THE HITTITES AND THEIR 
 LANGUAGE
 
 BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
 THE BIBLE AND THE EAST. Blackwood. 
 
 "The work of a man of independent judgment and much 
 knowledge." — Tiiites. 
 
 " Deserves an equal welcome from the devout and from the 
 critical reader." — Scotsman. 
 
 THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM. Pal- 
 estine Exploration Fund. 1897. 
 
 THE TELL AMARNA TABLETS. Complete 
 Translation, with Geographical and other Notes and 
 Maps. Palestine Exploration Fund. Second Edition. 
 
 SYRIAN STONE LORE, Palestine E.xploration 
 Fund. New Edition. 1896. 
 
 PALESTINE. Philips & Son. 1891.
 
 THE HITTITES 
 
 AND THEIR 
 
 \ \ 
 
 LANGUAGE 
 
 \ 
 
 BY 
 
 C. R. CONDER, Lt.-Col. R.E. 
 
 LL.D., D.C.L., M.R.A.S. 
 
 AUTHOR OF 'tent-work IN PALESTINE,' 
 
 'the bible and the east,' etc. 
 
 (\^o,,\ 
 
 NEW YORK 
 DODD, MEAD, AND CO. 
 
 V 
 
 I 
 EDINBURGH AND LONDON 
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS 
 
 MDCCCXCVIII 
 
 Ail Rig^kts reserved
 
 23do 
 
 Howard WhlttemcM* \/ieVoiXaI VrIT- r^.ry* 
 Naojeatqok, Connecticut 
 
 Naa£:at(
 
 
 
 C^b^h 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 In 1887 I published a small volume on ' Altaic 
 Hieroglyphs and Hittite Inscriptions,' now sold 
 out. In this I explained the reasons for suppos- 
 ing this script to be decipherable by aid of 
 Mongol speech, and added tentative renderings 
 of some of the shorter texts ; while the reader 
 was duly warned that much time would elapse 
 before final results, on the lines laid down, could 
 be expected. I received kind encouragement 
 from several well - known specialists to continue 
 the study, which has now occupied me for ten 
 years, with results which confirm the original 
 suggestions. 
 
 Very little has been written as to the decipher- 
 ment of these texts since my discovery was 
 published. Dr Peiser in Germany has pro- 
 nounced an opinion in favour of the comparison 
 of Hittite and Turkish, which is practically what 
 
 "112376
 
 VI PREFACE. 
 
 I had previously indicated. Dr Peter Jensen 
 of Marburg calls the Hittite a " suffixing lan- 
 guage," and yet proposes a comparison with 
 Armenian, which is a modern Aryan prefixing 
 language. Neither writer claims to read the 
 texts. In 1893 I published a further paper on 
 the subject in the ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
 Society,' but since then I have found it possible 
 to make considerable advance, in consequence 
 of new sources of information. The publication 
 of the Tell Loh and Tell Amarna texts, since 
 1887, has cast much additional light on the 
 subject, as has the recovery of new " Hittite " 
 inscriptions by Humann, Puchstein, Ramsay, and 
 Hogarth, which were not copied when I first 
 wrote on the subject. 
 
 It is hoped that the reader of these pages will 
 find that the proposed renderings do not rest on 
 arbitrary assumptions, but on the same principles 
 which are now recognised in the reading of either 
 Egyptian or Cuneiform records. 
 
 C. R. C.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAl'. 
 
 I. EARLY HISTORY 
 
 II. THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA 
 
 III. THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA 
 
 IV. THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA 
 V. MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS 
 
 VI. MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS 
 
 I 
 26 
 56 
 
 88 
 III 
 136 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 AFl'END. 
 
 L CHRONOLOGY. 
 
 II. THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE . 
 
 III. NOTES ON DEITIES AND MYTHS 
 
 IV. THE HITTITE SYLLABARY 
 
 V. ORIGIN OF THE ALPHABET . 
 
 VI. THE HITTITE TEXTS. 
 
 VII. HITTITE VOCABULARY 
 
 VIII. LIST OF AUTHORITIES 
 
 171 
 187 
 210 
 215 
 248 
 257 
 296 
 
 306
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Map of Western Asia, showing distribution of Hit- 
 
 TiTE Monuments .... At beginning of book 
 The Hittite Syllabary, ii Plates . . . between 236-248 
 
 Origin of the Alphabet ..... 255 
 
 PLATES AT THE END. 
 
 I, Mer'ash Texts. No. i. From cast in British Museum. 
 II. Mer'ash Texts. No. 2. From copy by D, G, Hogarth. 
 
 r Mer'ash Texts. Nos. 3 and 4. From copies by O. Puchstein. 
 ' Imer'ash Fragments. From copies by 0. Puchstein, 
 IV.-VII. Carchemish Texts — 
 
 No. I. From the Original. 
 No. 2. M 
 
 No. 3 M 
 
 Nos. 4, 5, and Fragments. From the Originals. 
 VIII. Hamath Stones. Nos. i, 2, 3, 4. Froin the casts by Dr Wright. 
 IX. M No. 5. From the cast by Dr Wright, 
 
 X. BULGAR Maden. From copy by D, G. Hogarth. 
 XI. I, Iasili-Kaia. 2. Aleppo. 3. Sipylos. 4. Karabel. 5 
 
 and 6. Ibreez, Fro^n copies, 
 XII. I. Ibreez. 2 and 3. Arslan Tepe. From copies by D, G. 
 Hosarth.
 
 X ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 XIII. S.A.MOSATA. KOLITOLU YAILA. 
 
 XIV. I. BOR. From copy by D. G. Hogarth. 
 
 2. Bilingual Boss of Tarkotimme. 
 
 3. B.\BYLONiAN RowL. Fi-oiii ffie Original. 
 XV. Seals — 
 
 I to 9. Layard's Seals from Nineveh. See Wright's 
 '■ E?npire of the Hittites.' 
 10 to 25. Schlumberger's Seals. From photographs in the 
 same work, 
 XVI. Seals — 
 
 26, 27. Seals from Tell Bashar. Copied by D. G. Hogarth. 
 
 28. Seal from Culte de Mithra. Copied from Wright's 
 
 ' Empire of the Hittites. ' 
 
 29. The Hittite Emblems on the Ashmolean bi- 
 
 lingual Seal of Abd Iskhara. 
 
 30. Hittite Emblems on Lachish Seal. From the 
 
 Original. 
 
 31. Seal from Lyc.\onia. From Perrot's ^ Hist, of Art: 
 
 32. Emblems round a Seal. Froin the same work.
 
 "^
 
 THE HITTITES AND THEIR 
 LANGUAGE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 Some five thousand years ago the great river- 
 valley of the Tigris and Euphrates was ruled 
 by a sturdy Mongol race which dominated some 
 earlier " dark - faced " people. These conquerors 
 appear to have come from the mountains of 
 Media, and were familiar with the bear, the 
 wolf, and the tiger — which lives in cold moun- 
 tain regions — while it is doubtful if they knew 
 of lions, or of the palm among trees. They 
 settled on the lower hills near Susa, and their 
 kings reigned at Ur on the^ Persian Gulf. They 
 soon became a seafaring people, having not 
 only boats on the great rivers but also ships 
 
 A
 
 2 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 with sails on the southern sea. They were a 
 masterful race, with heavy features and round 
 heads, and their warlike power made them rulers 
 in time of all Western Asia. The name of the 
 tribe is unknown ; but the kings of Ur called 
 themselves kings not only of Sumir (" the river- 
 valley ") but also of Akkad ("the mountains"), 
 a term which included the region of Ararat to 
 the north ; while they also raided as far as the 
 Mediterranean, and set up their images beside 
 this " sea of the sunset." 
 
 The later Babylonians in the time of Cyrus 
 had many traditions about Sargina, whom they 
 regarded as the "founder; the king of the world; 
 the maker of law and wealth." Nabonidus, the 
 last king of Babylon — conquered by Cyrus — 
 speaks of Sargina's son as having lived 3200 
 years before himself; but whether he was likely 
 to have been well informed as to the lapse of 
 so many centuries may be doubted. The exact 
 measurement of time was not generally recorded 
 till much later in history, and Orientals are fond 
 of piling up the years, and of claiming a greater 
 antiquity of origin than their neighbours. The 
 Babylonians were not free from the tendency 
 which gives a fabulous antiquity to Chinese or 
 Indian civilisation ; and all that we can safely 
 say as to the origin of the kingdom of Ur is 
 that it dates before the rise of Babylon, which 
 was founded about 2250 B.C. The personality of
 
 SARGINA OF AKKAD. 3 
 
 Sargina (" kin^ of the land") is itself doubtful in 
 absence of any monuments certainly his own ; ^ 
 while the favourite legend of his birth, of which 
 several copies are known, is mythical. The later 
 scribes seem to have copied it from a monument 
 of some ancient hero, but it records his secret 
 birth and unknown father, his nurture by a 
 "waterman" while his father's brother ruled the 
 land, and his being placed in a bulrush ark on 
 the Euphrates by his mother. The story is that, 
 common to many peoples, of the man born to 
 be a king. It recalls not only the infancy of 
 Moses, but the tale of Perseus among the 
 Greeks, and of Darab" in Persia. Like other 
 semi - mythical heroes, Sargina grew up to be a 
 great king, ruling the " dark - faced people." He 
 was said to have founded the city of Akkad 
 north of Ur, and to have there erected the 
 "high place" and the "star-gazing house." He 
 conquered Elam, or Western Persia, and for four 
 years he warred in the west as far as the sea- 
 coast of Phcenicia, bringing back the spoil of its 
 lands. He put down a revolt of the tribes which 
 besieged him in Akkad, and conquered the people 
 of Eden in the east or north-east. 
 
 The son of Sargina is said to have been named 
 Naramaku (probably " of royal birth "), and to 
 have yet further extended the empire to Magan, 
 
 ^ See note, Appendix I. 
 
 ^ See ' Syrian Stone-Lore,' 2nd edition, p. 456.
 
 4 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 or the peninsula of Sinai, where some local ruler 
 was captured. He built the temple of the Sun 
 in Sippara (or Sepharvaim) ; and an inscription 
 on a vase terms him the " king of the four 
 quarters " of the earth. The names of many 
 other local rulers believed to belong to this re- 
 mote period are found at Ur, Nippur, and other 
 towns of Chaldea ; but their dates and succession 
 are unknown, and it is unnecessary to burden 
 the memory with strange titles of princes and 
 temple-builders, many of which are perhaps not 
 really personal names, but religious or honorar}' 
 appellations. Such shadowy rulers are to us 
 mere ghosts of the past, whose records have 
 been well termed the "dust of history." The 
 main fact which is important to our subject is 
 the domination of Western Asia, from Ararat 
 to the Persian Gulf, and from the mountains of 
 Media to the Mediterranean, by the kings of 
 Ur, at the earliest period of Asiatic history, and 
 the apparent conquest of Syria, Palestine, and 
 Sinai, down to the borders of Egypt, at a time 
 which may prove finally to be more remote 
 than that of the dawn of civilisation in Egypt 
 itself. 
 
 After Sargina and Naramaku, the most con- 
 spicuous figures in the history of the kings of 
 Ur are the monarchs whose names are generally 
 read as Urbau, and Dungi his son. We here 
 come into the full light of monumental records,
 
 THE PALACE OF TELL LOH, 5 
 
 though the exact period can only be deduced 
 from the later Babylonian statements, which 
 would make Dungi to have ruled about 2S00 
 B.C. Urbau was the founder of a temple at 
 Zirgul, which was chiefly built in the time of 
 his son. It is not impossible that he is the 
 same king whose name is otherwise spelt as 
 Urbavi, and even Urnina, and he appears to 
 have ruled like his predecessors over Sumir — 
 the southern valley of the Tigris and Euphrates 
 — and over Akkad or the northern mountains. 
 Dungi, his successor, makes the same claim, and 
 in his time the Mongol princes of Ur were 
 in communication with Phoenicia, Sinai, and 
 Egypt. 
 
 Our knowledge of these reigns is due to 
 the discoveries of De Sarzec, since 1880, at the 
 palace of Tell Loh (" the tablet mound ") mark- 
 ing the site of Zirgul, a city of which the name 
 survives hard by in the modern village of Zirghul. 
 It lay south of the great canal called Khat el 
 Hai, which joins the Tigris and Euphrates below 
 Babylon, and it was some forty miles east ot 
 the latter river. The mound, which is about 
 forty feet high, was crowned by walls of baked 
 brick, still standing to a height of ten feet. An 
 oblong enclosure, with its angles to the cardinal 
 points, surrounded a central court, on which 
 thirty-six chambers of various sizes opened. A 
 stepped pyramid formed the shrine of this
 
 6 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 palace, which was adorned with eight statues 
 of Sinaitic granite, covered with texts in the 
 Sumerian language, one of these figures being 
 colossal. The great builder of Zirgul was Gudea, 
 the patcsi (" prince " or " priest ") of the place, who 
 was a subject of Dungi, king of Ur. Bas-reliefs 
 representing the victories of this king in Elam 
 have been found, and one curious design appears 
 to represent him as himself building the temple, 
 aided by his wife and four sons, with a basket 
 on his head — which is shaven for a vow — and a 
 cloth round his loins. -^ The office of patesi was 
 hereditary, and these princes may have been of 
 the royal house. Like later kings, they were 
 priests as well ; but Gudea was a warrior who 
 claims to have conquered from the sea of the 
 "highlands" {sinim), probably the Caspian, to the 
 lower sea or Persian Gulf. The city of Ansan, 
 famous afterwards as the early capital of Cyrus, 
 was also taken by force, and its spoils brought to 
 Zirgul. This city lay in Sinim or Western 
 Persia, which, it may be noted in passing, is 
 probably the Sinim of the Bible (Isa. xlix. 12). 
 
 One passage in the dedicator}' texts of Gudea 
 is important historically, as showing the wide 
 extent of countr}' over \\'hich the power of the 
 
 ^ The text on this bas-relief reads : E-gal-AN-Ningirsii-Ziygulla 
 Sar Ttir-sar-ni Tzimgi viti rti . . . Ur-nina Sag-turda E-AN-Nina- 
 mii-ni mil rii. "The temple of Ningirsu of Zirgul the king, a king's 
 son, Dungi builds. The eldest son of Urbau for an abode of "Nina my 
 goddess builds it."
 
 THE SUMERIANS IN SINAI. 7 
 
 kings of Ur extended, and the civilisation of the 
 age. It may be rendered as follows : — 
 
 When I built the temple of Ningirsu ... I was 
 ruling from the sea of Sinim to the lower sea. I raised 
 its roof with wood from Amanus, wood of seventy cubits, 
 wood of fifty cubits, wood of twenty-five cubits. ... I 
 brought gold-dust from Upper Egypt for the fa(;ade of 
 the temple. ... I brought bitumen from the river of 
 Gumir (Gomer), from the mountains of Media (Madga), 
 for the floor of the temple. ... I wrought with hard 
 stone from the mountain of Musalla in Phoenicia. . . . 
 I brought white stone from Tidalum, the mountain of 
 Phcenicia, to form the foundation of the hinges of the 
 temple doors. , . . Hard stone was brought from the 
 land of Sinai (Magan) : I made an image thereof. That 
 my name may be remembered I have recorded this. 
 
 In other passages mention is made of the ships 
 which conveyed precious woods and other mate- 
 rials ; and, although basalt could be obtained 
 nearer home, the Sinaitic granite of the statues 
 was probably brought by sea to the mouth of 
 the Euphrates, in which case the Sumerians must 
 have circumnavigated Arabia and communicated 
 with Upper Egypt, either from a port near Suez, 
 or perhaps from the western shore of the Red Sea 
 — the Abyssmian gold being brought down by the 
 native tribes of that region to the coast. The 
 materials used, and of which fragments are found 
 in Gudea's palace, include alabaster, lapis-lazuli, 
 and bronze, in addition to the cedar, marble, and 
 granite mentioned in the text. 
 
 The contemporary histor}- of Egypt is so un-
 
 8 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 certain at this early period that it is doubtful 
 what dynasty was then in power. The first three 
 dynasties have left us no monuments that can be 
 certainly ascribed to the legendary successors of 
 Menes, but records begin with the fourth royal 
 family, which ruled from Memphis, possibly about 
 2900 B.C. The founder of this dynasty — Senefru 
 — has left an inscription in the Sinaitic penin- 
 sula, as has Khufu (or Cheops), his successor. 
 The copper - mines were perhaps already being 
 worked in this region when the ships of Dungi 
 reached its coasts, and peaceful relations appear 
 to have existed between the rulers of Western 
 Asia and of Egypt. As, however, we depend — 
 not only in Chaldea, but yet more in Egypt — on 
 very late statements as regards this first age of 
 civilisation, all attempts to define date must be 
 regarded as doubtful. The Babylonians, in the 
 later age of history -writing, were themselves un- 
 certain as to the succession of the kings of Ur ; 
 and in one list of twelve names they have added 
 the caution, " These are kings who were after the 
 flood [abubi], not arranged respectively in order." 
 It seems probable, however, that the civilisation 
 of Chaldea was actually older than that of the 
 Delta, while it is clear that the power of its 
 rulers was far more extensive than that of the 
 monarchs of Memphis. 
 
 The mountains of Sinim or Western Persia were 
 inhabited by a race of the same stock with that
 
 THE SPOILS OF SUSA. 9 
 
 which thus civilised Mesopotamia ; and about 
 2280 B.C. (according to a later Assyrian state- 
 ment) Kudur- Nanhundi, the king of Elam or 
 Persia, conquered Akkad, and perhaps transferred 
 the seat of the monarchy to the eastern uplands. 
 We possess a short inscription of a monarch so 
 named, which shows that the old language of 
 Persia was a dialect closely akin to that of the 
 Sumerians of Ur. Kudur- Nanhundi removed to 
 Susa, east of the Tigris, the gods and the spoils 
 of Akkad ; and many of the temples and sacred 
 groves which Assurbanipal (about 660 B.C.) dese- 
 crated, when conquering Elam, may have existed 
 more than two thousand years before his time. 
 As to these the Assyrian conqueror relates : ^ — 
 
 I brought out and counted the spoil, silver, gold, fur- 
 niture, and goods, from Sumir, Akkad, and Babylon : all 
 that the kings of Elam from first to last had carried off 
 and brought to Elam, bronze hammered hard and pure, 
 beautiful and valuable gems belonging to kings, which 
 former kings of Akkad and Saulmugina (the Assyrian 
 rebel prince) had paid to Elam for their aid : beautiful 
 garments of royalty ; weapons of war ready for battle, 
 well fitted to the hand : the furniture of his palaces, all 
 that was therein : the provisions for his food : the throne 
 he sat on. Strong' war-chariots adorned with bronze and 
 painted, horses and great mules with trappings of gold 
 and silver, I carried away to Assyria. The tower of Susa, 
 whose floor was laid with marble, T destroyed. I broke 
 down its roof of shining gold. Susinak, the god of their 
 
 ^ Translation by Fox Talbot. Records of the Past (Old Series), 
 vol. i. p. 85.
 
 lO EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 oracle who dwelt in the groves, whose godhead none had 
 seen (and other Elamite gods), with their belongings, their 
 priests, and worshippers, I carried off to Assyria. Thirty- 
 two statues of kings, made of silver, gold, bronze, and 
 alabaster from Susa, ... I carried to Assyria. I 
 broke the winged lions and bulls watching over the 
 temple. I removed all the winged bulls of the gates of 
 the temple of Elam. I overthrew them till they were 
 destroyed. His gods and goddesses I sent into cap- 
 tivity ; their forest groves, which none other had entered, 
 or trodden their outskirts, my warriors entered, and saw 
 the groves and burned them with fire. 
 
 This text has been quoted somewhat out of 
 place, because of its reference to the early Elamite 
 conquest of Chaldea, and because of the vivid 
 picture that it draws of the Mongol civilisation, 
 common to Elam and Ur, before Babylon existed. 
 The centre of power down to about 2250 B.C. lay 
 in the south and south-east, and neither Babylon 
 nor Nineveh had as yet become a royal city. But 
 the Mongol population was not confined to Sumir 
 — the river valley — for it existed also in the north, 
 where the Minni had probably already settled west 
 of Lake Van, while the Kassi (or "warriors") had 
 advanced from the Taurus along the Euphrates 
 southwards. The original home of the Mongol 
 race with which we are dealing seems to have 
 been in the mountains of Kurdistan and Media. 
 The southern division may be called Sumerian, 
 while to the northern the term Akkadian may be 
 more specially applied. There is evidence that 
 the two dialects differed somewhat, the language
 
 THE KASSITES. I I 
 
 of the Kassites beinj^ nearer akin to that of the 
 Minni and of the later Mongol tribes of Media. 
 It is with the northern branch of the race that 
 we are specially concerned, for the so - called 
 "Hittite" texts appear clearly to belong to the 
 Akkadians proper, and to the various allied tribes 
 of North Syria and Asia Minor, which about 
 2200 B.C. acknowledged the supremacy of Tintir 
 or Babylon, including among others the Hittites 
 of Carchemish, who held the great ford by which 
 most conquerors crossed the Euphrates to reach 
 Phoenicia and Palestine. The script and lan- 
 guage of this newly discovered series of monu- 
 ments appear to have been peculiar to the north, 
 while the older tongue of Sumir was written w^ith 
 emblems usually called "linear Babylonian," such 
 as are found at Zirgul and in other cities of 
 Southern Chaldea. The two systems of writing 
 were as closely connected as were the two dialects, 
 but they were not identical, and they appear to 
 have developed independently in the north and 
 in the south. 
 
 Berosus, the Babylonian historian of the Greek 
 age, calls the dynasty which founded Babylon 
 Medic, not because they belonged to the later 
 Aryan race to which the name is usually given, 
 but because the home of the new conquerors, who 
 called themselves Kassi, was in Media, where their 
 language survived even as late as 500 B.C. The 
 names of the Kassites were translated into Semitic
 
 12 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 speech by Babylonian scribes of the Persian period, 
 and from these translations it is clear that the 
 Kassite language was a Mongol dialect, similar to 
 Akkadian, to Sumerian, and to the language of the 
 Minni and of Matiene (Mitanni) farther north; but 
 very few actual records of the ist Kassite d3-nasty 
 had been recovered till of late,^ and our informa- 
 tion was mainly derived from later Assyrian or 
 Baylonian accounts, and from their transcripts 
 and translations of texts which have now per- 
 ished, or remain to be found. The Babylonians 
 reckoned five kings, including Sumuabi the founder 
 of Babylon, before the reign of 'Ammurabi (or 
 'Ammurabil), the famous conqueror who estab- 
 lished the Babylonian empire throughout Western 
 Asia. It is doubtful, however, whether the Kassite 
 race was as purely Mongol as were the Sumerians 
 of the south. The fourth and fifth kings (Abilsin 
 and Sinmuballid) bear names which — if they were 
 correctly represented by the Babylonian scribes — 
 would be Semitic, though the originals may per- 
 haps have given the Akkadian forms (Alamaku and 
 Akupis), but of these monarchs no monuments are 
 as yet known. The oldest inscription in a Semitic 
 language belongs to the time of "Ammurabi, and 
 it is written in the character of Southern Meso- 
 potamia. The home of the Semitic race — as 
 
 1 The British Museum possesses commercial tablets of the time of 
 Eriaku, 'Ammurabi, Samsuiluna, Ammi-Satana, and Ammi-Zaduga, in 
 cuneiform script, but apparently none of the earlier kings. Nor were 
 their names (2250-2 1 40 li.c.) found at Nippur.
 
 THE SEMITIC HOME. 13 
 
 witnessed by the evidence of names for fauna and 
 flora common to all Semitic dialects — appears to 
 have been in Assyria,^ and it is very doubtful 
 whether they had met, in their first cradle, with 
 either the ostrich or the palm, distinctive of more 
 southerl}- climes. That they did not first live in 
 the Arabian deserts is clear, from their acquain- 
 tance with the stork and the pelican, with the 
 vine, the fig, the pomegranate, the almond and 
 olive. They also named the bear and the boar, 
 the lion and the panther ; and they grew wheat, 
 barley, and other vegetables, not to be found in 
 the desert. The habitat so indicated lies in the 
 foothills of the Taurus and of Syria, and in the 
 Aramean uplands. The Semitic tribes ma}- have 
 existed among the Sumerians from the first ages 
 of history, but if so they were as yet unimportant 
 and illiterate. It was in the north of Mesopotamia 
 that they first attained to a position which ren- 
 dered it necessary to write inscriptions in their 
 language; and it is just at this period (during the 
 reign of 'Ammurabi) that the Hebrew ancestor is 
 represented to have lived at Ur of the Chaldees, 
 and at Harran in Northern Mesopotamia. His 
 migration westwards to Palestine, where he found 
 Semitic tribes, called Amorites (" highlanders '") 
 and Canaanites (" lowlanders "), already in pos- 
 session, but mingled with Hittites, and other 
 Mongol peoples to be considered later, also agrees 
 
 ^ Die Namen der Siiugetiere. F. Ilommel. Leipzig, 1879. And 
 Von Kremer's ' Semilische Culturenlehnungen.' Stuttgart, 1S75.
 
 14 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 with the account of Ammi Satana's invasion (about 
 2030 B.C.) of the land of the Aniurri or Amorites, 
 who here first appear in monumental history. It 
 is probable that the Kassites, in their struggle for 
 supremacy over Elam, were aided by the Semitic 
 inhabitants of Assyria and Babylonia ; and it is 
 thought' that the northern, or Akkadian, dialect of 
 the old Mongol language shows signs of Semitic 
 influence in both structure and vocabulary, being 
 less pure than the older Sumerian of the south. 
 
 The transfer of power from Elam to Babylon 
 was not effected without a struggle, and (appar- 
 ently in the time of Sinmuballid) the Elamite 
 king Kudur - Mabug established his son Eriaku 
 as ruler of Larsa, north of Ur and east of the 
 Euphrates. The latter claimed to be king not 
 only of Larsa and Ur, but of Sumir and Akkad 
 generally, as did his father before him, who also 
 ruled in the "west": so that the whole of the 
 ancient empire seems, in the time of Kudur- 
 Mabug, to have been subject to Elam. A small 
 figure, inscribed with his name and in his lan- 
 guage, was discovered at Zirgul, and we possess 
 also a copy of a dedicatory text by Eriaku, and 
 another text on a cone in which he prays for the 
 life of his father.-^ 
 
 1 The reign of Eriaku in Babylonia is also attested by two tablets, 
 in the British Museum, referring to sales of property, and dated, the 
 first in the year when he "destroyed the wicked foe," the other in 
 that of the taking of " eight fortresses " of Isin.
 
 CHEDORLAOMKR. 15 
 
 Eriaku is generally admitted to be the Arioch, 
 king of Ellasar, noticed in the Bible (Gen. xiv. 
 i) ; and Chedorlaomcr king of Elam was pro- 
 bably his brother. A recently deciphered text 
 is supposed to mention both these monarchs, as 
 well as Tidal king of the Goim, as contemporaries 
 of 'Ammurabi or Amraphel, king of Shinar.^ The 
 Biblical account represents them as allies who 
 invaded the west, and who, passing through 
 Bashan and Gilead, reached Petra, and returned 
 west of the Dead Sea to the Jordan valley, 
 punishing the local kings or chiefs who had 
 "served Chedorlaomer," but had rebelled. This 
 monarch, therefore, like his predecessor Kudur- 
 Mabug, was a " lord of the west " : but the 
 alliance did not endure ; for 'Ammurabi threw 
 off the Elamite yoke and defeated Eriaku and 
 the allied king of Elam, assuming the titles of 
 " king of Babylon, of Sumir and Akkad, and of 
 the four regions " (or quarters of the compass), 
 about 2139 B.C. 'Ammurabi is thus often regarded 
 as the founder of the Babylonian dynasty, and 
 was succeeded by five generations of descendants. 
 
 The struggles between the Kassites and the 
 Sumerians seem to have continued for more 
 than eleven centuries, and, from about 1950 to 
 1590 B.C., the kings of Uruku or Erech ruled 
 
 ^ This, however, is very uncertain. The name of 'Ammurabi does 
 not occur, and that of Chedorlaomer is very doubtful. A much later 
 invasion l:)y Elamites may be intended.
 
 l6 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 Babylon, until the rise of a second Kassite 
 dynasty, which appears to have endured side b)- 
 side with other small princes till Irba - Marduk 
 established an Assyrian dynasty about 1012 B.C. 
 
 In speaking later more in detail of the Hittite 
 inscriptions, the reasons will be given for sup- 
 posing that they represent the language and 
 character used by this first Kassite or Medic 
 dynasty in Babylon. The script in question has 
 been found in use, not only in North Syria and 
 Asia Minor, but also at Babylon itself, on a 
 votive bowl ; and on seals, from Nineveh and 
 elsewhere, which appear to bear the names of 
 several kings of this age. The local rulers who, 
 in Syria and Asia Minor, have left us their 
 records on palace walls, or cut on the rocks of 
 boundary passes, speak of their suzerain at 
 Babylon, just as Gudea at Zirgul acknowledges 
 Dungi of Ur as his master. At Mer'ash in the 
 Taurus we probably find the name of Sumuabi 
 the first king of Babylon, and on the engraved 
 lion in the same place possibly the name of 
 Zabu the third of the line, to whom also a text 
 at Carchemish is dedicated, while a seal from 
 Nineveh may be his as well : others may bear 
 the names of Ebisum, Ammi-Satana, and Ammi- 
 Zaduga, kings of the ist dynasty, following 'Am- 
 murabi, who was the sixth, the total of known 
 names being eleven. The Elamite supremacy 
 under Eriaku is, on the other hand, apparenth'
 
 HITTITE TEX'IS. 1 7 
 
 acknowledged by a ruler of Aleppo, and at Bulbar 
 Maden, a pass of the Taurus north of Tarsus 
 in Cilicia. Whether 'Ammurabi himself is men- 
 tioned, both at Babylon and also as far west as 
 Mount Sipylos near Smyrna, is more doubtful ; 
 but the unexpected recovery of so many names 
 belonging to one period serves to confirm the 
 decipherment of these texts, and agrees with the 
 fact that some centuries later the Hittites, and 
 the Western Asiatics generally, appear to have 
 relinquished their own script in favour of the 
 cuneiform, which had become the character 
 generally used for writing letters. Their own 
 emblems, however, still appear, as late as 1500 
 B.C. and perhaps later, on seals, side by side 
 with early cuneiform signs — as on the bilingual 
 boss of Tarkondemos and the seal of Abd-Iskhara. 
 None of the texts of Southern Chaldea are as 
 yet known to be in this newly studied char- 
 acter. It is found especially in the north, at 
 Samosata on the Euphrates, at Pteria and Eyuk 
 east of the lower part of the Halys valle}-, at 
 various sites in Cappadocia and Cilicia, and far 
 west in Lydia at Karabel and Sipylos ; while sculp- 
 tures of the same class with those inscribed in 
 " Hittite " at Carchemish have been found, on the 
 borders of Phrygia, at Ghiaur Kalessi, some thirty 
 miles south-west of Angora, and at Kalaba im- 
 mediately east of that city. A text of three 
 emblems was copied by Professor Ramsay at 
 
 B
 
 l8 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 Doghanlu Deresi in Phrygia among later re- 
 mains of the Aryan Phrygians, and a strange 
 monument at Eflatun Bunar (" Plato's springs ") 
 in Galatia, nine miles north of Caralis, belongs 
 probably to the same civilisation, which is thus 
 shown to have extended over all the southern 
 half of Asia Minor. In the north-east of Cap- 
 padocia no such monuments have been found in 
 spite of diligent search, nor are they known 
 (excepting seals brought from Nineveh) in regions 
 east of the Euphrates. In Syria they occur at 
 Mer'ash, Carchemish, Aleppo, and Hamath, while 
 seals have been brought from Tell Bashar. Far 
 south in Philistia a seal discovered at Lachish 
 appears to give Hittite emblems beside an Egyp- 
 tian text, and the Hittites are said (Gen. xxiii.) to 
 have lived at Hebron in Abraham's time, though 
 the home of the race was in Northern Syria. ^ 
 
 It has long been held by scholars like Sir H. 
 Rawlinson and Dr Birch that many of the early 
 tribes of this region — the Hittites, the Gamgums, 
 the Tablai, and Moschi — were of Turanian or 
 Mongol race ; and the evidence of language, in- 
 dependent of the texts in question, will be found 
 to show their connection with the Akkadians, 
 Kassites, and Minni. Such tribes were allied 
 
 1 The Egyptian emblems on the Lachish seal have not been read 
 with certainty. There are five Hittite signs, Nnit Mo-tttr divi- 
 pi ("The seal of Lord Motur"). This was a Hittite name in the 
 time of Rameses H.
 
 THE ETRUSCANS. I9 
 
 to the conquerors of Chaldea who first founded 
 Babylon ; and the distribution of these sculptures, 
 which bear a generally admitted resemblance to 
 later Babylonian art, seems to show that the first 
 kings, preceding 'Ammurabi, directed their energies 
 specially to conquest in the north and west. They 
 penetrated into Cappadocia, and by the great 
 southern highway they followed the north shores 
 of the Mediterranean as far as Smyrna — either 
 themselves conquering the south of Anatolia or 
 claiming kingship over the tribes who advanced 
 in this direction, from Syria, into the country 
 which they called Kit-iit, or "the sunset," after 
 the Kassite name (kit) for the sun. The influ- 
 ence of Babylon in these regions continued to 
 be felt much later, as will appear in speaking 
 of the texts from Elishah and from Cappadocia 
 written in the Semitic dialect used about 1500 B.C., 
 or later, in these regions. The presence of Mongols 
 in Caria and Lydia is also witnessed by the sur- 
 vival of certain words in the languages of those 
 regions long after they had been colonised by 
 Aryans ; and it was from Lydia, according to 
 Herodotus (I. 94), that the Etruscans — a Turanian 
 or Mongol race — reached Italy in later days. 
 
 But even the establishment by 'Ammurabi of a 
 Babylonian empire in Western Asia does not rep- 
 resent the full extension of Akkadian power ; for 
 tribes of this same energetic stock found their 
 way into the Nile delta, and ruled Northern
 
 20 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 Egypt from Zoan and Avaris. The early chron- 
 ology of Egypt is so uncertain that the period of 
 this foreign supremacy cannot be fixed with an}- 
 accuracy ; but it would seem probable that the 
 Hyksos, who were contemporaries of the weak 
 13th d}nasty, had gained power at Zoan about 
 2130 B.C., and were not finally expelled till about 
 1700 B.C. or later. That they included among 
 their subjects Semitic tribes from Syria there are 
 many reasons to suppose ; but the names of the 
 Hyksos kings of the 15th dynasty appear to be 
 Mongol and not Semitic, and they are stated in 
 Egyptian records^ to have called themselves Men 
 or Minni — coming from a country east of S3Tia 
 and near x\ssyria. Their home would thus ap- 
 pear to have lain west of Lake \''an ; and in this 
 region a Mongol race called Minni, akin to the 
 Kassites, was still in possession in the fifteenth 
 century B.C. — the whole region of Matiene between 
 Lake Van and Syria being then known to the 
 Semitic tribes as the Land of Khani-rabhat , perhaps 
 meaning " of the many khans " or Mongol kings. 
 
 The earliest notice of the relations between 
 Egypt and Asia is found in the story of Saneha,- 
 who states that he lived under the founder of 
 the great 12th dynasty, which began to rule all 
 Egypt from Thebes at a period which may roughly 
 
 ^ Brugsch, Hist. Egypt, vol. i. p. 234. 
 
 - Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, vol. xiv. pp. 452-45S (1891-9?). Records 
 of the Past (New Series), vol. ii. p. 19.
 
 SANEHA. 2 1 
 
 be stated as 2300 B.C. The Sinaitic peninsula 
 was at this time once more held by the Egyptians 
 — texts of Usertesen L, son of the founder of the 
 dynasty (Amenemhat L), occurring at Wady el 
 Magharah, and at Sarbut el Khadem ; while Amen- 
 emhat II., who was the third king of the dynasty, 
 built a temple at the last-named place ; and the 
 third and fourth kings of the same name (Amenem- 
 hat) also left inscriptions at both these stations. 
 It is under the fourth king (Usertesen II.) that 
 the Edomites are first noticed as bringing pres- 
 ents to Egypt, but not until the end of the dynasty 
 did the Asiatics attain to power in Zoan ; and 
 several Theban kings of the 13th dynasty appear 
 to have reasserted at intervals the native supremacy 
 in Goshen. 
 
 Saneha was an Egyptian noble who, on the un- 
 expected accession of Usertesen I., fled for some 
 unexplained reason, first to Edom and thence to 
 the land Aia (probably "the shores"), and to 
 Upper Tonu, regions which are regarded by 
 Brugsch as Phoenician (or Fenekh) lands. They 
 cannot certainly have been in the Edomite desert, 
 for in Aia there were figs, grapes, olives, and corn, 
 as well as much cattle ; but it is possible that the 
 Hebron hills may be intended. Egyptian was 
 spoken in Tonu, but the king of this region bore 
 the very Kassite- sounding name of Ammiansi. 
 He was assured by Saneha that the Pharaoh "did 
 not covet the lands to the north," but was intent
 
 22 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 on conquests in Upper Egypt. Among the Asiatics 
 Saneha lived till he was old, marrying the king's 
 daughter and commanding the archer troops, who 
 were sent " afar off to strike and drive back princes 
 of foreign lands." He finally made his peace with 
 Usertesen, and leaving all his possessions to his 
 half-bred sons, he returned to be buried in Eg3'pt. 
 In his speech to the Pharaoh he mentions Maki 
 of Edom, and another chief, as though in habitual 
 correspondence with Thebes, and his attendants 
 were sent home in an Egyptian ship. It seems, 
 therefore, that peaceful relations existed at this 
 time between the rulers of Egypt and the Asiatics, 
 and that Egyptian influence was already beginning 
 to assert itself for some distance north of the 
 Sinaitic peninsula. 
 
 Of the Hyksos we know but little from any 
 monuments. They are said by Greek writers to 
 have been Arabs or Phoenicians, and many Semitic 
 words certainly found their way about this time, 
 or later, into the Egyptian language ; but similar 
 loan terms also are to be found which are of 
 Mongol origin, and it is possible that in Goshen, 
 as in Asia, the Semitic people at this compara- 
 tively early time were ruled by Mongol princes. 
 Certain monuments from Zoan, which used to be 
 attributed to the Hyksos, seem now to be regarded 
 as native work, appropriated by such foreign rulers 
 as Apepa the Second, whose name is . scratched 
 upon one of them. A curious account of the
 
 APEPA. 
 
 23 
 
 Hyksos attempt to fix a quarrel on the Pharaoh 
 Ra-Sekanen, " kin^' of the south " — who may have 
 belonged to the 13th dynasty — has survived, and 
 gives sorne valuable information, though the his- 
 toric character of the story is doubted.^ We here 
 learn that Egypt was oppressed by " the unclean," 
 and that On or Heliopolis was ruled by Ra-Apepa 
 from Hauaru or Avaris in Goshen : — 
 
 All the land paid him tribute with its manufactured 
 products, and thus loaded him with all the good things 
 of Lower Egypt [or "the north"]. Now King Ra-Apepa 
 took the god Sutekh for his master, and no longer served 
 any god of the country save Sutekh, and he built a temple 
 of excellent and imperishable workmanship at the gate of 
 King Ra-Apepa, and rose daily to sacrifice daily victims 
 to Sutekh. 
 
 Sutekh or Set being a deity worshipped as su- 
 preme b}^ the Hittites, this statement, taken with 
 considerations already noticed, leads us to sup- 
 pose that Apepa was a Mongol of race akin to the 
 Kassites. It may hereafter be discovered that 
 these foreigners built and wrote in native style ; 
 but as yet nothing that can certainly be regarded 
 as Hyksos work is known, except the scarabs of 
 the two Apepis, and the name of the latter on 
 monuments apparently re-used. These names are 
 in Egyptian characters, which may have been the 
 only ones in use in Goshen. 
 
 It was during the Hyksos period that Joseph 
 was brought down to Egypt, and we are told 
 
 1 Records of the Past (New Series), vol. ii. p. 37-
 
 24 EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 (Gen. xliii. 32) that Hebrews, and shepherds 
 generally (xlvi. 34 ; Exod. viii. 26), were loathed 
 by the Egyptians. But under Asiatic rulers they 
 throve peacefully until, about 1700 B.C., the "new 
 king " arose in Thebes, when Ahmes, first of the 
 great i8th dynasty, began to reassert the power 
 of the native Pharaohs, and to push back Mon- 
 gols and Semitic settlers alike into Asia. A new 
 chapter of history begins with this accession of 
 a dynasty which seems to have been partly of 
 Nubian origin ; and within about a century the 
 suzerainty of all Palestine and Syria was wrested 
 from the Babylonian overlords, and the power 
 of the Pharaohs established and maintained for 
 about two hundred years. 
 
 These successes were mainly due to the energy 
 of the new Theban dynasty, but also perhaps in 
 a measure to the internal dissensions within the 
 Babylonian empire. We have unfortunately very 
 little information as to events in Asia preceding 
 the Egyptian conquests, but there appears to be 
 no doubt that the Semitic race was rising steadily 
 in importance, and beginning to press on its 
 Kassite masters from Assyria. Originally this 
 region was ruled by patesis, or princes subject to 
 Babylon, of whom the earliest known was Ismi- 
 Dagon about 1850 B.C. ; but some two centuries 
 later, about the time when the first Egyptian 
 onset in Asia took place, Bel - Kapkapu founded 
 the independent kingdom of Assyria, having its
 
 ASSYRIA. 25 
 
 capital at Asshur south of Nineveh. The famous 
 city on the Tigris, which became later the mis- 
 tress of Asia and of Egypt, was probably not 
 yet built,, and is not known monumentally before 
 the fifteenth century 13. c. ; but Asshur on the 
 Tigris became, after 1700 B.C., the centre of the 
 first Semitic kingdom known to histor}-, and 
 though, about 1500 B.C., Rimmon-Nirari — appa- 
 rently an Assyrian ruler — wrote to Thothmes IV. 
 as to a superior, half a century later Assur-Uballid 
 writes to the successor of Amcnophis IV. as an 
 equal, and calls himself the " great king of 
 Assyria." The former was asking for aid against 
 the Hittites, the latter was himself a conqueror 
 of the Kassites in Babylon. The first great 
 shock to the Mongol power in Asia was due 
 to Egyptian conquests, but its final ruin was 
 brought about by the power of the Semitic race 
 in Assyria. The history of this important period, 
 between 1700 and 1200 B.C., may be reserved for 
 another chapter. Thus far we have dealt with 
 the main outlines of history during the palmy 
 days of Mongol rule in Asia, when the kings of 
 Ur and of Babylon were without rivals, and when 
 contests only occurred between the two great 
 branches of the Mongol race — the Sumerians of 
 the south, and the Kassite or Akkadian con- 
 querors in the north, who succeeded to the im- 
 perial power which had been enjoyed for several 
 generations by the kings of Elam.
 
 26 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA, 
 
 Ahmes (the "moon child"), founder of the great 
 i8th dynasty, was the first Pharaoh who succeeded 
 in wresting the land of Goshen from the Hyksos, 
 and he fought against the Asiatics at Sharuhen 
 east of Gaza, on the borders of Palestine. In his 
 sixth year he invaded Zahi, a region which seems 
 to have lain on the lower Hebron hills. But the 
 conquest of Lower Egypt was not yet complete, 
 and Amenophis I., successor of Ahmes, appears 
 to have been at peace with Asia during a reign 
 said to have lasted twenty-one years. The first 
 conqueror of Syria was Thothmes I., third king 
 of the dynasty, whose wars were in Ruten (or 
 Luden), the Egyptian name for all the coast lands 
 as far as the Taurus mountains. He even ad- 
 vanced into Naharina — the Aram Naharaim or 
 "plateau of the two rivers" which in the Bible 
 represents the northern part of Mesopotamia. 
 Thothmes II. succeeded him, and fought the
 
 THOTHMES THE THIRD. 27 
 
 Shasu, or "wandering" tribes of Southern Pales- 
 tine. His reign appears to have been a short one, 
 and Egypt was ruled after his death by Queen 
 Hatasu his daughter, the guardian of her younger 
 brother, the most famous and successful of the 
 Pharaohs — Thothmes III. 
 
 The mummy of this remarkable man, when un- 
 rolled at Boulak in 1882, presented in perfect 
 condition the features of a conquerer who reigned 
 for fifty-four years, though, for sixteen or more, 
 the influence of Hatasu seems to have restrained 
 him from war during his boyhood and youth. The 
 slight form and low stature, the delicate features 
 and aquiline nose, of the Egyptian Alexander 
 denoted a king well fitted for a soldier's life ; 
 and from his twentieth to his fortieth year the 
 annals of his reign are full of records of con- 
 quests in Asia, no less than fifteen campaigns 
 being conducted through Palestine and Syria even 
 as far as Assyria, and a regular militar}- occupation 
 of all the plains of Philistia, Galilee, and Bashan, 
 of Phoenicia and the Orontes valley, being organ- 
 ised, by a chain of "resting-places," where the 
 Egyptian detachments were supplied by the 
 Syrians with rations of bread, wine, oil, honey, 
 balm, wheat, barley, spelt, and various fruits. 
 In the fifteenth year a campaign against Ruten 
 is mentioned ; and at this time Sinai was probably 
 already held, since an inscription of Hatasu occurs 
 in the sixteenth at Sarbut el Khadem. Philistia
 
 28 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 also appears to have submitted early in the reign 
 of the joint sovereigns, and the first real struggle 
 began in the twenty-second year of Thothmes III.^ 
 A great confederacy of Syrian tribes had gathered 
 at Megiddo, the famous fortress which barred the 
 road to Damascus at the mouth of the valley of 
 Jezreel. It included not only the prince of Kadesh 
 — perhaps the great Hittite city on the Orontes — 
 but also chiefs from lands claimed by Egypt, with 
 the Khar or Phoenicians, the Katu possibly from 
 Cilicia, and the princes of Naharina beyond the 
 Euphrates. In the spring of the twenty - third 
 year Thothmes arrived by ship from Egypt, and 
 camped at Yehem, which was perhaps the mod- 
 ern Yemma in the Sharon plain north-west of 
 Shechem. He found his troops holding the high- 
 road of Aaruna, probably that which leads by a 
 main valley north of 'Arrabeh to the inland plain 
 of Dothan. The royal advisers wished to march 
 north by Gitta of Samaria — lying immediately 
 north of Yemma — and thus apparently to cross 
 the downs south of Carmel, but considerably 
 north of Megiddo. " Let us go," they said, " north 
 of Megiddo " ; but Thothmes chose the shorter 
 and more difficult direct route. " I will go," he 
 said, "on this road of Aaruna if there be any 
 going on it." The towns of Dothan and 'Ajja, 
 which lie near this route, are noticed among those 
 
 1 Records of the Past (Old Series), vol. ii. : "The. Battle of 
 Meeiddo."
 
 THE BATTLE OP^ MEG ID DO. 29 
 
 he captured, with others on either side of the hne 
 of advance, which led into the great plain of 
 Lower Galilee by Jenin. The Egyptian vanguard 
 "coming .out of the valley" into these plains, went 
 forward, while the southern "horn," or rearguard, 
 camped at the "waters of Kaina south of Megiddo," 
 by which the fine springs of Jenin maybe intended. 
 The actual contest appears to have been short, 
 and the "vile foes of Kadesh," with their allies of 
 Megiddo, fled to the fortress, and were hauled over 
 its walls by their clothes. The Egyptians then 
 besieged the city, which submitted, and an enor- 
 mous spoil, attesting the wealth and civilisation of 
 the Canaanites, was gathered in by the victors. 
 
 The articles enumerated included horses, and 
 chariots plated with gold and silver ; an ark of 
 gold ; a silver statue ; thrones inlaid with ivory, 
 ebon}^ and gold, and made of cedar ; maces in- 
 laid with gold (such as are represented on Hittite 
 sculptures in the hands of kings); and images of 
 ebony with golden heads. A great cup of Phce- 
 nician workmanship is specially noticed, with other 
 vessels, and seven poles of the royal tent plated 
 with silver. To these treasures, some of which 
 were inlaid also with gems, are added many others 
 — such as ring-money of gold and silver, painted 
 chariots, coats of mail, swords and other weapons, 
 rich cloths, innumerable flocks and herds, horses 
 and mares, with wine in jars, and objects of lapis- 
 lazuli, turquoise, and alabaster. The Egyptians
 
 30 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 reaped 280,200 bushels of corn in the Galilean 
 plains, besides what was trampled down. They 
 took hostages and numerous prisoners, and by this 
 first decisive victory they became masters of the 
 plains as far as the foot of the Galilean mountains. 
 A year was passed in peace, and a temple was 
 founded at Thebes; but the subjugation of the 
 country continued, and the list of iig towns 
 conquered in Palestine includes not only those 
 of Philistia, Sharon, the Dothan and Esdraelon 
 plains, but also others in Upper Galilee, and in 
 Bashan extending to Ashteroth-Carnaim, and to 
 Damascus itself. The subsequent campaigns from 
 the twenty - fifth to the fortieth year carried the 
 power of Thothmes III. yet farther to Phoenicia, 
 Syria, and Aram. In the fifth campaign, and in his 
 twenty-ninth year, he took the fortress of Kadesh, 
 and laid waste the lands of Tunep (or Tennib, 
 north of Arpad), cutting down trees and reap- 
 ing corn. He proceeded in the sixth campaign 
 next year to Arvad on the Phoenician coast, and 
 sent back by ship to Egypt the corn, wine, slaves, 
 and treasures there found. The route then taken 
 lay by Semyra, an important town at the mouth 
 of the Eleutherus, west of Kadesh. The spoils 
 and tribute enumerated in the " Statistical Tablet " 
 are similar to those already described ; and on an 
 obelisk it is recorded that Thothmes "passed 
 through the whole extent of Naharina" (probably 
 in the thirty-first year or seventh expedition) "as
 
 SYRIAN ART. 3 1 
 
 a victorious warrior at the head of his arm\-, 
 placing his boundary at the horn of the world — 
 the lands of the further waters of Naharina." He 
 then set up two memorials by the Euphrates, 
 where a tablet by his father (or ancestor — perhaps 
 Thothmes I.) already existed, and passed on to 
 Nini — probably Ninus Vetus on the Euphrates. 
 The spoils included lapis-lazuli from Babylon, and 
 Asiatic ivory. In the thirty-ninth year (the four- 
 teenth campaign) an expedition to Zahi was under- 
 taken, and among the articles of tribute we find 
 mention of manna, and natron, incense, dates both 
 fresh and dried, oil, honey, wine, and corn. In 
 this year the chief of the Kheta or Hittites 
 brought gold and negro slaves, and a boat -load 
 of ivory, with other gifts. In the fortieth and 
 forty-second years the tribute of Assyria is noticed, 
 and included many precious gems, with chariots 
 and vessels of various metals, vines, figs, mul- 
 berries, and cedar- wood. The high prosperity of 
 Syria and Aram, under the Mongol suzerains 
 before the Egyptian conquest, is attested by these 
 lists; and the art of their repousse metal -work is 
 described and pictured on the Egyptian sculp- 
 tures — including many vases adorned with heads 
 of eagles, bulls, and lions — which represent a civil- 
 isation at least equal to that of Egypt, and ex- 
 tending over the whole of Western Asia south of 
 the Taurus. Even Cyprus is supposed to be 
 noticed (under the name of Asebi) as tributary
 
 32 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 to Egypt, and may easily have been reached by 
 the fleets which were then saihng in the Medi- 
 terranean as well as in the Red Sea. 
 
 A further list of 231 cities in Syria, north of 
 Palestine, is given on the temple walls at Karnak. 
 In some cases the names are Semitic, and in others 
 they appear to be Mongolic, and survive in the 
 Turkish nomenclature of our own time. None of 
 the south Phoenician cities (such as Tyre, Sidon, 
 Beirut, Batrun, and Gebal) are noticed, and it 
 would seem that Thothmes advanced from Dam- 
 ascus into the Orontes valley, to Kadesh and 
 Tunep, and only reached the sea by the Eleutherus 
 valley at Semyra, thence pushing north to Arvad 
 and Paltos (now Baldeh) ; but it is possible that 
 the Phoenicians may have offered tribute after the 
 battle of Megiddo. Among the more important 
 Syrian towns are mentioned Hamath, Tunep, 
 'Azzaz, Nereb, and Tereb, south of Aleppo ; Urum 
 on the Euphrates, above Birejik ; and Sarnuka, 
 east of the river. Carchemish and Aleppo are 
 also noticed, and Rezeph in the desert south of 
 Tiphsah, with Pethor farther north and west of 
 the Euphrates. Samalla, a famous town near the 
 pass leading down to the Gulf of Issus, may per- 
 haps be recognised in Samalua ; but the northern 
 Hittites of Mer'ash seem to have remained un- 
 conquered in their mountains. The list refers 
 mainly to cities in the plains and valleys, and 
 on the great highways from Egypt to Assyria,
 
 ASIATIC ELEI^HAXTS. 33 
 
 where the chariots of Thothmes could be used 
 in war. 
 
 The interesting memoir of an Egyptian captain, 
 who fought- under Thothmes III. in later }'ears, but 
 not apparently as early as the battle of Megiddo, 
 refers to the same regions. His first services 
 were in Nekeb — perhaps the Negeb or south of 
 Palestine — but he crossed "the waters of Na- 
 harina " near Carchemish, and cut off the trunk 
 of an elephant close to the Euphrates at Ni (or 
 Ninus Vetus), saving the king, who was hunting 
 a herd of 120 for their tusks : while at Kadesh 
 he disembowelled a wild mare set loose by the 
 Hittite king and took its tail as a troph}-.^ 
 
 The last fourteen years of Thothmes III. were 
 spent peacefully in building temples, and Amen- 
 ophis II., who succeeded him, appears also to 
 have reigned quietly over the new empire, ex- 
 tending north for 500 miles from the borders of 
 Egypt. In the great changes wrought by these 
 important conquests the Semitic tribes seem to 
 have willingly accepted their new master, and 
 relied in future on Egypt for aid against Babylon. 
 The 2nd Kassite dynasty was no longer supreme 
 like the ist, for Assyria was independent, and 
 about 1440 B.C. Burnaburias calls himself only 
 " king of Karadunias " or Babylonia. The Hittite 
 tribes are very little noticed at this period, the 
 name not having as yet become familiar to the 
 
 1 Records of the Past (Old Series), vol. iv. p. 6. 
 C
 
 34 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 Egyptians ; but the policy of the Pharaohs seems 
 to have been directed to strengthening their posi- 
 tion b}' marriage aUiances, not only with kings 
 of BabN'lon, but with the northern Mongols of 
 Matiene, who were directly in communication 
 with the Hittites. 
 
 The population of Syria had, in great measure, 
 become Semitic in consequence of Aramean migra- 
 tions from Assyria, and was represented in the 
 north by the Phoenicians along the coast, and 
 by the Amorites in Lebanon and at Tunep. The 
 region of Elishah — probably in Cilicia — together 
 with Cappadocia, appears alread}- to have used 
 the cuneiform script ; and as the former region 
 was hostile to the Hittites, and to the Ligyes of 
 the Taurus, it seems probable that the popu- 
 lation was mainly Semitic. In Palestine itself 
 the names of towns noticed on the Karnak lists 
 appear to be all Semitic. Man}' of them are 
 familiar Old Testament sites, but the forms of the 
 words are Aramean rather than Hebrew, repre- 
 senting the language of Semitic Canaanites and 
 Amorites then dwelling as a settled population 
 in villages and cities. 
 
 The aid of Thothmes IV. was invoked by 
 Rimmon-Nirari against the Hittites of Mer'ash 
 about the close of the sixteenth century B.C., 
 and this help was apparently given, since we 
 have an allusion to his " first campaign, in Naha- 
 rina " ; but it is also known that he contracted
 
 THE MINYANS. 35 
 
 a marriage with a daughter of the MiiiNan j)rince 
 Sitatama, then ruHng over the kind of Mitanni 
 or Matiene in Armenia. The Egyptian advances 
 seem to have been regarded at first with sus- 
 picion, and the alhance was refused for a long 
 time ; but it was further strengthened on the ac- 
 cession of Amenophis III., who appHed in his 
 tenth year to Suttarna the son of Sitatama for 
 the hand of his daughter Gihikhepa. An inscrip- 
 tion on a scarab ^ refers to her appearance in 
 Egypt with a train of 317 persons, and other 
 references to her are found in the Tell Amarna 
 Tablets. Yet earlier Amenophis III. had married 
 the famous princess Thi, who seems also to have 
 been connected with Armenia, as well as a 
 relative of Callimmasin, king of Babylon. His 
 reign lasted for thirty-six years, and appears to 
 have been fairly prosperous throughout. He is 
 called the " smiter of the Eastern foreigners," 
 and in his hunting expeditions on the Assyrian 
 borders he slew 102 lions. But in his later 
 years — perhaps about 1480 r..c. or earlier — 
 troubles arose in the north, which presaged the 
 disasters of the following reign. 
 
 Suttarna, the friendly king of Mitanni, was 
 murdered, and his son Artasumara was allied 
 to the independent Hittites, while at the same 
 time the city of Semyra was attacked by the 
 Amorite Abdasherah (" servant of the goddess 
 
 ^ Records of the Past (Old Series), vol. xii. p. 39.
 
 36 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 Asherah "), who also advanced on Ribadda, king 
 of Gebal. Of this war we have many notices in 
 the earher letters of the Tell Amarna collection, 
 and Ribadda informs us that, b}' aid of Amen- 
 ophis III., the Amorite advance was stayed for 
 a time. The hostile alliance included not only 
 the Minni under Artasumara, and the Amorites 
 under Abdasherah, but also the Kasi or Kassites, 
 the Hittites of Mer'ash, and the king of Zinzar, 
 a region east of the Hittites. The invaders 
 advanced on Damascus, and overran Bashan, 
 where they were met by the Egytian general 
 Yankhamu.-^ But the Egyptian success was 
 doubtful, and Yankhamu appears to have been 
 defeated. In the south, the 'Abiri or Hebrews 
 attacked the Judean hills (about 1480 B.C.), and 
 penetrated by Ajalon to the Philistine plains, 
 reducing Ascalon, Lachish, Keilah, Zorah, and 
 other places to tribute. The pitati or "archer" 
 garrison of Jerusalem had been withdraw^n, just 
 before this invasion from the " land of Seir," 
 and several Canaanite chiefs in the neighbour- 
 hood complain in their letters of the loss of 
 this guard. The alliances of Egypt proved, how- 
 ever, very useful in the north, and on the acces- 
 sion of Kurigalzu the Babylonians refused to aid 
 
 ^ See my translations ("Tell Amarna Tablets") of the letters from 
 the Berlin Collection numbered i, 42, 43, 45, 52, 61, 79, 86, loi ; 
 and Brit. Museum Collection, Nos. i, 2, 9, 10, 18, 21, 24, 25, 44, 
 57, 62.
 
 TADUKHEPAS MARRIAGE. 37 
 
 the Canaanites in their revolt, while Artasumara 
 was defeated by his brother Diisratta, who at- 
 tacked the Hittites from the east and swept 
 over Northern Phoenicia. 
 
 The temporary successes thus secured were 
 celebrated by a further alliance between the kin^ 
 of Mitanni and the Pharaoh ; and Tadukhepa, the 
 daughter of Dusratta, became the bride of Ameno- 
 phis IV., the heir of Egypt, within the lifetime of 
 his father Amenophis III. The lists of her dowry 
 give us a very clear view of the wealth and civil- 
 isation of Matiene under its Mongol rulers in the 
 fifteenth century b.c.^ The gifts sent with this 
 princess included objects of gold, silver, copper, 
 tin, and iron, necklaces and bracelets, earrings, 
 anklets, and signet-rings, with robes adorned with 
 thin leaves and fringes of gold, and embroidered 
 in crimson, green, and other colours. They were 
 carried in wooden boxes. There were also precious 
 vases of bronze ; and eighteen different kinds of 
 gems are named, including jade, agate, and possibly 
 pearls, with amethysts and rubies. Tusks of ivory 
 are also mentioned, and a chariot and camel-litter. 
 These last were adorned with carved figures of 
 lions and eagles in gold, reminding us of the art 
 of Troy and Mycenae belonging to the same age. 
 That the possessors of this wealth were Mongols 
 is shown by the long letter — some five hundred 
 lines of cuneiform, occupying a large tablet — which 
 
 ' Berlin Collection, Nos. 25, 26.
 
 38 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 Dusratta sent in connection with the negotiations 
 for the marriage. It begins with a salutation in 
 Assyrian, but the rest of it is in the native lan- 
 guage of Mitanni — a dialect akin to the Kassite, 
 Akkadian, and later Mongol speech of Media. 
 The rest of the nine letters written by this king 
 to Amenophis III. and Amenophis IV. are in 
 Assyrian, which seems to have been better under- 
 stood in Egypt ; for the kings of Babylon also 
 employed that language, though texts of Kurigalzu 
 and Burnaburias at home are Akkadian. Out of 
 all the great collection of more than 300 letters 
 found at Tell Amarna — the palace of the i8th 
 dynasty between Thebes and Memphis — only two 
 are in Mongol speech, the second being from 
 Tarkhundara,^ the Hittite prince of the land of 
 Ikatai near Rezeph. The connection between his 
 dialect and the Akkadian has already been admitted 
 by specialists in Germany, but the translation is 
 uncertain, though it clearly refers to the despatch 
 of a daughter to Egypt, and enumerates the Hittite 
 gifts which accompanied the messenger. Rezeph, 
 however, was much farther south than Mer'ash, 
 which was the centre of resistance against Egypt 
 about this time. 
 
 The victories of Dusratta over the Hittites led 
 to peace in Syria till the death of Amenophis III., 
 who "when he was forced to go to his fate"- was 
 
 ^ Berlin Collection, No. lo. 
 
 - Ibid., No. 24, line 55, obverse. Si/itti sii ci illicii ictalmus.
 
 THE RFA'OLT OF SYRIA. 
 
 39 
 
 bewailed by his Armenian brother-in-law, in a 
 pathetic letter to the widowed queen Thi and her 
 son. Already there were signs of the approaching 
 fall of the great Egyptian dynasty. The garrisons 
 had been withdrawn in the south, and all the 
 Judean hills were conquered by the 'Abiri or 
 Hebrews. Communication with Phcenicia seems 
 to have been mainly by sea, and Dusratta speaks 
 of the insecurity of the Syrian route, which was 
 again interrupted. Aziru, the Amorite chief of 
 Tunep, professed, indeed, allegiance to Egypt, and 
 honourably received Khai, the Eg}ptian cnvo\-. 
 But his father Abdasherah had been equally eager 
 to receive a paka or Egyptian resident, though he 
 made war on Semyra and Gebal ; and Aziru, who 
 writes as to his fears of the Hittite king of Mer'ash, 
 again finally threw in his lot with the rebels, and 
 advanced southwards in the reign of Amenophis 
 IV., in alliance with the king of Nereb near 
 Aleppo, and with Edugama the Mongol ruler 
 of Kadesh on Orontes. He was proclaimed a 
 rebel, and the surrender of certain criminals was 
 demanded by Khani the Eg3'ptian ; but the new 
 allies swept down the valley of the Eleutherus, 
 and took Semyra, Batrun, Gebal, Beirut, and 
 Sidon. Edugama attacked Sidon and wasted 
 Bashan ; and the fleet of Arvad, which cut off 
 the Egyptian ships coming to relieve Gebal, also 
 aided the Amorites in the siege of Tyre. From 
 every quarter came cries for aid, but the letters
 
 40 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 contain no indication that it was ever given. 
 Within the lifetime of Amenophis IV. the whole 
 of the Egyptian conquests appear to have been 
 lost, and after his death (or murder) weak kings 
 succeeded each other until, about 1400 B.C., the 
 i8th dynasty was overthrown. 
 
 The Hittites of Mer'ash, Carchemish, Aleppo, 
 and Kadesh appear for about a century to have 
 thus regained their freedom. There is no mention 
 of any aid given during this second war by 
 either Mitanni or the Kassites. Burnaburias, son 
 of Kurigalzu, in Babylon, was allied by marriage 
 to Amenophis IV., to whom he sent friendly 
 letters. But he was oppressed by the rising 
 power of the Assyrians until (about 1430 B.C.) 
 he agreed to the settlement of a boundary be- 
 tween Assyria and Babylon. He then married 
 the daughter of Assur-Uballid, the Assyrian king, 
 who was also well disposed to Egypt. At a 
 somewhat later period the latter advanced over 
 the Euphrates, to quell what he describes as a 
 general rising of the various tribes, and he appears 
 to have besieged Beirut, undermining its walls 
 and carrying captives thence. Meanwhile the 
 Kassites rebelled against Kara-Urutas, son of Bur- 
 naburias and of the daughter of Assur-Uballid, 
 and set up a usurper named Nazibugas. The 
 Assyrian monarch advanced on Babylon and 
 dethroned this upstart, placing Kurigalzu II. —
 
 CAPPADOCIAN TABLETS. 41 
 
 a younger son of Burnaburias — on the throne 
 about 1400 B.C. The Kassites thus became de- 
 pendent on Assyria ; and about half a century 
 later, wheji Nazi-Urutas quarrelled with Rimmon- 
 Nirari of Ass3Tia, he was defeated, and a new 
 border established between the two kingdoms. 
 The Kassite dynasty, which counted in all thirty- 
 six kings during a period of 577 years, continued 
 to rule Babylonia till about 1012 B.C., but they 
 had no power sufficient to oppose the ever-in- 
 creasing strength of Assyria, and no longer 
 played a part in the history of events west of 
 the Euphrates. 
 
 To the early Assyrian age (the fifteenth century 
 B.C.) may perhaps be ascribed the rude cuneiform 
 texts, written in the Assyrian language, which 
 have been found in Cappadocia.^ One of these, 
 now in the British Museum, is a trader's letter 
 regarding certain goods — probably cloths such 
 as are mentioned in later times as much prized 
 by the Assyrians; another, now in the National 
 Library at Paris, is about a disputed payment 
 between traders. Two others from Gyiil Tepe 
 and Kaisarieh refer to loans of money. A rock- 
 cut text, near Kaisarieh, accompanies a bas-relief 
 in which a king, robed in the Assyrian style and 
 seated on a throne, with fan-bearers behind him, 
 
 1 Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, November iSSi, pp. 16-19, 31-36; Uc- 
 cember 18S2, p. 41 ; November 1897, pp. 286-292.
 
 42 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IX SYRIA. 
 
 touches with his spear a crouching captive in 
 native dress. The legend/ which is very roughly 
 written and somewhat defaced, appears to relate 
 how Artes (perhaps an Aryan chief) was brought 
 out by his subjects from his royal city in the 
 land of Erime, to the presence of the conqueror 
 Targontimme of Gauzanitis. This latter, whose 
 name recalls those of many other Mongol chiefs 
 of Syria and Asia Minor, may have been the 
 same ruler who calls himself " Tarkutimme of 
 the land of Erime " on the bilingual boss, which 
 presents so-called Hittite emblems with early 
 cuneiform translation. The influence of Assyria 
 had already, as early as 1500 B.C., carried the 
 Semitic language and the cuneiform characters 
 to Asia Minor, as we see from the letters of the 
 princes of Elishah found in the Tell Amarna 
 collection. 
 
 About 1400 B.C., or rather later, the 19th or 
 Ramessid dynasty arose in Egypt, and entered 
 into new relations with Syria. A Hittite dynasty 
 had established itself at Kadesh on Orontes, and 
 Saplel, who may have been the son or grandson 
 of the Edugama above mentioned, was attacked 
 by Rameses I. ; but the success of the Egyptians 
 seems to have been doubtful, and a treaty of 
 alliance was concluded which left the Hittites 
 their freedom. Seti I. was the second king of 
 
 1 Eli AN TarguiDitimnte Sar lilat Guza\iia *] . . . -inelaina Urn 
 [r/] Sar tit II izzau Artes Sar Mat Erivie.
 
 RAMESES THE SECOND. 43 
 
 the 19th Etj^yptian dynasty, and attempted tlu- 
 reconquest of the Syrian empire. He attacked 
 Kanana — a place apparent!}- near Hebron on the 
 south — ai.id subsequent!}' invaded Syria, where 
 he was opposed by Mautenar of Kadesh. His con- 
 quests appear to have extended to the Euphrates, 
 and in his ninth year Kadesh was again talcen. 
 But these raids had littie permanent result, and 
 the decisive struggle was deferred till the reign 
 of the famous son of Seti, known as Rameses H. 
 or Miamun. He was crowned in his father's 
 lifetime when only about twelve years old, and 
 his long reign appears to have lasted some sixty 
 years, dating probably from about 1330 B.C. 
 
 In the fifth year of the reign of Rameses the 
 Great, perhaps after the reconquest of Ascalon, 
 a confederacy of Syrian and other northern tribes 
 opposed his advance on Kadesh.^ It included the 
 chiefs of Aleppo and Carchemish, the Leka or 
 Ligyes of the Taurus, with others whose geo- 
 graphical position is uncertain, but extending from 
 "the sea-coast to the land of the Hittites" and to 
 Naharina. Kadesh — a city probably founded by 
 some Semitic people, but which had been ruled for 
 more than a century by Hittite kings — stood on the 
 west bank of the Orontes near the head of the 
 valley of the Eleutherus, which forms the pass 
 through the Lebanon leading down to Semyra — a 
 
 1 Third Sallier l'a]nius. Translated by K. L. Lushington. Records 
 of the Past (Old Series), vol. ii. p. 67 It".
 
 44 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 natural highway from the coast to the river-valley 
 east of the great chain. The city was further 
 protected by a stream to its west, flowing into 
 the Orontes immediately north of the site, and 
 by a ditch on the south between the two streams. 
 It was fortified with walls and towers, and the 
 great mound of its citadel still retains the 
 ancient name of this "holy city" south of Emesa. 
 The Egyptians advanced in four brigades, one 
 following the king, one remaining at Shabatuna 
 — possibly in the Eleutherus valley — one in the 
 centre, and the fourth on the borders of the land 
 of Amairo. The Hittites repulsed the first brigade, 
 and surprised the king from an ambush north- 
 west of Kadesh, false information having led the 
 Egyptians to suppose that the Syrian army had 
 retreated. They are said to have had 2500 char- 
 iots with three warriors in each. The prowess 
 of Rameses, who is said to have charged the 
 enemy alone in his chariot, is related in extrav- 
 agant language ; but the result of the battle was 
 the defeat of the allies, and the subsequent sub- 
 mission of the city. The enemy are represented 
 on the Egyptian sculptures as driven into the 
 river, in which the prince of Aleppo was nearly 
 drowned ; and Rameses, either during this cam- 
 paign or on a later occasion when the cause of 
 offence was the destruction of his statues in the 
 town of Tunep, advanced yet farther north, and 
 appears to have conquered Aleppo. He left
 
 THE HITTITK ALLIANCE. 45 
 
 statues along his route at Sidon, and beside the 
 Dog river at Beirut, at Gebal, and even possibly 
 near Damascus. In the eighth year he invaded 
 Galilee, and subdued Shuncm, Meirun, Tabor, 
 and Beth Anath. His nwJiais or officials exacted 
 tribute all along the main route, between Aleppo 
 and Achshaph near Accho, as well as in the plains 
 of Lower Galilee, and as far east as Megiddo. The 
 whole of the Philistine plain was subdued, but the 
 mountains of Samaria and Judah were never appar- 
 ently conquered, or any part of Gilead or Moab. 
 
 In his thirty-fourth year of rule Rameses married 
 the daughter of Khetasar the king of Kadesh, and 
 thirteen years earlier the famous treaty had been 
 concluded with the Hittites, which gives evidence 
 of their power and civilisation about the begin- 
 ning of the thirteenth century B.C., when the}' 
 were able to treat on equal terms with the 
 Pharaoh ; while it equally informs us of their 
 religious ideas, and of the history of the kings 
 of Kadesh. The more important clauses of the 
 treaty may therefore be given in full : ^ — 
 
 In the twenty-first year, on the 21st of Tybi, in thu 
 reign of Ra-user-ma Rameses Meriamen, . . . came a 
 royal herald . . . from Khetasar the suzerain of the 
 Hittites. Copy of the silver pL^te which [he] sent by the 
 hand of his herald Tartisbu [and of his herald Rames ? ] 
 to Rameses the bull of monarchs, whose boundaries are 
 
 1 See Chabas, 'Voyage d'un Egyplien ' (1866), p. 33 ; and ' Records 
 of the Past' (Old Series), vol. iv. p. 25 ff.
 
 46 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 extended to every land at his pleasure — the covenant of 
 Khetasar suzerain of the Hittites, the mighty son of 
 Maurasar the mighty suzerain of the Hittites, grandson of 
 Saplel. . . . The good terms of peace and brotherhood 
 for ever which aforetime were ever [observed]. ... It 
 came to pass in the time of Mautenar suzerain of the 
 Hittites, my brother, that he fought with the great king of 
 Egypt, but thus shall it be henceforth from this day. 
 Behold, Khetasar suzerain of the Hittites covenants to 
 abide by the terms made before the Sun, before Set, 
 regarding the land of Egypt and the land of the Hittites, 
 in order that no quarrel may arise between them for 
 ever. . . . After the death of my brother, I Khetasar 
 sat on his father's throne as suzerain of the Hittites. . . . 
 The suzerain of the Hittites will never invade Egypt or 
 carry away ought thence, nor shall Rameses Meriamen, 
 the great king of Egypt, ever invade the land of the 
 Hittites or carry away ought thence. The treaty of 
 alliance which was made in the time of Saplel suzerain of 
 the Hittites, as also the treaty of alliance made in the 
 time of [Maurasar] ^ suzerain of the Hittites, my father, 
 as I fulfil it so also, behold, Rameses Meriamen, the great 
 king of Egypt, shall fulfil it : . . . both of us from this 
 day will fulfil it, to carry out the intention of alliance. If 
 any foe shall come to the lands of Rameses Meriamen, 
 the great king of Egypt, and he shall send to the suzerain 
 of the Hittites saying, " Come and help me against him," 
 then shall the suzerain of the Hittites . . . smite that 
 foe, and if [he] cannot come he shall send his footmen 
 and horsemen ... to smite his foe. . . . But if servants 
 of the suzerain of the Hittites shall invade Rameses 
 Meriamen, . . . [or if] they come from the lands of 
 Rameses Meriamen, the great king of Egypt, to the 
 suzerain of the Hittites, then shall [he] not receive them, 
 but [he] shall send them to Ra-user-ma, beloved of the 
 Sun, the great king of Egypt. . . . And if any come to 
 
 ' The copy reads Mautenar by mistake.
 
 TH?: HITTITE TREATY. 47 
 
 do any business in the land of tlie Ililtites, they shall not 
 be added to the land of the Hittites, they shall be restored 
 to Rameses IMeriamen, the great king of Egypt. . . . And 
 if any come to the land of Egypt to do business of any 
 sort, then shall not Ra-user-ma, beloved of the Sun, the 
 great king of Egypt, claim such : he shall cause them to 
 be restored to the suzerain of the Hittites. 
 
 This tablet of silver is witnessed by a thousand gods, 
 the warrior gods and the goddesses of the land of the 
 Hittites, together with a thousand gods, the warrior gods 
 and the goddesses of the land of I'^gypt. . . . Set of the 
 Hittites, Set of the city A . , . , Set of the city Taranta, 
 Set of the city Pairaka, Set of the city Khisasap, Set of 
 the city Sarasu, Set of the city of [Aleppo?], . . . Set of 
 the city Sarapaina, Astarata of the Hittites, the god of 
 Taitat Kherri, the god of Ka . . . , the goddess of the 
 city . . . , the goddess of Tain . . . , the god of . . . , 
 [the gods of] the hills, of the rivers, of the land of the 
 Hittites, the gods of the land Tawatana, Amen, the Sun, 
 Set, the warrior gods and goddesses of the hills, the rivers, 
 of the land of Egypt, . . . the great sea, the winds, the 
 clouds. 
 
 As to these words on the silver tablet of the land of 
 the Hittites, and of the land of Egypt, whoso shall not 
 observe them, the thousand gods of the land of the 
 Hittites, and the thousand gods of the land of Egypt shall 
 be [against] his house, his family, his servants. But 
 whoso shall observe these words on the silver tablet, 
 be he Hittite [or Egyptian], the thousand gods of the 
 land of the Hittites, and the thousand gods of the land 
 of Egypt, shall give health to his [family] with himself and 
 his servants. 
 
 If one man or two or three shall pass over [to the land 
 of the Hittites, the suzerain of the Hittites] shall give 
 them up again to Ra-user-ma, beloved of the Sun, the 
 great king of Egypt ; but whoever shall be given up [to 
 him], let not his crime be set up against him, let him not 
 [be smitten] himself, or his wives or his children. If one
 
 48 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 man, or two, or three, pass over from the land of the 
 Hittites, and come to Ra-user-ma, the great king of Egypt, 
 let Rameses Meriamen seize [such] and cause them to 
 be given up to the suzerain of the Hittites, . . . him- 
 self, and his wives, and children ; but let him not be 
 smitten to death or [lose] his eyes, his nose, or his feet, 
 nor let his crime be set up against him. 
 
 That which is on the [other side] of the tablet of silver 
 is the [image] of the figure of Set, ... of Set the great 
 ruler of heaven, the [witness] of the treaty made by 
 Khetasar, the great king of the Hittites. . . . 
 
 This remarkable treaty appears to have been 
 strictly observed, and it is possible that Merenptah 
 (Mineptah), the son of Rameses, who acceded 
 about 1270 B.C., may have been the offspring of 
 the marriage with the Hittite princess. He con- 
 tinued to be on friendly terms with this powerful 
 race, which thus maintained its independence in 
 spite of attacks from the north, and which we 
 still find noticed as late as 1000 B.C. (i Kings 
 X. 29 ; cf. Josh. i. 4), ruled b}' their own princes, 
 to whom Solomon was also allied by marriage, 
 even if he was not himself the son of a Hittite 
 mother. 
 
 In the first years of Mineptah, however, great 
 troubles came on both the Hittites and the Egyp- 
 tians through the invasion of the south by Aryan 
 tribes from Asia Minor, who are represented as 
 a fair blue - eyed people. They acted in concert 
 with the white Libyans west of Egypt, who seem 
 also to have been perhaps earlj' Ar3^an .colonists 
 of North Africa, and they spoiled the lands of
 
 ISRAEL IX PALESTINK. 49 
 
 Hittites and Amorites on their way to the Delta, 
 so that a subsequent famine was only averted by 
 sending corn in ships from Egypt. 
 
 Among these invaders ^ are mentioned the 
 Akausha, the Tursha, the Luku (Lycians or 
 Ligyes), the Shardana (from Sardis), the Shaka- 
 lisha, and "all the lands north of the great sea." 
 The double attack was, however, repelled in 
 Egypt itself with great slaughter, and a recently 
 discovered inscription of the fifth year of Min- 
 eptah relates his subsequent raid along the coasts 
 of Palestine.^ This text, after referring to the 
 retreat of the Lib3'ans, continues to declare the 
 success of Egypt in Asia. " The Hittites," it 
 says, " are quieted. Pa - Kanana is ravaged with 
 all violence, Askadna is taken, Kazmel is seized, 
 Yenu of the Amu is made as though it were not. 
 The people of Israel (I-si-ra-al) is spoiled, it has 
 no seed. Syria has become [as the widows ?] of 
 Egypt. All lands together are at peace. Every 
 one that was a marauder has been subdued by 
 King Merenptah, who gives life like the Sun 
 every day." It will be noted that the Hittites 
 are only said to be " quieted," being apparently 
 aided rather than attacked by Mineptah, and 
 that Pa -Kanana ("the city of Canaan") is the 
 extreme point of advance along the shore, being 
 a town noticed in the preceding reign between 
 
 ^ Records of the Past (Old Series), vol. iii. p. 39. 
 
 - Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie, Contemporary Review, May 1896.
 
 50 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 Tyre and Accho. Askadna is thought to be a 
 clerical error for Ascalon. Yenu may be Janoah 
 on the hills immediately east of Tyre (now called 
 Yanuh) ; while the reference to Israel, in this 
 connection, is naturally regarded as showing them 
 to be already in Palestine, and living as a settled 
 population, whose crops were destroyed, leaving 
 them without seed. There is no difficulty in the 
 matter if — as several scholars have already ad- 
 mitted — the 'Abiri of the fifteenth century B.C. 
 are identified with the conquering Hebrews led 
 by Joshua.-^ Their raid on Philistia in the reign 
 of Amenophis III. occurred just at the time which 
 is given in the Bible (i Kings vi. i) for the 
 Hebrew conquest of Palestine, or about 1480 B.C., 
 and the opportunity for such conquest arose dur- 
 ing a period of general rebellion against Egypt. 
 The presence of the Egyptians in any part of 
 Palestine is not indeed noticed in the Old Testa- 
 ment at this time ; but the Egyptian garrison had 
 been withdrawn, as the kings of southern Pales- 
 tine inform us, shortly before the Hebrew in- 
 vasion. In the time of Mineptah Israel had thus 
 dwelt in the hill country west of Jordan for two 
 centuries, yet naturally continued to be regarded 
 as an enemy, and one sufficiently important to 
 be mentioned with other nations of Asia. 
 
 Of Hebrew history between 1480 and iioo B.C. 
 
 1 This is admitted by Dr Winckler and Dr Zimmern in Germany, 
 but denied by Dr Hommel and Dr Sayce.
 
 15ARAK AND SISERA. ;i 
 
 we have only a fragmentary account in the IJook 
 of Judges, but three references to foreign history 
 may be recognised, which coincide with the 
 monumental records above mentioned. Shortly 
 after the death of Joshua Israel was oppressed 
 for eight years by Chushan Rishathaim, king of 
 Aram Naharaim (Judges iii. 8). His name has 
 not yet been recognised, but we have seen that 
 the kings of Naharina took part in the attack 
 on Palestine, and advanced at least as far south 
 as Bashan, in the wars of the fifteenth century 
 B.C. It may have been at this time that Othnicl 
 fought against the Cushite or Kassite monarch 
 in question. In like manner the story of the 
 oppression for twenty years of northern Israel 
 by king Jabin II. of Hazor (Judges iv. 3) agrees 
 with the history of Rameses II. Early in his 
 reign Rameses took Tabor (the scene of Barak's 
 subsequent victory) and other places in Galilee. 
 Sisera, whose name may be the Egyptian Scs-Rn 
 or "child of Ra," was the sar or "ruler" of the 
 host of Hazor, and his chariots were stationed 
 at Harosheth under Mount Carmel. He may 
 have occupied the position of paka, or Egyptian 
 resident, among the Canaanite kings of Lower 
 Galilee after the eighth year of Ramicses 11.^ The 
 twenty years of oppression would endure till 
 towards the later years of the great Pharaoh, 
 
 ^ In the song of Deborah (Judges v. 2) the word "rh.iraohs-' 
 actually occurs as denoting the tyrants conquered.
 
 52 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 when peace had already been made with the 
 Hittites. The victory of Barak, calculating from 
 the conquest in 1480 B.C., would have occurred 
 about 1300 B.C., which quite agrees with the 
 probable duration of the reign of Rameses II. 
 It was naturally more important in the e3-es of 
 the Hebrews than in that of the Pharaoh, for 
 we have many instances of similar revolts in 
 which various pakas perished. With advancing 
 age Rameses II. appears to have become less 
 warlike, so that a period of some " forty years " 
 of rest (Judges v. 31) may well have elapsed 
 before the Syrian campaign of Mineptah. Ac- 
 curacy is not attainable within a few 3'ears, but 
 there is a remarkable coincidence between the 
 statement of the Pharaoh that " Israel is spoiled, 
 it has no seed," and the Bible account of a con- 
 temporary time of trouble (Judges vi. 4) lasting 
 for seven years, when the allied foes " destroyed 
 the increase of the earth till thou come to 
 Gaza, and left no sustenance for Israel," until 
 rescued by Gideon. For it is evident that the 
 Midianites cannot have been the only invaders, 
 since they are never found in the Philistine 
 plains in other accounts. After the retreat 
 of the Egyptians we hear of no further op- 
 pressions until the twelfth century B.C., when 
 the Philistines became the strongest tribe of the 
 south-west. And here also the monuniental ac- 
 counts appear to be in accord with Bible histor}-.
 
 ARYAN INVASION. 53 
 
 A time of confusion followed the death of 
 Mineptah, and for a while Arisu, a Phcenician, 
 ruled in the Delta. ^ Rameses III. was the next 
 native king able to restore for a time the waning 
 fortunes of his race about 1200 B.C. ; but he 
 was attacked by the Aryans, who invaded the 
 country of the Hittites and Amorites, and who 
 appear to have advanced far south against Egypt. 
 Among these tribes who " came by land and 
 sea " to the Delta are mentioned the Purosata, 
 the Zakkar, the Shakalisha, and the Danau. 
 The latter are perhaps Danai or Greeks, while 
 the Purosata or Pilista (as variously interpreted) 
 have been thought to be Philistines. They are, 
 however, in dress and feature indistinguishable 
 from their Aryan allies, and may have been in- 
 habitants of Prusias (or Broussa), in the far north- 
 w^est of Anatolia. The Hittites and Phoenicians 
 suffered most from this onset, and the Aryans 
 pushed as far as Carchemish and Arvad, and 
 " remained encamped in the land of the Amor- 
 ites." Rameses III. appears to have driven back 
 all these peoples " of the coasts and islands," 
 and received tribute from Syria. There is noth- 
 ing to show his presence in Palestine proper, but 
 his fleet attacked Cyprus, while he himself in- 
 vaded Zahi and Sahir (probably Seir) and re- 
 opened the Sinaitic mines. Among the names 
 of thirty - nine cities which he claims to have 
 
 1 Brugsch, Hist. Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 136-152.
 
 54 THE EGYPTIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 conquered we find not only places like Carche- 
 mish in Syria, and Athena (probably Adana in 
 Cilicia), but others, such as Salamis, Kition, Soli, 
 Idalium, Akamas, and Kebyra, in Cyprus, which 
 could only have been reached by ships ; and it 
 seems probable that — as in earlier times — the 
 expedition was carried to the coasts of Syria 
 and Cilicia by the Egyptian fleet. 
 
 This expedition is the latest historically known 
 to have been carried by the Egj-ptians into the 
 Hittite country, for the account of the visit of 
 Rameses XII. to Naharina appears to be legend- 
 ary. The Assyrians began to be so powerful in 
 the north that their supremacy ceased to be ques- 
 tioned. In the time of Rameses XIV. they seem 
 to have reached Egypt as conquerors, and there 
 in the time of Rehoboam they founded the 22nd 
 dynasty. Egypt was again split up into small 
 states in the twelfth century B.C., and the only 
 further notices of any attacks on Palestine are 
 those found in the Bible, when the father-in-law 
 of Solomon (i Kings ix. 16) is said to have burned 
 Gezer — being perhaps the energetic Saamen of the 
 2ist dynasty ; and again when Shishak swept over 
 the country (i Kings xiv. 25), as we learn from 
 his own list of 133 conquered towns in Galilee 
 and Judea. 
 
 With the decay of Egyptian power, after the 
 time of Rameses III., we reach the close of the 
 second period in the history of the Mongols of
 
 MONGOL DECAY. :; ; 
 
 Western Asia. From the dawn of histor\- till 
 about 1700 B.C. their power was unrivalled ; and 
 for five centuries after they held their own against 
 Aryans, Assyrians, and even — in the far north — 
 against the Egyptians. But the area of their rule 
 was gradually restricted, and Semitic races re- 
 placed them in Palestine and dominated their 
 scattered tribes from the Upper Tigris. The final 
 period between 1200 and 700 B.C. shows us the 
 gradual decay and final overthrow of the Hittite 
 power in Syria, and the yet earlier subjection of 
 the Kassites in Bab}'lon. The stor}- of Ass}Tian 
 conquest throws much light on the relations of 
 the various tribes which have been popularl}- 
 grouped together as " Hittite " ; and although the 
 use of their peculiar script had ceased before 
 1500 B.C., it will be well to relate shortly how 
 the Hittites fared in the times of the Hebrew 
 monarchy.
 
 56 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 After the death of the successful Assyrian king, 
 Assur-Uballid — which apparently took place at the 
 end of a long reign in about 1390 B.C. — the As- 
 syrians were engaged in a constantly recurring 
 struggle with the Kassites of Babylon, and only 
 two kings are known to have invaded Syria be- 
 tween 1400 B.C. and the time of Solomon. The 
 dissensions east of the Euphrates and the decay of 
 Egypt led first to the increase of independent power 
 among the northern Hittites, whose great city — 
 Carchemish — barred the passage of the Euphrates ; 
 and secondly, to the rise of the Hebrew kingdom 
 under David and Solomon. Not until about eighty 
 years after the death of the latter was any Assyrian 
 ruler to carry his arms victoriously to the Medi- 
 terranean after the early raids of Assur-Risisi and 
 Tiglath-Pileser I., which are about to be noticed. 
 Glancing back to the Kassite history, it appears 
 that the ist dynasty of Babylon came to an end
 
 BURNABURIAS. 57 
 
 about 1948 B.C., and was followed by eleven Mon- 
 gol kings of Uriikii (probably Erech), who reigned 
 altogether for 358 years, down to 1590 B.C. The 
 records of the 3rd dynasty (mainly Kassites) are 
 much injured on the only historic tablet that we 
 possess. The best known of these monarchs is 
 Burnaburias, who, as we have seen, was the con- 
 temporary of Amenophis IV. He may have been 
 the eleventh king of the line, and probably ac- 
 ceded about 1440 B.C. Ten years later he had 
 made peace with Assur-Uballid, and married the 
 daughter of the latter; but in his earlier letters 
 he writes of an expected Assyrian attack. Assur- 
 Uballid appears to have had a long reign, since 
 he saw his grandson on the throne of Babylon, 
 as already related ; but, as women are married in 
 the East at the age of twelve or fourteen, he may 
 not have been much older than Burnaburias, whom 
 he survived for many years — setting up on the 
 throne of Babylon a son of Burnaburias called 
 Kurigalzu 11.^ The latter, however, quarrelled with 
 the next Assyrian king, Bel-Nirari, and sought aid 
 from the ancient enemy of the Kassites — the king 
 of Elam. The alliance led to another attack on 
 Babylon by Bel-Nirari, and the Kassites were 
 again defeated ; while two generations later they 
 once more suffered under Nazi - Urutas (about 
 1330 B.C.) at the hands of Rimmon-Nirarl. 
 
 1 According to Dr Peters (Nippur, vol. ii. pp. 133, 255), Kurigalzu 
 II. made conquests in Elam.
 
 58 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 The great cit}- of Nineveh already existed, and 
 already had a shrine of Istar in its midst, in the 
 fifteenth century B.C. ; but the Assyrian capital is 
 believed not to have been transferred northwards 
 to it, from the town of Assur, until the reign of 
 Shalmaneser I., successor of Rimmon-Nirari, who 
 acceded about 1320 B.C. Another war followed 
 in the reign of Tiglath-Adar, son of Shalmaneser, 
 who took Babylon in 1292 B.C. ; but somewhat 
 later the tide of Assyrian success was checked, 
 when, in 1220 B.C., Bel-Kudur-eser of Assyria was 
 slain by the king of Babylon, and his successor, 
 Adar-Pileser, was hemmed in by the Hittites and 
 by other tribes. He died about 1200 B.C., and 
 the next king of Nineveh, Assur-Dan, is said to 
 have had a long and prosperous reign, and made 
 further inroads into Babylonia. The power of the 
 Kassites steadil}' decreased, and that of Ass3-ria 
 was consolidated, by a succession of kings handing 
 dowm the sceptre from father to son, until in 1150 
 B.C. Assur-Risisi extended his conquests, not only 
 in Armenia and Babylonia, but far south in Syria, 
 where he left his monument carved on the cliff of 
 the Dog river north of Beirut. He was followed, 
 about 1130 B.C., by a still more famous son — 
 Tiglath - Pileser I., who, in the first five years of 
 his reign, claims to have subdued forty-three kings, 
 from the borders of Babylon to the mountains, and 
 in the land of the Hittites as far as " the upper 
 sea of sunset." We learn, however, from other
 
 THE LATER KASSITES. 59 
 
 accounts that, later in his reign, he was less suc- 
 cessful against the Kassite ruler of Babylon, and 
 a period of weakness follows, during which the 
 Assyrian nominees, allied by marriage to the 
 kings of Nineveh, appear to have been set up 
 and dethroned in Babylon, according as the 
 Semitic race in the north, and the Mongols of 
 the south (Kassites and Elamites), prevailed in 
 an equally matched struggle — as when Assur-Bel- 
 Kala established Rimmon-Baladan, his son-in-law, 
 who was succeeded by Kassite monarchs about 
 mo B.C., after which the names of Bab3'lonian 
 rulers are sometimes Semitic, sometimes Mongolic. 
 The Assyrian ro3-al house decayed during the 
 eleventh centur\-, and Babylon still remained the 
 capital of a separate kingdom down to 1012 n.c, 
 when the ist Assyrian dynasty took the throne. 
 We hear of various short dynasties — probabh- con- 
 temporar}- — including kings of the "sea-coast"; 
 but there is as yet a gap in Assyrian history from 
 1085 to 935 B.C., filled only by the names of Assur- 
 Nirari, and Nebo-Dan. The power of the Xine- 
 vites cannot, however, have been entireh- lost, as 
 we learn from Egyptian sources. About 1000 B.C. 
 a king called Naromath, "the great king, the king 
 of Assyria," died at Abydos in Egypt, ^ where his 
 body was burned. He was the father of Shishak. 
 the enemy of Rehoboam, and his mother — married 
 to an earlier Shishak, king of Assyria — was the 
 
 1 Brugsch, Hist. Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 107-202.
 
 6o THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 daughter apparently of Rameses XIV. Naromath 
 plundered the altar of Abydos ; yet after his death 
 a statue was there set up, with an inscription " in 
 the language of Babylon," in which he was called 
 " king of kings." It would seem, therefore, that 
 he must have been a conqueror, who reached 
 Egypt either by sea or along the Palestine coast, 
 in the time of David, although no monuments of 
 this invasion are known to tell the story of the 
 first establishment of an Assyrian dynasty in the 
 Delta. 
 
 Turning to the victories of Tiglath-Pileser I., 
 already mentioned, we find an important account 
 of the tribes which he encountered in Syria,^ in 
 the well-known annals of his first five campaigns, 
 which have often been translated with minor dif- 
 ferences of interpretation. In his first year (about 
 1 130 B.C.) he pushed west into Commagene, where 
 five petty kings of the Moschai (the Old Testa- 
 ment Meshech), ruling in Western Armenia, had 
 for half a century exacted tribute, and were able 
 to assemble an army of 20,000 men. Conquest 
 in this region, and in the next year on the Tigris 
 near Diarbekr, and at Malatiya on the borders 
 of Armenia, opened the road westwards to the 
 region of the Kaska tribe, west of the latter city. 
 These tribesmen appear to have belonged to the 
 Mongol population of Asia Minor, and they were 
 aided by "soldiers of the Hittites " from Urum 
 
 ^ Records of the Past (New Series), vol. i. p. 86.
 
 TIGLATH-PILESER THE FIRST. 6l 
 
 on the Euphrates in an attack on Commagene. 
 The Assyrians drove back the tribesmen and took 
 120 chariots. Further wars in the east followed, 
 extending to the " upper sea," probably the Cas- 
 pian, before the campaign of vengeance west of 
 the Euphrates was attempted ; but in his fourth 
 year Tiglath-Pileser again advanced to Malatiya 
 and to the land of Khani - rabbat — the old king- 
 dom already noticed as ruled by the Minyan 
 king Dusratta. The whole of Southern Armenia 
 appears to have been still held by Mongol tribes, 
 but without any central authority ; and the As- 
 syrian soldiers were floated over the Euphrates 
 on inflated sheepskins, and reached " the city of 
 Carchemish in the land of the Hittites," taking 
 also three towns near Bisri, w^hich is thought to 
 be the famous fortress of Tell Bashar farther 
 north — a place whence seals with ** Hittitc '" 
 characters have been recovered. The expedition 
 was pushed westwards to the Mediterranean ; 
 and, near Arvad in Northern Phoenicia, Tiglath- 
 Pileser embarked on this sea and hunted a por- 
 poise. He speaks also of the wald bulls which 
 he hunted near Carchemish, and of the elephants 
 found near Harran, east of the Euphrates, of 
 which four were taken alive. Elephants in the 
 same district have already been noticed in the 
 sixteenth century B.C. Lions also were still 
 numerous, and Tiglath-Pileser slew 120 on foot 
 and 800 from his chariot. Like his Babylonian
 
 62 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 predecessors, he also prized the cedars of the 
 Northern Lebanon, and transplanted some of 
 them to Assyria. His campaign thus gives us a 
 glimpse of Hittite history in the twelfth century 
 B.C., and shows the condition of the countries 
 west of Assyria, where the jNIongol tribes were 
 fairly able, as a rule, to hold their own against 
 weaker kings than this Assyrian conqueror. 
 
 The next account of these regions dates about 
 270 years later, after the great gap in Assyrian 
 records. The kings of Nineveh, while conquer- 
 ing in the Armenian mountains, and striving to 
 form a permanent union with Babylon, appear, 
 as far as is known, to have left Syria in peace 
 until the accession, in 883 B.C., of Assur-Nasirpal, 
 who has left a long account of his victories. On 
 the north and east he penetrated into part of 
 Kurdistan and of the region round Ararat, which 
 he says no former kings of Assyria had reached. 
 On the west he advanced to the Mediterranean 
 over Lebanon, and received tribute from the 
 Phoenician cities of Gebal, Sidon, and Tyre, as 
 well as presents from Egypt. 
 
 Through Commagene Assur-NasirpaP reached 
 the towns of Surieh and Helebi, the first on the 
 west bank of the Euphrates between the mouths 
 of the Khabur and the Belikh, and the latter a 
 little above the point where the Belikh joins the 
 Euphrates. The power of Assyria seems by this 
 
 1 Records of the Past (New Series), vol. ii. p. 12S.
 
 ASSUR-XASIRPAL. 6^ 
 
 time to have been so fully recognised that the 
 tribes submitted, as a rule, without fighting; and 
 the gifts received from *' the son of Bakhian of 
 the land' of the Hittites, and the kings of Khani- 
 rabbat," included not only oxen, sheep, and 
 horses, but also silver, gold, lead, and copper. 
 The racial connection with the Kassites may 
 account for the advance of " soldiers of the land 
 of the Kassi," together with the Kaldu or Chal- 
 deans of Lower Mesopotamia, who were defeated 
 by Assur- Nasirpal after this first expedition to 
 the borders of Syria. He subsequently marched 
 again to Carchemish, and received as tribute 
 from Sangara the "king of the Hittites" twenty 
 talents of silver, beads, chains, sword scabbards 
 of gold, 100 talents of copper and 250 talents of 
 iron, with spoils of his palace (or temple), includ- 
 ing bronze (or copper) objects representing sacred 
 bulls, and bowls, libation - cups, and censers, as 
 well as couches, seats, thrones, dishes, ivory in- 
 struments, and 200 slave - girls. The Assyrians 
 seem to have specially prized the embroidered robes 
 of linen and fine stuffs in black and purple, which 
 are noticed with gems and elephants' tusks in this 
 record. Chariots, horses, and prisoners were also 
 carried away to Nineveh from Carchemish. 
 
 The advance continued westwards to 'Azzaz, in 
 the country of Lubarna king of the Khattinai ; and 
 the Assyrians crossed the Afrin river to Kunalua 
 (supposed to be Gindarus), his capital. The spoil
 
 64 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 taken was similar to that from Carchemish, in- 
 cluding a thousand oxen and ten thousand sheep. 
 Female musicians are also noticed, and the pagiti 
 or maces, which were sceptres of "great lords," 
 such as the Egyptians mention earlier among the 
 Hittites, and which are represented on the Mer- 
 'ash bas-relief. Other unknown tribes were next 
 encountered, before the river Orontes was reached 
 and the country of Yaraki near Hamath. Lu- 
 barna appears to have ruled over a wide region, 
 and the Khattinai were probably a Hittite tribe. 
 The corn of the Hittites was reaped, and vari- 
 ous enemies were empaled, while colonists from 
 Assyria were settled in the country. The slopes 
 of Lebanon were crossed, and the " great sea 
 of the West " was seen, and adored with sacri- 
 fices. Tribute came from Arvad, an island city 
 " in the midst of the sea," as well as from the 
 " kings of the coast," including those of Tyre, 
 Sidon, and Gebal. The objects noticed are the 
 same as above mentioned, including linen vest- 
 ments, maces great and small, precious woods, 
 seats of ivory, and " a porpoise offspring of the 
 sea." From Amanus (the Northern Lebanon 
 near Antioch) were brought logs of cedar, pine, 
 box, and cypress. The whole account gives 
 evidence of the great wealth and civilisation of 
 the region, and of the intermingling of Semitic 
 and Mongol tribes, to whom a new element was 
 added in the Assyrian colonists.
 
 SHALMANESER THE SECOND. 65 
 
 These conquests were maintained durin;^^ the 
 next reign — that of Shalmanescr II., son of 
 Assur-Nasirpal, who ruled from 858 to 823 B.C., 
 and of whom several important inscriptions are 
 known, including the famous " black obelisk." 
 His victories extended from the Caspian and the 
 Persian Gulf, Media and Cappadocia, to the 
 Orontes and to Phoenicia, but he met with 
 stubborn resistance from a league of twelve 
 Syrian princes, although his army, which was 
 specially strong in archers, numbered perhaps 
 100,000 men. The safety of his dominions was 
 secured by alliance with Babylon ; but on the 
 north we hear for the first time of the appear- 
 ance of a new race, which was destined to bring 
 about the ruin of Assyria — namely, the Medes, 
 who were encountered in Armenia. The old 
 Mongol population of the regions round Lake 
 Van, and in Matiene, had probably by this time 
 been destroyed or greatly reduced by Assyrian in- 
 vasions, but a new dynasty had established itself 
 at Lake Van, and had adopted the cuneiform 
 script for rock - cut texts in their own Aryan 
 language. The names of these kings appear also 
 to be Aryan, and Argistis, the fourth of the 
 dynasty, about 800 B.C. warred with Rimmon- 
 Nirari III., and appears to have been victorious 
 over various tribes. The texts are not as yet 
 read with certainty, but Argistis speaks of the 
 Khati among his enemies, between Malatiya and 
 
 E
 
 66 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 Nereb (in Syria), and the new Aryan invaders 
 thus appear to have been also enemies of the 
 Syrian Mongols. This further change in the 
 character of the population of Western Asia will 
 be found important in connection with the ques- 
 tion of the "Hittite" texts, and further evidence 
 of the presence of Aryans on the borders of 
 Assyria is furnished by texts of later kings down 
 to Sargon. 
 
 Turning to the records of Shalmaneser 11.,^ we 
 may consider the main points of interest in his 
 two great texts. During thirty years of fighting 
 he came nearly every year into Syria, or sent his 
 generals to maintain his authority ; and, although 
 the record of his conquests is incomplete, the 
 gradual extension of Assyrian power to Cilicia on 
 the west, and to Damascus and Bashan on the 
 south, is made clear. Even in the first year of 
 his reign (858 B.C.) he marched to the Mediter- 
 ranean near Antioch, and in the second he re- 
 ceived tribute — silver, gold, oxen, sheep, and 
 wine — from Katazilu of Commagene. Tell Barsip, 
 which is thought to be Birejik on the Euphrates, 
 was attacked, and 1300 soldiers of Ahuni, son of 
 Adini, were slain. The Gamgums were a people 
 living west of this crossing - place under a king 
 named Mutalli. They presented tribute like that 
 of Commagene ; and the advance thence was on 
 
 ^ Records of the Past (New Series), vol. iv. pp. 39, 53.- Schrader, 
 Cuneif. Inscript, and Old Testament, vol. i. pp. 1S3-209.
 
 THE KHATTINAI. 67 
 
 Samalla, now known to be an important city on 
 the plateau commanding the principal pass to the 
 Gulf of Issus. The chief of this region was Hayan, 
 son of Gabbar — a Semitic ruler apparently of 
 Phoenician race — with whom were allied Sangara 
 of Carchemish and Ahuni of Birejik. The confeder- 
 acy was defeated, and the submission of the Gam- 
 gums seems to have led to an alliance with Assyria 
 — Mutalli presenting his daughter with a dowry to 
 Shalmaneser, who set up his own statue at the foot 
 of the Amanus near Samalla, and, turning south to 
 the Orontes, attacked the Khattinai in the region 
 west of Aleppo. 
 
 In the third year (856 B.C.) Ahuni advanced 
 across the Euphrates from Tell Barsip, and was 
 defeated by Shalmaneser, who crossed the river 
 in flood (in April or May), and burned 200 villages 
 near Tell Bashar. Passing south, by Dabigu 
 (now Toipuk) east of 'Azzaz, through the lands 
 of Carchemish, he received tribute from the Khat- 
 tinai — including three talents of gold, 100 of 
 silver, 300 of copper, and 300 of iron, with 1000 
 bronze vases and 1000 embroidered robes ; and 
 in this instance again took away a Mongol prin- 
 cess with a dowry, and imposed a yearly tribute, 
 stated to have consisted of a talent of gold, 100 
 logs of cedar, and other gifts. From Samalla 
 like riches were extorted, with cedar-resin, flocks 
 and herds ; and a Phoenician princess with a 
 dowry was accepted. Such tribute was, however,
 
 68 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 only paid when enforced. And the expedition 
 seems to have been repeated in the fourth year, 
 when Pethor was the crossing - place of the 
 Euphrates south of Carchemish, the advance 
 thence being by the valley of Antioch, and the 
 return farther north by Mer'ash, where a road 
 was cut in the mountains ; and Armenia was 
 traversed as far as Ararat on the way home to 
 Nineveh. 
 
 The campaign of the fifth year (854 B.C.) was 
 one of the most arduous, for the whole of Syria — 
 as far south at least as Damascus — was leagued 
 to oppose the insatiable ambition of Assyria, and 
 to shake off the heavy yoke and annual exactions 
 which single tribes could not resist. On sheep- 
 skin floats the Assyrian force of about 120,000 
 soldiers crossed the Euphrates in flood a second 
 time. Kundaspi of Commagene, Lalli of Malati3'a, 
 Hayan of Samalla, Girparuda of the Khattinai, 
 and Girparuda of the Gamgums, hastened to offer 
 tribute of gold, silver, copper, and lead (meeting 
 the king at Pethor), as being "under the yoke." 
 Aleppo also submitted, and offerings were made 
 to Hadad its god ; but south of this the road 
 along the Orontes was barred by the allies of 
 Hamath, who mustered altogether nearly 4000 
 chariots and 62,000 fighting men. 
 
 The twelve kings so allied included Hadadezer 
 of Damascus, Irkhulena of Hamath, Ahab of Sirlai 
 (an unknown site), with the Guai near the borders
 
 THE SYRIAN LEAGUE. 69 
 
 of Cilicia, the Phoenicians of Arvad, Arkah, Hu;iii 
 (probably el Ghaziyeh near Sidon), Baashah of 
 Amanus, Adonibel of Sizana, and Gindub the Arab 
 with a thousand camels. The Hamathite fortresses 
 were wasted, and a great battle near Karkar on the 
 Orontes is said to have led to the defeat of the 
 allies, who fled, leaving 14,000 slain. But the 
 Assyrian advance was checked for a time, and in 
 the following year (853 B.C.) Hadadezer and Irkhu- 
 lena roused the "kings of the Hittites" and of the 
 "sea-coasts," and advanced on Assyria, "trusting 
 in each other's might." They lost, however, 20,500 
 men, with chariots, horses, and baggage ; and the 
 struggle between Nineveh and Damascus remained 
 undecided, and does not seem certainly to have 
 been renewed for thirteen years, although in 849 
 B.C. (the tenth of Shalmaneser) tribute from 
 Carchemish included a Hittitc princess with a 
 dowry, while in the following season many Hittite 
 and Hamathite towns were raided, Hadadezer 
 with his eleven allies being put to flight. The 
 Assyrian lands, in which new colonists were 
 settled, now included all the north of Syria to 
 the borders of Hamath, and in the thirteenth 
 year (846 B.C.) tribute was taken from the " Land 
 of Yadai " round Samalla, this region being again 
 visited in 842 B.C., the seventeenth of Shalmaneser. 
 The subjection of Hamath was evidently next 
 brought about, though the record is wanting, for 
 in 840 B.C. Hazael of Damascus found himself
 
 70 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 forced to meet the invader on the slopes of Her- 
 mon. Of this final success in the south in the 
 eighteenth year of his reign, Shalmaneser tells us 
 that, crossing the Euphrates for the sixteenth 
 time, he marched on Bashan : — 
 
 Hazael of Damascus trusted to the number of his host, 
 and gathered his armies without number, and made Shenir 
 [or Hermon], the topmost mountain east of Lebanon, his 
 stronghold. I strove with him and beat him ; sixteen 
 thousand of his warriors I overcame with the sword. 
 Eleven hundred and twenty- one of his chariots, four 
 hundred and seventy of his horsemen, I took from him 
 with his baggage. To save his life he fled away. I 
 pursued after him and went down to Damascus, his royal 
 city. I besieged him. I destroyed his gardens. I went 
 to the land of Hauran. I destroyed unnumbered towns. 
 I wasted and burned with fire. I carried off his prisoners 
 without number. I marched to the mountains of Baal 
 Ras close to the sea [probably near Beirut]. I set up 
 my royal image at that place ; and at that time I took 
 tribute of the Tyrians, of the Sidonians, of Jehu son of 
 Omri. 
 
 The statue of a Shalmaneser still stands on the 
 cliff above the sea near the Dog river, to attest 
 this victory which placed all Syria at the mercy 
 of Assyria. The Hittite power, which had long 
 barred the way to Palestine, was broken down ; 
 and the fear of further conquest fell on Israel. 
 But although in the next year (839 B.C.) another 
 campaign was made, in which four cities were 
 taken from Damascus, and tribute received from 
 Tyre, Sidon, and Gebal, the attention of the
 
 TUBAL. 71 
 
 Assyrians was for a time diverted to countries 
 farther north, and to the consoHdation of their 
 new possessions in Northern Syria. 
 
 In the twenty-second year (836 B.C.) the army 
 of Shalmaneser took a route by Malatiya in 
 Armenia, to the forests near the head of the 
 Jihun river, and the valleys of the tribes of Tubal 
 in Cappadocia, where twenty-four petty kings were 
 then ruling. The silver-mines in these spurs of 
 the Taurus seem to have been the object of the 
 campaign, and marble and woods were also seized. 
 The way to Cilicia was thus opened, and next year 
 the Cappadocians gave tribute, while the wars were 
 directed against the Parsua, who lived on the 
 south-west of Lake Urumia, east of Nineveh. It 
 was not till the twenty-fifth year (833 B.C.) that 
 further attempts on the far west were made, 
 when the cities of the Guai north of Antioch 
 were attacked, from across the Amanus. A year 
 later these tribes, ruled by Tulka — apparently a 
 Mongol — gave tribute of silver, gold, sheep, and 
 oxen, while those farther west fled inland to the 
 mountains ; and Tarsus in Cilicia submitted to 
 the Assyrians, Pikhirim the Cilician king being 
 defeated. 
 
 In the twenty -eighth year (830 B.C.) troubles 
 arose among the Khattinai, who murdered 
 Lubarna the Assyrian vassal king. Shalmaneser 
 himself no longer led his army, but sent his 
 tartan or " jrreat chief" to Kunalua near the Afrin
 
 72 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 river, where, on the submission of the tribe, a 
 great statue of the king was carved, and tribute 
 of silver, gold, lead, copper, iron, and ivory ex- 
 acted. The rebellion appears to have been fer- 
 mented by Sapalulme the new king, allied with 
 Sangara of Carchemish, and Hayan of Samalla, 
 though the reference in this case may be to an 
 earlier year. This was the last of Shalmaneser's 
 wars in Syria, and the latest campaign was led 
 by a tavtan in the thirtieth year against Artasari, 
 apparently an Aryan ruler of the Minyans near 
 Lake Van, and of the Parsua farther east. In 
 the thirty-fifth year of his victorious reign (823 
 B.C.) Shalmaneser died, having added to the 
 empire a rich and civilised province in Syria, 
 which was held for more than two hundred years 
 afterwards by the Assyrians, besides enlarging his 
 borders on the north and east. The ruin of the 
 Hittite power dates from the early years of his 
 reign. 
 
 Shamash-Rimmon II. succeeded his father, but 
 reigned only thirteen years, till 810 B.C., when 
 Rimmon-Nirari III., the grandson of Shalmaneser 
 II., acceded. Shamash-Rimmon fought only with 
 Arameans and Elamites, but his successor was 
 forced to assert his authority in Syria, as well 
 as against the x^Iinyans. He attacked Arpad 
 (thirteen miles north-west of Aleppo) in 806 B.C., 
 and 'Azzaz in the same region during the following 
 year ; but no great resistance seems to have been
 
 THE CONQUEST OF DAMASCUS. 73 
 
 encountered, and tribute was oftcrcd by Tyre, 
 Sidon, Damascus, and even Edom. His record 
 runs as follows,^ after noticing:; the building of 
 temples and expeditions into Kurdistan : — 
 
 I conquered the mountain to its farthest extent, to the 
 great sea of sunrise from beyond the river Euphrates, the 
 land of the Hittites, the land of the Amorites, to the limits 
 of the land of Tyre, the land of Sidon, the land of Omri, 
 the land of Edom, the land of Philistia, to the great sea 
 where the sun sets. I made them give tribute. I also 
 marched against the land of Damascus. I shut up Mari, 
 king of the land, in his royal city Damascus. The terror 
 of Assur his lord cast him to the ground : he embraced 
 my feet, he offered allegiance. I received 2300 talents of 
 silver, 20 talents of gold, 3000 talents of copper, 5000 
 talents of iron, embroidered robes of cloth, an ivory couch, 
 ivory images. I took away his goods, his treasure, his 
 property, uncounted from Damascus his royal city, from 
 within his palace. 
 
 The condition of Syria was thus that of a 
 tributary region ; but the tribute was perhaps 
 only paid when an expedition was sent to demand 
 it. Damascus still remained, under its native 
 kings, the last bulwark protecting Israel from the 
 north, but Galilee had already been overrun by 
 the Syrians (i Kings xv. 20), and the dissensions 
 of the southern states rendered them helpless 
 against any sudden attack. The recently dis- 
 covered inscriptions of Samalla (Sinjirli) cast 
 further light on the condition of the region near 
 the Taurus, and prove that the inhabitants were 
 
 1 Schrader, Cuneif. Inscript. and Old Testament, vol. i. p. 203.
 
 74 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 Semitic, using the Phcenician alphabet and lan- 
 guage, and forming a link between the Amorites 
 and Arvadites to the south, and the old Semitic 
 population of Cilicia and Western Cappadocia, 
 which has been already mentioned. It appears 
 that Hayan, son of Gabbar, was succeeded by 
 Bar-Karal, in the time of Shamash - Rimmon ; 
 and the latter by his son Panammu I., whose 
 statue of Hadad is inscribed with a text con- 
 veying some historic indications.-^ We learn 
 that Yadai, the land of which Samalla was the 
 capital, was a country of corn, wine, and oil, 
 prospering under its native kings in the absence 
 of the Assyrians, and unaffected by the con- 
 quests of Jeroboam II., which probably followed 
 the ruin of Damascus in 806 B.C. (2 Kings xiv. 
 25), but which extended only to Hamath. In 
 803 B.C., however, Panammu I. was probably 
 visited when Rimmon - Nirari marched west to 
 the sea, for a later text at Samalla speaks of the 
 troubles of the country as then beginning, and 
 lasting seventy years, and of the destruction of 
 flocks and herds, wheat and barley, the increase 
 of debt and scarcity of food. 
 
 Shalmaneser III., following Rimmon-Nirari III. 
 in 781 B.C., was mainly concerned with Armenia, 
 though he advanced in 775 B.C. to the "cedar 
 country," and two years later to Damascus. 
 
 ^ See Quarterly Statement, Pal. Expl. Fund, January 1S96, pp. 
 60-77.
 
 AZARIAH OF JUDAH. 75 
 
 Assur - Dan III. acceded in 771 r..c., and a re- 
 bellion in Arpad was quelled in the last year of 
 his reign. The Assyrian royal house was decay- 
 ing, and no conquests are recorded of the next 
 king, Assur-Nirari, who acceded in 753, and whose 
 reign closed with the rebellion of Calah in 746 
 B.C. Until the rise of a new dynasty, when 
 Tiglath-Pileser II. took the throne, in the follow- 
 ing year, Syria appears to have been left in 
 peace, and the fear of Assyria passed away for 
 a time ; but the conquests of this new and 
 vigorous ruler were carried farther than those 
 of any of his predecessors, and included the 
 final overthrow of Damascus, with raids far south 
 into Philistia. From the spring of 745 B.C. down 
 to 728 B.C. his wars were incessant, and only the 
 last year of his life appears to have been passed 
 in peace. The first two campaigns were against 
 Babylon and Media, when Tiglath - Pileser as- 
 sumed the ancient titles " king of Babylon, king 
 of Sumir and Akkad, king of the four quarters," 
 in addition to that of king of Assyria. It was 
 not until 743 B.C. that he advanced on Arpad, 
 and besieged the city for three years, in the 
 second of which Azariah of Judah aided the nine- 
 teen Hamathite districts which revolted — an 
 alliance which would seem to have e.xisted 
 throughout the half- century of Azariah's reign 
 (2 Kings xiv. 28). The text is broken, and is 
 thought to refer to Azariah's becoming tributary,
 
 -je THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 but may perhaps rather relate to the tribute of 
 Hamath during its defection from Assyria. The 
 north of Syria had shaken off the 3-oke, and the 
 Hamathites had conquered as far as the Amanus 
 in the north-west, with other districts of uncer- 
 tain position " on the shores of the sea of sunset. 
 In their wickedness they plotted with Azariah to 
 revolt. I restored their country to Assyria, I set 
 up over them my officers and residents."^ 
 
 The first period of Syrian campaigns, under 
 Tiglath-Pileser II., occupied five years in all. In 
 739 B.C. the Hamathites w'ere carried away cap- 
 tive, and the Hittites gave tribute, and the record 
 of this or of the next year shows the complete- 
 ness of Assyrian success : — 
 
 '' I received tribute of Kustaspi of Commagene, 
 Rezin of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria, Hiram 
 of Tyre, Sibitbel of Gebal, Urik of the Guai, 
 Pisiris of Carchemish, Iniel of Hamath, Pan- 
 ammu of Samalla, Tarkulara of the Gamgums, Sul- 
 umal of Malatiya, Dadil of the Kaska, \'assurmi 
 of Tubal," and of other obscure tribes, including 
 even " Zabibi, queen of the Arabs." For four 
 years the submission of the west was thus pre- 
 served without further wars. In 734 B.C., however, 
 Syria became the base of an advance along the 
 shores of the Mediterranean, by Semyra and Arka, 
 as far as Gaza in Philistia. The succession of 
 
 ' Schrader, Cuneif. Insciipt. and Old Testament, vol, i. pp. 209, 
 242-249,
 
 SAMALLA. TJ 
 
 events is not quite certain, but cither in this year 
 or after the fall of Damascus, tribute was received 
 from the whole of Palestine east and west of Jor- 
 dan, the Assyrian advance throu.t^h Bashan beinf,' 
 pushed even to Moab, while according to the Bible 
 Upper Galilee was also wasted (2 Kings xv. 29). 
 
 The fall of Damascus, in 732 B.C., led to the 
 submission of Ahaz of Judah. The citizens of the 
 Syrian capital, which was besieged during the raid 
 on Gilead, were impaled on its capture, the trees 
 were hewn down, and the native dynasty displaced. 
 Pekah was set on the throne of Samaria, and during 
 the following year, while wars in Babylonia began 
 against Merodach-Baladan, there was a temporary 
 respite in the west. But apparently in 729 B.C. 
 a further expedition to the south took place, when 
 Pekah was slain, and Hoshea of Samaria became 
 an Assyrian vassal in his stead. The triumphal 
 inscription of the last year of Tiglath-Pileser II. 
 records the result of his wars as follows : — 
 
 [I received tribute of] Matanbel of Arvad, Sanibu 
 [Shinab] of Beth Ammon, Solomon of Moab, . . . Mitinti 
 of Ascalon, Ahaz of Judah, Kausmelek of Edom, . . . 
 Hanun of Gaza. 
 
 During the same period the final submission of 
 Samalla took place. In 734 B.C. the Assyrians 
 took Soo captives or hostages from this region, 
 and its king fled to Damascus. Panammu II. 
 was, however, taken thence, and restored as an 
 Assyrian vassal to his throne, according to the
 
 y8 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 inscription of his son Bar-Rakab, which has been 
 found in the ruins of this Phoenician city of the 
 far north, and which recounts the miseries of the 
 country before the king of Assyria : — 
 
 Restored the captivity of Yadai . . . and set up [my 
 father] on his father's throne, and made it better than 
 aforetime. And I myself have increased the wheat and 
 the barley, and the flocks, and the grain in my day, and 
 have eaten thereof . . . There is cheapness of price in 
 my day. My father Panammu set up many owners of 
 villages, and . . . was great among kings. Did not he 
 own silver and gold through his wisdom and goodness. 
 He received orders from his protector the king of Assyria. 
 . . . The Assyrian chiefs were brethren of Yadai, and his 
 lord the king of Assyria favoured him beyond other kings. 
 He was great ... in the sight of his lord Tiglath-Pileser, 
 king of Assyria, who is obeyed . . . from the rising of 
 the sun to the going down [of the same], in the four 
 quarters of the earth, and has been gracious to the west 
 and to the east. And my father [was given] borders by 
 his lord Tiglath-Pileser king of Assyria from the border 
 of Gargam . . . (Carchemish). ^Moreover, my father 
 Panammu was very careful of fealty to his lord, Tiglath- 
 Pileser king of Assyria : he was very obedient, . . . and 
 his people have mourned him as king, and all those who 
 obey his lord the king of Assyria have mourned him. 
 He took the king of Assyria for his lord. . . . He spoke 
 to him, and made him build a palace, and he brought my 
 father from Damascus, to prosper during all the days of 
 his reign. And I myself am Bar-Rakab ; for the good- 
 ness of my father and of myself my lord the king of 
 Assyria has placed me on [the throne] of my father 
 Panammu, the son of Bar-Tsur. 
 
 This text, which concludes by dedicating the 
 statue before the tomb of Panammu to " Hadad
 
 SARGON. 79 
 
 god and cherub, lord of the house, and Sun, and 
 to every god of Yadai," as a memorial " before 
 God and before men," receives a strange com- 
 mentary in the existence of records which show 
 that in 68i B.C., or half a century later, the native 
 house of Samalla was swept away, and an Assyrian 
 official took their place. 
 
 Shalmaneser IV. succeeded his father in 727 B.C., 
 but his annals have not been discovered. He is 
 said by a Greek writer to have besieged Tyre, and 
 cut off its supply of water through the great aque- 
 duct ; ^ and he began the siege of Samaria, which 
 city was taken in 722 B.C., or in the first year of his 
 famous successor Sargon, who accomplished the 
 final ruin of Carchemish in 717 B.C., transporting 
 the Hittites, as he had before transported Israel, 
 to new homes in the far east, and replacing them 
 by Babylonians. The Bull Inscription of Sargon 
 speaks of his conquest of " all the land of Tabal, 
 the land of Beth Burutas, the land of Cilicia," and 
 (on a cylinder text) of " the land of Ararat, the 
 land of the Kaskai, the land of Tabal, as far as the 
 land of the Moschi." But in Palestine the Assyrian 
 authority was still disputed by the kings of Judah. 
 In 720 B.C., Yehubidi the Semitic king of Hamath 
 revolted, and was defeated at Karkar and skinned 
 alive. Sargon then advanced against So the king 
 of Egypt to Raphia, Hanun of Gaza being captured, 
 
 1 Menander. See Josephus, Antiq., ix. 14 : 2 Kings xvii. 3, 5 ; 
 xviii. 9.
 
 80 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 and in 717 B.C. Pisiris of Carchemish suffered the 
 same fate; but later wars were against Media, where 
 the Ar3'an power was steadily growing, and where a 
 king bearing the Persian or Medic name Bagadatta 
 was attacked. In 715 B.C. tribes from Hamath, 
 and others from districts in ^Mesopotamia, were 
 transplanted to Assyria, and Sargon claims to have 
 received tribute from Egypt, from Samsi of Arabia, 
 and Ithamar of Saba. In 712 B.C. Tarkhunazi (a 
 Mongol chief of Malatiya) was subdued, and in the 
 next year Tarkhulara (also probably a Mongol) was 
 set over the Gamgums, and Ashdod in Philistia 
 was captured. A year later Merodach-Baladan of 
 Babylon was dethroned, and in 709 B.C. tribute 
 was taken from Cyprian kings. There is a curious 
 notice of the Hittites in connection with Ashdod 
 as follows : — 
 
 Azuri king of Ashdod would not give tribute, he hard- 
 ened his heart, he sent to the kings near him to revolt 
 from Assyria. I therefore wrought vengeance. I set up 
 Ahimiti his own brother to rule over them. The people 
 of the Hittites plotting rebellion despised his rule. Yahian, 
 not a royal person, who like them knew not the duty 
 of tribute, they set over themselves. 
 
 On the advance of Sargon Yaman fled to "a district 
 of Egypt on the borders of Nubia." The Assyrians 
 besieged Ashdod, and " took his gods, his wife, his 
 sons, his daughters, his goods, his treasures, his 
 valuables, with hostages of the people of his land."
 
 SENNACHERIB. 8l 
 
 The king of Egypt gave up the fugitive, who was 
 brought captive in chains before Sargon in Assyria. 
 The interesting point in this account is the appear- 
 ance of Hittites in PhiHstia ; ^ but as Carchemish, 
 which Sargon calls the city of " the king of the 
 Hittites," had already been destroyed, and its 
 population removed, it is possible that some of 
 the fugitives had taken refuge in the far south, 
 w^here they endeavoured to set up a king over 
 the Semitic Philistines. 
 
 Sargon was succeeded by Sennacherib, whose 
 famous attack on Hezekiah and on Egypt in 
 702 B.C. was unsuccessful. That the Assyrians 
 met with some great disaster near the borders of 
 EgN'pt seems to be shown, not only by the Bible 
 account or by the statement of Herodotus, but 
 also bv an inscription of Tirhakah of Eg}-pt in 
 the Gizeh Museum, which speaks of a campaign 
 in Syria against Arvad, the Hittites, and as far as 
 the borders of Assyria. Sennacherib ruled from 
 705 to 686 B.C., but he never appears to have again 
 entered Palestine. He is known monumentally to 
 have been murdered by his son (compare 2 Kings 
 xix. ^j), and w^as succeeded by another son, 
 Esarhaddon. He was mainly engaged in later 
 years with wars against Babylon, and his annals 
 
 1 Khorsabad Text (Bolta, 149, 6) : J»t Khatti dahib zararti biiut 
 sii izini ma. Yamani la bel kussi sa kima sasioiii via palakh biluti 
 la idit itrahbu eh'stuitt.
 
 82 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 say little of the condition of the west ; but certain 
 important passages in the account of his great 
 expedition may be noted : ^ — 
 
 In my third campaign I went to the land of the Hittites. 
 I conquered Luli king of Sidon. . . . The great Sidon, 
 the little Sidon, Beth Zeit, Sarepta, Mahaliba, Usu, Achzib, 
 Accho, his strong towns, his places of pasture and water, the 
 stations of his army, by force of the arms of Assur I over- 
 came. They submitted to me. I set Tubel on the 
 king's throne over them. I imposed on him an offering 
 of tribute to my government, as an unalterable yearly 
 payment — on both Menahem of Samsimuruna and Tubel 
 of Sidon : on Abdeleth of Arvad, Urumelek of Gebal, 
 Mitinti of Ashdod, Puduel of Beth Amnion, Melekram of 
 Moab, the kings of the land of the Amorites all of them. 
 
 The text continues to relate the battle near 
 Joppa in which Tirhakah was defeated, and the 
 advance on Ekron, Ascalon, and Lachish, with 
 which we are not immediately concerned. The 
 passage as to Hezekiah slurs over the fact that 
 Jerusalem was never reached save by envoys : — 
 
 But as for Hezekiah of the land of Judah, who was not 
 subject to my yoke, 46 of his strong cities, and towns 
 of their districts on their borders, of unknown names, I 
 attacked, . . . and 200,150 people great and small, male 
 and female, with horses, chariot-horses, asses, camels, 
 bulls, sheep, unnumbered, I took from their midst. . . . 
 He himself, like a bird in a snare, shut himself up in 
 Jerusalem his royal city, and raised forts for himself. The 
 door of the gate of his city he barred. I cut off the 
 
 ^ Taylor Cylinder. See Schrader, Cuneif. Inscript. and Old Testa- 
 ment, vol. i. p. 2S0. I have, however, suggested a slight change 
 justified by the original.
 
 HEZEKIAH. S3 
 
 cities I had wasted from his land. I gave them to Mitimi 
 king of Ashdod, to Padi king of Ekron, to Zilbcl king of 
 (iaza. I diminished his land. . . , The fear of my 
 majesty overcame even Hezekiah, and he sent his favourite 
 soldiers whom he had gathered to defend Jerusalem his 
 royal city. He paid tribute, 30 talents of gold, 800 
 talents of silver molten, with many rubies and sapphires, 
 a throne of ivory, tusks, hides of elephants, and precious 
 woods of all kinds known, a great treasure ; and noble 
 ladies of his palace, slaves and slave -women, he sent 
 after me to Nineveh my royal city, giving tribute ; and as 
 my servant he sent his envoy. 
 
 The conquest of Palestine was delayed by this 
 resistance for a century, and was effected not by 
 the Assyrians but by the Babylonians after the 
 fall of Nineveh. Esarhaddon held Syria, and set 
 up a magnificent monolith at Samalla, in which 
 he records his third expedition to Egypt in 670 
 B.C. Manasseh was his tributary in Jerusalem, 
 and this successful monarch calls himself " king 
 of Assur, suzerain of Babylon, king of Sumir and 
 Akkad, king of the kings of Egypt, of Pathros, 
 of the land of Cush." In 673 B.C. he mentions 
 as tributaries " twenty-two kings of the Hittites 
 and of the sea-coast," but the old Mongol names 
 are no longer found in his lists, the petty monarchs 
 being all Semitic except in Cyprus (already con- 
 quered by Sennacherib), where they are clearly 
 Greek. The gradual extermination of the Mon- 
 gols is witnessed by the disappearance of the name 
 of the Hittites, in the palmy days of Assyrian 
 rule over all Western Asia, from Media to Cilicia,
 
 84 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 and from Matiene to Egypt, under the prosperous 
 Assurbanipal, the founder of Assyrian Hterature and 
 science. Even in Khani-rabbat, where Esarhaddon 
 defeated an enemy, it was probably with the Medes 
 who were finally to ruin his empire that he fought, 
 the older Mongol Minyans having long since been 
 destroyed. 
 
 With later history of the fall of Nineveh and 
 of Babylon, the defeat of the Medes, and the 
 establishment of the Persian empire under Cyrus, 
 we are not here concerned ; for the races that 
 then contended for supremacy were Aryan and 
 Semitic, and the old Mongol stock disappears, 
 the names of the Hittites being unknown after 
 Esarhaddon. In Media, it is true, a Mongol 
 population must have existed still, in the time 
 of Darius I. about 500 B.C., since one version of 
 his great inscription at Behistun is in a dialect 
 admitted to be Mongol, and akin to the ancient 
 Akkadian, and to the language of the Minyans in 
 the fifteenth century B.C. But it was only in 
 Central Asia, north of the Oxus, that the ancient 
 stock remained in power, where gradually grew 
 up the Turkish race, whose tongue preserves the 
 Akkadian vocabulary to our own times : where 
 also the Khitai, whose power in the twelfth cen- 
 tury A.D. extended over Bactria and Mongolia, 
 and who yet earlier gave their name to Cathay 
 or China, might possibly be connected with those 
 Kheta or Hittites who were carried captive to
 
 THE TURKS. 85 
 
 the east by Sargon. It was not till about 1000 
 A.D. that these Altaic peoples again obtained 
 power in the west, creating a Turkish empire 
 which, after many vicissitudes, still dominates all 
 that part of Asia which the Kassites had ruled in 
 Abraham's time ; but in the dogged character of 
 the modern Turk wc find the same qualities which 
 enabled the Hittite kings to oppose both Egyptians 
 and Assyrians for nearly a thousand years. 
 
 The object of the preceding pages has been to 
 place before the reader a clear idea of the known 
 facts regarding the ancient populations of Western 
 Asia, and especially of Syria, and to show both the 
 racial differences and the civilisation of its tribes 
 at various periods. The importance of such know- 
 ledge, in considering the question of Hittite writ- 
 ings, is evident, and historical as well as linguistic 
 indications must be held in view in endeavouring 
 to determine the language in which these texts are 
 inscribed. The question of race may first be con- 
 sidered from the various statements that have been 
 now collected; and it will be necessary, in order 
 to interpret the accompanying sculptures, to say 
 something of the religious ideas of the Mongols 
 and of others : but the monuments as we now see 
 never speak of the Hittites themselves as suzerains 
 of an empire, and we must search in other direc- 
 tions for the origin of a script widely used in 
 Syria, Asia Minor, and Mesopotamia; while, as 
 already noted, the peculiar character under con-
 
 86 THE ASSYRIAN CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. 
 
 sideration was not in general use in 1500 B.C., 
 nor, as far as is known, at any later time. His- 
 torically, therefore, it is to be attributed to an 
 earlier period, when the Kassite Mongols were 
 ruling all over the west. 
 
 To sum up the monumental statements as to 
 the Hittites themselves, we find the earliest notice 
 of their existence in North S3'ria in the fifteenth 
 century B.C. After the fall of the Egyptian em- 
 pire — about 1450 B.C. — the Mer'ash Hittites spread 
 south to Kadesh on Orontes, whose king a hundred 
 years later calls himself " suzerain of the Hittites," 
 and makes alliance on equal terms with Rameses 
 n. This was the palmy age of their independence 
 in the great cities of Kadesh, Hamath, Aleppo, 
 Carchemish, and Mer'ash. On the north were 
 tribes of the same race, but of other names, under 
 petty kings — Gamgums, Tablai, Moschi, and Min- 
 yans. On the south-west were the Semitic Amor- 
 ites and Phoenicians ; and in Solomon's time the 
 princes of the Hittites were confined to Syria, as 
 they already were also in Joshua's age. 
 
 As we advance in history the area of the Hittite 
 country diminishes, until we hear of them only at 
 Carchemish. Syrian populations pushed them out 
 of Hamath, and Phoenicians settled in Samalla. 
 The Khattinai (or Patinai, as the word may also 
 be read), living west of Aleppo, may have been 
 a kindred tribe in the ninth century B.C., and 
 the northern peoples — Gamgums, Tablai, and
 
 THE MEDES. 87 
 
 Moschi — continued to be ruled by Mongol chiefs 
 in Sargon's time after the fall of Carchemish. But 
 the Samalla chiefs were Semitic, and a Semitic 
 people lived in Cilicia, and probably in Western 
 Cappadocia, as early as 1500 B.C. The Phrygians 
 and other Aryans from Europe held the north of 
 Asia ]\Iinor quite as early, and about 850 i;.c. 
 the Medes appear to have replaced the older 
 Mongol population near Lake Van, while some- 
 what later the names of rulers in Commagene 
 seem also to be Aryan. East of the Euphrates 
 the Hittites appear only as occasional invaders. 
 The name is that of a Syrian tribe belonging to 
 what is sometimes called the Altaic stock, and the 
 kings of the Hittites are never historically known 
 as suzerains of other peoples.
 
 88 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 In glancing over the history of more than two 
 thousand years in the preceding chapters, we 
 have met with tribes belonging to each of the 
 three great Asiatic stocks, commonly called Tu- 
 ranian, Semitic, and Aryan. The Turanians or 
 Mongols, whose home seems to have been in 
 Media, sent out two great swarms — the Sumerians 
 to the south-west, and the Kassites on the north- 
 west. The former, though ruling some "dark 
 race," were of pure blood ; the latter, who spread 
 over Syria and southern Asia Minor, were early 
 mingled with the Semitic peoples, whose home 
 appears to have been near Ararat. These Ara- 
 means first appear in history about 2100 B.C., 
 and soon colonised the Lebanon and its shores 
 as Phoenicians and Amorites, occupying all Pales- 
 tine before 1600 B.C., where, however, they seem 
 to have been preceded by Mongols ; they spread 
 yet farther south into the Delta, and on the
 
 THE ARYANS. 89 
 
 north - west to Cappadocia and Cilicia about the 
 same time. The Aryans first appear about 1300 
 B.C., pushing east and south from Thrace and 
 Greece ; but it is not until about 850 ij.c. that 
 they are noticed as issuing from the Caucasus in 
 the neighbourhood of Lake Van. The cradle of 
 this race was on the north shores of the Caspian, 
 whence the main swarms followed the steppes of 
 Southern Russia and spread over Europe, super- 
 seding Finnic tribes, of whom the last traces are 
 found in the Basques between France and Spain. 
 The eastern swarm descended into Media, and 
 passed along the Oxus into Bactria, whence some 
 went on to India (apparently about 800 B.C.), and 
 others at the same time overcame the earlier 
 Mongols of Persia. These eastern Aryans are 
 usually called Iranians — a name still surviving 
 among the Iron of the Caucasus, whose customs 
 resemble those of Persia. It was not until the 
 sixth century B.C. that they won the empire of 
 Western Asia, and, under Persian kings, the later 
 Lycians appear to have been of Medic race. But 
 Aryans had already reached Cappadocia b}- 650 
 B.C., while the European Phr3-gians, at a period 
 supposed to date back to at least 1000 B.C., had 
 colonised the north part of Asia Minor in com- 
 pany with the Bithynians from Thrace. The 
 Armenians were of Phrygian origin, and had 
 advanced far east by the middle of the fifth 
 century B.C.
 
 90 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 We may now consider more in detail ques- 
 tions of language and of race — under the heads 
 of Mongol, Semitic, and Aryan stocks — which 
 are important in forming a judgment as to the 
 character of the language and script, which is 
 the main subject of inquiry. Even from the first 
 it is difficult to point to either a race or a lan- 
 guage which is entirely pure, for the various 
 nations were intermingled and intermarried, and 
 the languages borrowed from each other terms 
 for foreign objects. Yet, broadly speaking, the 
 distinction of race can be recognised on sculp- 
 tures without difficulty ; while the various classes 
 of speech are equally separated by grammatical 
 structure, even when the vocabulary is mixed. 
 
 The present racial conditions are not as different 
 as might perhaps be expected from those found in 
 Asia at an early historic period, while the three 
 great stocks speak the same class of language re- 
 spectively, in our own time, that they spoke from 
 the first. No race has ever willingly abandoned 
 the speech of its fathers ; and if a languages dies 
 out it is because the old pure stock that spoke it 
 has also died, or become fused with some stronger 
 people. The result of foreign conquest is to pro- 
 duce a mixed vocabulary, and if the languages of 
 conqueror and conquered are akin, a new form 
 of speech is created — as has happened in England 
 itself. It is the tongue of the majority that pre- 
 vails, the tongue of the more civilised that fur-
 
 LANGUAGE. 91 
 
 nishes terms relating to culture ; but the native 
 language may still be recognised, in spite of the 
 change of vocabulary, by grammatical structure, 
 which is the most enduring feature of speech. 
 Thus the pure Persian of the sixth century B.C. 
 soon became full of Semitic terms after the con- 
 quest of Babylonia, and modern Persian has a 
 large Arabic vocabulary, but retains its distinctive 
 Aryan grammar. The Turkish of Central Asia is 
 almost pure ; that of the Ottomans is so mixed 
 with Persian and Arabic, that onl}- about one word 
 in ten in an Ottoman-Turkish dictionary is really 
 Turkish. Yet the grammar of the Turkestan dia- 
 lects is preserved almost unaffected in the speech 
 of Constantinople. 
 
 The ancient Mongol speech of the west is now 
 represented by Turkish — the tongue of Asia 
 Minor — while Persian is the surviving descen- 
 dant of the language of Medes and Iranians. The 
 Semitic stock, covering Syria, Palestine, and Arabia, 
 still uses in the Arabic dialects a language closely 
 connected with the ancient Assyrian. The Phryg- 
 ian is represented by Armenian — a pure Aryan 
 language which is intermediate between the Iran- 
 ian and the Slav families of speech, while in the 
 west of Anatolia Greek is largely spoken by citizens 
 and traders. The three races are still distinguished 
 by the same three classes of language which they 
 used from the first, and their geographical pos- 
 itions are unchanged. It appears, therefore, that
 
 92 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 although mixed tribes — Aryan and Mongol — now 
 live in the Caucasus, as they were living together 
 when Herodotus wrote in the fifth centur}' B.C., 
 and speak mixed languages as do the Aryanised 
 Mongols of Kurdistan, still we may regard lan- 
 guage — especially in early times — as the surest indi- 
 cation of race that we possess. 
 
 It is beyond the present purpose to inquire into 
 the origin of speech, and the relations of the vari- 
 ous classes of languages. The Aryan and Turan- 
 ian, or Mongolic, are more closely connected with 
 each other than they are with highly developed 
 Semitic speech. The latter is, on the other hand, 
 related in a recognisable manner to the ancient 
 Egyptian. But Aryan speech is inflected, whereas 
 Mongolic languages are of ruder agglutinative struc- 
 ture. Semitic tongues are yet more highly inflected, 
 while the ancient Egyptian only approaches to that 
 later stage of speech. The roots of all Asiatic 
 languages, and of Egyptian, are so similar, and 
 the cradles of the Asiatic stocks, in the upland 
 valleys of Kurdistan and the Caucasus, are so close 
 together, that we may well suppose a prehistoric 
 period in which a single primitive race spoke a 
 single primitive tongue in this cradle of mankind. 
 We are concerned, however, with later historic 
 languages, which developed very distinct peculi- 
 arities among peoples who — when population was 
 sparse and settlements far apart — may have be- 
 come (like the modern Caffres of South Africa)
 
 MIXED RACES. 0"^ 
 
 unable, in a very few generations, t(; undir-iaiM 
 each others' dialects. 
 
 As regards race, however, it must be remem- 
 bered that communications over great distances, 
 between various nations, have been shown to 
 have existed from the very earliest known times ; 
 and it has also been shown that intermarriages 
 between the various stocks were not uncommon. 
 The examples of kings, who made political mar- 
 riage aUiances, may have been followed by their 
 subjects. Amenophis III. had Babylonian and 
 Armenian wives, Rameses II. admired the beauty 
 of the Hittite princess whom he wedded (as the 
 historian particularly states), and Shalmaneser 
 II. took brides with dowries from both Mongol 
 and Semitic vassal rulers. We find the same 
 mingling of race in the early part of the Old 
 Testament history. Hagar was an Egyptian, 
 and her son Ishmael only half Hebrew. Esau 
 married both Hittites and Ishmaelites, some of 
 his descendants thus having in their veins the 
 blood of three races. Solomon married not only 
 Egyptian, Ammonite, and Moabite women, but 
 Hittites as well. Even Moses had a Cushite 
 wife, and if Hittites are mentioned in the Bible 
 with Semitic names, it is probably because the 
 pure stock was rapidly miingling in the south 
 with Semitic tribes. In the north also, where 
 Iranians, Arameans, and Mongols may at one 
 time (about 700 B.C.) have been living together
 
 94 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 in Cappadocia, as Jews, Greeks, Armenians, 
 Kurds, and Turks now live together in Asia 
 Minor, it is probable that much mingling of race 
 took place. Some of the Scythians, as described 
 by Herodotus, appear to have been Mongols ; but 
 most of those who, in his day, spoke fifteen dif- 
 ferent dialects, were clearly Aryans ; while in 
 Lydia and Caria, although the languages were 
 Aryan in the seventh century B.C., Mongol words 
 were still to be found, pointing to admixture with 
 the older Mongol population. From Lydia, 
 according to tradition, the ^Mongol Etruscans 
 reached Italy, and mixed with Aryans — the 
 Umbrians, Oscans, and Latins. In the Cau- 
 casus, which was filled in later times with 
 broken tribes — Jews, Arabs, and Turks flying 
 from the Aryans of Persia — we find a very primi- 
 tive Aryan population in the Iron tribes, side 
 by side with the Mongol Lazis. In Russia the 
 Finns and the Ugric peoples are mingled with 
 Slavs, as the Austrians are mixed with Hun- 
 garians of Mongol origin. It is indeed impos- 
 sible now to point to any part of the world in 
 which a single pure stock can be found living 
 alone, and it is almost as impossible even five 
 thousand years ago to indicate a quite pure race. 
 But we are concerned with the royal governing 
 class in dealing with royal records, and pride of 
 race among both Semitic and Mongol peoples 
 generally kept up the purity of the stock in
 
 MONGOL RACES. O^ 
 
 ruling families, as also in a remarkable degree 
 
 among the Aryan Persians. 
 
 There is nothing new or revolutionary in the 
 
 idea that, the first ruling race, all over Western 
 
 Asia, was Mongol. It has been argued with 
 
 clearness by Sir H. Rawlinson, by F. Lenormant, 
 
 and by many later scholars. Dr Oppert and Dr 
 
 J Sayce call the Akkadians an " Altaic people," 
 
 r referring to the connection between the Akkadian 
 
 |. language and that of the Ural-Altaic or Turkish 
 
 ^ tribes of Central Asia. The evidence of type 
 
 and language is conclusive, and we may proceed 
 
 j/) to consider in order the physical characteristics, 
 
 ry speech, and customs, first of the Turanian or 
 
 Mongol tribes, and more briefly those of Semitic 
 
 and Aryan races in the same regions between 
 
 r. Persia and the Mediterranean. 
 
 5^ It is difficult to find a satisfactory term to 
 
 describe the early race of Media. The word 
 
 Turanian is indefinite ; the word Mongol as usually 
 
 understood is too special ; the word Altaic presents 
 
 o the objection that it supposes the race to originate 
 
 i in the x^ltai mountains of Central Asia, whereas 
 
 o 
 
 2 its cradle was probably farther west : the terms 
 
 5 Akkadian and Sumerian are geographical, not 
 
 2 ethnical; and the name Kassite belonged to a 
 
 51^ single tribe. But English scholars usually speak 
 
 of the Akkadians, and French or German scholars 
 
 of the Sumerians, as the original civilisers of 
 
 Chaldea. Adopting the latter and more generally 
 
 X 
 
 ^ O t. 
 
 00
 
 96 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 used term, it is to be understood that the type of 
 the Sumerians racially was not that of the Eastern 
 Mongols, such as we find in the heavy Mantchus 
 or the Chinese. It was rather the type of the pure 
 Turks and Tartars of Bactria, as preserved to our 
 own times among the Turks of Asia Minor, and 
 among the Kalmucks — a people well made, of 
 moderate stature, and not inclined to obesity like 
 the Mantchus. The forehead is often receding, 
 and the chin as well, with a large nose, sometimes 
 curved, sometimes straight and thick. The eyes 
 have a slight obliquity, but not as exaggerated as 
 in China : the complexion is light, the hair dark, 
 and the beard is scanty, and only grows late in 
 life. The head, which is the most marked racial 
 peculiarity, is short and round, and the cheek- 
 bones high and wide. It is not either a very 
 highly intellectual or beautiful type, but betokens 
 the stubborn will and endurance which have always 
 made the Tartars formidable as warriors and rulers. 
 The statues and bas-reliefs of Tell Loh (Zirgul) 
 present this type, the faces being usually beardless, 
 though aged kings, such as Naramaku, are some- 
 times bearded. The two heads of statues recovered 
 present a better type than the bas-reliefs. In one 
 the skull is large and round, and the nose arched. 
 The other greatly resembles the features of a 
 modern Turk of the upper class ; and the head, 
 with broad cheek - bones, is covered with an 
 astrakan-wool cap. The bas-reliefs representing
 
 MONGOL DRESS. 97 
 
 Urnina and his family, or showing workmen 
 building a mound over the bodies of the dead, 
 present a more exaggerated type, with large noses, 
 receding chins and foreheads, and slanting eyes. 
 The Sumerian priests appear, like the Phoenicians 
 and Egj-ptians, to have shaved their heads, and 
 all the figures as a rule have hairless faces. It is 
 probable also that the head was shaved in fulfil- 
 ment of a sagba or vow, as among Semitic peoples, 
 the long hair being an offering to the deity in 
 whose name the vow was made. Sacred gar- 
 ments of skins seem also to be represented on 
 both deities and worshippers, unless the marking 
 represent striped dresses such as are common in 
 the East. Long robes and high hats, such as 
 are now worn by Persians, Kurds, and Circassians, 
 distinguish princes from their subjects ; and the 
 round lamb's -wool cap, now worn by Asiatic 
 Turks, is also represented, indicating probabh- an 
 original home in countries colder than the Meso- 
 potamian plains. The weapons include short thick 
 swords, spears and bows, and chariots were also 
 used by the Sumerians in war. 
 
 Without entering into a grammatical disquisi- 
 tion, it is enough to say of the Sumerian 
 language that it presents all the main features 
 of Turkish speech. The syntax is unlike that of 
 either Aryan or Semitic languages. The verb 
 must always stand at the end of the clause, and 
 post - positions are used instead of prepositions, 
 
 G
 
 98 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 while there are no genders of nouns, and only 
 two tenses for verbs. The "vowel harmony," 
 which makes the suffix agree with its root in 
 vowel sound (as in Turkish), and also a "con- 
 sonantal harmony " (equally Turkish), are peculi- 
 arities which, though found in Celtic and Iranian 
 speech, have died out of other Aryan languages. 
 The peculiar "encapsulation," by which a case 
 suffix governs a string of nouns, is equally a mark 
 of Mongol speech. The vocabulary contains up- 
 wards of three hundred words,^ which are easily 
 compared with pure Turkish and with Mongolian. 
 It should be noted that the meaning of Sumerian 
 words is obtained, not only from the original texts 
 in that language, but from thirty bilinguals, in 
 which Akkadian hymns, songs, and tales have 
 been translated into Assyrian, in the time of 
 Assurbanipal. The language is still not per- 
 fectly mastered, but its character and vocabulary 
 are thus placed beyond doubt. 
 
 The language of Sinim or Elam is less known 
 than the Sumerian, only three or four texts having 
 been found. The names of Elamite kings of the 
 earlier period appear to be Mongolic, and the 
 inscription of Kudur - Nanhundi, and those at 
 Susa, certainly belong to the same class of speech. 
 Certain changes, such as in for the nasal ng, and / 
 
 ^ Dr Hommel has pointed out some of these, others are given by 
 F. Lenormant. See the resuUs of my own study of the vocabulary in 
 'Journal Royal Asiatic Society,' October 1893.
 
 AKKADIAN SPEECH. 99 
 
 or d for k, are believed to distinguish the Sumerian 
 and the Akkadian ; and similar changes distinguish 
 Turkestan dialects of the present day. The lan- 
 guage was guttural, but the definitions of sound 
 were not as perfect as among Aryan or Semitic 
 peoples. The g, k, and kli do not seem to have 
 been very distinct, while b, in, and v among labials, 
 t and d in the dentals, and s and z in the sibilants, 
 were interchanged. The distinction of long and 
 short vowels had also not the importance that it 
 assumes in inflected Aryan speech. Yet the lan- 
 guage was that of a civilised people, who had 
 native names for the numerals to a thousand, for 
 colours, and for metals, including gold, silver, 
 copper, bronze, lead, tin, and iron, and names for 
 different kinds of gems, for the horse and camel, 
 as well as the ass, for chariots, ships, ploughs, 
 houses, and cities, and for temples and pyramids. 
 Most of these are still found in existing languages, 
 thus confirming the Assyrian translations of the 
 words. 
 
 Of the Kassite language much less is known. 
 The names of Kassite kings are translated on an 
 existing tablet, and serve to show that their speech 
 was akin to the Sumerian. Such words, for in- 
 stance, as gal, great, and zu, thou, are common to 
 both languages ; and others like am, family, and 
 ulam, son, recall the Turkish aim, tribe, and ulan, 
 boy. Very few of the Kassite names, even as 
 copied out by Semitic scribes, can be supposed to
 
 lOO THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 be Semitic, and the translation was a necessity 
 in consequence. 
 
 North of Babylonia and Assyria the region of 
 Mitanni stretched between Erzerum and the great 
 Lake Van, and even extended at one time to the 
 river Halys. It is called Matiene by Herodotus, and 
 its inhabitants in 1500 B.C. were Minni or Minyans, 
 a title mentioned in the Bible (Jer. li. 27), and well 
 known to later Assj^ians and Greeks. The Minni 
 were ruled by Khakhans — a title which is commonly 
 found throughout history among Turkish tribes ; 
 and, as already mentioned, a letter by Dusratta, 
 the Minyan king, to Amenophis III. is written in 
 the native language, which closely resembles that 
 of Media as found at Behistun in 500 B.C. The 
 cases of the noun are the same now used in 
 Turkish, the structure is agglutinative, the syntax 
 is Mongol, and the vocabulary compares to a great 
 extent with the Sumerian. The evidence of this 
 letter enables us to say that the earlier inhabitants 
 of Southern Armenia were of the same stock with 
 the Kassites in the fifteenth century B.C. Their 
 power and civilisation were great, and the Hyksos 
 rulers of Egypt sprang from the same race ; but 
 we have no sculptures to enable us to describe 
 with certainty the Minyan features or dress, unless 
 they be recognised in the bas-reliefs of Eyuk 
 and Boghaz - Keui, on the western borders of 
 Matiene. 
 
 Of the Hittites much more is known, from
 
 HITTITE DRESS. loi 
 
 Egyptian bas - reliefs and inscriptions, and it is 
 very generally admitted that they were a Mongol 
 people. The stern hairless faces of their chiefs, 
 with slanting eyes, receding foreheads, and large 
 curved noses, are faithfully represented on the 
 walls of Karnak near Thebes. The high cap worn 
 by Khetasar recalls the still more remarkable 
 pointed caps of the Boghaz-Keui reliefs. It was 
 a head- dress worn later by Scythians, and by 
 natives of Media, and resembled the tutulns repre- 
 sented in Etruscan tombs. It was also a dis- 
 tinctive Turkish head-dress — though surrounded 
 by the Moslem turban — down to quite recent 
 times, and a distinctive costume not found in use 
 among Aryan or Semitic peoples. Another marked 
 peculiarity of the Hittites was the wearing of 
 pigtails, like the Tartars. The pigtail was not 
 a Chinese fashion, but was very unwillingly 
 adopted in China after the Mongol conquest. 
 Not only do these pigtails distinguish the Hit- 
 tites at Karnak, but they occur also on the 
 "Hittite" bas-reliefs of Carchemish. They are 
 found on Akkadian gems, and they seem to be 
 represented also among the Susians, on the fine 
 battle - pictures of Assurbanipal, about 650 B.C. 
 Racial type and costume thus seem alike to iden- 
 tify the Hittites as of Mongol race. 
 
 The evidence of language is the same. A single 
 letter from Tarkhundara of Rezeph, who calls him- 
 self "prince of the Hittites," in the fifteenth cen-
 
 102 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA, 
 
 tury B.C., has been already noticed. The language 
 is expressed in well-understood cuneiform symbols, 
 and is admitted by specialists not to be Semitic, 
 but to present points of grammatical similarity 
 to the Akkadian. It can no longer be doubted 
 that the Hittites not only were Mongols by race, 
 but that they spoke a Mongol language. The 
 word Tarkon, which is a common constituent of 
 royal names or titles among Hittites and neigh- 
 bouring tribes, is found also in Etruscan (whence 
 the well-known Tarquin), in Turkish as Tarkhan 
 or Targan, and in Mongolian as Dargo, with 
 the meaning "tribe-chief," and both tar and kJiiin 
 are Akkadian words for "tribe" and "prince." 
 It is only natural to conclude that the texts ac- 
 companying pigtailed figures at Carchemish, and 
 generally assigned to the Hittites, are probabl}^ 
 written in a dialect of the same language found 
 among Kassites, Minyans, and Sumerians. 
 
 The only alternative to this view is put forward 
 by scholars who point to the inscriptions found in 
 the Minyan country, dating from about 840 B.C., 
 in a language known as Vannic. The existence 
 of so-called "Hittite" monuments in Cappadocia 
 and Matiene is pointed out in support of this 
 view. But the date is much later than that which 
 must be attributed to the Hittite script, since they 
 had adopted the later cuneiform by 1500 B.C. 
 Lenormant, whose linguistic studies were of high 
 value, proposed to compare the Vannic language
 
 GEORGIAN AND VANNIC. lo^ 
 
 with the Georj^ian of the Caucasus, but never 
 carried out his intention. The theory has sur- 
 vived, but the necessary comparisons have not 
 been produced. The Georgian words for nouns 
 and verbs of which the meaning is known in 
 Vannic do not bear any resemblance. Georgian 
 is a modern and very mixed dialect. It is in- 
 flexional, and the cases of its noun are Aryan ; 
 but its vocabulary is full of borrowed words. Its 
 literature goes back only to the eighth century a.d. 
 — a date much too late to be of any use in com- 
 parison with Vannic, and the theory is thus un- 
 supported and leads to no result. Vannic, on the 
 other hand, is an inflexional language, of which the 
 vocabulary compares easily with the pure Persian 
 of the time of Darius I., and yet more closely with 
 the Iranian (probably Medic) language known some- 
 what later from the monuments of Lycia. The 
 Medes, we have seen, had already reached the 
 neighbourhood of Lake Van by 850 B.C., and the 
 Aryan character of their language has been shown 
 by Sir H. Rawlinson. If it be admitted that the 
 texts now in question — commonly called " Hittite " 
 — are written in a suffixing agglutinative language, 
 and that they were — at least in Syria — written by 
 the Hittites, it follows that the Vannic language 
 cannot assist our inquiry, being Iranian and in- 
 flected, and belonging, not to the old Mongol 
 population of this region, but to later Medic con- 
 querors, after the original Minni had been de-
 
 I04 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 stroyed by Assyria. Neither will Armenian be 
 found comparable either in grammar or in vocab- 
 ulary with the Hittite. It is not a suffixing but 
 a pure Aryan language, using prepositions and 
 prefixes, and belonging to the European group, 
 so that it does not either compare closel}- with 
 the Vannic. None of the distinctive titles or 
 known words of the Hittite have ever been shown 
 to exist in either Georgian, Vannic, or Armenian. 
 They have been found only in early Mongol speech 
 and in the Turkish which has sprung thence.^ 
 
 A few words may be added as to the Mongol 
 tribes which surrounded the Hittites and bordered 
 on Matiene. The names of various chiefs of such 
 tribes have already been noticed, and these appear 
 to be neither Aryan nor Semitic, but in some cases 
 are clearly Mongolic, as has long been upheld by 
 Sir H. Rawlinson and by other scholars. 
 
 The Ligyes were a people living west of Matiene,'^ 
 but whether the Leka or Luku of Egyptian records 
 
 ■^ Dr Sayce, writing in 1884, says : "There is also another inflec- 
 tional family of speech known as Alarodian, once spoken through the 
 Armenian highlands, of which Georgian is now the chief representa- 
 tive." I am not aware of any evidence for such a statement. Mongol 
 and Aryan languages in this region are known. Sir II. Rawlinson 
 (Rawlinson's 'Herodotus,' vol. i. p. 702, vol. iii. p. 190, 3rd ed.) re- 
 gards the tribe of Alarodians as Mongols, the Scythians and Medes as 
 Aryans. Vannic is an East Aryan language, Georgian a corrupted 
 Aryan dialect, Hittite a Mongol dialect. They cannot, therefore, be 
 grouped together to form a new hypothetical family of speech. 
 
 - Herodotus (Rawlinson, vol. iii. p. 230).
 
 MONGOL TRIBES. 105 
 
 are the same, or represent the Lycians, is doubt- 
 ful, the next tribe in Assyrian records beinj,' the 
 Kaska, whose chief Dadihi is noticed in 738 B.C. 
 North of. these were the Muskai (Meshech, Gen 
 X. 2), who had five chiefs in 1130 B.C., and are 
 thought to have been also Mongols, and west of 
 these the Tablai (Tubal, Gen. x. 2) with twenty- 
 four chiefs in 836 B.C., and one named Vassurmi a 
 century later. Esarhaddon speaks of " the ijihabi- 
 tants of the forests on the borders of the Tablai " 
 near the head of the river - valleys leading down 
 to Cilicia. The Guai (whose name recalls the 
 Koa of the Bible) lived farther west, and in the 
 eighth century the names Urikku, Kirri, and 
 Kati are noted among their chiefs, while Cilicia 
 included the Kiti, whose chief was Pikhirim, in 
 the same century. Farther east, on the Upper 
 Euphrates at Malatiya, the names of Sulumal 
 in 735 B.C., and of Tarkhunazi in 712 B.C., are 
 distinctively Mongol. In Commagene, however, 
 the kings named Kundaspi in 854, and Kustaspi 
 in 727, might be Aryan, while Katazilu is noticed 
 earlier in 857, and Mutallu in 708 B.C. The Gam- 
 gums were in all probability jNlongols, the name 
 perhaps meaning " conquerors," and their chief 
 from 738 to 711 B.C. bore the Mongol name 
 Tarkhulara, and yet earlier in 857 B.C. another 
 was named Mutalli. They appear to have lived 
 immediately north of the Hittites of Carchemish,
 
 I06 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 south of whom were the Khattinai with chiefs 
 named Sapalulme, Girparuda, and Lubarna in 
 the ninth century. The latter name seems to 
 have been dynastic, and occurs also in 1130 B.C. 
 
 In the far west the Aryans date back to Gyges 
 in Lydia as early as 727 B.C., and the various 
 tribes of this region in 1300 B.C. are represented 
 with light hair and blue e3'es, as described in 
 connection with the attacks on Egypt by the 
 Aryan allies. The names of Hittite chiefs are 
 too numerous to be mentioned here, but are 
 often clearly Mongolic. Those of the Hyksos 
 are not of importance to the present question. 
 
 The inquiry thus made into the relations of 
 Syrian and Armenian tribes shows us that the}' 
 were Mongolian, down to a late period, in just 
 those parts of the region where the " Hittite " 
 sculptures are found. In the farther north, 
 where Aryan tribes were early found, such monu- 
 ments are absent. In the west the lonians are 
 noticed by Sargon as living " fronting the sea 
 in the land of Ionia spawning like fishes," and 
 raiding through the Guai country even to Tyre 
 till checked b}^ his ami}-. On the south and 
 south-west the people of Samalla, the Phoenicians, 
 and the Amorites were Semitic, the latter repre- 
 sented as a dark people with beards and eagle 
 noses of very Phoenician type. In the eighth 
 century the kings of Hamath — Iniel in 738 B.C.
 
 FORCED MIGRATIONS. 107 
 
 and Yehiibidi, who was, however, a usurper, and 
 may have been a Hebrew, in 720 n.c, are 
 Semitic; but the name of Irkhulena in 854 n.c. 
 might be Mongolia. The Syrian league con- 
 sisted, however, mainly of Phcenicians, Syrians, 
 and Arabs, who belonged to the Semitic race ; 
 and the whole of Palestine proper was Semitic 
 as early as the sixteenth century B.C., while from 
 at least a century later the names of Philistine 
 rulers belong also to Semitic speech, and in 
 Cyprus we find only Phoenicians and Greeks. 
 The population of Syria was much affected by 
 the Assyrian policy of transplanting whole tribes 
 from one end of their dominions to the other, 
 which broke up the native alliances and decreased 
 the power of the Mongols to combine against 
 their masters. This policy is traced as early as 
 the twelfth century B.C., when Tiglath - Pileser 
 settled Aramean colonists in the countr}- of the 
 Khattinai. Sargon sent the Hittites to the east, 
 and brought Hamathites and Arabs to Samaria, 
 when he took Israel captive to the "cities of the 
 Medes"; and Esarhaddon also records in Syria, 
 " I settled the people of the mountains, and of 
 the eastern sea, there ; and placed my officer as 
 a resident over them." By these means, there- 
 fore, the Hittite race was scattered east and 
 south by about 715 B.C. 
 
 The names of tribes of the Canaanites noticed
 
 I08 THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 in the Bible are chiefly Semitic. The PhiHstines 
 were "emigrants" from Egypt (Gen. x. 14), but 
 may have belonged to the old half-Semitic, half- 
 Mongol race of the Hyksos period. The names 
 of their chiefs (such as Abimelech) are usually 
 Semitic, and this also applies to those whose 
 letters in the Assyrian or Babylonian language, 
 from Ascalon and Joppa, Lachish and Gezer, are 
 preserved, dating from the fifteenth century B.C. 
 But there was an older population, represented 
 by the Anakim, the Zuzim, or Zamzummim, and 
 the Emim, to whom perhaps the Amalekites may 
 be added, which appears to have been probably 
 Mongol, as the names have no Semitic interpre- 
 tation. The Anakim were called Rephaim or " tall 
 men " in Hebrew, and the word anak in Mongol 
 speech would mean " high." Zuzim may only 
 mean " tribes " as a Mongol word, and Emim 
 also signifies " families " or " tribes." Amalek 
 would perhaps mean the " lowlanders," and they 
 dwelt in the plateau south of the higher Hebron 
 hills. The term Hittite has no true Semitic sense, 
 but as a Mongol word would mean the "allies" 
 or " related tribes." Of the Hittites noticed in the 
 Old Testament some bear Mongol names such as 
 Beeri, "soldier," and perhaps Uriah, "the strong" 
 (Uri), while others, like Elon and Ephron, have 
 names with no appropriate Semitic meaning. But, 
 as already said, the southern Hittites seem to have
 
 THE KETEIOI. 100 
 
 soon been merged into the Semitic population whicli 
 predominated in Palestine proper.^ 
 
 The result of this inquiry is to show us that 
 the Mongol tribes west of the Euphrates were con- 
 fined to S3Tia and southern Asia Minor. That 
 their greatest extension was in early ages before 
 the Semitic race had gained power. That thev 
 were hemmed in by Aryans on the west and north, 
 and by Semitic races on the south. That they 
 were gradually displaced by their rivals, and finally 
 scattered b}- the Assyrians. Their strongholds in 
 the Taurus were invaded by the Medes and the 
 early Phoenicians, and their territory finally taken 
 from them by Medes and Syrians, till Carchemish 
 alone remained to the Hittites, who once had 
 spread over Bashan. The reader will judge from 
 
 1 There is absolutely no reason for supposing the Keteioi of Homer 
 (Od. xi. 516-521) to have had anything to do with the Hittites. They 
 were led by a chief named Eurypylos — a clearly Aryan name, not 
 recalling any of those found among Hittites. The words have no 
 pliilological connection, for the proper Greek equivalent of Cheth is 
 Chi, not Kappa {Caph), while the long vowel Eta denotes probably 
 an Aryan tribe, and finds no counterpart in the name of the Khatti, 
 Kheta, or Beni Heth. Homer tells us practically nothing about 
 language in Asia Minor, save that several dialects were spoken. He 
 was acquainted with the Phoenicians ; but the earliest date possible 
 for his writings is long after the decay of Mongol power, and after 
 the growth of younger Aryan and Semitic populations in Anatolia. 
 There is, as we have seen, no evidence that llic Hittites made con- 
 quests in Ionia ; and even the Karabel monument is far distant from 
 Troy. The Hittites are mentioned only in Syria, and Semitic popu- 
 lations separated them from the west.
 
 no THE RACES OF WESTERN ASIA. 
 
 the evidence whether there is not sufficient reason 
 to suppose that texts written in a very early pic- 
 torial script, and occurring in a countr}^ whose 
 population was certainly Mongol, are not natur- 
 ally to be regarded as written in a Mongol dialect, 
 even if the internal evidence of the texts themselves 
 were not available. That evidence must now be 
 explained; but a short consideration of the Mongol 
 beliefs, which find expression in the sculptures 
 accompanying the " Hittite " inscriptions, must 
 first engage our attention for a few pages.
 
 Ill 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 The inscribed rocks, slabs, and seals which 
 present " Hittite " texts also often represent 
 deities, sometimes standing erect on lions and 
 other beasts, sometimes themselves winged. It 
 has often been remarked that the symbolism is 
 the same which we find on Assyrian bas-reliefs; 
 but the character of the art is more archaic, and 
 resembles rather that of Chaldea in the earliest 
 age than that of Nineveh. These sculptures will 
 be more particularly described later, but the re- 
 ligious ideas conveyed are important to our main 
 subject. 
 
 It may appear hopeless to convey a clear idea 
 of the confused Pantheon of the Mongol tribes, 
 with innumerable gods and many local names 
 for each deity. All the great cities had their 
 famous Istars, who resembled the various Ma- 
 donnas of Europe, from " Notre Dame de la 
 misericorde " to " Notre Dame de la haine."
 
 112 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS, 
 
 The Hittites, we have seen, had local Sets of 
 various towns ; yet Set was " Lord of Heaven 
 and Earth," just as all the local Madonnas repre- 
 sent but one person. The varying names were 
 — as in this later instance given in illustration 
 — only honorary titles or attributes of a single 
 deity. The ideas that underlay this nomencla- 
 ture were simple and primitive ; and when these 
 are grasped, and the realities which gave rise to 
 various myths are held in remembrance, it is not 
 difficult, by aid of what is known of the later 
 ideas of Tartars and of Mongol superstitions, to 
 identify the great gods and to understand the 
 legends. 
 
 The adoration of life and the fear of death lay 
 at the root of all these religious systems. The 
 word for God — Dingir (the Turkish Tengri) — sig- 
 nified the " life - giver," and the appellations of 
 deities meant usually " the immortals," " the 
 shining ones," or "the powers"; while demons 
 and ghosts were called " the feeble " and the 
 "evil" beings, whose wrath was deprecated or 
 from whom safety was besought of the gods. 
 Religion consisted in the praise and supplication 
 of beings able and willing to help man, and in 
 the deprecation of the wrath of angry deities 
 whose will was neglected through sin. Black 
 magic or witchcraft was the invocation of evil 
 demons and malignant gods, with the intent to 
 injure others. It has been regarded with fear
 
 ANIMISM. 113 
 
 and wrath by all primitive peoples. The wor- 
 ship of life took many forms, and was expressed 
 often by very rude emblems. The abstract idea 
 of force, or of the unity of natural forces, was not 
 conceived ; and creation was regarded as an as- 
 semblage of living beings and of spirits, sometimes 
 invisible, like the wind, sometimes embodied in 
 immortal forms, like sun or moon. The fire was 
 a creeping snake, as was the pure stream. The 
 earth was a mighty animal. The sun, moon, 
 and stars were great birds soaring in heaven, or 
 beings who trod the crystal floor of the firma- 
 ment, drove their chariots along appointed roads, 
 climbed the eastern steps, descended to rest in 
 the ocean, or entered the flaming portals of hell, 
 when, the gates being opened, the glow of its 
 furnaces coloured the western sky, while the roses 
 of Paradise lit up the east at dawn. 
 
 Every river and spring, every mountain, every 
 forest, each great tree or standing-stone, was the 
 abode of a spirit. There is no distinction possible 
 between the ideas of Sumerians, Babylonians, Egyp- 
 tians, Assyrians, Greeks, Etruscans, or Latins. The 
 words were different, but the ideas were the same. 
 They still can be studied among Hindus, Tartars, 
 and Chinese, and even among the peasantry of 
 Western Asia and of Europe in our own times. 
 In ruder forms they are found among savages; 
 and even Caffres and Hottentots possess the same 
 leading beliefs. Animism is the true explanation 
 
 H
 
 114 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 of all ancient superstition. The terror of death, 
 the fear of the dead, the belief that ancestors 
 watched over pious descendants, the worship of 
 fire and water, trees and stones, sun, moon, and 
 stars, are all to be traced to the universal belief 
 in the countless "spirits" with which man sur- 
 rounded himself. 
 
 Over all these genii, according to the Akkadians, 
 ruled the primeval pair — the father spirit of heaven, 
 and the mother spirit of earth — from whom they all 
 sprang. The two great gods of the modern Mon- 
 gols and of the Chinese are the same ; and in 
 Egypt the only difference was that the mother 
 was heaven and the father earth. These two 
 spirits are continually invoked in Akkadian lit- 
 anies,^ of which the following is one of the most 
 remarkable : — 
 
 The man who dies without food, the man who dies 
 without drink, the man whose food is but dust, the man 
 who dies when earth is destroyed by floods, the man who 
 dies of famine in the desert, the man burned by the sun 
 in the wilderness, the concubine without a master, the 
 wife without a husband, the man despised, the man for- 
 gotten, the man without food, the man who in an evil 
 month falls sick. Spirit of Heaven, dost not thou re- 
 member ! Spirit of Earth, dost not thou remember ! 
 
 The seven great gods in other enumerations in- 
 cluded children of this ancient pair — Ccelus and 
 
 ^ The bilingual religious texts are given in the cuneiform characters 
 by F. Lenormant in his 'Etudes Accadiennes.' The following trans- 
 lations differ only in minor details from those which he suggests.
 
 THE GREAT GOUS. i 15 
 
 Terra of the Latins. They were the spirits of 
 Heaven, Ocean, and Hell; of the Sun and Moon, 
 the Wind, and the Earth. Their messenger was the 
 eighth, and these great figures {Kabiri, or "great 
 ones ") meet us in every ancient system with but 
 slight differences. Among Aryans, Semitic races, 
 Egyptians, Persians, and Hindus, the divine family 
 is ever the same. Heaven was the parent of all ; 
 but An, the sky god of the Sumerians, "lord of 
 powers of heaven and earth, lord of all lands "* — 
 "the first ancestor of the gods," as the Assyrians 
 called him — dwelt alone. 
 
 The great judge of mankind was the ocean god 
 Ea, whose name may only be the Turkish ec for 
 a " spirit." Like Osiris, he pronounced the doom 
 of each ghost brought before him, sitting on his 
 throne beneath the deep. The third brother was 
 the terrible god of Death and Hell, who had many 
 names, and was represented with a lion's head. 
 He was Ncrgal (probably "lord of fire"); Mul-lil, 
 "the ghost king"; or En-ge, "the prince be- 
 neath"; and his savage consort was Nin-ki-gal, 
 "lady of the fiery land." 
 
 The Earth goddess had also many names. She 
 was Ma, "the Earth"; Amma, Nana, or Nina, 
 " the mother " ; Dam-ki-na, " lady of the Earth " 
 and, like Terra, she was the wife both of Heaven 
 in one aspect and of Ocean in another, for by 
 both was she embraced. Thus the Sun was born 
 of Heaven and Earth, climbing to his father's
 
 Il6 IMOXGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 throne above, and also of Sea and Earth, " the 
 eldest-born of Ocean" — according as he rose from 
 the mountain or from the sea. He was Diim-zi, 
 " the child spirit," seated on the knees of Ma ; 
 but he was also Ir-galla, "the man of fire," who 
 crossed the ocean, and passed into Hades every 
 night. He had many other names, but, like 
 Horus in Egypt, he was ever youthful. His 
 bride was Is-tar, " the enlightener," the lamp of 
 mankind at night, whose names and attributes 
 were uncounted, but who is said to have married 
 Dum-zi in her youth, and to have received from 
 him her shining ornaments. To these gods was 
 added the deity of storm and wind, of the air and 
 of the sky, who (like Shu in Egypt) personified 
 the atmosphere, and was called lui ("the wind"), 
 or Mer ("the tempest") — a Jupiter Pluvius and 
 Tonans, like the Assyrian Rimmon and the Syrian 
 Hadad. The eighth great deity was the messenger 
 of heaven — the Greek Hermes, the Eg}'ptian Anubis, 
 called by the Sumerians Ak ("the wise"), whom 
 the Semitic peoples called Xebo ("the herald"), 
 and identified with the planet Mercury. An Ak- 
 kadian hymn in his honour thus describes him : — 
 
 To Ak the great and wise, seeing all things clearly, the 
 scribe who knows all that is mysterious, holding the great 
 sceptre, ruling the earth, who completes a record of all his 
 judgments on earth, showing the deeds of the wicked. 
 
 These gods ruled over the good genii, and fought 
 with demons, who, however, were also at times
 
 DEMONS. 
 
 117 
 
 their ministers against the sinful. The terror of 
 demons was ever present in the minds of the Ak- 
 kadians, and many spells were made to defeat 
 them. In one tablet they are thus described : — 
 
 They go from land to land. They drive the slave-giri 
 from her mother's house. They drive the wife from her 
 happy home. They drive the son from his father's abode. 
 They drive the calf from its stall ; they chase the bird 
 from its young ; they chase the swallow from her nest. 
 They steal the cattle, they steal the sheep. Every day the 
 wicked spirits are hunting. . . . They go from house to 
 house, the door stays them not, the bolt turns them not 
 back at the gate. They creep in as snakes, they blow 
 through the roof as wind. They hinder the wife from her 
 husband's arms ; they steal the child from the knees of 
 men. They drive the free woman from her happy home. 
 They are the voice of a curse that cleaves to man. 
 
 Charms and amulets protected the wearer from 
 these fiends, and temples and houses were pro- 
 tected by images of the gods, and especially by 
 the terrible form of the lion-headed Nergal, who 
 was the lord of ghosts and demons, as we learn 
 from another text : — 
 
 The image of Nergal the peerless on the wall of the 
 house — image of a peerless hero-god. The image of the 
 Sun king (Nar-udi), lord of all gods, beneath the couch, 
 that no evil may arise ; • . . the hero fighting demons 
 within the door. 
 
 This inscription explains the carving of gods 
 and demons on the thrones of Assyrian kings, 
 the bas-reliefs of Nergal at the temple doors near
 
 Il8 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 Pteria, and the various images buried in tombs 
 or beneath the floors of temples, as well as the 
 designs on signet -rings which represent Akkadian 
 myths. Evil persons alone held commune with 
 the fiends, and are conjured in another litany : — 
 
 The man who makes a figure in order to hurt a man. 
 The evil look, the evil eye, the evil word, the evil lip, the 
 evil poison. Spirit of Heaven, dost not thou remember ! 
 Spirit of Earth, dost not thou remember ! 
 
 The early Mongols were as fond of mythical or 
 imaginative stories concerning the phenomena of 
 nature — the daily or yearly adventures of the gods 
 — as were the early Aryans ; and the legends of 
 Turkestan in our own times often recall those of 
 the Akkadians — especially the strange figure of 
 the friendly Minotaur who aided the Chaldean 
 Hercules, and went down with him to the under- 
 world, which is to be found in one of the folk- 
 tales of the Kirghiz Tartars.^ As yet only a legend 
 of creation has been found in the Akkadian lan- 
 guage, but it is believed that many others known 
 in Assyrian were of Akkadian origin. Their an- 
 tiquity is witnessed — as well as their wide diffusion 
 — by the occurrence of two such tales in Baby- 
 lonian language, which for some unknown reason 
 were preserved with the political correspondence 
 at Tell Amarna in the fifteenth century B.C. One 
 of them relates to the terror felt when the Sun 
 
 ^ See A. de Gubernatis, Zoological Mythology, vol. i. p. 129.
 
 LEGENDS. 
 
 119 
 
 {Adapa, "the soarer") did not appear for several 
 days, and was thought to have been poisoned in 
 Hades. The message of Heaven, and the rebuke 
 he received, are related. In the other we hear 
 that Iris-ki-gal ("the bride of Hell ") was a sister 
 of the gods whom Nergal forbade to return on 
 high, until he was besieged by all the hosts of 
 heaven, when he made up the quarrel and gave 
 her all she wished. The story of Istar visiting 
 Hades is but a variant of this legend, and clearly 
 indicates that she was the Moon goddess. She 
 was gradually deprived, as she entered seven suc- 
 cessive gates, of her glory and ornaments, and kept 
 a prisoner by the terrible goddess of Hell, until 
 at the command of Heaven she was released, 
 washed with the water of life, and her ornaments 
 restored during seven successive exits. The lunar 
 month with its twenty-eight days is clearly in the 
 myth-maker's mind. 
 
 Two other curious emblems may be noticed — 
 namely, the "World Mountain" and the "Tree 
 of Life," which were of Akkadian origin. The 
 Babylonians, knowing of seas to the east, west, 
 north, and south, and living in a great river-valley 
 surrounded by mountains, with the sea beyond, 
 conceived the world to consist of a plain with a 
 surrounding chain, floating on ocean and domed 
 over by a firmament. They describe the /;;; Khar- 
 sak, or "sky mountain-top," as having glistening 
 horns and slippery sides ; and refer probabl}- to the
 
 120 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 mountains of their original home, the chain of 
 Elburz and the snowy heights of Ararat or Cau- 
 casus. This idea of the World Mountain survives 
 in Persian sacred books, and in the Kdf or bound- 
 ary mountain of Arabs. 
 
 The jewelled Tree of Life is also found among 
 the Chinese, the Hindus, and many others. The 
 Chaldean Hercules, who, like the Greek hero, 
 crossed the ocean to a garden of the Hesperides, 
 failed to gather the fruit of this tree, which was 
 guarded by a snake. In Egypt the Tree of Life 
 stood in Hades. Among modern Moslems it is 
 only the "bitter tree" that is found in hell, 
 while the "Tree of the Limit," on whose leaves 
 (shaken yearly in the "night of power") are 
 written the names of those about to die, is found 
 in heaven. The Tree of Life was called Tin-Tir 
 ("life-tree") by the Akkadians, and Babylon was 
 named by them Tin - Tir - Ki (" life - tree - place "). 
 The figure of this artificial tree, common on seals 
 and bas-reliefs, is well known. It was guarded 
 by griffons, by cherubs, or by the eagle-headed 
 gods. This tree was also apparently called Sakh 
 or "holy," and this is translated Asher, "holy" 
 in Assyrian. It became the AsJierah of the 
 Amorites and of idolatrous Hebrews, rendered 
 "the grove" in our version. In later times it 
 is represented in the south as a palm ; but the 
 old Akkadian name of the vine was Iz-tin or
 
 THE TREE OF LIFE. 121 
 
 "wood of life," and the conventional form, with 
 its projecting leaves, seems to represent a vine 
 growing on a trellis. The vine did not flourish 
 at Babylon, and Herodotus (i. 194) says that wine 
 was brought down the river from the north ; but 
 the home of the vine is on the foothills of the 
 Taurus and in Armenia, and it was here probably 
 that the Kassites and Akkadians first discovered 
 wine, and named the vine the " Tree of Life." 
 
 How widely spread this ancient system of 
 religion must have been we gather by comparison 
 with certain features of Greek mythology. The 
 Greeks borrowed many figures and names from 
 Phoenicia, but they seem also to have been in 
 contact with the earlier Mongols of Asia Minor. 
 The name of Hercules has no satisfactory Aryan 
 derivation, but his legend presents many points of 
 contact with that of the Chaldean hero called 
 Izdubar, or Gilgamas — or perhaps Uddii-mas, "the 
 spirit of the rising sun." Hercules may be the 
 Akkadian Irgalla, another name for the sun ; and 
 in like manner the name Kcntaur, or "man-beast," 
 is Mongol rather than Aryan, and refers to the 
 man - beasts of Akkadian imagery, while the 
 Amazons may have been Ama-znn, or "women- 
 warriors," of Asia Minor. The figure of Pegasus, 
 the winged horse of the Sun, occurs on a "Hittite" 
 seal, as well as at Carthage ; and many Greek 
 myths, such as those of Perseus (Sargina), of
 
 122 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 Ganymede (the Babylonian Etana carried by an 
 eagle to heaven), of Actaeon, and of Prometheus 
 (the Babylonian hero Zu, "the wise," who stole 
 the secrets of heaven), may have been of Mongol 
 origin, learned from the border tribes of Cappadocia. 
 Vows and the curses of the wronged were re- 
 corded in heaven, and are noticed in inscriptions 
 on statues both Akkadian and Assyrian. Temples 
 were built in fulfilment of a sagba or vow : curses 
 were inscribed against those who should injure 
 boundary-stones or historic records. One curious 
 text refers to the effects of a curse by some un- 
 known person unintentionally wronged : — 
 
 The curse descends on a man like a whirlwind. A 
 voice is ever crying against him. An evil voice is against 
 him still. Istar afflicts him because of another's grief. 
 The voice that cries cloaks him as a garment. Bowed 
 down he bends. Marduk pities him, goes to his father 
 Ea and says, " My father, a curse has come on a man 
 like a whirlwind," and he answers again, " Who did it ? " 
 He replies, "The man knows not who did it." Ea an- 
 swered his son Marduk, " My son, you know not whom. 
 How can I answer you? Marduk, you know not who 
 it is. How can I answer you ? Come now, my son, 
 Marduk may lead him to the dwelling of my power, and 
 may explain his curse and show his curse : the evil that 
 troubles his heart, be it his father's curse, or his mother's 
 curse, or his elder brother's curse, or the curse of some 
 head of a house that the man knows not. By prayer to 
 Ea as to the curse, let him ask favour as of one who will 
 hear. It may be shown to be an accident — it may be 
 shown to be an error. The curse ! O Spirit of Heaven, 
 dost not thou remember ! O Spirit of Earth, dost not 
 thou remember ! "
 
 HUMAN SACRIFICE. 123 
 
 Of \o\vs we read also : — 
 
 The vow, the vow. The aid of the gods is an ever- 
 lasting help ; the aid of Heaven and Earth, which never 
 fails. God only is unchanging. God is not understood 
 by men. The snare for the wicked is not removed. An 
 impassable decree is set against the sinner. 
 
 Another darker feature of the Akkadian super- 
 stition was human sacrifice in time of trouble. 
 Of this we hear indeed only from a Semitic text, 
 which says, " He cried to the Lord of all, and 
 gave the offspring first born among men for him- 
 self." But this terrible custom was not confined 
 to Phoenicians or Assyrians. It is found among 
 Mongols, as also among Greeks and other Aryans. 
 A seal with " Hittite " characters shows a human 
 sacrifice, and the two emblems may be read, Titr- 
 Sak, "the first-born." Among Arabs and in 
 Phoenicia the rite was still in use as late as the 
 fifth century after Christ. 
 
 The main features of Akkadian religion have 
 thus been sketched in order to illustrate the 
 sculptures about to be described. In great 
 measure they were common also to the Semitic 
 population of Babylonia ; but the regular pan- 
 theon of twelve gods connected with the year, 
 and identified with the planets, is Assyrian and 
 not Sumerian. The old names, such as Nergal, 
 were often adopted in modified forms, Nirgallii 
 in Assyrian being the same, while Istar became 
 Istaratu with a feminine termination— the Canaan-
 
 124 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 ite Ashtoreth, who, however, appears as A star 
 on the Moabite Stone, and as At-thar in Arabia. 
 The name of Ea was also unchanged ; but An 
 the Heaven god became Ilu as well as Ann, and 
 Ninib ("the chief") became Adam ("the glori- 
 ous"), while Bel was the common Semitic term 
 for the infernal deity, Slianiash for the Sun, and 
 Rimmon for the Air god. A male deity of the 
 Moon, Sinn, represents the Akkadian Aku, whose 
 name is still found in one of the Turkish names 
 for the moon, another {Ai) being the same as 
 the Akkadian A a for the Moon goddess, wife of 
 the Sun — a title of Istar. Several names which 
 in Akkadian appear to have belonged to the Sun- 
 hero were by the Assyrians assigned to the vari- 
 ous planets. 
 
 The names of Kassite gods are peculiar, but 
 are explained in Assyrian. Sikhu, or "the good," 
 was a name for Marduk the Sun warrior, who 
 conquered the dragon of chaos and storm. Urus, 
 "the lion," was a term for the lion-headed Nergal 
 or Bel. Sam was a name of the Sun, Sumu of 
 Rimmon; and Bel was called Lav or "chief," a 
 word also found in Etruscan. Each tribe appears 
 to have used its own terms, but the deities so 
 named were common to all. 
 
 A curious bronze tablet found near Palmyra, 
 and which has often been described, may belong 
 to the " Hittite " art, though in absence of any 
 ■text it might also be supposed to be of Amorite
 
 THE FATE OF THE SOUL. 125 
 
 or Phoenician origin. The seven f^rcat j^'ods arc 
 represented with animal heads, many of which 
 are indistinctly characterised, and with their em- 
 blems above them. Beneath these a corpse lies 
 on its bier guarded by fish-headed men, repre- 
 senting probably Da-han (" the man-fish "), who 
 was a form of Ea, and became the Phoenician and 
 Philistine Dagon. The soul or shade walks 
 safely away from two demons who are fighting 
 each other, and at the bottom we see Nergal 
 beside the infernal river, with a lion head, while 
 Nin-ki-gal, his wife, comes in her boat, kneeling 
 on the " death horse," and suckling two lion cubs. 
 She also is lion - headed, and with open moutli 
 approaches the offerings laid on the banks, among 
 the reeds (or asphodel plants) of the infernal 
 river. 
 
 This tablet gives us a clear conception of the 
 ideas as to death which were common to many 
 early peoples. On the Akkadian signets the 
 ghost is represented with feathers, and birds 
 with human heads also represent the soul — as in 
 Egypt, in Lycia, in Phoenicia, and elsewhere. 
 In the legend of Istar the feathered garments of 
 ghosts are described, and the cuneiform emblem 
 for a ghost represents a feathered man. Other 
 emblems which are comm-on to the Akkadians 
 and the Hittites include the sphynx, the two- 
 headed eagle, the stag, which was sacred to Ea as 
 was also the bull, and the winged figure of the
 
 126 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 Sun, which is found at Birejik, on the Euphrates, 
 above a pigtailed figure in the dress commonly 
 represented as that of the Hittites. There is 
 practically no distinction between the religious 
 emblems of the Sumerians and Assyrians, and 
 those in use on supposed Hittite sculptures. The 
 gods are shown at Carchemish, and near Pteria, 
 standing erect on lions, just as on the great 
 Assyrian bas-relief of Bavian, or the monolith of 
 Esarhaddon at Samalla. At this latter site there 
 are bas-reliefs, one of which represents the lion- 
 headed Nergal, and all of which so greatly re- 
 semble Hittite art that they were classed as 
 Hittite, until found to accompany Phoenician 
 inscriptions.^ It is only by aid of such inscrip- 
 tions that the origin of sculptures can be safely 
 distinguished ; and in Cyprus many statues sup- 
 posed to be Phoenician bear Greek texts. Em- 
 blems like the winged sun, wherever they 
 originated, are common to Egypt and Phoenicia, 
 to Assyria, and to the earlier Mongols of Baby- 
 lonia and Syria. 
 
 The Hittite deities have already been noticed in 
 the famous treaty text. Chief among them were 
 Set and Istar ; but there were a thousand gods and 
 a thousand goddesses, including those of " rivers, 
 
 ^ One design seems to show a Hittite prisoner held by the pigtail ; 
 on another a bearded chief sits by an altar, facing a pigtailed, beard- 
 less prince, with a mace sceptre, who may be a Hittite. . Humann 
 and Puchstein's 'Reisen,' Tafein xliv. 2, xlv, i.
 
 SET. 
 
 127 
 
 hills, the great sea, the winds, and the clouds." 
 The name of Set may perhaps mean " fire," and 
 we are told by Plutarch ^ that he was represented 
 with the head of an ass. In Egyptian the ass head 
 stands for "light,"' and in Hittite texts the symbol 
 is also found, probably with the sound Is, signifying 
 both "ass" and also (as in Akkadian) "light." 
 The common emblem of Set in Egypt was a sort 
 of monster with a long-eared head, which may 
 represent that of an ass ; and the same emblem 
 exactly is once found on a text from Mer'ash, and 
 probably denotes the Hittite god. At Carchemish 
 Istar is represented naked and winged, holding her 
 hands to her breasts — a figure also found (without 
 wings) in Babylonia and Phoenicia. The great 
 examples of so - called " Hittite " religious sym- 
 bolism occur, however, near Pteria in Armenia, 
 at Ibreez in Cilicia, at Mount Sipylos near Sm3'rna, 
 and on certain seals chiefly from Asia Minor. 
 
 Boghaz-Keui, near one of the lower affluents 
 of the Halys in Armenia, is believed (though this 
 has been disputed) to be the ancient Pteria. The 
 ruins include a throne with lions ; and a defaced 
 Hittite inscription of eleven lines has been said to 
 occur at the site. Two miles to the east is the 
 curious rock-temple known as lasili-Kaia (" written 
 stone ") ; but only eight symbols are found accom- 
 panying the figures, of which there are no less than 
 ninety in all. Of these forty-one form a long 
 
 ^ Isis and Osiris, §§ 22-33.
 
 128 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 procession on the north wall of a rock-chamber, 
 stretching east about thirty yards, the figures being 
 all male and wearing the high-pointed cap as a 
 rule ; while on the south wall a similar female 
 procession also passes east to meet the former, 
 and includes twenty females and one male figure. 
 The central design is at the east or inner end of 
 the temple ; and in each procession deities are 
 followed by genii, these by kings and queens, and 
 these again by their subjects. On the western 
 rocks is another design, and the entrance on the 
 south is guarded by two lion-headed genii. An 
 outer chapel has on its north wall a procession 
 of eleven warriors, and eleven unarmed men, and 
 on the south are two designs in separate bas-reliefs. 
 The gods are six feet high, and the human figures 
 about three feet. The whole represents one of the 
 most remarkable and probably one of the oldest 
 carvings of Asia.^ 
 
 The two central figures on the east — facing each 
 other — are a god supported by two human figures 
 on whose necks he treads, and a goddess standing 
 on a lion. These probably are the " Spirit of 
 Heaven " and the " Spirit of Earth " ; for the latter 
 is evidently Ma, a goddess who is known to have 
 been represented as borne by a lion.- The j-ounger 
 
 1 See the plates in 'History of Art in Asia Minor, ' vol. ii., Perrot 
 and Chipiez ; and the photographs in Humann and Puchstein's 
 ' Reisen,' Tafeln vii.-x. 
 
 2 Macrobius, Saturnal., i. 26. See Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. ii. 
 P- 538.
 
 THE TWO-HEADED EAGLE. 129 
 
 god, also on a lion, who stands behind the goddess, 
 is probably the Sun ; and behind him the two- 
 headed eagle supports two goddesses, while two 
 male gods follow the " Spirit of Heaven." Several 
 of the smaller figures are winged, or otherwise in- 
 dicated as deities or priests, and human worship- 
 pers follow in their train. 
 
 The two-headed eagle here shown is a distinctive 
 Mongol emblem. It is as old as 2800 B.C. among 
 the Sumerians of Zirgul, and it is found at Eyuk, 
 north of Pteria, where each talon grasps a hare. 
 It was used by the Turks on coins and standards 
 in 1217 A.D., and carved on the walls of Diarbekr. 
 It is found at Devrik,^ and on medals of the Arsa- 
 cidse in Persia. It only reached Flanders after the 
 Crusades in the thirteenth century a.d., and Russia 
 in 1472, and may have been taken from the Turks 
 by the Franks. In India it represents the Garuda 
 bird of the gods, but its origin was clearly Mongol. 
 
 The western bas-relief at lasili-Kaia represents a 
 priest or prince, over whose extended hand is a 
 shrine or temple, in which a deity, girt with flames, 
 stands between two objects which resemble the 
 great cone or cylinder which, on Akkadian gems, 
 other deities appear to be turning, as also does a 
 figure found at Zirgul. The meaning is obscure, 
 but we are reminded of the mandara of India, with 
 which the world was made from the sea of milk, 
 gods and genii churning with this great churn, 
 
 1 Wandering Scholar in the Levant, D. G. Hogarth, p. 142. 
 I
 
 I30 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 round which a serpent was twisted. In the outer 
 chapel, on the south wall, a deity in a pointed cap 
 leads another long-robed priest or prince, who, like 
 the former, has on his head a skull-cap, and in his 
 hand a littitis or whip. Above them is a shrine like 
 the former one, but with an emblem within, pro- 
 bably phallic. Close to this is an extraordinary 
 composite figure, beardless and wearing ear-rings, 
 with a pointed head-dress. This figure terminates 
 in a stump, and the body is formed by two inverted 
 lions, reminding us of those which spring from the 
 body of the Anatolian Cybele or Ma, and of the 
 lions suckled by the infernal goddess, as above 
 mentioned. The female figures in the processions 
 wear long pleated dresses, and cylindrical bonnets. 
 The males have in some cases long robes, but the 
 chief male deity, and most of the men, wear short 
 jerkins, and are bare-legged. This short dress is 
 usually distinctive of Hittite sculptures. The chief 
 male procession is broken by a design of two genii 
 supporting a crescent. The warriors in the outer 
 chapel have heavy swords held erect, and all wear 
 the shoe with a curled-up toe, commonly found in 
 this class of sculpture, and worn by the Hittites. 
 It is the calceus repandus of the Etruscans, but 
 not peculiar to any race, being found also among 
 Phoenicians, and even worn by the Jewish tribute- 
 bearers, who bring the tribute of Jehu to Shal- 
 maneser II. on the " Black Obelisk." The 
 Turkish slipper of our own times is the same,
 
 HITTITE SCULPTURES. 131 
 
 and is worn not only by Turks but by Arabs 
 as well. 
 
 At Eyuk, north of Pteria, similar carvings were 
 found by Hamilton, including the two - headed 
 eagle, and two sphynxes in bas-relief, with figures 
 of worshippers, short - robed and pigtailed, — one 
 raising the hands in supplication, two others 
 ascending steps, and another bringing three rams 
 and a goat. These wear the skull - cap, which 
 may have been a priestly head-dress. An altar, 
 a sacred bull, and a goddess seated on a throne, 
 are also represented, with harpers ; and on other 
 blocks a butting bull, and a lion devouring a ram. 
 No inscriptions accompany these figures, as far 
 as is at present known. 
 
 At Mer'ash there is a very archaic relief, showing 
 the goddess Ma with the infant Sun-god on her 
 knees. She sits on a throne, and holds a mace 
 sceptre. On the altar before her is a harp, on 
 which a very rudely carved eagle is perched. 
 Other designs here show a short - coated wor- 
 shipper presenting offerings to a long-robed giant 
 deity, while his horse is held by a groom beneath. 
 In general character these carvings are clearly 
 " Hittite," though not inscribed. In their ar- 
 rangement and execution they also resemble the 
 Sumerian bas-reliefs of Zirgui. 
 
 At Eflatun Bunar (Plato's Springs), in Galatia, 
 a remarkable monument of the same class repre- 
 sents a number of rude caryatide figures, like one
 
 132 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 found at Zirgul ; and the whole is surmounted b}' 
 the winged Sun, already mentioned at Birejik. 
 The great rock carving at Ibreez, which bears 
 " Hittite" texts, is cut beside a stream on a cliff, 
 and shows us a gigantic short-robed deity, holding 
 corn and grapes, and approached by the smaller 
 figure of a long-robed worshipper. In this case 
 both deity and worshipper have curled beards, 
 without moustache — a fashion among both Phoeni- 
 cians and early Greeks — whereas nearly all the 
 figures previously described have hairless faces. 
 As already noticed, however, the Sumerian bas- 
 reliefs occasionally present bearded kings, though 
 as a rule the male figures have smooth chins. The 
 only other clearly religious design is that of the 
 figure on Mount Sipylos, which is nearly 20 feet 
 high. It is described by Pausanias (iii. 22) as a 
 Niobe, but the " Hittite " emblems, discovered on 
 this bas-relief by Consul G. Dennis in 1881, prob- 
 ably preserve the name of Ma, the " Spirit of the 
 Earth." The cartouche of Rameses II. is asserted 
 to be also cut, as a later addition, on the field of 
 the design, but its existence is disputed. 
 
 Some of the medals and seals on which the same 
 " Hittite" emblems are found also present us with 
 divine figures. Such small objects being easily 
 transported, it is difficult to know where they were 
 originally cut. Two of them come from Aidin in 
 Lydia : the first represents three gods, one of whom 
 presents a cross to three worshippers, and a flail
 
 LYDIAX SEALS. 153 
 
 to two demons of lion form who are ti^htin/:; uacli 
 other: above them is the word Nc-gug (contest): 
 the god himself, in his double character, as favour- 
 ing the pious and judging the wicked, is two-headed 
 like the Etruscan Janus : to his left is a figure 
 apparently in a pit of flame : to his right is the 
 heaven god on his throne marked with a star ; 
 and beyond him another, bearing the stag of Ea, 
 and a sacred mound (perhaps the "World Moun- 
 tain " already described), guarded by winged genii 
 eagle-headed. The second Aidin seal gives five 
 deities, three male and two female : the god on 
 the left is winged, short-robed, and bull-headed, 
 with an eagle at his feet, and the word Adda 
 (father) beside him. He probably represents the 
 " Spirit of Heaven." The second to the right is 
 two-headed, short-robed, and carries a palm. He 
 has beside him the sign Yc, and may here represent 
 Ea, the judge of good and wicked. The third is 
 winged, and bears an axe and a cross, with an altar 
 before him. The goddesses face away from these 
 two gods, the first to the left having the emblem 
 Mu (for "mother'"), and the second — the last figure 
 to the right — has the sign Sc (the favourable or 
 good). Beneath these five figures are their dis- 
 tinctive animals, — the eagle for the first, the stag 
 of Ea for the second, the ass-headed monster (Set) 
 for the third, the lion — as in previous cases — for 
 Ma, the " Spirit of the Earth," and the dove for 
 the last, who is clearly Istar. This design presents
 
 134 MONGOL GODS AND BELIEFS. 
 
 us, therefore, with the same deities alread}^ distin- 
 guished, omitting the infernal god Nergal, and the 
 air-god Im ; and Set here seems to stand for the 
 god of the Sun and of the altar-fire. 
 
 Two seals, one of them from Nineveh, conclude 
 our enumeration of religious designs. The first, 
 which may bear the name of the Kassite king 
 Ammi-Zaduga, has on one side the winged sun, 
 and on the other the winged horse, both rudely 
 carved. The second, which seems to have the 
 name Meli-sunm ("man of the air -god"), also 
 known as a Kassite name, represents a short- 
 coated male deity standing on a lion (as does 
 the younger male god of lasili-Kaia), representing 
 Situm or "the sky." A seal now in the Ashmolean 
 Museum belongs to this class, and is of peculiar 
 value since it presents a short bilingual. The 
 cuneiform legend, which is in characters at least 
 as old as 1500 B.C., is easily read — " Indilimma ben 
 Sirdamu, servant of the goddess Iskhara," while 
 the Hittite presents only four emblems, which 
 may be interpreted Isgar Raha, " the slave of 
 Isgar." The name of this goddess, "the light- 
 maker," is probably synonymous with that of Istar, 
 " the light-maker " or " enlightener." 
 
 The study of these religious designs thus serves 
 to show that the religion of the Mongol race of 
 Syria and Armenia, and even of Western Anatolia, 
 was portrayed by symbolism identical with that of 
 the Sumerians and Akkadians. The beardless pig-
 
 MONGOL EMBLEMS. 135 
 
 tailed figures serve to class these rude and early 
 sculptures, even when inscriptions are absent. 
 The Set -monster is found even as far west as 
 Lydia, and his name has perhaps also been found 
 in Akkadian. The Sumerian and Akkadian hvnins 
 furnish us with suitable explanation of the lion- 
 headed figures which guard the temple near Pteria ; 
 and the eagle-headed genii are known in Assyria 
 as well as on the Lydian seal. The sphynx, and 
 the winged sun, the two-headed eagle, and other 
 emblems, are common to the Akkadians and the 
 Hittites, as are the naked Istar and the conven- 
 tional tree of life, the mother goddess nursing her 
 babe, and the lion-headed god of Hell. Religious 
 symbolism, therefore, like racial type and language, 
 supports the contention that the script about to 
 be specially considered was that of the northern 
 Mongols of the earliest age, who were akin to 
 the Kassite kings ruling in Babylon from about 
 2250 B.C.
 
 136 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 The four great hieroglyphic systems — Egyptian, 
 Cuneiform, Hittite, and Chinese — sprang undoubt- 
 edly from rude picture - writings, probably first 
 known in Asia, and which may have been the 
 one common original of them all. With the 
 hieroglyphics of Mexico and Peru we are not con- 
 cerned. As yet they are unread ; but there is 
 evidence which points to their having been derived 
 from China, at the time when (about the sixth 
 century a.d.) the west shores of America were first 
 visited by Buddhists. The Red Indian picture- 
 writing may represent the survival of early attempts 
 at record, or communication, by aid of drawings, 
 and may also have been carried from Asia, since, 
 both by language and physical type, the native 
 Americans are connected with Mongolia. It shows 
 us how limited were the powers of expression of 
 so primitive a method. Human and animal forms 
 were portrayed, numbers represented by strokes.
 
 EARLY SYMBOLS. 
 
 ^1>7 
 
 and rude sketches of enclosures indicated towns 
 or camps attacked ; but colour could only be shown 
 by the use of pigments, and abstract ideas found 
 no expression. In Africa an equally primitive pic- 
 torial record is found in the Bushman pictures of 
 the south, which are thought to indicate a faint 
 memory of Egyptian graphic art. 
 
 About seventy emblems may be considered orig- 
 inal, and appear in two or more of the historic 
 systems, some twenty being common to all the 
 four. They may be divided into four groups : 
 first, animal forms ; secondly, limbs ; thirdly, nat- 
 ural objects not animate ; and fourthly, human 
 inventions. In the first class may be found figures 
 of human beings, male and female, kings, soldiers, 
 and (in cuneiform) ghosts, with the more advanced 
 representation of two enemies opposed, or two 
 allies shaking hands, and with the full figures or 
 heads of the bull, the ram, the sheep, the goat, 
 the stag, the ass, the hare, the lion, wolf, and dog, 
 as well as birds, snakes, and worms, all of which 
 were distinguishable by even primitive artists with- 
 out much trouble and in a few lines. The second 
 class, including limbs, was specially useful for verbs, 
 such as refer to action by seeing, hearing, or touch- 
 ing. We find very common use of the eye, the 
 ear, the face (or mouth), the tongue ; of the foot 
 or legs for movement, and the hand in various 
 attitudes of taking, giving, supplication, or menace. 
 The phallus, the ktcis, and the horns of animals.
 
 138 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 are also emblems common to the various systems. 
 The third class includes such emblems as sun, 
 moon, and star, fire and water, the thunderbolt, 
 the firmament, and rain, an outline of mountains 
 denoting " country," and vegetable objects, such 
 as tree, herb, flower, corn, reed, and the vine. 
 In the last group emblems of royalty and of war, 
 of civil life and religion, are included, such as the 
 throne, crown, sceptre, crook, axe, sword, arrow, 
 and bow ; the house and altar, with pots, bowls, 
 and bottles of various form, erect stones or mon- 
 uments, ploughs, sails, boats, pyramids, tablets, 
 cloths, chains, and keys, all more or less clearly 
 used for special words. 
 
 The Hittite, Egyptian, and Cuneiform agree in 
 the notation of numbers, strokes representing units, 
 while hoops stand for the tens. The plural in each 
 of these systems is marked by three or four strokes 
 following the noun emblem, and sometimes by re- 
 duplicating the emblem. The reduplication of a 
 sign standing for a verb always signifies causative 
 repeated or intense action. 
 
 The four systems, however, developed indepen- 
 dently at different centres, and soon became very 
 peculiar and distinct, through invention of new 
 emblems or new combinations, and according to 
 the requisites of languages of very different char- 
 acter. The Hittite symbols do not exceed about 
 160 in all ; but the Egyptian soon possessed 400, 
 the Babylonians in later times distinguished 550,
 
 COMPOUND IDEOGRAMS. 
 
 '39 
 
 and the Chinese have ncnv 24,235 sif,Mis. The 
 first tendency was to combine the old signs, 
 and so form compound pictures havinj^' a special 
 meaning. These are usually called idc(\i^n-a}ns, and 
 are often' very ingenious. Thus in cuneiform the 
 original bull emblem (a bull's head) was reserved 
 for the domestic herd, and the sign "mountain" 
 was written on the forehead of the wild bull. 
 The old signs for man and woman had in the 
 same wa}^ the sign for "land" or "mountain" 
 attached, and then denoted the native population 
 as "slaves." The single star stood (as in Egypt 
 and among Hittites) for deity, two stars for light, 
 and three for all the stars or host of heaven. 
 The emblem for a house with the plural strokes 
 inside meant many houses or "town"; and with 
 a fish inside, a fishing village. The square en- 
 closure with plural strokes signified a "place" 
 or region : with corn-sheaves included it became 
 a "storehouse": with the sign for water within 
 it denoted " swamp " ; and with a star inside it 
 was " heaven," the house of God. The firma- 
 ment in all systems was shown as an arch, and 
 when rays or strokes descended thence they in- 
 dicated either light or rain descending. The 
 moon with the sign "thirty" within stood in 
 early times for the month, and many similar 
 combinations are easily understood on the same 
 lines. 
 
 The Chinese adopted this method, and thus
 
 140 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 continually increased the number of their signs, 
 until the system has become so cumbrous as to 
 be only imperfectly known even to native experts. 
 Their combinations were often most ingenious, 
 as, for instance,^ where the compound sign for 
 rain, under the sign for roof, indicates a "leak." 
 But they had taken a wrong principle in thus 
 multiplying emblems which — when roughly 
 sketched — became difficult to understand, instead 
 of simplifying their script, as was done in the 
 West. The more practical Japanese found a way 
 out of the difficulty by forming a syllabary of 
 selected Chinese signs. We are unable to com- 
 pletely trace the history of Chinese earlier than 
 about the Christian era, when they had already 
 greatly increased the 200 emblems thought to be 
 primitive, and had already so modified the forms, 
 by generations of hasty sketching, that they are 
 for the most part difficult to recognise. The 
 original connection of Chinese hieroglyphics with 
 those of Babylonia was advocated as an explana- 
 tion of their origin by F. Lenormant, and the 
 question has since received much study ; but the 
 results cannot be said to be conclusive, owing 
 to the absence of early Chinese texts. In their 
 oldest forms the Chinese and Babylonian show 
 few resemblances, and many features of the 
 Chinese system — such as the notation of num- 
 
 - For the Chinese generally see Chalmers's ' Structuie of Chinese 
 Characters.' Hong-Kong, 1882.
 
 SYLLABLES AND KEYS. 14 1 
 
 erals, and figures of the rat, tortoise, monkey, 
 dragon, elephant, dec, are quite unknown in the 
 Western Asiatic systems. The Chinese language 
 is in like manner of Mongol origin and remotely 
 akin to the Akkadian, but it has become so 
 changed through lapse of ages, and has so much 
 modified its vocabulary within historic times, 
 that even the primitive Cantonese gives few re- 
 liable comparisons with Akkadian words, while 
 the grammar has equally been modified, especially 
 in syntax. 
 
 In the West it soon became customary to use 
 the pictorial emblem simply as a sound, in order 
 to spell w^ords with it as with s}-llables. The prin- 
 ciple was that of our modern picture-puzzles, in 
 which, for instance, " I see " may be represented 
 by an "eye" and "the sea." This method repre- 
 sented a great advance in thought and in the re- 
 quirements of an increasing vocabulary. By such 
 means abstract ideas could at length be repre- 
 sented, and the number of emblems could be 
 limited. Even in Chinese three - quarters of the 
 modern emblems are estimated to be "phonetic" 
 or syllabic, the rest being pictures or ideogram?. 
 But such puzzle-writing being notoriously difticult 
 to read, it became a practice common to all sys- 
 tems to add "keys," or, as they are called by 
 scholars, determinatives, which indicated the class of 
 object, of which the name was spelt by one or more 
 syllables. Early languages being all derived from
 
 142 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 monosyllabic roots, the original words required only 
 single signs ; but as language advanced and words 
 became longer, the use of syllables became impera- 
 tive. The commonest "keys" in all four systems 
 are those distinguishing gods, towns, countries, 
 male and female names, and royal titles. Thus 
 "eye" alone would stand for the pronoun "I"; 
 but with a key, showing that a "limb" was in- 
 tended, it meant "eye." Or "sea" alone would 
 read "see," but with the key for "water" at- 
 tached would mean " sea." The reading of 
 ancient inscriptions is rendered much easier when 
 these keys are known. Personal names and other 
 classes of nouns are thus at once distinguished 
 from others which are not proper names. On 
 the same principle we still use capital letters to 
 distinguish proper nouns in rapid reading. 
 
 The old picture emblem had clearly no single 
 sound attached if the language contained more 
 than one word for the object. Thus the horned 
 head might at will be read "stag," "deer," or 
 "buck"; the head of the ass might be read 
 " donkey," and the house would stand for " home " 
 or "abode." The difficulty was increased when 
 two nations used the same script — as in Babylonia. 
 The Akkadian word attached to the "star" was 
 All for god. The Semitic people read it ihi (god) ; 
 but when they used the sign as a syllable, it was 
 with the old Akkadian sound An, showing that 
 they were not the inventors of the system, which
 
 POLYPHONY. 143 
 
 they borrowed from the Mongols. Thus in Chaldcu 
 every symbol had several sounds, some of which 
 were Mongol and some Semitic. Many uncer- 
 tainties arise from this natural development ; but 
 they are dispelled to a great degree by the lists 
 prepared in the seventh century b.c. by Semitic 
 scribes, who have given us in parallel columns 
 the Mongol and Semitic sounds. What has been 
 said of this single example An applies to all the 
 rest of the cuneiform emblems, and " polyphony," 
 as it is called, is one of the difficulties with which 
 a student of cuneiform has to deal, accounting for 
 many differences of interpretation among scholars. 
 In Egypt the difficulty is less, since only one 
 language was used, and because, as a rule, only 
 one sound was attached to each emblem. 
 
 The " law of least effort," which Dr Isaac 
 Taylor lays down as accounting for the gradual 
 deterioration in the recognisable outline of any 
 emblem, is very important for our inquiry. No 
 one would suspect, when looking at the letter /;; 
 in Egyptian, as written in Ptolemaic times i>n 
 papyrus, that this was the last trace of an out- 
 line which, on well - carved hieroglyphic texts, 
 represented an " owl." When writing was con- 
 fined to records on hard stones, the hewn em- 
 blems kept their shapes. But much depends on 
 the materials used ; and when in later days 
 scribes familiar with the script sketched (ever 
 more and more rapidly) the old pictorial em-
 
 144 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 blems with ink on pap3Tus, they constantly sim- 
 plified labour by omitting strokes, just as in our 
 own days we fail to cross the letter t or to dot 
 the i in hasty writing. In Babylonia the incised 
 outlines of the old granite inscriptions are fairly 
 recognisable though conventional ; but when clay 
 came into use for writing epistles, and a wooden 
 or copper graver was dug into the soft surface 
 in sketching the forms, it resulted that a series 
 of wedge-shaped prickings produced a very special 
 effect, which we call cuneiform writing, as dis- 
 tinguished from the original "linear Babylonian." 
 And so familiar became the conventions thus 
 arising, that in later times the wedges were re- 
 produced even when the text was on stone. In 
 the Hittite system the same rough sketching is 
 observable in the case of incised inscriptions, 
 while those which are cut in relief are more 
 clearly defined, and give us with more certainty 
 the original outline of the emblems. 
 
 From the syllable to the letter was a third 
 step, which finally produced the alphabet ; yet 
 so abstract is the idea of a letter by itself, that 
 at least two thousand years passed before syl- 
 lables were superseded, and the number of em- 
 blems thus reduced to an eighth approximately 
 of those before considered necessary to learn. 
 The Egyptians appear to have been the first so 
 to form an alphabet of twenty-five letters proper, 
 which they used for spelling words ; but they
 
 AKKADIAN WRITING. 145 
 
 never wholly confined themselves to these, and 
 continued to regard the keys as necessary, and 
 to express unusual words by special pictorial 
 signs. The Babylonians never adopted this sys- 
 tem, but continued, even down to the first century 
 A.D., to employ syllables and wedges long after 
 Phoenician, Greek, and Roman letters were in 
 common use. The Persians, howe\er, did sim- 
 plify the cuneiform into a rude alphabet, which 
 retains indications of syllabic origin ; but they 
 also retained the use of the " keys " to distinguish 
 various classes of nouns. As to the origin of the 
 Phoenician alphabet, more remains to be said later. 
 The arrangement of the emblems differed in 
 different scripts. In Egypt there is no general 
 rule, and symbols were placed with a view to 
 artistic effect, either vertically or side by side, 
 reading from either left or right. The Chinese 
 write vertically, and the Akkadians placed two or 
 more syllables of a word one below another, and 
 if the word was long it occupied two rows. The 
 writing was from right to left, and the lines were 
 scored across horizontally, while the words were 
 also divided by vertical Hues into compartments, 
 indicating a clause in the sentence. When, how- 
 ever, short texts came to be written on clay, it was 
 found just as easy to read them sideways, and the 
 curious result has been that this latter became the 
 accepted fashion. The emblems when in profile 
 faced to the right— looking towards the beginning 
 
 K
 
 146 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 of the line — and thus, when seen sideways, they all 
 fell on their backs, and the line began on the left. 
 Babylonian and Assyrian and all the derived scripts 
 thus read horizontally from the left. 
 
 The early Greek inscriptions are written in alter- 
 nate lines, from right to left and left to right, the 
 letters in the second line being reversed. This 
 system had some advantage in writing, but was 
 not generally adopted. Until the discovery of the 
 Hittite script it was supposed peculiar to Greece, 
 and was known as boustrophedon writing, from the 
 plough-furrow which turns back at the end of the 
 field. It is remarkable, however, that all Hittite 
 texts are so arranged, every emblem in the alter- 
 nate lines being reversed. Like the Akkadians the 
 Hittites placed the syllables vertically one below 
 the other, to the number of three or four, and 
 divided the lines by horizontal divisions. They 
 also used a sign for division between words, which 
 is of great value for correct reading ; and they used 
 large emblems for important parts of speech, and 
 smaller ones for suffixes, just as they made their 
 gods much larger than the worshippers. It is also 
 evident that a single emblem, occupying the total 
 height of the line, generally marks the end of a 
 clause, and that in certain cases the position of a 
 sign standing alone, and not so filling the line, is 
 important, and meant to show its special use, 
 whether as a prefix or as a suffix — the one at the 
 top, the other at the bottom, of the line.
 
 HITTITE WKITINC^. 147 
 
 These general principles, then, which apply to 
 all hieroglyphic writing, must guide us in deci- 
 pherment of any newly found system. We have 
 first to catalogue the emblems, and to discover 
 whether there is a limit to their variety. If such 
 a limit exists, the writing cannot be purely pic- 
 torial. In Chinese there is practically no limit. 
 In Akkadian the old system consisted of about 
 160 emblems as used at Zirgul, but when special 
 compounds are added it is found (from various 
 sources) to have gradually amounted to 300 in all, 
 which the Babylonians again increased to about 
 550 signs. Only about 150, however, were com- 
 monly used as syllables. The Hittite emblems, as 
 far as known, do not exceed 160 in all, including 
 compounds, and we may feel sure, therefore, that 
 we are dealing, not with pure picture-writing, but 
 with some kind of syllabary. If we found only 
 some 25 or 30 signs, we should feel sure that they 
 represented an alphabet ; but no alphabetic system 
 is expressed by signs so clearly pictorial in origin. 
 The lapse of time, and the 'Maw of least effort," 
 had conventionalised the signs till they had lost 
 their original outline, long before any alphabet 
 was used in Asia. 
 
 But how, it is often asked, can it be possible to 
 read inscriptions, when you have no knowledge of 
 either sounds or language, and no bilinguals in some 
 other script to assist ? It must not be forgotten 
 that this problem was actually solved, nevertheless,
 
 148 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 in the case of the cuneiform. The Persian texts 
 presented only a few signs, which were treated as 
 a cipher, and as the language was suspected — from 
 accompanying sculptures — to be Persian, the cipher 
 was finally discovered, after many partial attempts ; 
 and from this starting-point Sir H. Rawlinson and 
 others advanced to the reading of the Babylonian 
 and Akkadian texts, which appeared hopelessly 
 unintelligible on account of the much larger num- 
 ber of their emblems. It was then found that 
 bilinguals in Greek and cuneiform actually existed, 
 and the reading of these showed the correct solu- 
 tion to have been already found. The problem 
 was thus far more difficult than that solved by 
 Champollion, since a long bilingual in Greek and 
 Egyptian was available in the Rosetta Stone. But 
 the cuneiform interpreters had the benefit of Cham- 
 poUion's experience, and were able to apply prin- 
 ciples laid down by himi to their work. In the 
 case of the Hittite the same principles appl}', and 
 the methods of the discoverers of the two previous 
 systems may be copied. 
 
 At the same time, it is clear that no true readings 
 can be obtained unless the sounds of the emblems 
 are known, and the language definitel}^ fixed. 
 Grammatical structure differs so much in various 
 classes of speech, that it is first necessary to deter- 
 mine the class of language to be expected. Many 
 had tried to read Egyptian before Champollion, 
 but they failed because they tried to run before
 
 EGYPTIAN WRITING. i -^j 
 
 they could walk, and to read before they could 
 spell. The cuneiform was once said not to be a 
 script at all, but merely an ornamental pattern 
 of various kinds of flowers. Egyptian students 
 regarded the hieroglyphic system as purely pic- 
 torial, and tried to read it as such. The Hittite, 
 in spite of its limited number of signs, has also 
 been regarded as picture-writing, and it has even 
 been denied that the sculptured emblems are in- 
 scriptions at all. Experience should have taught us 
 the reverse ; but it was long before vicious methods 
 were abandoned in Egyptian, and the genius of 
 Champollion was long unrecognised. He deter- 
 mined to exhaust the study of each emblem, and 
 to find its sound before beginning to try to read. 
 He traced the history of each sign from its old 
 hieroglyphic form, through the hieratic, down to the 
 yet more cursive hand called Demotic, and showed 
 that the Demotic and hieroglyphic signs of the 
 Rosetta Stone were but older and later forms of 
 the same emblems. He also remarked that a pure 
 picture - writing was incapable of expressing the 
 names of persons, such as Ptolemy and Cleopatra, 
 which were distinguished in their various recur- 
 rences by the surrounding cartouches ; and having 
 by means of these — as known from the Greek — 
 recovered many sounds^ he found in the Coptic 
 a language descended from Egyptian, and, apply- 
 ing it to the text, was able to read the whole. It 
 is not until a similar process has been completed
 
 150 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 for the Hittite, and both the sounds of the em- 
 blems and the class of the language defined, that 
 any but arbitrary results can be expected. But it 
 must not be forgotten that, in this instance, we 
 actually have two bilinguals — unfortunately very 
 short ones — whereby to check results, and, as will 
 now be explained, we have means of recovering 
 the sounds of the language, and indications of its 
 character. The problem is therefore not as hope- 
 less as it might at first be thought to be, and the 
 indications noted in previous pages all point us 
 in one direction. 
 
 First, then, as regards the sounds of the emblems, 
 which we must know before the inscriptions can be 
 spelt out : a very valuable clue was discovered by 
 Dr Isaac Taylor and Dr Sayce some fifteen years 
 ago — namely, the existence of a later hieratic form 
 of this script, with known sounds, depending on 
 a yet earlier discovery by G. Smith, which rests 
 on a bilingual in Greek and Phoenician found in 
 Cyprus. The Greeks are believed to have received 
 the Semitic alphabet before looo b.c, but in the 
 sixth and down to the fourth century in Cyprus 
 they were using a syllabary of 54 signs, which is 
 also found in Lycia, and forms the original source 
 of several peculiar Lycian and Carian letters not 
 used by Greeks. It was recognised that the 
 emblems of this Cypriote syllabary were in many 
 cases the same found in Hittite, and though some 
 of the comparisons appear to have been Incorrect,
 
 THE CYPRIOTE SYLLABARY. 151 
 
 Others, like the syllables mo, nc, ka, ti, ike, were 
 indisputable. The recovery of some of the sounds 
 required was thus first made, and was an important 
 step towards final decipherment. 
 
 But it is also noticeable that this syllabary was 
 of very rude character, and very ill fitted to express 
 the sounds of the Greek language. It is of course 
 no more necessary to suppose that the script was 
 of Greek origin, than it was to suppose that the 
 Persians invented cuneiform. The syllabary might 
 be borrow^ed from some neighbouring people of 
 another race. It could not well have been Semitic, 
 because it fails to distinguish the special sounds on 
 which Semitic languages lay stress. It might, how- 
 ever, easily be Mongol, since it would suffice for the 
 sounds of a Mongol dialect. The Cypriote sylla- 
 bary does not distinguish g from k, or t from d, or 
 ni from v, nor is the distinction very clear between 
 / and r, or between s and :; ; and these indefinite 
 sounds we have already found to be equally in- 
 definite in Sumerian and Akkadian speech. The 
 Mongol origin of the syllabary is thus indicated 
 by the peculiarities of its sounds. The alphabets 
 required for Aryan or Semitic speech must contain 
 more consonants, and more vowels, than are re- 
 quired in writing a Mongol text. 
 
 But when all the Cypriote emblems have been 
 compared with their Hittite originals there still 
 remains much to be done. Only 60 out of about 
 160 sounds can be so recovered, and we have still
 
 152 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 to determine the class of language with which we 
 are dealing. A further step had to be taken — 
 namely, to show, from internal evidence of form 
 and sound, that the Cypriote emblems were origin- 
 ated by people speaking a Mongol language. These 
 steps having now been attempted require to be 
 carefully explained, that the reader may see the 
 reasons for assigning certain sounds and values 
 to the emblems in question, and may be satisfied 
 that the suggestions are not arbitrary, but based 
 on special reasons in each case. 
 
 As regards the first point, we have a Cypriote 
 sign representing the outline of two mountains, and 
 having the sound mi. We require a language, then, 
 in which — judging from Egyptian and cuneiform 
 analogy — mi means "mountain" or "country." 
 This would be the language of those who invented 
 the sign. We have a sign which originally was a 
 hand holding a stick, and its sound is ta or da. We 
 require a language in which this sound means to 
 " beat " or " drive." We have a male emblem with 
 the sound ne, and a female emblem with the sound 
 mo ; we need, therefore, a language in which these 
 sounds signify male and female. And so on with 
 the rest of the signs — such as ti for an arrow, or ga 
 for a crook ; and if in any one language all these 
 words can be found, so that the word for the emblem 
 coincides with its form and its sound, as separately 
 determined, that beyond reasonable doubt would 
 be the speech of those who originated the script.
 
 HITTITE SOUNDS. 153 
 
 Guided by considerations already noticed, wc 
 look then to Mongol speech for the clue, especi- 
 ally because monosyllabic words are commonly 
 found in this class of language, and are unc(nn- 
 mon in Semitic tongues, and not usual in Aryan 
 languages. We find at once that ma and }ni are 
 widely spread words for "earth," "land," or 
 " place " in Mongol languages, as, for instance, 
 in Finnish, and that in Akkadian ma means 
 "abode" and probably "earth." In this lan- 
 guage also da means "to drive," na means 
 "male," and uiuk "female," ti is the sound ac- 
 companying the arrow emblem, and ga is a 
 crook. We are dealing with a language con- 
 temporary with the Hittite, the sounds of which, 
 however, survive still in great measure in pure 
 Turkish — a language, therefore, probably in the 
 same linguistic stage with that to be discovered, 
 but one with a very peculiar grammatical struc- 
 ture. The next question, therefore, is whether 
 the structure as well as the sounds will suit the 
 inscriptions which are to be read. 
 
 The internal evidence of the texts shows that 
 structure also is Mongol. Most scholars appear 
 now to admit that we are dealing with agglutina- 
 tive speech, and with a language using suffixes 
 rather than prefixes. When VvC have so described 
 the language we are, in fact, only saying that 
 it is Mongolic. Aryan languages are not agglu- 
 tinative but inflexional. They use prepositions,
 
 154 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 not post-positions. Semitic speech agrees in these 
 features with Aryan, not with Mongol grammar. 
 The reason why the language must be regarded 
 as Mongolic in structure is, that on Hittite texts 
 the smaller signs, recognised to be probably cases 
 and affixes, occur under the large signs for nouns 
 and verbs. The signs at the beginning of a text 
 have after them strokes like those which repre- 
 sent the plural, in Egyptian and in early cunei- 
 form. These, then, are probably nouns and 
 adjectives. The signs at the ends of inscriptions 
 are often those legs, arms, and faces which, in 
 other systems, signify " go," " take," " speak." 
 These, then, are probably verbs. The proper 
 structure of Akkadian speech invariably places the 
 verb last, whereas in Ar3'an and Semitic lan- 
 guages it may precede the noun. So the Persian 
 (Aryan) texts begin " Saith Darius the king," but 
 the Medic (Mongol) version of the same inscrip- 
 tion reads " Darius the king saith." Finally we 
 discover strings of nouns and adjectives followed 
 by a single sign of case, and forming a "packet" 
 governed b}' this sign ; and we recognise in this 
 what is called the "encapsulation" of the Ak- 
 kadian — a peculiar feature of Mongol grammar. 
 Structure, therefore, like vocabulary, points to a 
 Mongol language as that of the Hittite texts, and 
 of all those written in the same script. 
 
 The emblems in Hittite had probably — as in 
 Akkadian — more than one sound, but those which
 
 LINEAR BA15YL0NIAN. 155 
 
 are commonest — amounting to some 50 in all— 
 which are constantly repeated in varying combin- 
 ations, are probably syllables used with a single 
 well-known sound. How, then, are we to recover 
 the sounds of those which are not found in the 
 Cypriote syllabary? If the latter gives us the 
 syllables ta, H, tu, but not at, it, nt, how can the 
 latter — which by the analogy of the cuneiform are 
 to be expected — be distinguished ? We might feel 
 justified in assuming sounds fitted to the form of 
 the emblem, and so call the sign for the sun ut 
 as in Akkadian. But without some further check 
 this would not carry conviction. The problem, 
 however, is simplified by aid of the bilinguals, 
 which not only give a few sounds, but which show 
 us, in at least one case, that the Hittite emblem 
 is actually the same which was used in the Sumer- 
 ian system. This connection between Hittite and 
 linear Babylonian was suspected by George Smith; 
 and now that the latter script is better known than 
 it was ten years ago, it is evident that the two 
 systems are very closely connected, for out of 160 
 Hittite signs there are only about 40 which cannot 
 be so compared. The two systems are not identical, 
 but they are only branches of one original script, 
 developing independently in the north and south 
 of Mesopotamia. The better foimed emblems of 
 the Hittite texts give us the prototypes of most 
 of the signs more rudely sketched in Chaldea. 
 Our way is now clear, and the method for pre-
 
 156 MOx\GOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 liminary study of the separate emblems is the same 
 used for former scripts. It remains to utilise the 
 bilinguals, and to discover the " keys " which may 
 be expected to distinguish proper names. The 
 Ashmolean seal has already been noted, with the 
 Hittite text I s-gar Raba ; and raba is an Akkadian 
 word for "servant," so that Is-gar Raba answers 
 to the cuneiform legend of the seal, Abd Iskhar, 
 "the servant of the deity Iskhar." The silver boss 
 found in Cilicia, which may have been the head of 
 a sceptre, bears the cuneiform text Tarkntimme (or 
 Tarraktiinme) sar mat Erime, " Tarkotimme king of 
 the land of Erime." The so-called Hittite emblems 
 are six in number, symmetrically repeated on each 
 side of the central figure of a long-robed priest or 
 king with a spear. They may be read Tar-ko tim 
 mi Eri-me. The first is a stag's or goat's head, 
 and in Akkadian we have the words dara and darag 
 for " buck " ; the second has the form of the Cypri- 
 ote ko ; the third has the form of the Akkadian 
 emblem dim ; the fourth is the double mountain 
 {mi) already mentioned. It may either mean 
 "land" or simply be a syllable. The fifth is not 
 unlike the early cuneiform ir ; and the last consists 
 of four strokes, indicating that me was a plural 
 sound, as it is also in cuneiform. The bilingual 
 boss, therefore, not only agrees with the principles 
 laid down for finding sounds from the Cypriote, 
 but also shows us in two cases a "Hittite" form 
 of emblem similar to one known in cuneiform.
 
 HITTITE KI:YS. i;; 
 
 and having the same sound. Thus by speUin-,' 
 we arrive at reading, and check the previous con- 
 clusions as to the required sounds. 
 
 The Babylonians and Assyrians placed a ver- 
 tical stroke before the names of men, but one of 
 the difficulties of reading Sumerian historic texts 
 is that this stroke is not used, and consequently 
 the personal names are not always certainly dis- 
 tinguishable. On the two Hittite bilinguals this 
 stroke is also absent from the native texts ; but 
 on other texts, names which seem clearly personal 
 are accompanied by a sign which seems to repre- 
 sent a monolith on a base. It has probably the 
 sound lis (male), and appears to be a "key" by 
 which personal names are distinguished. 
 
 Other "keys" can also be recognised — namely, 
 a star for deity (occurring over the figure of a god 
 on the Lydian seal already noticed), which star 
 also denotes god in cuneiform and Egyptian. 
 The proper sign for "country" seems to be a 
 three-peaked mountain, as in the two systems 
 just noticed. The sign for "city" is a peculiar 
 one, found also in cuneiform, and supposed to 
 represent a "seat." The sign for "king" is a 
 head with a high cap. The emblem for " region " 
 is a cord, probably with the sound ip (Akkadian ip, 
 "region," and " cord "—as also in Turkish); while 
 the throne stands for " prince " as in cuneiform— 
 probably with the sound en. The Akkadian pro- 
 nouns and case-endings are in like manner easily
 
 158 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 recognised by the Cypriote sounds, and the whole 
 Hittite system bears a most marked resemblance 
 to that used by the Sumerians of Chaldea at a yet 
 earlier age. 
 
 Even when this preliminary work is accomplished, 
 the reading of the texts presents many difficulties. 
 The subject has to be determined, and many texts 
 are fragmentary or indistinct, while others have 
 been badly copied by explorers to whom the char- 
 acter was strange. The emblems are often written 
 in a crowded and irregular manner, and when 
 the inscriptions are incised they are only roughly 
 sketched. We must rely chiefly on those of which 
 the originals can be studied, or on the copies made 
 by Mr D. G. Hogarth, who possessed a list of em- 
 blems known from other texts, and was thus able 
 to copy those he found with accuracy. 
 
 As regards the subject of the texts, it was not un- 
 natural, at first, to suppose that they were religious, 
 since they accompanied figures of deities in many 
 cases and might be dedications. But, on the 
 other hand, historic texts are often accompanied 
 by religious figures, and personal names on seals 
 are generally consecrated by similar images of 
 protecting deities. A sign which may represent 
 an "eye" was thought, by Dr Sayce and others, 
 to be that used in Hittite for deity. Others urged 
 that it was the "key" for names of countries. 
 The former supposition seemed to be supported 
 by a similar sign (if correctly copied) occurring
 
 SUBJECTS OF THE TEXTS. i ;o 
 
 on the sceptres of gods at lasili-Kaia. Um ns 
 occurrence in the more recently discovered in- 
 scriptions seems now to render this explanation 
 improbable. The sound of the emblem is prob- 
 ably si, which does not mean god, but is an 
 Akkadian word for " eye " and for " country." The 
 meaning of the texts in great measure depends on 
 whether they refer to "places" or to "gods," as 
 in one case they might be historic, and in the 
 other would be religious. In the one case the 
 person invoked may be the human overlord, in 
 the other the protecting god. Ten years of study 
 seem to result in the historical rather than the 
 religious being the true explanation. In this case 
 the curious horned head, which clearly denotes an 
 " evil " person, will apply, not to the fiends, of 
 whom, as we have seen, the Mongols were so 
 much afraid, but to human foes ; and the texts on 
 which this occurs may relate to victories over 
 such, and not to the assaults of demons. 
 
 The reader who wishes, after considering the 
 general question, to proceed further into detail, 
 will find, in the Appendices of this volume, both 
 the translations proposed by the author for the 
 known texts in " Hittite " script, and the reasons 
 for assigning a sound to each emblem. In con- 
 clusion of the present chapter, it is proposed to 
 consider the later history of the script, and to 
 describe the monuments and the seals. The 
 names found on both, which arc historic and
 
 l60 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 belong to the first Babylonian dynasty, furnish 
 a further argument in favour of the decipherment 
 which has here been attempted. 
 
 The ancients were very uncertain as to the 
 derivation of the great alphabet which super- 
 seded all other scripts in Asia and Europe alike. 
 Herodotus (v. 58) says that the Phoenicians 
 taught the Greeks letters. Berosus^ claimed the 
 invention of writing for Babylon. Tacitus^ 
 favoured an Egyptian origin. Pliny was doubt- 
 ful, saying (v. 12) that the Phoenicians invented 
 letters, but assigning to them only 16, others 
 being added by Greeks (vii. 56), Aristotle thought 
 that 17 of the letters then in use were ancient ; 
 but the balance of opinion was in favour of 
 Phoenician origin, though Tacitus thought that 
 they were taught to the Syrians by the Egyptians 
 — a theory which De Rouge revived in the present 
 century, and endeavoured to trace Phoenician 
 letters to the hieratic script. 
 
 The objections to this view are briefly — First, 
 that we do not even then account for the whole 
 alphabet, for the Greeks had 5 more letters than 
 the Phoenicians, and the Carians and Lycians had 
 others. Secondly, that the supposed resemblances 
 between hieratic and Phoenician letters are very 
 faint. Thirdly, that the Egyptian emblems did 
 not represent the objects which we should expect 
 from the Phoenician names, such as Aleph, ox, 
 
 ^ Eusebius, Chron. Can., v. S. " Ann., xi. 14.
 
 ORIIGN OF THE ALPHABET. i6i 
 
 Beth, house, &c. The extra letters of the Greek 
 have been traced to the C}priote syllabar}-, and 
 as a single origin for the whole alphabet, and 
 one native rather than foreign, is probable, this 
 raises the question whether Cypriote is not 
 the real basis of Phoenician and Greek letters 
 alike, in which case the Hittite emblems would 
 be the original symbols. 
 
 The Greeks adopted Semitic names for most 
 of their letters, but it is remarkable that the 
 Etruscans did not know these, but only called 
 their letters as we do, Ba, Da, &c. Possibly, 
 then, the Etruscans took with them an alphabet 
 of Mongol origin, being Mongols themseh-es. 
 The Greek letters Plii, Khi, and Psi, in like 
 manner, have only syllabic titles, and may have 
 been taken from Mongols. The problem, there- 
 fore, is to discover whether, in Hittite speech, the 
 syllabic name of each emblem might be such as 
 to denote the object to which the Phoenicians 
 referred in giving Semitic names to the letters. 
 It will be seen from an investigation of each 
 letter that this appears to have been really the 
 case, and that the emblems were used not only 
 by the Hittites, but by the Akkadians as well, 
 although the comparison is closer with the signs 
 of a script used as we knov.' on the very borders 
 of Phoenicia. 
 
 That the alphabet should have originated in 
 Arabia is improbable. The Arabs adopted the 
 
 L
 
 l62 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 civilisation of Babylon, and of the Hebrew and 
 Phoenician traders who first visited Yemen about 
 the time when letters took the place of cuneiform 
 signs in Syria. The antiquity of recently found 
 texts of Yemen has been exaggerated, and the 
 majority of these inscriptions do not date earlier 
 than the third century B.C. In North Arabia an 
 Aramaic alphabet was used which may have been 
 known as early as 500 B.C., but the Moabite Stone 
 is four hundred years older, and the ancient text 
 of Panammu I. at Samalla dates from 800 B.C. 
 The alphabet came into use after 1500 B.C., since 
 cuneiform was then the common script of all 
 Western Asia, but it was probably invented at 
 least as early as 1200 B.C. It was from Phoenicians 
 that the Arabs must have learned letters, and no 
 ancient author ever suggests the contrary explan- 
 ation. 
 
 The history of the letters is detailed in the Ap- 
 pendix. We find, for instance, that a or av was 
 the old Mongol word for "bull," and the bull's 
 head is the very evident origin of the letter called 
 Aleph (bull), whence our A is derived. The old 
 Akkadian word for "house" was ab (Turkish, ev 
 or eb), and the sign common to Hittites and Ak- 
 kadians was the probable origin of Beth (house), 
 whence our modern B. The letter L was called 
 Laiiida by the Greeks, and Lamed by the Phoeni- 
 cians. It appears to have represented a yoke, 
 and may be derived from the Hittite In, "yoke,"
 
 HITTITE TEXTS. 163 
 
 while in Akkadian In also means "yoke," and 
 lam-da "the plough-yoke." These instances may 
 suffice for the present, but nearly every letter of 
 the alphabet may be similarly explained, and it 
 seems that to the Hittites, not to the Egyptians, 
 we owe the invention of those letters in which all 
 civilised nations of Europe and America now write. 
 
 The known inscriptions in the character used by 
 Hittites, Kassites, and other tribes are as yet few 
 in number, and the script is confined to Syria and 
 Asia Minor, with exception of a votive text on a 
 stone bowl found at Babylon, and now in the 
 British Museum, together with several Ninevite 
 seals. The bowl might have been carried off as 
 spoil from elsewhere, and some of the seals appear 
 to have royal Babylonian names upon them, show- 
 ing that in the earliest age the script may there 
 have been used by the Kassite kings. It is only 
 in later times that the Kassites used the cuneiform, 
 Agukakrime, about 1500 B.C., calling himself " king 
 of the Kassi and of Akkad, king of the wide coun- 
 try of Babylon," in a Semitic text, while Kara- 
 indas, about twenty years later, is "king of Baby- 
 lon, Sumir, and Akkad, king of Kassu, and king 
 of Karadunias," These monarchs belong to the 
 third dynasty, and of the ist we have no monu- 
 ments before Ammurabi unless they be recognised 
 in those inscribed with so-called "Hittite" em- 
 blems. 
 
 The texts at a distance from Babylon seem to
 
 l64 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 have been written by local rulers, who acknow- 
 ledged the monarch of Babylon as an overlord. 
 There are, as already said, only two groups of four 
 emblems at lasili-Kaia, and several other sites have 
 been described which have yielded no inscriptions. 
 The Ninevite signets may have been collected by 
 Assurbanipal, or some other Assyrian king who 
 gathered the earlier monumental records of the 
 empire. At Samosata an imperfect example has 
 been copied by Puchstein, but is not certainly 
 legible. In Cappadocia the remains are found in 
 the south and west, the texts being generally in- 
 cised like that on the bowl. Among these are two 
 from Gurun, some sixty miles south of Sivas, dis- 
 covered by Sir C. W. Wilson, and carefully copied 
 by Mr D. G. Hogarth. The more important of 
 these two is notable as showing numerals, and the 
 name of the city Gorumo may be found on it, with 
 the date of carving. It is unfortunately much in- 
 jured, but was written apparently by a certain 
 Tarkatimme, the local ruler. This title was com- 
 mon, and the name of Tarkondimotos, known as 
 a Cilician prince as late as the time of Augustus, 
 is clearly similar, as pointed out by Dr Mordtmann. 
 At Izghin a text in relief, with seventy very short 
 lines, runs round the four sides of a limestone obe- 
 lisk eight feet high. It was hastily copied, but 
 seems to refer to a ruler established in his paternal 
 possessions, whose name has been defaced. At 
 Palanga a text in four lines, incised and beginning
 
 ASIA MINOR TEXTS. 165 
 
 on the left, occurs on the front, left side, and back, 
 of a basalt statue representinj^ a seated figure. On 
 this may probably be read the name of Sumuabi, 
 the first Kassite king of Babylon (2250 B.C.), and 
 it records the establishment of a ruler named Nana- 
 eri (" the servant of Nana ") after conquest of the 
 region under his overlord. 
 
 At Tyana an obelisk was found by Dr Ramsay 
 which came from Bor, at which place the lower 
 half is still preserved, but could not be copied. 
 The upper part represents a king's head, with beard 
 and hair in Babylonian style, and four lines of 
 incised writing. These also refer to conquest and 
 allegiance to a monarch whose name is doubtful, 
 but may be Sunialu, equivalent to that of Sumulailu 
 (or Sumulan), the second Babylonian king (2236 
 B.C.) Farther west in Cilicia the great pass of 
 Bulgar Maden is the site of a very fine rock-cut 
 text, which seems to refer to Eriaku of Larsa (2140 
 B.C.), and which marks the boundary of conquest 
 in this direction. It consists of five lines beginning 
 on the right, and is one of the most perfect known, 
 and well copied by Mr Hogarth. The script is 
 more hieratic than that of earlier examples, and 
 often closely reproduces the Cypriote forms of 
 emblems. 
 
 At Kolitolu Yaila is another inscription, also 
 well carved in relief on a block of red calcareous 
 stone, but much injured, the reading being doubt- 
 ful. The great bas-relief at Ibree^, west of Tarsus,
 
 l65 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 has already been noticed. Two short texts accom- 
 pany the figures, and were copied by Major Fischer 
 in 1838, by Rev. E. J. Davis in 1875, and by Mr 
 Hogarth in 1890. These are dedicatory. A broken 
 fragment of a third inscription, much worn, also 
 occurs below. Yet farther west, on the north side 
 of Mount Sipylos, two leagues east of Magnesia, 
 is the Cybele statue already described ; and near 
 Ephesus, at the Karabel Pass, are two figures, 
 one of which was first described by Texier and 
 bears a short text. These are noticed by Hero- 
 dotus (ii. 102), who describes the spear and bow 
 borne by the figure in one case. The pointed cap, 
 short jerkin, and curling shoes resemble the cos- 
 tume of the gods at Pteria. Herodotus thought 
 that they represented Sesostris, and says that an 
 Egyptian text ran across the breast between the 
 shoulders, but if so it has disappeared, and only 
 the native inscription on the field of the bas-relief 
 remains. The second figure was found by Dr 
 Beddoe in 1856, and is not inscribed. 
 
 The most northern sculptures of this class west 
 of the Halys river include the two figures of a 
 king and a warrior at Ghiaur Kalessi ("the in- 
 fidel's fort "), some thirty miles south - west of 
 Angora, and a lion at Kalaba, east of that town, 
 but neither of these has an inscription. The king 
 at Ghiaur -Kalessi is bearded, and wears a crown 
 apparently marked by an Uraeus snake in front, 
 if correctly copied. He follows the warrior, who
 
 CARCHEMISH. 1C7 
 
 wears a round cap or helmet, and has a broad- 
 sword. These figures are each ten feet in hcii^dii. 
 
 At Doghanlu Deresi, in Phrygia, a very primitive 
 figure, with three very rude emblems, seems to 
 belong to the same class. This figure is some 
 two feet in height, and was sketched b)- Prof. 
 Ramsay.^ The site lies between Koutahieh and 
 Sevri Hissar. At Arslan Tepe, near Malatiya, 
 Mr Hogarth found bas-reliefs with two texts, one 
 of which is a dedication after victory, as more 
 fully described in the Appendix. 
 
 The most beautifully executed of these hiero- 
 glyphs occur at Carchemish, and three texts are 
 now in the British Museum. The first accom- 
 panies the figure of a king named Tarkotimme, 
 the vassal of Zabu, the third king of the ist 
 Babylonian dynasty (2201 B.C.) : it is injured to 
 the left. The second runs round the recesses of 
 a door -jamb, and is broken off. It presents five 
 lines of well-finished emblems in relief, cut in hard 
 basalt, and appears to refer to a conquest. The 
 third is on the curved surface of a basalt monolith, 
 and is much worn. It refers to war, and appears 
 to contain the name of the city, written Karkumis. 
 Besides these there are several other fragments in 
 the Museum ; and a text, above a seated figure, lies 
 yet in the ruins, and has been only very imperfectly 
 sketched. 
 
 At x-\leppo there were at least two such texts, 
 
 1 Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. iii. PI. xxi B, pp. 9. '0-
 
 l68 MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 but they have now been destroyed. Four copies 
 of one of these made by different explorers exist, 
 but differ a good deal, and are very indefinite, 
 showing the decayed condition of the original. 
 Not impossibly the name of Eriaku occurs here 
 also. 
 
 At Hamath four stones, first seen by Burckhardt 
 in 1812, and now in Constantinople, are less well 
 preserved. They present five inscriptions, of which 
 there are two sets of casts in England. The name 
 of Dutar (like the Hittite Totar of the Egyptian 
 records) may perhaps be read, and that of his over- 
 lord was apparently Sumumelu (perhaps the same 
 as Sumulailu), in two cases. These texts also per- 
 haps preserve the Mongol name of the city as 
 Karak (fortress), equivalent to the Semitic Hamah 
 — or "fort." The expression of allegiance might 
 refer to a deity, but the historic explanation seems 
 on further study to be preferable. In the Hamath 
 as in the Carchemish texts, Babylon seems to be 
 noticed under its old name as the " holy " city of 
 the Tree of Life. 
 
 At Mer'ash, north of Carchemish, there are four 
 texts, one found by Dr Gwyther in 1882 on a carved 
 lion, which is now at Constantinople. It is the 
 most perfect known, and the cast can be seen in 
 the British Museum. The name of the chief who 
 erected it is Targon, and that of his suzerain 
 probably Zabu. It is a monument of victory. 
 The second text at Mer'ash accompanies two very
 
 SEALS. 
 
 169 
 
 archaic figures, of a king whose name was appar- 
 ently Zumoebi (or Sumuabi as before), and of a 
 prince named Kesir, who owned him as overlord. 
 This is therefore one of the oldest of all, and 
 earlier than the better executed lion. The third 
 and fourth texts are hardly legible from the copies. 
 With the addition of the seals on which occur 
 perhaps the names of Ammi-Zaduga, Ammi-Satana, 
 and Ebisum, these are the only known Hiltite in- 
 scriptions, numbering 70 in all, and all belonging 
 to the period of the ist Babylonian dynasty. 
 Excavation in the palace of Tarkudimme at Car- 
 chemish would probably bring other remains to 
 light, and a bilingual in cuneiform might well be 
 expected in this frontier fortress. 
 
 In conclusion of this general account, the fol- 
 lowing results of ten years' work are submitted 
 to the reader's judgment. First, that it is shown, 
 by language and physical type, that the Hittites 
 were a Mongol tribe, who were finally scattered 
 in the seventh century B.C. Secondly, that the 
 peculiar script of Syria and Asia Minor is inti- 
 mately connected with that of the Sumerians in 
 Chaldea. Thirdly, that the language is clearly 
 Mongol, and not Aryan or Semitic. Fourthly, 
 that the historic references point to the age of the 
 first Kassite kings of Babylon, between 2250 and 
 2000 B.C., and that this agrees with the archaic 
 character of the script, and of the accompanying
 
 \yo MONGOL HIEROGLYPHICS. 
 
 sculptures. Those to whom the arguments here 
 adduced appeal as being well founded may be 
 inclined to study the subject more in detail, 
 and to read the Appendices to this volume, in 
 which those details are given, and translations re- 
 sulting from the spelling out of the texts are 
 developed. The results may perhaps be modified 
 b}^ further discovery ; but it appears unlikely that 
 the main features of the solution offered for this 
 problem will be disturbed, and an interesting 
 chapter in the very early history of Asiatic civil- 
 isation will, it is hoped, be considered to have 
 been made intelligible by the study of this intricate 
 and difficult question.
 
 171 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 CHRONOLOGY. 
 
 To settle as far as possible the chronology of our periods 
 is important for comparative purposes. Egyptian chron- 
 ology is notoriously uncertain, and requires to be checked 
 as far as possible by the Babylonian, which is far better 
 established. The Assyrian canon begins in 893 u.c. and 
 comes down to 666 r.c, forming a basis for calculation 
 reliable within a year, being checked by the notice of an 
 eclipse of the sun on 15th June 763 B.C. Earlier dates 
 are less exact, but a catena is established by various 
 statements of Assyrian kings, and of Nabonidus of Baby- 
 lon, which give results probably reliable at least as far 
 back as the time of the foundation of Babylon, as 
 below : — 
 
 1. Sennacherib in his text of the tenth year, at Bavian, 
 speaks of the defeat by Marduk-Nadinakhi of Tiglath- 
 Pileser I. as occurring 418 years earlier (or 618 according 
 to another decipherment, which, however, agrees less well 
 with other data), so that the probable date is 1 1 1 3 n.c. 
 As, however, this defeat does not appear to have belonged 
 to the early part of the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I., the 
 first five years of which at least were victorious, his acces- 
 sion may be placed as early as 11 20, and perhaps as 
 1 1 30 B.C. 
 
 2. Sennacherib also speaks of the seal of Tiglath-Adar 
 of Assyria as having been carried off 600 years before his
 
 1/2 APPENDIX I. 
 
 own conquest of Babylon in 692 e.g., giving a date 1292 
 B.C. Tiglath-i\dar conquered Babylon — probably earlier 
 — and would accede roughly about 1300 b.c. 
 
 3. Tiglath - Pileser I., rebuilding a temple in Assur, 
 sought for the foundation cylinder, and says, " The monu- 
 mental stones of Samas-Rimmon my ancestor I anointed 
 with oil, a victim I sacrificed, and restored them to their 
 place." He further states that the temple had then lain 
 waste for sixty years, in the reign of Assur-Dan, roughly 
 from about 1200 b.c. Again the text states that the 
 temple had gradually decayed for 641 years before 
 Assur-Dan, from the time of Samas-Rimmon, patesi of 
 Assur, son of Ismi-Dagon, patesi of Assur, who would, 
 roughly speaking, have reigned (as a prince dependent 
 on Babylon) about 1850 B.C. 
 
 4. The contemporary of Assur-Dan in Babylon about 
 1200 B.C. was Zamama-mumu (if the name is Kassite). 
 
 5. Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, states that 
 Burnaburias of Babylon set up an image of the Sun in 
 Larsa 700 years before Khamzir of Babylon restored it, 
 which carries back his reign to 1420 B.C. As the earlier 
 part of this reign was disturbed by Assyrian disputes, the 
 Temple building may be supposed to be in the later 
 period, and Burnaburias may have acceded as early as 
 1440 B.C. 
 
 6. Nabonidus also says that 'Ammurabi reigned 700 
 years before Burnaburias, which will bring his accession to 
 about 2140 B.C. or later. 
 
 7. Assurbanipal states that Kudur-Nanhundi of Elam 
 invaded Babylonia 1635 years before the date of his own 
 conquest of Elam in 645 B.C. The Elamite king was 
 thus ruling about 2280 B.C. 
 
 8. Nabonidus mentions Dungi as living 700 years 
 before 'Ammurabi — or, roughly, in 2800 B.C. 
 
 9. Nabonidus discovered the cylinder of Naramaku, 
 whom he believed to have lived 3200 years before him- 
 self, or about 3750 B.C. The father of the latter (Sargina) 
 would thus be ruling about 3800 B.C., but this remote
 
 CHRONOLOGY. 173 
 
 period is not likely to have been very accurately 
 known. ^ 
 
 10. Nabonidus speaks of a (Kassite) king, named Saga- 
 salti-burias, as reigning 800 years before himself, or about 
 1350 B.C. 
 
 These references contrast remarkably with the absence 
 of chronological statements in Egypt, and though they 
 may not be accurate, they are at least better foundations 
 for history than the garbled texts of later Greek writers, 
 like Berosus or Manetho. From various Greek sources,- 
 however, Sir H. Rawlinson calculates, by separate series 
 of dates, that the foundation of Babylon occurred in either 
 2234, 2233, or 2231 B.C. This appears to agree with 
 monumental history within some twenty years — for two 
 valuable tablets, discovered by Mr H. Rassam and trans- 
 lated by Mr T. G. Pinches, record the reigns of the Baby- 
 lonian kings from the first ; and though they are injured. 
 
 ^ At Nippur Dr Peters found the bricks of Sargina and Naramaku 
 immediately under those of Urbau (who has even been thought to 
 have been the son of Naramaku). In this case Sargina may be 
 brought down to 2900 B.C. at earhest. Whether a text by a certain 
 Sargani (if this is a proper name) should be attributed to S.argina 
 is very doubtful. The inscription on a gate-socket reads probably — 
 
 (1) AN ENLIL gal Ba Sar^aia' Sar Urn da klmv Sar Agatic [cf] 
 Ba turn Ekiire AN ENLIL in ENLILKI sa Dub. 
 
 (2) Vgina'^^ Hla igin ?^^ AN ENLIL Bac ANUT Bae Dingirn 
 Ytissii ?] lila khu bac seballa I Hi NA GC tu. 
 
 "Sargani, who is king of the city, king of the place Agade, has 
 made this for the great genius, a temple of the high house of the 
 genius, in the place of the genius making a tablet of consecration, 
 a shrine of the genius, a shrine of the Sun-god, the mighty god, which 
 shrine to the sjDirit being worshipped, the spirit descends to the place 
 of rest" (or to the district). 
 
 It is remarkable that while finding remains of the early Sumerian 
 kings above mentioned, and of Urbau and Uungi, as well as of rxilers of 
 the 2nd Kassite dynasty, none were discovered of the first Babylonians 
 — Sumuabi, Zabu, &c.; which shows either that they had not conquered 
 the Sumerians before the time of Eriaku, or that they did not use ihe 
 Sumerian script. The names of various rulers, supposed to be men- 
 tioned at Nippur, are doubtful (since no determinative of personal 
 names is used); and some, like Sar ki ra niditdu ("made for the 
 king of the place "), are probably not proper names at all. 
 
 2 Rawlinson's Herodotus (3rd edition, 1875), vol. i. p. 423-
 
 1/4 APPENDIX I. 
 
 the totals for the dynasties are fortunately preserved ^ 
 The tablets bring us down to the Persian conquest, and 
 some of the reigns noticed are very long, but the informa- 
 tion is the best we have, since copyists' errors are not 
 encountered, unless they were made by the Babylonian 
 scribe himself. As the later kings are enumerated, and 
 their dates fixed independently by the Assyrian canon — 
 since they include conquerors such as Pul (Tiglath-Pileser 
 II., 729 B.C.), Sargon (710 b.c), Sennacherib (705 and 
 688 B.C.), and Esarhaddon (680 B.C.) — we have a secure 
 starting-point for the beginning of the 8th (or ist Assyro- 
 Babylonian) dynasty in i o 1 2 b.c. 
 
 The lengths of the periods for the first three dynasties 
 given in these tablets are as follows : — 
 
 Years. 
 
 ist dynasty of Tintir (Babylon) 294 
 
 and ,1 Uruku- (Erech) 368 
 
 3rd II (the Kassites) ....... 577 
 
 Total . . 1239 
 
 If these dynasties were succeeded by the ist Assyro- 
 Babylonian, the establishment of Babylon as a royal city 
 is thus carried to 2250 B.C., which is as near as could be 
 expected to the calculations from Greek sources above 
 noticed. 
 
 Four other short dynasties are noticed on the more 
 complete tablet, first published — namely : 
 
 Years. 
 
 II kings of Pase (otherwise Isin) ..... for 72*5 
 
 3 II Tamtim (the sea-coast) .... n 21*3 
 
 3 H Beth Basi (or Ebasi) n 20'2 
 
 I kingofElam ........ n 6*o 
 
 Total . . i2o*o 
 
 If these kings are to be regarded as reigning after the 
 3rd dynasty, the date of foundation of the royal capital of 
 Babylon must be shifted back 120 years, to 2370 B.C. 
 But the names so occurring may be those of kings con- 
 
 1 Proc. Bib. Arch. Sec, December 18S0, May 1884. 
 
 - The Babylonians did not distinguish clearly the koph -and kaph.
 
 CHRONOLOGY. 
 
 '75 
 
 temporary with the end of the 3rd dynasty — a period of 
 weakness in Babylonia before the Assyrians became its 
 overlords. If we so consider the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th 
 dynasties, it will be found that the date of accession of 
 'Ammurabi (sixth king of the ist dynasty) is brought to 
 2139 B.C." We have already seen that the statement of 
 Nabonidus would make him accede in 2140 u.c. at earliest, 
 and this being quite an independent determination, it 
 seems clear that the date is fairly certain as far as the 
 calculations of the later Babylonians can be believed. 
 Hence the foundation of Babylon in 2250 B.C. is accepted 
 in this volume as approximately correct. Calculations 
 based on the remains of the writings of Berosus (which 
 are imperfect) have been thought to give the date about 
 2200 B.C., which agrees as nearly as could be expected. 
 
 The following dates for the first three dynasties result 
 from this calculation. In cases marked by a star the 
 tablets are erased, and the names are supplied from other 
 sources, with approximate dates. Those with lengths of 
 reigns attached are found in the dynastic tablets ; and 
 the contemporary Assyrian monarchs are added from the 
 sources above noted and from other lists : — 
 
 ASSYRIA. 
 
 
 BABY I 
 
 .ON. 
 
 
 
 ist Dynasty. 
 
 Years. 
 
 li.C. 
 
 I. 
 
 Sumuabi 
 
 15 
 
 2251 
 
 2. 
 
 Sumulailu . 
 
 35 
 
 2236 
 
 3* 
 
 Zabu . 
 
 14 
 
 2201 
 
 4- 
 
 .•\lamakui . 
 
 18 
 
 2187 
 
 5" 
 
 Akumupalab - 
 
 30 
 
 2169 
 
 6. 
 
 'Ammurabi . 
 
 45 
 
 2139 
 
 7- 
 
 Saamsuiluna 
 
 35 
 
 2094 
 
 8. 
 
 Ebisum 
 
 25 
 
 2059 
 
 9- 
 
 Ammi-Satana 
 
 25 
 
 2034 
 
 10. 
 
 Ammi-Zaduga 
 
 21 
 
 2009 
 
 II. 
 
 Saamsusatana 
 2nd Dynasty. 
 
 31 
 
 1988 
 
 I. 
 
 Anman 
 
 51 
 
 1957 
 
 2. 
 
 Ki ni bi 
 
 55 
 
 1906 
 
 ^ As a Semitic name Abilsin, but the other names are Kassite, as 
 a rule. 
 
 - Or Sin-Miihallid as a Semitic name.
 
 lyG 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 
 BABYl 
 
 ^ON. 
 
 
 
 ASSYRIA. 
 
 
 
 2nd Dynasty. 
 
 Years. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Patesis of .4ssur. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 3- 
 
 Damkilisu . 
 
 46 1 
 
 185 I 
 
 Ismi-Dagon . 
 
 1850 
 
 4- 
 
 Iskipal 
 
 IS 
 
 1805 
 
 Samas-Rimmon 
 
 1820 
 
 5- 
 
 Sussi . 
 
 27 
 
 1790 
 
 
 
 6, 
 
 Gulkisar 
 
 55 
 
 1763 
 
 Kings of Assyria. 
 
 
 7- 
 
 Kirgal 
 
 50 
 
 1708 
 
 Bel-Kapkapu . 
 
 1700 
 
 8. 
 
 Aadara 
 
 28 
 
 1658 
 
 
 
 9- 
 
 Akurul 
 
 26 
 
 1630 
 
 Adasi. 
 
 
 lO. 
 
 Melamma . 
 
 6 
 
 1604 
 
 Bel-Bani. 
 
 
 II. 
 
 Eaga ... . 
 3rd Dynasty. 
 
 9 
 
 1598 
 
 Irba-Sin. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 Kandis 
 
 16 
 
 1589 
 
 
 
 2. 
 
 Agumsi 
 
 22 
 
 1573 
 
 
 
 3- 
 
 Aguasi 
 
 22 
 
 I55I 
 
 Assur-Nadinakhi circa 
 
 1550 
 
 4- 
 
 Ussi . 
 
 8 
 
 1529 
 
 Assur-Nirari. 
 
 
 5- 
 
 Adumetas . 
 
 circa 
 
 1515 
 
 Nebo-Dan. 
 
 
 6. 
 
 Tazziumas . 
 
 ,, 
 
 I5IO 
 
 Assur-Sumesir. 
 
 
 *7. 
 
 Agukakrime 
 
 
 
 1500 
 
 Bel-Tiglat-Assur. 
 
 
 *8. 
 
 Calimmasin 
 
 
 
 1490 
 
 
 
 *9- 
 
 Karaindas . 
 
 
 
 1480 
 
 Rimmon-Nirari. 
 
 
 *IO. 
 
 Kurigalzu I. 
 
 
 
 1470 
 
 Assur-Belnisisu circa 
 
 1470 
 
 *ii. 
 
 Burnaburias 
 
 
 
 1440 
 
 Buzur-Assur m 
 
 1450 
 
 *I2. 
 
 Karaurutas 
 
 
 
 I4IO 
 
 Assur-Uballid u 
 (father of next). 
 
 1435 
 
 *i3- 
 
 Kurigalzu II. 
 
 
 
 1400 
 
 Bel-Nirari . u 
 
 1390 
 
 *i4. 
 
 Kudururas 
 
 
 
 1370 
 
 Budilu . . II 
 
 1360 
 
 *i5. 
 
 Sagasaltiburias 
 
 
 
 1350 
 
 Rimmon-Nirari n 
 
 1340 
 
 *i6. 
 
 Naziurutas . 
 
 
 
 1330 
 
 Shalmaneser I. n 
 
 1320 
 
 *i7. 
 
 Karaenkit . 
 
 
 
 1300 
 
 Tiglat-Adar . 
 
 1300 
 
 i8. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bel-Kudureser. 
 
 
 *i9. 
 
 Rimmon-Sumnas 
 
 ir 
 
 
 
 Adar-Pileser. 
 
 
 *20. 
 
 Zamama-Sumedir 
 
 1 
 
 
 1200 
 
 Assur-Dan . n 
 
 1200 
 
 21. 
 22. 
 
 
 22 
 
 1 176 
 
 Mutakkil Nebo n 
 
 "75 
 
 *23. 
 
 Nebo-Kudureser 
 
 26 
 
 1 154 
 
 Assur-Risisi . n 
 
 1 150 
 
 *24. 
 
 Marduk-Nadinak 
 
 hi 17 
 
 II28 
 
 Tiglath-Pileser I. „ - 
 
 1 130 
 
 25- 
 
 Kara ... . 
 
 2 
 
 Till-* 
 
 Assur-Belkala ,, 
 
 mo 
 
 26. 
 
 Izameti 
 
 6 
 
 IIO9 
 
 
 
 27. 
 
 Sagasal . . . 
 
 13 
 
 IIO3 
 
 
 
 28. 
 
 Kasbat 
 
 8 
 
 1090 
 
 
 
 29. 
 
 Bel-Nadinsumi 
 
 iK 
 
 1082 
 
 Samas-Rimmon n 
 
 1085 
 
 30- 
 
 Karaurus 
 
 iK 
 
 1080 
 
 
 
 ^ Or thirty-six years, which would bring the foundation of Babylon 
 to 2241 B.C. ; on the other hand, 'Ammurabi is otherwise stated to 
 reign fifty-five years. 
 
 ^ Reigning in 11 13 B.C., according to Sennacherib. 
 
 3 Two short reigns of Marduk-Supilakullat, and Rimmon-Baladan 
 (Assyrians), are believed to follow No. 25, when a new dynasty 
 (No. 26) followed.
 
 CHRONOLOGY. \--j 
 
 
 BABYLON. 
 
 
 .\SSYRIA. 
 
 
 3rd Dynasty. Years. 
 
 !i.C. 
 
 Kings of Assyria. 
 
 31- 
 
 Rimmon-Nadinsumi 6 
 
 1079 
 
 
 32. 
 
 kimmon-Suiiinasir 30 
 
 1073 
 
 Assur-Nirari. 
 
 33- 
 
 Melisikhu . . 15 
 
 1043 
 
 Nebo-Dan. 
 
 34- 
 
 Marduk-Raladan 13 
 
 1028 
 
 
 35- 
 
 Zagaga-Snmedin i 
 
 1015 
 
 Shishak. 
 
 36. 
 
 Bel-Sum ... . 2 
 
 1014 
 
 Naromat. 
 
 This brings us down to the foundation of an Assyrian 
 dynasty in 1012 b.c. The subsequent reigns do not con- 
 cern us, as the Kassites ceased to rule Babylon. The 
 names of kings of the ist and 2nd dynasty, and those 
 of the third (except No. 8, who is only noticed in a letter 
 from Amenophis III., and one from himself in the Tell 
 Amarna Collection), appear to be Kassite down to the 
 time of Shalmaneser L, the sons of Burnaburias (and of 
 his own daughter) being supported by Assur -Uballid. 
 After about 1300 b.c. they are Semitic until the estab- 
 lishment of a Kassite family (1111-1090 b.c), and then 
 (if transcribed, and not translated into Assyrian by the 
 scribe) they are again Semitic. A constant struggle 
 between Assyria and Babylon went on from 1400 to 
 1000 B.C. 
 
 Turning to the Egyptian chronology, we notice that 
 Burnaburias wrote letters to Amenophis IV., as did Rim- 
 mon-Nirari to Thothmes IV. These are the only syn- 
 chronisms on which we can rely, and there are no means 
 of fixing accurately the Egyptian dates from Egyptian 
 evidence. The dates proposed by Mahler, and accepted 
 by Dr Flinders Petrie, do not agree with the Babylonian 
 chronology. The latter authority places the accession of 
 Amenophis IV. in 1383 B.C., or about thirty years after 
 the latest date we can assign for the last years of Burna- 
 burias. Yet, that these two kings were contemporaries 
 is certain. Dr Brugsch, on the other hand, supposes 
 Amenophis III. to have acceded about 1500 b.c, and 
 as he reigned thirty-six years, Amenophis IV. would accede 
 about 1464 B.C., which fits far better, Kurigalzu I., father 
 of Burnaburias, being known to be a contemporary of 
 
 M
 
 1/8 APPENDIX I. 
 
 Amenophis III., while Assur-Uballid wrote a letter to 
 Horus, the successor of Amenophis IV. From the 
 letters it appears that Burnaburias was younger than 
 Amenophis IV., who is believed to have reigned some 
 thirty years. 
 
 According to the Bible (Hebrew text, i Kings vi. i), 
 the conquest of Palestine appears to have occurred about 
 1480 B.C., in the middle of the reign of Amenophis III., 
 and this is perfectly in accord with the account of the 
 victories of the 'Abiri, or Hebrews, in Palestine in that 
 reign, as mentioned in the Tell Amarna tablets. The 
 synchronisms which result in the reigns of Rameses II. 
 and Mineptah, and the notice of Israel in Palestine in 
 the time of the latter, have been explained in chapter ii. 
 The dates of Dr Brugsch thus agree with the Babylonian, 
 the Assyrian, and the Hebrew chronology, and have con- 
 sequently been here adopted. 
 
 The reason which induces Dr Petrie to accept the later 
 dates of Mahler is, that they are supposed to be fixed 
 by astronomical calculations of the rising of Sirius just 
 before the sun (or heliacally) on certain days of the vague 
 Egyptian year ; and it is claimed that they can thus be 
 fixed within ten years. This argument sounds very strong, 
 and it is necessary, therefore, to examine it, and to show 
 where it fails. Dr Brugsch suspected its reliabilit}', but 
 does not enter further into the question. 
 
 The Egyptian year was one of twelve months, each of 
 thirty days, with five extra days at the end of the year, or 
 365 in all. This year was as old as the 12th dynasty,- 
 when kings swore not to change it ; but since the tropical 
 year consists of 365 '242 days, the Egyptian year con- 
 stantly lost, and its seasons shifted, so that in about 1507 
 tropical years New Year's Day had run through all the 
 days of the true year, back to the starting-point. This 
 was observed as early as the time of Mineptah ; but the 
 Egyptians continued to use the vague year, while the 
 Babylonians were careful to keep their months in their 
 seasons, by interpolating an extra month to make up the
 
 CHROXOLOGV. 
 
 •79 
 
 deficiency of their lunar year.^ The Akkadians also sccnj 
 to have made their months agree with seasons, judu-ine 
 from the names of their calendar. 
 
 
 
 CALENDARS, 
 
 
 
 Season'. 
 
 Akkadian. 
 
 Assyrian. 
 
 ECVITIAN, 
 
 75° I'C. 
 
 I. 
 
 March-April 
 
 Bar-ziggar, bright sky 
 
 Xi'sati, beginning 
 
 Tholh 
 
 2. 
 
 April-May 
 
 Le-sidini, herd-fattening 
 
 lytir, light 
 
 raof>i 
 
 3* 
 
 May- June 
 
 Murgc, bricks 
 
 Sivan, bricks 
 
 Athir 
 
 4- 
 
 June-July 
 
 Su-kulga, ripening seed 
 
 'J'aiiniiuz, sun 
 
 Kftak 
 
 5- 
 
 July-Aug. 
 
 Ncnegar, very hot 
 
 Ab 
 
 TuH 
 
 6. 
 
 Aug.-Sept. 
 
 Gi-siikus^ fruit (?) 
 
 Elul 
 
 Mecltir 
 
 7- 
 
 Sept. -Oct. 
 
 Dulku, cloudy 
 
 Tasrit., beginning 
 Mnrc/ics-ran, eignth 
 
 J'liniiienolh 
 
 8. 
 
 Oct. -Nov. 
 
 A/>i>t-gaba, irrigation 
 
 J'liarmuihi 
 
 9- 
 
 Nov.-Dec. 
 
 Gan-gaiina, very cloudy 
 
 Cis/c'u, giant 
 
 I'achons 
 
 lO. 
 
 Dec. -Jan. 
 
 Abba-jiddii, floods 
 
 Tebct, rain 
 
 Paoni 
 
 II. 
 
 Jan. -Feb. 
 
 Assur, rainy 
 
 Sebat, storm 
 
 Kpiphi 
 
 12. 
 
 Feb.-March 
 
 Sigitar, sowing 
 
 Adar, dark 
 
 Mesori 
 
 The incidence of the Egyptian and Julian years, in 
 Greek and Roman times, is known from several state- 
 ments. In 24 B.C. the ist of Thoth, or New Year's Day, 
 was on the 29th August. In 198 v,.c. (Rosetta Stone) 
 the 1 8th of Mechir was the 4th of the Greek spring month 
 Xanthicus. 
 
 We have also certain statements as to the day of the 
 Egyptian year on which Sirius (Sothis) rose immediately 
 before the sun, but not obscured by its rays so as to be 
 invisible. Thus the "heliacal" rising was as follows: — 
 
 In Qth year of .Amenopiiis I. on the glh of Epiphi. 
 11 2nd n Mineptah ^^ 29lh i> Thoth. 
 
 M nth .1 Takelut II. <■ ist n Tybi. 
 
 Also, in a year not stated during the reign of Tholhmes 
 III., Sirius so rose on 28th Epiphi. In the decree of 
 Canopus (ninth year of Ptolemy Euergetes) it is noticed 
 that the Egyptian year was losing a quarter day annually 
 as compared with the rising of Sirius, and (taking into 
 account the effect of precession of the equinox) this was 
 
 1 If, as usually believed, their months had thirty days, the interpola- 
 tion was only required every six years, with a fourteenth month every 
 Ii4 years. But the ist of the month may, as among the Jews of the 
 Later Roman age, have been fixed by actual observation of the moon.
 
 l8o APPENDIX I. 
 
 roughly correct. Hence, in a cycle of 1461 Julian years, 
 the date of rising ran through all the days of the Egyptian 
 year in succession. 
 
 Censorinus the astronomer, writing in 239 a.d., states 
 that a century earlier Sirius had been rising on the ist 
 Thoth. This was approximately correct, since in 139 a.d. 
 the ist Thoth was the 19th July of the Julian year, which 
 is within a day of the heliacal rising of Sirius at Memphis 
 for that date. The exact rising is stated as 19*7 July for 
 the year 45 B.C. (the Julian era), and by Palladius (vii. 9), 
 referring to Egypt, it is given as the 19th July. The cal- 
 culations by Biot (as early as 1831) have been relied on 
 by later Egyptologists, and Mahler's late dates depend on 
 the statement of Censorinus, and on the Sothic cycle of 
 1 46 1 years, supposed to be that of Sirius as compared 
 with the Julian year. 
 
 But these calculations have not the certitude that has 
 been supposed. If we had ancient observations, in terms 
 of the tropical year, for the rising of Sirius, dates not very 
 remote from these years could be fixed with some accu- 
 racy ; but the cycle cannot be used by simple addition, 
 because the effects of the precession of the equinox differ 
 at different periods, to say nothing of the exactitude of 
 ancient observations, which may easily have been a day 
 out on any occasion. At present the rising of Sirius takes 
 place about two and a half minutes later each succeeding 
 year, but in 1000 B.C. the difference was about twelve 
 minutes yearly, so that the calculation fails us most just 
 about the historic period when it would be most useful. 
 The observations are stated in days only, and would jump 
 nearly a whole day at times in consequence, being made 
 at sunrise. A day represents a difference of 120 years in 
 date at the time in question, and the uncertainties amount 
 to some 200 years in calculations based on these data.^ 
 
 ^ I am indebted to a well-known astronomer for these facts. The 
 rising of Sirius about 1600 K.c. is calculated to have occurred 1 8 '6 
 July (Julian), which would agree with the dates given "in this appen- 
 dix, as far as such a method can be used.
 
 CHRONOLOGY, i ,v I 
 
 Hence astronomical observations do n.-i lh.umc us u. u\ 
 the reigns of the i8th dynasty with any approximation to 
 exactitude ; and when the results differ hy half a century 
 from those obtained from the more accurate Iiab)lonian 
 chronology, it is clear that half a day in the time of rising 
 of Sirius would, at this period, cover the discrepancy. It 
 is safer, therefore, to abide by the rough dates of Dr 
 Brugsch, which are probably as near as we can hope to 
 approach, in absence of further information as to Egyj)tian 
 chronology. The calculations of Egyptologists differ by 
 more than a century as to the date of accession of Ahmes, 
 founder of the 1 8th dynasty ; while as regards the date of 
 IMenes, the first Egyptian king, we have the following re- 
 sults from the same data : — 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Lenormant and Mariettc .... 5000 
 Flinders Petrie ...... 4777 
 
 Lepsius 3892 
 
 Bunsen and Renouf 3000 
 
 Wilkinson and Stewart Poole . . . 2691 
 
 \Vhen calculations thus differ by more than double the 
 time between Alfred and Queen Victoria, for the founda- 
 tion of Egyptian civilisation, it is best to acknowledge that 
 the date is unknown. 
 
 The discrepancies are due to the unreliable character 
 of the data on which they are founded, both those which 
 are monumental and those derived from Manetho. It is 
 not certain how far the dynasties were successive or con- 
 temporary, nor is the time of the duration of any dynasty 
 certainly known. Monumentally we have the famous 
 Abydos tablet, which gives the names of seventy-six kings 
 preceding Seti I. and his son Rameses II. It gives no 
 dates, and it entirely omits not only the 7th, and the 
 14th, 15th, 1 6th, and 17th (foreign) dynasties, but the 
 13th Theban dynasty as well, so that the names of the 
 1 2th are followed immediately by those of the iSth 
 dynasty. An average of fifteen years would probably be 
 sufficient for these reigns, bringing the date of Mcncs to
 
 l82 APPENDIX I. 
 
 about 2800 B.C.; but the 13th dynasty should be added 
 on the one hand (perhaps 453 years, as in Manetho), 
 while, on the other, historical monuments date only from 
 the 3rd (or I St Memphite) dynasty, and it is not certain 
 that the Thinite kings of the ist and 2nd dynasty, as 
 to whom we have only mythical tales, may not — if they 
 existed at all — have been contemporary with those of 
 Memphis. 
 
 In addition to the two copies of this list found in 18 18 
 and 1864, by Banks and Mariette, we have the Tablet of 
 Sakkara, published by Mariette in 1863, and the tattered 
 fragments of the Turin Papyrus, acquired by Drovetti in 
 181 8. The latter gives, where it is not torn, not only the 
 years but the months and days of certain reigns, and it 
 was probably founded on ancient records ; but the dates 
 are, unfortunately, for the most part destroyed. The 2nd 
 dynasty included six kings according to the Abydos tablet, 
 eight according to the Sakkara text, seven according to 
 the Turin Papyrus, or nine according to Manetho. The 
 monuments give five kings for the 3rd dynasty, and 
 Manetho nine kings ; and similar discrepancies occur 
 throughout. 
 
 The text of Manetho, as partly preserved by later 
 writers, is hopelessly corrupt. The summations do not 
 agree with the details, and some of the reigns are of 
 improbable length. Manetho lived in the third century 
 B.C., and no doubt honestly reported what was then known ; 
 but we have no attempts at history earlier than the list 
 prepared in the time of the i8th dynasty, and the Egyp- 
 tian information, as to kings living nearly 2000 years 
 earlier, is not likely to have been very exact, while an- 
 other thirteen centuries separates this period from the 
 age of Manetho. The work of the latter has perished, or 
 has at least not yet been recovered ; and the extracts of 
 Josephus, Eusebius, Africanus, and George the Syncellus, 
 between the first and ninth centuries a.d., conflict with 
 each other, and may themselves have suffered from 
 careless copying. The statements are equally discordant
 
 CHRO-\ULU(;V. 
 
 183 
 
 with those of the Turin Papyrus, as tlic following cases 
 show : — 
 
 ist dynasty 
 
 Marihi 
 
 (Thinite) 
 
 Samsii 
 
 
 Kablni 
 
 2nd dynasty 
 
 l^zau 
 
 (Thinite) 
 
 Binutri 
 
 
 Senda 
 
 
 Xefr Kari I. 
 
 3rd dynasty 
 
 Zazai 
 
 (Memphite) 
 
 Nebkari 
 
 
 Zozirsa 
 
 
 Tcti II. 
 
 
 Nefr Kari II 
 
 4th dynasty 
 
 ^enefru 
 
 (Mempiiite) 
 
 Khufu 
 
 Turin 
 
 P;ipyru>. 
 
 M.-inc 
 
 b 
 
 reigned 
 
 73 years 
 
 36 yean 
 
 
 72 „ 
 
 18 ,. 
 
 
 83 M 
 
 a6 , 
 
 
 
 95 •• 
 
 38 . 
 
 
 
 95 '■ 
 
 47 ' 
 
 
 
 74 .• 
 
 41 ■ 
 
 
 
 70 .. 
 
 25 • 
 
 
 
 37 " 
 
 7 ' 
 
 
 
 19 .. 
 
 17 . 
 
 
 
 19 .. 
 
 16 , 
 
 
 
 6 „ 
 
 19 . 
 
 
 
 6 „ 
 
 30 - 
 
 
 
 24 „ 
 
 29 , 
 
 
 
 23 " 
 
 66 , 
 
 
 It is clear that the monumental numbers themselves 
 are unhistoric for this early period. The results are not 
 more satisfactory in later dynasties. Thus we have the 
 following summations : — 
 
 Monumental. Manctho. 
 
 5th dynasty 
 i2th II 
 
 (Elephantine) 
 (Theban) 
 
 about 160 years 
 
 • > 190 M 
 
 221 years. 
 176 II 
 
 We have likewise the following discrepancies in Manetho : — 
 
 ist dynasty. Total stated at 253 years, details amount to 263 years. 
 4th II I, 274 II II 284 
 
 5th I, „ 244 „ „ 218 .. 
 
 14th II II 484 II or otherwise 184 h 
 
 When we come down to the Greek and Persian kings, 
 where chronology is actually known, we find Manctho 
 half a century wrong in his dates — in one case too early, 
 and in another too late. With such a mass of corrupted 
 numerals it is clear that we can only obtain a verj' rough 
 result, and one which depends on whether dynasties were 
 successive or contemporary. 
 
 Of the ist and 2nd dynasties there are no monuments, 
 while a pyramid is only doubtfully ascribed to the 3rd. 
 Senefru, founder of the 4th dynasty, is the first king 
 really known from his inscriptions in Sinai and in Egypt, 
 and the Elephantine kings of the 5th dynasty have al.so
 
 l84 APPENDIX I. 
 
 left remains, while the 6th (Memphite) family was an 
 important race of powerful monarchs. Those which suc- 
 ceeded are less known monumentally till we reach the 
 1 2th (Theban) dynasty, which ruled all Egypt and Edom. 
 Great uncertainties follow after this till the rise of the 
 1 8th (Theban) house of Ethiopians, who conquered Syria; 
 and here the history of Egypt becomes full and important, 
 though its chronology can only be roughly checked by 
 aid of the Babylonian. The Hyksos rulers appear to 
 have been in Egypt for 500 years, probably when the 
 13th dynasty was ruling the south from Thebes (for 453 
 years according to Manetho) ; but it appears to be doubt- 
 ful whether they erected any monuments as yet known. 
 
 As a rough approximation the following may perhaps re- 
 present the actual lapse of time for the various dynasties : — 
 
 Lower Egypt. Upper Egypt. 
 
 Memphite 3rd dynasty 2cx) years. Thinite ist dynasty 260 years. 
 
 n 4th M 250 tl II 2nd 11 300 H 
 
 ■ I 6th n 180 H Elephantine 5th „ 200 m 
 
 8th ,, 130 1 H Theban nth ,1 50 1, 
 
 Heracleopohte 9th n 400 n n 12th n 160 n 
 
 II lOth n 200 II II 13th M 450 II 
 
 Total . . 1360 n Total . . 1420 u 
 
 These summations are (in round numbers) those of 
 Manetho. They give the dynasties enumerated in the 
 Abydos list, adding, however, the 13th, which was perhaps 
 omitted because it was a weak dynasty, confined by the 
 Hyksos to Upper Egypt. In the first 760 years the centre 
 of power lay at Memphis, but on the rise of Thebes this 
 power was replaced by petty kings in the Delta, and the 
 great 12 th dynasty furnished suzerains of all Egypt for 
 a time. The smaller local dynasties are not noticed at 
 Abydos, and appear to have been contemporary with the 
 9th and loth at Heracleopolis, and with the 13th at 
 Thebes. These included the 14th at Xois in Lower 
 
 ^ The 7th dynasty of seventy kings for seventy days is omitted 
 (Memphite). If seventy years are intended, the total 1430 is within 
 ten years of that for Upper Egypt.
 
 CHRONOLOGY. 
 
 1S5 
 
 Egypt (184 or 4S4 years), the Hyksos of the i5lh and 
 17th dynasties at Zoan (together amounting 10 435 years 
 as given by Manetho, or 511 according to Josephus) ; 
 and finally the " Greek shepherds " perhaps at Naucratis 
 (stated at 518 years). This period no doubt followed the 
 decay of the great 12th dynasty, but should not (on the 
 evidence of the Abydos list) be added to the total of 
 years. The important dates which would result if we take 
 the 1 8th dynasty to have arisen about 1700 n.c. or a little 
 later are — 
 
 B.C. 
 
 The era of Menes ....... 3100 
 
 Beginning of 12th dynasty 2300 
 
 End It 2150 
 
 Rise of the Hyksos ....... 2130 
 
 Expulsion of the Hyksos 1700 
 
 With the materials available a closer approximation to 
 Egyptian history is probably not possible, but the parallel- 
 ism of the dynasties does not appear to be forbidden by 
 the distribution of the monuments, when we remember 
 that Memphis was more powerful than the southern king- 
 dom for some 700 years, and Thebes more powerful than 
 the north for another 700 afterwards. 
 
 The following are the chief parallelisms which result 
 in history from the calculations above made : — 
 
 BABYLONIA. 
 
 ASSYRIA. 
 
 
 PALESTINE. 
 
 EGYPT. 
 
 
 
 B.C. 
 
 
 B.C. 
 
 
 li.C. 
 
 
 11. C. 
 
 Sargina 
 
 3800 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mencs 
 
 3100 
 
 Dungi of Ur 
 
 2800 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sencfru 
 
 2900 
 
 .Sumuabi 
 
 2250 
 
 
 
 
 
 Amememhat I. 
 
 2jOO 
 
 Amraphel 
 
 2139 
 
 
 
 Abraham 
 
 2140 
 
 Hyksos 
 
 2130 
 
 Anman 
 
 1957 
 
 
 
 Joseph 
 
 1950 
 
 
 
 Damkilisu 
 
 1S51 
 
 Ismi-Dagon 
 
 1S50 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kirgal 
 
 1708 
 
 Bel-Kapkapu 
 
 1700 
 
 
 
 Ahnies 
 
 ' 7* ■ • 
 
 Kandis 
 
 I5S9 
 
 Assur-Nadinakhi 
 
 1550 
 
 
 
 Thothmes III. 
 Thothmes IV. 
 
 1546 
 
 
 
 
 
 Exodus 
 
 1520 
 
 Amenophis III. 
 
 1500 
 
 Kurigalzu I. 
 
 1470 
 
 
 
 Conquest 
 
 1480 
 
 
 
 Burnaburias 
 
 1440 
 
 Assur-Uballid 
 
 1435 
 
 
 
 Amenophis IV. 
 
 1465 
 
 
 
 .Shalmaneser I. 
 
 1320 
 
 Barak 
 Gideon 
 
 1300 
 1260 
 
 Rameses II. 
 Mineptali 
 
 1330 
 
 I ;■;> 
 
 
 
 Tiglath-Pileser I. 
 
 1 1 30 
 
 
 
 Rameses III. 
 
 IJOO 
 
 Irbamarduk 
 
 1012 
 
 
 
 Solomon 
 
 1004 
 
 Saamcn 
 
 IOJ2
 
 l86 APPENDIX 1. 
 
 The Babylonian chronology is so much more certain 
 than either of the others, for this period before looo B.C., 
 that they must be compared with its statements as a 
 basis ; but these do not conflict with the Hebrew or the 
 Assyrian, and the Egyption may be reconciled as shown. 
 If Nabonidus really knew the date of Sargina, it would 
 seem that civilisation was about looo years old in Chaldea 
 before any known monuments had been built by the 
 Pyramid kings of Memphis, and all Western Asia was 
 ruled from Babylon before north and south were united 
 in a consolidated kingdom in Egypt.
 
 18; 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. 
 
 The name Akkadian is used in these pages to signify the 
 northern division of the Mongol race of Mesopotamia. 
 The word is explained by Assyrian scribes as equivalent 
 to tilla^ " high," and probably comes from the root aka, 
 " to raise " : it is explained to refer to mountain regions 
 such as Ararat. It was also the name of a city in Baby- 
 lonia (Gen. X. lo) noticed by Ncbuchadrezer I. about 
 1 150 B.C. (Abu Habba text), probably the same place as 
 Agade of which Sargina was king. The term Sumir, on 
 the other hand, is rendered einecu, probably for emekii 
 (with the Koph), " valley," and me?- also means the same, 
 sii being no doubt the common Mongol word for " stream." 
 Lenormant renders it "swamps," but " river - valley " is 
 more probable. That it has any connection with the 
 name of Shinar seems improbable. As regards the rela- 
 tive position of these regions they are clearly explained : ^ 
 "The south is Elam, the north is Akkad, the east is 
 Su-Edin (perhaps river Eden) and Gutium (probably 
 Jebel Judi), the west is the land of Martu (' sunset ' 
 Phoenicia) " ; and again, "south of Akkad, north of Elam, 
 east of Martu, west of Su-Edin and of Gutium." This 
 leaves the river-valley for Sumir. 
 
 The elements of the Akkadian or Sumcrian lan- 
 guage are explained in the bilingual texts by Semitic 
 
 ^ See Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, February 1SS3, p. 74.
 
 l88 APPENDIX II. 
 
 scribes.^ The following is a comparison of the noun 
 suffixes of various dialects, including the Hittite : — 
 
 Akkadian. Minyan. Hittite. Turkish. 
 
 I. 
 
 Norn, definite 
 
 ■bi 
 
 -pi 
 
 -pi 
 
 
 the 
 
 2. 
 
 Noin. indefinite 
 
 -s 
 
 -s 
 
 -s 
 
 
 a 
 
 3- 
 
 Possessive 
 
 ■iia 
 
 -na 
 
 -7ie 
 
 -71 
 
 of 
 
 4- 
 
 Locative 
 
 -ta 
 
 -ta 
 
 -da 
 
 -de 
 
 at 
 
 5- 
 
 Dative (i) 
 
 -a 
 
 -a 
 
 -a 
 
 -a 
 
 to 
 
 6. 
 
 Dative (2) 
 
 -ga 
 
 
 -ka 
 
 -ga 
 
 to 
 
 7- 
 
 Accusative 
 
 -e 
 
 -e 
 
 -e 
 
 -e 
 
 Ace. 
 
 8. 
 
 Instrumental 
 
 -li 
 
 -li 
 
 ■li 
 
 -li 
 
 by 
 
 9- 
 
 Comitative 
 
 -la 
 
 -allan 
 
 -hi 
 
 -ailan 
 
 with 
 
 lO. 
 
 Causative 
 
 -ku 
 
 -ku 
 
 -ko 
 
 -ichun 
 
 for 
 
 II. 
 
 Comparative 
 
 •dim 
 
 -tint 
 
 -tint 
 
 -tin 
 
 as 
 
 12. 
 
 Ablative 
 
 -ta 
 
 -dan 
 
 -da 
 
 -den 
 
 from 
 
 13- 
 
 Locative 
 
 -sa 
 
 -sa 
 
 -sa 
 
 
 in 
 
 14. 
 
 Relative 
 
 -ra 
 
 -ra 
 
 -ra 
 
 ara 
 
 towa 
 
 Among the most important words which may be com- 
 pared with pure Turkish of Central Asia (especially the 
 Yakut dialect in the north) are the following, out of more 
 than 300 given in the paper cited in the note : — 
 
 Akkadian. 
 
 Turkish. 
 
 Meaning. 
 
 Hittite. 
 
 Akharra 
 
 Akhara 
 
 grey 
 
 
 Aga 
 
 Agha 
 
 chief 
 
 
 Am ia 
 
 Em 
 
 ill 
 
 
 A us 
 
 A us 
 
 opening 
 
 
 Bat 
 
 Bot 
 
 fortress 
 
 
 Pakk, Pak 
 
 Bo^k 
 
 prince 
 
 Bakh 
 
 Pal 
 
 Beil 
 
 axe 
 
 Pal 
 
 Pal 
 
 Bevil 
 
 year 
 
 Pal 
 
 Pa 
 
 Bai 
 
 a spell 
 
 
 Par 
 
 Bor 
 
 white 
 
 
 Bar 
 
 Bar 
 
 live 
 
 Bar 
 
 Pis 
 
 Bis 
 
 birth 
 
 Pis 
 
 Dara 
 
 Tor 
 
 god 
 
 Tar 
 
 Dim 
 
 Dem 
 
 ghost 
 
 
 Dim 
 
 Titn 
 
 peace 
 
 
 Tim 
 
 Ton 
 
 bond 
 
 Tim 
 
 Dimirsa 
 
 Timir 
 
 iron 
 
 
 Dingir 
 
 Tengri 
 
 god 
 
 
 Tjcm 
 
 Tamn 
 
 hell 
 
 
 Tur 
 
 Tore 
 
 chief 
 
 Tar 
 
 Khan, Kati 
 
 Khan, Kan 
 
 prince 
 
 
 Khilib 
 
 Chelep 
 
 god 
 
 Khilib 
 
 Khir 
 
 Khir 
 
 engrave 
 
 Khir 
 
 1 See my paper, " Notes on Akkadian," 'Journal of Royal Asiatic 
 Society,' October 1S93.
 
 
 THE AKKADIAN 
 
 LANGUAGE. 
 
 I.S9 
 
 Vkkadian. 
 
 Turkish. 
 
 MliAMM,. 
 
 HlTTITt 
 
 E 
 
 Ev 
 
 house 
 
 
 lb 
 
 lb 
 
 cord 
 
 lb 
 
 Idle 
 
 Yida 
 
 month 
 
 Yedc 
 
 Im 
 
 Im 
 
 sunset 
 
 
 En 
 
 Er 
 
 man 
 
 EH 
 
 Erivi 
 
 Eren 
 
 hero 
 
 
 Izik 
 
 Izik 
 
 door 
 
 
 Gab 
 
 Khab 
 
 rejoice 
 
 
 Gam 
 
 Jam 
 
 bend 
 
 Gam 
 
 Kar 
 
 Kir 
 
 field 
 
 
 Gar 
 
 Khai-i 
 
 cubit 
 
 
 Gar 
 
 Karan 
 
 stomach 
 
 
 Kiel (fern.) 
 
 Gul 
 
 slave 
 
 
 G2lk 
 
 Kok 
 
 blue 
 
 
 Gng 
 
 Koch 
 
 ram 
 
 Gii^ 
 
 K um 
 
 Kom 
 
 top 
 
 Kiim 
 
 Kumas 
 
 Koviiis 
 
 silver 
 
 
 Makh 
 
 Makh 
 
 great 
 
 Makh 
 
 Mail 
 
 Mariap 
 
 chief 
 
 Man 
 
 Sakh 
 
 Sakh 
 
 good 
 
 Sakh 
 
 Sar 
 
 Svir 
 
 write 
 
 Sir 
 
 Sikh 
 
 Atikh 
 
 a bear 
 
 
 Sn 
 
 Su 
 
 flow- 
 
 
 [/nu 
 
 Untie 
 
 abode 
 
 Unit 
 
 Ui-u 
 
 Anrii 
 
 town 
 
 Uni 
 
 Us 
 
 £s 
 
 basis 
 
 Us 
 
 The Hittite words are taken from the Akkadian, but the 
 sounds are in some cases otherwise confirmed by their 
 occurrence, as will appear later. 
 
 The leading peculiarities of Akkadian grammar are as 
 follow. Just as in Turkish, the noun has no gender, and 
 the cases above given apply to all alike. The harmonic 
 law is the same in both languages, and is briefly a natural 
 euphony by which strong roots have strong suffixes and 
 weak roots weak suffixes. The commonest derivatives 
 from the roots are — 
 
 Akkadian. Minvan. Medic' Hittite. Tikkish. 
 
 Abstract noun 
 
 -711 a 
 
 -ma 
 
 •ma 
 
 -ma 
 
 •m 
 
 ,, 
 
 -da 
 
 ■da 
 
 -da 
 
 -da 
 
 -it 
 
 Verbal noun 
 
 -ik 
 
 -k 
 
 -k 
 
 -k 
 
 ■k 
 
 Verbal adjective 
 
 -ga 
 
 .ga 
 
 . '• - 
 
 -ka 
 
 ■kei 
 
 Adjective 
 
 -ra 
 
 -ra 
 
 -ra 
 
 -ra 
 
 •r 
 
 Noun of action 
 
 -ra 
 
 •ra 
 
 -ra 
 
 -ra 
 
 •r 
 
 
 -la 
 
 
 
 -III 
 
 -/ 
 
 Present participle act. 
 
 -In 
 
 -la?i 
 
 
 -III 
 
 .//■ 
 
 Past participle pass. 
 
 -ga 
 
 -ka, -kha 
 
 
 .ga 
 
 
 1 The " third lan^uasre " of Behislun.
 
 IQO 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 The plural is either me or ne in these languages, and 
 it follows the base of the noun, preceding the case suf- 
 fixes. There are prefixes like nam, condition ; sak, state, 
 &:c. {si, before, is also a prefix), which form compounds 
 and abstract nouns. The adjective follows the noun in 
 the ancient dialects, though in Turkish and other modern 
 Mongol languages it precedes. It agrees in number ; and 
 the case is often the syllable following a string of nouns 
 and adjectives forming a " packet," and is not separately 
 applied to each, this being a Mongolic feature of grammar. 
 The verb has very little distinction of tense, the Baby- 
 lonian grammarians apparently only noting the present, 
 formed by adding e to the root, which is the past or 
 the imperative. The pronouns precede the verb, while 
 the possessive follow the noun : they are as follows : — 
 
 I, me, my 
 
 Thou, thee, thy 
 
 He, him, his 
 
 Him 
 
 We, us, our 
 
 You, your 
 
 They, them, their 
 
 This 
 
 That 
 
 This 
 
 Who, what 
 
 Which 
 
 Same 
 
 Who 
 
 Akkadian. 
 
 mil vu 
 
 zii za 
 
 ?ia sa 
 
 -ir 
 
 ttnene 
 
 zicnene 
 
 nene hi 
 
 ma a 
 
 na 
 
 ba 
 
 khu kha khi 
 
 SIC sa 
 
 ka 
 
 MlNVAX. 
 
 U -»IU 
 
 zti -ti 
 71 a sa 
 -ir 
 
 bi 
 
 i nulla au a 
 
 >ia 
 
 bit 
 
 khu kha khai 
 
 abbi ubbi pi 
 
 su 
 
 Medic. 
 
 appo 
 akka 
 
 HiTTITE. 
 
 u -mo 
 zu{?) -ti 
 
 netie bi 
 
 bit 
 
 khu khi 
 uppi uppa pi 
 
 ak akkc 
 
 These pronouns have no gender, and apply to feminine 
 and neuter as well. In Medic (or so-called Proto-Medic), 
 and in Minyan, an emphatic possessive is made by prefix- 
 ing the pronoun to a noun, and this seems to occur in 
 Hittite also. The moods of the verb are formed by pre- 
 fixed syllables, not by suffixes as in the modern dialects, 
 such as tan, compel ; khe or gan, let ; man, made. Thus 
 in Tarkhundara's Hittite letter we find khu-man, " may it 
 be caused," as in Akkadian, which was the first clear case 
 of comparison between the languages, noticed by Dr 
 Winckler in 1887, after my first publication on the sub-
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. \'ji 
 
 ject. The passive is formed in Minyan, and apparently 
 in Hittite, by adding // or a/ to the root, like the Turkish 
 //. There is also in Minyan and Medic a participle, 
 -man ; and the reciprocal -i/ianlu, " jointly," occurs in 
 Medic and" in Hittite as well as in Minyan. The latter 
 appears to have -sa for the present, -fa for the past, of the 
 third person singular of the active voice, and -sejia, which 
 is the Medic -sue, for the same person precative. In these 
 two languages the second person singular imperative ends 
 in -s. Participial forms are much used ; and the older 
 dialects — Sumerian and Hittite — have generally a less 
 developed grammar, especially for the verb, than have the 
 later Minyan and Medic. In Minyan there is a verb 
 substantive ai, as in Turkish, which may exist in Hittite, 
 but the commonest verb for "be" or "exist" in Hittite 
 is ba?; as in Turkish. Causatives are found also in pe 
 and il> in all these dialects. 
 
 The syntax is also the same in all. The order is object, 
 subject, verb. When a noun is defined by another, the 
 defining noun may either precede without suffix or follow 
 with a suffix. So in Sumerian we have Is-tar, " Light- 
 Lord," and Daiii-ki-Jia, " Lady-earth-of." In Hittite we 
 have, Kheta-sar, " Hittite-lord "; Tar-kon, "Tribe-chief"; 
 and Is-gar Raba, " Isgar's-slave." The former of these 
 constructions distinguishes the Mongol from the Semitic 
 languages, where the proper construction is the reverse, 
 as Bel-matati, "Lord (of) lands." The .^ryan syntax, 
 however, agrees in this point with the Mongolic, but not 
 in other peculiarities. In Sumerian we have cases where 
 the construction seems more like the Semitic, as in J////- 
 ///, generally supposed to mean " Lord (of) ghosts." This 
 may, however, be due to the determinatives being always 
 prefixed, as, for instance, Gal-lu, which was read Z/z-a'"'', 
 " man-great " — the adjective ahvays following its noun. 
 
 The intimate connection of the Hittite with the other 
 Mongol known dialects will be apparent from these and 
 future considerations. 
 
 The Minyan, or language of Mitanni, may be best illus-
 
 192 APPENDIX II. 
 
 trated by the more important passages of Dusratta's long 
 letter. The number of personal names (marked by the 
 determinative) occurring in various cases formed one of 
 the first clear indications of the character of this language. 
 An interlinear translation will explain the grammatical 
 peculiarities. Many of the words which are syllabically 
 spelt are Akkadian, and some are Hittite. They present 
 for our use a vocabulary of some 400 Mongol terms of 
 great value for comparative study. ^ 
 
 III. 92-94. Niniitmrias KUR Mizripinis ipris tase ab sutta a 
 
 Amenophis III. D.P. Egj'ptian lord (?) as home far it 
 
 NU-mansa URU Ikhibeni URU Simigini epi nie man ^i 
 is ruling D.P. Ikhiben city Simigis of which it is I 
 
 NU-mansa. 
 rule. 
 
 IV. 10, II. Senippi I'te nie en Nuukha-ti . , . nui/khama7tlu 
 
 Brother me it so province thy (to be) ruled jointly 
 
 he Khepia - tilan ziiga Esippias dan apt adduga. 
 making, to whom all known, a prince great whom you named 
 
 VII. 35-38. Pazadu Paza Manienan Senippi ue passidkhi pazadti 
 Besides also Menes brother's my envoy besides 
 
 paza Gilianan Artessupanan Asalin naan passidkhippi Gilianan 
 also Gilias (and) Artessupas Asalis he the envoy of Gilias 
 
 talami Asalin naa?i dubsarippi I'l pazani ki bu SU-ii 
 interpreter AsaHs of him the scribe I also him as this writing my 
 
 ussi Senippi da-allan niirnsae tissan passusa-ii 
 
 knowing brother's speech with to make clear? quickly my chief (?) 
 
 Senippi-i'i tillan pirieta. 
 my brother willingly I have sent. 
 
 X. 5-7. Atinin maanni I imma maian ji it Khalki md-na 
 
 This of not is it clear this made I for me Chalcis land of 
 
 sue-ni Kharrii MI KUR SAR Minian it 71 Khalki 
 peoples Phoenicians west land king Minyan I for me Chalcis 
 
 md-na sue-ni gamma as ria-anni KUR SAR Aftni 
 
 land of peoples conquered whatever servant its land king Minyan 
 
 Senippi He GIZ astis. 
 brother for me a record grant. 
 
 XI. 73. KUR SAR Minnaa sa piriasa Khiarukha atfari 
 
 Of land king Minyan she is sent to be wedded going 
 
 ^ See my translation, 'Journal of Royal Asiatic Soc.,' October 1892.
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. 193 
 
 tematina Senippius gipanit at pipiilli lipippi iukku 
 
 being given brother's papyrus as causes the message settlement 
 taa na asti en. 
 so its desiring. 
 
 XII. 103-107. SAL Tadukhepa-an ma-aniii Diisralta abi KUR 
 ,Woman Tadukhepa she is it not Dusratta wno of land 
 
 SAR Mittannipi ipripi Immuriasi KUR Afiziripi tii epi 
 king Mitannian the ruler Amenophis III. land Egj'pt of who 
 
 ipripi astinna arusa a asse Iminurias • sa-an 
 the ruler desiring this thing in it consenting Amenophis III. son of 
 
 zalam-si taa sa khiarruka nakkasa Dusratta api niaiigic 
 publicly (?) so of him wedded is made Dusratta which reply 
 
 7iHusa taa tarasise. 
 orders so disposing. 
 
 XII. 117 - 119. Senippius KUR Masrianni KUR SAR Minienc 
 My brother land Egypt of land king Minians 
 
 Khakhaiiiene Nuutiene sugganiman sueni rabippia etitan 
 princes ruling having satisfied peoples to ser\'ice reduced 
 
 ■A betiiman guru kharammamaii, 
 I cause speak all that is written. 
 
 These main passages, in a very prolix and compli- 
 mentary epistle, give good instances of construction, of 
 the " harmony " of suffixes, and of other points above 
 mentioned. Historically they show the conquests claimed 
 by Dusratta in Phcenicia, and the subsequent marriage of 
 his daughter to Amenophis IV. One other passage refers 
 to the Hittites, who had aided his brother Artasumara, 
 and whom he defeated, as is described in one of his 
 letters written in Assyrian : — 
 
 X. 16, 18. IM bu I'l US kha manlu n Khatti ma an danga 
 
 Region this I ruled jointly I Hittite land of powerful 
 
 Esippias dan man NU ukka tilan api latakha Senippi 
 
 prince great being chief people all of who conquered brother 
 
 va allan URU Kharranu sa a nssena IM paza NU 
 
 to me holding city Harran in it let extend region also chief 
 
 sa a ullaman pirieta - allan. 
 in it consenting having been sent. 
 
 Translated into the syntax of the reader's language, 
 the passages mean : " As Amenophis III. lord of Egypt 
 rules his far-off home, I rule the city of Ikhibin, the city 
 of the [god] Simigis." "So, brother, causing me to rule 
 
 N
 
 194 APPENDIX II. 
 
 jointly all thy province, being known there to all as a 
 prince whom you have named." " Besides Menes my 
 brother's envoy, and Gilias [and] Artessupas, Asalis the 
 envoy, the interpreter of Gilias, Asalis the scribe, I have 
 also willingly sent, as my [chief?] brother knows how to 
 explain quickly this my writing by my brother's language." 
 " Is not this clearly it? I having conquered for myself the 
 peoples [su, Turkish soi, Akkadian su, ' race '] of the land 
 of Chalcis [' the fortress ' near Aleppo], the Phoenicians 
 west of the Minyan kingdom, grant me, brother, a recog- 
 nition that whatever people of the land of Chalcis are 
 subject to the Minyan kingdom are mine." " She is sent 
 by the Minyan kingdom, being surrendered, going to be 
 wedded, as my brother's letter causes to be done, the 
 message desiring such a fulfilment." "Is it not this? 
 Tadukhepa is to be wedded by the son of Amenophis III.; 
 Dusratta, who is ruler of the land of Mitanni, consenting 
 to the wish therein of Amenophis III., who is ruler of 
 Egypt. Which reply Dusratta orders, so arranging." 
 " My brother of Egypt having satisfied the Khakhans 
 ruHng the Minyans of the kingdom, the people being 
 reduced to submission, I have caused all that is written 
 to be said." " I having jointly ruled this region, I being 
 suzerain of the power of the Hittite land, chief of all the 
 conquered peoples, let my possession, brother, extend to 
 the city of Harran, a chief also being sent into the region 
 by its consent." 
 
 As regards the Kassite language, we are less fully 
 informed from any cuneiform documents ; but lists of 
 Kassite names translated into Babylonian exist, and are 
 sufficient to determine the Mongol character of the 
 dialect which has been very generally admitted. The 
 most interesting of these names is that of 'Ammurabi or 
 'Ammurabil, which is rendered Kimti rapastu, " my family 
 is large." It must be remembered that while many names 
 of tribal chiefs are merely titles and not really personal 
 names, those of the Kassite kings are not usually of this 
 character. Names in the East are founded to a great
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. 195 
 
 extent on some pious expression of the father or mother 
 at the time of the child's birth, or even on some simpler 
 remark caused by circumstances. Thus among the 
 Bedawin, one child was named Makhadah because born 
 at the river " ford," another Yerbda from a jerboa seen 
 beside the tent at the moment. In the Bible we have 
 such names as Benoni, " son of my sorrow " (on account 
 of Rachel's death), and Ichabod, "no glory" (because of 
 the defeat of Israel at the time of the child's birth), while 
 the gratitude of parents is shown by such titles as Bel- 
 nirari, " Baal is my helper." The name of 'Ammurabi in 
 like manner may either signify an increase to the family, 
 or might be a title taken later when the conqueror had 
 enlarged his border. It is evidently the Mongol Am- 
 mii-ra-bi (" Tribe-my-spread-makes "), or Am-mu-ra-bil 
 (" Tribe-my-spread-is-made), agreeing with the Babylonian 
 explanation. Similar translations are given ^ for twenty- 
 four other names, including those of the kings of the 
 2nd dynasty, as follows, with others which are earlier : — 
 
 1. [ISKi] PAL, "Subduing the enemy's land." Is^ master; ki, 
 
 place; pal^ rebellious. 
 
 2. [GuL Ki] SAR, "One who makes multitudes subject." 
 
 Giilki, to many; sar, lord. 
 
 3. Aa [dara] gi ma,^ " Son of Ea [lord] of lands." Aa, son ; 
 
 Dard, to Ea (Dara being one of the titles of Ea) ; gi- 
 /iia, here on earth. 
 
 4. A KURUL AN NA,^ "Son of the lord of the herald of heaven." 
 
 A, son ; ktir, dawn ; ul, star ; ati, god ; ua, of — " Son of 
 the god of the morning star." 
 
 5. Sar gin na, " King established." Sar, k\r\g; gintin, made. 
 
 This is not spelt the same way as Sargma, "king of 
 earth." 
 
 6. Ku bau, '' Bau is bright" (or "holy"), kit, shining or 
 
 silver. " Bau of what is bright." The name may be 
 Ur-baic, as iir also means " light," but the translator 
 probably misunderstood the meaning. 
 
 1 Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, January 18S1, and ' Records of the Past' 
 (New Series), vol. i. p. 32. 
 '^ Called for short AJara. 
 ^ Called for short Aktirid in another tablet.
 
 196 APPENDIX II. 
 
 7. Ammi-zadugga, " The family is established." A/Jim!,tv\be 
 
 (Turkish a/n, aim) ; sadiigga, set firm. 
 
 8. KuRGALZU, " Leader be thou." Kiir, lord ; gal^ great ; 
 
 zu, thou ("art" understood). 
 
 9. SiMMAS-siKHU, "Offspring of Marduk." Simmas^ a seed; 
 
 sikJm (or perhaps, as otherwise rendered, sipak), of the 
 good one {sik/i and sop both meaning " good "). 
 
 10. Ulam burias, "Offspring of the lord of lands." Ula/n 
 
 (Turkish u/mt), child ; '^Biiria, to Buri (the Kassite god, 
 perhaps the Akkadian god Bar, the living one); as, he 
 ("is" understood). 
 
 11. Meli sikhu, "Man of Marduk" (see No. 9). Mcli \s 
 
 probably, like the Akkadian nial or val, connected with 
 the root ul, to be (Turkish ol). 
 
 12. Nazi-urutas, "Shadow of Adar." The Sultan is so called 
 
 "Shadow of God" to the present day. Apparently 
 Nazi, shadow ; iirii, shining one ; ta^ from ; as, he 
 (is). 
 
 13. BuRXA BURIAS (see No. 10), "Relative of the lord of 
 
 lands." Bicr, people; na, of; Buria, to Buri; as, he 
 (is). 
 
 14. Karaen Kit, " Empowered by the Sun." A^zrc?, doing; 
 
 en, as ; Kit, Sun. Perhaps another way of writing the 
 name Kara indas : Kara, working or worker ; in, the 
 sun ; da, from ; as, he (is). 
 
 15. Ulam uru us, "Offspring of Bel" (see No. 10). Ulain, 
 
 child ; uru, of the shiner; tis, man, or kin, or he. 
 
 16. Meli Khali, "Man of the great goddess" (see No. 11). 
 
 Meli, man (or creation) ; kha, princess ; //, by. 
 
 17. Meli sumu, " Man of power." Meli, man ; suinu, 
 
 powerful. 
 
 18. Meli sibarruV " Man of the glorious one." Meli, man ; 
 
 si, appearance ; bar, shining ; ru, for. 
 
 19. Meli Kit, " Man of the Sun." Meli, man ; Kita, to Sun. 
 
 20. NiMGiRABi Kit, " Merciful is the Sun-god." Niingiradi, 
 
 one considerate ; Kit, the Sun-god (is). 
 
 21. NiMGiRABi Burias, "Merciful is the lord of lands" (see 
 
 No 20), but apparently it means "worshipper of 
 Buri." 
 
 22. Kara Burias (see No. 14), "Empowered by Buri he" 
 
 (is). 
 
 23. Kara Kit (see No. 14 and No. 19). 
 
 24. Nazi burias (see No. 12 and No. 10). 
 
 These translations appear to show that the Kassite lan- 
 ^ Sihar is preceded by the sign for deity.
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. 197 
 
 guage was closely akin to the Sumcrian and Minyan, and 
 they aid us with Hittite names. 
 
 The names of Hittites noticed in Egyptian and Assyrian 
 records have long been known to be non-Semitic. By aid 
 of the preceding they can with some certainty be rendered 
 as Mongol, and they certainly do not recall Aryan names. 
 Those noticed by the Egyptians include : — 
 
 1. Aakitasebu. Apparently aa, son, Kit, the Sun; tt, him; 
 
 sebu, favouring, or "Favoured child of the Sun." 
 
 2. Akama. From aka, to raise, meaninjj exaltation, majesty. 
 
 3. Kamais. Probably " conqueror," from i^avt, to conquer. 
 
 4. Karbatus for Karabatus. Kara, one empowered ; bat, 
 
 securely ; t(s, he (is). 
 
 5. Kauisira from kin, all (in accusative); j/r^?, commanding. 
 
 6. Khelep - SAR, "Lord of Aleppo" (compare Khcta Sar 
 
 above). 
 
 7. Khir-basar, " Of writing the master." (He was a scribe, 
 
 as stated in the Egyptian text). 
 
 8. Mas-rima from Afas, a spirit; ri, service; w^, making — 
 
 a " servant of God." 
 
 9. Maura -SAR from imirit, place (in dative); sar, lord — 
 
 " Lord to the place." 
 JO. MoTE-NAR. Perhaps inti, throne; tc, on; 7iar, king. 
 
 1 1. Mo-TUR, " Son of the throne." 
 
 12. Nazira. Perhaps " His {i.e., God's] shadow " (see No. 12. 
 
 Kassite list). 
 
 13. Peis, ixompas, to lead. Also transliterated Paz. 
 
 14. Samaritas from Sam, the name of a deity (as in the 
 
 Kassite name Sam-suiluna, "a man of the race of 
 Sam); ri servant; as, he— "He who has served {rita) 
 Sam." 
 
 15. Sap-lel. Probably " Lord of all"; from sap (Akkadian 
 
 sib), a gathering, and A7 (Akkadian lala), ruling. 
 
 16. Sap-sar (see No. 15), " King of multitudes." 
 
 17. Tarkananas, " High chief" (Turkish Tarlam and tm). 
 
 18. Tarkatasas. Perhaps "Chief in Kadesh." 
 
 19. Tartisebu. Perhaps "Lord of justice ; from A/r/, judg- 
 
 ment, and esepii, chief (Akkadian and Minyan). 
 
 20. Tatar or Tatil. The root tat signifies "firm." Other- 
 
 wise rendered Totar. 
 
 21. ZuAZAS or ZuzASE. Perhaps means "given " ; from r//, to 
 
 give— that is to say, " given I)y God." 
 
 22. Rab-sunna or Lab-sunna. The Egyptian language does 
 
 not disdn^ruish / from r. Labsunna might mean hero
 
 198 APPENDIX 11. 
 
 of battle" ; from lab (as in Turkish), a brave man, and 
 sun, battle, defeat (Akkadian : like the Turkish syin) ; 
 on the other hand, rab signifies "servant" in Hittite 
 and in Akkadian, and Sunna may be for Stimu-na, "of 
 Sumu," who was a Kassite god. The name of Sumu 
 is represented in the Babylonian translation by Suka- 
 mima, apparently "he who consumes us," and this 
 again is rendered by Kiitian, perhaps the sun, or if a 
 Semitic word, "the overvvhelmer" : sun, to defeat or 
 destroy (in Akkadian), and sum, to make an end (in Ak- 
 kadian), with the Turkish sofi, end, may be compared. 
 This deity seems therefore to be Rimmon, the god of 
 Storms. 
 
 The Egyptian transliteration is unfortunately not quite 
 certain, since there are differences between experts as to 
 vowel sounds, while / and d, the sibilants, and / and r, 
 are indefinitely represented by the hieroglyphic alphabet. 
 The general result, however, is confirmed by the names 
 mentioned in Assyrian records, and in other docu- 
 ments : — 
 
 23. Tarkhundara, whose letter (No. 10, Berlin Collection) is 
 
 found in the Tell Amarna Collection. Probably means 
 only "ruling chief." 
 
 24. Tarkontimme or Tarkudimme. Perhaps "Prince of 
 
 Peace," " Peaceful chief." Akkadian dim, Turkish iwi, 
 peace, quiet. Dr Sayce has suggested that Tarku was 
 the name of a god, and this is supported by the deter- 
 minative {AA^) which precedes the word in the name 
 of Tarkutimme as found on a Cappadocian text. Tar 
 and tu7' (Turkish tore) signify both "chief" and also 
 "god" — that is to say, in both cases "the judge" ; and 
 Trtry^/^ may have had the same double meaning. If this 
 is the case, Tarkudimme would mean "God-created." 
 
 25. Bakhian, king of Carchemish about 1130 B.C. His name 
 
 may be connected with the Akkadian /<'z/•/^ and Turkish 
 bogh, prince. 
 
 26. Sangara. Another Hittite king of Carchemish of the 
 
 same period. The name also occurs again in 857 
 B.C., and was apparently dynastic. It may mean " the 
 noble." Turkish san, sang, noble, with the termination 
 either ra, man, or ra for the adjective suffix. 
 
 27. PisiRis. A Hittite king of Carchemish in 738 B.C. The 
 
 Turkish bisir for a " rich man " might be compared.
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. 199 
 
 In addition, wc have names of the same class among 
 the neighbouring tribes — viz. : 
 
 28. Tarkulaka, chief of the Gamgums in 738 B.C., while in 
 
 711 B.C. the name is spelt Tarkhidara. The first word 
 is ccmmon, and lar is rendered bel, master, in Baby- 
 lonian, and is an Akkadian word. It is the same as the 
 Etruscan lar for "chief" and for " deity," whence the 
 Latin lares. The name would mean only "ruline 
 chief. 
 
 29. GiRPARUNDA or GiRPARUDA is the name of a chief of 
 
 Gamgums and of another of the Khattinai chiefs in 
 854 B.C. Compare Nos. 20, 21, of the Kassite list. Cir, 
 to regard or worship ; bar, the name of a deity (as 
 before mentioned) ; itn, God or Lord ; da, at or to — 
 "Worshipper of the living God." 
 
 30. LuBARNA, " Man of the god Bar," a chief's name in 1 130 
 
 and 854 B.C. among the Khattinai. Lu is Akkadian 
 for " man," and occurs in Finnish also. On the other 
 \\2ir\A, labar \?> explained in Babylonian to mean "ser- 
 vant" — Labarna^ his servant. 
 
 31. Tarkhunazi, of Malatiya in 712 n.c. (see No. 24), "Sha- 
 
 dow of God." Other names might be added, such as 
 the Minyan Stit-tama, "Set (is) his lord." Some of 
 the above names are clearly personal ; others, especially 
 in the Egyptian records, are only royal titles. The 
 Minyan names in the Tell Amarna correspondence 
 include Pirklii, "warrior" ; Mascpalali, perhaps "God 
 has given a son"; Tuncpripi, "the servant of the 
 Almighty"; Nakhramassi, perhaps "resting in God" 
 {nakh is rendered in Assyrian pasakh); Ariasumara, 
 " worshipper of Sumu " ; Artatan, " worshipper of Tat " 
 (perhaps Dad, " father," a name of the god Rimmon) ; 
 Asalis, " desired " (Akkadian as, Turkish az, wish, with 
 the passive suffix); Artessupas, "worshipper of Tcssub" 
 known as an Akkadian name of Rimmon ; DusraKa, 
 possibly " victor chief," from di/s (Akkadian tas, Turkish 
 tus, to contend), r, the suffix of the verbal noun ; and 
 atta, chief (Turkish and Akkadian); Gllias, probably 
 "the illustrious" ; Sitatama, perhaps from 5t'A with at, 
 father, and am, race— one of the family descended from 
 Set. The names of women include Yufii, wife of Dus- 
 ratta, perhaps " little one " ; Giliikhcpa (his sister), " all 
 glorious"; and Tadiikhcpa (his daughter), "all sweet." 
 Finally, we have other names, such as Mutalli of the 
 Gamgums (" the Creator has given ") ; Dadilu of the
 
 200 APPENDIX II. 
 
 Kaska ("exalting Rimmon ") ; Sidumal (" ruler of the 
 land '"') of Malatiya ; Urik (" heroic ") ; Tulka (" ex- 
 alted"); A'<7// (" lucky") ; A'zVr/ ("worshipper") of the 
 Guai ; Sapalubni (see No. 15 of the Egyptian list), 
 probably " ruling multitudes" — a chief of the Khattinai ; 
 VassKnni of Tabcil, AIufa//u and Katazilu among the 
 chiefs of Commagene in 708 and 857 B.C. respectively, 
 and Ku/idaspi in 854, Kustaspi in 727 B.C., which two 
 latter might be Aryan. The nationality of Ahunu, son 
 of Adini, is not clear, while all the Samalla and Hama- 
 thite names appear to be Semitic. 
 
 We have thus examined all that remains to us indicat- 
 ing the language of Hittites, Kassites, and other early 
 tribes of Aram and Asia Minor, in the names and titles of 
 rulers. The Hyksos names given by Josephus seem to 
 be of the same class {Contra Apion, i. 14, 15): — 
 
 1. S.ALATis. This was a goddess Sala, "the shining," and the 
 
 name may mean " illustrious" (Akkadian rcz/, to shine, 
 Finnic sal). 
 
 2. Beon or Bnon. Perhaps only " Lord of the race.'' 
 
 3. Pakhnan, otherwise Apakhnas (see No. 25 of the Hittite 
 
 list). Perhaps only "their king." 
 
 4. Arkles. Like /r^7?//cj in Akkadian, " the fiery." The name 
 
 Irkhidcna in Hamath (if not Semitic) may be connected. 
 
 5. Apophis or Apepa. Perhaps only from ab-ab, ancestor 
 
 (Akkadian ab, Turkish eb, father). 
 
 6. Iaxias, "the younger" (Turkish jv/z/, young). 
 
 7. Assis (compare the Minyan czj-<z//i-). Possibly from cii", first, 
 
 and sis, brother. 
 
 8. Staan, given by Africanus from Alanetho, is probably 
 
 corrupt. Perhaps Sctan or Setani, " of the family of 
 Set," the god worshipped by the Hyksos. 
 
 These names are certainly not Egyptian, nor do they 
 seem to be Semitic or Aryan, but rather Mongol titles. 
 As regards the name of the Khatti, Kheta, or Hittites 
 itself, kkat means "dawn," and they may have been 
 " Easterns " ; but, on the other hand, in Turkish dialects 
 khat means " to join," whence many names for " allies," 
 "relations," &c., and the term may mean the allied tribes, 
 KhatttJta hdivmg a similar meaning perhaps as a plural.
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. 
 
 201 
 
 The Khitai of Central Asia gave their name to Cathay 
 or China, and the word recalls the Egyptian Kheta and 
 Hebrew Heth. In Semitic speech the latter only means 
 " fear." 
 
 The only Hittite text as yet known written in the 
 cuneiform script is the letter of Tarkhundara to Ameno- 
 phis III., in the fifteenth century u.c. Its translation is 
 difficult, on account of many words of unknown or 
 doubtful meaning, and of uncertainties as to some of 
 the emblems. It is published in facsimile,^ and has been 
 recently recopied by Dr Sayce.- The following trans- 
 lation is purely tentative ; but the first salutations, and 
 the references to a " daughter," to the " prince of the 
 Hittites," and to the presents, are certain. The language 
 is clearly akin to Akkadian, on account of the precative 
 verb — as has been pointed out by several specialists ; 
 and for this reason the syntax proposed by Dr Sayce 
 appears inadmissible. 
 
 Line I. DUB ma D.P. Ni mu vt ri ya Sar gal Sar kur 
 Letter this to Amenophis III., king great, king land 
 
 Mi iz za ri. 
 Egypt. 
 
 Line n. NU UD D.P. Tar khit tai da ra [daf] Sar kur Ar za pi 
 lord Sun Tarkhundara from, king land Kezeph 
 
 D.A. hi ma. 
 it is. 
 
 Line III. 
 
 Ka 
 all 
 
 R ZUN 7ni 
 mv houses 
 
 DAM ME.S mi 
 my wives 
 
 // mi KURU in 
 region peaceful 
 
 TUR MES mi. 
 my sons. 
 
 Line I\'. GUM MES 
 men 
 
 kur-ra ZUN mi. 
 
 my cavalry. 
 
 Line V. Bi ib bi it mi KUR KUR ZUN mi gan an da khu u ma an 
 whatever mine countries my all at may 
 
 KURU in. 
 at peace. 
 
 GAL GAL as 
 chief 
 
 ZAB MES mi 
 my soldiers 
 
 D.P. 
 
 be 
 
 1 No. 10, Berlin Collection, Tell Amarna Letters. 
 - Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, Nov. 1897, pp. 2S1-2S4.
 
 202 APPENDIX II. 
 
 Line VI. — Du-ug MAS KA i ta khu u via an KURU in 
 saying moreover to thee may be at peace 
 
 GIZ MES fu."' 
 [likewise?] 
 
 Line VII. E ZUN ti DAM MES ti TUR MES ii GUM MES 
 thy houses thy wives thy sons men 
 
 GAL GAL as. 
 chief. 
 
 Line VIII. ZAB MES ti D.P. kur-ra ZUN ti hi ib bi it ti 
 thy soldiers thy cavalry whatever thine 
 
 GIZ MES tu. 
 
 [likewise?] 
 
 Line IX. KUR ZUN ti khu 21 ma an KURU in. 
 thy lands may be at peace. 
 
 Line X. — A'a a la at^ ta vii — E nit 7in D.P. Ir sa ap pa. 
 lord to thee my chief Irsappa. 
 
 Line XI. GUM kha lu ga tal la an mi in a ic ma ni TUR SAL ti. 
 man swiftly sent he me of this is, daughter thy. 
 
 Line XII. AN UD mi KU in^ DAM an ni u pi da an ZI.^ 
 Sun-god my protecting lady she I whom must send. 
 
 Line XIII. NU US si li il^ khu 2td i ni an sak du 
 
 no servant [being sent ?] this day this of first he comes 
 
 si. 
 lo. 
 
 Line XI\'. Ka a la ta ^ up Pa akh khn un ^ / su kha la li ia 
 lord to, region king who of one [bag ?] giving 
 
 G US KIN KUR U an ta 
 gold [a peace-offering?] 
 
 Line X\'. — a ni ia at ta la viu kii u?i da as kha at ra [mu f\ 
 it this to despatched me for he was ; speed for of me 
 
 Line XVI. Ub bi pi ra at mu ?ie it ta up Pa akh khi"^ 
 
 what sent forme ofhimhandat region king who, 
 
 EGIR a?t da. 
 after, him at. 
 
 ^ Mas, second, further ; ka, measure. 
 
 - GIZ MILS, perhaps pronounced nen, these ; TU or tittn, like. 
 •^ Kalat, abstract from kal, great. 
 
 •* KU, translated tiigultu in Assyrian, help, protection, service. 
 '' ZI, rendered saparzi, to send, in Assyrian. 
 ^ Sill I from sil, to go ; sila, road, passive form. 
 ^ Up Pakh from UB Assyrian ciprit, region ; PAKH, Assyrian 
 sarru, king ; Turkish Bag or Bek, chief.
 
 THE AKKADIAN LAXGUAGK. 
 
 Line XVII. Pal ta GUM kha hi ga tal la at li in'^ am tne el I,:. 
 
 time at man swiftly sent to this is intrusted. 
 
 Line XVIII. GUM kha lit ga tal la an litUh' k/iat that ra a 
 
 man swiftly sent he after expedite 
 
 k/iii It da ak. 
 may make. 
 
 Line XIX. Na i na at it pi an du. 
 
 this it from I which him give. 
 
 Line XX. ~ NU UD ta ii pi an Zl [// f ] da an Zl 
 Lord Sun to thee I whom her send I must send, 
 KU GAR ta TUR SAL ti 
 protection making, thy daughter, 
 
 Line XXI. GUM kha lu ga tal mi is GUM kha In ga tal lata 
 man swiftly sent my thus, man swiftly sent from 
 
 Line XXII. A'L/ is tit cl In KAR na as ag ga as 
 
 protection thus makes taking, city of any great one any 
 
 Line XXIII. NU mil an tu SAL suns ga as ga as- KUR 
 Prince my him causing women folk making travel land 
 
 ia as lib bi is ta US as sn iin 
 to any which thus to thee is subject 
 
 Line XXI\'. Zl in nit iik khu it ma an da. 
 borne let be. 
 
 Line XXW A^^ kha at te sa as sa kur E i ga id 
 Prince Hittite ordering land Ikatai 
 
 Line XXVI. NU. UD ta GIZ kal la bi ib bi cs It up 
 Prince Sun to thee wood usu which [due?] region 
 
 Pa khu itn la li 
 king of gives 
 
 Line XXVII. Ki is sa RI is si D.P, Ir sa ap pa GCM klia lu 
 as thus in appears thus see Irsappa man swiftly 
 
 UmeXXXlU. I en su kha la liia GUSK'IN ki lal bi TU . . . . 
 one [bag ?] giving gold as weight the weighed 
 
 Line XXIX. A'.V. ma-na GUSKIN IIL KA SHI IIL RA 
 20 manahs gold three pounds ivory tliree pounds 
 
 ZAB KAR . . . 
 [copper ?] 
 
 ^ Atin, Turkish atin, Minyan atiiiiii, this. 
 
 2 Gas-gas from KAS, Assyrian kharanii, road ; causative, making 
 travel.
 
 204 APPENDIX II. 
 
 Line XXX. ///. KA KHU UZ ZI VIII. KA KU SI IT TI IN 
 three pounds eight pounds .... 
 
 Line XXXL C. KA Anna tab al ga a?i C. 
 
 one hundred pounds tin beaten one hundred 
 
 KA KHA AB^RI ?\ . . . 
 pounds . . . 
 
 Lin XXXn. C. KA Sir ri li ia as sa . . . . 
 
 one hundred pounds .... 
 
 LineXXXIIL IV. TAK KU KU PU GAL LI DUG GA VI. TAK 
 four stones precious greatly good six stones 
 
 KU KU PU . . . 
 precious 
 
 Line XXXIV. GAR ZAL DUG GA III. GIZ GU ZA GAR GIZ^ 
 make shine good three wood seats work wood 
 
 Pa-na , . , 
 Pana . . , 
 
 Line XXXV. X. GIZ GU ZA GAR GIZ KAL mil-li bi ib hi . . . 
 ten wood seats work wood usu pohshed which . . , 
 
 Line XXXVL X. AKH KHU UZ TAB GIZ KAL la li. 
 ten . . . also wood usu gives. 
 
 Taking the words in the ordinary sense and the ordi- 
 nary syntax of the Akkadian language, the meaning of 
 this letter appears therefore to be as follows : — 
 
 "This letter to Amenophis III. the great king of the 
 land of Egypt, the Sun -lord, is from Tarkhundara the 
 king of the land of Rezeph. All the region is at peace. 
 Peace be to my abodes, my wives, my sons, the great 
 ones of my soldiers and chariots, whatever is mine in all 
 my lands. 
 
 " Moreover, saying to thee, May there be peace like- 
 wise. Peace be to thy abodes, thy wives, thy sons, the 
 great ones of thy soldiers and thy chariots, likewise thy 
 lands. 
 
 " To thee, my lord, this chief Irsappa is my messenger, 
 protecting thy daughter my Sun-god — the lady whom I 
 must send ; no servant having been sent, lo ! this day 
 he comes first of all for this ; giving a [bag ?] of gold 
 as a peace-offering, to the lord who is king of this 
 region.
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. 20$ 
 
 " Therefore he was despatched for me ; moreover, to 
 speed for me what is sent for me by his hand, to the king 
 of this region, it is intrusted at the [same] time to the 
 messenger. That the messenger may speed moreover 
 that which thereby I give him. 
 
 " To thee the Sun-lord I must send her whom I send. 
 Thus my messenger is a protection to thy daughter. Thus 
 there is protection by taking the messenger, any great 
 man of any city — a prince of mine — sending the women- 
 folk on the way, let them be carried to each countrv 
 subject to thee. 
 
 " By order of the Hittite prince the land of Ikatai pre- 
 sents to thee the Sun-lord the i/s/i wood [due to ?] the king 
 of the region, as thus appears : so behold. Irsappa the 
 messenger presents the [bag?] — gold by weight weighed, 
 20 maiiahs of gold : three pounds of ivory : three pounds 
 of [copper ?] : three pounds of . . . eight pounds of . . . 
 one hundred pounds of beaten tin [or lead], one hundred 
 pounds of . . . Four very precious gems, six gems of 
 good water, three chairs of Pana . . . wood-work, ten 
 chairs of usu wood-work polished, which . . . ten . . . 
 also of 7is?i wood he gives." 
 
 The translation of this text, though uncertain in parts, 
 very strongly confirms the conclusion that the Hittite 
 language was closely akin to Akkadian and to the cog- 
 nate language of Mitanni. The letter, indeed, may 
 refer to the despatch of Tadukhepa from Mitanni to 
 Egypt. 
 
 In conclusion we may refer to languages, of the Minyan 
 country about 840 B.C., and of Cappadocia after 1500 
 B.C., from which light has naturally been sought in study- 
 ing the populations of these regions. In the one case, 
 however, the Vannic language is only known about the 
 time when the Aryan Medes were encountered in this 
 region by the Assyrians, while on the other the Cappa- 
 docian texts are Semitic. 
 
 The Vannic appears to be an Iranian dialect, as shown
 
 206 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 Vannic, csi, 
 
 law ; 
 
 11 asz, 
 
 horseman (?) 
 
 11 a 
 
 sacrifice ; 
 
 M tumetii, 
 
 towns ; 
 
 11 Niribi, 
 
 dead ; 
 
 11 Euris, 
 
 lord; 
 
 11 tf^z'j, 
 
 house ; 
 
 J«/, 
 
 year ; 
 
 11 are, 
 
 men ; 
 
 ip, 
 
 flood; 
 
 II Vedia, 
 
 women ; 
 
 II sard is, 
 
 vear ; 
 
 1. 5«- 
 
 God; 
 
 11 (7«/j, 
 
 water ; 
 
 1, Sfl^, 
 
 to build ; 
 
 /a/-, 
 
 to carry ; 
 
 i^«. 
 
 to cut ; 
 
 </z, 
 
 to call ; 
 
 by its vocabulary, compared with the Persian of 500 B.C., 
 and the Lycian about 414 B.C. : ^ — 
 
 Sansk. , yos ; Latin, jus. 
 Persian, aca ; Sansk., asva, horse. 
 Persian, ay a, sacrifice. 
 Lycian, fome?ia, house. 
 Sansk., m?-i ; Lycian, mra, to die. 
 Persian, aura; Lycian, auru, lord. 
 Sansk., vesas, dwelling. 
 Persian, sal ; Lycian, s/ial, year. 
 Lycian, ai-e ; Armenian, ayr, man. 
 Persian, api, water, 
 Sansk., vedha, woman, wife. 
 Persian, careda, year. 
 Persian, Baga ; Phrygian, Bagaios ; Ly- 
 cian, Phaga : Slav., Bogii, God. 
 Persian, awi ; Latin, aqua, water. 
 Persian, zad, to build. 
 Sansk., bhri ; Lycian, y^zr; Latin, T^w. 
 Sansk., cJio, cut. 
 Sansk., da, to say. 
 
 The Vannic grammar is equally indicative of an inflected 
 Aryan language. The noun cases, including s for the 
 nominative (as in Persian, Lycian, Sanskrit, &c.), appear 
 to be Iranian, and are not those above given for the 
 Mongol languages. Among pronouns, prepositions, &c,, 
 may be noticed — 
 
 Persian, va. 
 
 Persian, any a. 
 
 Latin, iste. 
 
 Sansk., ma ; Lycian, ma. 
 
 Persian, para ; Greek, faros. 
 
 Persian, hya. 
 
 Persian, yo. 
 
 These are all quite different from Mongol words of 
 the same meaning, nor are prepositions used in Mongol 
 speech. 
 
 The Vannic verb possesses the augment for the im- 
 perfect and the reduplication for the perfect, as in Iranian 
 speech ; and the syntax is not Mongol, for the verb may 
 precede its subject. The adjective follows the noun as 
 
 ^ See my paper, "The Lycian Language," Journal of Royal Asiatic 
 Society, October 1891. 
 
 Vannic, ui, 
 
 and ; 
 
 11 ini. 
 
 this; 
 
 11 isti. 
 
 „ 
 
 II mes. 
 
 ,1 
 
 11 pari, 
 
 out of ; 
 
 11 eha. 
 
 this; 
 
 11 ies, 
 
 who ;
 
 THE AKKADIAN LAXGU.\(;E. 
 
 207 
 
 in Persian, &c. ; enclitics are used, though as rarely as in 
 Persian ; collectives are used as plurals ; and the genitive 
 may precede its nominative, as in Lycian, old Persian, 
 &c. The Aryan, and more particularly the Iranian, affini- 
 ties of Vannic speech are, in short, so clear that we may 
 safely attribute it to the Medes, who were beginning to 
 become powerful in the ninth century b.c, when the 
 Vannic texts were inscribed. But, as we have seen, the 
 older Minyans of the same region were Mongols, whom 
 the Assyrians destroyed. Not a single Hittite word has 
 been shown to exist in the Vannic language, and even 
 a first glance at Hittite texts, with the highly pictorial 
 emblems therein used, should convince any student 
 that the character belongs to a much earlier period than 
 the ninth century B.C., when the later and very conven- 
 tional cuneiform script was in use, and was already begin- 
 ning to be superseded by the still more abstract and 
 artificial signs of the Phoenician alphabet. 
 
 As regards the Cappadocian inscriptions in cuneiform, 
 which it was thought might prove to be in Hittite lan- 
 guage, on account of the notice of Tarkutimme in one 
 case, they are not earlier than the time of the Tell 
 Amarna tablets, although the forms of the emblems are 
 earlier than those in use in the eighth century B.C. They 
 are now acknowledged to be Semitic, and, as we have 
 seen, even the Mongol prince Dusratta uses a Semitic 
 language, in the fifteenth century b.c, in all but one of 
 the letters which he wrote to Egypt. The texts from 
 Cappadocia have been mentioned in chapter iii. of the 
 present work, and the two following may be given, from 
 the transcription and copy published, as cited in that 
 chapter : — 
 
 British Museum Text from C.a.ppadocia. 
 
 1. XX CU tina abarni bitu Twenty cloths brought me here 
 
 2. sipta SHIa X CU tina wool blue. Ten cloths 
 
 3. Nama CU tina sipta SHIa smooth, of cloth wool blue 
 
 4. X CU SU a ci tube sipta Ten cloths other. As is good the 
 
 SHIa blue wool
 
 208 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 sa hibns sarji napistu 
 SHI tubtt CU tina tamtm 
 Sipta SHIa sa Elugar 
 malala I ASTINa ana 
 Eliigari sa umu 
 Miriam LXXX CU tina 
 Sipta SHIa atia 
 Elugai-i sa ama 
 ana ZALBA 
 Usdslii assa uma 
 XII niana V TU ta 
 AZAG ana Elugari 
 i sab it 
 
 For dress of king's self, 
 
 a good blue, weave a cloth 
 
 Blue wool, which to Elugar 
 
 was promised. One asked for by 
 
 Elugar, which now 
 
 Is needed. Eighty cloths 
 
 wool blue for 
 
 Elugar, which however 
 
 on credit. 
 
 Has been sent out this, to-day. 
 
 Twelve mana five shekels. 
 
 Silver by Elugar 
 
 (He has got it?). 
 
 This seems, therefore, to be the letter of a Babylonian 
 trader, buying the stuffs which, as we have seen, the 
 Assyrians prized among the spoils of Asia Minor. 
 
 Cappadgcian Text, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 
 
 1. Amur AN UT ana 
 
 2. Irisim GUM KASmala piam 
 
 3. sibani akhi tna 
 
 4. timnia Amur AN UT ma 
 
 5. AZAG I maiiaXI TU GAL 
 
 6. Riksavm su asakaln 
 
 7. KUGI iliga 
 
 8. Riltzim 
 
 9. Nakh riikzam 
 
 10. ma la rissasu ine abada 
 
 11. Akhi-na ma MIS 
 
 12. Assa ma irisu 
 
 13. Tatub Belli 
 
 14. Ana apitim 
 
 15. Ani aKAS 
 
 16. SA GUM DUES I nisit 
 
 17. GUM KAS rab itiib ni akhi- 
 
 ma 
 
 18. SAL. Pinisurim 
 
 19. sa asur sibukhiiii 
 
 20. Nitubin 
 
 21. SAL assiirap 
 
 22. GUM KAS LAL diib 
 
 23. SAL dati azir 
 
 24. GUM KAS asjir ista- 
 2q. kal 
 
 God knows about 
 
 The giving. The man twice spoke, 
 
 swearing to me, brother, this, 
 
 Thus. God knows it. 
 
 The silver, one mana, eleven 
 
 shekels, 
 Its total. I had weighed (it) 
 He took the gold. 
 Altogether, 
 
 It remained altogether. 
 But "They did not give it ever" 
 our brother has written, 
 This they had not given, 
 you assure, sir. 
 About the affair 
 I repeat. 
 The assurance. The man bore 
 
 letters 
 The man twice assured me, brother, 
 
 this. 
 The woman Pinisurim 
 That it was true, swore to me. 
 We were both satisfied. 
 I gave change to the woman. 
 The man made good a second sum. 
 I gave the woman all back. 
 The man, indeed, has twice 
 Paid. 
 
 This dispute explains why tablets were written in connec- 
 tion with such transactions, to be produced as evidence. 
 The Babylonian language, as we have seen, -was easily
 
 THE AKKADIAN LANGUAGE. 209 
 
 understood in Cilicia and in Cappadocia ; Ijut as these 
 letters are Babylonian and Semitic, they do not cast any 
 light on the Hittite. They are found in Cappadocia be- 
 cause they were sent there, to persons — probably Semitic 
 merchants — who provided stuffs and other articles of 
 native trade for Babylonian shops. 
 
 Having now reviewed all the available evidence affecting 
 the question of language in the regions under considera- 
 tion, we find that the known languages of the earlier 
 period were Mongol. They are, indeed, not more than 
 dialects of one great speech spoken by Sumcrians, Ak- 
 kadians, Kassites, and Hittites, as well as by smaller 
 tribes, about 2200 n.c. The Minyan is a somewhat 
 more advanced tongue of about 1500 n.c. The old 
 Medic has been thoroughly examined by Dr Oppert in 
 a special work, and need not be here further noticed. 
 It shows, however, the natural changes which had come 
 over the language by 500 u.c. Dr Oppert speaks of its 
 connection with Turkish, as Dr Hommel also compares 
 the latter with Akkadian. The Vannic, on the other 
 hand, is a later Iranian inflected dialect, which can 
 neither historically nor linguistically be expected to aid 
 us in recoverinsr the Hittite.
 
 '10 
 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 NOTES ON DEITIES AND MYTHS. 
 
 The close resemblances between the early pantheons of 
 various races are worthy of notice, the principal deities 
 being as below : — 
 
 Akkadian. Assyrian. Greek. Latin. Hindu. Egyptian. Syrian. 
 
 Heaven 
 
 An 
 
 Ihc 
 
 Ouranos 
 
 Ccelus 
 
 Braluna 
 
 Nut 
 
 El 
 
 Earth 
 
 Nana 
 
 Bcltu 
 
 Ge 
 
 Terra 
 
 Devi 
 
 Seb 
 
 Baalath 
 
 Ocean 
 
 Ea 
 
 Ea 
 
 Okeaftos 
 
 Neptune 
 
 Vishnu 
 
 Osiris 
 
 Dagon 
 
 Hell 
 
 Nergal 
 
 Bel 
 
 Hades 
 
 Pluto 
 
 Siva 
 
 Set 
 
 Baal 
 
 Sun 
 
 Taimmuz 
 
 Samas 
 
 Helios 
 
 Apollo 
 
 Krishna 
 
 Hams 
 
 Shamash 
 
 Moon 
 
 Istar 
 
 Astaratu 
 
 Artemis 
 
 Diana 
 
 Parvati 
 
 /sis 
 
 Ashtoreth 
 
 Air 
 
 Mer 
 
 Riinmon 
 
 Zeus 
 
 Jjtpitcr 
 
 Indra 
 
 Shu 
 
 Hadad 
 
 Herald 
 
 Ak 
 
 Ncbo 
 
 Hermes 
 
 Mercury 
 
 Agni 
 
 A nubis 
 
 Eshtnun 
 
 The figure of the goddess of Love is conspicuous among 
 the Aryans. The Hindu Venus is Parvati. Ashtoreth 
 partook of her character. There is also a male Moon-god 
 in some cases and a female Sun-god. The Semitic Sinn, 
 the Akkadian Aku, the Indian Chandra, the Egyptian 
 Thoth, are males. The Sun was female among Teutons 
 and other Aryans, and apparently among Arabs. Wives 
 were provided for the gods in addition, such as the in- 
 fernal goddess Ninkigal, a form of Beltu, the Greek Perse- 
 phone, Latin Proserpine, Hindu Durga, and in Egypt 
 Hathor, and Bast, who were wives of Set, and the latter 
 lion- or cat-headed. The Sun and Moon were the chil- 
 dren of Heaven, either brother and sister or husband and 
 wife. The fiery messengers of the gods, who are often
 
 Jupiter 
 
 . Ma7-duk . 
 
 Venus 
 
 Istar 
 
 Mercury 
 
 Nebo . 
 
 Mars 
 
 Nergal . 
 
 Saturn 
 
 Adar . 
 
 NOTES ON DEITIKS AND MYIUS. 211 
 
 mentioned as sent to Hades, may have been meteors. 
 The Semitic pantheon of later times converts many of the 
 ancient Akkadian deities into planets, which are identified 
 by classic authors : — 
 
 . emblems, the wheel and crown. 
 II cross and dove. 
 
 It caduceus. 
 
 M three-pronged spear. 
 
 II snake. 
 
 The thirty stars for the year were common to Babylon 
 and Egypt. 
 
 The name of Set is peculiar to Egypt and to the 
 Hittites. He appears to represent a very ancient god 
 in the Delta, and was worshipped, as noted, by the 
 Hyksos. As a god of night, and of the fiery region of 
 sunset and Hades, he partook of the savage nature of 
 Nergal. He was the enemy of the Sun, red-haired, evilly 
 disposed, the lord of the West (sunset) as Horus of the 
 East — the rising sun. He is described as lord of drought 
 and fire, and of the deserts. Evil plants and beasts were 
 created by him. Yet we have a representation of a 
 double-headed figure Set-Horus, and he was the brother 
 of the Sun. He is stated by Plutarch ^ to have been 
 represented with the head of an ass ; and the emblem of 
 Set is a remarkable monster, with a head long-eared like 
 Assyrian demons, whose ears are in some cases those of 
 an ass. Another form of his name was Sutek/ut, which 
 may be the Hyksos form meaning " Prince of Fire." A 
 statue of Set with human form comes from Egypt, the 
 head, which is injured, possibly representing an ass. 
 Among the Hittites Set was of primary importance as 
 " Lord of Heaven and Earth." His name does not seem 
 to occur among the Sumerians, where Nergal had the 
 same character, both as the fiery Sun and as ruler of 
 Hades and of the tomb. Nergal, liuwever, was lion- 
 headed. 
 
 The great antiquity of temples among the Asiatics is 
 
 1 Isis and Osiris, §§ 12, 22, 30, 31.
 
 212 APPENDIX III. 
 
 witnessed by the remains of Zirgul. Here Bau, " eldest 
 daughter of Heaven," was the chief goddess, and Gudea 
 speaks of her festival at the beginning of the year, the 
 gifts or sacrifices including calves, sheep, lambs, dates, 
 cream, palm-spathes, swans, cranes, &:c., with various robes. 
 The temple was even then ancient. Gudea ordained 
 annual offerings of wine, food, &c., by measurement. 
 He erected a temple on pure soil, where no tombs had 
 previously existed, showing a very early idea of unclean- 
 ness connected with death. 
 
 Pure water was as sacred as fire to the ancient Asiatics, 
 and the " water of life " is mentioned, both in Babylonia 
 and in Egypt, in connection with the unseen world of 
 Hades. A curious later text relates to the purchase of 
 holy water in Babylonia : — 
 
 "Sadunu has given to the Temple of the Sun ten 
 shekels of silver, the balance of five-sixths of a mana and 
 five shekels of silver, price of the water of the city of the 
 Sun ; in the month Sebat, first day ; the year of accession 
 of Nabonahid king of Babylon." 
 
 The antiquity of property belonging to temples is 
 illustrated by another text : — 
 
 " One [acre ?] of pure soil has been given to the Twin 
 God, opposite the sesame fields of the river Agarinnu. 
 Witness Amil Merra, the official of pastures. Fifth 
 day of the month Elul, the year after the accession of 
 Ammi-Zaduga." 
 
 This Semitic text, if not a later copy, is only a century 
 later than the oldest known (time of 'Ammurabi), and 
 dates about 2000 b.c.-^ 
 
 The religious texts are much more difiicult than the 
 historic, but those noticed in the first chapters are 
 rendered easier by being bilinguals, and are certainly 
 understood. In other cases we can only judge by the 
 apparent intelligibility of the result. The legend of 
 Adapa (or Adaru) has been very curiously interpreted, 
 but the result is not satisfactory. I have given my 
 ^ See Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, December 1895, April 1S97.
 
 NOTES OX DEITIES AND MYTHS. 21 3 
 
 rendering of this, and of the legend of Iris-ki-gal, in ihc 
 translation of the Tell Amarna tablets (second edition). 
 It has been thought that another tablet referred to the 
 same story; and a myth as to "breaking the wings of 
 the North Wind " was supposed to be connected with 
 Adapa. The word kappi ma)-, however, mean " deceits," 
 not "wings," and Adapa is not marked as a personal 
 name. 
 
 This tablet having been recopied, and being in itself 
 very interesting, may here be given : ^ — 
 
 (l) Uiiiii siiiikin (2) \_li?'\ikbi suniDia su ipipiis^ (3) \ina\ 
 asba istu kaibi sumina suit illama [/v?] (4) \cli\ j-lN Ann su 
 ipsit AN Ea sa kisisi ikhi/ia (5) tlani sa same ii irzitim mala 
 basil matum kiam litkJiu (6) . . . cibit sit \titinit ?\ cima cibit 
 AN Amt maiinii attar (7) \_AN Anii^ adapa istu isid same 
 ana elat same (8) . . . \sii\ palis-ma piiliikhta sit imitr (9) 
 . . . su AN A/nt sa adapa eli sii\J)it/itk/i]ta iskitn (10) . . . 
 ki sa AN Ea siibara su iskun (11) \AN A]/iu Bel ussu ana 
 arkat ume su pi sin it it [itu ?] (12) [u] mi at/a/>a zir amiluti 
 (13) . . . 7iisurak ana kappi suti isbiru (14) aiia same clu 
 silu u kiam (15) . . . sakan u sa linmis ana fiisi istaknu 
 (16) niurzu sa ina sumur 7iisi istaknu (17) yn{\atu AN 
 Beltu Karrak unakhkhu (18) \lib']ma simniu niurzii lismur 
 (19) . . . siiatu kliarbasu limkui ma (20) . . . sittit khitu la 
 isallal (21) \jna'\ lal pudu nit k libbi nisi . . . 
 
 The meaning appears to be somewhat as follows : — 
 
 "When one is made to give evidence let him say if he 
 himself has made oath from the heart. If he so informs 
 [you], he himself has spoken before God, Ea who guards 
 secrets, the gods of heaven and earth every one of them. 
 Is he then innocent ? His word is assured as the word 
 of God. Can he escape ? God who stretches from the 
 base of heaven to the top of heaven [and the depth] 
 beneath it knows his choice. [Watching] him, God who 
 stretches over him has fixed his [choice]. . . . Ea has 
 accordingly fixed his failure. God the mighty Lord has 
 uttered the word of fate for his latter day far off. The 
 
 ^ Given without translation. Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, Novcmlx-r 
 1S94.
 
 214 APPENDIX III. 
 
 contempt of men he is given ... for the deceits that 
 failed. He had invoked heaven above, and so it was 
 fixed, and that he shall remain wretchedly among men, 
 that he remain languishing in obscurity among men : 
 wherever the lady of Karak has been given an abode, 
 there let him expect plague and sickness. [For] this let 
 destruction smite him. Having [drunk ?] sin he shall not 
 escape. To accomplish corruption he wrought folly among 
 men. . . ." 
 
 This text, though it has nothing to do with any myth, 
 shows the religious feeling of the Semitic race as to the 
 sanctity of an oath.
 
 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 THE HITTITE SYLLABARY. 
 
 The syllabary is considered first, without any reference to 
 the inscriptions to be read. The values and sounds being 
 established, as far as possible, without considering the re- 
 sults on the readings, a foundation is formed by this means 
 which cannot be regarded as arbitrary. The comparisons 
 are, on the one hand, with what is called the " Asianic 
 syllabary," including the Cypriote syllables, and the extra 
 letters of the Lycian and Carian alphabets, which are 
 generally admitted to be of the same origin ; on the 
 other, by comparing the sounds and forms of the oldest 
 known Sumerian emblems. In some cases the sign runs 
 through all three systems, in others it is common only to 
 two. The syllables with a preceding vowel — such as a/>, 
 lb, lib — are not used in Cypriote, nor does that syllabary 
 contain any "closed" syllables — such as tar, hir, &c. 
 The Cypriote vowels take an unwritten n after them, 
 when needed. Thus anthropos, man, is spelt with <i 
 only, the « being no doubt sounded. 
 
 The Hittite emblems are taken from original copies of 
 the chief monuments. The cuneiform is from the Zirgul 
 texts, from the valuable work of MM. Amiaud and Mech- 
 ineau, and from photographs of certain lists of emblems. 
 The Cypriote is taken from the original paper of G. 
 Smith,^ with the subsequent plates of Dr Deecke, and 
 
 1 Trans. Bib. Arch. Soc, vol. i.
 
 2l6 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 from other sources. The oldest and most complete 
 forms have been used for comparison, the later rough 
 examples containing fewer lines and less formal shapes, 
 and thus, by the "law of least effort," having become 
 less distinguishable. 
 
 Considering first the commonest emblems, which are 
 evidently used as syllables, and not generally as " ideo- 
 grams " or signs denoting a particular word, we may com- 
 pare as follows. The emblems are shown as in lines 
 reading from the right, to compare properly with Ak- 
 kadian : — 
 
 No. I. A. A pot. In Akkadian a means " water " (Turkish 
 ya). The cuneiform a is a sign denoting water, similar 
 to the Egyptian n for water. The emblem compared is 
 one of the extra letters of the Carian script with the value 
 a. The water-pot stands for water, but is used for the 
 syllable a, in all cases. 
 
 No. 2. E. A spear. The sign compared is an extra letter of 
 both Carian and Lycian, with the sound r, or short a. It 
 probably signifies " missile," from a common root mean- 
 ing " to move." 
 
 No. 3. I. Probably "No. i." The old Greek texts use the 
 Phoenician yod for this letter, but in Carian and Lycian 
 the straight stroke — probably No. i — is used, and may 
 be the true original of the Roman letter. In some of the 
 extant Mongol dialects i is "one." 
 
 No. 4. O, represents an herb. The Cypriote has the sound 0, 
 and also ho. In Akkadian ?/ is an herb. 
 
 No. 5. U. The most complete Cypriote form is given. Its 
 sound is it. The emblem appears to be a flower. Prob- 
 ably from the same Akkadian word u. See No. 4. 
 
 No. 6. BA. The Cypriote does not distinguish ba from pa 
 (see No. 51). The cuneiform ba represents a "shrine" 
 or pyramid. 
 
 No. 7. BE. The Cypriote gives us only /^ (see No. 52). The 
 cuneiform sign has the values be, bat, and iis^ and is used 
 for "death," " blood," iS:c. The pictorial meaning of the 
 sign is doubtful. It seems to be the forked tongue of a 
 serpent. 
 
 No. 8. BI. A bottle. The Cypriote sign is not common, and 
 has the sound j^^it', be, pi, or bi. The cuneiform sign signi- 
 fies "drink." It has also the sounds kas, cup (perha'ps 
 Semitic), and ul or vil. It seems to have been -early con-
 
 THE HITTITE SYLLABARY. 217 
 
 fused with the sign for "two" (two horizontal strokes). 
 See No. 107 and No. 33. 
 No. 9. BO. The emblem seems to be a whip, such as is still 
 used by Tartars, and represented on Assyrian monuments. 
 The root bid in Turkisii is connected witii words for 
 "cord." The Cypriote sign compared is used for bo 
 and po. 
 No. 10. AB. Does not occur in Cypriote. The emblem com- 
 pared in cuneiform signifies a "house." It is apparently 
 one of the huts which take the place of tents among 
 Mongol nomads. Several compounds can be made by 
 placing signs inside the hollow of the hut (see Nos. 89 
 and 153), which confirm the comparison. 
 No. II. IB. The sound is conjectural. The sign is a cord. 
 The word ib in Akkadian and Turkish means "to bind." 
 The sound appears to suit the occurrence of the sign. 
 No. 12. UB. The Cypriote sign has the sound ^^i/ as usually 
 understood, but is not that commonly used for the pur- 
 pose. The cuneiform sign has the sounds 11b, it, and ru, 
 but its graphic meaning is not known. It may mean 
 " hollow." 
 No. 13. GA, KA. The Cypriote sign has both sounds. The 
 emblem is conventional, but might represent a reed in 
 water. The cuneiform is a bulrush with the sounds ga 
 and de. 
 No. 14. GE, KE. The sounds are from the Cypriote. The 
 emblem is not clear, but may be phallic (compare No. 43), 
 and connected with ka, male. 
 No. 15. GI, KI. The Hittite emblem, compared with the 
 • Cypriote, is rare, but seems to represent some plant (pos- 
 sibly a corn-ear). The cuneiform sign has the sounds, i,--/ 
 and sa, and stands for a "stalk" or a "reed" of any 
 plant. 
 No. 16. GO, KO. The Hittite sign resembles the high caps 
 on the monuments, but it may only indicate a cone or 
 pyramid. This seems to be supported by the compounds 
 formed (see Nos. 88, 90, 147), which compare with cunei- 
 form. The sign appears to mean " high," as in 'l"urkish 
 speech, and probably in Akkadian. The comparison with 
 the Cypriote is evident. 
 No. 17. GU, KU, KUM. A similar emblem to the last. It 
 may be a crown. The cuneiform emblem has the sounds 
 ku and ku/n, meaning " top," " height," and also ri\ to rise. 
 The Cypriote comparison gives the sounds,^//, ku. 
 No. 18. AG, AK. This is not found in Cypriote. In Carian 
 the emblem shown has the sound .if, and the cuneiform .i.Y 
 signifies perhaps " hollow." The .Akkadian ak means " to
 
 2i8 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 twist" or " bend," and the sound has that value in Turkish 
 speech. 
 
 No. 19. IG, IK. The cuneiform emblem ik,gal, seems to be 
 a key. It signifies "to open." That keys were an ancient 
 invention is shown by a bilingual text in Assyrian and 
 Akkadian. 
 
 The sound 7ik seems to be absent. In cuneiform it is 
 only denoted by a compound emblem. 
 
 No. 20. KHA. This is apparently absent as yet in Hittite, 
 and is not known in Cypriote. The cuneiform kha is a 
 "fish." 
 
 No. 21. KHE. The meaning of the Cypriote sign is not clear. 
 The Hittite sign compared is rare. In cuneiform the 
 sound is only denoted by a compound emblem. 
 
 No. 22. KHI. The cuneiform sign appears to be a vase, with 
 which the Hittite v^ase is compared. The cuneiform seems 
 to stand for "receptacle," and signifies "measure." It 
 forms compounds not used in Hittite, which, however, 
 show its original character. 
 
 No. 23. KHU. A bird. The cuneiform khic means both 
 "bird" and "prince" (the eagle being a royal sign, and 
 the sound kJm meaning "illustrious"); it has also the 
 sound ^a/v-, bird. The emblem is only used in Hittite for 
 one word (meaning apparently "prince") as a rule. The 
 eagle is also the emblem of a deity in Hittite seal texts. 
 
 No. 24. YA. The Cypriote sign is sometimes round, some- 
 times triangular, with the sound ^^7. The Hittite sign is 
 rare. The xoo\s ya, a, and ai signify " bright." In Akka- 
 dian the sounds are i and ya. In Turkish we have ai, 
 white, and ai or ye, moon (Akkadian aa), connected with 
 the idea of light. There is a similar sign in cunei- 
 form for "light," but it has other sounds, such as bir, 
 light ; lakh, pure ; and nap, daylight. The emblem prob- 
 ably is the full moon, as is shown by the cuneiform com- 
 pound in which bir, with the sign for 30 inside, is the 
 " month." 
 
 No. 25. YE. This is doubtful, but the nearest Cypriote com- 
 parison available for the Hittite emblem of a snake. The 
 cuneiform snake emblem has the sounds sir and nius, but 
 ye ("the crawler") may be an old word for snake as well. 
 
 No. 26. LA. The Hittite seems to be a tablet. The sign is 
 rare, and the Cypriote comparison doubtful, but la or laii 
 was an Akkadian word for " tablet." 
 
 No. 27. LE. The bull. In Akkadian le is one of the words 
 for the bull emblem, others being am, gut, and khar : the 
 first (Turkish on^, to bellow) means "bull" ; gut means 
 "mighty" (Turkish got); and khar may mean "cattle.'
 
 THE HITTITE SYLLABARY. 219 
 
 Probably the Hittite sign may have had some of these 
 sounds as well as the sound Ic derived from the Cypriote. 
 See No. 39. 
 
 No. 28. LL The Hittite sign points the opposite way to uttt 
 (No. 154) — that is to say, away from the beginning of the 
 lines. The sound is taken from the Cypriote. The mean- 
 ing is not clear. The cuneiform sign has the sound la. 
 The cuneiform // is represented by a compound emblem, 
 not found in Hittite. 
 
 No. 29. LO. The Hittite, as compared with the Cypriote, 
 probably like the cuneiform, shows some kind of tablet 
 \lau) : the sound is found in Cypriote. The emblem is 
 uncommon. Compare No. 117, also a tablet. 
 
 No. 30. LU. The yoke. The Cypriote /u : the cuneiform has 
 the sounds /// and /a/, and means " yoke" and "restraint." 
 It is used (Tell Amarna tablets) for "government." 
 
 No. 31. AL. Two legs running. The cuneiform has the 
 sound «/, to return, also du, to go. The Turkish ya/, to 
 hasten, run quickly, may be compared. The sign clearly 
 means "run." In Egyptian two legs also stand for the 
 determinative of verbs of motion. 
 
 No. 32. IL. This pot (see No. i) is distinguished by having 
 no marks inside it such as a has. The cuneiform ///, //, 
 /, «/, or za/ — for it has all these sounds — is clearly a pot. 
 The Hittite sound is doubtful. In cuneiform z7 is only 
 otherwise represented by compound signs not found in 
 Hittite. 
 
 No. S3. UL. This is one of the sounds of the cuneiform sign 
 for "two." The common sign in that character (u/, star) 
 is a compound not found in Hittite (namely, the sky sign 
 and the bull, meaning " heavenly bull," or simply //-/<? 
 taken syllabically for "star"). The sound of the Hittite 
 is doubtful. Compare Nos. 8 and 107. 
 
 No. 34. MA, VA. This seems to be a compound from No. 
 10, and the Cypriote ;/;cr and va are closely similar to 
 each other, and also to the Lycian -Ufa. The exact sign 
 is found at Bulgar Maden in one of the latest Hittite texts.^ 
 The cuneiform ma signifies "house," "home," "abode," 
 and in Mongolic languages we find ma, mi, mit for 
 "land," "earth," &c. Compare No. 153. 
 
 No. 35. ME. The sound is taken from Cypriote. The pic- 
 torial meaning of the sign is not clear. 
 
 No. 36. MI. The sound is taken from the Cypriote. The 
 sign may represent two hills. See Nos. 34 and 1 1 1. 
 
 No. yj. MO. The ktcis, mentioned by Herodotus (ii. 106) as 
 occurring on Syrian monuments. The cuneiform emblem 
 is the same, and is the determinative for "woman." Its
 
 220 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 sounds are niitk, sal, rak, Sac. The sound vio belongs to 
 the Cypriote emblem. 
 
 No. 38. MU. A tree, sometimes with fruit shown, sometimes 
 without. In the Ugric languages mit is a word for " tree." 
 The cuneiform vui may also be supposed to be a tree. 
 The sound is taken from the Cypriote. 
 
 No. 39. AM. The bull (see No. 27), but somewhat differently 
 represented with larger horns. The cuneiform sound a)n 
 is usually represented, not by the simple sign for bull, but 
 with the sign kiir, country, inside, and meaning the wild 
 bull (rendered 7-inm in Assyrian), which was found till 
 the seventh century in Assyria. Its bones {Bos prifiii- 
 geftiits) occur in bone-caves near Beirut. The sign may 
 also have the sound ati, as the ;;z, v, and 7c are little 
 distinguished in Akkadian. 
 
 No. 40. IM. This seems at present missing in Hittite. The 
 cuneiform sign is supposed to be a "sail," and iiii meant 
 "wind." In Egyptian we tind the sign "sail" for 
 "breath.'' It is remarkable that in Hittite there seems 
 to be no sign for sea, or for fish, and only a doubtful one 
 (No. 119) for boat. They were an inland people. The 
 Sumerians had all these four signs. 
 
 No. 41. UM. This is a tablet or monument. The cuneiform 
 has also the sounds dub and Jims, and signifies "docu- 
 ment," "tablet," &c. 
 
 No. 42. NA. This seems to be a compound, and is a rare 
 sign. In Akkadian na means "to go forward" (and 
 apparently in ]\Iinyan also), while the foot is here shown 
 moving forward. The sound is from the Cypriote. 
 
 No. 43. NE. Another phallic sign. The cuneiform sign na 
 is believed to be also of this character. N'a signifies 
 " he " in the ancient and in the modern Mongol languages. 
 The sound 7ie is from the Cypriote. 
 
 No. 44. NI. The sound is from the Cypriote. The sign is 
 not common, but on the Babylonian bowl it has exactly 
 the Cypriote form. The pictorial meaning is not clear. 
 
 No. 45. NO. This is not yet known in Hittite texts. It may 
 stand for the negative (Akkadian ?i!(). The cuneiform 
 sign means "opposition"; its ordinar}- values are kitr 
 (probably " contrary "), and dab or pap, against. The 
 Cypriote has the sound 7io. 
 
 No. 46. NU, NUN. The cuneiform sign signifies "prince." 
 The Cypriote may be derived from the tiara, which on 
 the Hittite texts appears to stand for "king." 
 
 No. 47. AN. The sign is a star. It occurs in Cypriote with 
 the sounds a and an. The cuneiform is the, same, and 
 a five-rayed star occurs also in Egypt, sometimes mean-
 
 THE HITTITE SYLLAHAI'V. j:i 
 
 ing " deity," though not the usual sij^r.. 1,,^. r,i.u .-i/.-i 
 in cuneiform is the determinative for deity. On one oi' 
 the Hittite seals from Aidin, in Lydia, a cleily sits on a 
 throne marked with a star (the compound emblem throne 
 and star stands for Be/ in cuneiform). In this case the 
 determinative for deity appears to be established for the 
 Hittite. 
 
 No. 48. EN. The throne. In cuneiform it means "lord," 
 and is probably also so used in Hittite. 
 
 No. 49. IN. The Hittite is compared with the cuneiform— 
 a vase with plants. The Cypriote has the sounds / and 
 //I, but the comparison may be doubtful. 
 
 No. 50. UN. The Cypriote has the sounds // and ;/;/. This 
 is another word for " lord," and may be represented by 
 the tall cap. 
 
 No. 51. PA, BA. In Cypriote the sign has both sounds. In 
 cuneiform it \s/>a and pam^pav or pan. It appears to be 
 a plant with leaves, but is used for the verb "to proclaim." 
 Pa is also supposed to mean "leaf" or "plant" in 
 Akkadian. 
 
 No. 52, PE, BE. The sound is from Cypriote. The meaning 
 of the emblem is uncertain. It may be an augurs crook, 
 from the root tb, or bt\ bend, bind; or perhaps an outline 
 of the "ear" — Akkadian//, ear. 
 
 No. 53. PI, BI. The Hittite sign is a suffix to nouns. The 
 Cypriote may represent two small crooks or hooks (see 
 No. 52). It appears to stand for the nominative definite 
 (" the"). Both sounds belong to the Cypriote emblem. 
 
 No. 54. PU, BU. The bud. The sounds are from the Cy- 
 priote. The cuneiform emblem is the same. The root 
 pit signifies " to grow," hence " to be long." The cunei- 
 form sign is also used for "young," and pit is a common 
 word I'or growing things. In Finnic///// is a "child." 
 In some variants of this sign the stalk is longer than in 
 others. This variation also is found in the Cypriote///. 
 
 No. 55. RA. The Cypriote sign shown represents the most 
 complete examples: it was more rudely sketched later, 
 with a single vertical line. This sign presents the same 
 variants in Hittite. As shown at lasili-Kaia, it seems to 
 represent a human figure with a' large head. It occurs 
 on Phoenician and other monuments (as far west as Car- 
 thage) as a luck sign. The cuneiform sign cri means a 
 common man, a " slave," or a " worshipper." In Turkish 
 cr is the common word for " man." 
 
 No. 56. RE. The sound is from the Cypriote. The sign may 
 represent rays descending from the firmament. In Ak- 
 kadian r/ means " bright " and " high," and also "servant "
 
 222 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 (like cri, see No. 55). The cuneiform sign is ;-/, ku, 
 bright, precious. 
 
 No. 57. RI. The comparison with both Cypriote and cunei- 
 form seems to establish the sound. The meaning of the 
 sign pictorially is not clear. The compound (No. 60) also 
 confirms this view. The cuneiform sign means "bright," 
 "high," " firmament," &c. It has also the sounds /«/, di, 
 cs, and sa. 
 
 No. 58. RO. Probably a spear-head. The sound is from the 
 Cypriote. The cuneiform r;7 or ru7n signifies a cutting 
 instrument, "sword," "plough," &c. The broadsword 
 shown on some Hittite sculptures has a blade like this 
 sign. The cuneiform has also the sounds g'l'r, to cut 
 (Turkish c/a'r), and af, probably "to strike," or "to hurl" 
 (Turkish «/, zY). 
 
 No. 59. RU. The sound is from Cypriote, and the emblem is 
 found exactly on some of the more sketchy incised Hittite 
 texts. The pictorial meaning is not evident. 
 
 No. 60. AR. A combination of No. 57 and No. 65. It only 
 occurs once. The common sign for ar in cuneiform 
 presents the same combination. 
 
 No. 61. ER, ERI. The sound is taken from the bilingual 
 boss of Tarkutimme. The cuneiform z> may be the 
 same. It signifies "fruit" and "spoil," and is rendered 
 .f«-i\r/ apparently in Akkadian. The emblem may repre- 
 sent a basket for fruit. In Egyptian the fruit-basket is a 
 well-known sign. 
 
 No. 62. UR. The cuneiform sign represents a foot or hoof, 
 and has that meaning. This foot is turned in the oppo- 
 site direction to No. 78 (perhaps a/, see No. 31). 
 
 No. 63. SA. The sound is from the Cypriote. It represents 
 a sickle or other cutting instrument. The roots sa, sar, 
 and sap have the meaning "cut" in Mongol speech. 
 
 No. 64. SE. The extended hand. In Akkadian se, sev, and 
 sent mean "to give," "to be favourable" (Turkish sev, 
 favour), and hence "to be well inclined" to any one. 
 The sound is from the Cypriote. The hand is extended 
 as a mark of favour on many bas-reliefs and gems. 
 
 No. 65. SI. The sound from the Cypriote is confirmed by the 
 cuneiform comparison, the sign in the latter script mean- 
 ing "see" (Akkadian and old Medic), "eye," &c. It has 
 also the sound tgi, probably for " eye," from the root ak or 
 ik, to see. The Hittite may represent an eye. It is used 
 sometimes syllabically, but often (at the top of a line) is 
 apparently a determinative. The Akkadian si, Medic sia, 
 a place, may show this to be the sign of place in Hittite. 
 
 No. 66. SO. The sound is from the Cypriote comparison.
 
 THE IIITTITE SYLLAHARY. 223 
 
 The sign represents a sceptre or plant luld in the iiand, 
 and appears to indicate "power." In Akkadian su has 
 that meaning. The cuneitorm sign has the sounds sul 
 and nun, meaning "power," "lord," &c. 
 
 No. 67. SU. This is perhaps only a variant of the preceding. 
 The cuneiform sign compared has the sound sit. 
 
 No. 68. AS.' It is doubtful if this is found in Hiitite. The 
 meaning of the cuneiform sign is obscure. The sign for 
 "one" (see No. 3) has also the sound as in Akkadian. 
 
 No. 69. ES. The sign for " No. 3," but with a stroke to show 
 the difference. It appears to be used for "many," and as 
 a syllable. The Akkadian cs or cssa, three, is found as 
 its in some of the Turkish dialects. 
 
 No. 70. IS. The sound is taken from the bilingual seal in 
 the Ashmolean. The sign is the head of an ass. In 
 Turkish isik or esek is the "ass." The name of this 
 animal is supposed to occur widely with similar sounds, 
 such as ass., aslnus, &c., in Aryan speech, and atJton in 
 Hebrew. 
 
 No. 71. US. Apparently a monumental stone. In Akkadian 
 we have its^ basis (Turkish cs). The cuneiform sign sig- 
 nifies "male"; and in like manner, in Semitic speech, 
 sikr is both a " male" and a " memorial." In some cases 
 in the Hittite this sign is attached to personal names or 
 titles. It appears to be used as the determinative of such 
 names. 
 
 No. 72. DA. The Cypriote does not distinguish d from / (see 
 No. 76), and the same applies to a certain extent in Ak- 
 kadian. The emblem is the hand raised in the attitude 
 of taking an oath — as shown on seals, &c. — and is the 
 same as in the cuneiforn da, w^hich means "to compel." 
 
 No. Tl- DE. The Hittite sign is a flame, and is compared 
 with the cuneiform de, a flame, the latter emblem having 
 other sounds, such as bil, ne, &c., also meaning "fire" 
 (compare the altar-flame in No. 92). 
 No. 74. DI, DIM. The sound is taken from the bilingual 
 boss of Tarkudimme. The cuneiform di, div, dim ap- 
 pears to be the same. The pictorial meaning is uncer- 
 tain. The sign is explained by various abstract terms, 
 such as "peace," "rest," &c. ; but none of them shows its 
 origin — perhaps a "seal." „ 
 
 No. 75. DU, RA. The foot. It is used for "go," "come, 
 "become," &c., and is clearly the same as the cuneiform. 
 There is a variant showing the leg, both in cuneitorm and 
 in Hittite, which has the same sounds, but seems more 
 particularly used for "go," while the foot is smiply a 
 syllable.
 
 224 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 No. 76. TA, DA. The sound is from the Cypriote. The 
 hand and stick probably mean "beat," "compel," as in 
 Egyptian. The root da^ tan, in Akkadian means "to 
 drive," "to cause" (Turkish at, drive). 
 
 No. TJ. TE, DE. The sound is from Cypriote, te and de not 
 being distinguished. The emblem appears to show grass 
 or a sprout. The word te signifies "to grow," "to be- 
 come," in Akkadian. The cuneiform has the sound te, 
 but the comparison is doubtful. 
 
 No. 78. TI, DI, TIL. The sound is from the Cypriote (//, di). 
 The cuneiform is an arrow with the sounds ti, til; it is 
 used for the word " life " {til and //« in Akkadian, Turkish 
 ///, live ; tin, life). 
 
 No. 79. TO, TUK. The sounds to and do belong to the 
 Cypriote. The cuneiform sign tiik, to take, have, possess, 
 is apparently the same as the Hittite, representing the 
 hand taking hold (Turkish tek, touch). 
 
 No. 80. TU, TUM. The sounds tu and dii belong to the 
 Cypriote sign. The cuneiform ///, tuv, tiiiii closely re- 
 sembles the Hittite, and means "to make," "found," 
 "be," "protect." 
 
 No. 81. AD, AT. The two legs opposed. Compare the Turk- 
 ish at, to stride. The cuneiform at may also represent 
 the legs striding. The sign is used for "father" in Ak- 
 kadian (Turkish ata, father). 
 
 No. 82. ID, IT. The sign is rare in Hittite. In cuneiform 
 it is found on a list of very ancient signs with the meaning 
 "hand." The more usual cuneiform sign for id'xs a com- 
 pound from No. J2,da. Id also means "power," hence 
 the closed fist is represented in the Hittite, a common 
 gesture in the East for " strength " — as indeed in England. 
 
 No. 83. UD, UT. The Hittite emblem is found both as a 
 lozenge and as a circle, with distinguishing marks the 
 same in both. The cuneiform sign stands for the sun, 
 and has many sounds. Ud, day (Mongolian i(dt, day) ; 
 tarn, sun ; par, bright (Turkish bor, white); lakh, bright; 
 khis, glowing (Turkish kJiis, glow) ; sal or zal, shining 
 (Turkish chal, shine, Finnic, sal)\ also sain, probably 
 " sun." Hence the names of the Kassite god Sam for the 
 sun, and of the goddess Sala, the shiner. The same 
 sounds may apply to the Hittite sun-emblem. 
 
 No. 84. VE or i\IE. The sound is from the Cypriote, but 
 the pictorial meaning is doubtful. 
 
 No. 85. VO or MO. The sound is from the Cypriote. The 
 emblem is a head, and may represent the Akkadian nitc 
 or vji, to regard. 
 
 No. 86. ZA. Four strokes, " No. 4." The cuneiform stands
 
 THE HITTITE SYLLAl'.ARV. 2?.'s 
 
 for the numeral, with the sound ca or s<i. In the Vcncssci 
 Mongolian shcya is "four." 
 
 No. 87. ZO. The Cypriote sound is given. The cuneiform 
 has the sounds sini or siivt, also Itiin or ltn\ and khin' or 
 khuDi. The pictorial meaning is not clear. Perhaps 
 "lightni,ng" is intended. The word luv probably means 
 "to burn" (old Medic Inva), and su means "fire" in 
 various Mongol dialects. 
 
 No. 88. ZU. The sign appears to represent a stepped pyra- 
 mid. In cuneiform it has the sounds zu and la. There 
 is no known sound for zi in Cypriote, and the cuneiform 
 zi does not seem to be recognisable in Hittite. 
 
 Thus far we have 85 Hittite signs (in absence of kha, 
 im, and no) for simple syllables, including all those com- 
 monly used in Cypriote. In 58 cases they compare with 
 the cuneiform. Others might be established if the pic- 
 torial meanings of the signs were more clearly indicated 
 in the two systems. We now proceed to consider the 
 "closed" syllables and "ideograms," which are not used 
 in Cypriote with a few exceptions. 
 
 No. 89. AGU or AKA. The cuneiform sign represents a hut 
 with fire inside, but the meaning is "high," "exalted." 
 The Hittite sign only occurs twice. The sign may signify 
 a shining head-dress or crown, connected with oka or 
 aga, chief ("high" or "illustrious," from ak, "high" and 
 "bright," as in Turkish), and may be compared with the 
 Turkish agha, chief. The name Aku for the Moon-god 
 also means "the shiner." The sound tuvi also belongs 
 to this cuneiform emblem, but is probably Semitic, mean- 
 ing "height"— whence the places called Ramah in the 
 Bible. 
 
 No. 90. AGU. Perhaps a variant of the precedmg. The 
 sound is conjectural, but the sign seems to be a derivative 
 from No. 16, Ko, having a cross within it (No. 92) which 
 has the sound bar, meaning "shining." The words cga, 
 aka, a^ie, crown (see No. 91), may be connected, all these 
 signs meaning "high," and when connected with included 
 emblems for 'light, "illustrious" (Turkish ak, high; ak, 
 bright). f 
 
 No. 91. AMA. This seems also to represent some kind 01 
 high head-dress. It is compared with the cuneiform sign 
 ante, ega, or mir, signifying " crown " or " turban.' 
 
 No. 92. BAR. The Hittite sign seems to represent an altar 
 
 P
 
 226 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 with a flame on it. It is compared with the cuneiform 
 sign bar^ also having the sound sar, and meaning "altar,"' 
 "sacrifice," as well as "king" or "prince." The Hittite 
 is too common to be merely used pictorially, and is ap- 
 parently employed as a syllable for ba?-, to be. The words 
 ^ar or /rtr (bright) in Akkadian, and sar (bright), which 
 is the Turkish sa7-a^ bright, are explained by the emblem 
 which represents the fire kindled on the altar. 
 
 No. 93. BAR. The cuneiform sign has also the sound mas, 
 and signifies "division," "half." It is used for several 
 abstract terms, such as bar, people ; bar, future ; mas, 
 spirit, (Sec; and for the god Bar, otherwise called Mas, 
 bright, KJii, holy, and Ninib, the lord, which in the 
 Semitic translation is Bel, lord, and Adar, illustrious. 
 This is a good instance of how far from the original 
 meaning the later signification of a sign may be. It ap- 
 pears to indicate, by a cross, something cut in two. For 
 the meanings given we may compare the Turkish bar, 
 live; bar, people; bor, white or shining; and {ox mas \\^ 
 have bis, to divide ; for mas, illustrious, has, high. The 
 sign is much used in cuneiform, but very rare in Hittite. 
 
 No. 94. BUR. A bowl. The comparison may be doubtful. 
 The Hittite sign is only as yet found once. The sound 
 piir, to pour out, may be connected. 
 
 No. 95. DAN. The emblem resembles those carried by the 
 gods as sceptres at lasili-Kaia. It seems to represent some 
 kind of branch. In the Nimrud gallery of the British 
 Museum (No. 78) is a priest holding a branch of flowers 
 (compare Ezek. viii. 17), and the emblem is clearly re- 
 ligious. The cuneiform sign has the sounds daii, kal, 
 lab, &c., meaning " strong," "great," " heroic," &c. (Com- 
 pare Nos. 66, 67.) 
 
 No. 96. GA, GAM. The sign is compared with a rare Cypri- 
 ote emblem, having the sounds /vz and ga. In Akkadian 
 ga, bend ; gam, subdue, conquer,* may be compared 
 (Turkish, jam, bend). The Hittite sign is a liluiis or 
 crook. Compare No. 18. 
 
 No. 97. GAR, ZA. The Hittite sign seems to be a quiver. 
 The cuneiform _|^rtr, sa, za, may be the same, signifying a 
 "receptacle" or "enclosure," and also used for the 
 Semitic irba, four (^za in Akkadian, see No. 86). In 
 Akkadian uz is a "quiver." 
 
 No. 98. GIZ, IZ. The cuneiform is a block of wood, and 
 used as the determinative for vegetable objects (Turkish 
 
 * The original form of the cuneiform gam is unknown, but was 
 probaVjly a crook.
 
 THE iinnrE syllahakv. 227 
 
 I'se, stick), /c also signified a "record" or *' proLi.iiu.i- 
 tion " in Akkadian. 
 
 No. 99. GO, GON. The sound is taken from a rare Cypriote- 
 sign. The hand bears a "mace," like those noticed in 
 the text as peculiar sceptres of the Hittites, and of cog- 
 nate tribes, and shown on their monuments. Tlie cune- 
 iform sign has the sounds /■//;/, pa, and /■//<//, and meant 
 "sceptre." It was also used for /•//<//, dawn (P'innic and 
 Akkadian). The words ^f^^ and g-on signified "royalty" 
 (Akkadian, /cu, ge, kiai, khu, kliun, k/ia, khan, kan, are 
 all words for "prince" : Turkish, kan, khan, chief). The 
 word kun also meant " day," " dawn " (Turkish, giin^ day), 
 and /(J apparently a "stick." 
 
 No. 100. GU. The Hittite is a head differing from No. 85, 
 and commonly used as a verb at the end of texts. The 
 cuneiform has the sounds gu, ka, du, &c., and means 
 "face," "mouth," "speak," ^c. (Turkish chau, call out). 
 In Mongolian we find agui, mouth ; gc, speak ; and in 
 Finnish kai, cry out; /'/, speech. That the cuneiform 
 represented a head is shown by No. 129, of which it is a 
 modification. 
 
 No. loi. GUG. The ram's head. In cuneiform the sign has 
 the meaning " ram " or "sheep," and appears to be con- 
 nected with the well-known symbol for Aries. In Turkish 
 koch is "ram." Guk also in Akkadian meant "to make 
 war," "to fight." 
 
 No. 102. GUR, GA. The Hittite sign is rare. The cuneiform 
 has the sounds gur and ga, but the meaning is not clear. 
 The comparison is doubtful. 
 
 No. 103. This seems to be a compound of No. 3 (I), and No. 
 18 (AK). It is used as a prefix, and seems to be the con- 
 junction. In old Medic iak means "and." 
 
 No. 104. KAR. The original meaning of the cuneiform is 
 not known. 
 
 No. 105. KAR or KIR. Apparently a fortress with two doors. 
 Sometimes (as also in cuneiform) roads are marked up to 
 the doors. It clearly signifies an enclosure. The cunei- 
 form sign has many sounds {kir, gar, khil, &.C.), meaning 
 "enclosure," and it forms compounds showing its char- 
 acter (see No. 157). In Mongolian ^^<zr means "house." 
 
 No. 106. KAS. A knife or dagger. The cuneiform emblem 
 is apparently a sword {kas or gaz), and means "to smite," 
 "slay." 
 
 No. 107. KAS. The cuneiform kas has also the sound di, and 
 means " two." Turkish kos, a pair. 
 
 No. 108. KAT. The sound is conjectural. The hand in this 
 attitude is shown on monuments, apparently meaning "to
 
 228 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 be propitious." In Egyptian the attitude has the same 
 meaning. Aklcadian kat, hand (Finnic kat, hand), 
 and kat, good fortune (Turkish khut, luck). The sign is 
 a rare one. 
 
 No. 109. KAZIN. The emblem is a hare, and may be used 
 to mean "swift." In Akkadian kazin or kasifina is the 
 hare (a word curiously like the Sanskrit cactn for the 
 "hare," from the root kas, to speed). The sign only 
 occurs once on the Mer'ash lion. 
 
 No. no. KIP. The cuneiform is used for "region." 
 
 No. III. KUR. Mountains. The cuneiform signifies "moun- 
 tain" and "country," and a similar sign for "land" is 
 used in Egyptian. In Turkish we find kera, land, and in 
 Finnic kor, mountain. 
 
 No. 112. KURU. This is a compound of Nos. 65 and 83. 
 In cuneiform it has the sound kurtt, and means either an 
 "overseer" (from kur, lord) or " propitious." It may also 
 be read si-lakh^ "of glorious appearance" (contrast si-ur. 
 No 114, "of vile appearance"). 
 
 No. 113. KHIR. The sound is provisional, meaning "to 
 write." The emblem shows the graving tool in the 
 hand. 
 
 No. 1 14. KHUL. The sign is a demon's head with long ears 
 — in one case a goat's horn — and with a protruding 
 tongue. It evidently means an evil being, demon, enemy, 
 &c. (Turkish ^/^c///, devil). The cuneiform sign is pro- 
 bably not the same, but a compound of j/, appearance, 
 and iir or lig, dog. It has the sound khiil, meaning 
 "bad," "enemy," &c. 
 
 No. 115. LIG. The head of a dog with lolling tongue. 
 The cuneiform lig, " dog," ur, probably " lion," and tas 
 (contender), means also "enemy" — the Asiatics, like the 
 Egyptians, always calling their enemies " dogs." 
 
 No. 116. LIT, L AT. The cuneiform is a sign for "month," 
 and for Ak, probably "moon." It has the sounds ab and 
 tc as well. 
 
 No. 117. LU. Compare No. 29. The cuneiform sign means 
 "tablet," and is also used for dib, tablet; ///, flock; dib, 
 sheep, and for "spoil," &c. 
 
 No. 118. LUL. This only occurs once, and the sound is 
 provisional. It seems to be a fawn's head. In Akkadian 
 //// is a " deer " and a " ruler." 
 No. 119. MA. The cuneiform sign for a ship. Its occurrence 
 
 on one Hittite seal is doubtful. 
 No. 120. MAKH. A person seated, and in one case perhaps 
 holding a sceptre. In cuneiform the sign has this sound, 
 and means "great" and "prince" (Turkish ?nak/i, great).
 
 THE HITTlTi: SVLLAliARY. 22() 
 
 No. 121. ME. The cuneiroim si.<;n of this souiu. ..^...... . 
 
 "battle," repiesciiling two foes and a central object ol 
 dispute. The Hittite shows two devils or foes (No. 1 14) 
 round a city (No. 153), sij^nifyin^ either "battle" or 
 "siege." There is a similar emijlem in Ejjypiian. 
 
 No. 122. ME. The sign is found on the bilingual boss of 
 Tarkutlmme with this sound. In old Babylonian a group 
 of four strokes stands for the plural, and in Egyptian 
 three strokes have the same meaning. The Hittite 
 differs from No. 86. It is a suffi.x, and as numerals 
 precede nouns it cannot mean "four." The sound i/te 
 for the plural (as well as fw or e/ic) occurs in the Ak- 
 kadian. 
 
 No. 123. MI. The Hittite sign occurs only once. The 
 cuneiform comparison is doubtful. The latter sign means 
 "dark," "night," the "west," and has also the sound jf/j?-, 
 shade, sunset, illness (Turkish ^I'c/ie, evening; Finnic 
 h'ce, ill). 
 
 No. 124. NUM. The head probably of a wolf. The cunei- 
 form nu//i, mm, means "wolf," but is also used for 
 " high," "heaven" (Samoyed ;////;/, heaven), and for /lu/n, 
 to engrave. 
 
 No. 125. RA. The cuneiform sign ra, sa, means "to irrigate," 
 and show-s a field and a water-channel. It is also used 
 for ra, to enlarge, to possess. The Hittite sign may have 
 the same meaning. 
 
 No. 126. RAT, SIT. Only found doubtfully on one Hittite 
 seal. The cuneiform has the meaning of an "arc." 
 
 No. 127. RIM. The cuneiform sign, which has also the 
 sounds cadar and t/m\ means "mound," "heap"; hence 
 "sum," "price," and also "to descend." The pictorial 
 meaning is not clear. Only twice found in Hittite. 
 
 No. 128. SA. The centre, heart, middle, within. The cunei- 
 form sign has other sounds, suit and //^ as well as sa. 
 The sign is very rare in Hittite. 
 
 No. 129. SAK. Head. The cuneiform sai means "head," 
 " face," " chief," or " first." It is also used as an Akkadian 
 prefix for "condition," like our "-head" or "-hood." 
 In old Medic sa/c is "son" (perhaps Finnic saHo, off- 
 spring, or meaning "the eldest son"). 
 
 No. 130. SAKH. Both the Hittite and the cuneiform emblem 
 appear to represent the sacred tree; or trellise, of the 
 Babylonians and Assyrians, so common on seals and bas- 
 reliefs. The sound saH means "good " (in Akkadian and 
 Turkish), and is rendered in Semitic speech as/u-r, good. 
 holy, upright. The emblem is the Semitic ashtni/t. No 
 doubt the name 7'in- Tir or " Life Tree " would also apply.
 
 230 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 The Hiltite sign occurs with No. 65, j/ (place), and with 
 No. ~i, us (man), and appears to be sometimes geo- 
 graphical. It would therefore probably represent the old 
 " Holy City," or '" City of the Tree of Life " ; names for 
 Babylon. 
 
 No. 131. SAR. This is a king's head. The word sar appears 
 to be Akkadian, though used by Semitic people (Assyrian 
 and Canaanite sarru, found also in Egyptian as sar — a 
 loan word) : it is no doubt connected with sar and sir, to 
 command. The sound is not important. The cuneiform 
 sign has also the sounds ungal, great chief, and Itigal, 
 great man. 
 
 No. 132. SAR. The cuneiform has the sounds sar and khir, 
 and signifies "growth of trees and plants" (in a field or 
 enclosure) : it is also used for " enclosure," " writing," 
 " name," " repel," " green," &c., from the sounds of the 
 words khir, surround (Turkish khar) ; khir, write (Turkish 
 khir, cut) ; khir, repel (Turkish khar) ; sar, yellow or 
 bright (Turkish sara, bright, and other Mongol words for 
 "yellow," "golden," green," &c.) Probably khar, write, 
 was one sound, as in Minyan, for instance. 
 
 No. 133. SET. The emblem is only twice known, and as it 
 appears to have a long tail it cannot be a variant of No. 
 109 (the hare), but is so like the ordinary Egyptian em- 
 blem of Set that it may be supposed to be the name of 
 that deit)'. 
 
 No. 134. SHI. Compared with a rare Cypriote form. It 
 appears to represent antlers — Akkadian shi, horn. The 
 cuneiform sign (see No. 136) is not apparently the same, 
 unless, as here supposed, two signs are to be distinguished 
 — the one here given representing either a ram's horn or 
 an elephant's tusk (also shi). The sign is used in cunei- 
 form also for "blue," " ivon.-," and "establish." The first 
 would have the sound giig (" ram " and " blue " ; Turkish 
 koch, ram, and kiieiik, blue). It is also used for "enemy" 
 {gug, to contend) and for "sky" (see "blue" — from the 
 root kick, to be arched), and again for "prince," and with 
 the sound shig for "establish." 
 
 No. 135. SHI. The comparison is with the Lycian ch or sh 
 (also having the sound xsi). The Hittite sign is rare : it 
 appears to be a tooth, which is also probably an Akkadian 
 word. 
 
 No. 136. SIG. The cuneiform sign (distinguished from No. 
 134) has the sounds si, sig, or shi, shig, and means " open " 
 and "fill." 
 
 No. 137. SIR. This seems to be a sign formed from No. 36, 
 by adding horizontal lines. It is rare in Hittite. The
 
 THE HITTITE bVLLAIJARV. 23 1 
 
 cuneiform sii, sir, is compared, but the original inten- 
 tion of the sijjn is not explained by its use for "skin" 
 "body," "add,"&c. 
 
 No. 138. SIS. Only once found in Hittite as ycL It seems 
 to be a child, and is like the Chinese sign for "baby." 
 The cuneiform sis or ur means "a brother," "a helper," 
 and also "light" {ur). 
 
 No. 139. SU. The hand with palm upwards. In cuneiform 
 the sign has the sounds su, ^^ad, and kat, meaning 
 " hand," " hollow," " power," " benefit." The attitude is 
 that of holding a small object, or of submission to a 
 superior. Gab for the " hollow " of the hand, lat, hand ; 
 kat, luck (see No. 108). 
 
 No. 140. TAKH. Only once found in Hittite on the Mer'ash 
 lion. The cuneiform sign (with a variant showing two 
 such emblems) has the sounds tak/i, tukli, gab, and dti. 
 It means many things, especially "destroy" and "brick," 
 but also " front," " breast," " strike," " deliver," " establish," 
 "rival," "raise," "remove," "strike," "transfer," and "re- 
 joice." Gab, rejoice (Turkish khab) ; gab, strike (Turkish 
 cliap) ; takh, establish (Turkish tokh, make firm). 
 
 No. 141. TAR. The deer's head. In Akkadian rtV/ra,' deer. 
 It is clearly used for tar, chief, and tribe. On the bi- 
 lingual boss of Tarkudimme the head is more probably 
 a goat — with a beard. But on all the other Hittite texts 
 a deer is represented excepting once. 
 
 No. 142. TAS. A lion's head on seals. The cuneiform sign 
 stands for both dog (//^) and lion (probably ur), and for 
 tas, heroic. The lion is also called ur-mak/t, big dog. 
 It is thought that the Sumerians lived in a lionless country 
 originally. 
 
 No. 143. Tik. The Hittite sign is rare. The cuneiform 
 with the sounds iik and gu, meaning " neck," " front," is 
 used for abstract words, such as (ik, total (Turkish fck, 
 complete);^//, all (Turkish r/ww); also for "bank," "side," 
 "district," "battle." The original idea appears to be 
 " facing." 
 
 No. 144. TIM. The sheep's head. In Akkadian dib, div, 
 is "sheep." The sign occurs at Carchemish in the name 
 Tarkutimme. 
 
 No. 145. TIM. A chain. The cuneiform has the sounds 
 titn, dim, iiv, ii, meaning "bond," "cable," "bundle" 
 (Turkish ieiii, to enclose). 
 
 No. 146. TIN. A two-handled vase. It is rare in Hittite. 
 
 1 The original form of the cuneiform dara is not known, but was 
 probably a deer's head.
 
 232 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 The cuneiform tin has only one handle. It appears to 
 be one of the pottery buckets lowered into wells. It is 
 used in Akkadian for //// and din^ life, family (Turkish 
 tin, life). 
 
 No. 147. TUL. Apparently compounded from No. 16 by en- 
 closing vertical strokes. The cuneiform till, did, and 
 also mill signifies "mound." The idea of "height" is 
 again shown by the cone. 
 
 No. 148. TUR. This stands by itself on a seal. The cunei- 
 form sign tiir is apparently a compound of ba, shrine, and 
 nim, prince. It may represent the royal abode, and 
 stands for " rest" or " habitation " (Akkadian diw, Turkish 
 diir^ dwell). 
 
 No. 149. TUR, DUM. The cuneiform signifies "child" 
 (Turkish toriio, to be born). The emblem seems to re- 
 present two buds, but the meaning is doubtful. Ttir 
 also means "small." The Hittite sign is rare, but it 
 occurs in a sentence. Yak niakJi yak tiir, " both great 
 and small." 
 
 No. 150. UKU. The sign is indefinite. It maybe a plant 
 of some kind. It only occurs twice as yet. The cunei- 
 form is also very indefinite. It is used for "brick " and 
 " people," and has also the sounds ;////r and 7/iiin. 
 
 No. 151. U, UN. This sign is very like the Egyptian emblem 
 i^et) for " firmament," and appears to be a determinative 
 of "superiority." The cuneiform 11, iin, uniiin, means 
 "lord" or "king" (Turkish o/i, high). The cuneiform 
 sign has also the sounds bur, high ; _^'e, prince ; and 11, 
 prince. 
 
 No. 152. UN. "No. 10." The cuneiform has the meaning 
 "ten," and in Egyptian a similar hoop stands for "ten." 
 The Hittite sign occurs reduplicated (as does the cunei- 
 form man or ///, twenty) and also with strokes to as many 
 as eight. It is clearly a numeral (Turkish on, ten). 
 
 No. 153. UNU. This appears to be a modification of No. 10 
 by adding strokes, and signifies "many houses." The 
 cuneiform has the sounds unii, lab, and 7-ud, and means 
 "city," being formed in the same way (Turkish iinne, 
 house). 
 
 No. 154. URU. The cuneiform sign is supposed to mean 
 a "seat." With the sounds uru, vuru, iniiru, eri, it is 
 the sign for "city" — Turkish aurii, an "enclosure" or 
 "camp" of a tribe. 
 
 No. 155. US. This may be distinguished from No. 122, as 
 the strokes are not separated. It seems to be the cunei- 
 form us, vus, or inns, signifying a "document," which is 
 often confounded with the sign for "place" — a compound
 
 TMK IIITTITK SYLLAllAKV. 
 
 ^^5 
 
 of No. 105, or a square enclosure wiili the sign for " nvtnv " 
 inside. 
 
 No. 156. VO. A rare Cypriote and a rare Hittite sij;; 
 parently a kind of crook. 
 
 No. 157. Z.AR. A compound formed from No. 105. Only 
 once as yet found in Hittite. The cuneiform has the 
 sign for "corn" inside that for "enclosure," and so sig- 
 nifies "store," with the sounds r<zr and sar. 
 
 No. 158. No sound has been proposed for this sign. It has 
 evidently the meaning of " supplication," the attitude 
 ijeing that of all supplicants on bas-reliefs and seals, and 
 that still used all over the East by supplicants. The sign 
 is used only as a noun. F'or purposes of transliteration 
 it may be marked as B/S (Akkadian /)/s, reverence). 
 
 No. 159. Probably only a variant of the preceding. 
 
 No. 160. The Cypriote sign is rare and the Hittite is doubt- 
 ful. Apparently a "house" like the cuneiform, which 
 has the sounds c (Turkish cv), ma (place), mal (dwelling), 
 ga (house), ^a/ (living). E means not only "house" but 
 "temple." 
 
 No. 161. This sign shows two figures facing, and raising the 
 hand in the attitude of No. 72. There is a similar sign 
 in Egyptian meaning "alliance." It only occurs as yet 
 twice in Hittite. It may be the word for allies, or even 
 KHAT, ally, Hittite (Turkish Ichat^ connection). 
 
 No. 162. Probably only a variant of No. 50, //, «//, lord. It is 
 not a common sign. 
 
 No. 163. The meaning of this sign is not clear — perhaps the 
 same as No. 153. 
 
 No. 164. Only once found. It is the head of a beast, but not 
 distinctive. The face is too short for a horse, and is more 
 like a camel. It may stand for "beast" only, or be a 
 variant of No. 144. 
 
 No. 165. Only once found. Indeterminate. 
 
 No. 166. PAL or TAL, an axe, compared with the cuneiform 
 sign for axe. (Turkish ^r/7, axe.) It is used for "time," 
 "year" (Turkish bciyil), and other words, from the root 
 "divide." 
 
 No. 167. This is a "stop," and is used to show divisions 
 between words. It is very useful in reading. A similar 
 sign in cuneiform is sometimes found. It requires to 
 be carefully noticed, as it is most valuable in dividing 
 words. It can be applied to any sign, and is usually 
 made to join that to which it refers. 
 
 We have thus considered on their merits all the signs 
 found on known texts, except a few variations and signs
 
 234 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 either half obliterated or imperfectly copied in cases where 
 only a copy is available. In 32 cases the sign occurs in 
 both cuneiform and Cypriote with the same sound ; in 4 
 cases the Hittite does not seem to have been yet found ; in 
 120 cases the comparison is with cuneiform. There are 
 only some 40 out of 160 Hittite signs which do not seem 
 to be cuneiform. There are 10 cases where the emblem 
 is a compound found both in Hittite and in cuneiform, 
 which shows a marked connection between the systems. 
 
 It is not by questioning an emblem here and there that 
 such a method can be controverted. It is surely impos- 
 sible that so many comparisons can be found, if the wrong 
 system and wrong language have been taken as a basis. 
 The results are confirmed by what we know of the Hittite 
 language from quite independent sources, as shown in 
 Appendix II., and by the languages of cognate tribes. 
 
 It will be apparent that the language of a people so far 
 advanced in civilisation cannot have been confined to 160 
 words. Others must have existed to at least 400. Hence 
 the system is not a picture-writing but a syllabary, with 
 ideograms and " keys " in addition. Words were made in 
 two ways : (i) Monosyllabic^ by using the emblem, as in 
 cuneiform, for its sound only, without reference to its 
 original picture value. Thus abstract ideas, generally cog- 
 nate to the original meaning, are formed. (2) Polysyllabic, 
 words spelt in syllables, to which a determinative for 
 "king," "lord," "god," "place," "country," "city," 
 " town," " man," " woman," may be added, these keys, 
 however, being also, in some cases, used as separate 
 words or syllables, generally with some distinction of 
 position or otherwise. 
 
 The signs may be grouped as follows : — 
 
 Syllables 112 (4 missing, y^?/, f//, 5/, ?/j also are keys). 
 
 Ideograms 46 (12 are compounds, of which 10 are found in cuneiform). 
 
 Keys . 4 {kiir, sar, un, iirii) eight in all. 
 
 Total 162 (Total S3'stem including the stop, 167). 
 
 The original cuneiform, or "linear Babylonian," as it is
 
 THE HITTITE SVLLAIJARY. 235 
 
 called, included about 300 signs in all, of which wl- have 
 only accounted for 120 in this list. The Hitlite system 
 was more archaic, and had fewer compounds than that 
 used by the Sumerians. It is remarkable, however, that 
 the signs not compared are either compounds or ideograms 
 with a very special meaning. The simple cuneiform signs 
 not recognised in Hittite are about 40 in all, as below. 
 Some of these may be found in future texts. 
 
 1. Ak, to build. A sig-n of indefinite character. 
 
 2. Mtik, building. The pictorial meaning is not clear. 
 
 3. Us, man. Of this ^';7(No. 55) is a variant. 
 
 4. K/ias, split. Perhaps a six-rayed star. 
 
 5. Zir, meteor. See No. 25, sir, which is somewhat like. 
 
 6. Nam, a swallow. Used for the syllable Jiani. 
 
 7. Gim, growth, garden. A sign not clear pictorially. 
 
 8. Ta. Not impossibly a compound sign. 
 
 9. Gur. Is possibly only a variant of No. 95, dan. 
 ID. Urud, copper. A tablet, or a vase, of metal. 
 
 11. Ip, hero. The pictorial meaning is obscure. 
 
 12. Tak, brick. A special emblem. 
 
 13. Gug, tiger. Also special. 
 
 14. Sibir, harvest. A corn-sheaf. 
 
 15. /, bright. Possibly only "No. 5," or else "rays." 
 
 16. Zag, shrine. An altar-table. 
 
 17. Na, yoke. The pictorial meaning is obscure. 
 
 18. Is. A bundle of strokes. It may be the Hittite No. 69. 
 
 19. Gal. Either a "plume" or a "key." 
 
 20. Dim or si. Possibly a "ghost." 
 
 21. E stands for "house," but the picture is obscure. 
 
 22. Lakh. The meaning is not clear. 
 
 23. Sa. Apparently a "web" of cloth. 
 
 24. Gc. An emblem like the last ; the picture is obscure. 
 
 25. Ka, gate. A house with open doors. 
 
 26. Alal, papyrus. A special sign. 
 
 27. Lam. Apparently a "plough." A special sign. 
 
 28. Se, to lay. Two corn-sheaves laid flat. 
 
 29. Ban, a bow. A special sign. 
 
 30. Ka, measure. A special sign. 
 
 31. Kit. The meaning is obscure. 
 
 32. K hat-fan, road. A special sign. 
 
 33. Sc, corn. Two corn-sheaves erect. 
 
 34. U/>, region. Represents a rude map. Such a m.np h.is 
 
 been found on an extant tablet. 
 
 35. AVr. Used for "yoke" or "government." It seems to be
 
 236 APPENDIX IV. 
 
 a stag's head (compare No. 141), and forms six com- 
 pounds for various species of deer. 
 
 36. Alain, image. A special sign. 
 
 yj. Pat, bundle, baggage. Also a special sign. 
 
 1'^. Pi, ear. The pictorial meaning is not clear. 
 
 39. Sig. Possibly only a variant of No. 136. 
 
 40. Zi, spirit. The meaning pictorially is obscure. 
 
 41. Gum, official. A determinative. 
 
 42. A, water. Horizontal wavy lines. 
 
 It will be seen that the absence of these signs tends 
 rather to confirm the comparisons, since they are nearly 
 all either special, and probably added by the Sumerians 
 after the two systems separated, or not sufficiently clear 
 for purposes of comparison. The remaining 140 emblems 
 are compounded from the original 160 here noted. 
 
 The natural conclusion from this evidence seems to be 
 that the Hittite signs are the same, to a great extent, as 
 the cuneiform, but that differences developed after separa- 
 tion of the northern and southern divisions of the race. 
 The Cypriote, on the other hand, represents the " hieratic," 
 or later sketchy running hand, which we can see already 
 forming in some of the later incised Hittite texts, and 
 which was reduced to a small, and insufficient, syllabary, 
 soon superseded by the alphabet. 
 
 It will be noticed that the sounds akh, ikh, iikh are 
 omitted. In cuneiform one sign stands for all three, and 
 is a compound, formed from khi, which does not appear 
 in Hittite script. 
 
 The reader will, it is hoped, admit that the question 
 thus rests, not on arbitrary conjectures, but on compari- 
 son, and consideration of principles.
 
 Sound. 
 
 Asianic Hittite Linear 
 
 Syllabarj . Emblems. Babylonia 
 
 Akkadian 
 Soundk. 
 
 1. A 
 
 2. E 
 3- I 
 4. O 
 
 5- U 
 
 6. BA 
 
 7. BE PE 
 
 8. BI PI 
 
 9. BO BU 
 
 10. AB AP 
 
 11. IB IP 
 
 12. UB UP 
 
 13. GA KA 
 
 14. GE KE 
 
 15. GI KI 
 
 16. GO KO 
 
 17. GU KU KU> 
 
 BI 
 
 t 
 I 
 
 f 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 'Mr 
 
 T f 
 A 
 
 A 
 
 /^ BA 
 1 BE BAT US 
 
 BI KAS UL 
 
 A 
 
 AB AP ES 
 
 <^s-;;> U UB RU 
 
 GA DK 
 
 - rc 
 
 
 GI SA 
 
 KU KIM RI
 
 Sound. 
 
 Asianic 
 Syllabary. 
 
 Hittite 
 
 Emblem.-;. 
 
 Linear 
 
 Babyloniar 
 
 Akkadian 
 1. Sounds. 
 
 i8. AG AK 
 
 :) 
 
 s 
 
 /\ 
 
 GE 
 
 19. IG IK GAL 
 
 ^ 
 
 sa 
 
 IK GAL MAL 
 
 20. KHA 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 KHA 
 
 21. KHE 
 
 CH 
 
 Cll 
 
 
 
 22. KHI 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 KHI DHI 
 
 23. KHU 
 
 
 4" 
 
 ^ 
 
 KHU PAK 
 
 24. YA 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25. YE 
 
 ^ 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 SIR MUS 
 
 26. LA 
 
 ^ 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 27. LE GUT 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 LE GUT KHAR AM 
 
 28. LI 
 
 -A 
 
 r^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 LA 
 
 29. LO 
 
 
 4 
 
 I'M 111 
 
 SAR KHIR 
 
 30. LU 
 
 /CA 
 
 (f^ 
 
 " — 
 
 LU LAL NAS 
 
 31. AL 
 
 
 f 
 
 'T 
 
 AL DU DUN 
 
 32. IL 
 
 
 
 
 ■V 
 
 ILI LI I NI ZAL 
 
 33. UL 
 
 j] [] I j UL BI KAS
 
 Sound. 
 
 Asianic 
 Syllabary. 
 
 34. MA VA )|( 
 
 35. ME MEN ?=f^ 
 
 36. MI /\/\ 
 37- MO 
 38. MU /f\ 
 
 39- AM 
 
 40. IM 
 
 41. UM 
 
 42. NA / — T — 
 43- NE I j , 
 
 45. NO X 
 
 46. NU NUN ) I 
 
 47. AN A >|C 
 
 48. EN 
 
 49. IN I ^ 
 
 50. UN U A 
 
 Hitlitc 
 Lniblems 
 
 i 
 
 ® 
 
 Linear Akkadian 
 
 Babylonian. Suund>. 
 
 Ob 
 
 h 
 
 i 
 
 \IA 
 
 ^ ML'K .SAL kAK 
 
 ^ MU 
 
 (I 
 ^ AM 
 
 IM MER 
 
 f^l UM DUB MUS 
 
 IP I 
 
 N'A 
 
 X 
 
 i<. u k 
 
 BAP 
 
 ^' 
 
 xu 
 
 
 * 
 
 AN 
 
 
 'ill 
 
 EN 
 
 
 S'5 
 
 IX
 
 Asianic Hlttite 
 
 Sound. Syllabary. Emblems. 
 
 Linear Akkadian 
 
 Babylonian. Sounds. 
 
 51. PA BA 
 
 52. PE BE 
 53- PI BI 
 
 54. PU BU 
 55- RA 
 56. RE 
 
 57- RI 
 
 58. RO 
 
 59. RU 
 
 60. AR 
 
 61. ER ERI 
 
 62. UR AL 
 
 63. SA 
 
 64. SE 
 
 65. SI 
 
 66. SO 
 
 67. SU 
 
 X 
 
 3 
 « 
 
 V 
 
 S) S 
 
 « 
 
 C3D 
 
 1} 
 
 
 <^ 
 
 
 3 
 
 PA PAM 
 
 PU BU GID 
 
 ERI 
 
 <^ RI KU 
 
 ^ RI TAL 
 
 "«^ RUM GIR 
 
 AR 
 
 IR 
 
 UR 
 
 SI IGI 
 
 NUN SUL 
 
 SU
 
 Sound. 
 
 68. AS 
 
 69. ES 
 
 70. IS 
 
 71. US 
 
 Asianic 
 Syllabary. 
 
 Hittite 
 
 Linear Akkadian 
 
 72. 
 
 DA 
 
 73- 
 
 DE 
 
 74- 
 
 DI DIM SA 
 
 7S- 
 
 DU RA 
 
 76. TA DA 1 
 
 77. TE DE :^ 
 
 78. TI DI TIL ^ 
 
 79. TO TUK /O 
 
 80. TU TUM ify] 
 
 81. AD AT 
 
 82. IT ID 
 
 Emblems. Haljylonian. S-mtv 
 
 m 
 
 J? 
 
 O 
 
 us cus 
 
 DA 
 
 DE BIL NE 
 
 DI DIM SA 
 
 lo. R 
 
 E. 
 
 DU RA GUB 
 
 
 >^ TE 
 
 TI TIL 
 
 
 I 
 
 ^ TU TUK 
 Z^l TU TUM 
 
 A 
 
 AT AD 
 
 Z3(J IT ID 
 
 83. UD UT TU 
 
 UT UD TU
 
 Sound. cAf't"''' 
 .Syllabary. 
 
 84. VE VEM 
 
 85. VO 
 
 86. ZA 
 
 r^ 
 
 i^i 
 
 x> 
 
 87. zo 
 
 88. ZU 
 
 89. AKA 
 
 90. AGU 
 
 91. AMA 
 
 92. BAR 
 
 93- BAR 
 
 94- BUR 
 
 95- DAN 
 
 96. GAM GA Q 
 
 97. GAR ZA 
 
 98. GIZ 
 
 99- GOX GO ) ¥ 
 
 f!^M ''^ T. u'?^^."" Akkadian 
 
 tmblems. Babylonian. Sounds. 
 
 f 
 
 <r<p 
 
 m 
 
 ^ 
 
 D 
 
 :z ZA 
 
 SUM LUM KHUM 
 
 Z\5 LA 
 
 I (■:) I AKA RAM 
 
 AME EGA MIR 
 
 [x[ BAR SAR 
 
 "I" PAR xMAS 
 
 <^ BUR GUL 
 
 :{J DAN LAB KAL 
 
 ;^^ GAR SA ZA 
 
 Q GIZ IZ 
 
 C:=3 — fj- KUX KHAT PA
 
 Sound. 
 
 Asianic Hillile 
 Syllabary. Emblem* 
 
 lOO. GU 
 
 103. lAK 
 
 [04. KAR 
 
 10;. KAR KIR 
 
 106. KAS 
 
 107. KAS 
 
 108. K.\T 
 
 109. KAZIN 
 
 no. KIP 
 
 III. KUR 
 
 112. KURU 
 
 113. KHIR 
 
 114. KHLL 
 
 r 
 
 101. GL'G 1^^ 
 
 102. GUR G.\ It If 
 
 SO 
 
 B 
 
 tr 
 
 ^ 
 
 m 
 
 ^ 
 
 Linear Akkadian 
 
 Y <iUG SIL TAR 
 
 ^ GUk GA 
 
 ^ KAR 
 
 I I KIR KHII. KHAB 
 
 Hi 
 
 ^- GAZ KAS 
 
 KAS HI 
 
 KIP GAB 
 
 0*0 i-^L'R 
 
 o 
 
 
 KURU
 
 Sound. e^f'^ni'^ Hittite 
 
 byllabary. Emblems. 
 
 115. LIG 
 
 116 
 
 . LIT 
 
 117 
 
 . LU 
 
 118, 
 
 . LUL? 
 
 119. 
 
 MA 
 
 120. 
 
 MAKH 
 
 121. 
 
 ME 
 
 122. 
 
 ME 
 
 123. 
 
 MI 
 
 124. 
 
 NUM 
 
 125. 
 
 RA 
 
 126. 
 
 RAT 
 
 127. RIM 
 
 128. SA 
 
 129. SAK 
 
 130. SAKH 
 
 /\ 
 
 V 
 
 ffl ffl 
 
 y 
 
 0000 
 
 M| 
 
 JL 
 T 
 
 o 
 
 Linear Akkadia 
 
 Babylonian. Sounds 
 
 I? 
 
 r LIG UR TAS 
 
 \y LIT LAT AB 
 
 LU DIB 
 
 LUL 
 
 llf MA 
 I l-H MAKH 
 
 ill 
 
 ME 
 
 nil ^rE 
 
 Mfl 
 
 MI GIG 
 
 ^ NX. 
 
 <3> 
 
 RA SA 
 RAT SIT 
 RIM 
 
 SA 
 
 SAK 
 
 SAKH SUKH
 
 Sound. oA^'f'*= 
 byllabarj". 
 
 131. SAR 
 
 132. SAR 
 
 133. SET 
 
 134. SHI J^ 
 
 135. SHI vi/ 
 
 136. SIG 
 
 137. SIR 
 
 138. SIS 
 
 139. SU 
 
 140. TAKH 
 
 141. TAR 
 
 142. TAS 
 
 143. TIK 
 
 144. TIM 
 
 145. TIM 
 
 Hitiifo 
 Emblems 
 
 b 
 
 4 
 
 
 G^ 
 
 I 
 
 Linear Akkadian 
 
 Habyloiiian. Suuiidt. 
 
 SAR LL'GAL 
 
 H^ SAR KHIK 
 
 U SI S 
 
 HI SIG 
 
 b 
 
 SI SIG 
 
 SIR SU 
 
 ^ SIS UR 
 Lliil SU (;ab RAT 
 II TAKl 
 
 :il GAB 
 
 [^ TAS UR LIK 
 A UK Gl 
 
 ^ 
 
 l;u 
 
 TIM DIM
 
 Asianic Hittite Linear Akkadian 
 
 Sound. Syllabary. Emblems. Babylonian. Sounds. 
 
 146. TIN 
 
 147. TUL 
 
 148. TUR 
 
 149. TUR DUM 
 
 150. UKU 
 
 151- 
 
 U UN 
 
 152- 
 
 UN 
 
 153- 
 
 UNU 
 
 154- 
 
 URU 
 
 iSS- 
 
 US 
 
 156. 
 
 vo 
 
 157. ZAR 
 
 159- 
 
 160. E 
 
 V 
 
 V 
 
 @ 
 
 t^ 
 
 V' 
 
 TIN GAL 
 
 /X ^""'^ °^'^ 
 
 TUR 
 
 YY TUR DUM 
 
 « 
 
 UKU MUR 
 
 ^ --. y^\ V UN 
 
 en /^ U UN 
 
 UNU LAB RUD 
 
 [[Lj ri— I URU ERI 
 
 iryn us cu dur 
 
 XCCC 
 
 >C<ct 
 
 ZAR SAR 
 
 B 
 
 E MA MAL
 
 Souiu! 
 
 Asiaiiii Hittite 
 
 Syllabary. Emblems 
 
 Linear Akkadian 
 
 Babylonian. Sound*. 
 
 i6t. 
 
 162. 
 
 o 
 
 f^. 
 
 ^ 
 
 163. 
 
 164. 
 
 165. 
 
 166. PAL 
 
 
 
 PAL TAL 
 
 167. 
 
 o
 
 248 
 
 APPENDIX V. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE ALPHABET. 
 
 The question of the alphabet is closely connected with 
 our subject. The Hittites did not use it, and their script 
 is probably older than the time of its invention, which 
 cannot be placed later than looo B.C. It used to be 
 supposed to have originated in Egypt about 1500 B.C., 
 or earlier, but the oldest dated alphabetic text is the 
 Moabite Stone, about 900 b.c, and we now know that, 
 in the fourteenth century B.C., it was not in use in Phoe- 
 nicia. Nor was the Hittite then the character used, for 
 all the Tell Amarna letters, from Palestine and Syria, are 
 in cuneiform characters. 
 
 The ancients knew that Egyptians and Babylonians had 
 written characters long before Greeks or Latins. They 
 usually attribute the alphabet to the Phoenicians, but they 
 knew very little about its origin. The Phoenicians used 
 twenty-two letters, and all these the Greeks adopted. The 
 latter had, however, five letters which were not Phoenician, 
 and they gradually discarded the Digamma ( Vau), the 
 Koppa i^Kopli), and finally the San {Tsade), which are 
 found in the earliest Greek texts, thus forming an alpha- 
 bet of twenty-four letters finally established. The names 
 of certain Greek letters. Alpha, Beta, Delta, &:c., indicate 
 a Semitic derivation ; but they are not all the same as in 
 Phcenician, and the five extra letters have simple syllabic 
 sounds. It is remarkable that all the letters of the Etrus-
 
 ORIGIN OK THE ALI'IIAUKT. J49 
 
 can and Latin alphabets have similarly only syllabic names. 
 The Greek names were unknown in Italy till very late. 
 The Italians, therefore, show no signs of having obtained 
 letters from a Semitic people. 
 
 Aristotle believed seventeen Greek letters (omitting 
 Zeta) to be ancient, including fifteen Ph(jenician with 
 Phi and Upsilon. It is known, from the existence in his 
 time^ of the Delphic tripod, that all these letters existed in 
 480 B.C. ; but on that monument the Khi and Psi differ 
 from the forms used later. Eta and Ome:::;a are absent, 
 but Zeta and Theta occur. In coins of Thrace Ofnt\i;a is 
 as old as 550 b.c, but on coins of Potidca, 432 u.c., 
 the Xsi and Psi are not represented by single letters. 
 Thus in the time of Aristotle the alphabet of Greece was 
 not yet fixed, and the standard Ionian alphabet had not 
 yet swallowed up the local varieties. The Asiatic Greeks 
 were more advanced, and possessed Eta and Orncga be- 
 fore the Europeans. The Etruscans also had the signs for 
 Zeta, Theta, Phi, and Khi, but had not those for Xsi, Psi, 
 Eta, or Omega. The extra letters originated aj)parently 
 in Asia Minor, where alphabets used for Iranian languages 
 required more distinction of sound than even the Greek. 
 Thus the Lycians, whose speech was Iranian, in the fifth 
 century B.C., though they had not the same signs, distin- 
 guished phi and //', t and th, xsi and long o. They had 
 yet other signs for the gutturals a and ail. for short u and 
 w, for h, ch, hard /, and hard d. Their alphabet con- 
 sisted of thirty-three distinguished sounds, but was never 
 used by Greeks. The Lycian extra letters, such as long 
 (Cypriote ji) and ch (Cypriote se), show a connection with 
 the old syllabary of Hittite origin. The Greek Upsilon, 
 Phi, Khi, Psi, and Omega can be traced to the same 
 syllabary. Some other influence besides the Phtenician 
 was at work, and the Greeks themselves knew that they 
 only owed part of their alphabet to PhcEnicia. 
 
 The question of the origin of the whole system thus 
 arises. That it was hieroglyphic is generally admitted. 
 ^ See Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. iii. p. 467.
 
 250 APPENDIX V. 
 
 That lonians and Etruscans did not take any letters 
 directly from the Semitic race is indicated by the syllabic 
 names, as distinguished from Phoenician names of letters, 
 which are descriptive of their hieroglyphic meaning. The 
 probable solution is that the syllabaries, from which all 
 letters (Phoenician, Aramean, Greek, Ionian, Carian, 
 Lycian, Phrygian, and Etruscan alike) were derived, were 
 those used by the Mongol race, and derived from our 
 system of hieroglyphics — called Hittite. The Phoenicians, 
 knowing the hieroglyph whence each sign was derived, 
 named it accordingly. They taught the early Greeks of 
 Europe. The lonians, on the other hand, the Carians, 
 Lycians, and Etruscans, came directly in contact with the 
 original race which invented the syllabary ; and thus (in 
 the case of Etruscans at least) never used the Semitic 
 names, and employed at least ten signs not used in 
 Phoenicia. 
 
 This view has begun to take hold, since the failure to 
 derive the alphabet from Egyptian symbols, or from the 
 later cuneiform. It is here proposed to inquire into a 
 possible Hittite comparison. But, as we have seen that 
 so many signs are common to Hittite and cuneiform, this 
 view does not altogether exclude comparisons with the 
 latter script, although it is probable that the system in use 
 on the borders of Phoenicia would be that adopted. The 
 Cypriote forms generally have much closer resemblance to 
 the alphabetic signs than either cuneiform or Egyptian 
 characters. The only question is whether the comparison 
 holds good throughout. 
 
 The weakness of De Rouge's proposal, to derive from 
 the Egyptian, lies in four points: (i) The comparisons 
 of form are very doubtful. (2) The Phoenician names 
 of letters do not describe the Egyptian objects. (3) 
 Only twenty-one letters are compared. (4) No attempt 
 is made to account for the Greek extra letters. If a 
 comparison is sound, it should apply all the more closely, 
 the farther back we may go, to the original sign ; but this 
 is not the case with De Rouge's theory of the ■ adoption.
 
 ORIGIN OF THE ALl'HABET. 2; I 
 
 by Phoenicia, of a foreign script, about the time when we 
 now know that they were actually using another — namely, 
 the cuneiform. The real succession appears to have 
 been: Hittite hieroglyphs used 2200 B.C.; cuneiform, 
 1500 B.C.; alphabets, about 1200 b.c, in Syria. The 
 three systems overlap historically, while Greeks, Arabs, 
 and Arameans only learned the alphabet some centuries 
 after its development in Syria, where the oldest dated 
 text (that of Panammu I. at Samalla about 800 n.c.) 
 already shows signs of long use for this invention. 
 
 That the Phoenicians should have taken Egyptian signs, 
 and renamed them according to fancied resemblances to 
 objects quite different from those represented originally, 
 is most unlikely. Their names should indicate the true 
 hieroglyphic form. De Rouge supposes that the rough 
 hieratic sketches were accepted, but that their original 
 connection with emblems then still in use for monumental 
 texts was unknown to the Semitic traders, who must, how- 
 ever, have often seen them in Egypt itself. Thus he 
 compares the hieratic a (eagle) with the Phoenician a 
 (bull), the hieratic l> (crane) with the Phoenician /> (house), 
 the hieratic r (mouth) with the Phoenician r (face), and 
 the hieratic s (reeds) with the Phoenician s (tooth) ; and 
 so on for the rest. Even the hieratic forms bear no 
 convincing resemblance to the Phoenician letters, and the 
 hieroglyphics were quite different. A Phoenician could 
 hardly take a crane for a house, or an eagle for a bull, 
 and had no reason for giving the new names, unless that 
 he knew them to be those of the original emblems whence 
 his letters had slowly developed. It will be apparent that 
 an explanation which is not founded on such an improb- 
 able theory is to be sought, and can only be found, in 
 either Syria itself or in Chaldea ; for neither Arabs, 
 Hindus, nor Etruscans are known ever to have had any 
 hieroglyphics at all. They learned to write much later, 
 and adopted Phoenician letters. 
 
 The following explanation of the attached plate will 
 show how easily, through the Asianic syllabary, by means
 
 252 APPENDIX V. 
 
 of Mongol speech, the origin of the signs can be explained, 
 in accord with their Phoenician and Greek names : — 
 
 1. Aleph, Greek Alpha, bull. The old aie, am, bull, common 
 
 lo Hittites and Sumerians. The sign is rendered 
 Alpit, bull, in Assyrian. It is not known in Cypriote, 
 but it was used by Lycians and Carians. 
 
 2. Beth, Greek Beta, house. The old sign ab, house, in 
 
 Hittite and cuneiform, rendered Bitu in Assyrian. 
 The sign is not Cypriote, but is Lycian and Carian. 
 
 3. Geemel, Greek Gamma. The word is not gamal, camel, 
 
 but geemel, crooked. This is the Hittite ga, gam, 
 crook, the Greek preserving the full sound. In Cypriote 
 ga. In Carian and Lycian this ^^^ occurs. 
 
 4. Daleth, Greek Delta, usually rendered "door." The 
 
 cuneiform sign du is a pot rather than a door, and is 
 rendered daltii in Assyrian. The root is dalah, to 
 swing (whether of door or bucket), and delii is a 
 Semitic word for "bucket." The letter is used in 
 Carian and Lycian. 
 
 5. He, Greek E-psilon or "short ^." The sound has no 
 
 Semitic sense, but the Sumerian e, house (which is 
 represented by he in Assyrian — hekal, temple, being 
 the Akkadian e-gal, great house), may explain the 
 sign. In the Carian alphabet the e has the required 
 form exactly. 
 
 6. Vail. The Semitic rendering " hook" {vati) is doubtful. 
 
 The Greeks called this letter (the Digamma) Vau or 
 Bau. Possibly the Hittite vu. 
 
 7. Zai7t, Greek Zeta, supposed to signify "weapons." The 
 
 Hittite sa, " quiver," is compared. The sign saifi 
 evidently shows more than one weapon, bound together, 
 or in a case. 
 
 8. Kheth, Greek Eta. The supposed meaning is "fence" or 
 
 "protection." Probably the Hittite sign for a fortress. 
 The cuneiform has the sound khab or khav, as well as 
 kir. (Turkish khap, grip, hold, include.) 
 
 9. Teth, Greek Theta. Probably derived from tath, to roll, 
 
 a globe or ball. Perhaps the sun. The cuneiform sun 
 emblem is used for the sound in. 
 
 ID. Yod, Greek Iota, the hand. The hand emblem in cunei- 
 form has the sound idu in Assyrian. In Akkadian id 
 and a (or probably z), hand. 
 
 II. Kaph, Greek Kappa, the hollow of the hand. The cunei- 
 form sign has the value giib as well as tuk, and gub 
 may be pronounced gin> or gie. The ^ and k are little 
 distinguished in Akkadian.
 
 ORIGIN OF THE ALI'IIAHHT. 2;', 
 
 12. Lamed, Greek Laiiida. W'ronj^ly rendered '..a-^, ,,,.,, 
 
 from a single occurrence of the word malmati^ which 
 the Septua.<j;int does not render "j^oad" but "ploujjh 
 instrument." In Akkadian liuii is "pIou}.;h," and da is 
 "yoke." The yoke sign has the sound /// in Hitiiie 
 and -in Akkadian. 
 
 13. Mivi, Greek Mn, supposed to mean "water." The 
 
 Hittite ;//;■ may mean "the west," which was called by 
 Semitic peoples "seaward." The Pha:nician form is 
 not original. In Carian the letter ;// is the same as the 
 Cypriote ////, and represents an earlier form than the 
 oldest known Phoenician. 
 
 14. Nim, Greek Nu. This need not mean "fish," and «« 
 
 would certainly not. Possibly the Assyrian ttuiin, lord, 
 is intended — the word was derived as a loan Irom the 
 Akkadian ;///;/, fni, lord. The sign compared is the 
 cuneiform 7iu, nun, lord — a hand with sceptre — and it 
 is conceivable that the Phoenician is the same. 
 
 15. SamccJi, Greek Xsi. The word is supposed to mean a 
 
 "prop." Probably the emblem of the tree trunk or 
 "log," which has among other sounds that of san or 
 zan, which indicates an original sa or za. 
 
 16. Ain, Greek 0-micro7t, little 0. In Greek the Semitic 
 
 name is not retained, but it means "eye." The Cypriote 
 ya, bright, is compared, the sign being that for " light." 
 
 17. Pch, Greek Pi. The spelling of the name is not the same 
 
 as peh, mouth. The Phoenician name might equally 
 well come from the root pah, whence the word for 
 "corner." The emblem is not like a mouth. The 
 Cypriote ^^ compares well, and the meaning is appar- 
 ently a " bend" (Turkish l?ai 3.x\<\ pai, bend). 
 
 18. Tsade, the Greek San. This letter was peculiarly Semitic, 
 
 and soon disappeared in Greek, where the shape was 
 confused with that of Sig})ia, and the sound not known 
 in Aryan speech. Tsade is supposed to mean a " hook," 
 and tsin has the same meaning. The comparison with 
 the Hittite has yet to be found. The emblem is not 
 found in Cypriote. 
 
 19. Koph, Greek Koppa. This also was soon disused in 
 
 Greece, but, through the Etruscans, became the Latin 
 Q. The meaning of the name is very doubtful. Prob- 
 ably the Hittite kii,gu, speech, is to be compared, which 
 in Assyrian is rendered kabu, w^hich is tolerably near. 
 The roots kiiph, kapha, in Hebrew, however, mean "to 
 gird" and "to contract," and the sign might be a 
 " noose." Compare the Akkadian gttb, to grip (Turkish 
 khap). The symbol gu, however,"is so common that it
 
 254 APPENDIX V. 
 
 was likely to tind a place in the alphabet, and no 
 "noose" emblem is known in Hittite or cuneiform. 
 
 20. Rcsh^ Greek Rho. The Semitic name means "head." 
 
 The emblem is like the Cypriote ra in its later forms. 
 The Hittite 7-a is a small human figure with a large 
 head. 
 
 21. Shht, Greek Sigtna. The Semitic name is supposed to 
 
 mean "tooth," the Lycian ch or sh is compared, and one 
 form of the Cypriote se is much the same. The deriva- 
 tion is supposed to be from the Hittite j-///, tooth, and 
 the word sigiiia would mean "biting." 
 
 22. Tail, Greek Tan, means "a mark" in Hebrew, but this 
 
 may come from the letter. The Cypriote ta is a pos- 
 sible comparison, from the Hittite ta, beat. 
 
 The remaining letters are Greek only : — 
 
 23. U-psilon, short u. The later forms of the Cypriote // com- 
 
 pare. The earlier ones lead us to the Hittite u, plant, 
 commonly used for the syllable only. 
 
 24. Phi. Probably pu, as found in Cypriote, Hittite, and 
 
 cuneiform — a bud. 
 
 25. KM. In Carian and Lj'cian the letter /z is a cross, whence 
 
 the Greek may come. The sound khi in Akkadian 
 means "good." The cross is commonly found in the 
 hands of deities on seals, and was an Assyrian sacred 
 emblem. 
 
 26. Psi. Supposed to be the Cypriote se, derived from the 
 
 Hittite se, to give. 
 
 27. Omega, great o. The sign u, in Hittite and in cuneiform, 
 
 supi)lies the proper form. This is not found in Cypriote. 
 
 It appears, therefore, that the whole alphabet can be 
 found in the Hittite system (excepting as yet Tsade), and 
 that the Mongol syllables describe the same symbols 
 which are to be inferred from the Semitic names of the 
 letters. The Greek names, whether the same with or 
 varying from the Phoenician, equally point to the same 
 hieroglyphic signs. The investigation of the origin of 
 the alphabet thus strengthens our case for twenty - six- 
 signs of the Hittite, by giving a bilingual check on the 
 meaning and sound required by the signs ; but only on 
 the assumption that the originators of the system were 
 Mongols, whose short words were easily represented by
 
 Letter. Names. Greek. Hebrew. Syllable^. Hittitc. Cuneiform. Sound. 
 
 1. .\ Aloph 
 
 Alpha 
 
 2. B Both 
 
 
 ^ 
 ^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 A 
 
 
 AV A'.i :i 
 
 .\M I'.itu 
 
 Beta 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3. G Gimel 
 Gamma 
 
 h 
 
 A 
 
 9 
 
 «? 
 
 
 liAM GA 
 
 4. D Daleth 
 Delta 
 
 A 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 I)U Daliu 
 
 5. E He 
 
 Epsilon 
 
 E 
 
 ^ 
 
 E 
 
 (£ 
 
 a 
 
 !■: 
 
 6. V Vau 
 Vau 
 
 Y 
 
 V 
 
 T 
 
 $* 
 
 
 vo 
 
 7. 7. Zain 
 
 31 
 
 zn 
 
 
 an^ 
 
 <^ 
 
 ZA 
 
 Zeta 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8. KH Cheth 
 Eta 
 
 G 
 
 B 
 
 
 B 
 
 D 
 
 KUAU 
 
 9. r Teth 
 Thcta 
 
 
 
 © 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ru 
 
 10. I Vod 
 Iota 
 
 J" 
 
 ^L/ 
 
 
 C=3 
 
 cjO 
 
 ID Idu 
 
 II. K Kaph 
 Kappa 
 
 K 
 
 >i 
 
 K 
 
 ^ 
 
 F" 
 
 GUB 
 
 12. L Lamed 
 Lamda 
 
 r\ 
 
 ^ 
 
 r:r> 
 
 Cr-?^ 
 
 n 
 
 LU Niini 
 
 \-\. M Mem 
 ^ Mu 
 
 n 
 
 "1 
 
 A^ 
 
 (^ 
 
 
 Ml 
 
 14. N -Nun 
 Nu 
 
 N 
 
 "^ 
 
 
 -§ 
 
 f 
 
 NU -Vunu 
 
 15. S Samcch 
 Xsi 
 
 =- 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 tt 
 
 SAN 
 
 16. Ain 
 
 Omicron 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 VA 
 
 17. P Pe 
 l>i 
 
 p 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 PE 
 
 18. TS Tsadi 
 San 
 
 r^ 
 
 /?? 
 
 
 
 
 19. Q Koph 
 Koppa 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 
 1? 
 
 t 
 
 KA Kabu 
 
 20. R Resh 
 Rho 
 
 P 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 & 
 
 i 
 
 RA 
 
 21. SH Shin 
 
 Sigma 
 
 22. TH Tau 
 
 Tau 
 
 X 
 
 t — / 
 
 X 
 
 —1 
 
 ■4 
 
 
 SHI 
 TA 
 
 23. U Upsilon 
 
 T 
 
 
 "f 
 
 
 
 U 
 
 24. PH Phi 
 
 a> 
 
 
 ! 
 
 ^ 
 
 f 
 
 PU 
 
 25. X Khi 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 -> 
 
 
 KHI 
 
 26. PS Psi 
 
 Y 
 
 
 1" 
 
 E^ 
 
 
 SE 
 
 27. Omega 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 0=0 
 
 /^ 
 
 U 
 
 Origin of thi; .-\i.rnAiiKT.
 
 256 APPENDIX V. 
 
 single syllabic signs. These comparisons are indicated 
 for the first time in these pages, and have not, to the 
 author's knowledge, been made by others, though some 
 coincide with Mr Ball's proposed derivation from cunei- 
 form direct. The signs are all common syllabic emblems 
 in Hittite ; and to this race the origin of the alphabet is 
 due, though the actual invention of twenty-two letters was 
 Phoenician, and some ten others were taken by Aryans 
 from the syllabary, which is known (from one text re- 
 maining) to have been used at Xanthus in Lycia, as well 
 as at Troy and in Cyprus. 
 
 Having thus laid a foundation for study of the texts 
 by historical research, examination of all the possible 
 languages, and detailed examination of the symbols by 
 themselves, we are prepared to proceed to translation ; 
 and it will appear that the result is the recovery, on coins 
 and texts, of historic Kassite names, which is a further 
 confirmation of the soundness of the conclusions reached 
 by various means.
 
 25; 
 
 APPENDIX \I. 
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 
 
 Even after finding the sounds and determining the lan- 
 guage, we must encounter the same difficulties in attempt- 
 ing translation of these inscriptions which are found by 
 scholars in reading the early cuneiform. These difficulties 
 are graphic, phonetic, and linguistic. In some cases the 
 form, in some the sound, in some the meaning of the sign, 
 must at times be doubtful on account (i) of the imperfect 
 condition or bad copying of the text; (2) because the 
 sign has often more than one sound, and it may be doubt- 
 ful whether it is a syllable, an ideogram, or a key ; (3) 
 because there are many words of the same or very similar 
 sound, and the system does not distinguish the finer shades 
 of distinction between these. 
 
 On the other hand, we are helped by the keys, and 
 stop, and other devices, intended to make the meaning 
 plain ; we are also controlled by the grammatical structure 
 of the language ; and are aided by the meanings which 
 can be obtained from living speech. In translation of 
 any ancient text the result must read consecutively and 
 grammatically. It must be a sensible result, for the 
 ancients did not write nonsense ; and it must be some- 
 thing worth recording, for such labour as is represented 
 by the carving of hard basalt blocks into reliefs was not 
 undertaken for nothing. The object will either be re- 
 ligious — a very important one in the eyes of early Orientals
 
 258 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 — or historic ; and if historic, recording success and vic- 
 tory, not defeat, which remark apphes to all ancient 
 records. If these requirements are met, we may feel 
 some confidence in our conclusions. 
 
 The texts found on slabs and rocks which are mostly 
 decipherable amount to thirty-five in all. To these we 
 may add those on thirty-seven seals. We may begin with 
 those which are most probably to be ascribed to the 
 Hittites themselves, at their great cities Mer'ash, Carche- 
 mish, Hamath, and Aleppo, and take afterwards those 
 from Cappadocia and Cilicia, with other outlying ex- 
 amples. 
 
 MER'ASH. 
 
 No. I. The inscribed lion discovered by Dr Gwyther in 
 1882 bears the longest and most complete Hittite text yet 
 known. The original is in the Constantinople Museum. 
 The drawing is from a photograph, the signs having been 
 examined throughout on the cast in the British Museum. 
 The text begins on the back and covers the left side and 
 front, ending between the paws. The ends of the lines 
 to the right are injured, and the sixth line is broken and 
 partly defaced. The following translation shows the " ideo- 
 grams " in capital letters and the syllables in small type, 
 as is usual in rendering cuneiform texts. The passages in 
 brackets are rendered doubtful by the indistinctness of 
 the emblems. The first word is carved on the shoulder, 
 and is a full figure of the same meaning as No. 1 58 of the 
 list given in Appendix IV. 
 
 Line I. BISiiemeke IPRA a Sira ke LU US AMA pi 
 supplications region to ordering as subject man the crown 
 
 Rim ak fie tar UDUD ak gam 9ieke tar NUN ko 
 high who of, niler estabUshed who conquest it of ruler king for 
 
 ra ke LU US gar gam u ke yak lugtir kaske sir 
 
 made subject man causing conquest, I as also slaves smitten order, 
 
 yak se fie ka IPRA a sira kc u Tar goti bu 
 
 and submission to region it having commanded I P.N. this 
 
 Sir mo ra 
 order my [make?]
 
 THE IHTTITE TEXTS. 
 
 2:0 
 
 Line II /v ZAB siilu SAK uu 
 
 as host commanding district my conquest made, 
 bit cr AM ne kasis u tar yak takh a pi kasalii yak 
 this it people of smiter, I rule, and securing what smitten, and 
 
 sti mo IN pi gam ma NUN '/.abu Jl'RA a sii; 
 
 might niy the mastery conquering, king Zabu region it secure 
 rake u tar yak bit turn >ie ak pe. 
 made I rule, and this protection its who makes. 
 
 Line III. Yak zo sane I u yak AM tie ka u sir \erf\ 
 
 and of thee trusted also people thereof I rule, it 
 
 kassig yak se sane sane yak US Ligga bit 
 
 having smitten, and favour much trusting, and man dog this 
 
 u ke K A 7. IN hi kas yak zo yak mo bu a SI sa ra 
 I as quickly smote, and thee and me this it city in for, 
 
 iir ka RE barsak ra zo , , ke 
 ordered submissive thee .... 
 
 Line IV. Makh-tne tar ke NUN bit Khul Makh-mc lii yak dan 
 powerful rule as Lord this foe power with, and strong 
 
 NUN ka US me re yak KURU NUN lu Ram nc ra. 
 Lord to, man serve, and favour king with recorded this for. 
 
 Bu gam^ yak S/ pi kas ne MUS bu ke tul 
 This conquest and city the smiting of a memorial this as raise 
 
 ra ke yak ne a sir yak ke MUS e yak khirra ce 
 made and it to order, both as memorial its, and a writing saying 
 
 SI ak ke sirka bar ne AKA bar yak ne MUS 
 
 city what order to is, it raised is, and of this a memoria. 
 
 khirra ke yak EN ke rces- rake PAL ke re Ram 
 written, and a lord as a servant, made rebel, as servan record 
 
 ne barak yak er ne yak[uruf] ne bar sa barak cr zo pi 
 his was, both him of, also city he living in was, it of thyself 
 
 ke re. 
 as a servant. 
 
 Line V. BAR mo ne yak zo pi gam- ke bar ne gam 
 in future mine it, and thy own conquest as being, this conquest 
 
 mo dan NUN ko turn, mo SI IR pi bu ra ke SI 
 my great king for protection my, province the this is made, city 
 
 sig lu ra mo SET US ra yak ne re 
 
 whole yoke towards my Set a servant for, also of him a servant 
 
 barak yak AKA tc bu SI . . . ra ke pe yak ke NUN 
 was, and [adoration?] this city [is] made make, and as lord, 
 
 mo ke te KURU US ra bu ke yak ke es 
 
 me as, adores : Favouring servant towards this as, and as those 
 
 1 Bu gain is doubtful. - K^erces might be a proper name.
 
 260 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 tie sa ka er barak \yck nc NUX pi bu pi ne 
 
 this in to his has been, [and him the lord this same, him 
 
 sa tie a TUR mo ke gar er bar [f] mo 
 
 trusting, a son me as causing his to be . . . my 
 
 Line VI. US mo yak er \f\ pi ra ke yak e bar yak ne NUN 
 servant my and him the made and good is and he Lord 
 
 dan . . tno si yak pe [turn f] ka [til ke f] S/ gargar 
 great . . me before and makes protect entirely city treasure 
 
 yak \tuk f ] bar yak ke bu te a ne re ke SI-IS 
 also possession is, and as this causing his servant as, city master 
 
 7-ake bu u bar 1 yak e ka ne yak tim e es yak 
 become, this I am, J and it to this, both [a form?] and 
 
 ke \tik f] lu khirra yak ne barak 
 carving with cutting, also it was 
 
 LineVn. Yak sir MUSE khirra til. 
 
 and order record writing entirely. 
 
 This being rendered in the syntax of our own language, 
 which differs entirely from that of Mongol speech, appears 
 to read as follows : — 
 
 Line i. " Commanding the homage of the district, as one 
 who is a subject of the exalted crow-n, a ruler estab- 
 lished who rules a conquest, for the king, as a sub- 
 ject who has made a conquest, I command also a 
 smitten slave-people, and having commanded sub- 
 mission of the district, I Targon [make] this my 
 command. 
 
 Line 2 As having command of an army, my 
 
 region being conquered, a smiter of this people, I 
 rule ; and my might conquering the mastery, I rule 
 a region of King Zabu, made secure ; and he it is 
 who protects it. 
 
 Line 3. And being trusted by thee also, I rule the people 
 thereof, having smitten it. And much favour being 
 intrusted, also as having speedily smitten this dog, 
 both for thee and for me in this city reduced to sub- 
 jection for thee I have ruled. 
 
 Line 4. I rule, powerful with the power of this king [who 
 was] a foe, and [am] strong ; a servant of the king.
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 261 
 
 and for this remembered [or proclaimed] favoured 
 of the king [or an overseer with the king]. As a 
 memorial of this conquest, and of smiting the city, 
 I order this to be erected. It is raised both as a 
 memorial, and to write saying what the city has been 
 ordered [or, and as a memorial which also the city is 
 ordered to raise] ; and a lord made a servant was re- 
 membered [or proclaimed] as a rebellious servant ; 
 and his, and the city he dwelt in. 
 Line 5. is in future mine [or, is my share] as thy own 
 servant. And thine is this conquered province : 
 my great conquest for the king who protects me, 
 it has become. The whole city which I govern, 
 being a worshipper of Set, also serves him ; and 
 this city is caused to render worship ; and, like 
 me, adores as lord, as he has shown favour to this 
 servant, and to those therein [and trusting this same 
 lord he makes me his [son ?] and this my . . . 
 Line 6. my servant, and made him. . . . And he was 
 good and a great (Lord ?) in my sight and (protects ?) 
 all : and the treasure of the city is a possession, and 
 I am the master of the city because, as his servant, 
 I did this].^ And for this cause an image is carved 
 and also sculptures besides for it ; also writing [or 
 cutting] a record of all that is commanded." 
 In this translation the meaning attached to each word 
 is taken from the Akkadian language — as is explained in 
 the index of Hittite words. The signs are given only those 
 values which they are known to have borne in Akkadian 
 from bilingual texts, and from lists of cuneiform emblems 
 which have the translation of the Akkadian words into 
 Assyrian in parallel columns. The lion is thus apparently 
 an image {dimes, " form," in the nominative indefinite) 
 erected by Targon to record the conquest of the town of 
 Mer'ash, in the reign of Zabu, the third king of the ist 
 Babylonian dynasty (2201-2 187 B.C.), and his own name 
 suggests that he may have been a Hittite. 
 
 ^ Rendered doubtful by defacement of tlie symbols.
 
 262 ' APPENDIX VI. 
 
 No. 2. A rude bas-relief on rock representing two long- 
 robed persons seated facing each other, with a table or 
 altar between them. The larger figure to the left holds a 
 cup, and a sceptre with the peculiar "mace "-head noticed 
 by both Egyptians and Assyrians as peculiar to Hittite 
 and allied tribes. Assyrian kings on bas-reliefs bear a 
 similar sceptre, but the mace-head is much smaller. The 
 smaller figure to the left has also a sceptre ; both have 
 high cylindrical caps or crowns. The text is very irregu- 
 larly written, but appears to read — 
 
 NUN IP PI ra ne LU ra Zomoepi US vio ra er vo 
 King region of him yoke for, Sumuabi, servant me for him towards 
 
 garli sirlii ES mo ba7-ak bu aksa sara 
 
 causing to be ruled, it mine having been, this which in, ruling 
 
 a mo [me ?]. Yak bi NUN Makh ne re sa-ak 
 
 it mine [is?]. and this king great, of him servant speaker 
 
 Kesir\US?\me, Yak mo ne ec hara \bi mo barakf^ 
 
 Kesir man is. and me he speaking being, [this mine has been]. 
 
 Kesii- Makh. 
 Kesir Prince. 
 
 " The king causing this province of his government to 
 be ruled by me a servant of him Sumuabi, what was mine 
 is mine to rule. And the speaker is Kesir, a servant of 
 this great king, and he having spoken of [or named] me it 
 is mine,^ Prince Kesir." 
 
 The last words {Kesir Makh) form a separate text 
 written by the smaller figure to the right. It would 
 appear that Kesir was a prince owning as overlord the 
 king, whose name may be read Zomoepi or Summoabi 
 (the first king of Babylon, 2251-2236 B.C.), which means 
 " child of the god Sumu."' The text thus rendered agrees 
 with the picture, and forms a declaration of Kesir's nom- 
 ination by the suzerain. 
 
 ^ The arrangement of the last four emblems is not quite clear. 
 They are in a separate line. Perhaps we should read bar ak a mo, and 
 regard this as also a separate te.vt, " He who is my lord " {bar, chief), 
 like the text Kesir Makh, which belongs to the other figure. In this 
 case the main inscription will end, " Servant of the great king, he also 
 having spoken to me " (or nominated me).
 
 THE HI'l riTE TEXTS. 263 
 
 No. 3. A stela representing a bearded man standing 
 and looking to the left, with a stick in his hand. It was 
 photographed and sketched by Herr Puchstein, but the 
 emblems as copied are too indistinct to l)e read with any 
 certainty. 
 
 The text begins on the left, and consists of six lines, of 
 which the last is much defaced. As far as can be ascer- 
 tained from the indistinct photograph and the imperfect 
 copy,^ the following passages are legible : — 
 
 Line I. BISmeke bit ne ra ka[/ef\ lii diihbn man kliir ve pi bar 
 Homage this to make rendering tablet this written it which is 
 
 . . . ve aka cr , . , ne ke In. 
 raises it thereof with. 
 
 Line II. tie kkir lakh-lakh tram mo ko tie khir aka .... 
 
 to write establishing conquest mj' for to write raising 
 
 sikke kar iippe tic gam . . . a tie. 
 
 setting fort which it coneiuest it of. 
 
 Line III. lakh-lakh a . . . . NUN- ZUM U .... mo is U.N . . . 
 establishes king Siimu .... me here lord 
 
 ra kassa tie Pal mo de gu tie mo . . . mo gu 
 conquering he chief me made word this my my saying 
 
 bara yak . . mo .... tiio . . . tiekhir . . . mo 
 
 is and my my to write me 
 
 la. 
 grant. 
 
 Line I\'. tieke ak ka . . . men tie gam mo bit gam ke yak 
 thereof which being conquest my this conquered and 
 
 . . . ne mo bar . . . a mo gar bar . . . LA tno ne . . . 
 it my is me makes be tablet my it 
 
 sa mo ... SI np pi . . . mo. 
 in my place which my. 
 
 IJne y SI mo [am ?] ra is tno ne mo [ka f] 
 
 place my [people?] for here me me to 
 
 . . ra tno ne bar yak a pi ra ... UN^ ka ne . . . yak . . . ke 
 me of is and what for lord to its and 
 
 tno Sir rum mo a ke . . . tie kas ke In. 
 my orders record me to as it conquered. 
 
 Line VI, E lit .... ne In .... ra ne lakh 
 
 with to appear 
 
 gar . . . mentie . . . 
 makes being 
 
 1 Humann and Puchstein, ls.eisen, Talel xlix.
 
 264 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 The general meaning of the text appears to be there- 
 fore : " To render homage this tablet which is inscribed 
 is raised, showing by writing the . . . thereof, raised to 
 describe my conquest and establishment [in] the fortress 
 where it appears. King Sunni . . . my lord having 
 made me chief here, as having subdued [it], my words 
 tell that it was . . . and to write my . . . the grant 
 thereof which is . . . this my conquest being won, and 
 being my . . . my tablet in my ... in the place which 
 is my . . . my place, for the [people ?] here ... of 
 me is . . . and for that which ... to its lord . . . and 
 my . . . ordering a record as of me [it has been] sub- 
 dued . . . causing to appear. . . ." 
 
 No. 4. This text, broken at the top, is written round 
 a small torso, and consists of four lines.^ The copy is in 
 places uncertain, but the general meaning seems to be as 
 below : — 
 
 Line I. ... [A'z ?] mo\SI ?'\ip pi bu , . . iie re dan ?ie re 
 
 my province this it serving much it serving 
 
 af ne?\ up pi \titr f] ka bar 
 it of who born was 
 
 Line 11. bar ak SI bu ke e ke mo yak ne gar \tarf'\ Ini 
 has been place this carving my also it makes set Master 
 
 man kas sa ne ra NUN pi khir ne Pam mo ne aka 
 
 subduer it for king the writing of proclamation my to-raise 
 
 ne ne gar yak kas Makh 7)io ne [dup f} pi 
 them causing and smiting great my of the tablet 
 
 Line IIL [Mef] hi kas US a ne gar aka Ini yak . . . a?ie 
 P.N. D.A. it he makes raise Master and it of 
 
 kar . . . UN ?ie lu ke me pi gar 
 fortress lord his with as one who causes 
 
 Line IV. sa sa bar ak . . , ra aka a 7ie si. 
 
 command he was raised it of behold. 
 
 This is the statue of a local ruler like the preceding, 
 the general rendering being: "This province being obe- 
 dient, very obedient, to my . . . who am a native of it, 
 also here erects this my statue — its victorious master : the 
 king causing my written proclamation to be set up by 
 
 ^ Humann and Puchstein, Reisen, p. 391, Tafel xlviii. fig. 3.
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 265 
 
 them, and the tablet of my great victory. [Mf/ukm i] i^ 
 the man who causes it to be erected, and is . . . of the 
 fortress ; as one who has been its ruler with his king, he- 
 raises the . . . that you behold." 
 
 There are three other small fragments from Mcr'ash, 
 given on the same plate with the preceding ; but the 
 only words which are at all complete are on the third — 
 namely : 
 
 Ad pi )ii ra sti me i^ar nc kw 
 
 " For his father the taking thereof." 
 
 The remaining sculptures known at Mer'ash include 
 those representing the goddess Ma and the infant Sun-god 
 and a chief adoring a large personage (deity or suzerain) 
 already described ; also another torso, a horse and chariot, 
 and two other bas-reliefs like No. 2. They are not in- 
 scribed. 
 
 CARCHEMISII. 
 
 Three texts on basalt blocks, cut, like the preceding, in 
 relief, were sent by G. Smith with other fragments to the 
 British Museum. They are the best carved of all those 
 yet known. The drawings are made from the originals, 
 which are unfortunately damaged in parts : — 
 
 No. I, line I. DISnemeke . . ticlu Ridemctckalu NUN '/.iimalii 
 
 supplications this with glorifying, Lord Zumalu 
 
 SI ak ra gam giikamclu nc GUT 
 
 city who for conquest, uttered, 
 
 Line II \ercssaf^ yak bu KURUKHU alii 
 
 [demands?] and this prince it with 
 
 Ridcmetekalu UNSAR tumlu sept ra yak idis 
 
 glorifying, king protecting favour for, and power 
 
 7ic GUT me ere. 
 mighty his it. 
 
 Line III. er kare yak er titra LU is GUT a iie 
 
 him causing, and him weak government here power it of 
 
 er RO da Makh er yak Afakh yak liir US is 
 his makes — strong, him both great and small, man here
 
 266 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 tint a 7ie er turd a er yak [LULf] mo LU ra ka 
 region it of him born, him also [people?] my yoke made to, 
 
 US ... . 
 
 man . . . 
 
 Line I\' 7ie tuk yak er yak Makli til er mo. Yak 
 
 to have, both it and prince every him my. And 
 
 bu mo te ne tuk er GUT er bu mo te ve tuk 
 this me renders to have ; it power his this me renders to have ; 
 
 yak er BAR ne gar mo til ?ie US is er KURUKHU 
 and of him division to cause my, all of, man here his, a prince 
 
 a sa yak Ride- 
 it in, and one glori- 
 
 Line V. -vieteka NUN da UNSAR turn da [yak'\ [da ak'\ Yak 
 fied king by, king protected, and [therefore?] also 
 
 Zo Pam ne mo ne ra er a hi er khirra US karak pi 
 thee record of my it for desiring, it writing Man citizen who 
 
 Sakh US is tim mo ne ra 
 
 good, man here region me it for 
 
 (At least fifteen emblems are broken off here.) The 
 translation appears, therefore, to run — 
 
 Line i. "Homage being hereby uttered, glorifying king 
 Zumalu, for whom the city is a conquest, mighty .... 
 
 Line 2 he desires; and the prince hereby renders 
 
 praise. The favour of the suzerain, and his mighty 
 power, being 
 
 Line 3. the cause ; and the rule of one who here [was] 
 weak [or small] his power makes strong. Him both 
 great and small native to this region, him also my 
 obedient [people?] 
 
 Line 4 to possess. Both it, and every 
 
 great man of mine ; and this it is that gives it me : 
 his power gives me it ; and through him I distribute 
 all things, a servant here of him, a prince therein, 
 and one extolled by the king, protected by the 
 suzerain. And thou [therefore?] also art desired, by 
 the writing of my record [or proclamation] being a 
 good citizen, a man of this my region " 
 
 As regards the name of the suzerain, it appears to be 
 the same as that of Zumelu found at Hamath.- It might
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 267 
 
 be rendered Siimine/u ("the servant of Suimi/' the Kassitc 
 god). The second king of Babylon is only known from 
 one list of kings (see Appendix I.), and the Babylonian 
 scribe renders his name Sumit-Ia-ihi, or Sittnii-/a-aii. The 
 change of a single dot would give Sinniimni/u. If the 
 Hittite sign /// had, like the cuneiform ///, also the sound 
 lal, the name might read Zumclal. Not improbably we 
 have here the name of the Babylonian king who reigned 
 from 2236 to 2201 r..c. 
 
 No. 2. On a small black basalt bas-relief of a king now 
 in the British Museum.^ It is the most distinct of all 
 the texts. The royal figure and some of the lines towards 
 the right are much injured. 
 
 Line I. {BISfyihi Ride me Tarko tinune ama [or vmt\ KURUKHU 
 [Homage?] glorious Tarkotimme tribe [<?/' city] prince 
 
 KHAT. 
 Hittite. 
 
 Line II. Ne tarmeke khirra Man MU. SI SAKH me sak ra 
 of, all writing this it records. Babylonia head for 
 
 C/N Zabu. 
 Lord Zabu. 
 
 Line III. KURUKHU sees Ri[delekala?\ 
 Prince gracious, having exalted. 
 
 Line 1\'. . . . Khirra meke lig gar zo es khir. 
 
 writings as to causing information writes. 
 
 LineV. KHAT es is rakal [.S/?]. 
 
 Hittites' master made city. 
 
 Line VI. me e Yak Yak [AH f] fie tuk. bii e ra LO ra 
 [plural], and also [land?] he has. This it for record for 
 
 zo es khir nd gug tie. 
 
 information writes, day contest of. 
 
 Line VII. Kasme ne guglu khirra ke e ne \a ?] su {In ?]. 
 Smiting he fought, writing he cuts, he it ordering. 
 
 Line VIII. ne NUM khir Yak khirra me ke. 
 to engrave write, and to be written. 
 
 The meaning, therefore, appears to be — 
 "This inscription [or carving] is to the honour and 
 glory of Tarkotimme, the tribal chief of all the Hittites 
 
 ' Four feet high and two feel wide.
 
 268 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 [or confederates], a gracious prince exalted by Zabu the 
 head of the Babylonians. . . . The inscriptions giving 
 information thereof he writes. Having become master of 
 the Hittites [or confederates], ... he holds cities and 
 [land?] also. Therefore he writes a tablet of information ; 
 having fought victoriously in the contest, the inscription 
 [or carving] he cuts, ordering it to be hewn and 
 inscribed." 
 
 The name Tarkutimme was a common one, but the 
 prince in question appears to have been the contem- 
 porary of Targon of Mer'ash in the reign of Zabu (2201- 
 2187 B.C.) 
 
 No. 3. A grey basalt stela ^ with a curved surface in 
 front, which is the inscribed side. At the back is a full- 
 face figure, the head of which is lost. It has a long 
 striped (or pleated) robe, and holds a sceptre. The text 
 is broken on the left, and the emblems are so much worn 
 as to be occasionally doubtful. The first line is conjec- 
 turally restored : — 
 
 Line I [Tar^ofim]me /^UJ^UA^ffUlS/] Karknm\is\ 
 
 P. N. prince city Carchem[ish] 
 
 ra \si\ra. 
 for ruler. 
 
 Line IL . . . li bi mo ?ie GUT yak khul gvgkasak khi vo da du. 
 
 , by it my mighty, and foe contest which about it is. 
 
 Pam mo Rideme tara \ke?'\NUN KUR Turda me 
 
 Record my glory establishing, as lord land son from being, 
 
 7ie da NUN puda su keeke mo li i khir a tie rasa ke 
 
 it at, lord far-powerful, carving my by, it text it of is made, as 
 
 mo 
 
 me 
 
 Line III //ik US Rideme te eko UNSAR deguglu 
 
 having : a man praised for, king warrior 
 Zuinahi dan lit gitkka tv at ka mo keeke tno 
 
 Zumalu power with fighting, making, [father for my?] carving my 
 }ie men yak MA [or A'(9] e pu ne mo ee. ^JUS 
 
 it is ; and land \or all] it this of my speaking. Record 
 
 DISpi koda crisda alalme .... 
 
 supplication all from desired, return 
 
 ^ Five and a half feet high, two and a half feet across.
 
 THE HITTITK TEXTS. 269 
 
 Line IV. . . . KURU lu vieda \_UKU f\ ak k/uil ga>-gu^^ 
 
 favour with made, a people which a foe, making war, 
 
 zotarraka ra, a ne SI zo tillu de rosa ; TUR 
 information for it of, city knowing all become done ; son 
 
 lik ka da ur de ra ak a ne, AL pi ke til 
 dog from repulse made which it of; flight the as completed 
 
 ra vo ak ne er LO tiik US tillu gargug. .... 
 
 is, regarding which of it record has, man every war making 
 
 Line V u . . . \UKU?'\ ak kccke ra zoanc 
 
 [my own?] people whom a carving for, information 
 
 ak ka \kar ?] yak khnlpi NUN is tillu ka SIS rara 
 which [making?], and the foe's king here all to, aid raising, 
 
 yak khitla raa wf is KIP Katkumis tarlu 
 
 and hostile coming, he here, region Carchemish ruling, 
 
 KURUKHU I'll ME \>ief\ lu vie nc men khir 
 the prince, this battling him with being, it this of writing, 
 
 SI sd da mo [tur ?]. 
 city midst at my [stands?]. 
 
 The meaning appears, therefore, to be — 
 
 Line i. [ "Tarkotimjme the prince (ruhng the 
 
 city) Kar[chemish], 
 
 Line 2. ... by means of my powerful .... And it 
 concerns the contest with the foe, as my record 
 [or proclamation] declaring glory. Lord of the native 
 land, a lord widely powerful, by me a sculptured in- 
 scription is made, as of me 
 
 Line 3 possessing. For a man celebrated — 
 
 my father — making war by aid of the warrior king 
 Zumalu, my sculpture is made, and all that I say 
 thereof. A record of homage due from all 
 
 Line 4. ... with the favour that was. A hostile people 
 having made war, by this notification the city is in- 
 formed of all that [was] done. How the son of a 
 dog was repulsed, how he has fled altogether, as to 
 which it is recorded that every man who makes 
 war .... 
 
 Line 5 which is [also] a record to inform my 
 
 own [people ?], and all who raise help for the hostile 
 king, or come as foes, that there was such battle with
 
 2/0 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 the prince who was ruHng the region of Carchcmish. 
 It being written stands in the midst of my city." 
 
 This text shows us that the name Carchemish meant 
 the " topmost " or " capital " city. If the writer's name 
 (of which only the last syllable is left) was Tarkutimme, 
 and if the monument refers to his father (At), it would 
 follow that Zumalu was the same as Sumulailu of Babylon 
 (see No. i, Carchemish), the predecessor of Zabu. 
 
 No. 4. Mere fragments of a similar bas - relief, but 
 representing a god with wings. The upper part of the 
 figure is lost. He holds in his hand a basket, such as 
 deities hold on Assyrian sculptures. These fragments, 
 also in the British Museum, are of black basalt. The few 
 emblems left are as follows : — 
 
 Line I NUN [Aku palab ef] 
 
 King 
 
 Line II. Rapal e pal 
 serving 
 
 Line ? Khirj-a e 
 writing its 
 
 Line ? TIL ra 
 complete 
 
 Line ? rake gal is ten ke gal 
 makes be here lord as being 
 
 This might apply to a deity or to a human lord. Com- 
 pare the name of 'Ammurabi's father Akumupalab (2169- 
 2139 B.C.) 
 
 No. 5. Another fragment in the British Museum of 
 which no consecutive reading is possible. The symbols 
 Khu, prince; khirra, writing; SI pi, the city; miie., my; 
 nelu, with it; er yak Tar, him and the chief; iieka, there- 
 of; SI kar Uik [holding the city fort?], alone remain. 
 
 Other small fragments also have been brought to the 
 British Museum from Carchemish, but in the absence of 
 consecutive groups they give little information.
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 27 1 
 
 A. La ke Nun gukke, a tablet, as a chief fighting. 
 
 B. Nu-iin er, his lord . . . sak, head. 
 
 C. -E gal tii e i^^al. It is, it is complete. 
 
 D. ... Moka, to me . . . Pam nc [Afa/if]f/iu, its record 
 
 is jecorded. 
 
 E. ... Am ak ke yak NIR is Kas . . . US, wiiich 
 
 people and the ruler here smiting. 
 
 F. The first line refers to fighting. In the second we 
 
 find— 
 
 Ne gut is VO . . lit . . . lu pi e ens yak SUlitk yak 
 Mighty here it will and having power and 
 
 7ie gut , , . 
 mighty 
 
 In the third line we find — 
 
 Keeke er ttik yak ka , . US . , tie . . , 
 Carving its having and 
 
 G. It is uncertain which was the lines read. 
 H. ... Un ura sir, . . . Lord I for ruling. 
 I. ... ane er yak g//, thereof and says, 
 
 J. The emblem er only. 
 
 K. Mere suffixes and conjunction. 
 
 L. The sign J^a. 
 
 M. The signs Ne and er. 
 
 N. May read either way. 
 
 O. Vak . . . er . . . sir ... 
 
 P. The statue of a king apparently refers to fighting. In 
 
 the second line Sak UN mo \_gam ?], my victorious 
 
 suzerain (?). In the third line Kc gal -ra [kul^ 
 
 ne til. 
 Q. In the first line . . . Khir er\_Diip1^pi tarra,^\\\'\'g 
 
 the tablet of his writing. In the second, Yak 
 
 MEe, and battle. 
 R. ... Tiir nie In, with sons. 
 S. Only the emblem er is distinct. 
 
 All these texts seem to point to the Hittitc invasion of
 
 272 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Carchemish having occurred at the time when the Kas- 
 sites first began to rule in Babylon, about 2250 B.c.^ 
 
 HAMATH. 
 
 Four basalt blocks found by Burckhardt in 18 12 are 
 now in the Constantinople Museum. The plates are 
 from the casts made by Rev. W. Wright in 1872. The 
 texts Nos. 4 and 5 are on two sides of one stone, but are 
 separate, though referring to the same writer. 
 
 No. I, line I. BISme Namcmclu ENu Kassalu SU ak 
 
 Supplications uttered with, lord conquering might whose 
 
 lu ka. 
 with, to. 
 
 Line II. NUN pi ino, ak re ka Tin a 7iie ?ie ak lu 
 
 King the my, whom a servant to, life it be who with, 
 
 A' UN Zoin u me lu ke. 
 king, Zomumelu, as. 
 
 Line III. Tilka keekeme ta mo 7ic I PR A a ne ak man. 
 all to, sculpture so me of, region to his who [am?]. 
 
 The translation apparently means — 
 
 " With homage expressed to the lord through whose 
 might I smite — my king whom I serve, may he live, 
 Zomumelu, being king of all, so I who am his countryman 
 inscribe." 
 
 The meaning of Ipra is discussed in the list of Hittite 
 words (Appendix VII.) The king's name may be Sumu- 
 juelu (" man of the god Sumu," see Carchemish, No. i) or 
 ZuJimelu, like the previous Zumalu. 
 
 No. 2, line I. BISme Namemelu ENu Kassalic SU ak 
 
 Supplications uttered with, lord conquering might whose 
 
 lu ka ke gam me ne ak NUN ma 
 with, to, as conquering this who king here, 
 
 Line II. Kas ne gu en NUN pi mo ka gu NUN pi mo 
 smiting he saying, as king the me to saying, king the my 
 
 1 Another text of four lines (see sketch in Perrot & Chipiez' ' Art in 
 Asia Minor,' vol. ii. p. 259) still lies in the ruins. It accompanies the 
 figure of a seated personage, hut cannot possibly be read with any 
 certainty from the drawing.
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 273 
 
 ak re ka sitf dc tic ak tr wo tie XUX /.om- 
 
 wliom servant to, hostile he who servant me of, king, Suni- 
 
 n me In, ke. 
 umelu as. 
 
 Line III. Tilka keckeme t a mo tie ak AMA _^ainlu man, 
 all to, sculpture so me of who crown conquering am. 
 
 This is practically the same as the preceding : — 
 "With homage expressed to the lord through whose 
 might I smite, as one who has conquered, he commanding 
 to smite the king here, calling me king — he the king 
 whom I serve ; he who was hostile becoming my servant ; 
 as Zumumelu is king of all, such is my inscription, who 
 have conquered a crown [or, the people]." 
 
 No. 3, line I. BISme Namcmelii EXn Kassalii SU' ak lit ka ke gamme 
 vc NUN ma tie gu. 
 
 Line II. Gulit NUN mo ka gu Nun pi mo ak re ka ENii ak a tie \tno ?\ 
 re NUN Zomu KE tilka kcekeme. 
 
 This text is the same as the last, but condensed into 
 two lines. The king's name would at first seem to be 
 different. The scribe having no room for the two syllables 
 melu (man or servant), substitutes the ideogram RE (ser- 
 vant) to be read melu as in his other texts. This confirms, 
 therefore, the meaning of this emblem (.\kkadian ;•/, ser- 
 vant), and the text reads — 
 
 " With homage expressed to the Lord through whose 
 might I have smitten, as he spoke and commanded the 
 conquest of the king here, calling me king — the king 
 whom I serve : the lord who [was] here [being] my 
 servant, Zomumelu [being] king of all, [is] the inscrip- 
 tion." 
 
 As the inscribed part of this stone was cut off, it is 
 possible that an emblem has been lost at the end, but 
 the whole is greatly condensed. 
 
 No. 4, line I. SI a mo u Dutar a tic SI k'ark.j gu MUS ka gon 
 City to my I Totar it of city Karak word record to, chief 
 
 raka DUB mo. 
 become tablet mv.
 
 274 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Line II. me ka mo ne shi ka SU me ta Pal pi bara akke barak 
 this to me of fixed, power from, rebel the, chief who was 
 
 EN uppi en ma a 
 lord who so here to, 
 
 Line III. Ke me mo ne NUN pi ?i ka kas sa ka. gal NUN pi u 
 as being, me of king the I to smitten become king the I 
 
 re ne tar 
 servant of rule 
 
 Line IV. SI Karak ke SI ak gam gal bu barak BISa 
 
 city Karak as city which conquest become this was, supplication 
 
 ne gu MUS ka shi ka. 
 its word record to have fixed. 
 
 The word Dutar may be a proper name or only mean 
 " made to rule." The meaning appears to be as 
 follows : — 
 
 " To my city. I, Totar, as a record addressed to the 
 city Karak [Hamath], having become chief, therefore 
 set me up my tablet : since the chief who rebelled from 
 government, who was lord here, was smitten of me 
 for my king, I the king's servant rule ; as the city Karak 
 [Hamath] has become a conquered city [I] have set up 
 a record speaking of its homage." 
 
 The name Karak, "fortress," is evidently the old 
 Mongol name which the Semitic peoples afterwards trans- 
 lated Hamah or " fortress." 
 
 No. 5. This text is remarkable because the third and 
 fourth lines both read from the right — the emblems 
 all pointing to the right — which is not the case in 
 any other known Hittite text. 
 
 Line I. BIS me ENu kassa sak khirlu SU ak ne In 
 
 Supplications Lord's, conquest writing power whose it with, 
 
 ka ke gukkas ne ak NUN \Ab-i-su-ne ?] u pi 
 
 to, as warrior his who, lord P.N, ... I who 
 
 Line II. MUS ka en BIS mo gu NUN lu via gu 
 
 a record to, as supplication my speaks, king with my word 
 
 MUS khi sasa gu SI a ne ak [ke khir mo 
 
 record what ordering, speaking city to, it which [as writing my
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 275 
 
 /e sa f] zo pi LU sa kceke mo ka one topi I.U ui 
 renders?] thy self yoke in, carving me to, it of, thy self yoke in 
 
 SI a mo II US A T mo kc 
 city to my, I man father my as 
 
 Line III. ric is Sf a mo u Diitar kf[k/iu/f] _i;,uu ka 
 of it master, city to my I become lord, as [foe?] con<(uering 
 
 >no gu u UN ka KA T mo ka MU ra zaiu 
 
 of me speaks, I king to, hand my, to, year for complete 
 
 gamka En . . . mo ka 7ie sa mo mc tur gu 
 
 conciuering, lord[ship] me to, it in, of me establishing speaks, 
 
 \til f\ a lie SI IP barak \tur f tie f lit f] 
 
 all it his province having been [abiding, him with?] 
 
 Line IV. mo ka ta [Pai pi ?] bara akke ra ski me ne barak 
 me to so [rebel the ?] chief which for, hostile he was : 
 
 SAKH pi EN mo sa gi [barf]barka sii mo 
 
 Babylonian lord me in again having caused to live, power my, 
 
 [/t(7//] 7110 s/iisa shisa \^Enf\ ko [nefka] kas mo ne 
 prosperity my, makes firm : lord for thereof smiting me of 
 
 Am ubba [UPUf] a sa EN uppi 
 
 people, which to city it in Lord- who 
 
 Line V lu kas Turn gar mo 
 
 with smiting protection causes me 
 
 SU e sa gi pi \NUNf\ gar barak ka mo ne 
 
 power its in again which king causes to have been, me he 
 
 SAKH pi EN\KUKU ?\ gii. 
 Babylonian lord gracious speaking. 
 
 This text being much damaged, and perhaps purposely 
 defaced in the 5th Hnc, its meaning is more doubtful. 
 It appears, however, to run as follows : — 
 
 Line i. "With homage to him by whose might I write 
 of a Prince's conquest, as one who fights for him, 
 King [Abisum ?] 
 
 Line 2. as a record speaking of my homage, saying that 
 which I with my king command. To this city which 
 [as my writing states ^] is in thy own government, my 
 inscription this [is]. To my city subject to thyself 
 I, like my father, 
 
 Line 3. the master of my city, I Dutur [or, I become 
 ruler] as having conquered the foe, of me it tells. 
 
 ' Perhaps SU, not khir, " as my power establishes."
 
 276 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 I for the king, to my hand a year ago having sub- 
 dued establishing for myself my lord[ship] 
 
 therein it says. The whole province having been his, 
 an abode for me 
 
 Line 4. with him, the rebel who was its chief having 
 been hostile, the lord of the Babylonians [or the 
 rightful lord] having caused me again to live there, 
 securing my power [and] my prosperity, smiting the 
 lord thereof. To the people who were in the city the 
 lord who by me 
 
 Line 5 smiting, he gives protection : that the 
 
 king again has caused me to be powerful therein 
 graciously says, of me the Babylonian [or, rightful] 
 lord." 
 
 The text refers, therefore, to a reconquest of Hamath, 
 by aid of the king, whose name is much damaged. If it 
 be, as proposed to be read, Ebisum, it refers to the eighth 
 king of the ist dynasty (2059-2034 B.C.) The conquest 
 of Hamath is likely to have occurred later than that of 
 Carchemish. 
 
 ALEPPO. 
 
 Two texts existed here, both of which have been de- 
 stroyed. One of them has been copied by various 
 explorers, but was apparently much defaced, so that the 
 copies vary considerably, and the reading is therefore 
 very doubtful. That made by George Smith is the 
 best defined.^ 
 
 Line L U ke SI mu a \da ?] [NUN SI KHILBI ?] Eriaku ne sa a 
 I as city my it at [Lord city Aleppo?] P. N., this in it 
 
 fe zu [SI? IP? PI ?^ 
 make know, province 
 
 Line II. UN [Mak/i?] . . . [M/r Mir /i ?] IV. [Pal?] yak 
 Lord great causing to write ; fourth year and 
 
 VII. LIT [sa f] iara ka kar ne UN tul. 
 seventh month in, rule to, fortress this lord raises. 
 
 1 Proc. Bib. Arch. Soc, Tune 1S83.
 
 THE HITTITI-: T1-:XTS. 277 
 
 The state of the text renders most of this very doubtful ; 
 but the name of the writer, "worshipper of the Moon-god," 
 appears to be clear, and occupies the chief position in the 
 inscription, which would mean — 
 
 "I [Eriaku], as the lord of this my city of Aleppo,' 
 hereby make known [as] lord of the province causing it 
 to be written ; in the fourth year and seventh month of 
 rule, this fortress the ruler erects." 
 
 The name Eriaku (Arioch) was no doubt common 
 among the Kassites and Elamites, and no date can be 
 established ; but the text appears to refer to the building 
 of a fortress (or perhaps a temple, since the sign is doubt- 
 ful, and might be E instead of kar) in the city of Aleppo. 
 
 BULGAR MADEN. 
 
 We next turn to texts beyond the limits of the Hittite 
 country, of which the finest is found at Bulgar Maden. 
 It is carved on rock, on the borders of Cilicia and Cappa- 
 docia, north of Tarsus, and has been carefully copied by 
 Mr D. G. Hogarth. The writing is more sketchy than 
 that of preceding texts, either because it is incised or 
 because it is of later date. Some of the characters ap- 
 proach very closely to the Cypriote. It appears to have 
 been intentionally defaced at a time when the writing was 
 understood, probably by the writer's enemies. 
 
 Line I. Gudcticmckcli yak IPpi e khul pe yak cri maaklu yak 
 Proclamation by, both region it hostile, and him abiding and 
 
 IP pi ne saaklu yak k/tirka de ne pe yak ne 
 
 region the of, addressing, and writing making to make, also he 
 
 a gar ne kur lu agu ra UN gu \de f] lii 
 
 it causing, this land yoke crown for lord, proclaims, with . . 
 
 ne tiliu sa ne barak git nc me yak LO ak 
 
 its completion in it having been : word these, and record which 
 
 \keke ?] 
 
 is cut, 
 
 1 The best copies (by G. Smith and C. F. T. Drake) show remains 
 of the sign NUN and of kar (otHerwise sounded khil), with bi inside 
 — a compound ideogram for the city name.
 
 2/8 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Line II. A'e a gar ne US Eri-Aku rake sakh ne [ID? pif] 
 He it causing, he man P,X. made, of right the power 
 
 mo ka ne dede SI Larasa dera sa MAN barak yak ne 
 
 to me he gave, city Larsa ruHng in, king having been ; and that 
 
 ;// sa Siippi ka KURUK HU aa UN mo a sa tik gar 
 it in province, to prince it to lord, me it in all makes 
 
 him yak tie ttct?i [g^^^ ^] yak ese vio yak Pal 
 
 protect, and of it protection [there is ?], both these my, and former 
 
 ne sir pi yak vo ke mo yak de turn ke. 
 
 of possession also regarding as mine, also giving protection. 
 
 Line. III. e ni pi ko mo a sara tumtum mo khul }ne ra. 
 
 these the for me to ruling, making protection my foes among. 
 
 yak Ma sa ra yak khul me Us \Re9\ mo er yak LU me ven 
 And abode royal ; and foes' manservant my him, and obedient 
 
 vio es LU ra yak ko akke LU a ne SI Makh ra pal 
 of me those yoke toward, and all who yoke to its city princely, long 
 
 rabi sakh 7ie de rake yak gu 7no ke LO 
 
 serving, prosperous, to become was made ; and word my as record, 
 
 UN .... gu ke UN a turn de mo te ' yak 
 
 lord .... spoken ; lord it protection causing, me establishes, and 
 
 . . . me 7no pe ne turn cr LO ak sa ne 
 
 my makes ; of it protection his a record which in he 
 
 a gar ne sa eri ne de- 
 it causing, it in, him of made 
 
 Line I\'. -delu PAM bu mo yak gude ne ak lu 
 
 do. Proclamation this my, and utterance it which with 
 
 dede \khif\lu pi es pi bi Rimka-ka yak 
 
 made, [the doing ?] these things demands: [tribute?] and 
 
 7,ar gargar Manko ne .... US ne . . ne [ke ?] . . rake 
 store treasure, king for its, man as made, 
 
 dera mo ne raka ak ene yak .... sarake yak eri 
 
 rule me of made, who them, and .... have ordered, and man 
 
 ne sap sa khul ka LU ka ka SI sa si khul ma ak 
 him province in foe to bound to, city in facing foe's home which 
 
 ul bi ul gar de [khi f] pi sa lakhkhisa 
 
 is, demand to be made [notice ?] the in, is made clear. 
 
 Line V. ne lakh barak yak dera US ne ake siake 
 
 it clear having been and ordering: Man it who beholding, 
 
 yak ne ko ak yak ra ne ke akka .... a ne barak 
 both him for what, and [concerning ?] what ... . to, it was, 
 
 eri [ Tar f] go e e lu tik guke yak ke khul 
 
 him [the chief?] speaking with, all has said ; and as foe 
 
 . . . UN ra a sa Siip ka SI ak mo 
 
 [conquering?] king towards it in, province to, city which mine, 
 
 yak tik yak kar rii SI be a ne sa SI ak de 
 both mound and fort making, city ruined it in, city which new
 
 THE HITirrE TEXTS. 
 
 2/9 
 
 ven SI mo LU a UN sa ra . . . ID . . . SI pi ud a 
 is, city of me yoke to lord ruling power[ful], city the when it 
 111' . , ne tiikke. 
 of it holding. 
 
 It will be noticed that references to the success of 
 the writer and to defeat of the enemy seem to have been 
 erased, and four or five emblems missing in the first line 
 may have contained the name of the conqueror, which, 
 unless it be recognised as Targo (or Tarkun) in the fifth 
 line, is absent. The word Tartro may, however, mean 
 only "chief," and both signs are doubtful. Rendered 
 into English syntax from the peculiar Mongolic and 
 agglutinative structure which is strictly followed in the 
 original, this long text reads as follows : — 
 
 "By proclamation addressing both the hostile region 
 and him who abides in this regioti, and causing it to 
 be written, he who so does — lord of the countrj- subject 
 to the crown — announces, this. . . . having been com- 
 pleted, Eriaku has caused these words, and the tablet 
 which is cut, to be made. He gave to me the power for 
 good [or of Babylon ^], being king ruling in the city 
 Larasa [Larsa] ; and me, the prince of the province, he 
 causes to protect all that is therein, and it is protected 
 [or, and he protects it] ; and he regards these and my 
 former possessions as mine, and gives protection, and is 
 my protection among foes for those that I rule. And 
 the royal land and the foreigner who serves me and is 
 obedient [or subjected] : he who is my subject, and 
 every one who has long served subject to the great [or 
 princely] city, has been made prosperous ; and as a 
 record of Lord . . . my word is uttered, the lord who 
 gives protection establishing me and making me . 
 and that which is in the record of his protection he has 
 caused to be stated. This my memorial [or proclama- 
 tion], and the publication made thereof, demands that 
 these things be [done?]. Tribute, and treasure of store- 
 houses for its king, men . . . decision being made by 
 
 ^ The word sakh has, however, licre no detcrniin.itivc nf place.
 
 28o APPENDIX VI. 
 
 me, who have ruled them and . . . and to him in the 
 province subject to the foe, in a place facing the enemy's 
 country, the demand which will be made is made clear 
 in this [notification ?], it being clear and decisive. The 
 chief, speaking to the man who sees this, has told all 
 that concerned him and what has been. . . . And as 
 having [conquered ?] the foe of the lord of this province, 
 which place is mine, building both mound [or fortifica- 
 tion] and castle in the old [or ruined] city, it is a new 
 city, a city subject to me — a power[ful] ruling lord since 
 the [conquest?] of the city holding possession of it." 
 
 The writer would appear to have extended his do- 
 minions and placed his notice on the frontier, which 
 was formed by the great spur of the Taurus dividing 
 Cilicia from Cappadocia. The date (under Eriaku of 
 Larsa) would be about 2150 B.C. 
 
 IBREEZ. 
 
 The sculpture on a rock north-west of Tarsus in Cilicia 
 has been already described. The figure of the god, who 
 holds corn and wine, and is girt with flames, is 20 feet 
 high, and that of the worshipper about 12 feet. The 
 base of the bas-relief is some 9 feet above the stream 
 flowing by the rock. There are three short texts — one 
 before the god's face, one behind the worshipper, and a 
 thij-d beneath the bas-relief, the last being almost effaced. 
 
 No. I, line I. [A'a f] fie Siipe LU gamkahi ka UN pi 
 This of province yoke conquered to lord the 
 
 Line 11. ne a gar ne tc lu ne RA me du se 
 
 him causing to adore, he possession to be grants, 
 
 Line III. LU mo is sa gar lu. 
 yoke my here in causing. 
 
 The sign LU., as elsewhere, stands for "yoke," "govern- 
 ment," "subjection," as in the Tell Amarna letters. 
 
 " Of this, a conquered province, the god, whom I cause 
 to be adored, has given possession, causing me to rule it."
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 28 1 
 
 No. 2, line I. AV du ab ka 
 He coming house to 
 
 Line II. ne re a 
 him service 
 
 Line III. ne garlic sar pi 
 he making, king the 
 
 Til us ka. 
 Tuska. 
 
 " He who approaches, worshippiiiL; his temple, is King 
 Tuska." 
 
 As al) also means " father," it may mean that the deity 
 is the king's father. 
 
 No. 3 AV ne mo gar tim sa UN Alussa aka vo 
 
 He it me causing, region in lord, Alosha which name 
 
 mativo. 
 is named. 
 
 In the decayed state of the text this rendering is doubt- 
 ful. It is, however, to be remarked that the region called 
 Alasiya (Elishah) in the Tell Amarna letters, is called 
 Alosha on the docket written on one tablet by the 
 Egyptian librarian. Alosha was a maritime region near 
 the Hittite country, and appears to have been in Cilicia, 
 where the present text occurs. There are two or more 
 emblems in the second line which are not intelligible, but 
 the rest seems to read, " By his will I am lord of the 
 resjion called Alosha." 
 
 MT. .SIPVLOS. 
 
 The text on the so-called "Niobe" was copied by 
 Dennis in 1881, and afterwards by Prof. Sayce. The 
 copies do not entirely agree, and the emblems are appar- 
 ently much worn. They appear to read — 
 
 Ma a Nun Amrabe, 
 
 which might mean " Amrabe [dedicates] to Ma," or else 
 " Alaa is the goddess of the race." The name Amrabe^ 
 if it refers to a king {Nun\ reminds us of 'Ammurahi.
 
 282 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Ma is the Earth goddess, and the name was well known to 
 the Greeks as that of a deity in Asia Minor. 
 
 K ARAB EL. 
 
 The inscribed figure was discovered by Renouard in 
 1839, and described by Texier in his travels. One copy 
 is given in Rawlinson's 'Herodotus' (vol. ii. p. 174), and 
 a photograph is given in Dr ^Vright's ' Empire of the 
 Hittites ' (Plate xviii.) The figure is 140 feet from the 
 ground, and the copies of the emblems show that they 
 are much decayed. Dr Sayce's copy, made in 1879,^ 
 gives an additional emblem as half effaced. The second 
 line, indeed, appears to be extremely illegible, and it is 
 doubtful whether it contained two or four emblems. 
 Comparing the two copies and the photograph, the 
 emblems appear to be — 
 
 Us am ma 
 SI khii Pal; 
 
 or, if the emblems si-khii are a compound, as in cunei- 
 form, we might read Us Ainma vmt talr This may be a 
 personal name ("son of the race of Sikhu," the Kassite 
 name of Marduk), or may be variously rendered, accord- 
 ing as pal is understood to stand for " smote " or for 
 " crossed over " — " One who has smitten the place of this 
 people ; " or, " One who has marched over the place of 
 this people." The renderings, however, are very doubtful, 
 from the state of the text. 
 
 According to Herodotus, there was a text in hieratic 
 Egyptian characters on the breast of this statue, which did 
 not give the name of the hero but only the words, " This 
 country I have subdued by the power of my arm " (Herod., 
 vol. ii. p. 102). This is very close to the suggested trans- 
 lation ; but the text is not on the breast of the figure, nor 
 is it Egyptian. Herodotus speaks of the costume as partly 
 
 ^ Trans. Bib. .\rch. Soc, vol. %ii. p. 265. 
 
 - Compare the name Miitalli for a Gamgum chief.
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 283 
 
 Ethiopian, partly Egyptian. He supposed the person 
 represented to be Sesostris. 
 
 DOGHANLU DERESI. 
 
 The emblems of the bas-relief at this site in Phrygia, 
 between Koutahiah and Sevri Hissar, are also extremely 
 rude and indefinite. They were sketched by Professor 
 Ramsay. 
 
 BOR. 
 
 The upper half, found by Professor Ramsay at Tyana, 
 of a stela with a royal figure, the lower part being still 
 uncopied at Bor. The characters arc incised, and well 
 formed. They have been carefully coi)ied by Mr 1). G. 
 Hogarth. 
 
 Line I. Yak 7ie a gar nc lu sa yak meyie ?ie ak lit 
 Both he it causing this with to say and those him who with 
 
 Zu 7na lu ra Man ak lit \ka ?] kaspi tillu 
 Zumalu for, king who subject to, smiting complete 
 
 Line I T . ven yak mo [ Tar ?] 7ieka pc yak tie dedc 
 
 made, and me chief this to making, also he causes make, 
 
 yak lid gam^mef'X yak karsalu yak[SU f] aklu yak \_gu f^ lu 
 and now conquering, both lawfully and powerfully, and word with 
 
 7910 er gu yak 7ie 
 me it telling ; and this 
 
 Line III. yak [Makk?} Tim pi ven 7ie reka yak gudeinc 
 also [of prince?] allegiance, him servant to, and utterance, 
 
 er ke UN' 7/10 ka si 7ie ke Ti/n pi ven 7ie te sa yak 
 
 him as lord me to before, thereof, allegiance establishes ; and 
 
 Siippi e sa 
 province it in 
 
 Line IV. vak nc Akn alal me yak US ne gamlu barak 
 also of him crown restored is, and man its conquering [life?] 
 
 er ka pit. 
 him to long. 
 
 The differences of the two copies give rise to some 
 doubts as to parts of the text, but its meaning appears 
 to be — 
 
 " Both he who hereby causes to speak and those who
 
 284 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 are with him, who are subject to Zunialu the king, have 
 made end of smiting, and he has caused me to be made 
 chief thereto and now victorious, both lawfully and power- 
 fully, through his command spoken to me ; and this also 
 establishes the allegiance [or obligation] of a prince who 
 is his servant, making proclamation of him as in presence 
 of my lord, and his crown is restored in this province 
 [long may he live conquering his people ?]." 
 
 GURUN. 
 
 At this site in Southern Cappadocia, north of Mer'ash, 
 two texts were found by Sir C. W. Wilson, and carefully 
 copied by Mr D. G. Hogarth. One of these is too frag- 
 mentary to treat. The other appears from the copy to 
 run as follows,^ the emblems being incised : — 
 
 Line I. UN SI me UN SI UNa UN SI . . . . ba e NUN ko 
 lord city [pi] lord city lord to, lord city it king for 
 
 UNSAR yak [gal?] yak . . . SI- UN ZAB guide f\ Rideme 
 suzerain both great, and city ruler proclaims glory, 
 
 ke NUN \iia ? me] iak 
 
 as lord and 
 
 Line II. 71 Tarka dimme e zu NUN NUN ko ?ie . . . . 
 
 I Tarkatimme it acknowledge lord lord for his 
 
 URU e Ko rii mo LA . . . e 
 
 city it Gurun, a tablet 
 
 Line III. LA mo LA dim er ... 
 tablet my tablet as him 
 
 Line IV. ne .... ko 7ie ... . Pal VIII ne mo yak NUN ka e SI 
 
 year eight it my, and lord to it city 
 ake XVIII PAL ke ?!£... VIII ne UD ka IV ?ie LIT ka 
 which eighteenth year his, eighth day to, fourth month to, 
 
 Tarka fe mo. 
 chieftainship my. 
 
 Line V. ... IP ka e UN . . . . al lit lu . . . gam ko UN 
 region to it, lord conquest for, lord 
 
 .... XXVIII UN SI 7)ie raa raa gude dim 
 
 twenty-eight, lord city (pi.) making possess, saying as 
 
 er 7710. 
 it my. 
 
 The copies not being very certain, are not reproduced.
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 285 
 
 This text, though much damaged, is fairly clear, and 
 valuable as giving the best examples of the numerals. 
 It appears to mean — 
 
 "To the lord of the most royal city of royal cities, the 
 
 royal city for its king, a suzerain both great and 
 
 . . . the lord of a city speaks, in his honour proclaiming, 
 as king, and ... I Tarkadimme acknowledge. The 
 king's king . . . the city Gorumo [/>., Gurun] a tablet 
 . . . my tablet, as a tablet . . . him . . . my eighth 
 year . . . and the eighteenth of the lord [whose the place 
 is ?], the eighth day of the fourth month of my estal)lish- 
 ment as chief ... to the region, the lord . . . having 
 [brought back ?] . . . [as] a conquest for . . . twenty- 
 eight royal cities of lord . . . being proclaimed mine." 
 
 It appears that Tarkadimme had been established eight 
 years three months eight days in the city Gorumo or 
 Gurun in the eighteenth year of a suzerain whose name 
 was perhaps purposely erased, together with words refer- 
 ring to conquest. 
 
 IZGiriN. 
 
 At this place, on the right bank of the Khurmaii 
 Su, about half-way between Yarpuz and El Bistan, Mr 
 Hogarth found a limestone obelisk 8 feet high, with 
 a text in seventy short Hues running round the four 
 sides. It was hastily copied, and the photographs are 
 not clear, while the original is much defaced. The 
 emblems, however, are in relief, and therefore better 
 formed than those of the incised texts. The following 
 appears to be legible : — 
 
 B I Sine ra LUke, c zo mo nc barak is a tuk . . . ka cr 
 Homage for subject, it thy me of, has been ; here it holding 
 
 . . . . lu . . . c . . . . is NUN ka . .. . NUN NUN ko ke 
 here lord to lord lord for as, 
 
 NUN dim ke zo 71c ... . neke mo is to NUN NUN 
 
 lord like as thee of thereof my here thou, lord lord 
 
 ka At gar es is ne AB cr tiir .... fr . . It I 
 to, father's dwelling here of, house his sets Imn all
 
 286 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 .... pe sirke mo zn MI til a es ke mo gu 
 makes, order my thou land all to those as mine sayest, 
 
 Tar [NUN NUN ?] khi ko ragal UN . . . . a sa til ke 
 chief, lord lord, who for, am made, lord it in all as 
 
 mo MI . . ne yak e ko ke mo e ra ak sa ak ta ro e 
 mine land of, and it for as me it for what in ; which so doing, 
 
 a u \Makh f] a ne me EN ke AM A e a ne is rede er 
 it I prince it of being, lord as, people its, it of, here, service it 
 
 zo ko a ne e ke sasa US LU u kara e ne mo 
 thee for it of speak, as ordering ; man subject I acting, it of mine 
 
 \AKA ?] lu UN ra UN . . . ne . . ka ke mo e \bu ud ?] 
 [crown?] subject lord to, lord as mine it this day, 
 
 ta kce ke me ko me US turn. 
 so sculpture carving man makes. 
 
 A consecutive reading of parts only is possible in the 
 first seven lines. The subject is the same as on other 
 texts, and the latter part appears to run — 
 
 " Thou the king's king hast set me . . . here in the 
 abode of my father's dwelling thou callest all those of 
 this land mine, who am made chief for the king's king, a 
 lord . . . therein all the . . . land, and what is in it 
 being mine, whereby I, being its prince as lord of the 
 people, here acknowledge duty to thee, I acting as a 
 subject, my crown being subject to the lord [who is] lord 
 of . . . as the sculptor makes my sculpture [to-day ?]." 
 
 Here also later enemies seem to have erased the per- 
 sonal names. The copy, being uncertain, has not been 
 reproduced. 
 
 PALANGA. 
 
 This text is on the front, left side, and back of the 
 lower part of a basalt statue of a seated figure, the writing 
 being incised, and beginning on the left. The copy, 
 which is not reproduced, is again uncertain, but seems 
 to read — 
 
 Line I. Ride ne EN yak EN de gamlu Zobu ma pe NUN pi Makh 
 glory of lord, and lord conquering, Zobumape lord the, great, 
 
 [gamf] er dup pti kee ke 
 
 conquest his tablet, has been carved.
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 287 
 
 Line II. Pi er Aku vio ra ke yak . . . re bar 7110 ne vw yak 
 who it crown my made, and . . . service me of: me also 
 
 Naa ne eri ka [def^gam ko ne er SU me ke IP ni er e. 
 Nanaeri to, conquests for, he it subduing, region this his it. 
 
 Line III. bu lu tuk US HI Pal ke bu yak Sf ak ke SI IP 
 this with has every rebel this and city which Province 
 
 tukra SI sakh me Slip dim yak gammemelu yak re 
 taking, city Babylon's provmce as, both conquered, and subject, 
 
 yak ra [bif] a \u gamflmelu gam ra pi ne er. 
 
 and servile? it I having conquered, conquest for which it his. 
 
 Line IV. Aku gar mo ra e pi Yak hesa ka ke LU pi 
 
 Crown causes me for which, and homage to, as the yoke 
 
 takh yak UN er a ra bi a karka NUN ka neke ka 
 is set ; and lord him it for praying, fortress king to there of, to, 
 
 yak tilde neko me a. pi a mo AB yak a ne mo 
 
 also completion for is, which it of me house, and it this mine 
 
 LI T X lu kaspe e ye [til f] yak ne bar ra 
 
 tenth month with, smiting the its finished, and it is finished, 
 
 yak XII a tcdesa [LIT pi^ a rake tillu 
 
 and twelfth day in [month the], to making is finished, 
 
 tu garlu ka. 
 made caused. 
 
 The text, therefore, applies to the statue of the suzerain 
 set up by Nanaeri. 
 
 " Lord of glory and conquering lord, Zobumape [or 
 Suvuvape] the great king his tablet is carved who made 
 my crown ; and, [because of?] my being his servant, of 
 me also Nanaeri [" the servant of Nana "] he subduing 
 this region for a conquest possesses it ; every rebel and 
 city that the province holds, as a i)rovince of Babylon, 
 being both conquered and subject and obedient ; I having 
 conquered it as a conquest for him, he gives me the 
 crown and homage ; the government being estal)lished, 
 and wishing for him as lord ; also on the completion of 
 the royal fortress which is my abode ; and in the tenth 
 month the smiting being ended, and in the twelfth day 
 of the month the making is finished of what was done," 
 
 As the letters B, V, and M are little distinguished in 
 Akkadian, it is possible that Zubuvape was the same 
 person as Sumuabi, the first king of Babyl<^n in 2250 n.C.
 
 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 ARSLAN TEPE. 
 
 This place ("the lion mound") is a large mound near 
 the village of Ordasu, some three miles north - east of 
 Malatiya, and appears, according to Mr Hogarth, to be 
 the oldest site of the city of Malatiya, which we have 
 seen to be mentioned by Tiglath-Pileser I. as early as 
 1 130 B.C. It stands in Matiene, the country of the 
 Minyan king Dusratta, who in the iifteenth century B.C. 
 wrote in the same language found on these monuments. 
 
 A limestone block 4 feet long is carved in high relief, 
 and two other fragments were found with a figure of a 
 seated deity and traces of an archer and a chariot. 
 These formed part of a building now buried in the 
 mound. Under the goddess is a broken text in relief, 
 of which only a few words remain — 
 
 . . garreka iiekoka nc . . . 
 
 Perhaps " to erect a fortress he " . . . 
 
 The larger block, with a bas-relief representing a con- 
 queror, has two lines of inscription in relief, of which Mr 
 Hogarth gives a copy. The emblems are apparently in 
 part erased, but the text appears to run — 
 
 Line I. KA Nine [Ma f] si UN sa ka I PR A a kliu UN 
 House Nina's abode before lord in to, region to prince lord 
 
 du lu, khul khi dim [gam ?] Tarkodimns US SU kar 
 being foe who made conquer, P. name, man powerful, fort 
 
 Man ni. 
 royal of. 
 
 Line II. LA [de tur ?] \khir ne gai- In keke ?]. 
 Tablet makes fix, writing this causing carve. 
 
 Which would mean — 
 
 " Before the house of Nina's abode to the god therein 
 Tarkodimus, who is lord of the region, one who has 
 conquered the foe, the man ruling the royal fortress, has 
 set up a tablet, causing this to be written." 
 
 The sign Afan is doubtful, but kar-Majini might mean 
 " the Minyan fortress."
 
 THE HITTIIl-: TEXTS. 289 
 
 lASILIKAIA. 
 
 The bas-reliefs at this place, east of Pteria, have been 
 described ; but only four emblems are found beside the 
 figures, one of which is much defaced. They might 
 read, Sl-is^-kht-Zi, "This place here is holy," as a notice 
 to intruders. Humann and Puchstein {Reiseu, p. 64) give 
 another group SI pi du sakh, "This place is made holy." 
 
 KOLITOLU YAILA. 
 
 The text here found is much injured. It is cut in 
 a red calcareous stone, the emblems being in relief and 
 well carved. A copy was made l)y Mr Hogarth, but the 
 reading is very doubtful. 
 
 As far as can be judged from the copy, and from tiie 
 photograph, this text — much injured in the first line — 
 reads somewhat as below : — 
 
 Line I, Is e [Mirf] ra ke . . , mc . . . a gurda UN ra guk ko nic ke 
 Here it written record lord for wars 
 
 . , . UN ko mc UN kas ka 
 
 lord all lord smiting 
 
 Line II. til til lu \^MUSf\ un kas - gug In khir Sar 
 
 completed record his victorious he writes. The king 
 
 sir gug ra ke rum me US mc ke \a\ dim me ra ka 
 
 commanding war making records servants to peaceful made 
 
 SI pi ... me li me 
 place the ... by is 
 
 I>ine III. khir a bu sir til til , . , me man guk ko 
 
 he writes : this order fulfilled is having fought 
 
 su 7ne su me sa UN Du tar is \5a ?] ke UN kar a men ne 
 overpowering : lord Totar here in as lord fort to is 
 
 This is also apparently a record of victory. " AVhat is 
 here written is a record [or sign] ... of the king's wars : 
 Lord . . . lord of all, having completed the subduing, 
 writes his memorial of victory. By command of the suze- 
 rain having made war, he records. The place having 
 been made peaceful for subjects by means of ... he 
 writes, that the command is fulfilled. Having fought 
 victoriously. Lord Totar, has become lord of the fortress 
 here." 
 
 T
 
 290 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 SAMOSATA. 
 
 An imperfect example is given by Puchstein, but the 
 copy does not allow of any reliable reading. It includes 
 nine short lines of writing on a bas-relief representing a 
 long-robed figure. — {Jieisen, Tafel xlix. 1-3.) 
 
 BABYLON. 
 
 The bowl from Babylon, now in the British Museum, 
 is of rather coarse basalt. It is 13 inches in diameter 
 and 8^ inches high, with a foot or base 7^ inches 
 across and 2^ inches high. A single line of incised 
 writing runs round the outside. The forms of the em- 
 blems are conventionalised, and the text may be con- 
 sidered late. 
 
 A' he keeke mo KURU KHU A AM AR PI SI UN ka yak 
 This carving mine, prince Amarpi, city lord to, and 
 
 ne US epi ra desa yak yak tii eri UN gam 
 of him man whom for given, and also him adoring lord, conquest 
 
 BUR sa SUP rake kee he me ne ve?i tar yak fieke 
 river in province made, carving this it is cut, and thereof 
 
 til ka yak UNSAR yak ne targu ra barak gam tim 
 
 all to also suzerain, and its chief to having been, conquest as 
 
 a ne ven zap pi ne UN mo be ka pe ud ke re 
 
 it his is, hosts the its lord, of me slain made, now as subject 
 
 tim es he mo 
 regions with my. 
 
 The bowl, therefore, was dedicated to a temple as a 
 votive offering on occasion of victories in the region of 
 Bur, a word which signifies "flowing" — probably that 
 near the river Euphrates. The name of the prince is 
 doubtful, as the signs Am and M are ill formed. A-Amarbi 
 would mean "son of glory." It is somewhat like that of 
 'Ammurabi, which, however, is differently explained in 
 Assyrian. It also recalls the Amrabe of the Sipylos 
 statue, apparently a king's name. The rendering in 
 English syntax will give the following : — 
 
 " This is my carving, Prince Amarpi, lord of the city.
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 291 
 
 and servant of him to whom it is offered, liim also wor- 
 shipping [as] lord. Conquest having been made in the 
 river region, this carving has been cut ; and being suzerain 
 both of all herein and of its chief [Targi^], as having 
 conquered it, the lord of its army having been slain by 
 me, it [is] now subject with my other regions." 
 
 If the prince in question was the well-known Ham- 
 murabi (or more correctly ^A/nniKradi), the victory in 
 question was that over Eriaku of Larsa about 2140 B.C. 
 It is not impossible that Hammurabi only adopted the 
 Sumerian script of other inscriptions after conquering the 
 south, and here uses the Kassite characters. 
 
 SEALS. 
 
 Eight seals found by Layard at Nineveh in 185 1 are 
 now in the British Museum, and bear characters found 
 on the preceding texts. There is in such cases no cer- 
 tainty as to where the seals were originally used. They 
 may have been collected by the later Assyrians from other 
 places. They do not appear to be royal signets, as no 
 sign for king occurs on any of them. They are given in 
 Dr Wright's ' Empire of the Hittites,' Plate xiii. Another 
 is given, Plate xx. Three are alike, and read Khilibape 
 ("child of God"), a name formed like Sunmabi ("child of 
 Marduk "). The fourth has the single sign tur, probably 
 " chief." The fifth perhaps Lakh-hu or Sa-bu (the sun 
 emblem having both sounds in Akkadian). The sixth is 
 injured {Ipra ?). The seventh has the figure of a king 
 with indeterminate markings. The eighth is also injured 
 (perhaps Khilib-melu). The ninth appears to have the 
 word KURUKHU, "prince." 
 
 In addition to these, eighteen terra-cotta seals or tokens 
 belonging to Mr Schlumberger were published by M. G. 
 Perrot,^ and photographs are given in Dr Wright's work 
 (Plate xvii.) These are said to have all come from Asia 
 Minor. They are much worn, and difficult to read. The 
 ^ Revue Archeologique, December 1SS2.
 
 292 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 first has the words AA^ u ra /as or AN u nni tas ("the 
 servant of the god Uru " — the Kassite name of Bel). 
 The second shows a deity standing on a lion, as at 
 Carchemish, &c. ; the signs are not clear — possibly UN 
 Melisumo . . UN. . . . The third has two hands bear- 
 ing sceptres like those of the priest at lasili-Kaia, and 
 perhaps is not really inscribed, or else to be read Stilume. 
 The emblems on the fourth are irregular and not clear, 
 perhaps UN Tassama. The fifth seems to show a wor- 
 shipper with the winged sun and the syllable ra, " wor- 
 shipper of the Sun." The sixth is also rudely cut, perhaps 
 reading Zomolae/u eerika, " servant of Sumulailu " ; but this 
 is doubtful. 
 
 Three other seals of this set (Nos. 7 to 9) are the same, 
 but are all much worn. They are arranged with a double 
 symmetrical text, like the boss of Tarkudimme. The 
 probable reading is AN Khilibape KUR Nu-un, " Khili- 
 bape king of the country." The tenth seal is also sym- 
 metrically written, perhaps N'UN Sirra Suvmte es, " the 
 reigning king Sumutes "(" worshipper of Sumu "). The 
 eleventh may not be really inscribed. It has a large 
 central emblem, probably a temple, with the sun inside, 
 and two sceptred hands. The twelfth is much decayed, 
 and shows the figure of a worshipper, with two crowns 
 and other emblems not clearly defined. The thirteenth 
 is also not easily legible ; but the fourteenth is remarkable 
 for its griffon, resembling the Sef monster, but with wings. 
 It might read UN Zabme Aifwiisetane, " lord of battle 
 Ammisetane," this being the name of the ninth king of 
 Babylon (2034-2009 B.C.) The fifteenth seal may read 
 from the left NUN Tarkasirianaa. The sixteenth has a 
 symmetrical text, perhaps NUN TUR sirgaminaa (or 
 Yegamma), "the king son of Yegamma." The seven- 
 teenth is also symmetrical, apparently Zomo via ra ba ne, 
 " servant of the house of Sumu." The eighteenth ap- 
 parently has only Ipraa tar, " chief of the region." 
 
 In addition to these twenty - seven seals there are 
 others already noticed, including the bilingual from the
 
 THE HITTITE TEXTS. 293 
 
 Ashmolean, which has the signs Isgar raba, " servant of 
 Isgar," as already noticed, and one of which a drawing is 
 given in Lejarde's ' Culte de Mithra.' This has on one 
 side the winged horse, and probably the name Ammi sa 
 tie .5,''^ ; on the other, the winged sun and the words 
 KURUKHU SISAKH, "prince of Babylon." Ammi- 
 zaduga was the tenth king of Babylon (2009-1988 B.C.) 
 Mr Hogarth has published two seals from Tell Bashar 
 (which we have seen to have been a Hittite fortress). 
 One of these seems to read Ammizaduga, with the signs 
 NUN Kas (" Kassite lord ") above. The signs on the 
 back are not clear. The other seal of this set has a 
 double text on one side, (probably) Avi-sa-iu-ga, and on 
 the other. Am sa \tn ?] ga Babilu Nun, " Amsatuga king 
 of Babylon." 
 
 The seals from Aidin in Lydia have been already 
 noticed — one having five deities and the words adda 
 (father), ye \Ea .?], inu (mother ?), se (gracious) ; while the 
 other is only inscribed with the word negug (fight) over 
 the two demons. The seal showing human sacrifice ^ 
 bears the word Tur sak, " first born." Another from 
 Lycaonia (p. 245) has a central figure of a worshipper, 
 with five emblems, of which only the first two {dii us . . .) 
 are clear. The fourth inscribed seal, given by Perrot on 
 the same page, has already been noticed above ; but the 
 longest text is on a fine specimei> (p. 278 of the same 
 volume), which, however, is not easily read, as the em- 
 blems are not always distinct. There is an inner circle, 
 on which the signs ra/>a are clear (possibly Khilib Same 
 raba, " servant of the god Sam"). The outer circle cer- 
 tainly indicates a royal seal by the sign UN- NUN, 
 " overlord " ; but the reading is not very certain. Prob- 
 ably it runs, Sarpi Ammi sa-ta a ne-li, t/N pi, TUR US 
 Abisu\iim .?], Makh, Khu dub bu man de, which will mean, 
 " By the suzerain Ammisatane, son of Lord Abisum the 
 Great, this seal is given." Considering that Ammisatana- 
 
 1 Perrot, Hist. Art. in Asia Minor, &c., vol. ii. p. 258. 
 
 - Or Ammiditana, which may also be the true sound on the seal.
 
 294 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 was son of Ebisum, whom he succeeded about 2034 b.c. 
 as the ninth king of the ist Babylonian dynasty, the 
 translation is at least probable. 
 
 These thirty-seven seals, therefore, though few are royal, 
 contain Kassite names and titles, and seem clearly to refer 
 to the succession of Kassite kings in Babylon (Ebisum, 
 Ammisatana, and Ammizaduga) between 2059 and 1988 
 B.C. They strengthen the case for the other inscriptions, 
 in which the names of Sumuabi, Sumulailu, and Zabu 
 (225 1-2 187 B.C.) have been recognised. 
 
 We have at present, therefore, thirty- five texts and 
 thirty -seven inscribed seals, in the character popularly 
 called " Hittite," but which was common to various tribes 
 acknowledging the ist dynasty of Babylon as suzerains. 
 We find in them records of conquest, of which the earliest 
 are at Mer'ash and Carchemish, extending probably later 
 to Hamath, and to the far west of Asia Minor, and in- 
 cluding victories recorded in Babylon itself. It is practi- 
 cally almost an impossibility that a system of 160 emblems 
 could first be established on its own merits, and then 
 applied to texts varying from three or four symbols to 
 long inscriptions, such as the Mer'ash lion and the Bulgar 
 Maden rock text, and applied, moreover, in accordance 
 with the very peculiar grammar of an agglutinative lan- 
 guage, if any serious fallacy existed in the method em- 
 ployed — a method confirmed not only by the identity of 
 its principles with those recognised in the reading of a 
 kindred language in another script (the Sumerian in linear 
 Babylonian), but also justified by the historical result, 
 which agrees with those independently established by Sir 
 H. Rawlinson and his successors for Kassite history. It 
 is true that attempts have been made to prove the Kassites 
 to have been a Semitic people, but these must be con- 
 sidered to fail in face of the evidence that has been given, 
 by the Babylonian translation of Kassite names, which can 
 only be understood if they are regarded as being of Mongol 
 origin. 
 
 It remains, therefore only necessary, in conclusion, to
 
 THE HITTITK TEXTS. 295 
 
 show that the words as rendered in these texts exist in the 
 Akkadian kmguage (as proved by the bihngual texts and 
 by the bihngual hsts ahke), and that they can also, for 
 the most part, be discovered still to survive in the pure 
 Turkish speech of Bactria and Siberia, in our own times.-^ 
 The attached vocabulary (Appendix VII.) will give the 
 necessary evidence on this point ; and in conclusion it 
 may be noted that the results here detailed are not likely 
 to suffer from the future discovery of bilinguals, because 
 such bilinguals (as is already known) would most probably 
 be in " Hittite " and cuneiform, whereas the present 
 method already takes as its basis the original identity of 
 cuneiform and Hittite emblems, giving to the latter only 
 those values and sounds which are derived from the 
 former. 
 
 In a valuable grammatical tablet comparing Semitic 
 and Mongol pronouns (B.M., 81-8-30), translated by G. 
 Bertin,- the colophon appears to read in Assyrian as 
 follows : " Before the Babylonian equivalent, I Kisil 
 Marduk have written what a man speaking SU language 
 would say, in Assyrian speech." The words are the 
 same as Akkadian, but SU, among other meanings, is 
 rendered erihe, " the West," and the reference may be 
 to the Hittite. 
 
 ^ The Akkadian words are determined by personal study, and in 
 accordance with the views of competent sciiolars, but the position is 
 secured by reference to living speech. 
 
 - Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1885.
 
 2g6 
 
 APPENDIX VII. 
 
 HITTITE VOCABULARY. 
 
 A, it. Akkadian and Minyan a, Turkish au. 
 
 A, son. Kassite a. 
 
 Ab, house, abode. Akkadian and Minyan ab, Turkish oba. 
 
 Ab, father. Akkadian ab, Turkish eb. 
 
 Abisuin, proper name of a kin^^. Kassite Ebisuin and Ebisiui. 
 
 Ak, crook, hook. Turkish ek, Akkadian ak, twist, bend. 
 
 Ak, who, which ; akke, what. Old Medic akka. 
 
 Aka, crown ; ako, crown. Akkadian ega, aka, or agu. 
 
 Aka, raise ; Akkadian aka. Turkish ak, high. 
 
 Akate, exaltation, adoration (high render). See Te. 
 
 Al, going back. Akkadian al, backwards. 
 
 Al, flight (see preceding). Perhaps Turkish j^/, run, hasten. 
 
 Alabne, a bringing back. Causative from al, with -me, ab- 
 stract noun. 
 
 Alitssa, (probably) name of a country, AlosJia (Alasiya, 
 Elishah). 
 
 Am, au, bull ; Akkadian am. Turkish o>lg, bellow. 
 
 Am, tribe, people. Turkish ain, aim ; Kassite am. 
 
 A}n, ama, crown, turban. Akkadian ami. 
 
 An, god ; Akkadian ati. Turkish on, high ; Akkadian -a)i. 
 
 At, ad, stride. Turkish at, walk, stride; Minyan at. 
 
 At, ad, father. Akkadian at, adj Turkish ata. 
 
 Ba, shrine. Akkadian Ba. 
 
 Ba, this. Akkadian ba. See Bu. 
 
 Babilic, Babylon. On a seal from Tell Bashar. 
 
 Bar, altar, sacrifice. Akkadian bar. 
 
 Bar, to be, to live. Akkadian bar, var; Turkish bar, var. 
 
 Bar (or mas), part, division, future. Akkadian bar {or mas). 
 
 Bar bar, to cause to live, frequentative and causative.
 
 HITTITE VOCABULARY. 297 
 
 Barn, chief. Akkadian Inir, chief, lord, lady. 
 
 Bi\ pL\ make, cause. Akkadian ba, old Medic j?^^', Minyan pc. 
 
 Be, complete. .Akkadian be. 
 
 Be, dead {pe-beka, put to death). Akkadian be, dead, de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 Besa, homage. Akkadian bis, reverence. 
 
 Bi, two ; Akkadian bi. Turkish bi, other. 
 
 Bi, they, them. Old Medic//, Minyan bi. 
 
 Bi, pi, this, the. Old Medic and Minyan^/. 
 
 Bi, ask, want, wish. Akkadian bi. 
 
 Bu,pu, this. Akkadian, Turkish, and Minyan bit. 
 
 Bur, pur, flow, pour, stream. Akkadian bur, pur; Turkish 
 bur. 
 
 Da, at. Akkadian da, ta; Turkish da, Minyan ta. 
 
 Da, sufifix of abstract nouns. Akkadian -da, Turkish -it. 
 
 Da-ak, perhaps, " therefore " (" to which "). 
 
 Dan, strong, very. Akkadian datr, Turkish tan, great. 
 
 De, flame. Akkadian dc. 
 
 De, go out. Akkadian di, Turkish ///, reach {gude, utter). 
 
 See Gu. 
 De, probably "new." Akkadian de. 
 Deilipe (or Delipi), doubtful — saying, telling, notification? 
 
 Akkadian da, speak ; Turkish di, speak ; dil, word {-pi 
 
 case ending). 
 Dera, ruling, deciding. Akkadian tir, judge. See Tar. 
 Dim, tint, sheep. Akkadian dib. 
 
 Dim, tini, like, as. Akkadian dini, Turkish tin, Minyan //;;/. 
 Du, come, become, be; dulu, becoming. Akkadian ^?/^ Medic 
 
 du, 
 Du Tar, perhaps a personal name at Hamath. 
 Dub, tablet. Akkadian dub, old Medic dipe. 
 Dur, tur, stay, dwell, set fast. Akkadian and Turkish dur. 
 
 E, it. Akkadian. 
 
 E, perhaps good. Turkish ayi. 
 
 Ee, speak. Akkadian e, Turkish ayi. 
 
 En, enu, lord. Akkadian en, inu ; Minyan /;;«. .See An. 
 
 En, as. Akkadian and Minyan en, enna, so. 
 
 Etie, they. Akkadian. 
 
 Er, eri, man, servant. Akkadian eri, Turkish er, man. 
 
 Er, him. Akkadian ir (an incorporated particle). 
 
 Ere, willing, cris, will. Minyan erus, Turkish er, will. 
 
 Es, these, those. Akkadian es. 
 
 Es, three. Akkadian es, essaj Turkish vus, iis, uteh. 
 
 Ga, gam, crook, bend (see Ak). Turkish yaw, bend.
 
 298 APPENDIX VII. 
 
 Gal, key, opening. Akkadian i^--^/. 
 
 Gal, great. Akkadian _if^i/, Turkish khalin. 
 
 Gal, be. Akkadian ^(^?/, Turkish kJial, to remain. 
 
 G^rtw, subdue, bend, conquest. Akkadian and Minyan ^(^w.- 
 
 gai)iht, conquering; gamma, gaijimclu, conquering; 
 
 gammemelu, conquered. 
 Gar, to cause, to make ; Akkadian ^'■«r. Turkish kayir, make. 
 Gargar, treasure (as used in Dusratta's lists of presents). 
 Gi, reed. Akkadian gi and ga. 
 Gi, again. Akkadian^/, return. 
 Go, gofi, sceptre. Akkadian kicJ7. See Ku, Kitn. 
 Gil, word, speak ; Akkadian gu ; giiht, speaking. Turkish 
 
 kill, sound. 
 Gild, gut, power. Akkadian ^//(^/, Turkish ^'"^7. 
 Glide, proclaim. Akkadian ^^/f^/t-, from ^/z, word ; de, issue. 
 Giig, ram. Akkadian giig, Turkish koch. 
 Gug, fight. Akkadian giik, war. 
 
 /, one; Akkadian a. Turkish ai, single. 
 
 Jak, and. Old "Mtdxc yak. 
 
 Id, power. Akkadian id, Turkish ida. 
 
 lede, month. Akkadian idii, Minyan yed, Etruscan idc, 
 
 Turkish eida. 
 Ik, to open. Akkadian //', Turkish acli. 
 Inpi, the mastery. Akkadian in. See En. 
 Ip, cord, bind. Akkadian ib, Turkish ip, ib. 
 Ip, region. Akkadian ip. 
 Ipra, region ; from ip, and 7'a, to possess — i.e., dominion. In 
 
 Minyan z}^;-/ appears to mean a "ruler," "possessor." 
 Is, master. Akkadian es, issej Turkish es. 
 Is, ass. Turkish isik, esek. 
 
 Is, here. Minyan issi, Mongolian isi (compare 6"/). 
 Iz, giz, block, Akkadian. Turkish ise, stick. 
 
 Ka, ga, reed, Akkadian. See Gi. 
 
 Ka, ga., to. Akkadian and Turkish ga. 
 
 Ka, house. Akkadian ,^(i. 
 
 Ka, verbal adjective, and past participle (also ak), as Akkadian 
 
 and Turkish. 
 Kar, kir, fortress. Akkadian ka)-, kirj Turkish kir. 
 Karak, probably " townsman." Mongol ger, house, enclosure. 
 Karak, a city (Hamath). 
 Kare, making (compare Gar). 
 Karkiiinis, chief city, Carchemish. 
 Karsalii, lawfully, with law. Akkadian ^^far^'a, law. 
 A'cfzj, smiting. Akkadian /-aj-, _i,'-(7s-. 
 Kas, two, pair. Akkadian kas, Turkish kos, pair.
 
 HITTITK V0CAI5ULARV. 299 
 
 Kassasak, condition of makinfj smite — \iclory. 
 
 Kaf, hand. Akkadian kaf, Finnic /cat (lience "power"); and 
 
 good fortune. Akkadian kat, Turkish /•/////. 
 Kazin, hare, Akkadian. 
 Ke, as. Akkadian and Turkish /■/. 
 Kc, cut. "Turkish /■/, cut. Hence kcekc, carving; ketik, 
 
 cutting. 
 Khar, khi7', write. Akkadian k/n'7', Minyan k/iar, Turkish 
 
 khar, k/tir, cut. 
 K/ie, kill, k/iit, this, he who, that which, Akkadian. 
 K/ii, good, iioly. Akkadian /■///. 
 Khilib, god. Akkadian kJiilib, Turkish chelep. 
 Kliiliipi, the doing. Minyan kliil, Turkish khil, do, make. 
 K/iir, region ; Akkadian k/iir. Turkish kkar, to surround. 
 K/iu, kliiin, prince. Akkadian kJiu, prince, illustrious ; 
 
 Turkish khan. 
 Khu, bird. Akkadian kJiii. 
 
 Kind, evil, foe ; Akkadian kJiul. Turkish ^7^^'///, fiend. 
 Ko, high, tall. Akkadian kit. 
 Ko, for. Akkadian ku, Turkish icJiuu. 
 Ko, all. Akkadian kii, Turkish choni. 
 Korunio, a place, now Gurun. 
 
 Kit, kiiJt, prince. Akkadian ku, kiai. See Gon and Ko. 
 Kur, country, mountain. Akkadian kur, Turkish kor, kera. 
 Kin-ii, governor. Akkadian kitrii. 
 Kuril khu, governing prince. See Khu. 
 Kin'u, favour. Akkadian kurti. Hence kurulu, favoured. 
 
 La, tablet. Akkadian laii. See Lo. 
 
 Lakh, clear. Akkadian A?ZV^. Hence /cz/V/X'/w'.ya, explanation .' 
 Le, bull. Akkadian le. 
 
 Li, by means of. Akkadian and Turkish //. 
 Lik, regarding. Akkadian liku, Minyan lik. 
 LJkga (or ligga), dog. Akkadian lik, likkti. 
 Lit, lat, month, Akkadian. 
 Lo, memorial. Akkadian ///. 
 
 Lu, yoke ; hence " rule," " submission." Akkadian lu. 
 Lu, with. Akkadian lu, Turkish ailan. 
 
 L^ugur, (possibly) "servile people." Akkadian gur, kur, 
 foreigner. 
 
 Ma, place, abode. Akkadian ma. 
 
 Ma, this, here. Akkadian ma. 
 
 Makh, prince, great. Akkadian Jiiakh, Turkish magh. 
 
 Man,V\x\g; Akkadian ;;w;7. Turkish ;;/«;/, foremost ; matiap, 
 
 a chief; Minyan man. 
 Me, nieti, being. Akkadian mc7i, Minyan ma, make.
 
 300 APPENDIX VII. 
 
 Me, many. Akkadian ine, Turkish -ine/c. 
 
 Me, battle, Akkadian. 
 
 Meke, abstract termination. Turkish -nick, -mak. 
 
 Mi, probably " land." Ugric ma, mi, and mo. 
 
 Mo, me, my, mine. Akkadian mu, Turkish -m. 
 
 Mu, tree. Akkadian and Tartar mu. 
 
 Mu, record. Akkadian ;;///. Hence mayi-mu, as a record. 
 
 Mus, perhaps to be read //;;/, document, memorial, Akkadian. 
 
 Na, go out. Akkadian and Minyan luia. 
 
 Nane-eri, worshipper of Nana. A man's name. 
 
 Ne, male, he, it. Akkadian Jia. 
 
 Ne, of. Akkadian -na, Turkish -;/. Also ;//. 
 
 Neke, thereof. Akkadian iiak. 
 
 Nene, they, them ; Akkadian. 
 
 Ni, reverence, Akkadian. 
 
 Nine, Nina, a goddess. 
 
 No, not; Akkadian 7iu. Turkish ne, nor. 
 
 Nu, nun, king, lord. Akkadian nu, nun. 
 
 Num, wolf, Akkadian. 
 
 Nian, engrave, Akkadian. 
 
 Pal, division. Akkadian /^rt/, Turkish ^a/, cleave. 
 
 Pal, axe. Akkadian pal, Turkish beil. 
 
 Pal, time, year. Akkadian pal, Turkish bciyil, year. 
 
 Pal, schism, revolt ; palpi, rebel. From pal, to divide. 
 
 Pa, flower, leaf. Akkadian ^c?, /aw. 
 
 Pam, pa, record or proclamation ; Akkadian. 
 
 Pu, bu, bud. Akkadian//^. 
 
 Pu, long; puda, far. i^Vk?i<X\?LX\ pu, puda. 
 
 Ra, towards, among. Akkadian ra, Turkish ara. 
 
 Ra, possession, increase, seizure, Akkadian. Hence raaraa, 
 
 increasing, or giving possession. 
 Rab, servant ; raba, rabi, serving. Akkadian raba. 
 Raka, rake, making, creating. Akkadian rak. 
 Rara, raising or making approach. (See Ra.) 
 Re, servant. Akkadian ri. Hence rebar, being a servant; 
 
 rebarsak, servile state. 
 Ri, meaning doubtful. Akkadian ri, bright ; ri, rise. 
 Ride, glorious. From ri, bright; de, going out. Hence 
 
 rideme, glory ; ridcnie tckalu, glorifying. 
 Ri7n, accumulation, mound — from I'i, to rise; Akkadian. 
 Rimkaka, apparently "collection making" — i.e., taxation. 
 
 From kak, make ; rim, gathering : Akkadian. 
 Ro, rum, point. Akkadian rum. 
 Ro, ru, make, build. Akkadian ru.
 
 HITTITE VOCABULARY, 301 
 
 Sn, knife. 
 
 Sa, say. Akkadian sa, proclaim. Hence saal-, speaker ; 
 sasa, causing to say. 
 
 Sa, in. Akkadian -sa. 
 
 Sa, sad, middle, in centre, heart; Akkadian. 
 
 Sa, za, quiver. Akkadian lez. 
 
 Sakh, good, upright, holy. Akkadian and Turkish snkJi. 
 
 Sane, trusting, believing. Minyan zan, Turkish san, to be- 
 lieve, consider, trust. Hence sa/icsane, causing to trust. 
 
 Sar, ruler. Akkadian sa?: Hence sara, ruling. 
 
 Se, giving, favourable ; Akkadian sc, son. Turkish scv, 
 favour. 
 
 Shi, sink, horn. Akkadian s/n. 
 
 Ski, set up high. Akkadian shi, s/ii^{sGe preceding). Hence 
 shisas/tisa, causes to set up. 
 
 Shinie, probably " hostile." Akkadian shi. 
 
 Si, see. Akkadian and old Medic si, see. 
 
 Si, place. Akkadian si, country ; old Medic sia, place. 
 
 Si, before, in sight of — a suffix, as in Minyan. 
 
 Si, sig, tooth. Akkadian sJii. 
 
 Si, sig, full. Akkadian sig. 
 
 Sip, province. From si, place, ip, district, as in Minyan. 
 
 Sir, snake. Akkadian sir. 
 
 Si?', to order. Akkadian sira (see Sar), Medic sera. 
 
 Sir (or sit), a possession, Akkadian. 
 
 Sis, help, Akkadian. 
 
 Sti, hand, power. Akkadian sk. 
 
 Sue, people. Turkish soi, race. 
 
 Stelu, commanding. Akkadian sid, chief. 
 
 Slime, power. Hence sume same, overpowering. Akkadian 
 sum, ziim, to overthrow. 
 
 Ta, beat. Akkadian da, drive. 
 
 Ta, so. Minyan taa, Turkish ta. 
 
 Takh, establish. Akkadian takh, Turkish tokh, firm. 
 
 Tar, buck. Akkadian dara. 
 
 Tar, tribe. Turkish tar. 
 
 Tar, ruling. Akkadian tiir, Turkish tore, chief. 
 
 Tar, cut, cleave. Akkadian, tar, Turkish tir. 
 
 Targoii, Tarkfltijnme, Tarkatiiiwie, Tarkodiimis, men's names. 
 
 Tarmeke, total. Akkadian tar, all. 
 
 Tas, lion, hero; Akkadian. 
 
 Te, to render, to found, to make. Akkadian te. 
 
 Te, to worship, to establish. (Found in Elamite.) 
 
 Ti, til, arrow ; Akkadian //. Turkish //, shoot. 
 
 Tik, all; Akkadian tik. Turkish tck, complete. 
 
 Tik, mound, Akkadian.
 
 302 APPENDIX VII. 
 
 Til, all, Akkadian. Hence tillu, completed. 
 
 Til, living, Akkadian. Turkish ///, live. 
 
 Tim, ditn, region. Akkadian tini. 
 
 Tim, bond, Akkadian tim; Turkish ton, enclose. Hence 
 
 timpiven, obligation. 
 Times, a form, likeness. See Dim, as, like. 
 Ti?i, life. Akkadian and Turkish tin. 
 To, tuk, take. Akkadian tii, tiik. 
 Til, down. Akkadian tu. 
 Til, turn, make. Akkadian ///, dii. 
 Till, mound, heap ; Akkadian. 
 Titm, protection, Akkadian. Hence tiimlii, protecting; tum- 
 
 da, protection. 
 Tur, son, Akkadian. Turkish to7-ilo, to be born. 
 
 U, I. Minyan u. Old Aledic ii, hii. 
 
 U, herb. Akkadian u. 
 
 Ub, apparently "hollow," Akkadian. 
 
 Ubba, ubbi, which, whom. Old ^Medic appo, whom. 
 
 Ud, day, when, since. Akkadian ud, Mongol iidc, day. 
 
 Ukii, (possibly) people, as in Akkadian. 
 
 Ul, to be (future prefix). Turkish ol, Alinyan ///. 
 
 Un, 11, lord. Akkadian //, un. 
 
 Un, ten. Akkadian uvun, Turkish on. 
 
 Unii, city. Akkadian unii. Turkish unite, house. 
 
 Ur (perhaps to be read al), go back. 
 
 Urn, city. Akkadian urn. Turkish anrn, camp. 
 
 Us, phallus, monument, male. Akkadian us. 
 
 Us, man. Akkadian us, man, servant. 
 
 Ve, veil, to be. See Me, Men. 
 
 Vo, regarding. Akkadian and ]\Iinyan vu or mu. 
 
 Zab, host. Akkadian zab. 
 
 Zar, store, granary, Akkadian. 
 
 Za, sa, four. Akkadian za, sa; Yenessic sheya. 
 
 Zo, thee, thou, thy. Akkadian zu. 
 
 Zobumape, Zomoepi, name of a king. 
 
 Zoes, sou, knowing. Akkadian zu, know. 
 
 Zomalii, Zomchi, Zomolaelu, Zomumelu, names of a king or 
 
 kings. 
 Zo-mus or zo-um, apparently, "record of information." 
 Zu, a pyramid, as shown by the Akkadian sign. 
 
 In this list of 250 words about 60 of the sounds are 
 taken from the Cypriote syllables, and are independent
 
 HITTITE VOCABULARY. 303 
 
 of tlie cuneiform sounds. The sounds of the ideograms, 
 or emblems for a whole word, are of no importance. The 
 words of more than one syllable serve to confirm the 
 readings of the monosyllables, and the meaning is sup- 
 ported by the existing speech of the Turks of Central 
 Asia, and by Medic (the third language of the Behistun 
 texts), which are both quite independent of Akkadian, but 
 agree with the sounds of the latter, as given by Rawlinson, 
 by Lenormant, and by more recent German specialists, 
 such as Delitszch and Hommel, from works cited in the 
 list of authorities.
 
 304 
 
 APPENDIX VIII. 
 
 LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Special Works. 
 
 Etudes Accadiennes. F. Lenormant. 1873-80. 
 Decouvertes en Chaldee. ^ E. de Sarzec. 1887. 
 Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes Archaiques 
 
 et Modernes. A. Amiaud and L. Mechineau. 1887. 
 Le Peuple et la Langue des Medes. J. Oppert. 1879. 
 Zeitschrift fiir Keilschrift. Papers by F. Hommel. 1882-84. 
 Languages of the Cuneiform Inscriptions. G. Bertin. 1888. 
 Repertoire Sumerien. E. Chossat. 1882. 
 Grammaire Assyrienne. J. Alenant. 1868. 
 Etymol. Worterbuch der Turko-Tatarischen Sprachen. H. 
 
 Vambery. 1878. 
 Die Primitive Cultur des Turko-Tatarischen Volkes. H. 
 
 Vambery. 1879. 
 Die Sprache der Yakuten. O. Bohtlingk. 1851. 
 Vergleichendes Worterbuch. Donner. 1886. 
 Burgatischen Sprachlehre. A. Castren. 1857. 
 Turkish Grammar. J. W. Redhouse. 1884. 
 Lycia. Sir C. Fellows. 1841. 
 Neue Lvkische Studien. M. Schmidt. 1869. 
 Der Thontafelfund von el Amarna. H. Winckler. 1889. 
 Grammar of the Assyrian Language. A. H. Sayce. 1887. 
 Prehellenic Monuments of Cappadocia. Prof. Ramsay and 
 
 D. G. Hogarth. 1891-93. 
 Die Altpersischen Keilinschriften. F. Spiegel. i88r. 
 The Empire of the Hittites (2nd edition). W. Wright. 1886. 
 Reisen in Kleinasein und Nordsyrien. K. Humann und O. 
 
 Puchstein. 1890.
 
 LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 305 
 
 General Works. 
 
 Brugsch's History of Egypt. 1878. 
 
 Rawlinson's Herodotus (3rd edition). 1875. 
 
 Schrader's Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament. 
 
 1885. ■ 
 Petrie's History of Egypt. 1894. 
 Maspero's Dawn of Civilisation. 1894. 
 Records of the Past (Old and New Series). 
 Perrot and Chipiez' History of Art. 1884. 
 Layard's Nineveh. 1873. 
 Sayce's Hibbert Lectures. 1887. 
 Proceedings and Transactions, Biblical Archaeological Society. 
 
 To 1897. 
 Quarterly Statements, Palestine Exploration Fund. To 1897. 
 Brosset, Elements of Georgian. 1837. 
 Renouf's Egyptian Grammar. 1875. 
 Pierret's Egyptian Vocabulary. 1876. 
 Brand's Armenian Dictionary. 1868. 
 William's Middle Kingdom. 1883. 
 Eitel's Cantonese Dictionary. 1877. 
 Chalmers's Cantonese Dictionary. 1878. 
 Doolittle's Mandarin Dictionary. 1872. 
 Aston's Japanese Grammar. 1837. 
 Bizonfy's Hungarian Dictionary. 1886. 
 Chalmers's Structure of the Chinese Characters. 1882. 
 Max Miiller's Sanskrit Grammar. 1870. 
 O. Schrader's Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Nations. 
 
 1 890. 
 British Museum Guide (Nimrud). 1886. 
 British Museum Guide (Kouyunjik). 1885. 
 Journal of Royal Asiatic Society. 1892-93. 
 Peters's Nippur. 1897.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Navies of Places in italics. 
 
 Aa, Ai, the moon, 124. 
 Aadara-gi-ma, 176, 195. 
 Aakitasebu, 197. 
 Aaruna, 28. 
 Abdasherah, 35, 39. 
 Abd-Iskhara, 17. 
 Abilsin (see Alamaku), 12, 175. 
 'Abiri (Hebrews), 24, 36, 39, 50, 93, 
 
 178. 
 Abydos, 59, 60. 
 
 ,1 tablet, 181. 
 Accho, 45, 82. 
 Achshaph, 45. 
 Achzib, 82. 
 Actason, 122. 
 Adana (AfAena), 54. 
 Adapa, 119. 
 Adar-Pileser, 58, 176, 
 Adaru, 124. 
 Adasi, 176. 
 Adumetas, 176. 
 Afrin river, 63. 
 Aguasi, 176. 
 Agukakrime, 163. 
 Agumsi. 176. 
 Ahab of Sirlai, 68. 
 Ahaz, 77. 
 
 Ahimiti of Ashdod, 80. 
 Ahmes, 24, 26, 181. 
 Ahuni, son of Adini, 66, 67. 
 Aia land, 21. 
 Aidin, 132, 133. 
 Ajalon, 36. 
 
 Ak or Nebo, a god, n6, 
 Akama, 197. 
 
 Akausha tribe, 49. 
 Akkad, 2, 3, 9, 10, 15, 75, 83, 95. 
 Akkadian, 84, 98, 151, 187-209. 
 Aku or Sinu, a god, 124. 
 Akumupalab or Sinmuballid, 12, 
 
 175, 270. 
 Akupis or Sinmuballid, 12. 
 Alamaku or Abilsin, 12, 175. 
 Alarodians, 104. 
 Aleppo, 17, 18, 32, 40, 44, 68, 72, 
 
 167, 276, 277. 
 Alaska (see Elishah), 281. 
 Alphabet, 143, 160-163, 248-256. 
 Altaic races, 87, 95. 
 A?nairo, 44. 
 Anialek, 108. 
 Amaiius, 7, 64, 67, 69. 
 Aniarpi, 290. 
 Amazons, 121. 
 Amenemhat, 21. 
 Amenophis, 25, 35, 38, 39, 40, 57, 
 
 93, 100, 177, 178. 
 Ammi-Satana, 12, 16, 169, 175, 292, 
 
 293- 
 It -Zaduga, 12, 16, 169, 175, 196, 
 
 293- 
 Ammiansi, 21. 
 'Ammurabi, 12, 172, 175, 194, 281, 
 
 290. 
 Amorites, 13, 14, 34, 53, 73, 82. 88. 
 Amrabe, 281, 290. 
 Amraphel (see 'Ammurabi), 15. 
 An or Anu, a god, 115. 
 Anakim or Rephaim, 108. 
 Anman, 175.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 307 
 
 Ansa/?, 6. 
 
 Apepa, Apophis, Ra-Apepa, 23, 200. 
 
 Arabs, 76, 80, 91, 107, 123, 161, 
 
 251- 
 Arameans, 88, 251. 
 Argistis, 65. 
 Arioch or E^riaku, 12, 14, 15, 16, 
 
 ^65, 173, 276, 277, 278-280. 
 Arisu, 53. 
 Arka, 76. 
 Arkles, 200. 
 Armenian, 89, 91, 104. 
 Arpad, 30, 72, 75. 
 Arslan Tepe, 167, 288. 
 Artasari, 72. 
 Artasumara, 35, 199. 
 Artatan, 199. 
 Artes, 42. 
 
 Artessupas, 192-194, 199. 
 Afi'ad, 30, 39, 53, 61, 64, 77, 81, 
 
 82. 
 Aryan races, 48, 89, 94, 106. 
 Asalis, 192-194, 199. 
 Ascaloii, 36, 43, 50, 77, 82, 108. 
 Ashdod, 80. 
 
 Asherah, holy tree, 35, 120. 
 Ashtoreth or Istar, 58, in, 116, 
 
 119, 122, 123, 126, 127, 133. 
 Asianic syllabary, 215, 251. 
 Askadna or Ascalon, 50. 
 Asshur or Assur, 25, 58, 172. 
 Assis, 200. 
 
 Assurbanipal, 84, 98, loi. 
 Assur- Bel-kala, 59, 176. 
 
 M -Bel-nisisu, 176. 
 
 ir -Dan, 58, 75, 172, 176. 
 
 It -Nadinakhi, 176. 
 
 M -Nasirpal, 62-64. 
 
 „ -Nirari, 59, 75, 177. 
 
 u -Risisi, 58, 176. 
 
 II -Sumesir, 176. 
 
 II -Uballid, 25, 40, 56, 57, 176, 
 
 178. 
 Assyria, 25, 56-86, 146, 174, 175. 
 Astarata (see Ashtoreth), a goddess, 
 
 47- . 
 Arafis, 20, 23. 
 Azariah, 75, 76. 
 Aziru, 39. 
 Azuri, 80. 
 'Azzaz, 32, 63, 67, 72. 
 
 Baashah of Anianus, 69. 
 
 Babylon, 9, 10, 14, 16, 33, 40, 56-60, 
 
 75, 80, 173, 174, 248, 290. 
 Bagadatta, 80. 
 
 Bakhian, 63, 198. 
 Barak, 52. 
 Bar-Karal, 74. 
 
 ,1 -Rakab, 78. 
 
 II -Tsur, 78. 
 Bashan, 27, 30, 36, 39, 77. 
 Basques, 89. 
 Batriiu, 32, 39. 
 Bau, a goddess, 212. 
 Beeri, 108. 
 Behistun, 84, 100. 
 Beirut, 32, 39, 45, 58. 
 Bel, a god, 124. 
 Bel-Bani, 176. 
 
 II -Kapkapu, 24, 176. 
 
 11 -Kudur-eser, 58, 176. 
 
 II -Nadinsumi, 176. 
 
 II -Nirari, 57, 176. 
 Beon, 200. 
 
 Beth Ammon, 77, 82, 93. 
 II Anath, 45. 
 II Basi, 174. 
 II Biirutas, 79. 
 ,1 Zeit, 82. 
 Birejik ( Tell Barsip), 32, 66, 126. 
 Boghaz-Keui [Pterin), 100, loi, 127. 
 Bor, 165, 283. 
 Budilu, 176. 
 
 Bulgar Maden, 17, 165, 277-280. 
 Burnaburias, 33, 38, 57, 172, 176, 
 
 177, 196. 
 Buzur-Assur, 176. 
 
 Calendars, 179. 
 
 Callimniasin, 35, 176. 
 
 Canaanites, 13, 34. 
 
 Cappadoeia, 41, 71, 74, 89, 94, 164. 
 
 Cappadocian tablets, 41, 207, 208. 
 
 Carchemish, 11, 17, 18, 40, 53, 56, 
 
 61, 63, 67, 69, 72, 76, 78, 79, 81, 
 
 86, 87, loi, 265-272. 
 Carians, 94, 250, 252, 254. 
 Censorinus, 180. 
 Ckalcis, 192, 194. 
 Chaldeans, 63. 
 Chedorlaomer, 15. 
 Chinese, 96, 138-140, 147. 
 Chushan Rishathaim, 51. 
 Cilicia, 54, 66, 69, 71, 74, 79, 83, 
 
 89, 105, 165. 
 Co7)!magene, 60, 61, 62, 66, 68, 76, 
 
 105. 
 Cuneiform writing, ir, 142-144, 147, 
 
 215-236. 
 Cush, 83, 93. 
 Cybele or Ma, a goddess, 130.
 
 308 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cypriote syllabary, 150, 151, 215- 
 
 256. 
 Cyprus, 31, 53, 54, 80, 83, 126. 
 
 Dabigu ( Toipuk), 67. 
 Dadil or Dadilu, 76, 199. 
 Dagon, a god, 125. 
 Damascus, 30, 34, 45, 68, 70, 73-78, 
 Damkilisu, 176. 
 Danau, Danai (Greeks), 53. 
 Dog river, 45, 58, 70. 
 Doghanlu Deresi, 18, 167, 283. 
 Dothatt, 28, 30. 
 Dum-zi, Tammuz, a god, 116. 
 Dungi, 4, 6, 172, 173. 
 Dusratta, 37, 100, 192, 193, 199. 
 Dutar or Totar, 168, 273, 274, 289. 
 Dynasties, Babylonian, 176, 177. 
 II Egyptian, 183-185. 
 
 Ea, a god, 115, 122, 125, 133. 
 Eagle, two-headed, 125, 129. 
 Ebisum, 16, 169, 175, 276, 293, 
 
 294. 
 Edom, 21, 73, 77. 
 Edugama, 39, 42. 
 Eflatun Buuar, 18, 131. 
 Egyptian, 137-145, 149, 250, 251. 
 Ekron, 82. 
 Elam, 3, 8, 9, 14, 15, 57, 72, 98, 
 
 172. 
 Elishah, Alasiya, or Alaska, 19, 34, 
 
 281. 
 Ellasar or Larsa, 14, 15. 
 Elon, 108. 
 Emim tribe, 108. 
 Ephron, 108. 
 Erech, 15, 174. 
 Eriaku. See Arioch, 
 Erime land, 42, 156. 
 Esarhaddon, 81, 83, 105, 107, 126, 
 
 174. 
 Etruscans, 18, 94, 124, 161, 249, 
 
 250, 251, 253. 
 Eyuk, 17, 131. 
 
 Finns, 89, 94. 
 
 Galilee, 27, 30, 45, 54, 73. 
 
 Gamgums, 18, 66, 68, 76, 80, 105. 
 
 Ganymede, 122. 
 
 Gaza, 26, 52, 76, 77, 79. 
 
 Gebal, 32, 39, 45, 62, 64, 70, 76, 
 
 82. 
 Georgian, 103, 104. 
 Gezcr, 54, 108. 
 
 Gliiaur Kalessi, 17, 166. 
 
 Gideon, 54. 
 
 Gilias, 192-194, 199. 
 
 Gilukhepa, 35, 199. 
 
 Gindub, 69. 
 
 Girparuda or Girparunda, 68, 106, 
 
 199. 
 Gitta, 28. 
 Goiner, 7. 
 Goshen, 23, 26. 
 Greeks, 83, 91, 107, 126, 132, 146, 
 
 150, 248-254. 
 Guai, 68, 71, 76, 105. 
 Gudea, 6, 7. 
 Gulkisar, 176, 195. 
 Gurun [Korumo), 164, 284, 285. 
 Gutium land, 187. 
 Gyges, 106. 
 
 Hadad, a god, 68, 78. 
 
 Hadadezer, 69. 
 
 Hainatk, 18, 32, 64, 68, 69, 75, 80, 
 
 106, 168, 272-276. 
 Hanun, 77, 79. 
 Harosheth, 51. 
 Harran, 13, 61, 193, 194. 
 Hatasu, 27. 
 Hayan, son of Gabbar, 67, 72, 
 
 74- 
 
 Hazael, 70. 
 
 Hebrews (see 'Abiri), 24, 93. 
 
 Hebron, 18, 21. 
 
 Helebi, 62. 
 
 Hercules, 118, 121. 
 
 Hezekiah, 81, 82, 83. 
 
 Hittite language, 102, 103, 197, 198, 
 201-205, 257-303. 
 II writing, 11, 16, 17, 18 
 170, 215-295. 
 
 Hittites, II, 13, 18, 31, 33, 38 
 48, 53> 55. 56, 58, 60, 63-65 
 87; 93) loi, 102, 105, 107, 
 123, 124, 126, 193, 194, 201 
 233, 267, 268. 
 
 Hoshea, 77. 
 
 Hungarians, 94. 
 
 Huzu or Usu, 69, 82. 
 
 Hyksos kings, 20, 22, 23, 26, 
 184, 185. 
 
 138- 
 , 43- 
 
 ;, 80- 
 
 109, 
 
 205, 
 
 100, 
 
 lanias, 200. 
 
 lasili-Kaia, 127-129, 164, 289. 
 
 Ibreez, 127, 132, 165, 280, 281. 
 
 Ideograms, 139. 
 
 Ikatai, 38, 203, 205. 
 
 Ini, Mer, or Rinimon, a god, 116.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 309 
 
 Im Kharsak, World Mountain, 119, 
 
 133- 
 Imniurias or Anicnophis III., 193. 
 Iniel, 76, 106. 
 lonians, 106, 249, 250. 
 Iranians or Iron, 89, 91, 94, 98, 
 
 103. 
 Irba-Marduk, 16, 
 
 II -Sin, 176. 
 Irkhulena, 68, 107. 
 Irsappa, 202-204. 
 Iskhara or Isgar, a goddess, 134, 
 
 156. 
 Iskipal, 176, 195. 
 Isnii-Dagon, 24, 172, 176. 
 Israel, 49, 50, 51, 52, 178. 
 Istar (see Ashtoreih), a goddess. 
 Ithamar of Saba, 80. 
 Izameti, 176. 
 Izdubar, 121. 
 Izg/iin, 164, 285, 286. 
 
 Jabin, 51. 
 
 Janoah [Vcriu), 49. 
 
 Janus, 133. 
 
 Jehu, son of Omri, 70, 130. 
 
 Jerusalem, 81, 83. 
 
 Joseph, 23. 
 
 Kades/t, 28, 30, 32, 39, 42-44. 
 Kaina, 29. 
 Kaisdrieh, 41. 
 Kalaba, 17, i66. 
 Kalmucks, 96. 
 Kamais, 197. 
 Kandis, 176. 
 Kara Burias, 196. 
 
 II Kit, 196. 
 
 II -Urutas, 40. 
 Karabel, 17, 166, 282, 283. 
 Karaduuias land, 33, 163. 
 Karaenkit, 176. 
 Karaindas, 163, 176. 
 Karaurus, 176. 
 Karbatus, 197. 
 Karkiir, 69. 
 Kasbat, 176. 
 Kaska tribe, 60, 76, 105. 
 Kassite language, 195, 196. 
 Kassites, 10, 11, 36, 40, 41, 56, 57, 
 
 63, 98, 124, 163, 173. 
 Katazilu, 66, 105, 200. 
 Kati, 105, 200. 
 Kauisira, 197. 
 Kausmelek, 77. 
 Kentaurs, 121. 
 
 Kesir, 169, 262. 
 
 Keteioi tribe, 108, log. 
 
 Keys or Determinatives, 141, 234. 
 
 Khakhans or Princes, 100, 193, 
 
 194. 
 Khamzir, 172. 
 
 Kliani-rabbat land, 20, 61, 63, 84. 
 Khar or Phoenicians, 28, 192. 
 Khattinai, 63, 64, 67, 71, 86, 106, 
 
 107. 
 Kheiep-sar, 197. 
 Khetasar, 45, 46. 
 Khilibape, 291, 292. 
 Khilib-melu, 291. 
 Khir-basar, 197. 
 Khitai of Cathay, 84. 
 Khufu or Cheops, 8. 
 Kinibi, 175. 
 Kirgal, 176. 
 Kirri, 105, 200. 
 Kit, the sun, 19. 
 Kiti tribe, 105. 
 Kit ill land, 19. 
 KoUtolu Yaila, 165, 289. 
 Korumo, See Gurun. 
 Kubau, 195. 
 Kudur-Mabug, 14, 15. 
 
 II -Nanhundi, 9, 98, 172. 
 Kuduniras, 176. 
 KiDialua, 63, 71. 
 Kundaspi, 68, 105, 200. 
 Kurigalzu, 36, 38, 40, 57, 176, 196. 
 Kustaspi, 76, 105, 200. 
 
 Lackis/i, 18, 82, 108. 
 
 Lalli, 68. 
 
 Lar, 124. 
 
 Larsa (see Ellasar), 278, 279, 280. 
 
 Leka, Luku, or Ligyes, 34, 43, 49, 
 
 104. 
 Libyans, 48, 49. 
 Linear Babylonian, 11, 155, 215- 
 
 256. 
 Lubarna, 63, 71, to6, 199. 
 Lycians, 89, 103, 105, 249-256. 
 Lydia, 94, 132. 
 
 Ma, a goddess, 115, 128, 130, 131, 
 
 132, 133. 265, 281, 282. 
 Mahaliba, 82. 
 Ma/aliya. 60, 61, 64, 68, 76, 80, 
 
 105, 288. 
 Manasseh, 83. 
 Manetho, 182. 
 Mantchus, 96. 
 Marduk., 122.
 
 3IO 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Marduk-Nadinakhi, 171, 176. 
 
 II -SupilakuUat, 176. 
 Mari, 73. 
 Masepalali, 199. 
 Masrima, 197. 
 Matanbel, 77. 
 Matiene. See Alitanni. 
 Maurasar, 46, 197. 
 Mautenar or Motenar, 43, 46, 197. 
 Medes, 65, 80, 86, 103, 107. 
 Media, 7, 10, 65, 75, 80, 83, 84, 95. 
 Megiddo, 28, 29, 45. 
 Meirun, 45. 
 Melamma, 176. 
 Melikhali, 196. 
 Melikit, 196. 
 Melisibarru, 196. 
 Melisikhu, 177. 
 Melisumu, 134, 292. 
 Melukas, 264, 265. 
 Memphis, 8, 184. 
 Menaheni, 76. 
 
 II of Samsimuruna, 82. 
 
 Menes, 8, 184, 
 Merash, 16-18, 34, 39, 40, 68, 86, 
 
 131, 168, 169, 258-265. 
 Merodach-Baladan, 77, 80. 
 Midianites, 52. 
 
 Mineptah (Merenptah), 48, 49, 178. 
 Minni or Minyans, 10, 20, 72, 83, 
 
 100, 132, 133, 192-194. 
 Minyan language, 191-194. 
 Mitanni or Matiene, 12, 20, 34, 
 
 35. 37, 40, 65, 84, 100, 193, 288. 
 Mitinti, 77, 82. 
 Moab, 77, 82, 93. 
 Moschi, Muskai, or Meshech, 18, 
 
 60, 79, 105. 
 Motur, 18, 197. 
 Miisalla, 7. 
 Mutakkil Nebo, 176. 
 Mutalli, 66, 67, 105, 199. 
 Mutallu, 105, 200. 
 
 Nabonidus, 2, 171, 172, 175. 
 Naharina land, 26, 28, 30, 33, 34, 
 
 43, 151- 
 Nakhramassi, 199. 
 Nanaeri, 287. 
 
 Naramaku, 3, 96, 172, 173. 
 Naroniath, 59, 177. 
 Narudi, a god, 117. 
 Nazi burias, 196. 
 
 II -Urutas, 41, 57. 
 Nazibugas, 40. 
 Nazira, 197. 
 
 Nebo (see Ak), a god, 116. 
 
 II -Dan, 59, 176. 
 
 II Kudureser, 176. 
 Nekeb, 33. 
 Nereb, 32, 39, 66. 
 Nergal or Bel, a god, 115, 117, 119, 
 
 123, 126. 
 
 ^'h 33- 
 
 Ninigirabi Burias, 196. 
 
 „ Kit, 196. 
 
 Nimmurias (see Immurias), 192. 
 Nimmutriya (see Immurias), 201. 
 Nina, a goddess, 115, 288. 
 Nineveh, 10, 18, 38, 134. 
 Nini, 31. 
 
 Nin-ki-gal, a goddess, 115, 125. 
 Niobe, 127, 281. 
 Nippur, 4, 12. 
 Noun cases, 188. 
 
 Pa-Ka?ia?ia, 49. 
 
 Pakhnan or Apakhnas, 200. 
 
 Palanga, 164, 286, 287. 
 
 Paltos [Baldeh), 32. 
 
 Panamniu, 74, -jj. 
 
 Pantheons, 210. 
 
 Parsua tribe, 71, 72. 
 
 Pase or Isin, 174. 
 
 Patesis, rulers, 6, 24, 172. 
 
 Paihros, 83. 
 
 Pegasus, 121. 
 
 Peis, 197. 
 
 Pekah, 77. 
 
 Perseus, 121. 
 
 Persians, 89, 90, 145, 148. 
 
 Pethor, 32, 68. 
 
 Philistines, 27, 45, 50, 52, 53, 73, 
 
 75, 80, 81, 107, 108. 
 Phcenicians, 3, 34, 88, 126, 132, 
 
 160, 161, 192, 248-251. 
 Phrygians, 87, 89, 250. 
 Pikhirim, 71, 105. 
 Pirkhi, 199. 
 Pisiris, 76, 80, 198. 
 Planets, 211. 
 Prometheus, 122. 
 Pronouns, 190. 
 
 Pterin (see Boghaz-Keui), 17, 127. 
 Pul, 174. 
 Purosata or Pilista tribe, 53. 
 
 Ra-Apepa. See Apepa. 
 II -Sekanen, 23. 
 Rabsunna, 197. 
 
 Ranieses, 42-48, 51, 52,. 53, 60, 93, 
 132, 178, 181.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 311 
 
 Raphia, 79. 
 
 Red Indians, 136. 
 
 Rezep/i, 32, 38, loi, 201, 204. 
 
 Rezin, 76. 
 
 Rimnion (see Im), a god, 124. 
 
 Rimmon-Baladan, 59, 176, 
 
 i> -Nadinsumi, 177. 
 
 „ -Nirari, 25, 34, 57, 65, 72, 
 176, 177. 
 
 IT -Sumnasir, 176, 177. 
 Ruten or Laden land, 26. 
 
 Saamen, 54. 
 
 Saamsusatana, 175. 
 
 Sagasalti-burias, 173. 
 
 Sakkara list, 182. 
 
 Salatis, 200. 
 
 Sam, the sun, 124, 224. 
 
 Samalla, 32, 57, 58, 59, 72, 73, 74, 
 
 77, 79, 83, 126. 
 Samaria, 45, 76, 77, 79. 
 Samaritas, 197. 
 Samas-Rimmon, 172, 176. 
 Samosata, 17, 164, 290. 
 Samsi, 80. 
 
 Samsuiluna, 12, 175. 
 Saneha, 20, 21. 
 Sangara, 63, 72, 198. 
 Sapalulme, 72, 106, 200. 
 Saplel, 42, 46, 197. 
 Sapsar, 197. 
 Sardis, 49. 
 Sarepla, 82. 
 Sargani, 172. 
 Sargina, 3, 172, 173. 
 Sarginna, 195. 
 Sargon, 79-81, 85, loi, 174. 
 Sam Ilka, 32. 
 Scythians, 94, loi. 
 Seir, 36, 53. 
 
 Semitic races, 13, 55, 91, 106, 107. 
 Se/nyru, 30, 32, 39, 43, 76. 
 Senefru, 8, 183, 185. 
 Sennacherib, 81-83, '7i"i74' 
 Set, a god, 23, 47, 48, 112, 126, 127, 
 
 133, 211, 230. 
 Seti, 42, 43, 181. 
 Skafiafiiiia, 44. 
 Shakalisha tribe, 49, 53. 
 Shalmaneser, 58, 65, 74, 79, 93, 
 
 176. 
 Shamash, the sun, 124. 
 Shamash-Rimmon, 72. 
 Shardana tribe, 49. 
 Shariilten, 26. 
 Shasu tribe, 27. 
 
 Shinab, 77. 
 
 Shishak, 54, 59, 177. 
 
 Shunein, 45. 
 
 Sidoji, 32, 39, 45, 62, 64, 70, 73, 
 
 82. 
 Sikhu or Sipak, a god, 124, 196. 
 Simigiz, a god, 192, 193. 
 Simmas-sikhu, 196. 
 Sin or Sinu, a god, 124. 
 Sinai {Magan), 4, 7, 27, 53, 183. 
 Sinitn (see Elain), 6, 8. 
 Sinmuballid, 12, 175. 
 Sippara, 4. 
 
 Sipylos, Mount, 17, 132, 166, 281. 
 Sirius, 178. 
 Sisera, 51. 
 Sitatama, 35, 199. 
 So, 79. 
 Solomon, 48, 56, 93. 
 
 II of Moab, -j-j. 
 Sothic cycle, 178-180. 
 Sphynx, 125. 
 
 Spirit of Earth, 114, 118, 122, 128. 
 II Heaven, 114, 118, 122, 128, 
 
 133- 
 
 Staan, 200. 
 
 Su (people), 295. 
 
 Su-Edin land, 3, 187. 
 
 Suffixes, 189. 
 
 Sulumal, 76, 105, 200. 
 
 Sulume, 292. 
 
 5?^;«t7- land, 2, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 75, 
 83, 95> 96, 97, 126. 
 
 Sumerian language. See Akka- 
 dian. 
 
 Suniu, a god, 124, 134, 262, 291, 
 292. 
 
 Sumuabi, 12, 16, 165, 169, 173, 175, 
 262. 
 
 Suniulailu, 165, 175, 267, 270. 
 
 Sunmtes, 292. 
 
 Surieh, 62. 
 
 Susa (Skus/iaii), i, 9, 10, 98. 
 
 Susinak, a god, 9. 
 
 Sussi, 176. 
 
 Sutekh or Set, a god, 23, 211. 
 
 Suttarna, 35, 199. 
 
 Syntax, 191. 
 
 Tablai or Tubal, 18, 71, 76, 79, 
 105. 
 
 Tabor, 45. 
 
 Tadukhepa, 37, 193, 199, 205. 
 
 Takelut II., 179. 
 
 Tamtim, 174. 
 
 Targon, 167, 168, 258, 260 261, 268.
 
 ,12 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Targontimnie, 42. 
 
 Tarkananas,i97. 
 
 Tarkatasas, 197. 
 
 Tarkatinime or Tarkadimine, 164, 
 
 284, 285. 
 Tarkhunazi, 80, 105, 199. 
 Tarkhundara, 38, loi, 198, 201, 203. 
 Tarkodimus, 288. 
 Tarkondemos, 17. 
 Tarkondimotos, 164. 
 Tarkulara, 76, 105, 199. 
 Tarkutimme, 42, 156, 198, 267, 268, 
 
 269. 
 Tarquin, 102. 
 Tarsus, 17, 71. 
 Tartisebu, 197. 
 Tassama, 292. 
 Tatar, 197. 
 Tazziumas, 176. 
 Tell Amarna tablets, 35, 38, 42, 
 
 118, 201. 
 Tell Barsip, 66. 
 
 II Basilar, 18, 61, 293. 
 Tereb, 32. 
 
 Thebes, 24, loi, 184. 
 Thi, 35, 39. 
 
 Thothmes, 26, 27-35, ^17- 
 Tidal, 15. 
 Tidaliiin, 7. 
 Tiglath-Adar, 58, 171, 176. 
 
 II -Pileser, 58, 60, 61, 62, 75- 
 
 78, 17T, 172, 176. 
 Tintir {Babylon), 11. 
 Tin-Tir, tree of life, 120. 
 Tiphsah, 32. 
 Tirhakah, 81, 82. 
 Tonu land, 21. 
 Totar (see Dutar), 168. 
 Tulka, 71. 
 
 Tunep {Tennib), 30, 39, 44. 
 Tunepripi, 199. 
 Turin Papyrus, 182. 
 Turks, 85, 91, 96, 97, 98. 
 Tursha tribe, 49. 
 Tuska, 281. 
 Tyana, 165, 283. 
 Tyre, 32, 39, 62, 64, 70, 73, 76, 79. 
 
 Ulam-burias, 196. 
 
 11 -urus, 196. 
 Ur, I, 2, 13. 
 Urbau, 4, 173. 
 Uriah, 108. 
 Urik, 76, 105. 
 Urnina, 6, 97. 
 I 'rum, 32, 60. 
 Urus, 124. 
 Usertesen, 21, 22. 
 Ussi, 176. 
 
 Van, Lake, 10, 65, 87, 89, 100. 
 \'annic Aryans, 65, 87, 102, 103. 
 II language, 103, 205, 206. 
 Vassurmi, 76, 105. 
 
 Xaiithus, 256. 
 
 Yadai land, 69, 78, 79. 
 
 Yaman, 80, 81. 
 
 Yankhaniu, 36. 
 
 Yegamma or Sirgamma, 292. 
 
 Yehem, 28. 
 
 Yehubidi, 79, 106. 
 
 Yuni, 199. 
 
 Zabibi, 76. 
 
 Zabu, 16, 167, 173, 175, 259, 260, 
 
 261, 267, 268. 
 Zagaga-Sumedin, 177. 
 7,ahi land, 26, 31, 53. 
 Zakkar tribe, 53. 
 Zamama-mumu, 172. 
 
 11 -Sumedin, 176. 
 Zinzar, 36. 
 Zirgul {Tell Loh), 5, 14, 96, 131, 
 
 147. 
 Zoan, 20. 
 Zobumape, 287. 
 Zomoepi. See Sumuabi. 
 Zoniumelu, 272-274. 
 Zuazas, 197. 
 Zumalu, 265, 266, 268, 269, 270, 
 
 283, 2S4. 
 Ziimelu, 266, 272. 
 Zuzim or Zamzummim tribe, 108. 
 
 PRINTED BV WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND Sa!.T5.
 
 c; 
 ^ 
 ^
 
 
 
 
 Mer'ash Texts. Nos. 3 and 4. From copies by O. Puchstein. 
 
 Mer'ash Fragments. From copies by O. Puchstein. 
 PLATE III.
 
 c(^= 
 
 ^) 
 
 i^ 
 
 !v,r^ § 
 
 ^^^/-'^ 
 
 
 
 ife 
 
 
 a© 
 
 
 I©
 
 PLATE v.— Carchemish Texts. No. 2. Fro7)i the Original.
 
 <j .-m 
 
 6
 
 -5> 
 
 ^Ti^^(C 1^--^^^^ 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 nluJlf^^ 
 
 
 ^^1
 
 Q 
 ^

 
 
 r" 
 
 
 U 
 
 Co 
 
 o O ^ 
 
 
 —■J I
 
 n 
 
 
 lo^.W 
 
 jp(. 
 
 P 
 
 
 /a 
 
 
 I 

 
 0=7- 
 
 
 o 
 
 *t; "tt 
 
 U? \^ -I 
 
 
 n> off. vx'^-PtT 
 
 1!? 
 
 
 &s / 
 
 ; 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 ,w< 
 
 Samosata. 
 
 ^ 
 
 A 
 
 (?^ 
 
 
 
 
 3 (in 
 
 ^ ^^ 
 
 OOCB 
 
 KoLiTOLU Yah, A. 
 PLATE XIII.
 
 
 
 
 
 fe!5 
 
 crji 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 rC 
 
 B^ 
 
 
 ^ to 
 
 5 J ''! 
 
 5=> ? - 
 
 « J 2 
 
 o - < 
 
 cq ffl Da
 
 ^ ill 
 •^ < 
 
 ■a a 
 
 ^^«! 
 
 . s z S 
 
 C! 5 < g 
 
 a ^ S 
 
 K H Z U 
 
 <: ^ o < 
 
 
 D3 
 
 a 
 
 (d 
 
 o 
 
 5 
 
 73 
 
 hJ 
 J 
 
 Id 
 
 C2 
 
 t« 
 
 o 
 
 < 
 
 E- 
 
 <5 
 
 ^ 
 
 < 
 
 Q 
 
 Cd 
 
 J 
 
 w 
 
 w 
 
 u 
 
 
 D 
 
 
 
 >• 
 
 Z 
 
 
 U 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 J 
 
 D 
 
 v-< 
 
 
 H 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 O 
 
 O 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 W 
 
 S 
 
 M 
 
 K 
 
 o 
 
 H 
 
 
 o 
 
 in 
 
 b. 
 
 
 £ 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 ^ 
 
 J 
 
 
 H 
 
 ►J 
 
 J 
 
 <; 
 
 < 
 
 y 
 
 H 
 
 < 
 
 cq 
 
 U 
 
 w 
 
 ^-H 
 
 •-r 
 
 w 
 
 s 
 
 73 
 
 73 
 
 ^ 
 
 ■73 
 
 a 
 
 t^ CO o O 
 
 Ci CJ OJ CO CO CO 
 
 l^^^ "
 
 ^/^3.|^
 
 L 006 213 642 9 
 
 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 AA 000 826 784 i