time for the detection of small quantities of electricity. Simultaneously with Volta, he showed how the electric condensers could be used in conjunction with electrometers so as to increase their effectiveness. This led him to invent an instrument called a duplicator which in principle is identical with Lord Kelvin's replenisher ; but as it contained conductors covered with shellac for purposes of insulation, irregularities in its action interfered with the experiments. In spite of these defects it was the embryo of our modern " influence " machine. William Nicholson (1753-1815), to whom further reference will be made (p. 107), cured most of John Canton, Henry Cavendish 81 the defects of Bennett's doubler and converted it into an in- strument which ought to have come into more extensive use. William Watson (1715-1787), who started life as an apothecary, but reached sufficient distinction as a medical man to obtain the honour of knighthood, improved the Leyden jar by substituting tin-foil for the liquid which till then had formed the inner coating. In his experiments with these jars he was much assisted by Dr. John Bevis (1695- 1771), another medical man, who was, however, mainly interested in astronomical work, and also deserves to be men- tioned as being the first to make a glass containing borax, and to note that its refractive power was thereby increased. Dr. Ingenhouse, a Dutch doctor settled in England, conducted many electrical experiments, and claimed to have been the first to replace the glass cylinder used in electrical machines by a disc. The same claim is, however, made by others both in France and Germany, and, among Englishmen, by Jesse Ramsden, the optician and instrument maker, of whom more will have to be said presently, and who certainly first brought glass-plate machines into general use. On a higher plane stand the researches of Henry Cavendish which now demand our consideration. A paper published in the " Philosophical Transactions " contains the foundation of the mathematical theory of electrostatics. There were probably but few mathematicians at the time interested in the subject, and the experimental part of the enquiry, which might have directed more general attention to the importance of the work, was not published until a century later. The mathematical investigation showed that if the whole of the electricity communicated to a body collects at its surface, none entering the interior, it necessarily follows that the repulsion between two quantities of electricity must diminish with increasing distance according to the same law as that of gravitation. No other law would lead to the same result. Robison appreciated the importance of this investigation (see p. 69), but, like others, he was ignorant of the unpublished experiments which Cavendish had actually made on the subject. These verified with a sufficient degree of accuracy that the charge of a body in electrostatic equilibrium resides at the surface, and that if any part of it penetrates into the P 82 Britain's Heritage of Science interior, it can only be a small fraction. Fortunately the manuscripts of Cavendish's electrical experiments have been preserved, and were placed in the hands of Clerk Maxwell when he took over the Professorship of Experimental Physics at Cambridge. Their subsequent publication throws quite a new light on Cavendish's importance as a physicist, giving evidence of a wonderfully balanced combination of theoretical power and experimental skill. Adverting to the many instances in which Cavendish neglected to publish results of importance, Maxwell 1 remarks : " Cavendish cared more for investigation than for publication. He would undertake the most laborious researches in order to clear up a difficulty which no one but himself could appreciate, or was even aware of, and we cannot doubt that the result of his enquiries, when successful, gave him a certain degree of satisfaction. But it did not excite in him that desire to communicate the discovery to others which, in the case of ordinary men of science, generally ensures the publication of their results. How completely these researches of Cavendish remained unknown to other men of science is shown by the external history of electricity. " This is not the place to enter into the details of the various researches which were edited by Maxwell in 1879. Suffice it to say that Cavendish measured experimentally the electrostatic capacity of bodies, anticipating Faraday in the discovery of the difference of the inductive capacities of various substances, and Ohm in showing that the electric current is proportional to the electromotive force. He also compared the electric resistance of iron with that of rain water and of different salt solutions. All this was done by means of a rough electroscope and without a galvanometer. He converted, in fact, his nervous system into a galvanometer, by comparing the electric shocks received when Leyden jars were discharged through various conductors, altering the length of the conductors until the shocks were estimated to be equal. He obtained astonishingly accurate results with such simple and almost primitive means. 1 " The Electrical Researches of the Hon. Henry Cavendish," Introduction, p. xlv. Henry Cavendish 83 The second of the two electrical papers which Cavendish communicated to the Royal Society attracted considerable attention, and though it does not deal with any matter which we should now consider of fundamental importance, it shows how far Cavendish was in advance of his time in appreciating electrical matters correctly. The shocks which certain fishes, such as the torpedo, 1 are capable of giving to those who touch them had been known for some time, and John Walsh, a Member of Parliament and Fellow of the Royal Society, had described some experiments showing the conditions under which the shocks were received. He suggested that they were of an electrical character. The idea was not generally accepted, and was even laughed at on the ground that a fish immersed in sea water, which conducts electricity, could not be electrically charged. In answer to this objection, Cavendish actually constructed an imitation torpedo and demonstrated to an assembly of scientific friends the possi- bility of obtaining shocks even when it was immersed in salt water. Maxwell remarks that this is the only recorded occasion on which Cavendish admitted visitors to his laboratory. Henry Cavendish was born in 1731 ; he entered Peterhouse, Cambridge, in 1749, and left that University four years later without taking his degree. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1760 and died in 1810. His father, Lord Charles Cavendish, third son of William, second Duke of Devonshire, was interested in scientific subjects and published a paper on the capillary depression of mercury in glass tubes, which was highly spoken of by Franklin; he was also the first to construct maximum and minimum thermometers, and received the Copley medal of the Royal Society for the invention of these useful instruments. We may infer that the mind of Henry Cavendish was first directed towards science by his father's example. He lived on an allowance of 500 until he was about forty years of age, when through the death of an uncle he acquired a fortune which made him 1 The "word " torpedo " comes from the Italian, and is derived from "torpor;" the name was given to the fish on account of the numbness caused by the electric shock felt on touching it. The torpedo is not now generally associated with torpor. F 2 84 Britain's Heritage of Science one of the richest men of his time, without altering the simple mode of life to which he had become accustomed. It has been said of him that his chief object in life was to avoid the attention of his fellows; " his dinner was ordered daily by a note placed on the hall-table, and his women servants were instructed to keep out of his sight on pain of dismissal." 1 There is some evidence, however, that in his intercourse with scientific men he was not equally reticent. He attended the meetings of the Royal Society regularly, dined nearly every Thursday with the Philosophical Club, composed of some of the Fellows, and in 1772 was an energetic member of a committee formed to consider the best means of securing a powder magazine against the danger of lightning. Some of Cavendish's most remarkable results were de- rived from experiments on gases. Such investigations then tested the skill of an experimenter to a degree which is not easily realized at present. To the difficulties of isolating, purifying, and examining the chemical properties of these invisible substances was added the mystifying belief in the imaginary body, phlogiston, which was supposed to be expelled hi - every act of combustion, and to account for flame and fire. From the purely experimental point of view a great advance was made when gases were collected over mercury instead of over water, which had been the usual practice. The credit of this is due to Joseph Priestley (1733-1804), a Nonconformist minister, who, having renounced his early Calvinism and become a Unitarian, was then in charge of Mil] Hill Chapel, Leeds ; subsequently he moved to Birming- ham. Priestley held strong political views, which he expressed freely, and these, together with his unorthodox opinions, frequently got him into trouble. He wrote against England's attitude towards the American colonies, and sympathized with the French revolutionists. When he attended a dinner arranged to celebrate the anniversary of the taking of the Bastille, the mob burned his chapel and sacked his house. He then went to live in London for a few years, but ultimately emigrated to America. We owe to Priestley the discovery of 1 " Encyclopaedia Britannica." Henry Cavendish, Joseph Priestley 85 a number of gases, and he first prepared oxygen by heating oxide of mercury with a burning glass. He obtained hydro- chloric acid by heating spirits of salt, sulphur di-oxide by the action of sulphuric acid on mercury, and ammonia by heating spirits of hartshorn. Cavendish's attention was attracted by an observation of Waltire, who worked with Priestley, that when a mixture of hydrogen and common air was fired, dew appeared on the walls of the glass tubes. This was explained as being a condensation of water which had been present as vapour in the original gases. But Cavendish was able to prove that the water formed was really the result of the combustion of oxygen and hydrogen. In order to interpret correctly the lan- guage in which chemists expressed their results at the time we must remember that oxygen was referred to as " dephlogisticated air," nitrogen as " phlogisticated air," and hydrogen as " phlogiston." Cavendish therefore ex- presses his result by saying " that water consisted of dephlogisticated air united with phlogiston." The conclusion embodies the discovery of the composition of water, which till then was unknown. Similar experiments seem to have been made by James Watt, who subsequently claimed priority, but we need not here enter into the discussions to which the dispute gave rise, and which passed without interfering with the subse- quent friendly intercourse between Cavendish and Watt. A remarkable research originated in the interest which Cavendish took in the composition of the terrestrial atmo- sphere. By burning various bodies in measured volumes of air, he satisfied himself that the amount of oxygen present was the same in all the samples experimented upon. He noticed, however, that in one of the experiments in which a mixture of hydrogen and oxygen was fired by an electric spark, the resulting water contained nitric acid. This, Cavendish attributed to a remnant of atmospheric nitrogen in the oxygen used, and, following up the matter, showed that nitrogen and oxygen actually did combine under the influence of an electric spark. Absorbing the nitric acid formed, he could observe a shrinkage of volume when sparks were passed through mixtures of nitrogen and 86 Britain's Heritage of Science oxygen. He then put himself the question, " whether there are not in reality many different substances com- pounded together by us under the name of phlogisticated air ? " and to satisfy himself on that point, he investigated whether the whole of the air could be transformed into nitric acid by combination with oxygen. He found that there was, indeed, a small portion, estimated by him as y^-o of the whole, which resisted the change. This remnant undoubtedly consisted of argon, a separate gas, identified as a new element only in our own times. The amount of argon actually present in the air agrees remarkably well with Cavendish's estimate of his residual gas. There are many investigations on heat, unpublished at the time, by which Cavendish anticipated Black in the discovery of latent heat; he also determined the specific heats of a number of bodies. Another important research remains to be noted. A Yorkshire clergyman, John Michell, had conceived the brilliant and ambitious idea of measuring directly the gravitational attraction between two spheres of lead. It has already been remarked, in con- nexion with the Schehallien experiment of Maskelyne and Hutton, that the average density of the earth may be derived from such a measurement, but quite apart from this application, the attempt to demonstrate Newton's gravitational force within the four walls of a room con- stitutes an effort of heroic ambition and remarkable fore- sight. John Michell had constructed all the necessary apparatus, including the torsion balance, which he had invented for the purpose. Infirmities of age prevented his carrying out the work, and at his death the apparatus fell into the hands of another distinguished clergyman, Francis John Hyde Wollaston (brother of the celebrated chemist), who, at the time, held the Jacksonian Professorship at Cambridge. Wollaston deserves considerable credit for handing over the execution of the experiment to the one living man who was capable of bringing it to a successful issue. The original torsion balance consisted of a wooden beam about two yards long, weighing 5J ounces, and carrying at each of its ends a leaden sphere two inches in diameter. Cavendish substituted for the beam a metal rod J John Clerk Maxwell From an engraving in "Nature " by G. J. Stodart of a photograph hv FP.Y&US ni Crl.fi.!' Srinuv ;il ()\lord lir \\;IM already M\ly lluvr \(';ir,'; old, l>ul nover- 1 liohvs i c IK Ti.'c I ic.dl \ 01 .".uir/.cd I lir uc\\ ( )l.scr\ .1 1 >r\ Trite hard \\an MK N ol lln> oiirly iidvociitr.s ol (lie HMO (>f photography III .1,1 i < MM Miiic.M I i c: CM I ell , .'Hid :,lio\\cd IlONN ll could l>c .Mpplird to obtain accurah^ nicM.-.iiicincntM, and ill photoiurt lit' dt^tonuinat IOIIM. 143 CHAPTER V (Physical Science) THE HERITAGE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY continued rilHE foundation of the University of London, followed JL by that of the newer Universities, plays so important a part in the liistory of our subject that a few words must be said on the origin of the movement. It arose not so much out of a feeling that the number of Universities in the country was too small, but in consequence of the religious exclusive- ness of Oxford and Cambridge, which only admitted adhe- rents of the Church of England to University honours. In October 1828, therefore, a number of Nonconformists of various religious denominations combined, and University College was opened as the " University of London," with power to grant degrees. Unfortunately, some influential persons, though favourably inclined to the scheme on educa- tional grounds, objected to its entire dissociation from the national church, and successfully pressed their objections. At the present time the difficulty such as it is would be met by the establishment of a religious Hall of Residence, but no one thought of that expedient, and King's College was founded for the purpose of combining secular teaching with instruction in " the doctrines and duties of Christianity, as the same are inculcated by the Church of England and Ireland." The University of London then became a mere examining body, granting degrees, without control of the teaching, while University College received a new charter, without the power of conferring degrees. Among its first Professors was Augustus do Morgan (1806-1871), who was elected to the 144 Britain's Heritage of Science post a year after he had graduated at Cambridge as fourth wrangler. De Morgan, the son of a Colonel in the Indian Army, was born at Madras, but brought to England as a child. He combined exceptional mathematical talents, inherited from his mother, with great powers of exposition, and his lectures attracted many men of distinction. Original in his views and his methods, and possessing great strength of character, he followed the dictates of his conscience without regard to consequences. Shortly after his appoint- ment at University College, he sent in his resignation because a colleague, the Professor of Anatomy, had been dismissed without assigned cause. He subsequently con- sented to be re -appointed when the regulations had been altered so as to prevent a repetition of similar incidents. Ultimately he severed his connexion with University College because the governing body took too narrow a view of the religious neutrality of the college, and refused to appoint Dr. Martineau to one of its Chairs on the ground that he was pledged to Unitarianism. But we are here concerned with his scientific productions. His work on the Differential Calculus is one of those rare books which never seem to become antiquated. Its introductory chapter gives us what is probably the best exposition of the fundamental principles of the Calculus that has yet been given. De Morgan's " Budget of Paradoxes," reprinted after his death from articles that had appeared in the Athenceum, contains, besides an historical account of the vagaries of circle-squaring and the trisection of angles, the views of the author on many subjects. Like many mathematicians, De Morgan was devoted to music ; he was a good player on the flute, and had also a talent for drawing caricatures. Thomas Graham (1805-1869), the first of the series of great chemists who have adorned the laboratories at Gower Street, commenced his studies at Glasgow, and after com- pleting them under Hope and Leslie at Edinburgh, returned to the former city, where for a short time he held the Chair of Chemistry. When in 1837 he was called to University College, London, as Professor of Chemistry, he had already established his reputation as an original investigator. His chief interest was centred in the study of those physical and A. de Morgan, T. Graham, W. H. Wollaston 145 chemical properties which may be expressed in terms of molecular motion. The connexion between the density of gases and the velocity of their diffusion was first investi- gated by him in 1828, but established with greater precision ten years later. The conclusion arrived at, that the velocity of the diffusion is inversely as the square of the density, proves, in the light of subsequent investigation, that the molecules of different gases have at the same temperature the same energy of motion. Graham's investigation covered the whole field, including the inter-diffusion of different gases, their transpiration through capillary tubes, and their effusion into a vacuum, the peculiarities being carefully examined in each case. A further series of papers dealt with molecular motion in liquids, and established the distinction between the inert " colloid " and the more rapidly diffusing " crystalline " substances. These have had important consequences, and we now know that in the col- loidal state we are dealing with molecular aggregates of com- paratively large dimensions, the greater individual masses accounting for the slowness of the movements. Graham's experiments on the passage of liquids through certain membranes opened out a fruitful field of research on the phenomenon called osmosis, which has recently gained great importance. In the domain of pure chemistry, a paper " On water as a constituent of salts " led to results of interest, more especially through the discovery of the polybasic nature of phosphoric acid. W. H. Wollaston (1766-1825), a medical man who gave up his practice in order to devote himself to the study of chemistry, had, in the course of his researches on platinum, discovered two new elements, palladium and rhodium. Investigating the peculiar power which palladium has to absorb hydrogen, Graham came to the conclusion that hydrogen, like a metal, could form alloys, and connecting this with the chemical behaviour of this element in other respects, he formed the idea that it was the vapour of a highly volatile metal, to which he gave -the name of " hydrogenium." The expectation then raised was that hydrogen when con- densed into the liquid or solid form would present the characteristic appearance of a metal, but this was not K 146 Britain's Heritage of Science confirmed when Sir James Dewar actually accomplished the condensation. University College during Graham's time had two Professorships of Chemistry, that of " Practical Chemistry " being held by George Fownes (1815-1849), who, on his death four years after the appointment, was succeeded by Alexander M. Williamson (1824-1904). Like Graham, he was of Scotch descent, but his education was cosmopolitan. After attending schools in London, Paris, and Dijon, and studying chemistry during five years in Germany, he stayed three years in Paris and then returned to England. His most important contribution to science is that which eluci- dated the chemical process by which ether is formed when alcohol is brought into contact with hot sulphuric acid. Apart from the intrinsic importance of the subject, the research illuminated a number of problems in chemical dynamics, and led to a better understanding of " catalytic " actions, by which the presence of a body induces chemical transformations without itself being apparently involved in the change. Organic chemistry owes to Williamson many other fruitful ideas. In inorganic chemistry his views on the constitution of salt solutions, though essentially different from our present ideas of " ionization," yet come sufficiently near to them to have prepared the way for the readier acceptance of the theory subsequently developed by Arrhe- nius. They held the field for a time, and made the process of electrolysis more intelligible, Williamson played an important part in the scientific life of London ; his was a well-known figure at the meetings of the Chemical Society, and he started the publication, in its Journal, of the monthly reports of all papers of a chemical nature published elsewhere. He acted as Foreign Secretary to the Royal Society during sixteen years, and also assisted the efforts made at various times to convert the University of London into a teaching body. In 1855, when Graham resigned the Chair of Chemistry in University College on becoming Master of the Mint, the two Professorships were united, and Williamson continued to hold the combined Chairs until 1886. One of Williamson's colleagues at University College, A. Williamson, C. Wheatstone 147 whose brilliant career was cut short by premature death, may here be referred to. William Kingdon Clifford (1845-1878), second wrangler in 1867, held the Chair of Applied Mathe- matics during eight years, but was stricken with tuberculosis, and died in Madeira. He has left many important con- tributions both to applied and pure mathematics. Among the Professors at King's College appointed at or shortly after its foundation were two men of world-wide reputation, John Frederick Daniell (1790-1845) and Charles Wheatstone (1802-1875). Daniell constructed the first electric cell which was free from the irregularities caused by polarization, so that constant currents could be obtained. He was mainly interested in meteorology, and rendered valuable services in insisting on accurate and systematic observations of the various phenomena on which the physics of the atmosphere depends. His most successful instrument was that by means of which the humidity of the air is determined from the temperature at which dew begins to deposit. Wheatstone began his career as a maker of musical instruments, and during the ten years 1823 to 1833 published a number of papers on sound. In 1831 he was appointed to the Chair of Natural Philosophy at King's College, and three years later conducted some experiments which were devised to measure the velocity with which electrical effects are transmitted along a wire, and the duration of an electric spark. In these experiments a rotating mirror was first used to measure small intervals of time. He was also one of the first to recognize the importance of Ohm's law, and to insist on accurate standards and good methods of measuring electromotive force, resistance and current. The Bakerian Lecture for 1843 contains a descrip- tion of the methods employed by him, including the arrange- ment of wires now familiar to every student of science under the name of the " Wheatstone bridge." As he points out himself, the arrangement was first used by Samuel Hunter Christy (1784-1865), Professor of Mathematics at the Military Academy, Woolwich. Wheatstone was the first to show how a number of clocks can simultaneously be regulated by the electric current. K 2 148 Britain's Heritage of Science In Optics he invented the stereoscope and conducted valuable experiments on the physiology of vision. At the British Association in 1871 he exhibited an instrument by means of which the solar time could be determined by utilizing the polarization of the blue light of the sky. This method, as he explained, has several advantages over the ordinary sundial. Wheatstone's spectroscopic observations and his contributions to telegraphy will be referred to in another place (see pp. 154, 188). The first sight that meets the eye of a visitor entering the Town Hall of Manchester is the statue of Dalton on his left, and that of Joule on his right. These two great men found a congenial home in the town which numbered amongst its citizens others who, long before it became the seat of a University, upheld the dignity and usefulness of its Literary and Philosophical Society. Such were Thomas Henry (1734- 1816), the author of valuable investigations in Chemistry; his son, William Henry (1774r-1836), who studied the laws of absorption of gases by liquids, and William Sturgeon (1783-1850), the inventor of the electro -magnet, who started life as a shoemaker, entered the army as artillerist, became teacher of physics at the military academy of the East India Company, and spent the last twelve years of his life in scientific investigations at Manchester. The ambition of that town to become the seat of a University dates back to the seventeenth century, and though renewed at various times long remained unsatisfied. By the will of John Owens, who died in 1850, a college was founded, which after a period of difficulty rapidly rose to eminence. It numbered among its first professors Edward Frankland (1825-1899), whose researches were fundamental in the development of modern chemistry, and who, next to Davy and Dalton, must pro- bably be considered to be the greatest chemist this country- has ever produced. Having discovered a number of organic substances containing metallic atoms as essential consti- tuents, he investigated the general laws of the formation of chemical compounds, and originated the conception that the atom of an elementary substance can only combine with a certain limited number of atoms of other elements. This led to the discovery of " valency " as the groundwork of E. Frankland, H. E. Roscoe 149 chemical structure. Frankland only stayed six years in Manchester; on returning to London, he became lecturer in Chemistry at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, and subse- quently Professor of Chemistry at the Royal Institution and the School of Mines. The latter years of his life were spent in work connected with the examination and purifica- tion of the water supply. He was made a K.C.B. in 1897, two years before his death. When Frankland, in 1857, resigned his position at Manchester, the choice of a successor lay between Robert Angus Smith (1817-1884) and Henry Enfield Roscoe (1833- 1915). The former was personally known in Manchester, where he resided, and had already done some meritorious work on the impurities found in the air and water of towns, a subject to which he devoted the greater part of his life. Roscoe was only twenty-four years old, but the promise of future success was already foreshadowed in his academic career, and fortunately for Owens College, whose fortunes were then at a low ebb, he was elected to the Professorship. At the age of fifteen, Roscoe had entered University College, London, where he came under the influence of Thomas Graham and Alexander Williamson. After taking his B.A. degree at the University of London, he spent four years at Heidelberg under Bunsen. His activity in Manchester is marked by the foundation of a school of chemistry through which many men of high distinction have passed, and by the happy relations which he established between the industrial community and the academic life which was centred in the college. The prosperity of that institution was soon secured by his strong and genial personality, and when other men eminent both in science and literature had joined its staff, its rise to the dignity of an University became only a question of time. Roscoe was one of the first to point out the need of technical education in this country, but he did not interpret that term in a narrow sense. With him it meant a sound scientific instruction directed towards industrial ends, but not excluding a wider culture. He served on the Royal Commission on Technical Education appointed in 1881, and at the conclusion of its labours received the honour of knighthood. His earnest desire to spread the knowledge and 150 Britain's Heritage of Science appreciation of science led him to organize a series of popular penny lectures which attracted large audiences, who had the privilege of listening to such men as Huxley, Huggins, Stanley Jevons, Clifford, and others scarcely less eminent. Roscoe's first scientific investigations dealt with the chemical action of light. The subject was suggested by Bunsen, and partly carried out in conjunction with him. Apart from the purely scientific interest attaching to the effect of light in inducing hydrogen and chlorine to com- bine, the research was conducted with the practical object of obtaining a means of measuring the actinic value of day- light under different atmospheric conditions. His principal contribution to pure chemistry consists in his investigation of the element vanadium, which established its true position as a trivalent element of the phosphorus group, and showed that the substance Berzelius had considered to be the metal was really its nitride. Among Roscoe's colleagues at Manchester who have helped to establish the reputation of Owens College as an important centre of scientific research, two men stand out prominently: Balfour Stewart (1828-1887) and Osborne Reynolds (1842-1912). It was probably fortunate that a mind of such striking originality as that of Reynolds was never submitted to the discipline of school, though it is difficult to believe that even the severest group-education could have shaped it into a common mould. His father was a clergyman who had passed through the Mathematical Tripos as thirteenth wrangler. The son was brought up at home, and entered the workshop of an engineer at the age of nineteen. He soon found that a knowledge of mathematics was essential to work out the problems that presented them- selves to him, and he decided to go to Cambridge, where he graduated as seventh wrangler in 1867. He then returned to the office of a civil engineer in London, but within a year offered himself as a candidate for the newly-founded Pro- fessorship of Engineering at Owens College. He remained connected with that institution from 1868 to 1905, when he retired owing to failing health. In his methods of instruction Reynolds was a follower of Rankine ; his lectures Henry E. Eoscoe, Osborne Reynolds 151 were sometimes difficult to follow, but capable and earnest students always derived great benefit from them, and he brought up a number of distinguished men who look back with gratitude and affection to the inspiration they received from his instruction. His researches nearly all possessed fundamental import- ance. To quote Horace Lamb 1 : " His work on turbine pumps is now recognized as having laid the foundation of the great modern develop- ment in those appliances, whilst his early investigations on the laws governing the condensation of steam on metal surfaces, and on the communication of heat between a metal surface and a fluid in contact with it, stand in a similar relation to recent improvements in boiler and condenser designs." He laid the scientific foundation of the theory of lubrica- tion, and his papers on hydrodynamics have become classical both on account of their theoretical importance and practical applications. Like Rankine, his mind was not satisfied with finding useful applications of his scientific knowledge, but he took an active interest in all questions which touched the foundation of elemental forces and atomic structure. He was the first to give the correct explanation of Crookes' radiometer, and in his later years he tried to formulate a structure of matter and sether which should account for gravitation as well as for electrical and other forces. What- ever may be the ultimate fate of these speculations, they were worked out in a systematic and original manner, and incidentally contain results of permanent value. Three years after Roscoe's appointment in Manchester, Robert Bellamy Clifton was elected to the Chair of Natural Philosophy, but resigned in 1865 to take the Chair of Experi- mental Physics at Oxford. His successor, William Jack, subsequently Professor of Mathematics at Glasgow, was interested mainly in the theoretical side of the subject, and * resigned in 1870. It fell to his successor, Balfour Stewart, to organize the department as an effective home of research, 1 Obituary Notice of Osborne Reynolds, " Proc. Roy. Soc.," Vol. LXXXVIIL, p. xvi (1913). 152 Britain's Heritage of Science and to take the first step in that direction by fitting up a laboratory, and encouraging students to submit themselves to a training in accurate scientific measurements. Balfour Stewart was brought up for a commercial career, and went out to Australia as a man of business. But his scientific ambitions, inspired as a student at Edinburgh University, soon made him return to that University, where he became assistant to David Forbes. Between 1859 and 1870 Stewart acted as Director of the Kew Observatory, and devoted his energies mainly to investigations on Terrestrial Magnetism. Chiefly interested in the connexion between Terrestrial Magnetism and cosmical phenomena such as the periodicity of sunspots, he did not, in the opinion of some influential members of the Gassiot Committee of the Royal Society, which controlled the work of the Observatory, pay sufficient attention to the routine of observations. Some friction resulted, and the vacancy in the Professorship at Manchester gave him the welcome opportunity of changing over to a more congenial position. Unfortunately, a few weeks after he had delivered his first lecture, he met with a serious injury in one of the most terrible railway accidents that have taken place in this country. After an interval of a year, he recovered sufficiently to take up his work again, and though at the age of forty-three his accident had left him with the appearance of an old man, his mind remained he-h and young. During the time in which Balfour Stewart presided over the Physical Department at Manchester, he counted among his pupils several men who subsequently rose to eminence among them John Poynting and Sir Joseph Thomson. His own work at that time was chiefly statistical, dealing with the periodicities of meteorological and cosmical phenomena. Balfour Stewart's first and most important work on the radiation of heat is much interwoven with the early history of Spectrum Analysis, and affords the opportunity of giving a brief account of that subject, especially as both in what may be called the period of incubation and in its later developments this country took a most important share. As early as 1752, one Thomas Melville, about whose history nothing seems to be known, experimented with Balfour Stewart 153 coloured flames, and noted the yellow colour imparted to a flame by soda. His observations were published in a book bearing the title " Physical and Literary Essays." Exactly fifty years later, William Hyde Wollaston, who has already been mentioned as th discoverer of palladium and rhodium, examined the blue light at the base of a candle flame through a prism, and described the bright bands which appear in its spectrum. Young repeated the experiments, and committed what is perhaps the one great error of his scientific work, when he ascribed the colours seen to effects of diffraction. In these and most of the subsequent observations, the light to be examined is passed through a slit, and traversing a prism is separated into its components. The eye focussing on the slit, with or without lenses, sees it illuminated by the various elementary vibrations which the original light may emit. These vibrations show themselves, therefore, as luminous lines, which are images of the slit. The whole appearance is called a spectrum, of which it is customary to speak as consisting of " lines," a misleading term, because it implies that the " line " is a characteristic of the substance, while it is only an incident of the instrument by which the spectrum is examined. The expression, having been univer- sally adopted, may be retained with the understanding that it is the position of the line which indicates the nature of the light vibration, and therefore characterizes the luminous body. Sir John Herschel investigated coloured flames in 1823, and made two significant observations : " The colours thus communicated by the different gases to flame afford, in many cases, a ready and neat way of detecting extremely minute quantities of them," and " no doubt these tints arise from the molecules of the colouring matter reduced to vapour, and held in a state of violent motion." Fox Talbot in 1826 looked at the red lights occasionally used to illuminate the stage in theatres. He correctly ascribed a red line to nitre, but believed the yellow sodium line to be due to sulphur or water. Eight years later Talbot returned to the subject, and clearly pointed out that " optical analysis can distinguish the minutest portions of these substances (lithium and strontium) from each other with as much certainty, if not more, than any other known method." He also offered the 154 Britain's Heritage of Science remark that " heat throws the molecules of lime into such a state of such rapid vibration that they become capable of influencing the surrounding setherial medium and producing in it the undulations of light." In 1845 William Allen Miller (1817-1870), Professor of Chemistry at King's College, London, published some observa- tions on flame spectra, which were not very accurate, and his plates left it doubtful whether the bright bands or the dark intervals between them ought to be looked upon as the essential feature. This seems to have been one of the stumbling-blocks of early investigators when comparing the continuous spectra of ordinary flames with the discontinuous spectra of incandescent substances. An important contribution to the subject was made by William Swan (1818-1894), who, between 1859 and 1880, held the Professorship of Natural Philosophy at St. Andrew's. Swan was the first to introduce (1847) the collimator into spectroscopic observations, and in 1857 he examined and accurately mapped the spectrum of hydrocarbon flames. He discussed the origin of the ubiquitous yellow line and came to the correct conclusion that it is due to the presence of minute quantities of sodium. The spectra of the electric sparks passing between poles of different metals were first examined by Sir Charles Wheatstone, and described in a communication to the British Association in 1835. Unfortunately an abstract only was published, but even the short account given ought to have drawn attention to the extreme importance of the matter. The spectrum of mercury was observed and accurately de- scribed, and proved to be identical, whether the spark be taken in air, oxygen gas, the vacuum obtained by an air pump, or the Torricellian vacuum. From these observations the correct inference was drawn that the spectrum is the result of the volatilization and ignition (not combustion) of the ponderable matter contained in the spark. The spectra of zinc, cadmium, bismuth and lead were also obtained by taking the sparks from poles of the melted metals. The paper was published in full in the Chemical News in 1861, and was then found to contain this significant passage : " the number, position, and colour of these lines differ in each of the metals Spectrum Analysis 155 employed. These differences are so obvious that any one metal may be instantly distinguished from the others by the appearance of its spark, and we have here a mode of dis- criminating metallic bodies more ready even than chemical examination, and which may be hereafter employed for useful purposes." Wheatstone himself fully realized the im- portance of the subject, as is shown by his remark that " the peculiar effects produced by electrical action on different metals depend, no doubt, on molecular structure, and con- tain hence a new optical means of examining the internal mechanism of matter." So much for what was known of the emission spectra of luminous bodies before the date of Kirchhoff and Bunsen's work; let us now turn to the phenomena of absorption. Wollaston was the first who mentioned the dark lines which traverse the spectrum of solar light, but he seems to have looked upon them mainly as lines separating the different colours, though he points out two of them that were not. During the researches which Fraunhofer, the famous optical instrument maker of Munich, conducted with a view to improving the methods of determining the refractive indices of different kinds of glass, sunlight was examined, and found to contain many fine dark lines in its spectrum ; these are now called " Fraunhofer lines." A large number of them were carefully mapped, and the most prominent served him as standards for his measurements; but he examined also the light of a luminous flame and that of some of the stars and planets. The first experiments date back to 1814; nine years later he returned to the subject and measured the wave-lengths of the principal lines by means of his gratings. He pointed out that by using a blow- pipe he could obtain a flame which emits a close doublet of yellow light coincident with the solar lines D. Fraunhofer examined the spectrum of the " electric light," and noticed bright lines; he used the spark of an electric machine as source of illumination and apparently took what we now know to be the spectrum of air as characteristic of the electric source of illumination. Of greater importance are his observations on the spectra of the stars and planets, which allowed him to recognize that the planets, like the moon, 156 Britain's Heritage of Science have a spectrum identical with that of the sun, but that some of the stars, like Sirius, show only a few very strong lines. Sir David Brewster in 1834 compared the solar spectrum observed by him with Fraunhofer's drawings, and noticing additional lines which change with the position of the sun, ascribed them correctly to effects produced in our own atmosphere. He had already in 1832 referred with approval to Herschel's suggestion that the dark Fraunhofer lines were produced by absorption in the atmosphere of the celestial bodies. An interesting observation which ought to have attracted attention at the time, but, like many others, was only saved from oblivion when the method of spectrum analysis had been permanently established, was made in France by Foucault. In the spectrum of the voltaic arc, he noticed the presence of what we now know to be the sodium lines, and identified them with Fraunhofer's line D. He found further that on passing the sunlight through the arc, these lines became darker, and further discovered that the lines under certain conditions may be reversed hi the arc itself. In all these observations many important facts were recorded, but the ideas on radiation were vague at the time and no effort was made to connect it with absorption. Stokes; in his own mind, seems to have been clear on the matter, and in private conversation with Lord Kelvin " explained the connexion of the dark and bright line (of sodium) by the analogy of a set of piano strings tuned to the same note, which if struck would give out that note, and also would be ready to sound it, to take it up, in fact, if it were sounded in air. This would imply absorption of the aerial vibrations, as otherwise there would be creation of energy." 1 At this stage historically, but in ignorance of much of what has been described, Balfour Stewart undertook a comprehensive investigation of the subject of radiation and absorption. Adopting Preevost's views that equilibrium of temperature means a balance between absorption and radiation, he 1 The quotation is from a letter addressed by Stokes to Sir J. Lubbock (afterwards Lord Avebury) ; see G. G. Stokes, " Memoir and Correspondence," by Sir J. Larmor, Vol. II., p. 75. Spectrum Analysis 157 applied for the first time the ideas of the principle of con- servation of energy to the subject, by considering an enclosure impermeable to heat radiations and at a uniform temperature. This led him to the conclusion that the internal radiation must everywhere be the same and only depend on temperature. The rest follows easily : absorption and radiation must bear a constant relation to each other in such an enclosure. He illustrated the results by many striking experiments. Much has been written about the relative merits of several observers who anticipated, in various directions, the great work of Kirchhoff and Bunsen. But the history of science should not aim at assigning marks of merit to different investigators. What interests us is how a great generalization gradually matures, how it begins frequently with the observation of isolated facts, generally overlooked at first because their importance is not recognized. It may be that some link between the disconnected observations is wanting; it may be that experiment has gone ahead of theory or theory may be waiting to be confirmed by ex- periment. When the time is ripe, someone with a better appreciation of the significance of the facts or a deeper insight into their mutual connexion touches the matter with a master hand, and presents it hi a form which carries conviction. Though he may have worked in ignorance of what has been done before, he has worked in an atmosphere in which previous ideas and tendencies of thought have been absorbed, and in general he owes something to the pioneers who have gone before him. In some cases the succession of events which lead to a discovery may be compared to what would happen if a delicate balance carried on one side the arguments in favour of a new idea, and on the other hand the objections which are brought against it. At first the side that bears the objections is much the heaviest; as time goes on the difference becomes less marked, sometimes by the removal of objections, but more frequently by increased evidence in favour of the new idea. Ultimately when sufficient weight is put on that side, a point is reached when the balance tips over. This is the psycho- logical moment when the discovery is accepted, and he who adds the last grain is technically the discoverer. Those 158 Britain's Heritage of Science who started loading the scale are then forgotten, unless someone with a taste for historical continuity happens to come across the record of their work. Especially when some national feeling is involved, discussions on priority may then be raised, and continued interminably, because there will always be a conflict between those who attach importance to the intrinsic merit of an investigation and those who look only on the actual influence it has had on scientific thought. In the strict administration of historical justice, oral expressions of opinion like that of Stokes are not admitted as evidence; he himself disclaimed any share in the discovery of spectrum analysis. But as a testimony that the analogy of sound can be applied to the radiations of light and heat, it was a distinct step, and a well ascer- tained and clear pronouncement such as that which passed between Stokes and Kelvin deserves to be placed on record, without detracting from the merit of others. In order to appreciate correctly Balfour Stewart's work the following consideration is important. If the foundation of spectrum analysis be made to depend on such laws of radiation as can be derived from the consideration of what happens inside an enclosure of uniform temperature, his priority is well established. He undoubtedly was the first to realize the significance of studying the equilibrium of heat inside such enclosures, and led the way in a direction of research which has proved to be of capital importance in the theory of radiation. But as regards their practical bearing on spectrum analysis, too much weight has been given to theoretical considerations founded on thermal equilibrium. In all spectroscopic observations, the loss or gain of heat is the essential factor. The step which takes us from the uniform enclosure to the radiation and absorp- tion when there is no equilibrium is not so simple as has generally been assumed, and it is safer to accept spectrum analysis as being mainly founded on experiment together with such plausible theoretical analogies between sound and light as were pointed out by Stokes. In this respect, the work of Herschel, Talbot, Wheatstone, and Swan is of greater importance in the history of spectrum analysis than the theoretical work of Balfour Stewart, who, however, also Spectrum Analysis 159 illustrated his views by striking experiments on the relation between radiation and absorption. Incidentally, he corrected a wrong idea based on erroneous experiments by a Dr. Bache in the United States, who claimed to have shown that, while the surface colour greatly affected the absorption, it had no effect on the radiation of a body. Bearing in mind what has been said, it is not surprising that, notwithstanding all that had been done before their time, Kirchhoff's and Bunsen's work created a deep impression. The combination of a physicist and chemist was almost necessary to bring out the full significance of the observations ; and the accumulated experimental evidence furnished by them was complete in itself, and left no doubt as to the value of the new method of investigation, which formed not only a most delicate test of the chemical nature of substances which we handle in the laboratory, but would also be applied to the analysis of any light-emitting body however great its distance might be. It is well known how the spectroscope at once revealed a number of new metals, among them being thallium, which was first identified by Sir William Crookes. The further development of the subject disclosed a far greater potentiality of the spectroscopic attack than was dreamed of by its originators. At first it was considered that the spectrum was an atomic property ; in other words, that each atom preserved its spectrum when combined with other elements, so long at any rate as the substance remained in the gaseous state. There was not much oppo- sition to the next step, by which compounds were shown to have independent spectra, but when it appeared that even one and the same element could give a number of different spectra under different conditions, fresh fields of investigation were opened out. In the further elucidation of the subject, this country has helped as much as, and perhaps more than, any other. It will be sufficient to mention the work of Lockyer, Liveing and Dewar, and the investi- gations of Lord Rayleigh on the Optics of the Spectroscope, which, by pointing out the limits of their power for given optical appliances, have shown the direction in which an extension of these limits is possible. In the investigation of the absorption spectra of organic compounds a prominent 160 Britain's Heritage of Science place must be given to Sir William Abney and Walter Noel Hartley (1846-1913). The success of Manchester in establishing great research schools encouraged other cities to introduce university teaching into great manufacturing centres. But Man- chester had a start of over twenty years, and its record is necessarily greater for that reason alone. Nevertheless, some of the younger universities soon attracted men of eminence, and of these, two stand out prominently, Arthur Riicker (1848-1915) and John Poynting (1852-1914), the first Pro- fessors of Physics at Leeds and Birmingham respectively. Although Riicker was only connected with Leeds Univer- sity during eleven years, much of his scientific work origi- nated during that time ; and notably his researches on thin films, carried on jointly with Professor Reinold. From the colours of soap bubbles or of similar films their thickness may be calculated, but as they thin out, the colour effects disappear, and the film is black by reflected light. This means that its thickness is less than the wave-length of light and can not be measured by the simple optical method. In order to investigate the molecular phenomena which ultimately lead to the breaking of the film, Reinold and Riicker undertook the extremely difficult task of measuring the thicknesses of films when they are too thin for the colour test to be applied. Their first method consisted in determining the electric resistance of the films, the second in increasing the number of films, until their aggregate thickness became as great as the wave-length of light. Both methods led to the same results, and some delicate points in the subject of Molecular Physics were cleared up by the investigation. It is not possible here to enter more fully into other important researches of Riicker, which included the two great magnetic surveys of the United Kingdom, carried out in association with his friend, Sir Edward Thorpe. Riicker was an organizer and administrator of the highest ability, and left the mark of his activity on all the institutions with which he was connected. In 1886 he was appointed Pro- fessor of Physics at the Normal College of Science in London, and in 1896 elected Secretary of the Royal Society; both James Prescott Joule Arthur Riicker, John Poynting 161 positions he gave up when he accepted the Principalship of London University in 1901. John Poynting was the first Professor of Physics at Mason College (now the University), Birmingham. He was brought up in Manchester, and obtained his first instruction in Physics from Balfour Stewart. In due course he went to Cambridge, graduated as third wrangler, and was elected to a Fellowship at Trinity College in 1878. For a time he worked in the Cavendish Laboratory, and in 1880 went to Birmingham, where he remained until his death. Poynting belonged to the rare type of men who are more critical of their own work than of that produced by others. The number of his papers is therefore comparatively small, but each of them marks some definite and generally important step. He broke new ground when he investigated the path along which energy may be considered to be propagated in an electromagnetic field, and the vector, by means of which he represented the magnitude and direction of the transmitted energy, has proved to be a fruitful conception. His in- vestigations on the " pressure of light " have also led to many interesting consequences, which are likely to gain considerable importance in questions connected with the constitution of the sun and stars. In another series of experiments he attacked the difficult problem of gravitational attraction and showed how an apparently unpromising method may be skilfully applied so as to give valuable results. Turning to the share of non-academic workers in the recent progress of science, it is not surprising that it tends to become less prominent, various reasons combining to render it more and more difficult for the so-called amateurs to hold their own. It is now generally only in those subjects which, in consequence of great specialization, have become almost entirely self-contained, that a man who is unable to devote his whole time to study can hope to produce original work of high quality. The most effectual of the contributing causes has, however, probably been the growth of the universities and their emancipation from the narrow ideas of the Middle Ages. There is a university within the reach of nearly everyone and men are drawn into the academic L 162 Britain's Heritage of Science profession who previously would have had to pursue their science in solitude. But when all is said, much valuable work is still being done, and was to an even greater extent being done last century, by men who can only spare their leisure to the pursuit of science. The work of the most prominent of them may be briefly summarized. Francis Baily (1774-1844), the third son of a banker. at Newbury, may serve as an example of a man who, without exceptional abilities, exerted a great and beneficial influence on the science of his time by perseverance, organizing power, and an unselfish devotion to its interests. After a long and adventurous journey to America, on which he spent three years of his early life, he engaged in commercial pursuits. While he was earning a considerable fortune, he found time to write an important work on the " Doctrine of Interest and Annuities analytically investigated and expounded," and a similar book on the " Doctrine of Life Annuities and Assurances." Through an acquaintance with the chemist Priestley, he had developed a taste for experimental enquiry, and later he became interested in astronomy, to which subject he devoted himself entirely after his retirement from business in 1825. He was one of the founders of the Royal Astronomical Society, and acted as its secretary during the first three years of its existence. He did not himself observe, but his critical and historical work proved to be of great value. The publication of serviceable star catalogues, first for the Astronomical Society and then for the British Association, is mainly due to his zeal. His experimental work included the investigation of the effects of air resistance on the time of swing of a pendulum, and a repetition of the Michell-Cavendish experiment on gravitational attraction. John Peter Gassiot (1797-1877), originally a wine merchant, was the first who systematically studied the luminosity observed when an electric discharge passes through gases at low pressure. The glass tubes with metal electrodes which he had constructed for the purpose soon came into common use under the name of Geissler tubes. Gassiot was not only a successful experimenter, but also a benefactor who used his wealth in encouraging and pro- moting science. His gift of 10,000 to the Royal Society, Baily, Gassiot, Grove, Schunck 163 to be devoted to the carrying out of magnetical and meteorological observations with self-recording instruments, has proved to be of special value. Lord Justice Grove (18111896), while actively engaged in practice at the Bar, found time to invent the electric battery which goes by his name, and was, before the days of electrodynamos, the most convenient appliance for the production of large currents. Many of his electrical and chemical experiments were of value, and his book on the correlation of physical forces gives proof of a wide outlook in science. William Spottiswoode (1825-1883), the head of the well-known printing firm, was at the same time an eminent mathematician, and his scientific attainments were sufficiently distinguished to justify his election to the Presidency of the Royal Society, an office which he held at the time of his death. Edward Schunck was the typical man of independent means who unselfishly devotes his whole time and wealth to the pursuit of knowledge. He was born in Manchester in 1820, his father having founded an important business in that city. He studied chemistry in Germany, and shortly after his return to England, settled down to research work mainly connected with the colouring matter derived from plants. Alizarin, the colouring substance of madder, attracted his first attention, and his investigations prepared the way for its subsequent artificial production. He also made important additions to our knowledge of the chemical composition of indigo and chlorophyll. His laboratory, containing a finely ornamented room used as a library, was beautifully fitted out for purposes of research. Its contents were left to Owens College by his will, and ultimately the laboratory was taken down and re-erected as an annexe to the Chemical Laboratories of the Manchester University, where it is now entirely devoted to research work. Henry Clifton Sorby (1826-1909) was another of the busy men of so-called leisure who devote their lives to the pursuit of science. His instrument was the microscope, and he began investigating the minute structures of minerals L 2 164 Britain's Heritage of Science with a view to elucidating problems of geology. By studying sections of rocks he laid the foundation of modern petro- graphy and, devising methods for the examination of metal surfaces, he originated a new era in the science of metal- lurgy. He became interested in metals because he wanted to examine the structure of meteorites. Not being able to cut sections sufficiently thin to be transparent, he applied acid to the polished surfaces, which then showed patterns indicating the manner in which the crystallized parts of the body hang together. The same method applied to ordi- nary metals, and more especially to steel, has led to results of far-reaching importance in practical engineering. It is difficult to assign a correct position in the history of science to a man whose work is entirely neglected and buried, to be brought to light only when its novelty has disappeared. Such a man has had no influence in shaping scientific thought, yet his merits are as great as if his discoveries had been acknowledged at the time. John Waterston (1811-1884) probably furnishes the most con- spicuous example of a long-continued neglect of work which would have marked a great advance in knowledge, had it been recognized at the time of its maturity. A paper which contains results of the highest value in the theory of gases was presented to the Royal Society, but only a short and insufficient abstract was printed. In the words of Lord Rayleigh : " the omission to publish it at the time was a misfortune which probably retarded the development of the subject by fifteen years." In the complete investi- gation discovered in the archives of the Royal Society by Lord Rayleigh and published in the Philosophical Trans- actions fifty years after it had been communicated, it is shown how the kinetic theory can explain in a simple manner the physical behaviour of perfect gases. It is proved that the kinetic energy of a molecule is a measure of its temperature, whatever the nature of the gas, and it contains the discovery though imperfectly demonstrated that " in mixed media the mean square molecular velocity is inversely proportional to the specific weight of the molecules." The ratio of the specific heats of constant pressure and volume is calculated for molecules exhibiting internal motions, only H. C. Sorby, J. Waterston, G. Airy 165 a slip of calculation preventing the correct result being obtained. Of Waterston's life very little is known. He was born in Edinburgh in 1811, and showed great aptitude for mathe- matics while at the High School of that town. He then became Naval Instructor in the service of the East India Company. After his retirement he lived in various towns of Scotland, and finally at Edinburgh. One evening in the spring of 1884, he left his lodgings for his evening walk, and was never seen again. It is supposed that he went to Leith to look at a new breakwater which was being constructed there, and that he accidentally fell into the water and was swept away by the tide ; but this rests on surmise only. Among professional British astronomers during the last century four men stand out prominently : Sir George Airy, Sir John Herschel, John Crouch Adams, and Sir David Gill. When Airy was called to take charge, first of the Observatory of Cambridge and later of the Royal Observatory at Greenwich, he had already made his name famous by his mathematical and optical investigations, which have been mentioned in connexion with his career at Cambridge. In astronomy he proved himself to be equally eminent as an administrator and investigator. He introduced revolutionary reforms in the practice of observatories by insisting on a rapid reduction and publication of all observations. After his appointment as Astronomer Royal, he set to work at once to reduce the series of observations of planets which had accumulated during eighty years without any use having been made of them. This was followed up by a similar reduction of 8,000 lunar observations. He was equally energetic in adding to the instrumental equipment. When Greenwich was first founded, the longitude determination at sea depended to a great extent on measuring the distance between stars and the moon. Hence accurate tables of the position of the moon were essential, and the preparation of these tables has always been considered to be the chief care of Greenwich. The observations were made with a transit telescope which could only be used when the moon was passing the meridian, until Airy in 1843 persuaded the Board of Visitors to take steps for constructing a new instrument which would enable him to observe the moon 166 Britain's Heritage of Science in any position. In 1847 this instrument was at work, and other important additions to the equipment were made as occasion arose. Airy also originated the automatic system by which the Greenwich time signals are transmitted each day throughout the country. Among his theoretical investi- gations in pure astronomy, one of the most important resulted in the discovery of a new inequality in the motions of Venus and the earth due to their mutual attraction, and this led to an improvement in the solar tables. Sir John Herschel (1792-1871) was the only son of the great astronomer whose work was considered in a previous chapter. After graduating as senior wrangler in 1813, he joined a number of friends in their efforts to reform the teaching of mathematics at Cambridge. The astronomical problems which had occupied the later years of Sir William's life then attracted the son, who, after his father's death, completed the work on double stars, and published an important memoir on their orbits. In 1833 he embarked for the Cape, in order to extend to the southern hemisphere the general survey of the heavens which his father had carried out in the northern sky. It was to a great extent a spirit of loyalty to his father which kept him to the subject of astronomy, for his own bent of mind drew him more towards physics and chemistry. He discovered the solvent power of hyposulphite of soda on otherwise insoluble salts of silver, a property which later proved so useful in photography. As a writer he was clear and effective. His article on " Light " in the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana forms an excellent record of what was known at the time, and his " Outlines of Astronomy " may still serve as a useful book of reference. The work of Adams has already been described in a previous chapter (p. 125). David Gill (1843-1914), after a period of study at the University of Aberdeen, entered his father's business, which consisted in the making of clocks. But his interest in science, stimulated by the influence of Clerk Maxwell, who for a time held a Professorship at Marischall College, soon asserted itself, and he established a physical and chemical laboratory in his father's house Turning his attention to Sir John Herschel, Sir David Gill 167 astronomy, he became acquainted with, and ultimately engaged as private assistant by, Lord Lindsay, an enthusiastic amateur astronomer, then about to erect a private observatory at Dunecht. He accompanied Lord Lindsay in his expedition to Mauritius, undertaken for the purpose of observing the transit of Venus in 1874. This rare event, as previously explained in connexion with its first observation by J. Horrocks, serves to determine the distance between the earth and the sun, but alternative methods promising more accurate results had already been suggested. The relative distances of the different planets from the sun being known by their times of revolution, we may substitute the measure- ment of the distance of any one planet which is in a suitable position for the direct determination of the solar distance. Certain planets occasionally approach the earth sufficiently near to apply this method. As the earth turns round its axis, the observer's point of view is sufficiently altered between a morning and evening observation to show a measurable shift in the position of a planet as compared with that of the surrounding stars. While at Mauritius Gill found that one of the minor planets, Juno, happened to be suitably placed to test the method, and he obtained most encouraging results. A good opportunity of pursuing the investigation presented itself in 1877, when the situ- ation of the planet Mars was exceptionally favourable for the purpose. Gill left the service of Lord Lindsay and established himself on the island of Ascension. Though the results obtained were good, Gill confirmed his conclusion that the minor planets were better suited for accurate measurements. He returned to the subject ten years later, and a combination of observations of three minor planets, made partly by Gill at the Cape and partly by other astronomers whom he had interested in the work, has given us the best determination of the solar parallax we possess. In 1879 Gill was appointed Astronomer Royal at the Cape, and he directed the work of the observatory with distinguished success until 1906. Unbounded perseverance, unrivalled skill in observing, and an exceptional mechanical knowledge which served him in the design of instruments were combined in his person to a rare degree. A favourite 168 Britain's Heritage of Science instrument of his, the potentialities of which for accurate measurements he was the first to recognize, was the helio- meter, the essential par of which consists of an object-glass divided into two halves, which could be made to slide along the dividing line. If the image of a star formed by one half be brought into coincidence with the image of a neigh- bouring star formed by the other half, the angular distance between the stars is indicated by a suitable measuring arrangement. With a telescope of this construction Gill instituted a series of observations for the determination of stellar parallaxes, which raised the subject up to a higher plane. Another important research carried out by Gill with the assistance of others was the determination of the mass of Jupiter by observations of his satellites. Gill was not only an eminent investigator; large ideas originated in his mind, and were pushed forward with unlimited energy. He originated the great international enterprise for cataloguing and charting the whole sky by photography. He also successfully advocated an accurate trigonometrical survey of the whole of South Africa, and formed a scheme for the measurement of an arc of meridian which should run along the thirtieth meridian east of Green- wich through the whole length of Africa to the mouth of the Nile, and connect by triangulation through the Levant with the Roumanian and Russian arcs. He secured the assistance of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, and the work, though frequently inter- rupted, partly through the political troubles in Africa and partly through want of money, was proceeding slowly when stopped by the outbreak of the present war. Gill's scientific activity was continued after his return to England, and during the last years of his life he endeavoured to stimulate the manufacture of optical glass in this country. His efforts deserved a better response than they received and though they were primarily directed towards securing the large blocks required for telescopes, the whole question of glass manufacture, which has since become of such pressing importance, was involved. By his death British science lost an intensive driving force. While professional astronomers carried on their excellent researches the great improvements in the construction of D. Gill, Lord Hosse, W. de la Rue 169 reflecting telescopes during the nineteenth century was entirely the work of amateurs. William Parsons, third Earl of Rosse (1800-1867), took the first step in 1827. As William Herschel had never published his methods, there was no established procedure to shape concave mirrors. Lord Rosse had to start from the beginning, and to invent the machine for grinding and polishing the speculum metal to the required shape. After a number of attempts he was eminently successful, and in 1845 completed a mirror six feet hi dia- meter with a focal length of nearly sixty feet. The structure necessary to hold and move such a gigantic telescope pre- sented considerable engineering difficulties, but these were overcome, with the result that Lord Rosse was soon able to announce a number of important discoveries. Many luminosities that had been classed as nebulae were found to consist of closely packed star clusters. Others remained unresolved, and among them the interesting family of spiral nebulae was recorded. Further improvements in the methods of shaping and polishing mirrors are due to William Lassell (1799-1880) and James Nasmyth (1808-1890). The former, a Lancashire brewer, had already, in 1820, constructed a small telescope with his own hands, being too poor to purchase one. Later he improved on Lord Rosse 's methods, and with a larger instrument discovered two new satellites of Uranus, a satellite of Neptune, and an eighth satellite of Saturn. James Nasmyth, chiefly known as the inventor of the steam hammer, was also much interested in astronomy. The sharpness of his vision and quality of his instrument is shown by his observations of the granular structure of the solar surface which no one had noticed before him. Warren de la Rue (1815-1889), a member of the well- known printing firm, was a generous supporter of many scientific enterprises. In early life he had made further improvements in the process of shaping concave mirrors, and successfully constructed a reflecting telescope. He was the first to appreciate the opportunities offered to astronomers by the invention of photography, and in 1860 fitted out an expedition to observe a total eclipse in Spain. The slow acting plates of the time were not sufficiently sensitive to show the solar corona which appears during an eclipse, but 170 Britain's Heritage of Science the red flames shooting out from the edge of the sun were clearly shown in his photographs. This was an important achievement, as there had been some doubt whether these so-called protuberances were real phenomena belonging to the sun. De la Rue also introduced the daily photographic record of the sun, originally carried out at Kew, and now at Greenwich and other places in the British Empire. So far all concave mirrors used in reflecting telescopes had been made of speculum metal, an alloy of tin and copper, which tarnishes in the course of time. A process of polishing almost as troublesome as the original shaping of the surface had then to be undertaken. It was, therefore, a substantial step in advance when Andrew Ainslie Common (1841-1903), an engineer by profession, introduced mirrors made of glass silvered at the surface, for the silvering could be renewed without interfering with the shape of the surface. Common acquired great skill in grinding the surfaces of glass ; one of his mirrors, three feet in diameter, is now at work at the Lick Observatory, and a five-foot mirror forms part of the equipment of Harvard. The photograph which Common obtained of the nebulae in Orion first showed the complicated structure of that wonderful object, and was described by Sir William Abney as " epoch-making in astronomical photography." With the introduction of dry plates a new era began for Astronomy, and one of the most persevering and successful workers in the field was Isaac Roberts (1829-1904), whose beautiful collection of photographs of celestial objects, and notably of nebulae, form a permanent record which will in the future prove of the greatest value. Roberts was a builder by profession. In 1890, the year after his retirement from business, he moved from Liverpool to Crowborough, in Sussex, where the clear air allowed him to produce his finest work. Until the middle of last century the astronomer was confined in his observations to the use of the telescope ; he could determine the position of stars,investigate their displace- ments in the sky, and examine the structure of star clusters and nebulae. Beyond this he was unable to go, until the invention of the spectroscope gave him the power to extend A. Common, I. Roberts, J. N. Lockyer 171 his range in an unexpected direction. The history of science can furnish no more striking instance of an almost unlimited field of research suddenly opened out by a simple application of a few laboratory experiments. The most successful of the workers who utilized the great opportunities provided by the new method of Spectrum Analysis were Sir Norman Lockyer and Sir William Huggins. Lockyer's first great achievement was the observation in broad daylight of the prominences which up to that time could only be seen during total solar eclipses. He proved that they mainly consisted of glowing hydrogen. The merit of the discovery is in no way diminished by its having almost simultaneously been made by the French astronomer Janssen. Continuing his researches, Lockyer established that the upper layer of the sun's atmo- sphere, which reveals itself at the edge of the solar disc in the form of a bright line spectrum, consisted mainly of the lighter metals such as calcium and barium with hydrogen. A bright yellow line was also universally present which could not be identified as belonging to any known element. Lockyer conjectured that it was due to an unknown gas which he called helium; this gas, as will appear, was subse- quently discovered on the earth, and is found to play a most important part in modern physics. The identification of terrestrial elements in the atmosphere of the sun or stars ultimately proved not such a simple matter as was at first supposed, because the relative intensities of the lines emitted by a luminous body, and sometimes the whole spectrum, changed when the conditions were altered. Lockyer turned this complication to good account by trying to gauge not only the substance itself, but its temperature and physical con- dition in the celestial bodies. He was thus led to his meteoric hypothesis of the formation and subsequent evolution of the solar systems, into which it is not possible to enter here. The most memorable discovery with which the name of Huggins is connected is the measurement of the velocity of stellar bodies in the line of sight. A body moving directly towards, or away from, us keeps the same apparent position in the sky, but just as the whistle of a locomotive alters its pitch when, after approaching us, it passes and then moves away, so is the wave of light received by us affected according 172 Britain's Heritage of Science as a star is receding or approaching. Huggins showed how this principle can be applied to stellar motion, and thus laid the foundation of a branch of astronomy which is continuously growing in importance. Previously Huggins had, in conjunction with W. A. Miller, carefully mapped some star spectra; he also had investigated the spectra of nebulae, and found that some of them consisted of glowing gases. In subsequent researches he found the luminosity of comets' tails to be mainly due to carbon compounds. By patient and painstaking work Huggins further developed the methods of obtaining photographic records of stellar spectra, and the important results obtained formed the starting point for the many distinguished astronomers who have since taken up the work. Before leaving the subject of Astronomy reference must be made to a notable advance in the construction of re- fracting telescopes. During the middle of last century, the largest lens made had a diameter of sixteen inches. At the exhibition of 1862, Messrs. Chance, of Birmingham, exhibited glass discs of crown and flint twenty-six inches in diameter, and Mr. Robert Stirling Newall (1812-1889), of Gateshead, induced Messrs. Cook, of York, to construct from these discs an achromatic lens of twenty-five inches. This was successfully accomplished, and the telescope is now doing excellent work in the Astrophysical Observatory of Cam- bridge. Larger instruments have been made since, but the step from sixteen to twenty-five inches is one which deserves a permanent record in the history of the subject. Modern astronomy, like other branches of science, depends so much on photography that a brief account of the history of this interesting and fascinating art may be here introduced. The darkening action of light on silver chloride was first discovered and investigated by the Swedish chemist Scheele. W. H. Wollaston had observed that the colour of the yellow gum guaiacum was altered by the action of light, and Sir Humphry Davy had noted a similar effect in the case of moist oxide of lead. The first actual photographic print was obtained in 1802 by Thomas Wedgwood (1771-1805), who threw shadows on paper moistened with a solution of silver nitrate, and obtained prints giving the outlines of the W. Huggins, R. S. Newall, W. Abney 173 shadows, but his picture was evanescent, as he was unable to fix it. Rudimentary as this procedure was, it contained the germ of the future contact printing. Next came the work of Daguerre and Niepce in France, resulting in the well-known daguerreotype. In 1840 Sir John Herschel introduced hyposulphite of soda as a fixing agent, and in 1841 Fox Talbot greatly improved Wedgwood's original process, using silver iodide on paper sensitized by " gallo- nitrate of silver." The introduction of collodion as a con- venient vehicle holding the silver salts was first suggested by G. le Gray, and put to practical use by Frederick Scott Archer and P. W. Fry. In the subsequent development of the dry plate important progress was due to R. Manners Gordon, W. B. Bolton, and B. J. Sayce. The gelatine emulsion process was used by R. L. Maddox in 1871 and by J. King in 1873, but first introduced in a workable form by R. Kennett in 1874. The merit of giving rapidity of action to dry plates belongs to C. Bennett (1878). Further progress was made by Colonel Stuart Wortley and by W. B. Bolton in 1879. 1 The modern theory of photography almost entirely depends on the investigations of Sir William Abney. He introduced scientific methods in the measurement of the sensitiveness of plates, investigated the effects of tempera- ture, and showed the important influence which the size of the sensitive particles had on their behaviour in different parts of the spectrum. He was thus able to obtain a silver bromide sensitive to the red light, and was the first to photograph the infra-red rays of the solar spectrum. A f@w words should be said about the history of colour photography. Lord Rayleigh pointed out in 1887 how particles of silver might be deposited in layers half a wave- length apart. A film containing such layers would have the power of reflecting copiously that special kind of light which had served to form it. This process was actually employed to reproduce natural colour effects by M. Lippmann, of Paris ; but it suffers from the disadvantage that the correct 1 For a fuller account of the history of photographic processes, see the article on " Photography," by Sir Wm. Abney, in the " Encyclopaedia Britannica," Xlth ed. 174 Britain's Heritage of Science colours are given only when the light falls on the film at the particular angle under which it was originally produced. The process of Joly, introduced in 1897, is free from this defect ; the principle on which it is based is the same as that subsequently employed with great success by " A. Lumiere et Fils," of Lyons, whose method of working, however, differs materially from that of Joly. Photography is looked upon by some as a pleasant pastime, by others as an art. The chemical and physical properties of matter which allow the rays of light to form a latent picture, to be subsequently developed, fixed and printed, are in themselves a fascinating study, and there is no limit to the utility of photography as an aid hi scientific investigations. Here, as elsewhere, science exerts its greatest charm when it forms a connecting link between the ordinary interests of our daily life and the abstract questions which engage the attention of academic philosophers. Thus, nearly all problems of geophysics have both an intensely practical and a deeply theoretical side. The commonplace necessity of defining the boundaries of land leads to the demand for accurate maps, and this, again, opens out investigations on the figure and size of the earth. One question suggests another, until abstruse mathematical pro- blems acquire a special interest owing to their connexion with the history of the world's formation. Similarly, fore- casts of weather that shall be helpful to the farmer demand a study of aero -dynamics, involving mathematical treatment, combined with experimental work of high precision, and the ordinary phenomenon of the tides takes us inevitably to problems demanding the genius of such men as Kelvin and George Darwin. The ordinary making of maps is a task belonging to the Government services, and it is to officers in the Army and the officials in charge of the various surveys at home, or in the colonies, that we are mainly indebted for our knowledge of geodesy. Such work, important as it is, often receives insufficient acknowledgment because, being co-operative, the share of each man cannot always be clearly defined. But a few examples may be given. Captain Henry Kater (1777-1835), the son of a sugar Henry Kater, Edward Sabine 175 baker, entered the army and joined his regiment in Madras. He had a taste for mathematics, and became assistant to William Lambton, who was conducting a survey of the Malabar and Coromandel coast. After his return to England he took part in the British survey, and turned his attention to the improvement of accurate geodetic and astronomical measurements. Kater 's pendulum is an ingenious arrange- ment for eliminating the errors due to an irregular distribu- tion of mass in the ordinary pendulum when it is used for gravity measurements. The determination of the difference in longitude between Paris and Greenwich gave him further opportunities for exercising his ingenuity in devising new methods of observation. In 1827 Kater was elected Treasurer of the Royal Society, and held that position during three years. General Sir Edward Sabine (1788-1883) organized world- wide observations on gravity, and the elements of terrestrial magnetism. The importance of his work calls for a short account of his life. He was educated at the Woolwich Military Academy, and received a commission in the Royal Artillery at the age of fifteen. After seeing much active service, he returned to England in 1816. Shortly afterwards he was appointed astronomer to the Arctic Expedition which sailed under Ross in search of the North-West Passage, and after his return home took part in a second Arctic Expedition under Edward Parry. In 1823 he undertook an extensive journey to measure the value of the gravitational force at different points of the earth's surface. In 1830 he was recalled to active service, the condition of Ireland necessitating an increased military establishment. He stayed in Ireland until 1837, using part of his time to organize the first magnetic survey of the British Isles. During his subsequent life, which was entirely devoted to science, he was indefa- tigable in getting magnetic observatories established in many countries, and promoting further pendulum observa- tions, more especially in India, where ever since they have formed an important part of the Government Survey's work. Sabine was Treasurer of the Royal Society from 1850 to 1861, and during the following ten years he filled the position of President. 176 Britain's Heritage of Science Most distinguished among the Directors of the British Survey was Alexander Ross Clarke (1828-1914), who has given us the most accurate determination so far obtained of the size and figure of the earth. He was concerned in several of the principal measurements of meridional arcs, and in 1860 was entrusted with the comparison of the national standards of different countries, a most delicate piece of work, which required the building of a separate room at the Ordnance Survey Office. Our account of the progress of Meteorology must be short and incomplete, but we may recall William Charles Wells (1757-1817), the London doctor who first gave the correct explanation of the formation of dew, Luke Howard (1772- 1864), who classified the clouds, and John Apjohn (1796 -1880), who showed how to calculate the humidity of the air from observations with the wet and dry bulb thermo- meter. We must also remember the wonderful balloon ascents of James Glaisher (1809-1903), who, reaching a height of over 30,000 feet, obtained the first observation of the upper air. A kite was used in meteorological work as early as 1749 by Alexander Wilson, of Glasgow, and its modem application dates from the experiments made in England in 1882 by E. D. Archibald. One of the most enthusiastic workers in Meteorology, Alexander Buchan (1829-1907), studied at Edinburgh and was engaged for some time as a school teacher, but in 1860 he was appointed secretary of the Scottish Meteorological Society, and was henceforward able to devote himself entirely to his favourite study. His work on atmospheric circulation possesses considerable im- portance, and he was also one of the chief promoters of the observatory which, during a number of years, stood on the summit of Ben Nevis. A discovery of great value to meteorology was made by John Aitken, of Falkirk, who in 1883 observed that water vapour always requires some nucleus to condense upon. The most common nuclei are the dust particles which are always present in the atmosphere, and every drop of rain or particle of fog contains some solid contamination at its centre. The best protection against fog is, therefore, the purification of the atmosphere. The condensation of water A. Ross Clark, A. Buchan, G. H. Darwin 177 on solid matter has been utilized by Aitken in constructing a little instrument which allows us to count the number of particles of solid matter contained in the air. He found that even the cleanest air will contain about 20 particles per cubic centimetre, while in London or Paris the number generally rises to well over 100,000. The work of Sir George Howard Darwin (1845-1912) may serve to illustrate how a geophysical problem which in its main features is easily understood, is found to involve the whole history of the Universe as soon as we pass from the general explanation to the more detailed study required to give accurate numerical results. That the tides of the ocean are due to the gravitational attraction of the sun and moon was known already to Newton, and it can be shown without difficulty that the explanation agrees in a general way with observations. But, if we wish to formulate a mathematical theory, we must begin by simplifying the problem, and assume the earth to be a rigid solid sphere covered entirely by a layer of water having the same depth everywhere. The statement of this problem is simple enough, but its solution becomes already complicated when the com- bined attractions of the sun and moon are considered. Yet we are not anywhere near the real tides on the real earth. The ocean does not cover the whole globe, it is not of uniform depth, and the solid core of the earth is not absolutely rigid, but appreciably yields to the disturbing forces. When we try to take account of these complications, even in the roughest manner, we see that there must be a frictional effect tending to retard the rotation of the earth; this involves a re-acting force on the moon, and it can be shown that this must slowly drive it further away. Hence we conclude that there must have been a time when the moon was nearer, and the earth rotated more rapidly, and, looking still further back, this brings us to the time when the moon may have formed part of the earth and ultimately separated from it. Can we form an approximate estimate of that time ? Such are the questions which occupied George Darwin during a considerable part of his life. The whole problem does not, of course, affect the earth only, but concerns every celestial body. It opens out the whole If 178 Britain's Heritage of Science question of the stability of fluid gravitating and rotating bodies. George Darwin's own contributions to the subjeci have materially helped to establish a scientific basis for th( treatment of a subject, fundamental in cosmogony, whicl has fascinated the most powerful mathematical brains ir recent times. For his other important researches the readei must be referred to his collected works, but some reference may be made to the time which he ungrudgingly devotee to assist all efforts which aimed at an organized co-ordi nation of scientific work, and co-operation between differenl scientific bodies. During thirty years he was a member oj the Meteorological Council, and of the Treasury Committee which superseded it. He actively supported international scientific undertakings, and more especially the Internationa Geodetic Association, on which he represented England foi many years; in 1909 he was elected its President. Several instances have already been given of the reci- procal relation between utilitarian objects and abstract scientific truth, and a further example is furnished by the work of John Milne (1850-1913). After studying Geology and Mineralogy at King's College and the Royal College ol Mines, he gained some practical experience in the mines of Cornwall and Lancashire, extending his knowledge fry a course of study at Freiberg, and a visit to the mining districts of Germany. In 1875 he was appointed Professor of Geology and Mining at the Imperial College in Tokio, where he was at once confronted with important practical problems arising out of the frequent occurrence of earth- quakes in Japan. In order to construct buildings and bridges so that they should resist the movements of the foundations on which they are built, it is necessary to study, in the first instance the nature of these movements. Milne was attracted by both the practical and theoretical side of the investigation, but as no suitable instruments were available for the purpose, he supplied the want, and for a number of years his seismographs became the standard instruments. Important questions immediately suggested themselves, and Milne became the founder of a new science. After his return to England, he organized, with the assistance of the British Association, in different parts of the Empire and other Sir George Darwin, John Milne 179 countries, a large number of suitable stations at which earth tremors were accurately observed. The records of the obser- vations, interpreted partly by Milne himself and partly by other seismologists, proved to be of the highest interest. The waves propagated through the earth from the centre of a large disturbance are found to be noticeable with delicate instruments all over the world. We now know that the general movement spreads out from the centre of a disturbance in three distinct waves, each propagated with its own peculiar velocity. The first is a longitudinal wave, which passes through the earth like a sound wave does through air. The second is a transverse wave, arriving somewhat later; both these waves reach us by transmission across the body of the earth. A third set of waves, which in the records appears as an oscillation of larger amplitude and longer period than the rest, spreads over the surface of the earth with a velocity of about 3*5 kilometres per second. The interval between the arrival of these three types of waves serves to indicate the distance of the centre of the dis- turbance, and Prince Galitzin has shown how the direction of the first impulse gives us the direction in which that centre lies. Hence it is now possible to locate a distant earthquake by means of observations taken at any one place where it is still able to affect the delicate instruments which, by a self-registering arrangement, are always ready to record the waves. The scientific interest of the subject lies in the information it is likely to yield on the internal constitution of the earth ; for some of the waves that reach us, if the centre of dis- turbance be far away, have passed through deep regions, approaching in some cases the actual centre of the earth. The manner in which their path bends round owing to changes in the elastic properties of the earth at different depths is indicated by the direction and magnitude of the oscillation which the wave impresses on our instruments. It is difficult to interpret completely the observed effect, but the investigation has already advanced sufficiently to .how that important results may still be expected from that jtudy of earth tremors which Milne initiated. The survey of the history of British physical science has M 2 180 Britain's Heritage of Science now been brought to the period when men of the present time were called upon to receive the heritage, and do their best to hand it on to then* successors. The problems of to-day may not be seen in their right perspective; yet the last thirty years have been so exceptionally fertile in new dis- coveries that we may anticipate with confidence the judg- ment of posterity on those great advances which have revealed an entirely new class of phenomena, and enabled us to form views on the structure of matter which, at any rate, may be considered to be an advance on our previous knowledge. A very brief summary, however, must suffice. In the seventies of last century it was generally thought that our power to discover new experimental facts was practically exhausted. Students were led to believe that the main facts were all known, that the chance of any new discovery being made by experiment was infinitely small, and that, therefore, the work of the experimentalist was confined to devising some means of decicling between rival theories,- or by improved methods of measurement finding some small residual effect, which might add a more or less important detail to an accepted theory. Though it was acknowledged that some future Newton might discover some relation between gravitation and electrical or other physical phenomena, there was a general consensus of opinion that none but a mathematician of the highest order could hope to attain any success in that direction. Some open- minded men like Maxwell, Stokes, and Balfour Stewart, would, no doubt, have expressed themselves more cautiously, but there is no doubt that ambitious students all over the world were warned off untrodden fields of research, as if they contained nothing but forbidden, though perhaps, tempting, fruit. When Crookes, in the year 1874, constructed his radiometer, it looked for a short time as if he had definitely disposed of such timid and discouraging opinions; but, on the contrary, he seemed only to have confirmed them. For the apparent repulsion of light observed in the radiometer was found to be due to the residual gas in his exhausted vessels, and could be explained by the then accepted kinetic theory. He had, no doubt, by greatly improved methods, discovered a new effect, but this had Lord Rayleigh, Sir William Ramsay 181 only led to perfecting an established theory in an important detail. The new era begins with Lord Rayleigh 's discovery of argon. The research which led to it was originally under- taken with a view to testing the hypothesis of William Prout (1786-1850), a London doctor, according to whom the atomic weights of all chemical elements are exact multiples of that of hydrogen. In the course of an accurate determination of the density of nitrogen it was found that, when the gas is prepared from air by removing all other known constituents, it has a density half per cent, greater than when it is obtained directly from ammonia. Rayleigh then drew the conclu- sion that the discrepancy was due to some unknown body, probably a new gas in the atmosphere heavier than nitro- gen. While the research was advancing successfully, William Ramsay joined the investigation, and the final results were published by Rayleigh in conjunction with him. Sir William Ramsay (1852-1916) then entered into that period of his activity in which discoveries rapidly succeeded each other. Sir Henry Miers drew his attention to a certain mineral which was known to give out an inert gas when dissolved in an acid. This gas was supposed to be nitrogen, but Miers thought it might turn out to be argon. Ramsay extracted the gas, examined it with a spectroscope, and to his surprise found the bright yellow line which appears so brilliantly in the light emitted all round the edge of the sun and in its protuberances. The gas proved, therefore, to be identical with the one spectroscopically discovered many years previously by Sir Norman Lockyer, and named by him " helium." Subsequently, by applying the process called " fractional distillation " to liquid air, Ramsay could isolate three additional elements : krypton, xenon, and neon. In the meantime, experiments on the discharge of electricity through gases had made rapid progress. His experiments with the radiometer had led Crookes to intro- duce great improvements in the construction of the mercury pumps used to obtain high vacua in glass vessels. By sending electric currents of high potentials through such vessels, Crookes investigated the vivid phosphorescent luminosity 182 Britain's Heritage of Science which appears near the negative electrode. Important results were obtained in these researches. Investigations by other observers which cannot here be described, led to the conclusion that gases, which ordinarily are insulators, could in various ways be made to conduct electricity, and the phenomena suggested that the conductivity was due to the formation of carriers analogous to the ions which normally exist in liquids. Gases, in fact, could be ionized. The stage was now reached where experiments definitely pointed to the conclusion that electricity, like water, had an atomic constitution. To furnish the proof, it was necessary to show that the atomic charge was the same in all cases. The experiments with liquids gave no direct measure of this charge, but they allowed us to determine its ratio to the mass of the carrier. That carrier in liquids is the chemical atom, and it was natural at first to suppose that the same would be the case in gases ; if so, the matter could be tested, as we know the relative masses of different chemical atoms. The first experiments made in that direction led to no decisive results, though they supplied a method which proved useful. The question was finally solved by Sir Joseph Thomson, who proved that the carrier of negative electricity had a mass much smaller than that of a chemical atom; ultimately it was found that, near the kathode of an electric discharge through gases, it is actually the atom of negative electricity which is set free, and acts as carrier. Thomson further determined the charge of the electron, the name given to the atom of electricity by Johnstone Stoney (see p. 139), and found it to agree with that which may indirectly be derived from the electrolysis of liquids. There can be no doubt that Sir Joseph Thomson's ex- periments will be looked upon in future as a landmark in the advance of science as great as those that have been described in our first chapter. Thomson's discovery was announced at the British Association meeting of 1899. Since then our ideas have advanced rapidly, and we now consider corpuscles of positive and negative electricity to be the elemental atoms from which all matter is built up. In the origination and development of this theory Sir Joseph Larmor has taken an active part. Sir J. J. Thomson, Sir E. Rutherford 183 During the last few weeks of the year 1896 some remark- able experiments of W. C. Roentgen revealed to us a new and quite unexpected class of phenomena. The electric discharges in a highly-exhausted vessel were found to be capable of generating a radiation now known to be due to very short waves which could penetrate many bodies opaque to ordinary light. This was the X-radiation which has proved to be of such enormous value in surgery. Their investigation indirectly led to our knowledge of a still more remarkable class of phenomena. The French physicist, Becquerel, while trying to find whether the sun emitted X-rays, observed a most surprising effect, which could only be accounted for by assuming the existence of a new form of radiation, essentially different from that of the X-rays. Separating the substance that was mainly responsible for it, M. and Mme. Curie discovered the new metal radium. This is the typical radio-active element, but two other known chemical elements uranium and thorium proved to resemble radium in its peculiar properties. A new science then opened out. The effects of radio-activity show themselves by their power of ionizing air and affecting photographic plates, but the first results were extremely puzzling, and experimenters were being led away on a wrong track when Sir Ernest Rutherford took up the work. He first discovered that thorium and radium gave up gases the so-called emana- tions which themselves were radio-active. It was the disturbing effect of these gases which, diffusing through the air of the laboratory, had affected the instruments, and led Becquerel and Curie astray; it had to be separated from that of the parent substance before the different phenomena could be disentangled. By a series of remarkable experiments, Rutherford soon cleared up the essential features of radio-activity. In conjunction with Frederick Soddy he then developed his theory, which now stands on a firm basis. Radio-activity was shown to be the result of the ejection of corpuscles from the parent body, which thereby became transformed into another substance which was generally itself subject to further decomposition through the emission of other corpuscles. The decomposition proceeds 184 Britain's Heritage of Science at a perfectly definite rate, and the life of any radio-active substance can, therefore, be foretold. The ejected particles consist either of one or more negative electrons (/3 particles), or positively charged corpuscles (a particles); frequently both are emitted. The a particle carries twice the charge of an electron, and weighs about twice as much as an atom of hydrogen : that is to say, as much as a helium atom. Rutherford formed the idea that the two might be identical and this was experimentally confirmed by Sir William Ramsay. The emanation of radium which emits an a particle in its decay was introduced into, and kept in an exhausted tube for several days, when it was found that the spectrum line of helium could be clearly seen, though no helium had originally been present. This experiment, which gave the proof of Rutherford's surmise, was an historical event, as it supplied the first definite example of the decomposition of a so-called chemical element. For the emanation possesses all the characteristics of such an element and was shown to decom- pose spontaneously, helium being one of the products. The subsequent development of radio-active experiments and theories confirmed the original ideas, and many new and interesting facts were brought to light. 1 These must be passed over, and we might here close our account, were it not for the brilliant researches of a young man, who promised to become one of the great investigators of his time. Henry Moseley (1887-1915) was the grandson of Canon Moseley, a distinguished mathematical physicist, and the son of Professor H. N. Moseley, at one time Linacre Pro- fessor of Zoology at Oxford. He took his degree at Oxford, but received his scientific training mainly from Rutherford at Manchester. After Laue, at Munich, had proved the existence of a diffraction effect of crystals on X-rays, and Professor William Henry Bragg had developed and improved the methods of observation, Moseley set himself the task of determining the fundamental vibrations of the atoms which give rise to the X-rays. The research required exceptional experimental skill, and great powers of devising new methods 1 For a detailed account of these investigations see Rutherford, " Radio-activity." Ernest Rutherford, Henry Moseley 185 of investigation, and the result proved of the highest value. The wave-lengths to be measured are less than the thousandth part of that of visible rays, and in that region the arrange- ment of the lines was found to be the same for all elements ; but proceeding from lower to higher atomic weights, the spectrum was bodily displaced by a definite amount towards the shorter wave-lengths. To see the full bearing of this investigation, we must refer to the theory which Rutherford had formed on the constitution of atoms, based mainly on his experiments on the scattering of a particles by molecules of matter. According to that theory, each atom possesses a positively charged nucleus of exceedingly small dimensions. The nucleus is made up of definite numbers of unit charges, and if we arrange the elements in order of their atomic weights, it is natural to suppose that the total charge increases by one unit as we pass from one element to the next. We may take the atomic number (meaning the number of charges) as the characteristic of each element, and deal, therefore, with figures which are successive integers, rather than with the irregularly increasing numbers representing the atomic weights. Moseley 's experiments prove that the high frequency spectrum of the elements which he examined is completely defined by the atomic number. It may be antici- pated that this will prove to be the foundation of a new and more precise chemistry, as other properties will be certain to be intimately connected with the forces which regulate the spectra. In confirmation of this, it may be stated that Moseley in fixing the atomic number had to invert the order in the case of potassium and argon, and that of cobalt and nickel, and in both instances it is found that the chemical properties agree with the spectroscopic evidence, and not with that of the order of atomic weights. Moseley's results, while showing that all elements can be placed in a certain definite order almost identical with that of the atomic weights, allow us also to discover the gaps which we may confidently expect to see filled up by hitherto undiscovered elements. Eighty-three are known at present and Moseley's table of results shows nine gaps between argon and the heaviest of the metals, uranium. The total number of elements reached, when the gaps are filled, will be 186 Britain's Heritage of Science ninety-three; but some authorities believe in the existence of two further elements lighter than helium. Moseley's magnificent researches came to a sudden and tragic end. On the threshold of a career of singular promise, looking towards a future pregnant with discoveries that could not fail to fall to his genius and enthusiasm, he answered the call to arms at the outbreak of the war; and a Turkish bullet cut short a life precious to the peaceful glory of his country, but gladly surrendered in its hour of need. That also is a heritage which will go down to posterity. 187 CHAPTER VI (Physical Science) SOME INDUSTRIAL APPLICATIONS IT is not intended here to catalogue, much less to discuss, the multitude of practical applications of science which have originated in this country during the last century. To mention merely the manufacture of steel, the building of bridges, and the evolution of the modern steam-engine is sufficient to illustrate the all-pervading influence of science on our industries. The scientific production of steel originated with Ben- jamin Huntsman (17041776), a clockmaker of Doncaster, who discovered the process of making cast steel by melting in crucibles. Starting works in Sheffield, he was the first to introduce a material of uniform temper and composition which could in the modern sense be termed steel. Much might be said on the more recent developments of the steel industry by Henry Bessemer (1813-1898), and on other in- ventions, such as Sir Charles Parsons' steam-turbine, one of the greatest triumphs that engineering skill has ever achieved. But we must content ourselves with a few selected examples illustrating the effects of pure scientific research on that complex organization of the community which usually goes by the name of civilization. So much in our modern life depends on the facilities for rapid mutual intercourse that it is curious to note how new devices have often supplied the means before there was a demand. The capacity of inventing outpaced the power of the imagination to understand the use of the inven- tion : the supply had to create the demand. Thus, when Sir Francis Ronalds (1788-1873) submitted to the Govern- ment in 1816 the design of an electric telegraph which he 188 Britain's Heritage of Science had actually tried and found to work with a length of eight miles of wire, the reply of the Secretary of the Admiralty was that