ECROYDXSM 
 
 BY 
 
 DR. JOHN WATTS. 
 
 Reprinted from the “ Manchester Examiner,” January 17th, 1882. 
 
 MANCHESTER: 
 
 A. IRELAND & CO„ PRINTERS, PALL MALL. 
 

 
 
 
ECROYDXSM 
 
 QIR,—In consequence of the receipt of numerous invitations to 
 ^ meetings which I cannot attend, I should like, through you, 
 to say, if Ecroydism, miscalled “Fair Trade,” be not already dead, 
 what I can to assist its exit from the earth ; and if it be dead, I 
 would like to write upon its tomb as follows :— 
 
 Free trade means, buy where you please and get all you can 
 for your money. 
 
 Ecroydism means, buy only where I dictate to you, and get 
 very considerably less for your money ; whilst 
 
 General protection means, give up all the advantages of ex¬ 
 change with more fertile countries and more ingenious peoples, 
 and get thereby the least possible amount for your money. 
 
 Now, I say that, by the measures of free trade which Sir R. 
 Peel’s and succeeding Governments have given us, we as a nation 
 are at least one thousand millions sterling richer than we could 
 have been without these measures, as may be demonstrated thus. 
 The taxes repealed, and for which no others have been substituted 
 during forty years, would, if continued till now, have taken out of 
 the pockets of the people three hundred and eighty-seven millions 
 sterling more than they have had to pay. By these repeals of 
 indirect taxation all this money has been saved; and, if 5 per 
 cent at compound interest be added from the time of each repeal, 
 the total, as stated above, will exceed one thousand millions 
 sterling. All this has, 1 say, been effected by the extension of 
 our foreign trade, and our immense foreign trade has grown, and 
 could only have grown, out of the lowering of our tariff. This 
 gain is equal to £4. 3s. 4d. a year for every family in Great 
 
4 
 
 Britain, and the capital sum is sufficient to find permanent 
 employment for all the workers in the United Kingdom. 
 
 Fully one half of our food now comes from abroad in exchange 
 for our manufactures, and if any step be taken to stop or to lessen 
 these imports, then a proportionate number of us must be expa¬ 
 triated, and must go where the food is grown. 
 
 An import duty even of Id. on the 4ft> loaf, as proposed by 
 Mr. Ecroyd, would raise the price of bread £9,125,000 per annum, 
 and if we put a tariff also on beef, mutton, bacon, eggs, butter, 
 cheese, smd lard, then at least £20,000,000 a year more than we 
 now pay would be needed for food, and there would be that much 
 less for clothes and other necessaries. Would working people like 
 that 1 Let us see how we have done under free trade in the past. 
 In 1840, our total exports amounted to £51,000,000. In 1872 
 they were <£256,000,000, being an increase of 402 per cent up to 
 that date ; and reckoning up to 1879, after the intervening years 
 of bad trade, our exports were £191,000,000, or 276J per cent 
 increase upon 1840. Our population in Great Britain in 1841 was 
 16,000,000, and in 1881 it was 26,000,000, an increase of 62^ per 
 cent, so that our foreign trade, even under the recent depression, 
 had increased four times as fast as population. Again, the increase 
 of population is 10,000,000, but the foreign food now imported is 
 enough at 5s. per head per week for 13,000,000 of people ; so that 
 there has been a large increase of food per head for the whole 
 people. The complainers say that our imports exceed our exports 
 by £120,000,000 per annum, which, as we do not pay for them 
 in goods, must be eating into our capital. 
 
 Let us see. Goods sent abroad are entered at the merchant’s 
 selling prices, but after they leave him they are loaded with pack¬ 
 ing, carrying, and shipping charges, and freight before they leave 
 our shores; and, on arrival at their destination, there are added 
 landing charges and import duty, all of which have to be paid by 
 the foreign consignee, who, therefore, sends us goods to balance all 
 these charges, in addition to the registered value of our exports. 
 Then, many Englishmen have heavy permanent investments 
 abroad, the dividends on which frequently come home in goods, 
 
5 
 
 and so again swell the imports, and when a reasonable allowance 
 has been made for profit on these latter goods, it will be easy to 
 see that our imports ought to exceed our exports by 33 per cent 
 at least, which is just about what they do. Our Ecroydist friends 
 tell us that we suffer by the export of gold instead of manufactured 
 produce; but it seems to me that if we export manufactures to 
 Australia in exchange for gold, and make a profit on our goods, 
 and then send the gold to America in exchange for food, and make 
 a profit on that food, that the more of such suffering we have the 
 better it will be for us. Gold, beyond what we need for coinage, 
 is a merchantable commodity as much as calico; but with this 
 advantage, that it is at all times and everywhere acceptable in 
 exchange because it is imperishable, and can at any time, be 
 exchanged again for other commodities. 
 
 Of course our Ecroydist friends admit that our foreign trade 
 has increased very much, but they declare it to be unprofitable. 
 Let us see. We know that our farmers have not for some years 
 past added much to the riches of the country ; on the other hand, 
 we know that the landlords have had to forego considerable por¬ 
 tions of rent, so that if wealth has been accumulated at all it must 
 have been by the trading portion of the community. 
 
 Well, the property assessed for income tax in 1843 was 
 £251,000,000, in 1861 it was £335,500,000, and in 1878, at the 
 time of severest depression, it was £578,000,000. I ought to say 
 that in 1843 there was an Irish grievance, inasmuch as Ireland at 
 that time paid no income tax; but the increase from 1861 to 
 1878, which includes poverty-stricken Ireland, is 42 per cent, or 
 two and a half millions a year, including the years of the cotton 
 famine, the Indian and Chinese famines, and ten years of almost 
 consecutive bad home harvests. Still there may be some doubt 
 whether the advantages of this degree of prosperity have been 
 fully shared by the working classes; and although I have shown 
 that, notwithstanding bad home harvests, their proportion of food 
 has been considerably increased, I will now go still farther, and to 
 test the progress of the prudent portion of the working classes, I 
 will turn to the condition of the savings banks. 
 
6 
 
 In 1841 the deposits standing to credit were in round numbers 
 £24,500,000, in 1870 they were £53,000,000, and in 1880, after 
 six years of bad trade, and a long series of bad harvests, they were 
 £78,000,000, thus shewing two and a half millions per annum 
 increase during the later period. So that the prudent portion of 
 the working classes have been saving, through the savings banks 
 alone, as much as the middle and upper classes put together. Let 
 us go one step further. Our paupers in 1849 in Great Britain 
 were 934,419. In 1870 they were 1,079,000, having about kept 
 pace with the increase of population ; but in 1880 they had fallen 
 to 837,000, being 331,000 fewer than they would have been if 
 they had still increased in the proportion of the population; so 
 that whatever may have been the sufferings from bad trade and 
 deficient harvests, the working class have had no unfair proportion 
 of it. 
 
 Now, it is a very good doctrine to let well alone, or to continue 
 in well-doing ; but Ecroydism, instead of pressing us forward to 
 the abolition of the duties now levied upon tea, coffee, cocoa, 
 raisins, currants, and wines, which abolition would increase still 
 further our trade with China and India, with Spain, France, and 
 other countries, asks us to hark back, and to again tax imports of 
 provisions, for the benefit of the landlords at home, and of the 
 landlords and squatters in our colonies—the very people in all the 
 world who least need it; and we are asked to do this at the 
 expense principally of the working classes at home, and our 
 Ecroydish friends call that fair trade. To my thinking it is about 
 as unfair a scheme as was ever promulgated, for let it be remem¬ 
 bered that the working class are five-sixths of the population, and 
 that they must pay five-sixths of all the taxes on food. 
 
 Let us see how these proposed taxes would operate. The 
 Financial fteform Almanack tells us that for every shilling we 
 now spend on cocoa 2d. is for the tax; that for every shilling 
 spent on coffee 3|d. is for the tax; that for every shilling spent on 
 raisins 4d. is for the tax; that of every shilling spent on tea 8d. is 
 for the tax ; and that of every shilling spent on tobacco lOd. is for 
 the tax. Is it really desirable to extend this system 1 
 
7 
 
 Some people say that, since we must have taxes, it is well 
 to collect them unknown to the people. But this manner of 
 collecting taxes is very costly, and hinders the increase of trade, 
 for the importer who brings in the goods and pays the tax has to 
 employ more capital in his trade for the purpose ; and he and all 
 others through whose hands the goods pass to the consumer take 
 a trading profit on the tax, instead of using that extra capital for 
 the extension of trade. 
 
 That the 'lowering and abolition of tariffs does extend trade 
 without loss even to the revenue is easily shown. Thus we have 
 entirely abolished our tariff upon hundreds of articles during the 
 last forty years, and yet we now collect-from the few remaining 
 articles which are taxed nearly as much as ever. 
 
 The products of our tariff at different periods have been as 
 follow :— 
 
 1841-50. 1861-70. 1871-80. 
 
 £22,500,000 per annum. £23,500,000 per annum. £21,500,000 per annum. 
 
 The same fact can also be shown in a different way, thus : 
 England has a tariff including very few articles, whilst the French 
 tariff includes a large number of articles; the German tariff 
 includes still more, and the American tariff includes nearly all 
 articles, and charges very high rates. Now, when it is remem¬ 
 bered that our population is smaller than any of those above 
 named, the bare statement of the incomes from customs duties is 
 very significant, thus : Germany raises £5,000,000 per annum, for 
 a population of 42,000,000 ; France £10,000,000 per annum, for 
 a population of 37,000,000 ; England £20,000,000 per annum, 
 for a population of 35,000,000 ; and America £26,000,000 per 
 annum, for a population of 45,000,000. So that England, with 
 her meagre tariff, raises immensely more in proportion to her 
 population than the comprehensive tariffs of France and Germany 
 do, and within a fraction of the amount produced by the universal 
 tariff of the United States. 
 
 The Americans pay three cents per Bb tax on sugar, ten cents 
 per yard on alpaca, and two dollars per pair on blankets. The 
 western farmers of America are finding out that a large portion of 
 
8 
 
 the natural profit on their work is now going to uphold the 
 monopoly of the manufacturers of the eastern states, and as the 
 people of the west outnumber those of the eastern states, they will 
 in their own interests demand a revision of the tariff which robs 
 them. There is one and only one danger in the way, and that is 
 the danger of English interference. We have no moral right to 
 dictate how other nations shall conduct their trade, and nothing is 
 more likely in a proud nation like that of America to prevent the 
 progress we wish to see than our undue urgency, except it be our 
 taking a backward step ourselves professedly to hurry others for¬ 
 ward. We profess to have prospered on Free Trade, regardless of 
 the tariffs of other nations; who will believe us if we revert to 
 customs duties, even upon the plea that we want to drive other 
 nations to abolish theirs ? Germany, the most recent convert to 
 Protection, has quadrupled the emigration of her people by the 
 experiment, and still complains of bad trade. 
 
 Let us keep clear, say I, of both Bismarckism and Ecroydism, 
 and by still larger exports of manufactured produce bring home 
 still larger stores of food and the raw materials of clothing, to the 
 enrichment of our nation and the benefit of mankind. 
 
 I am, yours faithfully, 
 
 JOHN WATTS. 
 
 A. Ireland & Co., Printers, Pall Mall, Manchester. 
 
Report of the Proceedings at the 
 Annual Dinner, June 24, 1871. 
 
 The Right Hon. EARL GRANVILLE, K.G., 
 
 IN THE CHAIR. 
 
 WITH LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY CASSELL, PETTER, AND GALPIN, 
 LUDGATE HILL, E.C. 
 
 1871. * 
 
REPORT 
 
 OF THE PROCEEDINGS 
 
 ANNUAL DINNER 
 
 COBDEN CLUB, 
 
 June 24TH, 1871. 
 
 The Right Hon. EARL GRANVILLE, K.G., 
 
 IN THE CHAIR. 
 
 WITH LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY CASSELL, PETTER, AND GALPIN r 
 LUDGATE HILL, E.C. 
 
 1871. 
 
N.B.—All communications for the Hon. Sec., Thomas Bayley 
 Potter, M.P., should be addressed to him at the Reform Club, Pall 
 Mall, London. 
 
 The Bankers of the Club are the London and Westminster Bank, 
 Westminster Branch, I, Si. fameds Square, London, S.W., when 
 subscriptions should be paid on the 1st of fanuary in each year. 
 
 It is suggested, for the convenience of Members, that they should 
 leave with the Secretary their usual address, and also an order on their 
 Bankers to pay their subscription on the 1 st of January in each year to 
 the Bankers of the Club, to whom all cheques should be made payable. 
 Blank forms may be had on application to the Secretary. 
 
 23. Chalcot Crescent, 
 
 Regent’s Park Road, N.W. 
 
 GEORGE W. EVANS, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
THE COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 The annual dinner of the Cobden Club was held at 
 the Ship Hotel, Greenwich, on the 24 th June. It may¬ 
 be to some a necessary reminder that the Club is not 
 an institution with a local habitation, but a society for 
 spreading and developing the principles of Mr. Cob¬ 
 den, by publications and other means, of which this 
 annual celebration is one. A large party, including 
 several foreign guests, went by special steamer from 
 the House of Commons’ stairs to Greenwich, and a 
 considerable proportion of them returned by the boat 
 at night. One hundred and ninety-five sat down to 
 dinner; Lord Granville presided, and among those 
 by whom he was supported were the Right Hon. the 
 Marquis of Ripon, K.G., Lord Acton, Baron Mackay 
 (Holland), Sir Louis Mallet, C.B., Capt. S. Osborn, 
 R.N., C.B., M. Arles-Dufour (France), Cyrus W. Field 
 (United States), M. Corr-Vander Maeren (Belgium), 
 
 A 2 
 
4 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Dr. Julius Faucher (Germany), M. Auguste Couvreur 
 (Belgium), Herr Otto Michaelis (Germany), Montague 
 Bernard, M. Gustave d’Eichthal (France), T. Michell, 
 Herr George Bunsen (Germany), Hugh McCulloch 
 (United States), Odo Russell, Herr Max Schlesinger, 
 Mahlon Sands (United States), C. H. Marshall (United 
 States), Dr. Spinsio (Austro-Hungarian Vice-Consul), 
 T. Willerding (Swedish and Norwegian Consul- 
 General), Right Hon. James A. Lawson, W. E. Baxter, 
 M.P., Sir C. W. Dilke, Bart., M.P., Sir Joseph Whit¬ 
 worth, Bart., Sir Charles Wingfield, K.C.S.I., C.B., 
 M.P., W. P. Adam, M.P., W. C. Cartwright, M.P,. 
 Serjeant Dowse, M.P., J. T. Hibbert, M.P., Sabbas 
 Viikovics (Austro-Hungarian Empire), General Wood- 
 hall (United States Legation), E. S. Nadal (United 
 States Legation). The general company included, 
 besides a large number of members of Parliament, 
 many of the political and personal friends of the 
 late Mr. Cobden, from Manchester. The vice-chair 
 was occupied by Mr. Thomas Bayley Potter, M.P. 
 Grace was said by the Rev. Edwin Hatch, and the 
 Rev. Alton Hatchard returned thanks. 
 
 The noble President of the evening, who on 
 rising, received a most cordial welcome, in proposing 
 the first toast, said: MM. les Strangers, my Lords and- 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 5 
 
 Gentlemen—I beg to thank you for the kind recep¬ 
 tion with which you have greeted me. Our excellent 
 vice-chairman (Mr. Thomas Bayley Potter), whom you 
 have already cheered at the unorthodox hour of 
 duck and green peas, has just placed in my hands 
 an address of welcome from the Advanced Liberal 
 Association of Greenwich, which I have no doubt 
 will be agreeable to the members of this club. (Hear, 
 hear.) I have now to propose a health which, accord¬ 
 ing to routine, is proposed not only every year, but 
 every month, and almost every week and every day 
 in this country. It is proposed to you to drink the 
 health of'the illustrious lady on the throne of this 
 country. (Cheers.) It has become almost common¬ 
 place to say that we have never had a more constitu¬ 
 tional monarch than her Majesty, and I cannot help 
 thinking that, looking back into the history either of 
 our own or other countries, it is a remarkable fact 
 that the only complaint I have ever heard raised 
 against her Majesty, as a Sovereign, is that in the 
 hour of her bereavement and affliction, she has not 
 been as much among her people as their affection and 
 their loyalty would make them desire. (Cheers.) The 
 late Prince Consort knew and appreciated Mr. 
 Cobden, not only as a public man, for he had a great 
 
6 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 opportunity of observing his work and his ability as 
 a colleague at the time of the Great Exhibition of 
 1851. (Cheers.) I have regretted, for great national 
 reasons, that Mr. Cobden always resisted the accept¬ 
 ance of official life ; and I regret it in connection with 
 this toast, because I believe it would have given the 
 Queen an opportunity of knowing him and liking him 
 in the way she has done his illustrious friend and 
 fellow-labourer, John Bright. (Cheers.) I don’t know 
 whether it is out of place for me to say that, having 
 been in attendance recently on her Majesty at Bal¬ 
 moral, I had the immense pleasure of receiving from 
 him a communication written with his usual spirit, 
 and talking of his recovery as being very near. 
 (Cheers.) I communicated the fact to her Majesty, 
 who desired me at once to telegraph to Mr. Bright 
 that, if he thought it prudent in regard to his health,, 
 she hoped he would come and spend two or three days' 
 in retirement at Balmoral. (Loud cheers.) I think it 
 is not necessary for me to speak more to induce you 
 to drink, with the usual enthusiasm, “The Health of 
 her Majesty.” (Loud cheers.) 
 
 Earl Granville then rose to propose the prin¬ 
 cipal toast of the evening. He said : My Lords and 
 Gentlemen—In obedience to the despotic orders of 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 7 
 
 Mr. Potter, I rise to propose the toast of “ Prosperity 
 to the Cobden Club.” _ (Hear.) I own that, flattered 
 as I was by your invitation to preside on this occasion, 
 I felt some doubt as to my right to assume that re¬ 
 sponsibility. If there is one thing which gives me 
 courage in doing it, it is this painful reminiscence, 
 that I entered Parliament thirty-five years ago, and 
 that except for a short interval I have sat in one or 
 other of the Houses of Parliament ever since that 
 time (cheers) and that during that period one of 
 the things that I look back to with the greatest pride 
 and satisfaction is, that even before Mr. Cobden was 
 in the House of Commons, I gave constant votes in 
 favour of free trade. (Cheers.) I have never yet 
 given one contrary to those principles which were so 
 much abused at one time, but which are so absolutely 
 consecrated in the minds of Englishmen at the pre¬ 
 sent moment. (Cheers.) Mr. Cobden had one great 
 advantage, which does not always happen to men who 
 create for themselves an historical name. Before his 
 death he had extorted the respect and the admiration, 
 not only of his political and personal friends, but of 
 those who had been previously most strongly op¬ 
 posed to him. (Hear.) It is not necessary for me 
 to repeat to the Cobden Club what Sir Robert Peel 
 
8 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 thought and said of Richard Cobden. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 I think there are many of you that must have remem¬ 
 bered that striking scene in the House of Commons, 
 so numerously represented this evening, when three 
 men as different as possible— Lord Palmerston, Mr. 
 Disraeli, and Mr. Bright — paid a tribute to his memory 
 almost immediately after his death. (Hear.) You 
 will remember how Lord Palmerston spoke of his 
 noble and Demosthenic eloquence ; how Mr. Disraeli 
 said he had hardly an equal in debate; and how both 
 concurred in giving full testimony to the moderation 
 of his character and to the statesmanlike quality of 
 his mind (cheers) ; and how Mr. Bright, unable to 
 do more from emotion than just to falter out what I 
 believe was one of the truest compliments ever paid 
 to a departed friend, said that no manlier or gentler 
 spirit had ever tenanted or quitted the human frame. 
 (Cheers.) Since that time there have been some most 
 magnificent—I may almost call them funeral—ora¬ 
 tions pronounced with regard to the memory of Mr. 
 Cobden, and in the presence of the members of this 
 club. I believe it is not your wish I should repeat 
 the panegyric, for it would have been contrary to the 
 simplicity of his character if he had thought this was 
 to be an annual custom, however proud he might 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 9 
 
 have been that a club which bore his name, increasing 
 in numbers every year, should meet to celebrate the 
 great principles which he advocated, and which he 
 had so much advanced. (Cheers.) Those principles, 
 I believe, were liberty in things political, liberty in 
 things religious, and liberty in things material. (Loud 
 cheers.) I believe almost every subject which he 
 raised, whether of over-taxation for purposes not re¬ 
 quired, whether for removing legal restrictions upon 
 the sale of land, whether it was for maintaining 
 peaceful relations with other countries, all might be 
 brought back to the feeling which he entertained for 
 liberty unrestricted, but without license, in everything. 
 (Cheers.) We feel great pleasure in being surrounded 
 by the representatives of seven or eight different 
 nations this evening (cheers) ; and I may say that I 
 have received a letter from M. Wolowski, in which 
 he expressses his regret that as he is standing 
 for the city of Paris he is not able to meet us here 
 to-night. I have a longer letter from M. Chevalier, 
 that name so well known to you. (Cheers.) He 
 eloquently dwells upon the circumstances of the 
 present time, and particularly upon the pain which 
 would have been excited in Cobden’s mind, both by 
 the great war which is now happily closed, and by the 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 io 
 
 threat that that treaty in which he took such interest 
 is likely to suffer in some degree. Now, with regard 
 to Mr. Cobden, I quite admit that in respect of the 
 events of the last year there is much that would have 
 pained him deeply. But I do not believe there is a 
 single thing which has occurred, or is likely to occur, 
 which can weaken in us the conviction how right and 
 how wise he was. (Cheers.) It is not for me to speak 
 of the events of the war which has just closed, or to 
 try to describe the causes which led to it; but I can 
 say that it is to me a feeling of indescribable relief 
 that I am now standing between two gentlemen, one 
 representing that great nation France, the other that 
 great nation Germany, and that they are at peace 
 instead of their being at strife, as they were a short 
 time ago. (Cheers.) Perhaps I may,' however, be 
 allowed to say something with regard to ourselves, 
 and certain morals which I think we can draw from 
 recent events. (Hear, hear.) I think it was Cobden 
 who stated that upon the whole he thought we were 
 the most combative race in existence. (Hear, hear, 
 and a laugh.) I entirely share that opinion. I think 
 we show it in almost every way. There is something 
 in our nature which requires the stimulus of obstacles. 
 Whether it is competition in commerce or in any 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 other good thing, we require that stimulus before we 
 put out one-half of our power. (Hear, hear.) I could 
 instance in another respect the marvellous power of 
 grumbling which we possess. (A laugh.) By our 
 knowledge of that art, and by our continuous practice 
 of it, we have obtained nearly all the good things 
 which belong to the nation. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) 
 I am happy to say I think we have profited immensely 
 by the labour of Cobden and others in their appeals 
 to our good sense to consider what our duty is in 
 great events, such as wars. (Hear, hear.) There is 
 always a concurrent feeling that war in itself is cer¬ 
 tainly a great calamity and a great crime. (Cries of 
 “ Hear, hear.”) I think we observed those two feel¬ 
 ings a little in competition during the last few melan¬ 
 choly months. I am not now speaking of the Cobden 
 Club or of those who profess its principles; but I be¬ 
 lieve there was hardly a man in England who did not 
 deeply regret the beginning of that war, and who did 
 not wish that it might be prevented. (Hear, hear.) 
 Some sympathised with one combatant, some with the 
 other. Some felt an interest in Germany working out 
 its great destiny and uniting itself; others felt them¬ 
 selves bound to France by ties of all sorts in peace, 
 and I must also add in war. (Cheers.) But the 
 
12 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 general feeling of Englishmen was that the course of 
 her Majesty’s Government ought to be that of a strict 
 and honourable neutrality. I am aware that being a 
 member of that Government, and belonging to the 
 Foreign Office, it is possibly presumptuous in me to 
 say so, but even after the events, coming in very rapid 
 succession as they did, with many surprises, I am not 
 aware of her Majesty’s Government having departed 
 in one single iota from the strictness and from the 
 honour of the neutrality which they believed the 
 nation desired them to maintain. (Cheers.) And yet 
 at times, as we read the accounts of those marvellous 
 feats, and as we heard all sorts of stories of military 
 prowess and of military calamities, there was a sort of 
 undefined feeling that we ought to be doing some¬ 
 thing, though we did not know exactly what that 
 particular thing was. Dignitaries of the Church wrote 
 little tales for school children (laughter), sold not by 
 tens or hundreds, but by tens of thousands, which, 
 however amusing they might be, appeared to me to 
 contain only one moral, and that was, that it was 
 disgraceful and humiliating for this country to conduct 
 itself industriously and peacefully while any other two 
 nations were fighting, and while one, as generally 
 must happen, was not so successful as the other. 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 13 
 
 (Loud cheers and laughter.) I am bound to say that 
 in some of the speeches and writings there seems to 
 be a feeling that war was in itself such a desirable 
 thing that there was almost a want of ingenuity and 
 skill in her Majesty’s Government in not managing to 
 involve us in a contest, which I believe in my con¬ 
 science would have been of no use to either one party 
 or the other, but which would infallibly have involved 
 the whole of Europe in that dreadful calamity, and 
 would have prolonged the miseries and sacrifices of 
 the two great and, to us, friendly nations which were 
 concerned. (Cheers.) I rejoice to think that I be¬ 
 lieve all those feelings have passed away ; but, at the 
 time, I did sometimes feel,regret that some man of 
 the independent position and thought of Richard 
 Cobden (cheers) was not alive to put before the 
 country, in the manner which he knew so well how to 
 do, the common sense and the reason of the matter. 
 (Renewed cheers.) Another question which certainly 
 would have grieved Mr. Cobden was that one conse¬ 
 quence of the war is the probability that the treaty of 
 commerce, which he took such pride in negotiating, 
 is likely, in some way, to be affected. Now, I believe, 
 in this country, even at the present time, there has 
 been some misapprehension as to the views of Mr. 
 
14 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Cobdcn in negotiating that treaty. I believe Mr. 
 Cobden was the last man to think that free trade was 
 to be promoted by reciprocity treaties, or by haggling 
 for light advantages from one country to another. 
 Whatever Mr. Cobden was, he was not a mere theorist. 
 He was a practical man. He saw how useful the ab¬ 
 sence of protection had been, yet he was aware, after 
 our example had not been taken up on the continent 
 of Europe, that there generally prevailed on that con¬ 
 tinent an opinion that England had resisted the bad 
 effects of protection merely from some exceptional 
 circumstances, such as her great seaboard, her accu¬ 
 mulated capital, or her mineral wealth, perhaps not 
 recollecting that Switzerland had for years succeeded 
 in the same course, certainly without much access to 
 the sea (hear), I am afraid without great accumula¬ 
 tion of capital, and I have yet to learn whether she 
 has any large production of coal and iron. (Hear, 
 hear.) Mr. Cobden believed the opportunity was 
 presented by which not free trade, but a mitigation 
 of protection, a withdrawal from prohibitive duties, 
 might be started in France, and the germ of real free 
 trade might be planted there ; and, from the vast in¬ 
 fluence which that country exercised over the rest of 
 Europe, he was perfectly convinced, as facts have 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 15 
 
 proved, that if France lowered her tariff, other countries 
 would follow an example which they would be un¬ 
 willing to take from us in the first instance. (Cheers.) 
 I stated that this treaty appears to be threatened. M. 
 Thiers has rendered during the last month very 
 great services to his country. (Hear, hear.) He 
 has restored peace and order, and I believe in his 
 patriotic wish to maintain liberty, to encourage in¬ 
 dustry, and to build up the finances of France. 
 (Hear, hear.) It is not for me to read a lesson to 
 so eminent a man dealing with the home affairs of 
 his country, or to say whether the views which on 
 past occasions he has expressed are the best calculated 
 to forward those objects which I believe he has truly 
 at heart; but, on the other hand, I am not prepared 
 to argue against some two hundred members of the 
 Cobden Club whether anything resembling protec¬ 
 tion is the most likely way to encourage industry or 
 to increase the revenue at a time when it is absolutely 
 necessary to be increased. (Cheers.) I believe there 
 never was better advice given than that which I saw 
 in a blue book by chance the other day, extracted 
 from a letter from Mr. Cobden to Sir Emerson 
 Tennent, in respect to the action of the Chambers 
 of Commerce of this country, in pressing the Foreign 
 
COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 16 
 
 Office to obtain reductions of tariffs and duties abroad. 
 He believed it was injurious to the interests of the 
 Foreign Office, and that all that could be done by 
 a well-informed Minister abroad was to take judicious 
 occasions to point out exactly what had been the 
 success of the revision of duties, and the abolition 
 of protection, not only with regard to the industry 
 of this country, but with regard to establishing a 
 rapid increase of its revenue. He said he believed 
 the way to help protection in foreign countries was 
 for protectionists there to be able to say, “ See how 
 your rivals in trade are anxious to get concessions 
 from us,” and to say in an attractive form to those 
 who are unenlightened, “ Do you think it is patriotism 
 alone and regard for your interests, in comparison 
 with that of a stranger, which makes them clamour 
 so loud for us to do that which we tell you is un¬ 
 wise?” (Hear, hear.) I need hardly say that if 
 any definite proposal on the subject of the French 
 Treaty is made to us it will be received with the 
 most friendly consideration on the part of her 
 Majesty’s Government. We are really anxious to 
 be of use to France in her present—I hope temporary 
 —state of depression, and there are several alternative 
 proposals which my colleagues may think it right 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 17 
 
 for me to make; but one thing, I am sure, if they 
 wished me to do it, would be contrary to the wishes 
 of Mr. Cobden, and that is, to renew negotiations 
 for a fresh treaty of commerce based upon a retro¬ 
 grade principle. (Cheers.) I have trespassed upon 
 you too long—(no, no)—upon points on which Mr. 
 Cobden would have felt acutely connected with the 
 state of Europe; but I am bound to add that there 
 are also circumstances of the present time which I 
 believe would have given the most hearty satisfaction 
 to that distinguished statesman. There is a country, 
 a very interesting and a very great country—(cheers) 
 —separated by an immense expanse of water from 
 us. It is one which Mr. Cobden was not ignorant 
 of, for he took in it the deepest interest for itself, 
 and it was one which he earnestly desired might 
 be warmly and nearly connected with this country 
 in every way. (Hear, hear.) I think it was not 
 long before his death that Mr. Cobden made a speech 
 in the House of Commons, stating—and he kept 
 his word—that he would not say anything from the 
 American point of view, but would. speak only in 
 the sense of our British interests, when he urged upon 
 this country what he considered to be the true state 
 of the case as to what it was desirable that we 
 
 B 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 18 
 
 should do. I believe that speech had a great effect 
 —I know it had a very great effect upon the mind 
 of one of the most distinguished statesmen of the 
 time—both in England and America—in gradually 
 bringing both countries to wish to remove all causes 
 of difference and offence which might exist. I be¬ 
 lieve it enabled Government after Government pro¬ 
 gressively to advance to measures of a conciliatory 
 nature, and to reach that stage of understanding 
 with America which has made possible what it has 
 been the singular good fortune of Lord Ripon— 
 (cheers)—and Mr. Montague Bernard—(cheers)—here 
 present, and of their absent colleagues, to effect, and 
 which I believe to have been a great and good 
 work. (Loud cheers.) I do not only speak of their 
 having put into a fair train of settlement questions 
 of an irritating character, which were festering be¬ 
 tween the two countries, but I speak also of what 
 they have done for the future, greatly, I believe, in 
 the interest of America, and I believe still more 
 greatly in the interest of this country, with regard 
 to the settlement of questions which might have 
 arisen; and, above all, I think they have done a 
 good work in setting an example of the way in 
 which dissensions, which might be the commencement. 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 19 
 
 of quarrels between great nations, should be settled 
 by initiating the principle—(cheers)—that instead of 
 nations being absolute judge in their own cause—a 
 thing, as Mr. Cobden said, which is unknown in 
 private life—they should endeavour as much as pos¬ 
 sible, first by peaceable negotiation, and secondly 
 by arbitration when possible—(hear, hear)—to settle 
 differences in a way which leaves nothing behind 
 it but feelings of friendship, peace, and goodwill. 
 (Cheers.) One single word which I wish to say— 
 and perhaps some of you may not agree with me— 
 is, that I do not profess to be a peace-at-any-price 
 man—(hear, hear)—and I have a right to say that 
 Mr. Cobden himself was opposed to any notion of 
 our disarmament, for he stated so himself in the 
 House of Commons ; and I say more, with regard 
 to other men like Mr. Cobden, or the most peaceable 
 members of the Cobden Club, that if real insult or 
 real injury were offered to this country, I should be 
 extremely sorry to stand bail for their peaceable 
 behaviour—(cheers and laughter)—although in other 
 times when they thought the insult was not sufficient 
 and the interest was not great, they had had the 
 moral courage, so much more rare than physical 
 courage, to state their opinions and to endeavour 
 
 B 2 
 
20 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 to calm public opinion. (Loud cheers.) I was 
 accused the other day in the House of Lords of 
 being too complimentary, of showering too many 
 compliments upon everybody concerned in this nego¬ 
 tiation, so I am glad in the presence of some of my 
 American friends to state that if there is a flaw in 
 the American character, it possibly is a rather strik¬ 
 ing adherence to Protectionist opinions—(laughter)—^ 
 in one of the greatest and freest countries in the 
 world. But if I may venture to offer an excuse, 
 which I am afraid some Americans will not do on 
 this occasion, I would say there are reasons which 
 have engendered those feelings, and there are reasons 
 to hope a different course of things will be pursued. 
 For many years before the civil war, the men of 
 America were absorbed with one of the most painful 
 and difficult questions that ever oppressed a great 
 nation: I mean that of slavery. I believe—(hear, 
 hear)—that prevented the examination which would 
 otherwise have been given to politico-economical 
 truths, which in our leisure we very recently, and 
 with not so much reason to justify the course pur¬ 
 sued in previous years, have honestly and sincerely 
 advocated. Then came that great struggle, and 
 that struggle creating an enormous debt — the 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 2t 
 
 Americans with praiseworthy earnestness are trying 
 to abolish that debt. It is not for me to say whether 
 their protective duties are the best way of raising 
 revenue; but what I do say is, that under no 
 pressure from foreign countries, but from calm and 
 deliberate reasoning among themselves, and from 
 that perfect and astute knowledge which, above all 
 races, they possess, they are rapidly coming to the 
 conclusion that it is not in their own interest to 
 continue tariffs of such an enormous amount. (Hear, 
 hear.) I believe that now that undoubted seeds of 
 friendship and good feeling have been planted firmly 
 between the two nations—if such a consummation 
 is produced—there will be nothing to prevent the 
 two nations, having so much in common both in 
 the present and in the past, being politically, inter¬ 
 nationally, and socially more closely united in the 
 future for their own advantage and benefit, and I 
 will say for the advantage and benefit of the whole 
 world. (Loud cheers.) I really have to apologise 
 to you for trespassing so long ; but I must beg you 
 to drink with three times three and real enthusiasm, 
 “ Prosperity to the Cobden Club,” coupling with 
 the toast the name of Sir Louis Mallet. 
 
 Sir Louis Mallet, in responding, said : I have 
 
22 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 been requested by the committee to respond to the 
 toast which has just been drunk, to the “ Prosperity 
 of the Cobden Club.” The eloquent speech of the 
 noble lord who has done us the honour of presiding 
 over our meeting to-night, and the cordial tribute 
 which he has paid to the character and objects of this 
 association, are not the less graceful, because they 
 were not needed, to assure us of his enlightened 
 appreciation of the great principles which the name 
 of Cobden represents, and which it is our aim to 
 uphold and promote. And when I look around me, 
 and see the numerous distinguished men of other 
 countries and of our own who have come to our 
 annual celebration to-day, animated by the same 
 thoughts and inspired by the same hopes, and have 
 heard the cordial response to the invitation of our 
 chairman, I feel more than ever that the cause which 
 unites us is a living force, which is destined to prevail 
 over national prejudices and class jealousies, and to 
 command the consent of mankind. This is a time 
 when it is especially needful for Freetraders to renew 
 their efforts and reassert their principles, opposed 
 irreconcilably, as they must always be, to the econo¬ 
 mical doctrines which find their natural expression 
 in war and revolution, and which—whether in the 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 23 
 
 name of Protection, which is the spoliation of the 
 many by the few, or of Communism, which is the 
 spoliation of the few by the many—are alike de¬ 
 structive to the common interests of all, and to the 
 foundations of society itself. This association con¬ 
 stitutes, my lords and gentlemen, a standing protest 
 against those subversive and reactionary doctrines; it 
 believes that in the beneficent operation of the laws 
 of free exchange—of which Cobden was the great 
 practical teacher — will be found the gradual but 
 sure solution of some of the gravest social and 
 political problems which beset the course of modern 
 progress, in the reconciliation of class to class, and 
 of nation to nation. I thank you, my lords and 
 gentlemen, for the toast which you have drunk, and 
 accept it as a pledge of our union, and as a happy 
 augury that our society will become more and more 
 worthy of the honoured name it bears. 
 
 Lord ACTON rose to propose “The Foreign 
 Guests.” He said there were present men from France 
 and Germany, from America and other countries, 
 who represented that school of practical and states¬ 
 manlike economists who were striving to convey 
 ideas into facts for the benefit of mankind, the school 
 of which the name of Mr. Cobden was the symbol in 
 
England. To whatever school they belonged, and 
 from whatever land they came, they met here on 
 neutral and congenial ground, because the principles 
 of social, political, and economic science which they 
 were united to uphold were superior to national con¬ 
 flicts, and were destined to be raised above the contro¬ 
 versies of party. A famous German writer, after 
 paying us the compliment of saying that no country 
 and no branch of literature had a more illustrious 
 series of names to show than the four great masters 
 of political economy in England, went on to say that 
 there was a flavour of insularity in their writings, and 
 that they were not very well informed of the ideas 
 and conditions of the Continent. If there was any 
 answer to this reproach it might be found in the exer¬ 
 tions of this Club, and in those researches into the 
 land laws of different countries which had been con¬ 
 ducted and published under its auspices, and to which 
 several foreigners had contributed, one of whom was 
 present. And if there was any remedy for this im¬ 
 puted defect, it would be supplied by the frequent 
 presence among us of so many distinguished men 
 from abroad. The time was opportune and propitious 
 for such a meeting. When the Club met here last 
 year that great war was just beginning, whose bit- 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 25 
 
 terest effects political economy was powerless to avert, 
 but powerful to assuage (hear, hear), and which had 
 ended in restoring and consolidating a people too long 
 divided ; so that the gentleman who would speak in 
 behalf of Germany would speak as the citizen of a 
 united, mighty, and enlightened Empire. (Hear, 
 hear.) More recently, France had passed through 
 the most terrible convulsion that was ever caused by 
 the conflict of economic errors ; and the memory of 
 her misfortunes would insure to her spokesman here a 
 reception at least as respectful and sympathising as 
 he could have found in prouder and more prosperous 
 times. (Cheers.) America would be represented by 
 one who knew by experience, better perhaps than any 
 public man, how a great people, tried by war and by 
 the sudden creation of a vast national debt, can re¬ 
 store its finances, reduce its burdens, and resume its 
 lofty place among the nations. He proposed “The 
 Health of the Foreign Guests,” and associated the 
 toast with three distinguished names—M. Arles- 
 Dufour, Mr. George von Bunsen, and Mr. Hugh 
 McCulloch. (Cheers.) 
 
 M. Arles-Dufour, who was very warmly cheered, 
 said in reply: Gentlemen, in answering the kind 
 and noble toast which the noble lord proposes, I 
 
26 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 am quite at a loss to express what we all feel. In the 
 present unhappy circumstances of my country I should, 
 perhaps, confine myself to thanking you, and all our 
 English friends, for the evidences of deep sympathy 
 which have been so freely offered to France ; but the 
 revered memory of our illustrious and regretted Cob- 
 den, which we celebrate to-day, demands something 
 more, especially at a moment in which what he him¬ 
 self considered, and what we all consider, as the 
 crowning act of his life is more than threatened by 
 men who, in spite of a long career, appear to have 
 forgotten and learned nothing. In his eternal life 
 how our friend must suffer in seeing the misfortunes 
 of that France towards which he felt so warmly! 
 Above all, how he must suffer in seeing her about to 
 return to those barbarous principles of Protection 
 from which he thought he had largely contributed to 
 deliver her for ever! He was well aware, indeed, both 
 of the strength and the weakness of a people who, 
 under the influence of an idea, are capable of 
 advancing with giant strides, but also at times of re¬ 
 trograding with almost equal rapidity. Still I doubt 
 whether his logical mind could have conceived so 
 sudden a change. Cobden was the very type of 
 common sense, and in this respect he really was the 
 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 27 
 
 Franklin of England, her bonJiomme Richard. In the 
 course of an intimacy, long, and yet too short, I con¬ 
 tinually recognised and admired in him this gift of 
 Heaven, common sense, the most rare of all. Allow 
 me to quote, in connection with this, an extract from 
 one of his letters—letters at once so simple, so naive, 
 and so profound. In 1861, after the dissolution of the 
 Corn Law League and the conclusion of the Treaty of 
 Commerce, I urged him strongly to join his old friends 
 in forming an International Peace League. He wrote 
 in answer: “ My dear friend—I am much obliged by 
 your letters. To confess the truth, I don’t see how 
 an international league is to promote peace in any 
 other way than by commercial intercourse. That is 
 the way alone in which the peoples can carry out 
 the designs of the Creator, as evident in the laws of 
 the creation. This process will go on rapidly under 
 the new Treaty. It would have gone on from the 
 beginning of time, as in our day, and left no dis¬ 
 tinction between Englishmen and Frenchmen, had it 
 not been for perverse human legislation.” I continue, 
 and say that the men who are now at the head of 
 affairs in France have learned little, and the proof of 
 it is the unheard-of precipitation with which they 
 seek to overturn, in a few days, economical results 
 
28 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 obtained after nearly a century of study and expe¬ 
 rience by such men as, in England, Adam Smith, 
 Bentham, Ricardo, Bright, John Stuart Mill, Bow¬ 
 ring, George Villiers, Granville; in France, Quesn6, 
 Turgot, Jean Baptiste Say, Bastiat, Michel Chevalier, 
 Jean Dolphus ; in Russia and in Germany, Storch. 
 They excuse also their precipitation by pleading the 
 absolute necessity of augmenting the public revenue 
 rapidly—ignorant, or feigning to be ignorant, that an 
 increase of revenue derived from heavy duties on raw 
 materials and manufactured articles is at best ficti¬ 
 tious, since it paralyses labour, production, and con¬ 
 sumption. They ought to have looked elsewhere for the 
 necessary resources, and they would have found them, 
 particularly in establishing the income-tax, which 
 they pretend to be impossible in France, when it is 
 established, not only in England, but also in Ger¬ 
 many, and even in Switzerland. But our narrow¬ 
 minded statesmen rather prefer taxing labour than 
 fortune; it is logic—with their reactionary ideas. 
 They also justify those measures by the example 
 of the United States, where, in a position analogous 
 to ours, the Government had recourse to heavy 
 duties; but if they had seriously studied the result 
 of this policy, they would have seen that it has 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 29 
 
 partly ruined the maritime commerce of the United 
 States to the advantage of that of England. But 
 let us not despair, let us take courage; these men 
 will pass away, France will soon perceive that their 
 influence is fatal, and she will find the resources 
 she requires by more natural means which will not 
 paralyse her progress. Those who in France fear 
 that England, like herself, should make a backward 
 step by adopting measures of reprisal, do not know 
 her wise and persevering character. I believe, on 
 the contrary, that the statesmen who laboured with 
 Cobden to establish commercial freedom, and of 
 whom some are now sitting at this table, will endea¬ 
 vour rather to extend than to restrain or check it. 
 They understand too well the true interests of their 
 country, to follow our leaders in their ignorance of the 
 interests of France. I conclude, gentlemen, by pro¬ 
 posing a toast to the men who, in whatever situation 
 or country, labour for the complete and unreserved 
 triumph of the liberty of commerce, sister of all 
 other liberties, and to the memory of Cobden, its 
 most illustrious champion. 
 
 Mr. George von Bunsen followed, and com¬ 
 pared these yearly gatherings to the Olympiads in 
 this respect, that they were festive occasions when the 
 
30 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 new and characteristic science of modern days, Inter¬ 
 national Economy, cast up her accounts to see what 
 progress had been made. He then said that allusion 
 had been made to the fact that the new Empire of 
 Germany was intent upon economic progress, and that 
 nations were never safe from economic backslidings. 
 The history of that powerful State which now formed 
 the nucleus of the German Empire, furnished both a 
 promise and a warning. Prussia was the first State to 
 introduce practically and consciously the doctrines of 
 Adam Smith—(cheers)—when she introduced in 1818 
 a tariff resting upon the principle of a maximum io 
 per cent, ad valorem duty, and that after the most 
 prolonged and devastating war of modern days. Pite¬ 
 ously impoverished as she then was, her example 
 might now with propriety be followed by the rulers 
 of France. (Hear, hear.) He grieved to say Prussia 
 receded from this high and proud station of free 
 trade, and obeyed, during a whole generation and 
 more, the dictates of other German States, whom she 
 strove to collect into a commercial and Customs’ 
 union, called the Zollverein. Although the sympathies 
 of her rulers, who had sat at the feet of those much- 
 abused professors—(hear, hear)—followers and disci¬ 
 ples of Adam Smith, were all in favour of free trade, 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 3 i 
 
 although the entire German press, with scarcely one 
 exception, was loudly proclaiming its principles, 
 Prussia submitted to the protectionist tendencies of 
 her peers under institutions closely resembling those 
 of Poland under the regime of the liberum veto. From 
 this retrograde movement into protection who saved 
 her ? England and the Anglo-French Treaty of i860. 
 (Loud cheers.) He offered a passing tribute of ac¬ 
 knowledgment and thanks to M. Arles-Dufour, M. 
 Chevalier, and other enlightened Frenchmen for the 
 benefit they bestowed, while preparing and carrying 
 that measure, upon their own country and upon his as 
 well; for that treaty was the mother of similar treaties 
 between France and Italy, France and Austria, France 
 and Germany. And here was a case to prove, against 
 the detractors of international Treaties, if such detrac¬ 
 tors there be, that a country was actually saved at times 
 from a cul-de-sac position in internal questions of great 
 moment, through the peaceful workings of diplomacy. 
 (Hear, hear.) At home he was a member of the 
 Liberal Opposition (cheers), and, therefore, a simple 
 word of acknowledgment to those who conducted the 
 economic affairs of Germany since 1867 will be kindly 
 accepted by them, as genuine and unbiassed. (Cheers.) 
 One of those whom the committee had done the 
 
32 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 honour of inviting to this feast, Herr Michaelis, was 
 the man under whose advice and, if he were well in¬ 
 formed, from whose pen emanated in rapid succession 
 those Bills on economic matters of which it was not 
 too much to say that they had changed the entire 
 social and economic fabric of Germany, at the same 
 time welding it indissolubly together. To his chief, 
 Herr Delbriick, the head of the Federal Administra¬ 
 tion, was due the initiative to all those trenchant 
 reforms, one of which was the lowering of the duty- 
 on raw iron by two-thirds at one blow. And as for 
 the illustrious Chancellor, Prince Bismarck, into whose 
 hands Providence has laid power so incalculably great, 
 he could but express his honest conviction that every 
 principle of economic progress, every social teaching 
 requiring width of mind and soul to comprehend, ever 
 met with a ready response in his powerful brain, and 
 found his iron arm ready to carry it through. (Cheers.) 
 In conclusion, he said, may the day soon come—and 
 come eventually it must—when America and Europe 
 (that vast Empire of Russia, I hope, included), on 
 their triumphal march towards no tariff at all, shall 
 take a firm stand on the first great step towards it— 
 viz., an equal world-tariff! As I look round to discover 
 an intermediary fit and willing to bring about, under 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 33 
 
 God’s blessing, such happy results, it presents itself 
 before my mind’s eye in that association which repre¬ 
 sents and collects the most refined intellect and the 
 most progressive views in this island, and which has 
 called us across the Channel to share its hospitality. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 Mr. McCulloch, who was received with cheers, 
 responded as follows :— 
 
 My Lord, my Lords and Gentlemen,—Until I 
 came to England last autumn, I had lived in a Repub¬ 
 lican country, under Republican institutions,—for a 
 considerable period on a frontier, where every man 
 was a law unto himself; where law-makers and law- 
 executors—the necessary agents or adjuncts of what 
 is called a “ higher civilisation ”—were practically, if 
 not altogether unknown. For the last seven months 
 I have been living in London, and I had about come 
 to the conclusion that I had sacrificed very little of 
 personal freedom in coming to a country under a 
 monarchical form of government—that I was about 
 as free here as I had^been at home. Indeed, I had 
 availed myself of every proper opportunity to say 
 to my friends on the other side of the Atlantic that 
 England was, in fact, a free country (cheers and 
 laughter); that it seemed to me that the English 
 
 c 
 
34 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 people were in the enjoyment of as much liberty as 
 my own countrymen. Being in this happy frame of 
 mind in regard to the mother country, you may 
 judge of my surprise and dismay when I received, 
 yesterday morning, the following note:— 
 
 Langham , June 21st. 
 
 Dear Mr. M £ Culloch, 
 
 You will have to respond as an American for 
 the foreigners on the 24th. . . 
 
 Yours, truly, 
 
 T. B. Potter. 
 
 (Great laughter.) Could anything be more laconic 
 or mandatory ? Not “ Will you be so good as to 
 respond?” or “You will oblige us by responding;” 
 but “You will have to respond”—not only as an 
 American for Americans, but as an American for 
 foreigners—as if an American in England were a 
 foreigner ! (Laughter.) Here, in what I had fondly 
 supposed was a free country, I am called upon, in the 
 most arbitrary manner, to do not only what under 
 any circumstances I might be unwilling to do, but 
 what, in the present circumstances, I am quite unpre¬ 
 pared to do. (Cries of “ No, no.”) Bear in mind, also, 
 that this note was not written by the Queen, nor by 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 35 
 
 a prince, nor a lord, but by a member of the House 
 of Commons—the popular branch of the English 
 Government-—by the secretary of a club organised in 
 commemoration of a great popular leader. “ If 
 such things can be done in the green tree, what may 
 not be done in the dry ? ” (Laughter.) If such 
 liberties can be taken, or, rather, if a man can thus 
 be deprived of his liberty by a Liberal, what, in 
 the name of human rights, may not be apprehended 
 from a Conservative ? (Great laughter.) I am in 
 difficulty—I am in a strait. It may be dangerous 
 for me to disobey absolutely the mandate of one 
 who speaks as if clothed with authority, backed, as 
 to my surprise he is, by the distinguished Lord 
 Acton; and yet I am clear that I ought not to 
 inflict a poor speech upon so agreeable and intelligent 
 an audience. There is one thing, however, I can do, 
 or rather there is one thing I can stop doing—I 
 can stop calling this a free country, and that I am 
 resolved upon. No one shall ever hear me say one 
 word more in praise of English liberty. With this 
 note in my pocket, and I shall carefully preserve it, 
 I shall bear with me the most conclusive evidence that 
 personal liberty in England is a myth and a delusion. 
 (Great laughter.) 
 
36 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 My Lord, your great poet—but why should I call him 
 your great poet ? a great poet is the world’s property— 
 our great poet, the world's great poet, has said that “the 
 evil which men do lives after them, while the good is oft 
 interred with their bones.” If the immortal dramatist 
 meant by this remark, which he puts into the mouth 
 of Mark Antony, that the evil which men do is more 
 lasting than the good, he was undoubtedly mistaken. 
 If he were not, the world would be retrograding in 
 goodness, which I apprehend is not the fact. Bad 
 as the world may be, full of suffering as it unques¬ 
 tionably is, it is nevertheless improving. The world 
 to-day is better than it ever was before. There is, at 
 the present time, more of kindness and fraternity— 
 more of active humanity — more of what may be 
 denominated Christian civilisation, than there has been 
 at any previous period of the world’s history. (Hear, 
 hear.) The good which men do lives after them— 
 like good seed sown upon good ground, it fails not, 
 in due time, to bring forth its legitimate fruit. Of 
 few men can it be said more truthfully, that the good 
 which they have done lives after them, than of 
 Richard Cobden. (Cheers.) His acute intellect, his 
 sound judgment and accurate observation, enabled 
 him to discover what was true in the science of 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 37 
 
 political economy, of which he was both student and 
 teacher; and having discovered it, there was no power 
 on earth that could prevent him from advocating it. 
 A lover of peace, he was the earnest, unflinching, and, 
 in his own country, the triumphant advocate of the 
 system of free trade, or free exchanges between 
 nations, which tends to bind them together by the 
 strong ties of mutual interests. (Cheers.) A sincere 
 lover of his kind, irrespective of nationalities or con¬ 
 ditions, he was ever the champion of human rights, 
 in the most comprehensive meaning of the term. 
 (Cheers.) Loving England more than any other 
 country, and the English people more than any other 
 people, as it was proper for him to do, his sympathies 
 for his fellow-men were too broad and too generous 
 to be limited by national boundaries. (Cheers.) He 
 was, in fact, a citizen of the world, and the world 
 claims a heritage in his fame, and in the results of 
 his labours. I am sure I do but express the sen¬ 
 timents of all the foreigners present, when I say 
 that they heartily endorse the eloquent eulogium 
 which the noble Chairman has pronounced upon his 
 character. (Cheers.) The good which he did lives 
 after him; the first-fruits of his labours are now 
 being enjoyed, and I am greatly mistaken in my 
 
38 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 expectations if a richer harvest is not yet to be 
 realised by the nations. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) 
 
 In regard to the recent treaty which has been 
 made between Great Britain and the United States, it 
 may be proper for me to say, that although I have 
 believed that there was less danger than many had 
 apprehended of war between the two nations; although 
 I have had faith that there was a feeling of friendship 
 at the bottom, which, in spite of our jealousies and 
 controversies, would prevent actual hostilities, I have 
 nevertheless regarded it as very important for the 
 welfare of both nations, that all irritating and uncom¬ 
 fortable questions which were preventing good fellow¬ 
 ship between them should be settled. While there 
 may be— and it would be strange if there were not— 
 some honest differences of opinion on both sides, in 
 regard to the merits of this treaty, I am satisfied that 
 among right-feeling men there is a sentiment of sin¬ 
 cere gratification that all causes of difference between 
 nations so closely related to each other are removed; 
 and I have no doubt that I am expressing the opinion 
 of an overwhelming majority of my own people ag well 
 as of the people of Great Britain, when I say that the 
 treaty is entirely honourable to both nations, and in 
 the highest degree creditable to the very distinguished 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 39 
 
 gentlemen whose names are connected with it. (Great 
 cheering.) In conclusion, permit me, therefore, to 
 propose the health of the Marquis of Ripon, with 
 the single remark that no honour which her Majesty 
 has conferred or may confer upon him can equal 
 the reputation so fairly won, by the obligation under 
 which he has laid the people of both nations, by his 
 agency in binding them together in amity which can 
 hardly fail to be perpetual. (Great cheering.) 
 
 The Marquis of RlPON, who was very warmly re¬ 
 ceived, in responding said : On behalf of myself and 
 my colleagues on the late High Commission, I beg 
 to return you my sincere thanks for the manner in 
 which you have been pleased to receive this toast. I 
 can truly say that we shall ever esteem it a high 
 honour if it has been in our power to conduce, by our 
 labours on the other side of the Atlantic, to the estab¬ 
 lishment upon a firm and lasting basis of friendly 
 relations between this country and the United States. 
 I do not doubt that Mr. McCulloch is right when he 
 says that there may have been in reality but little 
 danger that so great and monstrous an evil as war 
 between two countries so nearly related could actually 
 have arisen ; but there are evils, short indeed of the 
 last extremity of war, which are yet of very great 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 magnitude (hear, hear); and it was an evil for England 
 and for America that there should have been, and that 
 there should continue to exist between them, feelings 
 and relations the reverse of friendly and intimate; 
 that the disputes and differences, springing perhaps 
 almost unavoidably from the difficult circumstances 
 of the Civil War in America, should have continued 
 for one day or for one hour after it was possible to 
 bring them to a peaceful solution. Though I am the 
 colleague of your noble chairman, you will pardon me 
 for saying that to him above all men belongs the 
 great honour—the great and signal credit of having 
 taken the propitious moment (cheers), of having 
 launched his bark, however feebly manned by those 
 whom he chose to put on board, upon the crest of the 
 wave. (No, no.) Taking advantage of the state 
 of feeling in both countries, we were sent out to 
 America, and we were there met, as we soon found, 
 by a warm and earnest desire among men of all 
 political parties for a peaceful solution of existing 
 difficulties. I do not say that the task was simple; 
 I should misrepresent the facts if I were to lead you 
 to believe that there were not difficulties, that there 
 were not complications, that there were not moments 
 of great and pressing anxiety during the course of the 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 41 
 
 prolonged negotiations ; but I believe there was on 
 both sides an equal desire that the settlement at 
 which we attempted to arrive should be honourable to 
 both countries, just to both alike, and it is difficult to 
 suppose, where those sentiments prevail between two 
 great and honourable nations, the difficulties of any 
 negotiations should be insuperable. It scarcely be¬ 
 longs to me to say it, but still it seems to me that 
 the Treaty to which we had the honour to append our 
 names is one which, as Mr. McCulloch described it, is 
 fair and just to both parties. (Hear, hear.) It is not 
 a triumph for either side, still less is it a humiliation. 
 It is an equal contract between two friendly people. 
 (Cheers.) But if that be true of its character for the 
 past, it has a character and value of far greater im¬ 
 portance in its relations to the future. (Hear, hear.) 
 In those new expositions, if new they be, of inter¬ 
 national law that the Treaty contains, and which are 
 new at least in their solemn consecration by a diplo¬ 
 matic instrument, there lies embodied the sure foun¬ 
 dation of a system which, though I believe it to be 
 equally advantageous to the United States and to 
 this country, is undoubtedly most advantageous to 
 that country which runs the greatest risk of being 
 most frequently belligerent, and which therefore, if 
 
42 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 we are to judge of the future by the past, are likely 
 to be more advantageous to us than they are to the 
 other party. But it is not upon the ground of interest 
 alone that I would, before this assembly, rest the 
 claims of that instrument. It seems to me that far 
 above all other considerations which lead me to 
 believe we were fully justified in appending our names 
 to that Treaty on behalf of England was this, that it 
 contains an embodiment of a principle of the highest 
 value to the world at large. Doubtless we have heard 
 on other occasions of arbitrations about small and 
 almost unknown islands, and other insignificant mat¬ 
 ters ; but, if I mistake not, this is the first occasion 
 upon which two great and proud nations, equally 
 tenacious of their honour and their interests, have 
 been found to agree upon questions so closely touch¬ 
 ing those interests and that honour, to lay them all, 
 one by one, before impartial and freely chosen arbi¬ 
 trators. (Cheers.) It seems to me that there is in 
 that Treaty the embodiment of a great principle, the 
 adoption of which would have been hailed with the 
 utmost satisfaction by the illustrious man whose name 
 this Club bears. (Cheers.) There are few things 
 that would have given higher satisfaction to Mr. 
 Cobden than to have found the two countries he so 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 43 
 
 deeply loved, his own and that of the English race on 
 the other side of the Atlantic, with their common 
 history and their common interests, combining to 
 establish, for the first time in the history of the world, 
 that great principle for which he contended, that in 
 international questions, as much as in private disputes, 
 men are not the best judges of their own quarrels. It 
 is, then, because this Treaty has embodied that 
 principle that I, for one, shall ever esteem it to have 
 been a great happiness and a great honour that I 
 ' was permitted to place my name to that document. 
 We must regard this Treaty as a Treaty between two 
 nations. I have said truly what I think was the 
 share of my noble friend your chairman respecting it; 
 but neither in this country nor yet in America can 
 this Treaty fairly be called the Treaty of any party. 
 It was supported on the other side of the Atlantic by 
 the press and by the politicians of both the great 
 parties in the United States ; and we had the great 
 advantage—and a signal advantage it was to us in our 
 negotiations—of having by our side, as our trusted and 
 most valued colleague, an eminent member of the 
 great Conservative party in England. (Cheers.) I 
 trust that this Treaty will never be regarded in a 
 narrow or party view. I trust it will be ever looked 
 
44 
 
 COB DEN' CLUB. 
 
 upon as the first step in the restoration of those close 
 and intimate relations which ought to exist between 
 this country and the United States—between that 
 which Mr. McCulloch has called the mother country, 
 and that which I may therefore venture, without pre¬ 
 sumption, to designate her illustrious and mighty 
 daughter on the other side of the Atlantic. (Loud 
 cheers.) 
 
 Mr. Thomas Bayley Potter proposed the 
 chairman’s health. He thanked the company for the 
 warm reception accorded to him on this and other 
 occasions, and assured them that, with regard to the 
 Cobden Club, his whole heart was in the matter. 
 That a society professing the principles of Richard 
 Cobden should make way, and gain adherents year 
 by year, was not to be wondered at, but the pro¬ 
 gress of the Club was of the most marked character. 
 Cobden was not merely a kind and affectionate 
 friend, whose example they might all do well to try 
 to follow even at a humble distance ; but he was 
 the promoter of a cause that appealed to the in¬ 
 terests of the whole human kind. His was the 
 cause of honourable and constitutional progress, and 
 it claimed peace and commercial enterprise as its 
 grand basis. At the last anniversary they had a 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 45 
 
 magnificent speech from the Premier, who, above all 
 others, had carried into effect the views of Richard 
 Cobden; and the right hon. gentleman, it would be 
 remembered, spoke in grief of the impending war, at 
 the same time expressing the hope that the clouds 
 would pass away. The clouds did not pass away, but 
 gathered gloomily, and burst with a fury the like of 
 which the civilised world had never seen. But might 
 we not say now that the air was once more clearing ? 
 that the conduct of the noble lord who had had the 
 direction of our foreign affairs had been such during 
 the last ten months, that the result deserved to be 
 characterised as a triumph of Cobden’s principles ? 
 (Cheers.) This was an occasion when they had a right 
 to rejoice at the negotiations just concluded between 
 England and America, because it was the dearest 
 wish of Richard Cobden that the two families of the 
 English race so nearly allied by blood should be alto¬ 
 gether allied by friendship in all their relations. 
 Might not this Treaty which had been carried out by 
 the Marquis of Ripon—whose title was well earned 
 indeed—and his colleagues be also claimed as the 
 fruit of the seed Cobden sowed ? (Cheers.) To Lord 
 Granville’s judicious management of foreign affairs we 
 owed the preservation of peace not only in Europe, 
 
46 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 but with America. He proposed, therefore, all the 
 honours which English Liberals could pay in drinking 
 the health of so honourable and consistent a Liberal 
 and so wise a statesman as Lord Granville. (Loud 
 cheers.) 
 
 Earl Granville, in reply, said: My lords and 
 gentlemen—If it be ever my unfortunate fate to live 
 under a despotism, I should like Mr. Potter to be 
 the despot, and I should like that despotism to be 
 tempered by the opposition of Mr. McCulloch. 
 (Laughter and cheers.) One thing has struck me 
 very much this evening, and it has reminded me 
 of something which Lord Cowley told me about 
 Mr. Cobden. He talked to me of not having known 
 Mr. Cobden before the time of the negotiation of 
 the Erench treaty, and of the wonderful effect his 
 simple-mindedness, his honesty, and his earnestness 
 produced upon him, and of the friendship which he 
 felt entitled to claim afterwards. He spoke to me 
 of the wonderful reverence with which Mr. Cobden 
 was heard—how his word was taken as truth, and 
 how he believed that no other man could have 
 obtained that which Mr. Cobden did; but he added 
 one other remark, that it was quite extraordinary 
 how Mr. Cobden, not being a master of the French 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 47 
 
 language, conveyed his thoughts in a foreign lan¬ 
 guage to those who were listening to him. We 
 have had the opportunity of enjoying this evening 
 a similar pleasure in listening to the interesting 
 speeches of our friends, M. Arles-Dufour and Herr 
 Bunsen. (Cheers.) I do not include in the compli¬ 
 ment the admirable speech of Mr. McCulloch, because, 
 thank God, there is no question of a foreign language 
 between him and me. I began this evening with 
 an apology, and I am afraid I must end with an 
 apology. Mr. Potter, with that blind confidence in 
 anybody whom he believes to be a sincere friend of 
 Mr. Cobden, laid his orders upon me, quite as peremp¬ 
 torily as he did upon Mr. McCulloch, to order the 
 bill of fare for to-day. I declined the responsibility, 
 but I ventured to suggest that the number of dishes 
 might be diminished. I am happy to say that my 
 wishes were so far carried out, that we had only ten 
 dishes of fish before we began our regular dinner. 
 (Cheers and laughter.) George Canning, the great 
 statesman and orator, had a friend who was very ill, 
 and applied to his physician. The physician asked 
 him what were his symptoms. He said his principal 
 symptom was that he felt very empty before dinner 
 and very full afterwards. (Laughter.) Now, if the 
 
48 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 converse has happened, and any here has felt very 
 full before dinner and very empty now, I beg that 
 I may be allowed to bear the whole blame, and that 
 it may not be laid upon our excellent host, who has 
 catered so well for our comfort. (Cheers.) I beg 
 now most sincerely and most seriously to thank you 
 for your kindness and for your forbearance to me 
 this evening. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 The party then broke up, and returned to West¬ 
 minster by the special steamer. 
 
Cobden Club. 
 
 LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 CORRECTED TO JULY, 1871. 
 
 The Club now consists of 450 ordinary members, as well as 103 
 honorary members, most of whom are foreigners of distinction. The 
 list comprises 194 members of the Legislature. 
 
 Names in Italics are those of Honorary Members. 
 
 * Present at the Annual Dinner. 
 
 A. 
 
 1871 *Acton, Lord. 
 
 1870 *Adam, W. P., M.P. 
 
 1868 Adams , C. F., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Adams , J. Quincy , U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Agnew, J. Henry. 
 
 1869 Agnew, William. 
 
 1867 Airlie, Earl of, K.T. 
 
 1870 Akroyd, Lieut.-Col. Edward, M.P. 
 
 1866 Allen, W. Shepherd, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Allhusen, Christian. 
 
 1866 Amberley, Viscount. 
 
 D 
 
So 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1867 Andrew, Charles. 
 
 1871 Annesley, Hon. Algernon Sydney. 
 
 1870 *Anning, James. 
 
 1867 Anstey, T. Chisholm. 
 
 1869 Anstruther, Sir Robert, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1866 Argyll, Duke of, K.T. 
 
 1867 *A rles-Dufour, M., France. 
 
 1866 *Armitage, Benjamin. 
 
 1868 Armitage, Sir Elkanah. 
 
 1867 *Armitstead, George, M.P. 
 
 1871 * Armstrong, David B. 
 
 1868 Ashton, Philip James. 
 
 1868 Ashton, Robert. 
 
 1866 Ashton, Thomas. 
 
 1867 *Ashurst, Wm. Henry. 
 
 1866 Ashworth, G. L. 
 
 1869 Atkinson , Edward , 17 .S. America. 
 
 1868 Avison, Thomas. 
 
 1870 Ayrton, Right Hon. A. S., M.P. 
 
 B. 
 
 1869 Backhouse, Edmund, M.P. 
 
 1871 Baines, Talbot. 
 
 1870 Bancroft , George , U.S. America. 
 1867 Barry, Right Hon. Charles R., Q.C. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 5i 
 
 1866 Bass, M. Arthur, M.P. 
 
 1866 Bass, M. T., M.P. 
 
 1867 Bastard, Thomas Horlock. 
 
 1869 *Batchelor, T. B. 
 
 1866 ^Baxter, Richard. 
 
 1866 *Baxter, W. E., M.P. 
 
 1866 *Bazley, Sir Thomas, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1867 *Beal, James. 
 
 1866 *Beales, Edmond. 
 
 1867 Beaumont, Henry F., M.P. 
 
 1869 Beaumont, Somerset A., M.P. 
 
 1868 Beaumont, W. B., M.P. 
 
 1869 Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, U.S. America. 
 1871 Behr, Baron, Germany. 
 
 1871 Behrens, Jacob. 
 
 1870 Benson, Robert. 
 
 1869 Bentall, E. H., M.P. 
 
 1870 *Benzon, E. L. 
 
 1870 Besobrasoff, M. W., Russia. 
 
 1866 Bigelow, John, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Blewitt, Willikm. 
 
 1869 Bolckow, H. W. F., M.P. 
 i 86 y Bowen, Charles. 
 
 1868 Brady, Dr. John, M.P. 
 
 1869 *Brand, Henry R., M.P. 
 
52 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1867 Brand, Right Hon. H. B. W., M.P. 
 1871 Brandis, Dr., Germany. 
 
 1869 Brassey, Henry A., M.P. 
 
 1866 Brassey, Thomas, M.P. 
 
 1871 Braun, Dr. Carl, Germany. 
 
 1866 ^Bright, Jacob, M.P. 
 
 1866 Bright, Right Hon. John, M.P. 
 
 1867 Bright, Sir Charles T. 
 
 1871 Bristowe, S. B., M.P. 
 
 1867 ^Broadwater, Robert. 
 
 1870 *Brocklehurst, W. C., M.P. 
 
 1866 *Brodrick, Hon. G. C. 
 
 1869 Brogden, Alexander, M.P. 
 
 1869 *Brown, Alexander Hargreaves, M.P. 
 
 1871 Brown, George. 
 
 1871 Browne, Henry Doughty. 
 
 1870 Browning, Oscar. 
 
 1866 Bruce, Right Hon. H. Austin, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Bryant, Jesse. 
 
 1869 Bryant, W. C., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 *Buckley, Abel. 
 
 1866 *Buckley, Nathaniel, M.P. 
 
 1870 *Bullock, William Henry. 
 
 1870 * Bunsen, George, Germany. 
 
 1870 Burchardt, Otto. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 53 
 
 c. 
 
 1866 *Caird, James, C.B. 
 
 1867 *Caldicott, Rev. J. W. 
 
 1870 Campbell, Henry, M.P. 
 
 1871 Camperdown, Earl. 
 
 1866 Candlish, John, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Carr, David Richardson. 
 
 1870 *Carr, Jonathan T. 
 
 1870 Carter, R. M., M.P. 
 
 1868 Carter, Samuel. 
 
 1869 *Cartwright, W. C., M.P. 
 
 1870 Castelar, Signor Emilio, Spain. 
 
 1866 Cavendish, Lord Frederick, M.P. 
 
 1869 Chadwick, David, M.P. 
 
 1871 Challemel-Lacour, M. Paul, France. 
 
 1871 Charlemont, Earl. 
 
 1871 Charles, Robert. 
 
 1866 Cheetham, John. 
 
 1866 Cheetham, J. F. 
 
 1866 Chevalier, M. Michel, France. 
 
 1866 Childers, Right Hon. Hugh C. E., M.P. 
 1871 Clarendon, Earl. 
 
 1870 Clayden, P. W. 
 
 1870 Coats, Sir Peter. 
 
 1870 Cobb, Rhodes. 
 
54 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1871 Cobb, T. R. 
 
 1866 Coleridge, Sir J. D., Q.C., M,P. 
 
 1866 Collier, Sir R. R, Q.C., M.P. 
 
 1867 *Colman, J. J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Colman, Jeremiah. 
 
 1867 Colvile, Charles Robert. 
 
 1869 Coote. Thomas. 
 
 1871 *Corrie, William. 
 
 1870 Corsi, Siguor Tommaso , Italy. 
 1869 *Couvreur , M. Auguste, Belgium. 
 
 1866 Cowen, Joseph, M.P. 
 
 1869 *Cracroft, Bernard. 
 
 1867 *Crompton, Charles. 
 
 1867 Crooke, John. 
 
 1866 Crossley, Sir Francis, Bart., M.P. 
 
 D. 
 
 1871 Dale, David. 
 
 1870 Dalhousie, Earl, G.C.B., K.T. 
 
 1871 Dalling and Bulwer, Lord, G.C.B. 
 1871 Dalrymple, Donald, M.P. 
 
 1869 *Dashwood, Captain Fred. L. 
 
 1871 *Davies, Richard, M.P. 
 
 1870 *Day, Edward. 
 
 1870 Deheselle, M. Victor , Belgium. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 ss 
 
 1870 *Delahunty, James, M.P. 
 
 1869 Delitsch, M. Schultze, Germany. 
 
 1870 De Molinari, M. G., France. 
 
 1871 Devonshire, Duke of, K.G. 
 
 1870 Dickson, James, Sweden. 
 
 1867 *Dilke, Sir C. W., Bart., M.P. 
 
 1868 Dixon, George, M.P. 
 
 1869 Dodds, Joseph, M.P. 
 
 1866 Dodson, J. G., M.P. 
 
 1867 Do If us, M. Jean, France. 
 
 1870 Dowse, Richard, M.P. 
 
 1870 Draper, John. 
 
 1870 Ducie, Earl. 
 
 1866 Duff, M. E. Grant, M.P. 
 
 1870 Dufferin, Lord. 
 
 1869 Durckheim, Count, Austro-Hungarian Empire. 
 
 1870 Dymes, D. D. 
 
 E. 
 
 1867 *Eastwick, Captain W. J. 
 
 1868 Edwards, Charles. 
 
 1868 * Edwards, Henry, M.P. 
 
 1869 Emerson, R. W., U.S. America. 
 
 1866 Evans, Francis Henry. 
 
 1866 *Evans, William. 
 
56 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1866 Ewing, H. E. Crum, M.P. 
 
 1868 *Eykyn, Roger, M.P. 
 
 F. 
 
 1869 *Faucher, Dr. Julius, Germany. 
 
 1867 Fenton, William. 
 
 1870 Fenwick, E. M. 
 
 1868 * Field, Cyrus, U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Field, David D., U.S. America. 
 1869 Figuerola, Signor , Spain. 
 
 1866 Fildes, John. 
 
 1869 Finnie, William, M.P. 
 
 1867 *Fisher, Richard C. 
 
 1870 Fletcher, Isaac, M.P. 
 
 1868 Flower, E. F. 
 
 1867 Forbade de la Roquette, M., France. 
 
 1870 Fordyce, W. Dingwall, M.P. 
 
 1866 Forster, Charles, M.P. 
 
 1866 Forster, Right Hon. W. E., M.P. 
 1866 Fortescue, Right Hon. C. S., M.P. 
 
 1871 Foster, J. P. 
 
 1869 Fothergill, Richard, M.P. 
 
 1866 *Fowler, Robert. 
 
 1869 Fowler, William, M.P. 
 
 1869 Freeman, Henry W. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS . 
 
 57 
 
 G. 
 
 1869 Garfield , General J. A., U.S. America. 
 
 1868 Garibaldi , General , Italy. 
 
 1869 Garrison, W. Lloyd, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 *Gaskell, Charles Milnes. 
 
 1869 Gibbs, Frederick W., C.B. 
 
 1870 *Gillibrand, Philip. 
 
 1866 *Gilpin, Charles, M.P. 
 
 1866 Gladstone, Right Hon. W. E., M.P. 
 1866 Gladstone, Robertson. 
 
 1870 Glyn, Hon. G. Grenfell, M.P. 
 
 1866 Goldsmid, Julian, M.P. 
 
 1866 Goldsmid, Sir Francis H., Bart., M.P. 
 
 1866 Goschen, Right Hon. G. J., M.P. 
 
 1869 *Gourley, E. T., M.P. 
 
 1868 *Gow, Daniel. 
 
 1867 Graham, John. 
 
 1867 *Graham, Peter. 
 
 1866 Graham, William, M.P. 
 
 1866 *Granville, Earl, K.G. 
 
 1867 Gray, Sir John, M.P. 
 
 1870 Greg, Louis. 
 
 1870 Greig, Lieut.-General, S. Russia. 
 
 1869 Greville, Lord. 
 
 1871 Greville Nugent, Hon. G. F. N., M.P. 
 
1870 Guest, Montague J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Gurney, Samuel. 
 
 H. 
 
 1866 Hadfield, George, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Hall, Walter. 
 
 1867 Hammond, J. Lempri£re. 
 
 1871 Hanmer, Sir John, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1869 Harcourt, W. Vernon, Q.C., M.P. 
 
 1866 Hardcastle, Henry. 
 
 1866 Hardcastle, J. A., M.P. 
 
 1870 Hargreaves, William. 
 
 1867 Harris, John Dove, M.P. 
 
 1870 Harris, William Redford. 
 
 1871 *Harriss-Gastrell, James P. 
 
 1870 Hartington, Right Hon. Marquis of, M.P. 
 
 1869 Harwood, Samuel. 
 
 1871 Hassan, His Highness Prince, Egypt. 
 
 1870 *Hatch, Rev. Edwin. 
 
 1867 *Hatchard, Rev. J. Alton. 
 
 1870 Hatherley, Lord. 
 
 1869 *Haviland-Burke, E., M.P. 
 
 1871 *Hayter, William Goodenough. 
 
 1867 Heape, Benjamin. 
 
 1867 *Heape, Robert Taylor. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 59 
 
 1866 Henderson, J., M.P. 
 
 1871 *Henry Mitchell, M.P. 
 
 1871 Herbert, Hon. Auberon, M.P. 
 1866 *Heywood, James. 
 
 1866 *Hibbert, J. T., M.P. 
 
 1871 *Hill, Frank Harrison. 
 
 1866 Hoare, Sir Henry, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1870 Hobart, Lord. 
 
 1866 Hodgkinson, G., M.P. 
 
 1871 Hodgson, Kirkman D., M.P. 
 1870 Holden, Angus. 
 
 1866 Holden, Isaac. 
 
 1870 ^Holland, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1869 * Holms, John, M.P. 
 
 1870 *Hopwood, Charles Henry. 
 
 1869 Hoskyns, Chandos Wren, M.P. 
 
 1866 Houghton, Lord. 
 
 1869 Hovell-Thurlow, Hon. T. J. 
 
 1869 Howard, James, M.P. 
 
 1870 Hoyle, William. 
 
 1869 Hudson, Sir James, G.C.B. 
 
 1867 Humphreys, A. C. 
 
 1870 Hunting, Richard. 
 
 I. 
 
 1869 Illingworth, Alfred, M.P. 
 
6o 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 J. 
 
 1866 Jackson, Henry Mather. 
 
 1866 Jackson, Sir William, Bart. 
 
 1870 James, Henry, Q.C., M.P. 
 
 18 68 Jenkins, Edward. 
 
 1871 Jenour, Charles , Victoria. 
 
 1870 Jerrold, Blanchard. 
 
 1869 Jessel, George, Q.C., M.P. 
 
 1870 *Johns, Captain J. W. 
 
 1871 Johnson , Reverdy , £/..S. America. 
 1869 *Johnston, Andrew, M.P. 
 
 1871 ^Johnstone, Sir Harcourt, Bart., M.P. 
 1871 *Jones, C. H. 
 
 K. 
 
 1868 Kay-Shuttleworth, U. J., M.P. 
 
 1870 Kimberley, Earl. 
 
 1870 King, Charles Allen. 
 
 1866 King, Hon. P. J. Locke, M.P. 
 
 1869 Kinsky, Coimt Engine, Austro - Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 1866 Knatchbull-Hugessen, E. H., M.P. 
 
 1869 Kubeck, Baron Max Von % Austro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 61 
 
 L. 
 
 1868 Labouchere, Henry. 
 
 1869 Lacaita, Sir James. 
 
 1869 *Lack, Henry Reader. 
 
 1867 *Lambert, John, C.B. 
 
 1870 Lamport, Charles. 
 
 1867 Lancaster, John, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Langley, J. Baxter. 
 
 1871 Lansdowne, Marquis of. 
 
 1868 *Lanyon, C. Mortimer. 
 
 1871 Lascelles, Francis H. 
 
 1871 Latham, George W. 
 
 1869 Laveleye, M. Emile de, Belgium. 
 
 1869 Lavergne, M. de, France. 
 
 1867 *Lawson, Right Hon. J. A. 
 
 1866 *Lawson, Sir Wilfrid, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1871 Lea, Thomas, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Leaf, William. 
 
 1869 *Leake, Robert. 
 
 1867 *Lean, Vincent Stuckey. 
 
 1866 *Leatham, E. A., M.P. 
 
 1869 Leavitt, Joshua, D.D., U.S. America. 
 1871 Leech, Robert. 
 
 1866 *Leeman, George, M.P. 
 
 1869 Leese, J. F. 
 
62 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1866 Lefevre, Geo. Shaw, M.P. 
 
 1870 Lehardy de Beaulieu, Adolphe, Belgium .. 
 1870 Lehardy de Beaulieu, Professor Ch., Belgium, 
 1870 *Lehmann, F. 
 
 1867 Leslie, T. E. Clifife. 
 
 1870 Lesseps, Vicomte de, Fra7ice. 
 
 1869 Levy, Edward. 
 
 1870 Lewis, J. Delaware, M.P. 
 
 1871 Lewis, Harvey, M.P. 
 
 1870 Lieber, Francis, U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Liebert, Bernhard. 
 
 1869 Loch, George, M.P. 
 
 1870 Longfellow, H. IV., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Lubbock, Sir John, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1870 *Lycett, Sir Francis. 
 
 M. 
 
 1869 McArthur, Alexander. 
 
 1869 McArthur, William, M.P. 
 
 1870 ^McCarthy, Justin. 
 
 1870 McClean, J. Robinson, M.P. 
 
 1866 ^McClelland, James. 
 
 1869 *McClure, Thomas, M.P. 
 
 1871 McConnell, J. E. 
 
 1871 * McCulloch, Hugh, U.S. America. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 63 
 
 1871 *Macdonell, James. 
 
 1869 *Macfie, Robert Andrew, M.P. 
 
 1870 Macintosh, Alexander. 
 
 1869 *Mackay, Baron , Holland. 
 
 1868 Mackie, Ivie. 
 
 1871 *McLeod, Sir Donald, K.C.S.I., C.B. 
 
 1869 Macmillan, Alexander. 
 
 1870 *Maeren, M. Corr-Vander, Belgium. 
 
 1871 Mahony, W. Sturt. 
 
 1866 *Mallet, Sir Louis, C.B. 
 
 1870 Marcoartu, Signor Arturo de. 
 
 1870 Marling, Samuel S,, M.P. 
 
 1867 Marriott, Wm. Thackeray. 
 
 1867 *Marsden, Mark Eagles. 
 
 1871 * Marshall, C. H, U.S. America. 
 
 1866 Mason, Hugh. 
 
 1870 *Mather, William. 
 
 1871 *Mellor, Wright. 
 
 1867 Melly, George, M.P. 
 
 1866 Menzies, Graham. 
 
 1870 Meredith, George F. 
 
 1867 Merry, James, M.P. 
 
 1871 * Michaelis, Otto, Germany . 
 
 1870 *Michell, T., Russia. 
 
 1866 Mill, John Stuart. 
 
6 4 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1866 Milner-Gibson, Right Hon. T. 
 
 1867 Milton, Viscount, M.P. 
 
 1870 Minghetti, Signor Marco, Italy. 
 
 1871 Minturn, Robert B., U.S. A merica. 
 
 1866 Moffatt, George. 
 
 1866 Monk, C. J., M.P. 
 
 1868 Moore, George. 
 
 1871 Moorhead, W. C. 
 
 1871 More, R. Jasper. 
 
 1868 Moran, Benjamin, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Morao , /?. i 7 . dfe Figanilre, Portugal. 
 
 1870 ^Morgan, G. Osborne, Q.C., M.P. 
 
 1866 Morier, R. B. D., C.B. 
 
 1866 *Morley, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1871 Muller , Gustav , Germany. 
 
 1869 *Mundella, A. J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Mur tin, Peter, Sweden. 
 
 1867 Murphy, Nicholas D., M.P. 
 
 1869 Muspratt, E. K. 
 
 N. 
 
 1869 Napoleon, H.I.H. Prince Jerome, France. 
 1871 Nasse, Erwin, Germany. 
 
 1871 *Neal, John Dodd. 
 
 1868 Neill, Robert. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 65 
 
 1874 Neumann , Dr. Francis, Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 1870 Northbrook, Lord. 
 
 1868 Novelli, A. H. 
 
 0 . 
 
 1869 Ollivier, M. Emile, France. 
 
 1866 * 0 ’Loghlen, Rt. Hon. Sir Colman, Bart, M.P. 
 
 1866 Onslow, Guildford, M.P. 
 
 1869 O’Reilly-Dease, Mathew, M.P. 
 
 1868 *Osborn, Captain S, R.N., C.B. 
 
 1869 Osborn, Wm. H., U.S. America. 
 
 1866 Otway, Arthur J., M.P. 
 
 1870 Overbeck, M. Gustav us von, Austro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 1871 Ouvry, Colonel Henry Aime, C.B. 
 
 1871 Oppenheimer, Charles. 
 
 P. 
 
 1867 *Pagan, John Thomson. 
 
 1870 Paris, H.R.H. Comte de, France. 
 
 1870 *Paterson, John. 
 
 1866 Paulton, A. W. 
 
 1867 *Payne, F. T. 
 
 1867 Pease, Joseph W., M.P. 
 
 E 
 
66 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1869 Peel, Arthur W., M.P. 
 
 1871 Peel, John, M.P. 
 
 1871 Pell , Alfred , Jun., U.S. America. 
 1871 Pender, John. 
 
 1866 Pennington, F. 
 
 1866 Peto, Sir S. Morton, Bart. 
 
 1868 ^Phillips, Charles. 
 
 1866 * Phillips, R. N„ M.P. 
 
 1871 Pierson , N. G., Holland. 
 
 1866 Pilkington, James. 
 
 1866 *Platt, John, M.P. 
 
 1869 Plimsoll, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1869 Pochin, Henry Davis. 
 
 1870 *Pocock, William. 
 
 1866 Pope, Samuel. 
 
 1871 Potter, Arthur Bayley. 
 
 1866 Potter, Edmund, M.P. 
 
 1868 Potter, Edmund Crompton. 
 
 1866 Potter, J. Gerald. 
 
 1870 Potter, John Henry. 
 
 1871 * Potter, Rupert. 
 
 1866 * Potter, Thomas Bayley, M.P. 
 
 1866 *Potter, Thomas Ashton. 
 
 1869 Price, William Edwin, M.P. 
 
 1866 Price, W. P., M.P. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 67 
 
 1866 Probyn, J. W. 
 1871 Pulley, Joseph. 
 1871 *Purdy, William. 
 
 R. 
 
 1870 Rae, W. Fraser. 
 
 1870 Ranees y Villanueva, His Excellency Don 
 
 Manuel, Spam. 
 
 1871 Ransorne, R.C. 
 
 1867 Rathbone, Samuel Greg. 
 
 1867 Rathbone, William, M.P. 
 
 1866 Rawson, Henry. 
 
 1869 Redpath, James, U.S. America. 
 
 1871 ‘Renton, James Hall. 
 
 1867 ‘Reynolds, James. 
 
 1870 Reyntiens, M., Belgium. 
 
 1866 Rich, Anthony. 
 
 1869 Richard, Henry, M.P. 
 
 1869 Richards, E. M., M.P. 
 
 1869 Richter, 0 ., Norway. 
 
 1871 *Ridgway, W. H. 
 
 1867 *Ripon, Marquis of, K.G. 
 
 1870 ‘Robarts, C. H. 
 
 1868 Robertson, David, M.P. 
 
 1867 Robinson, John. 
 
68 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1869 *Roden, W. S., M.P. 
 
 1866 *Rogers, Professor J. E. T. 
 
 1870 Rollo, Lord. 
 
 1871 *Rose, Hon. Sir John. 
 
 1871 Rosebery, Earl. 
 
 1871 Rothschild, Baron Lionel N. de, M.P. 
 1871 Rothschild, Nathaniel M. de, M.P. 
 
 1867 Rouher, M., France. 
 
 1867 *Roundell, Charles Savile. 
 
 1870 Ruggles, Samuel B., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 *Rusden, R. D. 
 
 1866 Russell , Earl, K.G. 
 
 1871 *Russell, Odo. 
 
 1866 Rutson, Albert. 
 
 1869 *Rylands, Peter, M.P. 
 
 1867 Ryley, Thomas C. 
 
 S. 
 
 1870 St. Albans, Duke of. 
 
 1869 Salomons, Sir David, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1866 Salwey, Colonel Henry. 
 
 1868 Samuda, J. D’Aguilar, M.P. 
 
 1870 Samuelson, Henry B., M.P. 
 
 1870 * Sands, Mahlon, U.S America. 
 
 1866 Sandwith, Humphrey, C.B. 
 
LIST 01 MEMBERS. 
 
 69 
 
 1869 Sapieha, Prince, A tistro-Hungarian Empire. 
 1871 Sargeannt, J. P. 
 
 1870 *Sargeannt, William C. 
 
 1870 *Saxton, N. 
 
 1869 Schaeffer, Chevalier de, Austro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 1870 Schuster, Francis J. 
 
 1866 Scrivens, William. 
 
 1869 Seely, Charles, Jun., M.P. 
 
 1870 Seisal, Vicomte de, Portugal. 
 
 1868 *Seligman, Isaac. 
 
 1870 Sellar, A. C. 
 
 1870 Seymour, Alfred, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Seymour, Henry. 
 
 1867 *Shaen, William. 
 
 1869 *Sharpe, Charles. 
 
 1868 Sheriff, Alexander Clunes, M.P. 
 
 1867 Sidgwick, Rev. W. C. 
 
 1869 *Simon, Sergeant, Q.C., M.P. 
 
 1870 Simon, M. Jules, France. 
 
 1869 Smith, Herr Prince, Germany. 
 
 1866 Smith, B. L. 
 
 1871 *Smith, George. 
 
 1866 Smith , Professor Goldwin. 
 
 1867 *'Smith, Professor Henry J. Stephen. 
 
7 o 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1866 Smith, Thomas Eustace, M.P. 
 
 1870 Spencer, His Excellency Earl, K.G. 
 
 1866 Stansfeld, Right Hon. J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Staitffenberg, Baron von , Germany. 
 
 1871 Steinthal, H. M. 
 
 1868 Steinthal, Rev. Samuel Alfred. 
 
 1868 *Stepney, W. F. Cowell. 
 
 1868 Stern, Sigismund J. 
 
 1869 Stevenson, J. C., M.P. 
 
 1871 *Stone, William Henry, M.P. 
 
 1870 Strahan, Alexander. 
 
 1871 Strutt, Hon. Henry, M.P. 
 
 1867 Sullivan, Right Hon. E. 
 
 1868 Sumner , Charles , U.S. America. 
 
 1866 *Sykes, Colonel, M.P. 
 
 1869 Szechenyi, Count Bela , Austro-Hungarian Em¬ 
 
 pire. 
 
 T. 
 
 1870 Talabot, M. Paulin, France. 
 
 1866 *Taylor, Francis. 
 
 1866 *Taylor, P. A., M.P. 
 
 1871 *Taylor, Thomas. 
 
 1871 Thoerner, Theodore de, Russia. 
 
 1870 *Thomas, Christopl ler J. 
 
 1866 Thomasson, Thomas. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 7 i 
 
 1867 Thompson, George. 
 
 1866 Thompson, H. Yates. 
 
 1869 Tite, Sir William, K.C.B., M.P. 
 
 1870 Tourgiceneff, M. Nicolas, France. 
 
 1866 Trelawny, Sir J. S., Bart., M.P. 
 
 1866 Trevelyan, G. O., M.P. 
 
 1867 Trimble, Robert. 
 
 1868 *Turner, J. Fox. 
 
 1868 *Turner, Wright. 
 
 1868 *Tweedale, John. 
 
 V. 
 
 1870 *Valpy, Richard. 
 
 1871 Vasconcellos, His Excellency Zacharias de Goes , 
 
 Brazil. 
 
 1870 Wickers, James. 
 
 1871 Vigor, A. H. S., Stonehouse. 
 
 1866 Villiers, Right Hon. C.P., M.P. 
 
 1871 Visschers, M. Auguste, Belgium. 
 
 1871 Vivian, Captain Hon. John, C. W., M.P. 
 
 1870 *Vivian, William. 
 
 1870 *Vivian, William, Jun. 
 
 W. 
 
 1870 Walker, Amasa, U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Walker, George, U.S. America. 
 
72 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1866 ^Walters, Edward. 
 
 1870 *Warren, Edward. 
 
 1871 *Warren, T. P. 
 
 1871 *Watkin, Sir E. W. 
 
 1867 Watts, Sir James. 
 
 1867 Watts, Samuel. 
 
 1870 *Watson, T. Clemens. 
 
 1870 Wells, David A., U.S. America. 
 1866 Westhead, J. P. Brown. 
 
 1869 Whipple , E. P., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Whitbread, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1866 * White, J., M.P. 
 
 1870 White, Wm. Thompson. 
 
 1867 *Whiteley, G. Crispe. 
 
 1869 Whitwell, John, M.P. 
 
 1866 Whitworth, Benjamin. 
 
 1867 * Whitworth, Sir Joseph, Bart. 
 
 1870 Whitworth, Robert. 
 
 1869 Whitworth, Thomas, M.P. 
 
 1870 Wilke, Hermann C., Germany. 
 1869 Willans, Thomas Benjamin. 
 
 1869 ^Williams, W. H. 
 
 1870 *Willcrding , Theodor, Sweden. 
 1867 Willett, Henry. 
 
 1866 *Williams, John. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 73 
 
 1869 Williams, Watkin, M.P. 
 
 1869 Willmott, Henry. 
 
 1870 Wills, George. 
 
 1871 *Wingfield, Sir Charles J., K.C.S.I., C.B., M.P. 
 
 1869 Wolowski, M., France. 
 
 1870 Woods, Henry, M.P. 
 
 1868 Worthington, James. 
 
 Y. 
 
 1870 Young, Right Hon. George, M.P. 
 
 1866 * Young, Richard. 
 
 Guests present at the Dinner: 
 
 Dr. Spinsio, Montague Bernard, MM. Gustave and 
 Eugene d’Eichthal, Max Schlesinger, W. Hale White, 
 Capt. Gosset, Deputy Sergeant-at-Arms, Adolphe Beau, 
 Arthur Arnold, Wm. Bradford, General Woodhall, 
 E. S. Nadal, Lieut.-Col. W. Holms, Sabbas Vukovics, 
 T. H. Sooby, Jno. Hey worth, Charles Gilpin, Jun. 
 
 CASSELL, PETTER, 
 
 GALPIN, 
 
 LONDON, E.C. 
 
AT THE DINNER OF 
 
 THE COBDEN CLUB, 
 
 July ii, 1874. 
 
 The Right Hon. W. E. BAXTER, M.P, 
 
 IN THE CHAIR. 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 l|spxirt cf lip 
 
 Adopted at the General Meeting, June 4, 1874, 
 AND LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 CASSELL PETTER & GALPIN: 
 
 LONDON, PARIS' & NEW YORK. 
 
DINNER OF 
 
 THE COBDEN CLUB, 
 
 July ii, 1874. 
 
 The Right Hon. W. E. BAXTER, M.P., 
 
 IN THE CHAIR. 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 Impart af % iamtmitaa 
 
 Adopted at the General Meeting, June 4 , 1874 , 
 AND LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 CASSELL, PETTER & GALPIN: 
 
 LONDON, PARIS & NEW YORK. 
 
 1874. 
 
N.B.—All communications for the Hon. Sec., Thomas Bayley 
 Potter, M.P., should be addressed to him. at the Reform Club, Pall 
 Mall, London. 
 
 The Bankers of the Club are the London and Westminster Bank, 
 Westminster Branch, i, St. James's Square, London, S. W., where 
 Subscriptions should be paid on the 1st of January in each year. 
 
 It is suggested, for the convenience of Members, that they should 
 leave with the Secretary their usual Address, and also an order on their 
 Bankers to pay their Subscription on the 1 st of January in each year to 
 Ihe Bankers of the Club, to whom all cheques should be made payable. 
 Blank forms may be had on application to the Secretary. 
 
 GEORGE Ct WARR, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 5, Millman Street, 
 
 Bedford Row, W.C. 
 
THE COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 The ninth dinner of the Cobden Club was held on 
 the nth of July, at the Ship Hotel, Greenwich. The 
 company numbered a hundred and forty-five, and 
 included numerous guests, from the United States 
 and other foreign countries, whose names will be 
 found below. The majority went to Greenwich by a 
 special steamer from the House of Commons’ stairs, 
 Westminster. 
 
 The Right Hon. W. E. Baxter, M.P., took the 
 chair at six p.m. Among those by whom he was 
 supported were M. Leon Say, late Prefect of the 
 Seine, and Reporter of the Financial Committee of 
 the French Legislative Assembly for the present 
 year, Baron G. von Overbeck, Consul-General for 
 Austria, Dr. Julius ' Fauche!r, Mr. Cyrus W. Field, 
 Mr. Mahlon Sands, Secretary of the Free Trade 
 League, New York, the Right Hon. A. S. Ayrton, Sir 
 Louis Mallet, C.B., Mr. H. Campbell-Bannerman, M.P., 
 
6 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Lord Arthur Russell, M.P., Sir Wilfrid Lawson, M.P., 
 Sir Charles W. Dilke, M.P., Mr. W. C. Cartwright, 
 M.P., Mr. E. A. Leatham, M.P., Sir G. Balfour, K.C.B., 
 M.P., Mr. G. Osborne Morgan, Q.C., M.P., Serjeant 
 Simon, M.P., Mr. John Holms, M.P., Mr. William 
 Holms, M.P., Mr. E. Jenkins, M.P., Mr. James Caird, 
 C.B., Prof. J. E. Thorold Rogers, Mr. W. H. Ashurst, 
 Mr. Richard Baxter (Treasurer), Mr. Edmond 
 Beales, Sir John Bennett, Mr. A. C. Humphreys, 
 Mr. William Agnew, Mr. James Heywood, Mr. B. 
 Leigh Smith, Herr J. Willerding (Consul-General for 
 Sweden and Norway), Herr Leopold Giiterbock 
 (Germany), Mr. Joseph S. Ropes, President of the 
 Boston (U.S.) Board of Trade, Mr. Hamilton A. 
 Hill, late Secretary of the National Board of Trade 
 of the United States, Mr. M. Halstead, Editor of 
 the Cincinnati “Commercial,” Dr. Isaac Hayes, 
 and Mr. R. G. Haliburton (Canada). 
 
 Mr. Thomas Bayley Potter, M.P., occupied the 
 vice-chair. Mrs. Ashburner, Mrs. and Miss Baxter, 
 Miss Cobden,Miss Pellew, Miss Potter, and Mrs. Wells, 
 were present during the delivery of the speeches. 
 
 The Chairman, who received a very cordial 
 welcome on rising to propose the first toast, said 
 I ask you to drink to the health of a Sovereign 
 
DINNER, 1874 . 
 
 7 
 
 Lady whose political knowledge and prudence are as 
 great as her domestic and social virtues are con¬ 
 spicuous. “ The Health of Her Majesty the Queen ” 
 is a toast which is always received with enthusiasm 
 in every assembly of true-born Britons throughout 
 that Empire on which the »sun never sets. I am 
 delighted to find that the birthday of our gracious 
 Sovereign has been celebrated this year in many parts 
 of the United States. Any one who has travelled in 
 that great country is aware how immensely popular 
 the Queen is in America. I beg to propose “The 
 Health of Her Majesty the Queen.” (Loud cheers.) 
 
 The toast was drunk with immense enthusiasm, 
 the foreign guests distinguishing themselves by their 
 hearty concurrence in the feelings of their English 
 friends. 
 
 The Chairman then rose to propose the toast of 
 the evening—“ Prosperity to the Cobden Club.” 
 
 He said :—Gentlemen, it was with feelings of great 
 surprise that I received from the hon. secretary, Mr. 
 Potter, the founder, manager, and upholder of this 
 Club, an intimation that the Committee had done 
 me the distinguished honour of asking me to take the 
 chair on this occasion. The post has hitherto been 
 occupied by statesmen of mark whom an assembly of 
 
8 
 
 COB DEN CLUB . 
 
 this kind would at all times be delighted to hear; and 
 I am most acutely sensible of my utter inability 
 to speak as powerfully as they did, or to do adequate 
 justice to the toast which I am about to propose. 
 Gentlemen, the Committee no doubt chose me because, 
 although a very humble, I have ever been a very 
 sincere admirer and disciple of the late Mr. Cobden, 
 and a loyal adherent of those great principles of 
 which, if not the first, he was certainly the most 
 influential expounder. There were those who thought 
 that he was a man of one idea, and Lord Palmerston, 
 in the House of Commons, in an unhappy moment, 
 said something to this effect. Never was there a 
 greater mistake; and now that some of the many 
 grand thoughts which from time to time he threw out 
 for the consideration of his countrymen are receiving 
 a little more development, men are beginning to see 
 how far-sighted and comprehensive were his views. 
 (Hear, hear.) His was a rich, prophetic mind, 
 despising mere popularity-hunting and the political 
 whims and caprices of the hour, thoroughly patriotic 
 in the sense of desiring to preserve all those privileges 
 and liberties which in this highly-favoured country we 
 enjoy, but at the same time keenly alive to the 
 dangers and difficulties of our social state, and fearful 
 
DINNER, 1874 . 
 
 9 
 
 lest an overweening attachment to modes of thought 
 and action no longer in accord with modern ideas 
 should prevent us from leading the van of advancing 
 civilisation. (Cheers.) The apostle of Free Trade 
 was a pioneer of progress, and his conversation, like his 
 speeches and writings, was full'of references to a great 
 future, when there would be fewer class and national 
 jealousies, and the words of the angelic host would 
 be more fully verified—“ On earth peace, goodwill 
 towards men.” (Hear, hear.) 
 
 It has sometimes occurred to me that speakers at 
 gatherings of the Cobden Club have a little lost sight 
 of the leading doctrines of that eminent politician’s 
 creed. Those of his intimate friends who are present 
 will, I think, bear me out when I say that he gave 
 prominence, especially in his latter years, to four 
 subjects in particular—economy in our national 
 expenditure, reform of our land laws, the extension of 
 Free Trade measures throughout the world, and inter¬ 
 national amity. (Cheers.) Now, without any attempt 
 at an oration—for I have a perfect horror of long 
 speeches after dinner—let me say a few practical words 
 on each of those heads. I have in my possession, and 
 very much value, letters from Mr. Cobden urging me, 
 when entering upon political life, not to forget the 
 
CORDE.V CL DR. 
 
 10 
 
 importance of a wise economy in our great spending 
 departments; and I have never addressed my con¬ 
 stituents since without endeavouring to impress upon 
 them how desirable it is to husband our resources in 
 times of profound peace, and so set free the springs of 
 industry and lessen the burdens of the people. (Hear, 
 hear.) I need not dilate to this enlightened assembly 
 upon the dangers to nations from profuse and reckless 
 expenditure of the public money. History tells us in 
 many a melancholy page how much such a policy has 
 tended to the decline and fall of States. We all 
 admit the theory. There may, however, be differ¬ 
 ences regarding the practice; but I think that, if 
 Mr. Cobden were now alive, he would probably 
 address his fellow-countrymen in words like these :— 
 “ Happily, your foreign policy has entirely changed. 
 You have given up meddling in every petty dispute 
 which breaks out on the Continent of Europe; you 
 have ceased to talk of the balance of power; you 
 have got quit of nearly all those wretched provisions, 
 in the Treaty of 1815, which provided merely for 
 dynasties, without reference to nationalities or the 
 wishes of the people. You have seen the establish¬ 
 ment of a free Italy—(cheers)—and a compact, power¬ 
 ful Fatherland in Germany. (Hear, hear.) You have 
 
DLV . VER , 1S74. 
 
 II 
 
 withdrawn the troops from your own colonies ; you 
 have re-arranged-your military system, so as to make 
 it more efficient for defensive purposes. You have 
 become the workshop and the shipbuilding yard of 
 the world ; your people are wealthier, more prosperous, 
 more contented than they ever were before. Why 
 should you keep up a standing army, more numerous 
 in this island than it ever was in any period of our 
 history, and a navy which the Secretary of the Ad¬ 
 miralty said the other day, in the House of Commons, 
 would be able in a fight to give a good account of 
 herself against many combined fleets ?” 
 
 Gentlemen, you all recollect Mr. Cobden’s desire 
 that some one should take up the question of the 
 Land Laws, as he had done that of the Corn Laws. 
 We have made a little advance since that time, and 
 the tendency of recent legislation has been in the 
 right direction ; but there is a great danger of our 
 progress being too slow, rather than too fast. I have 
 always been much impressed by, and often have 
 given utterance to, the sentiment that the aggrega¬ 
 tion of large properties—especially when situated in 
 different parts of the country, in the hands of one 
 proprietor—is a serious evil and a social danger. 
 (Cheers.) Every statute which tends directly or 
 
12 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 indirectly to foster such a state of things, in my 
 judgment, ought to be repealed. (Cheers.) Laws 
 of entail and primogeniture, are relics of the past. 
 The land should be bought and sold with as great 
 facility and as little expense as any other article of 
 merchandise. (Hear, hear.) There is a communistic 
 feeling seething among the masses which mild Land 
 Transfer Bills will touch very little, but which it 
 would be wisdom to meet with a vigorous alteration 
 of all those laws, affecting both the owner and the 
 farmer, which are a mere ancient inheritance, and 
 npt founded on the principles of justice. (Hear, 
 hear.) 
 
 My third point is—and this is the main mission 
 of the Cobden Club—that every means should 
 be taken to circulate Free Trade publications and 
 promote Free Trade measures in other countries. 
 That work has only just begun. We ourselves have 
 not yet got the free breakfast-table, though, thanks 
 to the Anti-Corn Law League and the splendid 
 financial administration of Mr. Gladstone—(cheers) 
 —we are very near it. But comparatively little has 
 been done in other countries 1 . In some of our own 
 colonies we all know there is a tendency to retro¬ 
 grade. In Australia it was especially so ; but it is 
 
DINNER , 1874 . 
 
 13 
 
 a matter of sincere congratulation that New South 
 Wales, under the leadership of Mr. Parkes, has 
 broken the chain ; and every one who knows any¬ 
 thing of the geography of the country and the state 
 of the boundary-line question will see that Victoria, 
 if she wishes to escape financial ruin, must follow 
 suit. (Cheers.) 
 
 I shall have the pleasure of reading to the club 
 a letter which the secretary has received from Mr. 
 Parkes. The committee voted him last year the 
 gold medal for distinguished services rendered to 
 Free Trade principles, and he writes thus :— 
 
 “ Colonial Secretary’s Office, Sydney, May 8, 1874. 
 
 “ Sir,—I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 
 March 6, informing me that the Committee of the Cobden Club 
 have been pleased to elect me one of their honorary members, 
 and have decided to offer for my acceptance the gold medal 
 of the club, in recognition of my ‘ services to the cause of Free 
 Trade in Australia.’ Since the receipt of your letter, I have 
 received the medal from his Excellency Sir Hercules Robinson. 
 
 “ I cannot but be sensible that any service 11 may have 
 rendered in this colony to the cause of the free intercourse of 
 nations is very slight, and the recognition of that service by 
 the body of distinguished men who constitute the Cobden 
 Club is an honour which derives additional value from the 
 unexpected and spontaneous mdnner in which it has been 
 conferred. 
 
 “ It may not be without interest to state that in the year 
 1862 I wa!s for a short time the guest of Mr. Cobden, at Dun- 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 14 
 
 ford, and that it was the force of his arguments, in a long 
 conversation I had with him on Australian affairs and the 
 Protective views entertained by many persons in the colonies, 
 based upon the difference between young countries and old 
 nations, which, more than any other influence, confirmed me 
 in the opinions which I have since held on questions of 
 commercial legislation. 
 
 “ In accepting the gold medal and the position of honorary 
 member of the Cobden Club, I beg you to assure the Com¬ 
 mittee of my high sense of the honour conferred on me. 
 
 “ I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 “Henry Parkes. 
 
 “ The Secretary of the Cobden Club.” 
 
 Every gentleman present will, I am sure, be glad to 
 hear that I have also a letter from our distinguished 
 friend, M. Chevalier. (Cheers.) Indeed, he has shown 
 himself so interested in our proceedings that he has 
 written to no less than four gentlemen who are 
 present in this room. I, however, will read only one 
 of his letters, which is as follows :— 
 
 “27, Avenue de l'lmp^ratrice, Paris, July 9, 1874. 
 
 “ Monsieur le President,—Pressing business prevents me from 
 joining the Cobden Club at their annual dinner, although it 
 would give me great pleasure to meet a number of friends with 
 whom I have common feelings, not only in deep regret for the 
 premature loss of our much lamented friend, Richard Cobden, 
 but also in the hope that the principles of Free Trade must 
 make indefinite progress, and counterbalance, at least to a 
 certain extent, the deplorable tendency to war. 
 
 “Allow me, Mr. President, to add that among the various 
 
DINNER , 1874 . 
 
 15 
 
 affairs which at present detain me in Paris there is one which 
 I hope, if it succeed, will not fail to be welcomed by all en¬ 
 lightened Englishmen, and all Free Traders of both countries—I 
 might say of Europe. I speak of the submarine tunnel between 
 Calais and Dover. 
 
 “ This plan, which ten years ago appeared visionary, is being 
 approved more and more every day by practical men and by 
 great financiers in France, and the probability is that, if our 
 feelings be reciprocated in England, it will soon pass from a 
 fiction into a reality.—Believe me, Mr. President, with renewed 
 regrets, faithfully yours, “ Michel Chevalier. 
 
 “The Right Hon. W. E. Baxter, M.P.” 
 
 We have distinguished strangers here to-night. I 
 know no man who has done more—ay, as much—to 
 promote the views of the late Mr. Cobden as our 
 illustrious friend, Mr. Cyrus Field. (Cheers.) He has 
 crossed the Atlantic times without number, and 
 travelled, shall I say millions of miles, as a messenger 
 of peace. But his countrymen are yet wofully behind¬ 
 hand in their understanding and acknowledgment of 
 those Free Trade doctrines which eventually must 
 be universally received. There is no man in this 
 country who admires the United States more than 
 I do, and who has oftener given expression to his 
 sentiments in that respect. I have travelled much 
 in the Great Republic, and been an eye-witness 
 of the marvellous material, mental, and moral 
 energy of its people ; I have carefully studied the 
 
COB DEN CLUB . 
 
 l6 
 
 admirable system of common schools, which may 
 be termed the safety-valve of democracy, and have 
 seen the whole land, even in the far West, covered 
 with Christian churches erected and sustained on 
 the voluntary principle. (Hear, hear.) But the fiscal 
 legislation of the United States is all wrong, and has 
 done more than anything else to injure, almost to 
 destroy, American shipbuilding, and to drive the star- 
 spangled banner from the seas. We were favoured 
 last year with the presence of Mr. Wells, who is, per¬ 
 haps, the leader of American Free Traders. (Cheers.) 
 You all heard his sentiments ; but there is one passage 
 from his Report for 1871 so important that, though it 
 has been read many times before, I will venture to 
 read a few sentences again, because they contain a 
 very remarkable commentary on American fiscal 
 legislation. Mr. Wells states that “ in 1869 an enter¬ 
 prising citizen of the North-West visited England for 
 the purpose of contracting for an iron vessel suitable 
 for the grain trade of the upper lakes. As foreign- 
 built ships are not admitted on the American register, 
 it was proposed to take over the vessel in sections, 
 simply to serve as a pattern, and at the same time it 
 was intended to import skilled workmen, and to 
 establish an iron shipbuilding yard in the vicinity of 
 
DINNER , 1874. 
 
 17 
 
 Chicago. But when the duties, varying from 38 to 
 66 per cent, on the various articles employed in the 
 construction of the vessel, came to be calculated, they 
 were found to amount to so much that the project 
 had to be abandoned. Thus Chicago and its neigh¬ 
 bourhood are still without an iron shipbuilding yard.” 
 The whole population is taxed in the attempt to 
 protect the interest of a few hundred American iron¬ 
 masters. To such circumstances as that just narrated 
 the Commissioner attributes the decline in American 
 shipping which has caused so much discussion in the 
 States. Mr. Wells says that in America the cost of 
 living is increasing in a greater ratio than the rate of 
 wages and salaries, and he complains, not so much 
 that comforts are curtailed, but that the power of 
 saving is diminished. “ The rich are becoming richer, 
 and the poor poorer.” “ Small accumulations of 
 capital are stopped.” (Hear, hear.) I hope the 
 gentlemen from that country who have favoured us 
 with their company to-night will be successful in their 
 endeavours to bring about a change of policy, and 
 get quit of those Protective duties which so injuriously 
 affect the American people. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 “International amity”—Mr. Disraeli dislikes the 
 adjective—I, on the other hand, rejoice to think that 
 B 
 
i8 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 the old, narrow kind of patriotism, which confined our 
 sympathies to our own country, looked with a jealous 
 eye on the prosperity of other nations, and talked of 
 our natural enemies, is passing away, and giving place 
 to a nobler and more enlarged—shall I say a more 
 Christian-like ?—feeling, which, placing England first, 
 as a matter of course, in our affections, is anxious also 
 to promote the weal of all other nations on the face 
 of the earth. (Hear, hear.) I am quite aware that 
 we are not living in Utopia—that the time has not 
 come for hanging up the shield in the hall—(hear, 
 hear)—that neither we nor our children’s children will 
 see the millennium, that as long as crime and ignorance 
 and evil passions prevail there will be jealousies and 
 misunderstandings and quarrels between States: but 
 it seems to me that there is less desire to foment and 
 magnify them than there used to be, and that a dis¬ 
 position is growing, it may be slowly, but still growing, 
 to have recourse, between nations, as well as between 
 individuals, to the common-sense plan of reference to 
 arbitration, rather than the bloody arbitrament of 
 war. (Cheers.) The highest tribute we can pay to 
 the memory of Mr. Cobden is severally and collec¬ 
 tively to do all that lies in our power to promote the 
 principles to which he was so much attached, some of 
 
DINNER , 1874 . 
 
 19 
 
 which were regarded as chimeras and dreams at the 
 period of their enunciation, but which are being 
 received with more and more acceptance as time rolls 
 on. (Renewed cheers.) 
 
 The toast was drunk with all the honours. 
 
 Sir Louis Mallet then proposed “ Our 
 Foreign Guests.” He said :— 
 
 It is the distinctive feature of the policy which 
 we are met to commemorate, that it is one in 
 which all the nations of the world have a common 
 interest. The policy of Free Trade absorbs and 
 reconciles conflicting interests and nationalities, and, 
 rising above local and traditional prejudices, affords 
 the only solid hope for the future of civilisation. 
 
 It is this which gives to these gatherings an inter¬ 
 national character, and procures us the honour of 
 seeing at our board so many distinguished repre¬ 
 sentatives from other countries of the cause which we 
 cherish. 
 
 We are to-night not less fortunate than on former 
 occasions in this respect, for we have with us, as our 
 Chairman has told you, M. Leon Say, Dr. Julius 
 Faucher, and Mr. Cyrus Field. 
 
 M. Say bears an inherited name dear to all 
 economists, while his personal services as a public 
 
20 
 
 COB BEN CLUB. 
 
 man in France give him an additional title to our 
 respect. I may add that his efforts to maintain at a 
 time of peculiar danger—now happily averted—the 
 Commercial Treaty, associated with the names of 
 Cobden and Chevalier, call for our thanks to-day. 
 (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Dr. Julius Faucher is, in more senses than one, an 
 international man. Himself a distinguished German, 
 though born of a French family, gifted with much of 
 the genius and fire of the race from which he springs, 
 and trained under Cobden as an English journalist in 
 the best school of economic thought, he has fought 
 the battle of Free Trade through the length and 
 breadth of Germany, and I am happy to have this 
 occasion of thanking him for the advice and assistance 
 which he gave in negotiating the Commercial Treaty 
 with Austria. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 As to our friend Mr. Cyrus Field, our Chairman 
 has already called your attention to the services which 
 he has rendered to our cause. His name is identified 
 with the grand work of ocean telegraphy. We all 
 honour the public spirit, faith, and energy which he 
 devoted to the wonderful enterprise which has, so to 
 speak, annihilated time and space between England 
 and America; and which, by multiplying transactions 
 
DINNER , 1874 . 
 
 21 
 
 and quickening intercourse, has enlisted in the cause 
 of Free Trade those material agencies which for the 
 time have even eclipsed the lustre of the g«eat moral 
 principle which inspires and animates our policy. 
 
 Gentlemen, I propose to you with all my heart, 
 “The Health of our Foreign Guests,” and I couple 
 with the toast the names of M. Leon Say, Dr. Julius 
 Faucher, and Mr. Cyrus Field. (Cheers.) 
 
 M. LEON Say, who was very warmly cheered, 
 spoke in French to the following effect:— 
 
 Gentlemen,—Pray excuse me if I speak in French ; 
 but it seems to me that your society will be all the 
 more disposed to indulgence because the principles of 
 Richard Cobden are true in every country, and in 
 every language. I have deeply felt the evidences of 
 sympathy which you have given me, and the compli¬ 
 ments which Sir Louis Mallet has been good enough 
 to address to me. But I cannot forget that France 
 presents at this moment a spectacle which must grieve 
 the true friends of economical science. We must 
 especially regret it, those of my friends and myself 
 who have been compelled, both in the Government 
 and in the Chambers, to yield to necessity, and to 
 surrender principles. In France we have no “ free 
 breakfast-table.” From the time we get up to the 
 
22 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 time we go to bed, we pay, it may be said, for our 
 slightest movements. Yes, my friends and I were 
 compelled to take the responsibility of deplorable 
 measures because we had no choice of means. Re¬ 
 duced to the most cruel extremities, we had to obey 
 necessity. We were like a traveller surprised by a 
 storm, who is obliged to provide himself with shelter 
 with the first materials that come to hand. These 
 harsh sacrifices were not confined to our financial 
 organisation; we had to abandon for our circulation 
 the metallic basis so dear to France since the melan¬ 
 choly experience of the assignats. Our coin-went 
 abroad, and we could count the number of twenty- 
 franc pieces which were melted down in Germany. 
 The value was more than a milliard. In order to 
 replace that milliard we issued notes, and notes 
 with a forced circulation. Hitherto the forced cur¬ 
 rency has led to no inconvenience; and the course 
 of exchange shows that the franc is at par compared 
 with the pound sterling. I cannot refrain, however, 
 from thinking upon what my father, Horace Say, 
 said in 1848, at a period when specie payments had 
 also ceased. “ I am frightened,” he said to me, 
 “ by the small amount of injury the forced currency 
 causes.” My sentiment is identical now ; and seeing 
 
DINNER , 1874 . 
 
 23 
 
 how little we have suffered, I ask myself whether 
 the theory of the forced currency might not accli¬ 
 matise itself in our country, which would be a great 
 misfortune. The time, moreover, has come when we 
 might reform, step by step, the provisional system 
 of taxation we have adopted. The taxes upon 
 articles of consumption appear to have reached 
 their utmost limits. Those taxes produce about 
 900,000,000 francs a year. At the end of the year 
 1873 the taxes in question were divided into two 
 categories, of about equal importance as revenue. 
 Upon the former of these categories a supplementary 
 tax of four per cent, was established. On the 30th 
 of June of this year—that is to say, six months 
 afterwards—we were able to estimate that the aug¬ 
 mented taxes showed a diminution in their yield, 
 while those which had not been touched showed an 
 increase. It is an experimental trial, which shows 
 that raised tariffs do not always give increased 
 revenue. We shall by degrees replace these mate¬ 
 rials, collected almost at random, by materials of 
 good quality in our financial edifice. Time and 
 effort will be necessary; but, notwithstanding all the 
 obstacles we have to overcome, I beg you to believe 
 that there is in France a small body of men faithful 
 
24 
 
 COB DEM CLUB. 
 
 to the principles of Richard Cobden, who will make 
 them triumph in the end. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 Dr. Julius Faucher, who was cordially re¬ 
 ceived, said :— 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen,—I am not in the 
 happy position of being allowed to address you as 
 my predecessor has done—in my own vernacular 
 tongue—but will attempt to address you in English. 
 I do not know whether I shall succeed. I have left 
 this country now some fifteen years, and in the mean¬ 
 time, naturally, my own country, where I have lived, 
 has had the preference in the matter of language. 
 
 My somewhat awkward position here to-night 
 reminds me of a circumstance which occurred a year 
 ago, when I myself made myself guilty of placing 
 others in the same awkward position. At the annual 
 dinner of German Economists, at Vienna, last August, 
 we drank the health of the foreign guests, as you have 
 just done, and it fell to my lot to propose the toast. 
 There were present one Englishman, one Dane, two 
 Dutchmen, and one Turk. (A laugh.) I gave the 
 names of all those gentlemen to the company, and 
 asked them to show us the way in which foreigners 
 speak German, and they were all ready to do so. 
 Mr. White, the English Consul at Dantzic, took the 
 
jDI.VNER, 1874 . - 
 
 25 
 
 lead, and delivered a most remarkably good German 
 speech, leading me again to think that the English 
 always speak German the best. Then followed the 
 Dane, Professor Fredericksen, who is, I believe, an 
 honorary member of this Club, and the others suc¬ 
 ceeded, except the Turk, Abdullah Bey, Professor 
 of Natural History at Constantinople, who turned out 
 to be no real Turk, but a Viennese. 
 
 Now, sir, the conclusion I am drawing from this 
 experience is, that we ought not to have just one and 
 the same language on earth, as an institution under 
 which Free Trade and goodwill among men would 
 advance more rapidly than at present. In every 
 country, now, sometimes you have men—as, for 
 instance, the late Sir John Bowring—who can speak 
 even a very great number of languages. There should 
 be everywhere only more study of foreign living 
 languages, to promote a better approach between 
 man and man. (Hear, hear.) When I lived in 
 .England, I was well acquainted with the lamented 
 great man in whose honour this banquet is held, and 
 he once congratulated me upon the great benefits I 
 enjoyed in being able to read, speak, and write two 
 other languages beside my own, and he complained 
 that the cause of peace and international Free Trade, 
 
26 
 
 LOB DEN CLUB. 
 
 which he had at heart, was so much hindered by 
 the diversity of tongues, and the yet everywhere 
 insufficient means to disseminate the knowledge of 
 living foreign languages, French excepted. 
 
 I spoke just now of Vienna, and of the exhi¬ 
 bition there. This was the first international 
 exhibition ever held on what I still may call 
 German soil, and we may take heart from this; 
 for there has always been a close connection 
 between these great universal exhibitions of industry 
 and the advance of Free Trade. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 It has just been said by the Hon. Mr. Baxter 
 that we have not yet succeeded in introducing 
 cutting tariff reforms in the direction of Free Trade 
 into Germany. But to a great extent this has taken 
 place, and there are still better days in store for us. 
 I feel quite sure that already the four last inter¬ 
 national exhibitions of London and Paris have, by 
 the exhibition of German, manufactures, furthered the 
 cause, and have won over to it even the hitherto pro¬ 
 tected German manufacturers themselves. By far 
 the majority of them have now joined the agricultural 
 and the shipping Interest, as well as the general con¬ 
 sumer, in shouting for Free Trade. There have been 
 many peculiar difficulties in our way, connected with 
 
DINNER, 1874 . 
 
 political federal questions, but I think I am to-night 
 entitled to say that the battle is as good as won. 
 There are some strongholds of protection yet, and we 
 may be sure that the relics of protection will be dis¬ 
 lodged but slowly; but it will be done. For I am 
 happy to tell you that there are in Germany, as there 
 are in France and Russia, and Austria now, a band 
 of men who will never cease their efforts until the full 
 victory is achieved. (Cheers.) There are many 
 thousands of thorough Free Traders in my country 
 who will with much eagerness read the report of this 
 interesting meeting, and 1 give you their friendly 
 greetings. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 Mr. Cyrus Field said he had to thank the pro¬ 
 poser of the toast for the kind words he had spoken 
 of the United States and of himself, but he protested 
 that it was not fair—and the English people were 
 known to be lovers of fair play—to arrest a poor 
 Yankee on his way from California to Iceland— 
 (laughter) — without notice, to address so distin¬ 
 guished an audience. Richard Cobden had been 
 his friend for many years, and his guest in America. 
 In 1852 Mr. Cobden urged upon the late Prince 
 Consort the propriety of appropriating the profits of 
 the Great Exhibition of 1851 to the establishment 
 
28 
 
 COB DEM CLUB. 
 
 of- telegraphic corhmunication between England and 
 America. (Cheers.) He was in Egypt when he 
 received a telegram informing him of the death of 
 Mr. Cobden. When he read that telegram he was 
 dining at a festive table, at which were more than 
 a hundred gentlemen from all parts of Europe, M. 
 de Lesseps, of Suez Canal fame, being in the chair. 
 He should never forget the scene which then 
 occurred. On receiving the telegram he handed it 
 to M. de Lesseps—the company had been twelve 
 days together, winding up each evening with a ball, 
 but on M. de Lesseps reading the telegram to the 
 assembly and making a few appropriate remarks, 
 every man—though all the nations of Europe were 
 represented—left the table, feeling as if he had lost 
 a personal friend. (Cheers.) No other death in 
 Europe had ever produced so deep a feeling in 
 America as did that of Richard Cobden. (Hear 
 hear.) During their recent civil struggle he had been 
 constantly in the society of Mr. Cobden, and he well 
 remembered the sagacity and great powers of mind 
 with which he had predicted what would be the end 
 of that civil war. In Mr. Field’s library there hung 
 on one side a portrait of Richard Cobden, signed 
 with his own autograph, and on the other that of 
 
DINNER , 1874 . 
 
 29 
 
 John Bright. (Cheers.) Recently, crossing the 
 prairies of Colorado, he inquired of tlie friend who 
 was driving him the population of the place they 
 were approaching, and his friend replied that he 
 did not know, for he had not been there since 
 the previous Monday. (Laughter.) Some of the 
 gentlemen present might expect him to say a few 
 words about the Free Trade movement in America, 
 but as he left there on the 17th of June, twenty- 
 four days ago, and as there was at the table a 
 gentleman who had just landed from the United 
 States—Mr. Halstead—he would, with their per¬ 
 mission, ask that gentleman to state what was the 
 present feeling in America in regard to Free Trade. 
 (Cheers and laughter.) 
 
 Mr. Halstead said that, some three weeks 
 ago, while in the heart of America, he had agreed 
 with Mr. Cyrus Field to meet him in England, for 
 the purpose of going with him to Iceland, but had 
 not promised to make his after-dinner speeches on 
 the way. If, however, he could be permitted to go 
 on for a few moments in all the peculiarities of 
 American speech—(a laugh)—it was possible that, 
 as he had left America only a fortnight ago, he 
 could impart some information as to what was going 
 
30 
 
 COB DEN' CLUB. 
 
 on at the other side of the Atlantic, though Mr. 
 Field’s perversity in uniting the continents by tele¬ 
 graph reduced the interest of rapid personal loco¬ 
 motion. First, as to the matter of currency, finances, 
 and taxation, exterior and interior, he believed the 
 people of the United States had proceeded in 
 recent legislation upon a false principle. There 
 were, however, excuses for it. They had, for 
 instance, been contending with the Home Rule doc¬ 
 trine at home in an aggravated form, for certain 
 States had claimed the right to leave Union men 
 to go about their own business, and to set up for 
 themselves. They had further been obliged to con¬ 
 tend with the doctrine that certain men of one 
 complexion had the right to hold certain men of 
 another complexion to service without paying them 
 for their labour. (Hear, hear.) And even that was 
 hardly the worst of it, for by virtue of holding men 
 of another complexion they claimed to dictate to 
 those who did not hold any of their fellow beings 
 in bondage what their political duty was. They of 
 the United States had only recently got through 
 those preliminary questions by deciding them in 
 favour of the doctrines that each citizen ought to 
 own himself, and that the people of the States con- 
 
DINNER , 1874 . 
 
 31 
 
 stitute a nation—(cheers)—and now they were pre¬ 
 pared to go into questions of revenue and currency, 
 and that sort of thing. (A laugh.) They were 
 stimulated to do it by the fact that they had 
 accumulated during the recent war a considerable 
 national debt upon which they were paying high 
 interest. He wolild not go into the history of that 
 at length, but in the matter of financial legislation, 
 he was afraid they had not proceeded upon an 
 intelligent principle. 
 
 He hoped that they would make allowance for 
 any freedom of manner, because he could not bring 
 himself to feel that he was a stranger—certainly 
 not a foreigner—among friends of Richard Cobden— 
 (cheers)—whose name was as well known on the 
 banks of the Ohio as on those of any English 
 river, and was never mentioned without respect 
 and honour; and he might be permitted to add 
 that there was another name similarly regarded in 
 America, and that was that of John Bright. (Cheers.) 
 
 Tariff legislation in the United States did not 
 mean either revenue or protection distinctly, but it 
 was the product of a combination of selfish interests. 
 Salt had a few votes, iron a few votes, leather had 
 a few, grindstones a few—(laughter)—and so on, and 
 
32 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 they all combined together to set up a system of 
 taxation of the many for the benefit of the few. 
 
 . (Cheers.) His home was on the Ohio, which 
 river was remarkable for having been for a 
 thousand miles the boundary line between the 
 slave and free States of the Union. Cincinnati, 
 where he resided, was the largest of the central 
 cities of the country, and the change of public senti¬ 
 ment there indicated in an unusual and suggestive 
 degree what was going on throughout the United 
 States. There were, he might say, no Protectionists 
 there; he did not know of half a dozen persons in 
 the city who believed in the doctrines of Protection. 
 (Cheers.) Their political trouble on the question of 
 Protection had arisen from • the fact that the great 
 State of Pennsylvania—the only State which had in 
 national affairs a pronounced and distinct public 
 policy—was in favour of Protection. In the Ameri¬ 
 can political system Pennsylvania was known as the 
 keystone State—the keystone of the arch of all the 
 States. Now, it was remarkable that that State, 
 which was most full of valuable minerals and of , 
 natural resources of all kinds, should have accepted 
 the delusion that it was necessary, on account of her 
 enormous internal riches, to be protected. (Laughter.) 
 
DINNER, 1874 . 
 
 33 
 
 They hoped before long to convince Pennsylvania 
 of the error of her ways. (Hear, hear.) The Grangers 
 would see to it that the agricultural interest should 
 not want direct representatives in Congress; and the 
 Trades’ Unionists, by the application to labour of 
 the principle of Protection claimed for capital, were 
 demonstrating its absurdity. He was quite within 
 the mark in saying there had been a great change 
 in public sentiment in the New England States on 
 this question. Many remarkable evidences of that 
 change were in possession of the members of the 
 Cobden Club. He trusted that the English-speaking 
 nations, having taken the foremost place in the 
 establishment of free political institutions, might also 
 come to the front in the matter of the adaptation 
 of political economy as a science to general affairs. 
 He was certain that all English-speaking nations 
 would profit by that policy, and that in his own 
 country, on those immense rivers which seamed the 
 continent with navigable waters, its adoption would 
 hasten the creation of cities which would surpass 
 Palmyra and Alexandria of old, and rival even the 
 majestic metropolis of the English Empire, whose 
 flag in peace and in war shone on every sea 
 (Cheers.) 
 c 
 
34 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Mr. Ayrton, who was loudly called for, and on 
 rising was received with cheers, proposed the next 
 toast. He said that on most of the previous occa¬ 
 sions of the dinners of the Club the Liberal party 
 had been in the ascendant, and had been charged 
 with the administration of the affairs of the country. 
 (Hear, hear.) One could not but remember that on 
 those occasions their t4bles had been adorned with 
 many men who were pre-eminent in the ranks of 
 the Liberal party. Having had the pleasure of 
 dining there when Liberalism was in the ascend - nt, 
 he had thought it his duty especially to come on 
 the first occasion when Liberalism seemed for the 
 moment to have given place to what might be con¬ 
 sidered as a combination of all the Protectionist 
 interests in the country. (Hear, hear.) He could 
 not help thinking that the consequences of the 
 recent General Election had been due in a great 
 degree to the common effort made by every one 
 who imagined that his own personal interests were 
 threatened for the benefit of the nation at large. 
 (Cheers and laughter.) There was a very great 
 resemblance in the tone of the country at the 
 recent election to that which, singular in its coinci¬ 
 dence, had placed Sir Robert Peel at the head of 
 
DIX . YER , 1S74. 
 
 affairs, and had for the moment depressed the 
 Liberal party in the estimation of the country. 
 That statesman had by a career of transcendant 
 ability succeeded in persuading the nation that every 
 interest was threatened, that ever)’- one was likely 
 to be injured by the progress of Liberalism, and 
 that he alone would be able to conduct public 
 affairs upon such Conservative principles that every 
 one’s interest would be preserved, and that the 
 nation at large would be benefited by 'the preserva¬ 
 tion of every thing which the party of progress' had 
 deemed an abuse. (A laugh.) That might have 
 been a great and generous aspiration on his part, 
 but it was exactly the reverse of the principle of 
 the Cobden Club; for if Free Trade had for itself 
 any special mission, it certainly was that of carrying 
 on war against the special interests of particular 
 classes which were adverse to the interests of the 
 nation at large, and therefore it appeared to him 
 that it was pre-eminently the duty of all those who 
 cherished the principles of Richard Cobden to take 
 an interest in the maintenance of Liberal principles. 
 (Hear, hear,) They should attend the meeting of 
 the Club at those annual gatherings, and should be 
 conspicuous by their presence, and show a desire to 
 
3^ 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 take an active part in the conduct of affairs, rather 
 than be conspicuous by their absence. (Cheers.) 
 Objections had been sometimes raised to the prac¬ 
 tice of the members of the Club meeting at dinners 
 like the present, which were accomplished by the 
 indefatigable energy and exertions of their Honorary 
 Secretary; but the dinners were by no means inap¬ 
 propriate, for Mr. Cobden was not a professor of 
 political economy as an abstract science. His mind 
 was eminently practical, his object was to provide 
 more abundant and cheaper food for the people, to 
 -promote their industry and their welfare. Mr. 
 •Potter, by his successful efforts, reminded them of 
 the purpose for which Mr. Cobden struggled, whilst 
 he afforded them an opportunity of stimulating one 
 .another to renewed efforts to advance the views of 
 the Liberal party, to enlarge the industry and com¬ 
 fort of the people, and to promote for them the 
 happiness which they were themselves enjoying. The 
 right hon. gentleman then proceeded to propose 
 the health of Mr. Potter, the hon. secretary, and 
 one of the originators of the Club. 
 
 Mr. T. B. Potter, who was received with prolonged 
 ^cheering, said :— 
 
 Permit me to thank you for the hearty manner in 
 
DINNER , 1874 . 
 
 37 
 
 which you have received the too kind mention of my 
 name by Mr. Ayrton. It is a compliment which 
 causes me all the greater pleasure because I admit 
 that I have been blamed not unfrequently, and have 
 been told, that the dinners given by the Cobden Club 
 have been inconsistent with the Cobdenic character 
 of our Association. (No, no.) I have heard it said 
 that our good friend, whose memory we so much 
 revere, would not have apprqved of such gatherings. 
 This I certainly am not prepared to acknowledge ; for 
 a more happy, congenial, and convivial companion, 
 never lived. (Cheers.) The Cobden Club has, at any 
 rate, been successful and useful. It has been in 
 existence about eight years, and the dinners have been 
 the means of bringing together political economists of 
 all nations, who might not otherwise have met. They 
 have also afforded an opportunity to many in our own 
 country of meeting those who take a prominent part 
 in connection with the government of the country, 
 and who occupy high positions in the State. These 
 meet here on friendly terms, and all parties learn to 
 know each other a little better than they did before. 
 This object, it is well to remember, was one of the 
 earliest aims of the Cobden Club, and no one can 
 doubt that a considerable benefit has been the result. 
 
COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 (Cheers.) We have expended large sums on publica¬ 
 tions which have done much good to the cause we all 
 have at heart, and I am satisfied that the Cobden 
 Club, as a literary and political society, has dis¬ 
 seminated knowledge all over the world, and has 
 done good service in the cause of progress. 
 (Cheers.) There are some in this country who 
 think that because the Cobden Club is regarded 
 with coolness, perhaps with jealousy, here, it has 
 no influence; but on the other side of the world it 
 is thought more of, and it is the same throughout 
 the colonies and amongst foreign nations. We are, 
 in fact, the principal, if not the only nucleus of Free 
 Trade intercourse with all parts of the world. It has 
 been no slight satisfaction to me to know that we 
 have such an associate and correspondent as Mr. 
 Parkes in the city of Sydney, in the great colony of 
 New South Wales. The resources of these colonies 
 in the South Pacific are very great; they are in their 
 youth, and Free Trade principles are taking a firm 
 hold of their politicians. (Cheers.) 
 
 For myself, I may say without egotism, gentlemen, 
 that I have worked hard to secure for the Club a local 
 residence; and I congratulate you on the fact that a 
 new organisation has been established, to which all 
 
DINNER, 1S74. 
 
 39 
 
 members of the Cobden Club have access, which, 
 though it does not bear the name of the Cobden Club, 
 but is called the Liberal Club, is based on the broadest 
 platform of political and Free Trade principles. The 
 new Club will, I hope, have an international character ; 
 and under the auspices of such men as the Duke of 
 Devonshire, the Duke of Westminster, Mr. Gladstone, 
 and Mr. Bright, I feel confident that it will be a 
 social as well as a political success. You have now, 
 gentlemen, offered to you what I predicted and 
 advocated a few years ago; and, therefore, I think 
 ,to-night I have a. right to congratulate myself, and 
 you, that another of the objects of the Cobden Club 
 has been attained. The Cobden Club has other 
 objects which must not be given up, and which are 
 of a distinctive character. We are now proposing 
 to endeavour to educate the people on the subject 
 of Local Government and Local Taxation—a question 
 which occupies the mind of every statesman, both 
 in this country and elsewhere. We think that the 
 experience of other nations may throw light on this 
 subject, and we are therefore preparing a series of 
 i essays, by foreign writers, as well as our own country¬ 
 men, which we hope may be useful, and which will 
 be published early in 1875. (Cheers.) 
 
40 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 The unexpected compliment of drinking my 
 health, which you have paid me for the first 
 time during my connection with the Cobden Club 
 —(loud cheers),—has made me almost forget the 
 duty which has been entrusted to me. I have 
 to propose the health of the Chairman. (Cheers.) 
 We were most anxious that our friend Mr. 
 Baxter should take the chair this everting, as 
 we knew that a more worthy exponent of the 
 principles of Mr. Cobden could not be found. The 
 right hon. gentleman is one of the very few who 
 assisted in the foundation of this Club, and his 
 loyalty to the principles of Cobden is such that we 
 owe him gratitude for his past services, and, at the 
 same time, confidently expect from him great assis¬ 
 tance in the future. (Cheers.) I am sure it was 
 the feeling of the committee, when they asked 
 Mr. Baxter to preside to-night, that they were placing 
 in the chair one around whom the members of the 
 Cobden Club could rally as a leader, not merely at 
 this gathering, but in his place in the country and 
 the House of Commons. I ask you, therefore, to 
 drink the health of Mr. Baxter. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 The Chairman, in reply, said:— 
 
 Mr. Potter and Gentlemen,—I regard it as one 
 
DINNER , 1874. 
 
 4i 
 
 of the most distinguished honours of my life that I 
 have been asked to take the chair at the annual 
 
 • 'dinner of the Cobden Club, because I have been all 
 my life a great admirer of Mr. Cobden. I feel that 
 
 ' dhere are many of the principles so ably enunciated 
 by him which will yet have to be discerned in the 
 future political history of this country. My friend, 
 Mr. Potter, said that this Cobden Club was the 
 || "nucleus of free trade sentiments all over the world. 
 $/• Gentlemen, there is no other nucleus. It is all very 
 well to laugh at the Cobden Club, and to make 
 WL jokes about dining at Greenwich ; but depend upon 
 ji.it, you have founded an organisation here that will 
 K kaye a name in history, and you may depend upon 
 , it that Mr. Potter, who is really the author—the 
 
 • Alpha and Omega, I may say—of the Institution, 
 f made his mark, too, when he founded a club of 
 I this important kind. (Cheers.) 
 
 Guests present at the Dinner: 
 
 , Mr. J. F. E. Barrett-Lennard, Mr. A. Bonham- 
 !| Carter, Captain Gossett (Deputy Serjeant-at-Arms), 
 j Herr. Leopold Giiterbock, Mr. R. G. Haliburton 
 
42 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 (Canada), Dr. Isaac Hayes (United States), Mr. M. 
 Halstead (United States), Mr. Hamilton A. Hill 
 (United States)/ Mr. Lionel J. Robinson, Mr. Joseph 
 S. Ropes (United States), Mr. William Sale, Mr. 
 Thomas Wells. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 (From the Times, July 14 , 1874 .) 
 
 THE CANADA AND UNITED STATES* RECIPROCITY TREATY.' ' 
 TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. 
 
 Sir, —It may be that you will favour me with space to 
 supply an omission that you have pointed out in the re¬ 
 marks which I made at the Greenwich banquet of the 
 Cobden Club. 
 
 Permit me to say that there was no purpose on my part 
 to “avoid all reference” to the Reciprocity Treaty. I simply 
 did not then see that it was my duty, as a stranger casually 
 called upon, to attempt the enlightenment of England on so 
 large and grave a subject as the Treaty. So far as one fact 
 will go in diffusing useful knowledge, I desire now to place 
 it at your service. 
 
 The proposed Reciprocity Treaty between the United 
 States and Canada was not presented in season to be acted 
 upon, after the lull consideration its importance demanded, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 43 
 
 by the American Congress in the session of that body 
 recently concluded; but its reception by the country, espe¬ 
 cially by the Press, was most cordial, and I am sure it will 
 be taken up in December next, and adopted. It certainly 
 will receive the support of the representatives of the Central 
 States of the nation. 
 
 The Reciprocity Treaty which we of the United States 
 had with Canada, and which lapsed through a mistaken and 
 regretted policy, was profitable to us ; and the fact that the 
 pending treaty comes from Canada is proof that our neigh¬ 
 bours, as well as ourselves, find the removal of-restraints 
 from commerce beneficial to all the interests that are 
 legitimate. M. Halstead. 
 
 St. James’s Hotel, July 13. 
 
 Prospects of Free Trade in the British Colonies 
 and the United States. —The Hon. David A. Wells— 
 whose speech, delivered before the Cobden Club last year, 
 on the results of Protection in the United States, has since 
 been effectively circulated in all the colonies through the 
 medium of the Club—has undertaken to contribute a series 
 of papers on the same subject to the Melbowne Argus, which 
 will be republished with a view to assist the Free Trade 
 movement recently inaugurated in Australia by the Legis¬ 
 lature of New South Wales, under the direction of Mr. 
 Parkes. With reference to the United States, Mr. Wells, 
 in a letter addressed to Mr. T. B. Potter, M.P., as Hon. 
 Secretary of the Cobden Club, states his belief that after the 
 defeat of the Protectionist interests in the last session of 
 Congress, another Bill increasing duties will never again 
 
44 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 
 become law. “ My predictions of last year,” he adds, 
 “ concerning the rapid progress of Free Trade are being 
 more than verified. The next Presidential election will 
 show Free Trade as one of the great political elements, 
 and I think we shall elect a President and a Congress that 
 will give Protection its death-stroke.” Mr. Wells was this 
 year elected by the French Institute to fill the place of the 
 late Mr. John Stuart Mill in the Department of Moral and 
 Political Science.—London Daily News, July 18, 1874. 
 
 Mr. Wells was also nominated this year by the Senate 
 of the University of Oxford for the honorary degree- of 
 D.C.L., but was unable to be in England to receive the 
 honour which it was proposed to confer upon him. 
 
 Free Trade in Australia. —Mr. William Downie 
 has just received a very gratifying letter from Mr. Thomas 
 Bayley Potter, M.P., Hon. Secretary of the Cobden Club of 
 London, having reference to the good effect of a Free Trade , 
 policy in Australia. W. H. Duncan, Esq., Collector of 
 Customs, Sydney, writes to Mr. Potter as follows :—“ I do J 
 myself the honour to thank the Committee of the Cobden | 
 Club, through you, for a copy of the excellent speech of the | 
 Hon. David A. Wells, delivered before the Club, June 28, -| 
 1873. This admirable exposure of Xhe workings of Pro- " 
 tection in America will be of immense service in the jl 
 Australian colonies, in some of which protective duties still | 
 prevail. In accordance, therefore, with what I assume to \ 
 be the w;sh of your Club, I have taken measures to have 
 this speech widely circulated .”—Boston Post , July x, 187,4* . ij 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 44a 
 
 - “To the Secretary of the Cobden Club. 
 
 “Sir, —That the position contended for by the Chamber 
 qf Commerce in this city, and now successfully embodied in 
 our tariff, may be known by your members, I enclose copy 
 of our Report of 1871, in which are recorded the principles 
 which guided our action in pressing Free Trade on the Legis¬ 
 lature. 
 
 “ The Reports of your last Meeting have been read with 
 much interest by all our members here. 
 
 “ Your obedient Servant, ■ 
 “John B. Watt. 
 
 “ Late Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce, 
 f “Sydney, August 1st, 1874.” 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE ABOVE-MENTIONED REPORT. 
 
 NEW TARIFF. 
 
 In February last the new tariff retaining “ ad-valorem 
 duties " proposed by the Government was carefully discussed 
 . at several meetings of the members. The tariff as proposed 
 was based on the principle of discriminating duties ; in other 
 words, involved the principle of protection ; and willing as 
 the members of the Chamber were to assent to any taxation 
 that might be necessary to defray the expenses of Govern¬ 
 ment and maintain the public credit, they felt strongly that 
 a tariff based on protectionist principles must foil as a source 
 of Revenue in exact proportion as it served its purpose of 
 protection, and that industries created by protection could 
 /not tend to the permanent prosperity of the colony, but would 
 lead to an increasing demand for further protection, not only 
 to the industries created, but, in common fairness, to all 
 
COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 44 b 
 
 other industries, which would inevitably feel the pressure of 
 the protection granted to the industries intended to be ? 
 favoured in the first instance. ^ 
 
 During the discussion on this subject the following Reso- - ^ 
 lutions were adopted by the Chamber, and a Petition ■ 
 embracing these views was presented to the Legislative . 1 ^ 
 Assembly:— 
 
 “ i.—This Chamber affirms the opinion it has re- | 
 pe'atedly expressed, that ad-valorem duties are—ist, 
 demoralising in their operation; 2nd, unequal in their 
 incidence; 3rd, expensive in their collection; 4th, 
 oppressive to the consumer to a degree far beyond the 
 revenue they yield; and 5th, injurious to the trade of 
 the port. 
 
 “ 2.—That this Chamber deprecates the introduction 
 into the fiscal policy of this colony of protective duties, yj 
 as tending to bring into existence industries unsuited to > 
 the present state of the colony, thus imposing a double 
 burden on all other industries—ist, by the increased | 
 cost of the protected articles; and 2nd, by the increased ;| 
 taxation necessary to compensate, for the duty lost on ;| 
 the protected articles. 
 
 “ 3.—That the attempt to stimulate industries un- i 
 .suited to the colony, and such as would not naturally 
 1 spring up under free trade, can only result in loss and 
 disappointment, unless the duty be so high as, to be 
 absolutely prohibitory ; inasmuch as the competition 
 will be with countries where labour .and capital cost about 
 one-half what they are in the colony, consequently the 
 cost of manufacture is about one-half what it is here. 
 
 “ 4.—That one industry, or several industries, pro¬ 
 tected at the cost of all other industries, is a gross 
 injustice to all others, And a loss to the community. § 
 The protected industry being carried on at a loss which . 
 is only made good by the loss of the community, their 
 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 44 c 
 
 labour and capital are wasted in producing at a loss 
 what could be more cheaply imported. 
 
 “ 5. —That however specious may be the arguments 
 in favour of protection in manufacturing ( countries, 
 where, by a universal system of protection, it may be 
 attempted to protect each industry against the other, 
 these wholly fail in their application to a countiy whose 
 staple industry is in the production of exported raw 
 material— such as wool, talloAV, coal, copper, and 
 grain— the cost of production of which may be greatly 
 ' increased by a protective tariff, but by no conceivable 
 legislation, short of a bonus on exportation, can the 
 . value of such products in the market of the world be 
 increased, so as to compensate for the increased cost of 
 production caused by protective duties. 
 
 “ 6. — That a tariff partaking in any degree of a prd- 
 tective character cannot be of long duration, for in as 
 far as it serves its part as protective, it fails to produce 
 revenue, and renders further taxation necessary. 
 
 “ 7 - —That it is most desirable a tariff should be of a 
 permanent character, so as to avoid the disturbance of 
 commerce inseparable from repeated changes. 
 
 “ 8. — That the necessary revenue should be raised by 
 specific duties on as few articles of general consumption 
 as possible, and such as will not come into competition 
 with articles produced in the colony, and by this means 
 the revenue will be raised with the least expense in 
 collection, at the least inconvenience to the tax-payer 
 and will steadily increase as population increases. 
 
 - “ 9 -—That raw materials of every kind, forming as' 
 they do the basis of every industry, should be admitted 
 free of duty, and thus fair play will be given to the 
 colonial manufacturers; and the industries developed 
 under a system of free trade will be such as are suited 
 to the circumstances of the colonists, and will be raised 
 on a sound and healthy foundation. 
 
 ? 10 -—That this Chamber is of opinion that the 
 
44 ^ 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 9 
 
 Government should, by a comprehensive system of 
 retrenchment, by improving the land laws so as to 
 encourage the outlay of capital, by passing an Act to 
 encourage immigration, by the extension of the munici- d 
 pal system so as to relieve the central Government, *; 
 and by a complete change in the fiscal policy of the 
 colony, reduce taxation and give a stimulus to trade 
 and manufactures.” 
 
 Following up the principles thus enunciated, the Chamber. M 
 used its influence to obtain the substitution of specific duties h 
 for those levied ad-valorem, and to eliminate protectionist 
 principles from the tariff; and the Committee are gratified Jp 
 to be able to report that the action of the Assembly was in 
 accordance with the views of the Chamber, causing' the 1 
 adoption of specific duties to a much larger extent than 
 formerly, and abandoning the discriminating rates of ad- ;vj 
 valorem duty. 
 
 INTERCOLONIAL FREE TRADE. 
 
 In the month of June this subject was revived by a com- I 
 munication frorir the Chamber of Commerce, Hobart Town,’ |j 
 transmitting copies of Acts of the Legislatures of Tasmania 
 and New Zealand, to facilitate the establishment of Free d'J 
 Trade between the colonies; the Chamber gave their best |j 
 consideration to the suggestions, but holding the Free Trade 1 4 
 views which the Chamber does, it appeared to them that 1 
 the proper mode of ensuring Intercolonial Free Trade -j 
 would be by extending the Free List of each colony, so as to |g 
 admit all articles which are produced in either colony, free of' 45 
 duty. Any scheme which should continue to impose duties '|| 
 on such articles when imported from Great Britain or else- M 
 
AIFEXDIX. 
 
 where, while relieving them of duty when imported from 
 other Colonies, it appeared to your Committee, is rather 
 Intercolonial Protection than Intercolonial Free Trade. 
 The following reply was therefore made to the communica¬ 
 tion from the Chamber of Commerce, Hobart Town :— 
 
 “ Sydney Chamber of Commerce, 
 “Sydney, July 24, 1871. 
 
 ' 1 “ To the Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce, 
 Hobart Town. 
 
 Sir, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt 
 of your letter dated 18th June, which has been laid 
 * before, and considered by, the members of the Chamber, 
 at their Quarterly General Meeting. 
 
 “The subject of Intercolonial Free Trade has fre- 
 quently occupied the attention of the Chamber, but 
 v more especially during the Conference of colonial 
 
 r r Chambers of Commerce held in Sydney, in May, 1869, 
 
 and I beg to recall to your notice the second resolution 
 , passed at the Conference, and subsequently adopted by 
 the Chamber, namely— 
 
 |:V' “That a Customs Union, with one uniform tariff, is, 
 in the opinion of this Conference, not only desirable, 
 but the most practicable mode of giving effect to the 
 P? principles of commercial federation. That a free inter- 
 |- change of colonial products (for which a general desire 
 r . has been expressed) is unattainable except by means of 
 Ife a Customs Union, inasmuch as the Constitution Acts of 
 %■ the various colonies and the instructions to Governors 
 P r °bibit the imposition of differential duties, and the 
 t: Home Government, through the late Secretary of State 
 for the Colonies, explicitly stated in his despatch to the 
 \ v Governor of New South Wales, dated 7th January, 1868, 
 that the Imperial Parliament would only be willing to 
 U assent to the removal of such prohibition in favour of a 
 
44 / 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 ‘ Customs Union’providing for the importation of goods’/ 
 from rolony to colony, for an equitable division of the / 
 Customs duties, and for a uniform tariff as between 
 other countries and places. 
 
 “ The practical difficulty here pointed out continues i 
 in full force, namely, that a free exchange of infeiiS 
 colonial products can only be attained by means of a I 
 Customs Union, so that the Customs law,s of the | 
 colonies may be in accord with those of the mother-^ 
 country. 
 
 “ This Chamber is ' thoroughly impressed with the J 
 importance of free trade between' the colonies, but theyl^| 
 look for the attainment of this object in the extension / 
 of free trade principles rather than in special legislation, / 
 which would only be a further departure from the prin-Q 
 ciples of free trade. 
 
 “ While a large portion of the revenue of each colony ' 
 must be derived from Customs duties, these duties must 
 be levied in accordance with the circumstances of each'/l 
 colony, and with a special regard to, the products of each 
 colony; thus the production of sugar in Queensland^ 
 promises to be very large, and in this colony will be ; 
 considerable, and this being an article on the con- ' 4 
 sumption of which a large revenue has hitherto been 
 raised, its production will necessitate a readjustment of'|l 
 Customs duties, and a like readjustment will be neces¬ 
 sary as new products are developed'—a process which 
 this Chamber hopes will steadily continue. 
 
 “The two bills* of which you have been good ;! 
 enough to transmit copies, show at once the difficulties' F 
 that must arise' in attempting to carry out the scheme 
 they are intended to favour. 
 
 * Tasmanian Apt, entitled, “An Act to-make Better Provision ; 
 for the Interchange of Colonial Products and Manufactures' between.Jl 
 the Colonies of Australia.” New Zealand Act, entitled, “An Act-’/ 
 respecting Reciprocity with the Australian Colonies and Tasmania as ta .4 
 Customs Duties.” 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 44i r 
 
 “ Thus, while--the Tasmanian Act is intended to 
 £ allow the admission of all articles the product or manu- 
 > facture of the other colonies, the New Zealand Act 
 limits its operations to products or manufactures oi' 
 K : other colonies, the raiu material being the produce of such 
 ■t; , colonies , showing an important distinction, and one that 
 V in the case of New Zealand would practically confine 
 i its advantages to the raw material of other colonies, 
 while the Tasmanian Act would admit all articles made 
 in the colony, although the raw material were the 
 produce of foreign countries. 
 
 ; “In the Tasmanian Act the colony surrenders its 
 right to interfere with the Act during the period that 
 may be agreed on to the colony with which the agree- 
 -A ment is made, while New Zealand retains the right to 
 \ ‘ withdraw from the agreement at six months’ notice; 
 thus, On the one hand, an element of unfairness in the 
 relative positions of the contracting colonies is intro- 
 p; duced, and, on the other, an uncertainty in the duration 
 ^ of-the Act that would render it impossible for the other 
 || . colonies to frame their fiscal policy on an agreement 
 liable te be terminated on short notice. This Chamber 
 can hardly hope that the Governments of the various 
 |p colonies will be induced to adopt the unselfish policy of 
 the Tasmanian Act, in giving to the other contracting 
 | party alone the power to terminate the agreenient. 
 
 1 ?| “In both Acts, spirituous liquors and tobacco are 
 p, specially excluded from the benefits of the arrange- 
 ment ; it is a question how far this would apply to wine 
 ’; containing a certain proportion of spirits ; and Victoria, 
 South Australia, and this colony, being large producers 
 of wine, might feel they were placed at a disadvantage 
 in their wines being excluded from the benefits of the 
 arrangement, while the products of other colonies would 
 enter their ports free. In the same way, tobacco is an 
 ,, article of large production in this colony, and its ex- 
 
COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 44* 
 
 elusion from the proposed agreement might come to bg 
 looked on as invidious. 
 
 “ These remarks are made in no unfriendly spirit to 
 the proposed agreement, but as illustrating the practical 
 difficulties that now suggest themselves; and other diffi¬ 
 culties of a like character must increase as new industries 
 develop themselves in colonies ranging over such a 
 variety of climates, and embracing such a variety of 
 soil and products as do the Australian colonies and 
 New Zealand. 
 
 “ This Chamber is most anxious to see as fnee an 
 interchange of colonial products as possible, but it is 
 the opinion of the members that this can best be 
 accomplished by extending the free list in each colony, 
 and steadily adhering to the principle of free trade. 
 
 “ I venture to enclose a copy of a series of reso¬ 
 lutions recently adopted by'this Chamber, and to 
 express the hope that your Chamber will concur with 
 this in advocating the principles therein expressed, and 
 in pressing their adoption on your Legislature, and thus 
 tending to promote, on the most sure and permanent 
 basis, the free interchange of colonial products and. 
 manufactures. 
 
 “ I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 <! Your obedient Servant, 
 
 “John B. Watt, Chairman.” ; 
 
% m t of tii* 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COBDEN CLUB, 
 
 As adopted at the General Meeting held in the room of the Century Club, 
 6 , Pall Mall Place, S. IV., on June 4 th, 1874. 
 
 IN accordance with an intimation made last year to 
 the Club, that a general meeting of the members 
 would be held to take into consideration its future 
 action, the Committee now submit a statement of 
 their proceedings from the commencement, and an 
 account of receipts and expenditure up to the present 
 time. 
 
 The idea of forming a Club, to be called the 
 “Cobden Club,” the object of whiqh should be to 
 encourage the growth and diffusion of those eco¬ 
 nomical and political principles with which Mr. 
 Cobden’s name is so inseparably connected, occurred 
 to two or three gentlemen in the month of March, 
 1866. 
 
 At the first Meeting, which was held at the Re¬ 
 form Club on the 15th of May, 1866, it was resolved 
 that the Annual Subscription should be Three 
 
4 8 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 Guineas, and that a Dinner should take place in the 
 following June or July, at which the future arrange¬ 
 ments should be considered. 
 
 In accordance with this Resolution the first 
 Dinner took place at the Star and Garter Hotel, 
 Richmond, on the 2ist July, 1866, the Right Hon. 
 W. E. Gladstone, M.P., in the Chair, and, -at a 
 General Meeting held before the Dinner, it was pro¬ 
 posed and carried unanimously that the management 
 of the Club, together with-•the election of Members, 
 should be entrusted to a Committee then nominated, 
 three of whom should form a quorum. 
 
 In the course of the year 1867 there were two 
 Dinners, one'on the 2nd March at Willis’s Rooms, 
 presided over by the Right Hon. Lord Houghton ; 
 and the other on the 3rd July at the Star and 
 Garter Hotel, Richmond, under the presidency of the 
 Right Hon. Earl Russell, K.G. 
 
 In 1868 a Dinner was held at the Ship Hotel, 
 Greenwich, on the 24th June, at which the Right 
 Hon. C. P. V illiers, M.P., took the Chair; on the 
 10th July, 1869, His Grace the Duke of Argyll, 
 K.T., and on the 23rd July, 1870, the Right Hon. 
 W. E. Gladstone, M.P., presided at the same place. 
 
 The Annual Dinner for the year 1871 was also 
 
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 49 
 
 held at the Ship Hotel, Greenwich, on the 24th June, 
 under the presidency of the Right Hon. Earl GRAN¬ 
 VILLE, K.G. 
 
 In the year 1869 the Committee distributed the- 
 Political Writings of COBDEN, in 2 vols. 8vo, and 
 published an Essay on that work by Sir LOUIS 
 Mallet, C.B., besides a Prize Essay by Dr. Leavitt, 
 of New York, on “The Best way of Developing Im¬ 
 proved Political Relations between Great Britain and 
 the United States of America.” During 1870 they 
 published and distributed the following works :—A 
 volume of Essays on “ Systems of Land Tenure in 
 various Countries,” contributed by the Right Hon. 
 M. Longfield, Chandos Wren Hoskyns, Esq.,. 
 M.P., George Campbell, Esq., M. Emile de Lave- 
 leye, R. B. D. Morier, Esq., C.B., T. E. Cliffe. 
 Leslie, Esq., Dr. Julius Faucher, and C. M. 
 Fisher, Esq.; the Speeches of Cobden, in 2 vols. 
 8vo; a reprint of the Official Report by the Hon. 
 David A. Wells, on the “ Revenue of the United 
 States of America for 1869 ; ” a reprint of four letters 
 upon “Commercial Treaties, Free Trade, and Inter¬ 
 nationalism,” by a “Disciple of Richard Cobden,” 
 which had appeared in the Manchester Examiner and 
 Times; and the report of the proceedings at the 
 D 
 
5° 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Annual Dinner presided over by the Right Hon. 
 W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 In 1871 the Committee published and distributed 
 a translation, by Colonel Ouvry,’ C.B., of Professor 
 Nasse’s well-known “ Treatise on the Village Com¬ 
 munity of England in the Sixteenth Centurya 
 reprint of the “ Report of the Commissioners (the 
 Hon. David A. Wells, the Hon. Edwin Dodge, 
 and the Hon. George W. Cuyler), to revise the 
 Laws for the Assessment and Collection of Taxes in 
 the State of New York the “ Report of the Pro¬ 
 ceedings at the Annual Dinner presided over by the 
 Right Horn Earl Granville, K.G.a pamphlet 
 upon “ The Commercial Policy of France and the 
 Treaty with England of i860,” which, having been 
 translated by Mr. MURRAY, was, at the instance of 
 M. Michel Chevalier, published in Paris, and 
 extensively circulated throughout France ; a Spanish 
 translation of the same pamphlet was indepen¬ 
 dently published at Madrid, by Senor Gabriel 
 Rodriguez. 
 
 At the close of the year the Committee published s 
 a second volume of Essays, of which a second edition 
 was issued, upon various subjects 'of great inter¬ 
 national, social, and economic importance, viz.:— 
 
REPORT\ OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 51 
 
 “The Causes of War, and the Means of Reducing 
 their Number,” by M. Emile DE Laveleye ; “ The 
 Law and Custom of Primogeniture,” by the Hon. 
 George C. Brodrick ; “ The Present Aspect of 
 the Land Question,” by WILLIAM FOWLER, Esq., 
 M.P. ; “ Financial Reform,” by T. E. CLIFFE Leslie, 
 Esq.; “A New Commercial Treaty between Great 
 Britain and Germany,” by Dr. JULIUS FAUCHER; 
 “The English Coinage Question,” by Herr JOHN 
 Prince Smith ; “Trade Unions, and the Relations 
 of Capital and Labour,” by JOSEPH GOSTICK, Esq.; 
 “The Colonial Question,” by Professor JAMES E. 
 Thorold Rogers ; “ The Recent Financial, Indus¬ 
 trial, and Commercial Experiences of the United 
 ' States, a Curious Chapter in Politico-Economic His¬ 
 tory,” by the Hon. David A. Wells, LL.D.; and in 
 the same volume the pamphlet upon the “ Commercial 
 Policy of France and the Treaty with England of 
 i860,” is incorporated. 
 
 During 1872, a reprint of Mr. GRANT Duff’s 
 speech at Elgin, upon “The Teachings of Richard 
 | Cobden,” and the “ Second Report of the Commis¬ 
 sioners (the Hon. David A. Wells, the Hon. Edwin 
 Dodge, and the Hon. George W. Cuyler) , to revise 
 the Laws for the Assessment and Collection ot 'faxes 
 
52 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 in the State of New York ” were distributed, together 
 with an essay by Lord Hobart on “ The Mission of 
 Richard Cobden.” 
 
 In 1873 t‘he dinner, which was postponed from 
 the previous year, was held at the Ship Hotel, Green¬ 
 wich, when the chair was occupied by the Right Hon. 
 T. Milner Gibson. 
 
 A report of the proceedings on this occasion, 
 including the speech on the Results of Protection in 
 the United States, delivered by the Hon. David A. 
 Wells, with a preface by Sir Louis Mallet, also a 
 separate report of Mr. Wells’ speech for the United 
 States and the Colonies, and an abstract of the same 
 speech in French and German, for the Continent,, 
 have been very widely circulated. The Committee 
 have reason to believe that this publication has been 
 of material service to the cause of Free Trade, both 
 in the United States and in the Colonies, especially 
 in Australia, where a signal success has recently been 
 achieved, under the guidance of the Hon. Henry 
 Tarkes, in the almost entire abolition of protective 
 duties by the Legislature of New South Wales, which, 
 it is believed, will necessitate a similar policy being 
 adopted in the other Australian colonies. 
 
 During the present year the Committee have dis- 
 
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 53 
 
 tributed among the members of the Club, the public 
 libraries, and in other channels, Professor Thorold 
 Rogers’ work on “Cobden and Political Opinion,” 
 and they have assisted in the circulation of the 
 ‘‘Financial Reform Almanack for 1874.” They have 
 also presented an English translation of a selection 
 of Bastiat’s Essays on Political Economy to libraries 
 and other institutions where it will be of special 
 service to working men. 
 
 The number of copies of each publication dis¬ 
 tributed by the Committee from the commencement, 
 together with the entire amount expended under this 
 head, will be found recorded, with other items, in the 
 Appendix. 
 
 The Committee have at all times sought for the 
 most useful channels, both public and private, through 
 which to impart information to all parts of the 
 world, especially where the English language is 
 spoken. 
 
 The number of libraries throughout the world, 
 and the various associations and public institutions 
 with which they are in communication will be found 
 in the Appendix. 
 
 Mr. Cobden’s letters are in course of collection by 
 Mr. Richard, M.P., with a view to publication. They 
 
54 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 will be published independently of the Club, but the 
 Committee will consider it a duty to afford every 
 assistance in their circulation. 
 
 In 1868, to meet the wish of several members, 
 the Committee procured the use of rooms in Pall 
 Mall for weekly social gatherings, but gave them up 
 in the following year, as the attendance disappointed 
 their hope. 
 
 The Committee have endeavoured from time to 
 time to encourage the advocacy of Mr. Cobden’s 
 principles by the award of medals. 
 
 A gold medal was presented in 1869 to Dr. 
 Leavitt, the author of the Prize Essay already 
 mentioned ; and medals in bronze were presented for 
 various services to persons both in England and 
 abroad. In 1870, silver medals were awarded to the 
 writers of the Essays on Systems of Land Tenure, 
 to Sir Louis Mallet, and to Mr. Lieber of New 
 York. In the present year, a gold medal has been 
 presented to the Hon. Henry Parkes, for his dis¬ 
 tinguished services in promoting Free Trade in New 
 South Wales. 
 
 In 1870, the first decided steps were taken to¬ 
 wards procuring new club-house accommodation for 
 the Liberal party in London, the want of which 
 
report of tiie committee. 
 
 55 
 
 has been long felt. It had been an object of the 
 Cobden Club from the commencement to meet 
 this want, and the Committee undertook to render 
 their best services in the promotion of the under¬ 
 taking. A memorial was received by them last 
 year, numerously signed by members of the Cobden 
 Club, strongly urging the same subject upon their 
 consideration. 
 
 While the Committee will cordially assist in this 
 object, they are far from recommending that the 
 Cobden Club should be merged in an ordinary Club, 
 or converted into that form, as its functions are, and 
 should continue to be, literary and political, according 
 to the objects of its founders. They hope, however, 
 by co-operating in the organisation of a new Liberal 
 Club, to secure for their members facilities for enter¬ 
 ing the Club when formed,* and an official habitation 
 for themselves. They hope also to obtain privileges 
 for occasional entertainments, and for the hospitable 
 reception of their foreign honorary members visiting 
 
 * The Club Committee of the Central Liberal Association 
 passed the following resolution on July 3rd:—“That any 
 gentleman now a member of the Cobden Club, who may be 
 willing to become a member of the proposed new Liberal Club, 
 he admitted as an original member, provided a notification to 
 that effect be received by the Committee on or before July 31st. 
 
56 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 London, which would greatly increase the usefulness 
 of a national Liberal Club having international as 
 well as party political objects. In the meantime 
 the Committee recommend that rooms or an office 
 should be obtained for their own use. 
 
 The Committee have been desirous from the 
 commencement to perpetuate and extend the inter¬ 
 national influence which Cobden commanded during 
 his lifetime, and therefore made it an essential part 
 of their programme to enrol amongst their honorary 
 members eminent men of all countries, and to asso¬ 
 ciate them in the work of promoting amity and 
 improving the commercial and political relations 
 between nations. 
 
 The number of foreign honorary members is now 
 very considerable, and if, in connection with a new 
 Club-house, the Committee are able to offer sub¬ 
 stantial hospitality in addition to the interchange of 
 ideas through letters and publications, their hands 
 will be greatly strengthened in their foreign work. 
 
 Early in 1870 the Committee considered the ex¬ 
 pediency of an international Conference of English 
 and foreign free-traders, to be held in London, under 
 the auspices of the Cobden Club, and a programme 
 for such a Congress was drafted, but the scheme was 
 
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 57 
 
 interrupted by the outbreak of the European war in 
 that year. The project has since been under the 
 consideration of the Committee, but has not yet 
 been matured. 
 
 The Committee came to the decision some years 
 ago that it was not desirable that an annual dinner of 
 the Club should be held as a matter of course, but 
 that, when possible, an entertainment or gathering of 
 some kind should be given on the occasion of the 
 visit of some distinguished foreigner, or in honour 
 of some eminent statesman of this country. 
 
 In accordance with this view they hope that an 
 opportunity for such a gathering may be offered the 
 Club during the present year. 
 
 With regard to the future action of the Club, the 
 Committee, in accordance with recent. resolutions, 
 submit the following proposals :— 
 
 To publish in a cheap form a selection from Mr. 
 
 ^Cobden’s speeches and works, and books and pamph 
 lets calculated to further the cause of Free Trade, 
 for circulation in Great Britain, the United States, 
 and the British Colonies. 
 
 To assist in promoting lectures and publications 
 °n Political Economy, and instituting rewards for 
 e ssaysin accordance with Mr. Cobden’s views. 
 
58 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 To communicate with friends in other countries 
 with a view of circulating' Free Trade publications 
 and helping on measures likely to promote inter¬ 
 national amity. 
 
 The Committee have immediately in view the 
 preparation of a new volume of Essays on Local 
 Government and Taxation in the United Kingdom 
 and other countries. They have entrusted the choice 
 of writers to the Literary Committee, whose services, 
 so often rendered since 1869, they most cordially 
 acknowledge. They trust that, as the subject is one 
 of great and immediate importance both in our 
 country and abroad, the forthcoming publication will 
 be opportune and useful, and as highly appreciated 
 as were the two previous series of essays. 
 
 While thus submitting proposals for future action 
 to the collective opinion of the Club, the Committee 
 hope that full discretion will be accorded to them, as 
 heretofore, in their endeavours to direct the policy of 
 the Club in accordance with its original objects. 
 
 The Committee will take such measures as they 
 may find desirable for an Annual Meeting of the 
 Members of the Club, for the election of the Com¬ 
 mittee, and for the transaction of such business as 
 may be brought before it on notice. 
 
The Cobden Club now consists of 509 Ordinary 
 Members, and 185 Honorary Members. 
 
 The following Gentlemen form the Committee :— 
 
 Mr. Wm. Henry Ashurst. 
 
 Right Hon. W. E. Baxter, M.P. 
 
 Mr. Richard Baxter, Treasurer. 
 
 Mr. Somerset A. Beaumont. 
 
 Mr. Jacob Bright. 
 
 Mr. Alexander H. Brown, M.P. 
 
 Mr. James Caird, C.B. 
 
 Mr. H. Campbell-Bannerman, M.P. 
 
 Mr. W. C. Cartwright, M.P. 
 
 Sir C. W. Dilke, Bart., M.P. 
 
 Mr. M. E. Grant Duff, M.P. 
 
 Mr. Richard C. Fisher. 
 
 Mr. C. Wren Hoskyns. 
 
 Lord Houghton. 
 
 Mr. A. C. Humphreys. 
 
 Mr. Alfred Illingworth. 
 
 Mr. John Lambert, C.B. 
 
 Sir Wilfrid Lawson, Bart., M.P. 
 
 Mr. E. A. Leatham, M.P. 
 
 Mr. T. E. Cliffe Leslie. 
 
 Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P. 
 
 Sir Louis Mallet, C.B. 
 
 Mr. R. B. D. Morier, C.B. 
 
 Mr. T. Bayley Potter, M.P., Hon. See. 
 
 Mr. J. W. Probyn. 
 
 Professor J. E. Thorold Rogers. 
 
 Lord Arthur J. E. Russell, M.P. 
 
 Mr. Peter Rylands. 
 
 Mr. G. 0 . Trevelyan, M.P. 
 
 Secretary— Mr. Geqrge C. Warr, 
 
 5 , Millman Street, Bedford Row, London, W.C. 
 
COBDEN CLUB. — Income and Expenditure 
 
 
 INCOME. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 £ s. 
 
 d. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 1873. By Subscriptions, 1866 
 
 145 © 3 3 0 
 
 456 15 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 „ ,, 1867 
 
 212 „33o 
 238 „33o 
 
 967 16 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 „ „ 1868 
 
 749 14 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 ,, „ 1869 
 
 299 ,.3 3 0 
 
 941 17 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 „ „ 1870 
 
 377 ,,3 3 0 
 
 1,187 11 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 ,, „ 1871 
 
 433 » 3 3 0 
 
 1,363 19 
 1,376 11 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 „ ,, 1872 
 
 437,, 3 3 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 „ 1873 
 
 457,, 3 3 0 
 
 1,439 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8,183 14 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 Less Subscriptions short paid, &c , as 
 
 
 
 
 
 per accounts 
 
 
 0 17 
 
 0 
 
 8,182 
 
 
 
 ,, Cassell & Co., Sale of Land Tenure 
 
 
 
 1 ‘ 
 
 
 Volume 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 i) do. Two Copies do. do. 
 
 
 
 0 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 ,, do. Essay Vol, 2nd Series 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 9 10 
 
 ,, Smith & Son . 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 7 
 
 Carried forward 
 
 ,£8,204 13 7 
 
from March, 1866, to ^\st December, 1873. 
 
 EXPENDITURE. 
 
 1873. PUBLICATIONS DISTRIBUTED. 
 
 £ s. J. £ s. d. 
 
 1868. 
 
 Cobden’s Speeches. 
 
 150 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 1869. 
 
 2,000 Prize Essay by Dr. Leavitt 
 
 25 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 2,000 Essay on Political Writ¬ 
 ings of Cobden, by Sir 
 Louis Mallet 
 
 37 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 432 Political Writings of 
 Cobden 
 
 272 
 
 *3 
 
 8 
 
 
 Distribution and Adver¬ 
 tisement of ditto 
 
 22 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 ^o. 
 
 1058 Essays on Systems of 
 Land Tenure 
 
 392 
 
 *7 
 
 3 
 
 
 602 Cobden’s Speeches. 
 
 410 17 
 
 6 
 
 
 3,750 Wells’ Report on United 
 States Revenue . 
 
 *35 
 
 *3 
 
 11 
 
 
 3,500 Letters on Commercial 
 Treaties, &c. 
 
 61 
 
 6 
 
 11 
 
 
 4,000 Report of Dinner, 1870 . 
 
 62 
 
 *4 
 
 11 
 
 1871. 
 
 Report of Speeches at do. 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 Expenses relating to Essays 
 on Systems of Land 
 Tenure 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 192 Cobden’s Speeches. 
 
 *33 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 
 300 Political Writings of 
 Cobden 
 
 122 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 750 Col. Ouvry’s Translation 
 of Nasse on Village 
 , Communities 
 
 102 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 
 3,000 First Report on Taxation 
 of New York 
 
 101 
 
 15 
 
 0 
 
 
 4,000 Report of Dinner, 1871 . 
 
 59 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 
 10,000 Pamphlet on Commercial 
 Policy of France, &c. . 
 i,ooo Arnold’s Pamphlet on Free 
 Trade in Land . 
 
 60 
 
 *7 
 
 6 
 
 1872. 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 2.500 Cobden Club Essays, 2nd 
 Series .... 
 
 888 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 
 10,000 Mr. Grant Duff’s Speech. 
 
 57 
 
 18 
 
 10 
 
 
 150 Dr. Faucher’s Essay in 
 German 
 
 5 
 
 *9 
 
 6 
 
 
 10,000 Pamphlet on Commercial 
 Policy of France, trans¬ 
 lated into French 
 
 74 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 
 Carried forward 
 
 /3.*96 ,*s 
 
 4 
 
COBDEN CLUB. — Income and Expenditure 
 
 3 - 
 
 IN C O ME— continued. 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Brought forward ..... 8,204 *3 7 
 
 Carried forward 
 
 ^8,204 13 7 
 
front March , 1866 , to 31 st December , 1873 . 
 
 1873- 
 
 
 £ s. 
 
 Brought forward 
 
 3,196 18 
 
 1872. 4,050 Second Report on Taxa¬ 
 
 tion of New York 
 
 124 16 
 
 18 Mongredien’s Foreign 
 
 Policy 
 
 2 8 
 
 12 Second Report on Taxa¬ 
 tion of New York 
 
 1 16 
 
 Translating and printing 
 Mr. Cliffe Leslie's Essay 
 in German . 
 
 *i 5 0 
 
 Cassell & Co., Sundry 
 Charges 
 
 6 14 
 
 1873. 10,000 Lord Hobart’s Essay on 
 Mission of Cobden; 
 Postage and Expenses 
 on same 
 
 65 18 
 
 100 Mr. Wren Hoskyns’ 
 Catechism of the Land 
 Question 
 
 9 11 
 
 125 Dr. Sandwith’s Land and 
 Landlordism 
 
 5 4 
 
 12 Macdonnell on Land 
 Question . 
 
 4 10 
 
 Subscription 24 Copies 
 Economiste Fran^ais . 
 
 46 3 
 
 . 1866. 
 
 1867. 
 
 1868. 
 
 1869. 
 
 1870. 
 
 1871. 
 
 1872. 
 
 1873- 
 
 1867. 
 . 1867. 
 
 1868. 
 
 1869. 
 
 1870. 
 
 1871. 
 i8 73 ' 
 
 Secretary’s Salary 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 
 18 17 
 
 6 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 
 21 0 
 
 0 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 
 31 IO 
 
 0 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 
 50 0 
 
 0 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 
 60 0 
 
 0 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 
 70 0 
 
 0 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 
 70 0 
 
 0 
 
 Cost 
 
 Cost 
 
 Star and Garter Hotel Co 
 of Dinner. . . , 
 
 Willis & Co., do. 
 
 Star and Garter Hotel Co. 
 
 of Dinner 
 Do. Ship Hotel, Greenwich dc 
 Do. do. do. 
 
 Do. do. do. 
 
 Do. do. do. 
 
 Do. do. do. 
 
 258 o 
 
 93 o 
 
 243 1 
 326 11 
 278 10 
 373 10 
 392 10 
 340 o 
 
 33i 17 6 
 
 2 , 3 °S 3 6 
 
 Carried forward 
 
 ^6,116 1 10 
 
iS73- 
 
 COBDEN CLU B. — Income and Expenditure 
 
 INCO ME — continued. 
 
 Brought forward . . . 8,204 13 7 
 
: March , 1866 , to $\st December , 1873 . 
 
 EXPENDIT U RE — continued. 
 
 Brought forward 
 
 1868. 
 
 Rent of Rooms in Pall Mall 
 
 70 2 
 
 4 
 
 1869. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 
 IS 0 
 
 0 
 
 1868. 
 
 Medals and Die . 
 
 
 63 0 
 
 0 
 
 1869. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. . 
 
 
 65 11 
 
 0 
 
 1870. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. . 
 
 
 20 4 
 
 0 
 
 1866. 
 
 Printing, fetty Cash expenses, &c. 
 
 12 5 
 
 0 
 
 1867. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 IO IO 
 
 0 
 
 1868. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 26 6 
 
 3 
 
 1869. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 36 2 
 
 
 1870. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 7i 15 
 
 4 
 
 1871. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 64 14 
 
 4 
 
 1872. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 97 7 
 
 1 
 
 1873- 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 do. 
 
 71 19 
 
 3 
 
 £ 
 
 6,116 
 
 148 15 
 
 Balance at London and Westminster 
 Bank, 31st December, 1873 
 
 390 
 
 L463 
 
 19 4 
 
 IS 1 ' 
 
 -£8,204 13 
 
 Total Number of Copies of Publications distributed from 
 , 1866 to the present time. 
 
 r. Qrr , NUMBER DISTRIBUTED. 
 
 fom 1866 to 1873 . • . .734^1 
 
 fori874 bUt appearin 2 in Accounts 
 
 R Report of Proceedings at 
 K; Dinner, 1873 
 m Wells’ Speech, issued sepa- 
 R lately 
 
 R Abstract of the same in French 
 b 1874— ” ” German 
 
 |. Rogers’ “Cobden and Politi- 
 ■ ca * Opinion” 
 
 | '? anCl c al Reform Almanack 
 
 Ec 1 , 874 • ■ • • 
 
 Ba ihats Essays on Political 
 •Economy . 
 
 15,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 820 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 EXPENSES. 
 -£3,479 O IO 
 
 366 17 9 
 
 28l 4 II 
 
 50 o o 
 
 34 o o 
 
 Total Number distributed 98,271 Total Expense ^4,211 3 
 
COBDEN CLUB. — Income, and Expenditure 
 
 income. 
 
 1874. £ s. d. 
 
 May 15. By balance as per last account, 31st December, 1873 1,463 15 1 
 
 By Subscriptions ... . • 1,252 13 3 
 
 
 
 £2,716 8 4 
 
from ist January to i$t/i May , 1874. 
 
 EXPENDITURE. 
 
 18 74 - £ s. d. 
 
 May 15. To Cassell & Co;, 15,000 Reports of Proceedings at 
 
 Dinner, 1873, and Wells' Speech . . 284 7 9 
 
 To Cassell & Co., Printing, Postage, Freight of 
 
 C Tooks, &c..82 10 o 
 
 To Macmillan & Co., 820 Prof. Rogers’ “Cobden 
 
 and Political Opinion ”. 281 4 n 
 
 To Macmillan & Co., 6 Cobden’s Speeches . . 7 16 o 
 
 To Financial Reform Association, 1,000 Copies of 
 
 wv- aim DdllK V^UIUIIl 1551011 . . . 027 
 
 Balance at London and Westminster Bank, 
 
 15th May, 1S74.1,901 6 5 
 
 20 o o 
 300 
 5 18 o 
 68 15 4 
 
 1174 
 
 50 o o 
 
 15th May, 1S74 
 
 ^2,716 8 4 
 
68 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 List of Libraries, Public Institutions, Associations, &c., with 
 which the Cobdcn Club is in communication. 
 
 FREE AND PUBLIC LIBRARIES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. 
 PUBLIC LIBRARIES on the Continent (73). 
 
 fj in the United States (256). 
 
 LIBRARIES and CLUBS in Australia, Canada, the West Indies, Cape' 
 of Good Hope, &c. (63). 
 
 WORKMEN’S CLUBS and INSTITUTES. 
 
 (1) Those comprised in the list of the Working Men’s Club and 
 
 Institute Union. 
 
 (2) Lancashire Union of Mechanics’ Institutes. 
 
 (3) Yorkshire Union of Mechanics’ Institutes. 
 
 (4) Co-operative Associations connected with the Central Co¬ 
 
 operative Board, and Equitable Pioneers’ Association, 
 Rochdale. 
 
 ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE. 
 
 ASSOCIATED CHAMPERS OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED 
 KINGDOM. 
 
 CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE in the Colonies. 
 
 ASSOCIATION of CHAMBERS of COMMERCE in GERMANY (Dr. 
 
 Alexander Meyer, Secretary). 
 
 CHAMBERS of COMMERCE in FRANCE. 
 
 BRITISH CHAMBER of COMMERCE in PARIS (K. B. Murray, Esq., 
 
 Secretary). 
 
 CONGRESS OF GERMAN ECONOMISTS (Dr. Karl Braun, President ). 
 FREE TRADE LEAGUE, New'York (Mahlon Sands, Esq., Secretary). 
 YOUNG MEN’S FREE TRADE ASSOCIATION, Boston (W. Downie, 
 Esq., President). , 
 
 REFORM UNION, Manchester. 
 
 FINANCIAL REFORM ASSOCIATION, Liverpool. 
 
 "TRUBNER & CO., for foreign distribution. 
 
 EDWARD WILSON, Esq., of the Melbourne Argus, for Australian circulation. 
 NEWSPAPERS, London and Provincial . . in number, 147. 
 
 ,, on the Continent, ,, - 55 - 
 
 ,, intheU.S.A., „ 20. 
 
 FOREIGN EMBASSIES AND LEGATIONS. 
 
 CHIEF MAGISTRATES IN UNITED KINGDOM, „ 224. 
 
 HONORARY 'MEMBERS of the Club, on the Continent, in the United 
 States, &c. 
 
flf 
 
 
 t - 
 
 
COBDEN 
 
 Club. 
 
 LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 Names in Italics are those of Honorary Members. * Present at the 
 Annual Dinner. 
 
 A. 
 
 1866 Aberdare, Lord. 
 
 1872 Acland, Sir Thomas Dyke, Bart., M.P. 
 1871 Acton, Lord. 
 
 1870 Adam, Right Hon. W.P., M.P. 
 
 1868 Adams, C. F, U.S. America. 
 
 1873 Adams, Henry , U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Adams, J. Quincy, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Agnew, Charles Swain. 
 
 ^69 Agnew, J. Henry. 
 
 |§73 Agnew, Thomas. 
 
 1869 *Agnew, William. 
 
72 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1867 Airlie, Earl of, K.T. 
 
 1870 Akroyd, Lieut.-Col. Edward. 
 
 1872 Allen, Stafford. 
 
 1866 Allen, W. Shepherd, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Allhusen, Christian. 
 
 1866 Amberley, Viscount. 
 
 1872 Anderson , M. B. U.S. America. 
 
 1867 Andrew, Charles. 
 
 1870 Anning, James. 
 
 1873 Anstruther, Sir R., Bart., M.P. 
 1866 Argyle, Duke of, K.T. 
 
 1866 Armitage, Benjamin. 
 
 1868 Armitage, Sir Elkanah. 
 
 1871 Armstrong, David B. 
 
 1868 Ashton, Philip James. 
 
 1868 Ashton, Robert. 
 
 1866 Ashton, Thomas. 
 
 1866 *Ashurst, William Henry. 
 
 1873 Ashworth, Henry. 
 
 1869 Atkinson , Edzuard, U.S. America. 
 
 1874 Atkinson, G. 
 
 1874 Aveling, Thomas. 
 
 1868 Avison, Thomas. 
 
 1870 * Ayrton, Right Hon. A. S. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 73 
 
 B. 
 
 1869 Backhouse, Edmund, M.P. 
 
 1871 *Baines, E. Talbot. 
 
 1873 *Balfour, Sir George, K.C.B., M.P. 
 
 1872 Ball, Thomas. 
 
 1870 Bancroft , His Excellency the Hon. George, U.S. 
 
 America. 
 
 1873 Barclay, James W., M.P. 
 
 1873 Barlow, Samuel. 
 
 1867 Barry, Right Hon. Charles R. 
 
 1868 Bass, M. Arthur, M.P. 
 
 1866 Bass, M. T., M.P. 
 
 1874 Basset, F., M.P. 
 
 1867 *Bastard, Thomas Horlock. 
 
 1869 *Batchelor, T. B. 
 
 1866 ^Baxter, Richard. 
 
 1866 ^Baxter, Right Hon. W. E., M.P. 
 
 1874 Bayley, Rev. W. R. 
 
 1867 *Beal, James 
 1866 *Beales, Edmond. 
 
 1869 Beaumont, Somerset A. 
 
 1869 Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, U.S. America. 
 
 *871 Behr, Baron, Germany . 
 j 87 i Behrens, Jacob. 
 
74 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1873 :Vl Bencke, A. H. 
 
 1873 *Bennett, Sir John. 
 
 1870 Benson, Robert, 
 
 1869 Bentall, E. H. 
 
 1872 Bennich, M. Axel, Sweden. 
 
 1874 Beor, H. Rogers. 
 
 1870 Besobrasof, M. W., Russia. 
 
 1874 Biedermann, A. 
 
 1866 Bigelow, Hon. John, U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Blakeley, William. 
 
 1873 Blennerhasset, Sir R., Bart. 
 
 1873 Blennerhasset, R. P., M.P. 
 
 1870 Blewitt, William. 
 
 1874 Bohmert,Prof., Switzerland. 
 
 1869 Bolckow, .H W. F., M.P. 
 
 1873 Bolles, Albert S., U.S. America. 
 1872 Bonnet, M. Victor, France. 
 
 1867 Bowen, Charles. 
 
 1872 Bowles , Samuel, U.S. America. 
 
 1868 Brady, Dr. John, M.P. 
 
 1869 Brand, Henry R. , 
 
 1867 Brand, Right Hon. H. B. W., M.P. 
 
 1871 Brandis, Dr., Germany. 
 
 1869 Brassey, Henry A., M.P. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 1866 Brassey, Thomas, M.P. 
 
 1871 Braun, Dr. Carl, Germany. 
 
 1872 Briggs, Thomas. 
 
 1867 Bright, Sir Charles T. 
 
 1866 Bright, Jacob. 
 
 1866 Bright, Right Hon. John, M.P. 
 
 1867 *Broadwater, Robert. 
 
 1870 *Brocklehurst, W. C., M.P. 
 
 1872 Brock, Professor , Norway. ' 
 
 1866 Brodrick, Hon. G. C. 
 
 1869 Brogden, Alexander, M.P. 
 
 1872 Broglio, Signor, Italy. 
 
 1869 *Brown, Alexander Hargreaves, M.P. 
 
 1871 Brown, George. 
 
 1872 Brown, James C*. 
 
 1872 Brown, James M., U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Brown, John Crosby, U.S. America. 
 Browne, Henry Doughty. 
 
 1870 Browning, Oscar. 
 
 1872 Bruce, Mr. Justice. 
 
 1869 Bruce, Hon. J. T. Hovell-Thurlow. 
 
 1871 Bryant, Jesse. 
 
 1869 Bryant, IV. C., U.S. America. 
 i8 7 i *Buckley, Abel. 
 
76 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1866 *Buckley, Nathaniel. 
 
 1870 Bunsen , Iicrr George, Germany. 
 1873 Butenval, Comte dc, France. 
 1872 Butts, Isaac, U.S. America. 
 1872 Buxton, Edward North. 
 
 C. 
 
 1873 Caine, W. S. 
 
 1866 *Caird, James, C.B. 
 
 1867 Caldicott, Rev. J. W. 
 
 1874 *Cameron, Dr. C., M.'P. 
 
 1870 *Campbell-Bannerman, Henry, M.P. 
 
 1871 Camperdown, Earl. 
 
 1873 Campion, Frederick. 
 
 1866 Carlingford, Lord. 
 
 1871 *Carr, David Richardson. 
 
 1870 *Carr, Jonathan T. 
 
 1872 Carrao, Sefior Goao da Silva, Brazil. 
 1870 Carter, R. M., M.P. 
 
 1868 Carter, Samuel. 
 
 1869 * Cart wright, W. C., M.P. 
 
 1870 Casa-Laiglesia, Marquess de, Spain. 
 1870 Castelar, Sefior Emilio, Spain. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS.' 
 
 77 
 
 1866 Cavendish, Lord Frederick, M.P. 
 
 1869 Chadwick, David, M.P. 
 
 1871 Challemel-Lacour, M. Paul , France. 
 
 1871 Charlemont, Earl. 
 
 1871 Charles, Robert. 
 
 1866 Chevalier , Vl/. Michel , France. 
 
 1866 Cheetham, John. 
 
 1866 Cheetham, J. F. 
 
 1866 Childers, Right Hon. Hugh C. E., M.P. 
 1871 Clarendon, Earl. 
 
 1870 Coats, Sir Peter. 
 
 1874 *Cobb, Henry Peyton. 
 
 1870 *Cobb, Rhodes. 
 
 1871 Cobb, T. R. 
 
 1866 Coleridge, Lord. 
 
 1866 Collier, Right Hon. Sir R. P. 
 
 1874 *Collins, Eugene, M.P. 
 
 1867 Colman, J. J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Colman, Jeremiah. 
 
 1867 Colvile, Charles Robert. 
 
 1869 Coote, Thomas.' 
 
 1874 *Corbett, W„ M.P. 
 
 1871 *Corrie, William. 
 
 1870 Con'-VanderMccren , M. 
 
7* 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1870 Corsi, Signor Tommaso, Italy. 
 
 1869 Couvreur, M. Auguste, Belgium. 
 
 1872 Cox, Jacob D., U.S. America. 
 
 1873 Cox, Hon. Samuel S., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Cracroft, Bernard. 
 
 1867 Crompton, Charles. 
 
 1867 Crooke, John. 
 
 1873 Cross, Edward. 
 
 1873 Cross, J. Kynaston, M.P. 
 
 1874 * Crossfield, G. 
 
 1874 Crossfield, W. 
 
 1873 Crossley, John, M.P. 
 
 1873 *Curtis, R. H. 
 
 D. 
 
 1871 Dale, David. 
 
 1870 Dalhousie, Earl, G.C.B., K.T. 
 
 1869 *Dashwood, Captain Fred. L. 
 
 1874 Davies, Richard, M.P. 
 
 1870 Day, Edward. 
 
 1872 Decazes, Due de, France. 
 
 1874 De Dedem, Baron W. IC., Holland. 
 1872 D'Eichthal, M. Gustave, France. 
 
 1870 Deheselle, M. Victor, Belgium. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 79 
 
 1872 Delbruck, Staats Minister , Germany. 
 
 1870 *Delahunty, James. 
 
 1870 De Molinari, M. G., France. 
 
 1873 Denny, E. Maynard. 
 
 1872 Desewffy, Count Aurele, Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 1872 Deslandes, Sefior Venanzio, Portugal. 
 
 1870 Devonshire, Duke of, K.G. 
 
 1870 Dickson, James , Sweden. 
 
 1873 Digby, Kenelm T., M.P. 
 
 1874 *Dilke, Ashton W. 
 
 1867 *Dilke, Sir C. W., Bart., M.P. 
 
 1868 Dixon, George, M.P. 
 
 1869 Dodds, Joseph, M.P. 
 
 1866 Dodson, Right Hon. J. G., M.P. 
 
 1867 Do If us, M. Jean, France. 
 
 1873 Downie, William, Boston, Mass. 
 
 1870 Dowse, Right Hon. Richard. 
 
 1870 Draper, John. 
 
 1870 Ducie, Earl. 
 
 1866 Duff, M. E. Grant, M.P. 
 
 1870 Dufferin, His Excellency Earl, K.P., K.C.B. 
 
 1869 Durckheim, Count, Austro-Hungarian Empire. 
 1872 *Duncan, James. 
 
 , l - 7 o Dymes, D. D. 
 
8 o 
 
 COBDEiV CLUB. 
 
 E. 
 
 1874 Earp, T., M.P. 
 
 1867 Eastwick, Captain W. J. 
 
 1872 Echegaray Senor, Spain. 
 
 1868 Edwards, Charles. 
 
 1873 Ellis, W. V. 
 
 1869 Emerson, R. W.. U.S. America. 
 1866 Evans, Francis Henry. 
 
 1866 Ewing, H. E. Crum. 
 
 1868 Eylcyn, Roger. 
 
 F. 
 
 1869 *Faucher, Dr. Julius, Germany. 
 
 1872 Ferrara, Signor, Italy. 
 
 1870 Fenwick, E. M. 
 
 1874 *Ferguson, R., M.P. 
 
 1868 * Field, Cyrus, U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Field, David D., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Figanilrc, Vicomte de, Portugal. 
 1869 Figuerola, Senor, Spain. 
 
 1866 Fildes, John. 
 
 1869 *Finnie, William. 
 
 1873 Firth, Thomas. 
 
 1872 Fisco, M. Emile, Belgium. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 81 
 
 1867 Fisher, Richard C. 
 
 1870 Fletcher, Isaac, M.P. 
 
 1868 *Flower, E. F. 
 
 1873 Foord, C. S. 
 
 1870 Fordyce, W. Dingwall, M.P. 
 
 1866 Forster, Right Hon. W. E., M.P. 
 1872 Fortemps, M., Belgium. 
 
 1871 Foster, J. P. 
 
 1872 Foster, Hon. L. F., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Fothergill, Richard, M.P. 
 
 1866 Fowler, Robert. 
 
 1869 Fowler, William. 
 
 1872 Franqueville, Comte dc, France. 
 1372 Frederiksen, Professor, Denmark. 
 1869 Freeman, Henry W. 
 
 1872 Frere, M. Orban, Belgium. 
 
 G. 
 
 1869 Garfield, General J. A., U.S. America. 
 1868 Garibaldi, General, Italy. 
 i8 7 2 Gamier, M. Joseph, France. 
 
 ^869 Garrison, W. Lloyd, U.S. America. 
 
 F 
 
82 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1872 Germain, M., France. 
 
 1869 Gibbs, Frederick W., C.B. 
 
 1866 Gibson, Right Hon. T. Milner. 
 
 1870 *Gillibrand, Philip. 
 
 1866 Gladstone, Right Hon. W. E., M.P. 
 1866 Gladstone, Robertson. 
 
 1874 Gleichman, T. G., Holland „ 
 
 1866 Goldsmid, Sir Francis H., Bart., M.P. 
 1866 Goldsmid, Julian, M.P. 
 
 1872 Gomez, 'Seiior Ruiz, Spain. 
 
 1866 Goschen, Right Hon. G. J., M.P. 
 
 1872 *Gosnell, Charles. 
 
 1872 * Gould, Frederick. 
 
 1869 Gourley, E. T., M.P. 
 
 1868 *Go\v, Daniel. 
 
 1867 Graham, John. 
 
 1867 *Graham, Peter. 
 
 1866 Graham, William. 
 
 1866 Granville, Earl, K.G-. 
 
 1870 Greig, Lieut.-General S., Russia. 
 
 1869 Greville, Lord. 
 
 1874 Gridley, Captain H. Gillett. 
 
 1872 Grosvenor; Win. H., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Guest, Montague J. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 1872 Guillemin, M. Auguste, Frante. 
 1871 Gurney, Samuel. 
 
 1873 Gwinner, Hermann. 
 
 H. 
 
 1866 Hadfield, George. 
 
 1871 *Hail, Walter. 
 
 1867 Hammond, J. Lempriere. 
 
 1871 Hanmer, Lord. 
 
 1869 Harcourt, Sir W. Vernon, M.P. 
 
 1866 Hardcastle, Henry. 
 
 1866 Hardcastle, J. A. 
 
 1867 Harris, John Dove. 
 
 1871 Harris-Gastrell, James P. 
 
 1874 *Harrison, C., M.P. 
 
 1874 * Harrison, J. Fortescue, M.P. 
 
 1870 Hartington, Right Hon. Marquess of, M.P. 
 
 1869 Harwood, Samuel. 
 
 i8 74 Haslam, Joseph Crooke. 
 
 ^71 Hass an, His Highness Prince, Egypt. 
 
 1870 *Hatch, Rev. Edwin. 
 i86 7 Hatchard, Rev. J. Alton. 
 i8 70 Hatherley, Lord. 
 
8 4 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 1867 Heape, Benjamin. 
 
 1867 Heape, Robert Taylor. 
 
 1866 Henderson, J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Henry, Mitchell, M.P. 
 
 1866 ^Heywood, James. 
 
 1866 Hibbert, J. T. 
 
 1871 *Hill, Frank Harrison. 
 
 1874 *Hill, T. Rowley, M.P. 
 
 1870 Hobart, His Excellency Lord. 
 
 1872 Hodgkinson, W. E. 
 
 1871 Hodgson, Kirkman D., M.P. 
 
 1873 Hoffman , John T., U.S. America. 
 1870 Holden, Angus. 
 
 1866 Holden, Isaac. 
 
 1873 Hollins, M. D. 
 
 1869 *Holms, John, M.P. 
 
 1873 * Holms, William, M.P. 
 
 1870 Hopwood, Charles Henry, M.P. 
 1869 Hoskyns, Chandos Wren. 
 
 1866 Houghton, Lord. 
 
 1869 Howard, James. 
 
 1870 Hoyle, William. 
 
 1872 *Hubbuck, Thomas. 
 
 1869 Hudson , Sir James, G.C.B. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 85 
 
 1873 Hughes, James. 
 
 1867 *Humphreys, A. C. 
 
 1870 ^Hunting, Richard. 
 
 1873 Huntly, Marquess of. 
 
 1872 *Hutton, Charles W. C. 
 
 I. 
 
 1869 Illingworth, Alfred. 
 
 1874 *Isaac, B. 
 
 1874 *Isaac, F. 
 
 J- 
 
 1866 * Jackson, Henry Mather, M.P. 
 
 1873 Jackson, Stanway. 
 
 1866 Jackson, Sir William, Bart. 
 
 1872 *James, Christopher. 
 
 1870 James, Sir Henry, M.P. 
 
 1874 James, Walter H., M.P. 
 
 1872 Jansen, Professor Julius, Russia. 
 
 1868 *Jenkins, Edward, M.P. 
 
 1871 Jenour, Charles, Victoria. 
 
 1869 Jessel, Right Hon. Sir George. 
 ^73 Johnson, Edward. 
 
 1869 Johnson, Reverdy, U.S. America. 
 1869 Johnston, Andrew. 
 
86 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1872 Johnston, M. N., France. 
 
 1871 Johnstone, Sir Harcourt, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1871 Jones, C. H. 
 
 1874 *Jupe, J. 
 
 K. 
 
 1873 Kaulla, William. 
 
 1868 Kay-Shuttleworth, U. J., M.P. 
 
 1873 Kemp, Dudley F. 
 
 1873 Kensington, Lord, M.P. 
 
 1873 Kerr, R. K. Holms. 
 
 1873 *Kiell, G. M. 
 
 1874 Kiemsdigh, Van, Holland. 
 
 1870 Kimberley, Earl. 
 
 1866 King, Hon. P. J. Locke. 
 
 1869 Kinsky, Count Engine, Austro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 1873 Knowles, R. M. 
 
 1872 Kops, M. J. L. de Bruyn, Holland. 
 
 1869 Kubeck, Baron Max von, Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 L. 
 
 1868 Labouchere, Henry. 
 
 1869 Lac ait a, Sir James. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 8 / 
 
 1869 Lack, Henry Reader. 
 
 1872 Lalande, M. A., France. 
 
 1872 Lamansky , M. E., Russia. 
 
 1867 Lambert, John, C.B. 
 
 1872 Lamplough, Charles E. 
 
 1870 Lamport, Charles. 
 
 1873 Lamport, W. J. 
 
 1867 Lancaster, John. 
 
 1871 *Langley, J. Baxter. 
 
 1874 Langton, E., Melbourne , Australia. 
 1871 Lansdowne, Marquess of. 
 
 1868 Lanyon, C. Mortimer. 
 
 1873 Lanyon, J. C. 
 
 1871 Lascelles, Francis H. 
 
 1871 Latham, George W, 
 
 1869 Laveleye , M. Emile de, Belgium. 
 1869 Lavergne , M. de, France. 
 
 1867 Lawson, Right Hon. J. A. 
 
 1866 *Lawson, Sir Wilfrid, Bart., M.P. 
 1871 Lea, Thomas. 
 
 1869 Leake, Robert. 
 
 1867 *Lean, Vincent Stuckey. 
 
 1866 *Leatham, E. A., M.P. 
 
 1873 Lees, Eli. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1866 *Leeman, George, M.P. 
 
 1866 Lefevre, Geo. Shaw, M.P. 
 
 1870 Lehardy dc Beaulieu , M. Adolphe , Belgium. 
 1870 Lehmann, F. 
 
 1873 Leroy-Beaulieu , M. Paul , France. 
 
 1867 Leslie, T. E. Cliffe. 
 
 1870 Lesseps, Vicomte de y France. 
 
 1869 Levy, Edward. 
 
 1872 Lewis , Charlton T., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 Lewis, Harvey. 
 
 1870 Lewis, J. Delaware. 
 
 1873 Livesy, John. 
 
 1869 Loch, George. 
 
 1870 Longfellow, H. W., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Lubbock, Sir John, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1870 Lycett, Sir Francis. 
 
 M. 
 
 1869 McArthur, Alexander, M.P. 
 
 1869 McArthur, William, M.P. 
 
 1870 *McCarthy, Justin. 
 
 1866 *McClelland, James. 
 
 1869 McClure, Sir Thomas, Bart. 
 
 1871 McConnell, J. E. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 89 
 
 1871 McCulloch, Hugh, U.S. America. 
 
 1871 *Macdonell; James. 
 
 1869 Macfie, Robert Andrew. 
 
 1873 McGeorge, M. 
 
 1874 Macgregor, Walter A. 
 
 1870 Macintosh, Alexander. 
 
 1869 Mackay, Baron, Holland. 
 
 1872 Macknight, Thomas. 
 
 1873 McKerrow, John Begg. 
 
 1872 *McMicking, Gilbert. 
 
 1869 Macmillan, Alexander. 
 
 1872 McMinnies, John Gordon. 
 
 1872 Madrazo, Seiior, Spain. 
 
 1871 Mahony, W. Short. 
 
 1874 Maitland, John, M.P. 
 
 1866 *Mallet, Sir Louis, C.B. 
 
 1872 Marble, Manton, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 *Marcoartu, Seiior Arturo de. 
 
 1870 Marling, Samuel S. 
 
 1867 *Marsden, Mark Eagles. 
 
 1871 Marshall, C. H., U.S. America. 
 1866 Mason, Hugh. 
 
 1873 Mason, Stephen. 
 
 1872 Mason, William. 
 
90 
 
 COEDE.V CLUB. 
 
 1870 *Mather, William. 
 
 1871 Mellor, Wright. 
 
 1867 Melly, George, M.P. 
 
 1866 Menzies, Graham. 
 
 1870 Meredith, George F. 
 
 1867 Merry, James. 
 
 1872 Mees, M. W. C., Holland. 
 
 1871 Michaelis, Herr Otto , Germany. 
 
 1872 Michell, T., Russia. 
 
 1872 Millington, Charles. 
 
 1872 Millossovich, N. 
 
 1870 Minghetti, Signor Marco, Italy, 
 
 1867 Milton, Viscount. 
 
 1871 Minium, Robert B., U.S. America. 
 
 1866 Moffat, George. 
 
 1872 Mongredien, A. 
 
 1866 Monk, C. J., M.P. 
 
 1874 *Moore, A. J., M.P. 
 
 1868 Moore, George. 
 
 1873 Moore, J. S., U.S. America. 
 
 1868 Moran, Benjamin, U.S. America. 
 
 1871 More, R. Jasper. 
 
 1872, Moret y Prendergast, Senor Don Sigismundo, 
 Spain. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 91 
 
 1870 *Morgan, G. Osborne, Q.C., M.P. 
 
 1866 Morier, R. B. D., C.B. 
 
 1866 Morley, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1872 Moser, Sehor Eduardo, Portugal. 
 
 1874 Mozley, Alfred. 
 
 1871 Muller, Herr Gustav , Germany. 
 
 1869 Mundella, A. J., M.P. 
 
 1874 Mure, Col., M.P. 
 
 1871 Muren, Peter, Sweden. 
 
 1867 Murphy, Nicholas D., M.P. 
 
 1869 Muspratt, E. K. 
 
 N. 
 
 % 
 
 1869 Napoleon, H.I.H. Prince Jerome, France. 
 
 1871 Nasse, Herr Erwin, Germany. 
 
 1871 *Neal, John Dodd. 
 
 1868 Neill, Robert. 
 
 1871 Neumann, Dr. Francis, Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 j 873 Noel, Ernest, M.P. 
 
 1872' Nordhoff, Charles, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Northbrook, His Excellency Lord. 
 
 1868 Novelli, A. H. 
 
92 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 o. 
 
 1874 O’Callaghan, Hon. Wilfrid F. O., M.P. 
 
 1873 Olcott } Thomas L., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Ollivier, M. Emile, France. 
 
 1872 Oppenheim, Ernest. 
 
 1871 Oppenheimer, Charles. 
 
 1872 Oppert, Emil Daniel. 
 
 1872 Oppert, Dr. Gustavus. 
 
 1869 O’Reilly-Dease, Matthew. 
 
 1874 Orton, William, U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Orts, M., Belgium. 
 
 1868 Osborn, Admiral Sherard, C.B. 
 
 1869 Osborn, Wm. H., U.S. America. 
 
 1866 Otway, Arthur J. 
 
 1871 Ouvry, Colonel Henry Aime, C.B. 
 
 1870 * Overbeck, M. Gustavus von, A ustro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 1873 Oxley, T. Louis. 
 
 P. 
 
 1867 Pagan, John Thomson. 
 
 1872 Page, Henry. 
 
 1872 Pagezy, M. Jules, France. 
 
 1872 Palacio, Seiior Francesco Gomez, Mexico. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 93 
 
 1873 Pankhurst, Dr. Rin. 
 
 1870 Paris, H.R.H. Comte de, France. 
 
 1874 Parkes, Hon. H., Sydney, New South Wales. 
 1873 Parry, Serjeant John Humffreys. 
 
 1872 Passy, M. Frederic, France. 
 
 1872 Passy, M. Hippolyte, France. 
 
 1872 Pastor, Seiior, Spain. 
 
 1870 *Paterson, John. 
 i 860 Paulton, A. W. 
 
 1867 Pease, Joseph W., M.P. 
 
 1869 Peel, Arthur W., M.P. 
 
 1871 Pell, Alfred, Jim., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 Pender, John, M.P. 
 
 1866 Pennington, F., M.P. 
 
 1873 Pereira de Andrada, J. 
 
 1870 Perry, Professor A rthur Latham, U.S. A merica. 
 1866 Peto, Sir S. Morton, Bart. 
 
 1866 Philips, R. N., M.P. 
 
 1868 Phillips, Charles. 
 
 1871 Pierson, M. N. G., Holland. 
 
 1866 Pilkington, James. 
 
 1873 Platt, Samuel. 
 
 1869 Plimsoll, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1874 Plowden, W. C. 
 
94 
 
 CO EDEN CLUB. 
 
 1869 Pochin, Henry Davis. 
 
 1870 *Pocock, William. 
 
 1866 Pope, Samuel. 
 
 1871 Potter, Arthur Bay ley. 
 
 1866 Potter, Edmund. 
 
 1868 Potter, Edmund Crompton. 
 
 1872 Potter , Howard, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 *Potter, John Henry. 
 
 1871 Potter, Rupert. 
 
 1866 *Potter, Thomas Bayley, M.P. 
 1866 Potter, Thomas Ashton. 
 
 1869 Price, William Edwin, M.P. 
 1866 Price, W. P. 
 
 1872 Princetean, M., France. 
 
 1866 Probyn, J. W. 
 
 1871 Pulley, Joseph. 
 
 1871 Purdy, William. 
 
 R. 
 
 1873 Ramsden, Sir James. 
 
 1871 Ransome, R. C. 
 
 1867 Rathbone, Samuel Greg. 
 
 1867 Rathbone, William, M.P. 
 
 1872 Rawlings, Edward. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 95 
 
 1866 Rawson, Henry. 
 
 1869 Redpat/i, James, U.S. America. 
 1872 Reid, Robert, M.P. 
 
 1872 Renouard, AT. Charles , France. 
 1872 *Renshaw, A. G. 
 
 1871 Renton, James Hall. 
 
 1872 Reybaud , AT. Louis, France. 
 
 1870 Reyntiens, AT., Belgium. 
 
 1873 Rhodes, Thomas. 
 
 1866 Rich, Anthony. 
 
 1869 Richard, Henry, M.P. 
 
 1869 Richards, E. M. 
 
 1869 Richter, 0 ., Norway. 
 
 1874 Rickert, Hei'r, Germany. 
 
 1871 Ridgway, W. H. 
 
 1867 Ripon, Marquess of, K.G. 
 
 1870 Robarts, C. H. 
 
 1867 *Robinson, John. 
 
 1869 *Roden, W. S. 
 
 1872 Rodriguez, Seiior Gabriel, Spain. 
 1866 ^Rogers, Professor J. E. Thorold. 
 
 1870 Rollo, Lord. 
 
 1871 Rose, Sir John, Bart. 
 
 1871 Rosebery, Earl. 
 
96 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 1873 Roth, Camillo. 
 
 1871 Rothschild, Baron Lionel N. de. 
 1871 Rothschild, Nathaniel M. de, M.P. 
 1867 Rouher, M., France. 
 
 1867 Roundell, Charles Savile. 
 
 1874 *Rowsell, F. W. 
 
 1870 Ruggles, Samuel B., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 Rusden, R. D. 
 
 1866 Russell, Earl, K. G. 
 
 1873 *Russell, Lord Arthur J. E., M.P. 
 1871 Russell, His Excellency Lord Odo. 
 
 1866 Rutson, Albert. 
 
 1873 Rylands, John. 
 
 1869 Rylands, Peter. 
 
 1867 Ryley, Thomas C. 
 
 S. 
 
 1870 St. Albans, Duke of. 
 
 1873 Salomon, Peter. 
 
 1873 Salt, Sir Titus, Bart. 
 
 1868 Samuda, J. D’Aguilar, M.P. 
 1870 Samuelson, Henry B. 
 
 1870 * Sam’s, Mahlon, U.S. America. 
 i860 *Sandwith, Humphrey, C.B. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 97 
 
 1869 Sapieha, Prince, Austro-Hungarian Empire. 
 
 1871 Sargeaunt, J. P. 
 
 1870 Sargeaunt, William C. 
 
 1870 *Saxton, N. 
 
 1872 * Say, M. Leon, France. 
 
 1869 Schaeffer, Chevalier de, Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 1873 Schiff, Alfred G. 
 
 1873 Schiff, Ernest. 
 
 1872 Schimmelpenninck, Va?i der Oye, Baron W. A., 
 Holland. 
 
 1869 Sckulze-Delitzsch, Herr, Germany. 
 
 3872 Schurz, Carl, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Schuster, Francis J. 
 
 1872 Scialoja, Signor, Italy. 
 
 1869 Seely, Charles, Jun. 
 
 1870 Seisal, Vicomte de, Portugal. 
 
 1868 *Seligman, Isaac. 
 
 1870 Sellar, A. C. 
 
 1872 Semensa, Gustave. 
 
 1873 Serena, L. 
 
 1872 Seneuil, M. Courceles, France. 
 
 1870 Seymour, Alfred. 
 
 1871 *Seymour, Henry. 
 
 G 
 
98 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1867 Shaen, William. 
 
 1868 * Sharpe, Charles. 
 
 1873 * Shepherd, J. 
 
 1868 Sheriff, Alexander Clunes, M.P. 
 1872 Sherman, Isaac, U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Sieber, M. Henri, France. 
 
 1867 Sidgwick, W. C. 
 
 1869 *Simon, Serjeant, M.P. 
 
 1870 Simon, M. Jules, France. 
 
 1866 Smith, B. L. 
 
 1871 Smith, George. 
 
 1866 Smith, Professor Goldwin. 
 
 1867 Smith, Professor Henry J. Stephen. 
 1866 Smith, Thomas Eustace, M.P. 
 
 1872 Soares, D. G. Noqueira , Portugal. 
 
 1870 Spencer, His Excellency Earl, K.G. 
 1872 Sponneck, Count, Denmark. 
 
 1866 Stansfeld, Right Hon. J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Staujfenberg, Baron von, Germany. 
 
 1871 Steinthal, H. M. 
 
 1868 Steinthal, Rev. Samuel Alfred. 
 
 1868 Stern, Sigismund J. 
 
 1869 Stevenson, J. C., M.P. 
 
 1872 5 tewart, A. T.,U.S. America. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 99 
 
 1873 Stoehr, Emil Moritz. 
 
 1871 *Stone, William Henry. 
 
 1870 Strahan, Alexander. 
 
 1871 Strutt, Hon. Henry. 
 
 1867 Sullivan, Right Hon. E. 
 
 1873 Stunner, Win. G., US. America. 
 
 1869 Szechenyi, Count Bela, Austro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 T. 
 
 1870 Talabot, M. Paulin, France. 
 
 1866 Taylor, P. A., M.P. 
 
 1871 *Taylor, Thomas. 
 
 1871 Thcerner, M. Theodore de, Russia. 
 
 1870 - Thomas, Christopher J. 
 
 1866 Thomasson, Thomas. 
 
 1867 Thompson, George. 
 
 1866 Thompson, H. Yates. 
 
 1872 Thompson, Dr. Joseph P., LL.D., US. America. 
 
 1873 Townend, Thomas. 
 
 1866 Trelawney, Sir J. S., Bart. 
 
 1866 Trevelyan, G. O., M.P. 
 
 1867 Trimble, Robert. 
 
 1874 Turner, H. J. 
 
TOO 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1868 Turner, J. Fox. 
 1868 *Turner, Wright. 
 1868 *Tweedale, John. 
 
 V. 
 
 1870 Valpy, Richard. 
 
 1872 Van de Putte, M. Pransen, Holland. 
 
 1871 Vasconcellos, His Excellency Zacharias de Goes, 
 
 Brazil. 
 
 1872 Vernadsky, Professor J'., Russia. 
 
 1870 Wickers, James. 
 
 1871 Vigor, A. H. S. Stonehouse. 
 
 1866 Villiers, Right Hon. C. P., M.P. 
 
 1872 Vissering, Professor S., Holland. 
 
 1873 * Vivian, J. Brookes. 
 
 1871 Vivian, Captain Hon. John C. W. 
 
 1870 Vivian, William. 
 
 1870 *Vivian, William, Jun. 
 
 1873 Vivian, W. Hussey. 
 
 W. 
 
 1870 V/alker, Hon. Amasa, LL.D., U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Walker, General Francis A., U.S. America. 
 1869 Walker, George, U.S. America. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 IOI 
 
 1870 Warren, Edward. 
 
 1871 * Warren, T. P. 
 
 1871 Watkin, Sir E. W., M.P. 
 
 1873 Watterson, Henry, U.S. America. 
 
 1867 Watts, Sir Janies. 
 
 1867 Watts, Samuel. 
 
 1870 *Watson, T. Clemens. 
 
 1870 Wells, Hon. David A., U.S. America. 
 1866 Westhead, J. P. Brown. 
 
 1873 Westminster, Duke of, K.G. 
 
 1869 Whipple, E. P., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Whitbread, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1872 White, Horace, U.S. America. 
 
 1866 White, J. 
 
 1873 White, William Arthur. 
 
 1870 White, Wm. Thompson. 
 
 1869 Whitwell, John, M.P. 
 
 1866 Whitworth,. Benjamin, M.P. 
 
 1867 Whitworth, Sir Joseph, Bart. 
 
 1870 Whitworth, Robert. 
 
 1870 Wilke, Hermann C., Germany. 
 
 1869 Willans, Thomas Benjamin. 
 
 1869 *Willans, W. H. 
 
 1870 * Willerding, Theodor, Sweden. 
 
102 
 
 " COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1867 Willett, Henry. 
 
 1869 Willmott, Henry. 
 
 1870 Wills, George. 
 
 1871 Wingfield, Sir Charles J., K.C.S.I., C.B. 
 
 1869 Wolowski', M., France. 
 
 1870 Wolverton, Lord. 
 
 1870 Woods, Henry. 
 
 1872 Woolsey , Dr. Theodore, LL.D., U.S. America. 
 
 1868 Worthington, James. 
 
 1872 Wreden, Professor Edmund, Russia. 
 
 1873 *Wren, Walter. 
 
 1873 *Wybergh, J. 
 
 Y 
 
 1870 Young, Right Hon. George. 
 
Cobden Club. 
 
 LIST OF FOREIGN HONORARY 
 MEMBERS, 
 
 ARRANGED UNDER THEIR RESPECTIVE COUNTRIES. 
 
 U.S. AMERICA. 
 
 1868 Adams, C. F., Boston, Mass. 
 
 1873 Adams, Henry, Harvard University, Cam¬ 
 bridge, Mass. 
 
 1869 Adams, J. Quincy, Boston, Mass. 
 
 1872 Anderson, M. B., Rochester, New York. 
 
 1869 Atkinson, Edward, Boston, Mass. 
 
 1870 Bancroft, His Excellency the Hon. George, 
 
 Berlin. 
 
 1869 Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, New York. 
 
 1866 Bigelow, Hon. John, Berlin. 
 
 1873 Bolles, Albert S., Norwich, Conn. 
 
104 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 i8 7 2 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 1873 
 
 1873 
 
 1869 
 
 1868 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1869 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1873 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1870 
 
 1871 
 
 1872 
 
 1871 
 
 1871 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Bowles, Samuel, Springfield, Mass. 
 
 Brown, James M., New York. 
 
 Brown, John Crosby, New York. 
 
 Bryant, W. C., New York. 
 
 Butts, Isaac, Rochester, New York. 
 
 Cox, Jacob D., Cincinnati. 
 
 Cox, Hon. Samuel S., New York. 
 
 Downie, William, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Emerson, R. W., Boston, Mass. 
 
 Field, Cyrus, New York. 
 
 Field, David D., New York. 
 
 Foster, Hon. L. F, Norwich, Conn. 
 
 Garfield, General J. A., Washington. 
 
 Garrison, W. Lloyd, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Grosvenor, Wm. H., St. Louis. 
 
 Hoffman, John T., New York. 
 
 Johnson, Reverdy, Baltimore. 
 
 Lewis, Charlton T., New York. 
 
 Longfellow, H. W., Boston, Mass. 
 
 McCulloch, Htigh, 23, Queens Gate Gardens, 
 London, S. W. 
 
 Marble, Manton, New York. 
 
 Marshall, C. H., New York. 
 
 Minturn, Robt. B., New York. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 1873 Moore, J. S., New York. 
 
 1868 Moran, B., 20, Norfolk Terrace, Bayswater, 
 
 London. 
 
 1872 Nordhojf, Charles, New York. 
 
 1873 Olcott, Thomas L. } Albany. 
 
 1874 Orton, William, Neiv York. 
 
 1869 Osborn, Wtn. H., New York. 
 
 1871 Pell, Alfred, fun., New York.. 
 
 1872 Perry, Professor Artlmr Latham, Cambridge, 
 
 Mass. 
 
 1872 Potter, Howard, New York. 
 
 1869 Redpath, James, Boston, Mass. 
 
 1870 Rtiggles, Samuel B., New York. 
 
 1870 Sands, Mahlon, New York. 
 
 1872 Schurz, Carl, Washington. 
 
 1872 Sherman, Isaac, New York. 
 
 1872 Stewart, A. T., New York. 
 
 1873 Sumner, Professor William G., New Haven. 
 1872 Thompson, Dr. Joseph P., LL.D., Berlin. 
 
 1870 Walker, Hon. Amasa, LL.D., Boston, Mass. 
 
 1872 Walker, General Francis A., Washington. 
 
 1869 Walker, George, New York. 
 
 1873 Watterson, Henry, Louisville, Kentucky. 
 
 1870 Wells, Hon. David A., Norwich, Conn. 
 
io6 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1869 Whipple, E. P., Boston, Mass. 
 
 1872 White, Horace, Chicago. 
 
 1872 Woolsey, Dr. Theodore, LL.D., Newhaven, Conn. 
 
 AUSTRALIA. 
 
 1871 Jenour, C., Victoria. 
 
 1874 Lang ton, E., Melbourne, Victoria. 
 
 1874 Parkes, Hon. H., Sydney, New South Wales. 
 
 AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 1872 Desewjfy, Count A urele, pres Dcbreczin. 
 
 1869 Diirckheim, Count, Vienna. 
 
 1869 Kinsky, Count Etighie, Vienna. 
 
 1869 Kubeck, Baron Max von, Vienna. 
 
 1871 Neumann, Dr. Francis, Vienna. 
 
 1870 Overbeck, Baron Gustavus von. 
 
 1869 Sapieha, Prince, Lemberg. 
 
 1869 Schaeffer, Chtvalier de, Austrian Consul, Japan. 
 
 1869 Szechenyi, Count Bela, Zinkindorf. 
 
 BELGIUM. 
 
 1870 Corr-VanderMceren, M. 
 
 1869 Couvreur, M. Auguste, Brussels. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 107 
 
 1870 Deheselle, M. Victor, Thimister. 
 
 1872 Fisco, M. A mile, Brussels. 
 
 1872 Fortemps, M., Brussels. 
 
 1872 Frere, M. Orban, Brussels. 
 
 1869 Laveleye, M. Emile de, Liege. 
 
 1870 Lehardy de Beaulieu., M. Adolphe, Brussels. 
 
 1872 Orts, M., Brussels. 
 
 1870 Reyntiens, M., Brussels. 
 
 BRAZIL. 
 
 1872 Carrdo, Seiior Godo da Silva, San Paulo. 
 
 1871 Vasconcellos, His Excellency Zacharias de Goes. 
 
 DENMARK. 
 
 1872 Frederiksen, Professor, Copenhagen. 
 
 1872 Sponneck, Count, Copenhagen. 
 
 EGYPT. 
 
 1871 Hassan, His Highness Prince. 
 
 FRANCE. 
 
 1872 Bonnet, M. Victor, Paris. 
 
 1873 Butenval, Comte de, Paris. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 108 
 
 1871 Challemel-Lacour, M. Paul , Parts. 
 
 1866 Chevalier, M. Michel, Pans. 
 
 1872 Decazes, Due de, Paris. 
 
 1872 D'Eichthal, M. Gustave, Paris. 
 1870 De Molinari, M. G., Paris. 
 
 1867 Dolfus, M. Jean. 
 
 1872 Franqtieville, Comte de, Passy. 
 
 1872 Gamier, M. Joseph, Paris. 
 
 1872 Germain, M., Paris. 
 
 1872 Guillemin, M. Auguste, Paris. 
 
 1872 Johnston, M. N., Bordeaux. 
 
 1872 Lalande, M. A., Bordeaux. 
 
 1869 Lavergne, M. de, Paris. 
 
 1873 Leroy-Beaulieu, M. Paul, Paris. 
 
 1870 Lesseps, Vicomte de. 
 
 1869 Napoleon, H.I.H. Prince Jerome. 
 
 1869 Ollivier, M. Emile. 
 
 1872 Pagezy, M. Jules, Montpelier. 
 
 1870 Paris, H.R.H. Comte de, Paris. 
 1872 Passy, M. Frederic, Paris. 
 
 1872 Passy, M. Hippolyte, Paris. 
 
 1872 Princeteau, M., Paris. 
 
 i-8 7 2 Renouard, M. Charles, Paris. 
 
 1872 Reybaud, M. Louis, Paris. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 109 
 
 1867 Rouher, M., Paris. 
 
 1872 Say, M. Leon, Paris. 
 
 1872 Seneuil, M. Courceles, Paris. 
 
 1872 Sieber, M. Henri, Paris. 
 
 1870 ' Simon, M. Jules, Paris. 
 
 1870 Talabot, M. Paulin, Paris. 
 
 1869 Wolowski, M., Paris. 
 
 GERMANY. 
 
 1871 Behr, Baron, Berlin. 
 
 1871 Brandis, Dr. Ringsdorf, Bonn. 
 
 1871 Braun, Dr. Carl, Berlin. 
 
 1870 Bunsen, Herr George, Berlin. 
 
 1872 Delbriick, Staats Minister, Berlin. 
 
 1869 Faucher, Dr. Julius, Berlin. 
 
 1871 Michaelis, Herr Otto, Berlin. 
 
 1871 Muller, Herr Gustav, Stutgardt. 
 
 1871 Nasse, Herr Erwin, Bonn. 
 
 1874 Rickert, Herr, Danzig. 
 
 1869 Schulze-Delitzsch, Herr, Berlin. 
 
 1871 Staujfenberg, Baron von, Risstissen. 
 
 1870 Wilke, Hermann C., Blomjield Street, London 
 
 Wall. 
 
no 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 HOLLAND. 
 
 1874 De Dedem, Baron W.K. 
 
 1874 Gleichman, T. G., Amsterdam. 
 
 1874 Kiemsdigh, Van, Utrecht. 
 
 1872 Kops, M. J. L. de Bruyn, The Hague. 
 
 1869 Mackay, Baron, The Hague. 
 
 1872 Mees, M. W. C., The Hague. 
 
 1871 Pierson, M. N. G., Amsterdam. 
 
 1872 Schimmelpenninck Van der Oye, Baron W. A., 
 
 The Hague. 
 
 1872 Van de Piitte, M. Pransen, The Hague. 
 
 1872 Vissering, Professor S., Leiden. 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 1872 Broglio, Signor , Rome. 
 
 1870 Cor si, Signor Tommaso, Rome. 
 
 1872 Ferrara, Signor, Venice. 
 
 1868 Garibaldi, General, Caprera. 
 
 1870 Minghetti, Signor Marco, Rome. 
 
 1872 Scialoja, Signor, Rome. 
 
 MEXICO. 
 
 1872 Palacio, Sciior Francesco Gomez. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 in 
 
 NORWAY. 
 
 1872 Broch, Professor. 
 
 1869 Richter, O., Rostadt, Drontheim. 
 
 PORTUGAL. 
 
 1872 Deslandes, Seiior Venanzio, Lisbon. 
 
 1872 Moser, Seiior Eduardo, Oporto. 
 
 1870 Seisal, Vicomte de. 
 
 1872 Soares, Seiior D. G. Noqueira. 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 1870 Besobrasof M. W., St. Petersburg. 
 
 1870 Figaniere, Vicomte de, St. Petersburg. 
 
 1870 Greig, Lieut.-General S., St. Petersburg. 
 1872 Jansen, Professor Julius, St. Petersburg. 
 1872 Lamansky, M. E., St. Petersburg. 
 
 1870 Michell, T., St. Petersburg. 
 
 1871 Tlnzrner, M. Theodore de, St. Petersburg. 
 
 1872 Vernadsky, Professor J., Kharkof. 
 
 1872 Wreden, Professor Edmund, St. Petersburg. 
 
 SPAIN. 
 
 1870 Casa-Laiglesia, Marquess de. 
 
 1870 Castelar, Seiior Emilio, Madrid. 
 
112 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1872 Echegaray, Senor, Madrid. 
 
 1869 Figuerola, Senor, Madrid. 
 
 1872 Gomez, Senor Ruiz, Madrid. 
 
 1872 Madrazo, Senor, Madrid. 
 
 1872 Moret y Prendergast, Senor Don Sigisrnundo. 
 1872 Pastor, Senor, Madrid. 
 
 1872 Rodriguez, Senor Gabriel, Madrid. 
 
 SWEDEN. 
 
 1872 Bennich, M. Axel, Stockholm. 
 
 1870 Dickson, James, Gothenburg. 
 
 1871 Muren, Peter, Gejle. 
 
 1870 Willerding, Theodor, Alderman s Walk, London. 
 SWITZERLAND. 
 
 1874 Bohmert, Prof., University of Zurich. 
 

 FREE TRADE 
 
 AND THE 
 
 EUROPEAN TREATIES OF COMMERCE; 
 
 BEING 
 
 1. REPORT of PROCEEDINGS at the DINNER of the 
 
 Cobden Club, July 17, 1875 ; M. Michel Chevalier in 
 the Chair. 
 
 2. Correspondence on the Prospects of Free Trade 
 
 in Germany, Austria, Italy, the United States, 
 Australia, etc. 
 
 3. Discussion on the Treaties of Commerce, at a Meeting 
 
 of the Political Economy Society of Paris, 
 August 6, 1875. 
 
 With an INTRODUCTION ; 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE, 1875 ; LIST OF MEMBERS, ETC. 
 
 CASSELL FETTER & GALPIN: 
 
 LONDON, PARIS & NEW YORK. 
 
 ^75- 
 
A 
 
FREE TRADE 
 
 AND THE 
 
 EUROPEAN TREATIES OF COMMERCE; 
 
 BEING 
 
 1. REPORT of PROCEEDINGS at the DINNER of the 
 
 Cobden Club, July 17, 1875 ; M. Michel Chevalier in 
 the Chair. 
 
 2. Correspondence on the Prospects of Free Trade 
 
 in Germany, Austria, Italy, the United States, 
 Australia, etc. 
 
 3. Discussion on the Treaties of Commerce, at a Meeting 
 
 of the Political Economy Society of Paris, 
 August 6, 1875. 
 
 With an INTRODUCTION; 
 
 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE, 1875 ; LIST OF MEMBERS, ETC. 
 
 CASSELL PETTER & GALPIN : 
 
 LONDON .; PARIS &• NEW YORK. 
 
N.B.—All communications for the Hon. Sec., Thomas Bayley 
 Potter, M.P. should be addressed to. him at the Reform Club, Pall 
 Mall, London. 
 
 The Bankets of the Club are the London and Westminster Bank, 
 Westminster Branch, r, Si. James's Square, London, S. W., where 
 Subscriptions should be paid on the 1st of January in each year. 
 
 Lt is suggested, for the convenience of Members, that they should 
 leave with the Secretary their usual Address, and also an order on their 
 Bankers to pay their Subscription on the 1st of January in each year to 
 the Bankers of the Club, to whom all cheques should be made payable. 
 Blank forms may be had on application to the Secretary. 
 
 GEORGE C. WARR, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 5, Millman Street, 
 
 Bedford Row, W.C. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In circulating the Report of the proceedings at the 
 dinner of the Cobden Club on the 17th July last, the 
 Committee are glad to be able to append to it a series 
 of very valuable letters which they have received from 
 distinguished members of the Club, both in foreign 
 countries and in some of our Colonies, on the prospects 
 and progress of Free Trade at the present time. 
 
 The chief practical interest of the letters of the 
 European contributors turns upon the probable 
 policy of Continental Governments on the occasion 
 of the approaching expiration of the Commercial 
 Treaties, which have regulated the international trade 
 of Europe during recent years. 
 
 As is well known, the foundation of the present 
 Treaty system of Europe is the Treaty between 
 England and France of i860, which was speedily fol¬ 
 lowed by similar treaties between other countries 
 not less than fifty or sixty in number. 
 
 The reforms which preceded and followed the 
 Repeal of the Corn Laws, as well as that decisive 
 
6 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 measure itself, were made without any attempt to 
 secure the co-operation of other countries. This 
 may have been, at the time and under the circum¬ 
 stances, the best policy to pursue ; but, at all events, 
 the hope that foreign nations would profit by our 
 experience, and follow our example, was signally 
 disappointed. During the fifteen years which suc¬ 
 ceeded the Repeal, no reductions of any importance 
 were made in the tariffs of Europe ; and great as was 
 the impulse given to our export trade by the indepen¬ 
 dent remission of duty upon our imports, the restric¬ 
 tions upon our trade still maintained in foreign 
 countries began, after a time, to be seriously felt. 
 The value of the trade in British exports to the 
 European countries with which treaties have since 
 been concluded amounted in 1847 (the year after the 
 Repeal) to £18,394,000. In 1856 it had advanced to 
 £35>936,000; in 1859 h had fallen to £32,489,000. 
 It was at this period that Cobden and Chevalier 
 conceived the idea of the Anglo-French Treaty, and 
 the Governments of England and France had the 
 wisdom and the courage to conclude it. The neces¬ 
 sary consequence was the conclusion of the fifty or 
 sixty similar treaties to which reference has already 
 been made, and by which the tariffs of Europe have 
 been reduced by about fifty per cent. In 1874 the 
 value of the British export trade to the same countries 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 7 
 
 attained the amount of £81,297,000, while the total 
 addition to the trade of England with them in imports 
 and exports was no less than £103,965,655 ! When 
 it is considered that the effect of this general removal 
 of restrictions upon the foreign trade of France, and 
 of other Continental countries, has been even greater 
 than upon that of England, it is difficult to over¬ 
 estimate the importance of the impulse thus given to 
 the international intercourse of Europe, both in its 
 national and moral aspects. 
 
 For it must not be forgotten that the acquisition of 
 new markets in Europe is far more essential to our 
 national prosperity than the progress of our trade 
 with distant and half-civilised countries, upon which 
 we have been compelled to rely by the unnatural 
 state of our relations with our nearest neighbours. 
 In a commercial sense, our trade with Europe par¬ 
 takes much more of the nature of a home trade, and 
 gives far more employment to labour, by the quicker 
 circulation of capital, the rapidity of exchange, and 
 the greater variety of its component parts ; and in a 
 political sense, instead of involving heavy costs of 
 supervision, and constant risks of war, tends more 
 than any other agency to relieve our people from the 
 burden of large armaments and excessive taxation, 
 by fixing amidst “the waves of conflicting passions, 
 and jarring interests, deep in the tenacious ground 
 
8 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 of commercial sympathy, a rock for the foot of 
 Peace!”* 
 
 That which is disguised under the specious name of 
 “ protection ” is, in reality, a mere tradition of primi¬ 
 tive barbarism—a remnant of the bygone era when 
 every foreigner was an enemy, and the rule of war— 
 to take every advantage of the adversary and injure 
 him as much as possible—entered into the spirit of 
 all international dealings. The modern Treaty of 
 Commerce is, on the contrary, a legible record of the 
 dawning conviction that the good of each nation is 
 the good of all. This truth in its economic aspect 
 was first mastered by Adam Smith, in England, and 
 Turgot, in France; and in the same two countries 
 was devised, by Cobden and Chevalier, the machinery 
 in question for the gradual accomplishment of their 
 mission. 
 
 But the principles of commercial policy upon which 
 the Treaty of i860 proceeded have been the subject 
 of much hostile criticism on the part of theoretical 
 objectors in this country, from the date of its sig¬ 
 nature to the present day ; and Mr. Cobden’s character 
 for consistency and sagacity has been constantly im¬ 
 pugned for the part which he played in connection 
 with it. 
 
 * Essay on the Mission of Richard Cobden, by the late Lord 
 Hobart, in Macmillan's Magazine for January, 1867. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The objections which have been felt and expressed 
 in certain quarters to the Treaty have never been 
 better summed up than in Lord Hartington’s speech 
 at the recent dinner, reported at page 24 of the 
 proceedings :— 
 
 “ There were some even among Cobden’s own 
 friends, and among the professors of the strictest 
 school of political economy, who doubted the sound¬ 
 ness of the enterprise on which he was engaged, and 
 doubted whether, under any circumstances, it could 
 be right to enter intp stipulations on the subject of 
 tariffs, and whether, until all the nations were pre¬ 
 pared fully and freely to accept the principles of 
 Free Trade, it would be wise to give any countenance 
 to the idea that we could under any circumstances 
 produce commercial advantages for ourselves by con¬ 
 cessions which were not in reality concessions at all, 
 but which were much greater advantages to ourselves 
 than to the other party.” 
 
 It is on this ground that it has been urged that the 
 Treaty has impeded the recognition of the true 
 principles of Free Trade among nations. 
 
 This line of argument could hardly have been 
 advanced by any one who did not regard the ques¬ 
 tion from an exclusively British point of view, or 
 who was in a position to appreciate the practical 
 conditions of tariff reform on the Continent of 
 Europe. 
 
10 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 It was from a far clearer perception of economic 
 principles, as well as from a much more pro¬ 
 found knowledge than that possessed by his critics 
 of the forces engaged in the actual struggle 
 between Free Traders and Protectionists in other 
 countries,'that Mr. Cobden was led to set his hand 
 to the work which has since borne such abundant 
 fruit. 
 
 A complete vindication of this line of policy was 
 contained in the “ Letters of a Disciple of Richard 
 Cobden,” published by the Cobden Club, in 1870, to 
 which no answer has as yet been attempted, and to 
 which it might be enough to refer our readers; but 
 to those to whom these letters are unknown a few 
 further remarks may be useful. 
 
 Mr. Cobden believed, and his belief is shared by 
 most of those best qualified to form an opinion, that 
 on the Continent of Europe it is difficult to expect 
 any effectual progress in tariff reforms without much 
 of concert and co-operation on the part of the leading 
 States. 
 
 The peculiar position of England—her vast colonial 
 possessions, and the treaties which she has been able 
 to impose on weaker countries, such as Turkey and 
 China, have rendered her comparatively independent 
 (though far less so than is generally supposed) of her 
 nearer neighbours. 
 
 It is not so with those countries to whom the trade 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 with co-terminous or co-Continental countries is as 
 the breath of life. 
 
 It is obvious that a country whose foreign trade is 
 exclusively directed in a channel where it is exposed 
 to hostile tariffs will be very powerless in effecting 
 independent reductions of its own duties. This will 
 be seen at once, if it be assumed that prohibition 
 instead of Protection is enforced against foreign 
 trade. A country whose products are prohibited in 
 other countries, however free her own laws may be, 
 can export and import nothing. 
 
 Simultaneous reductions of tariff are, therefore, 
 undeniably better than independent and separate 
 revisions ; and if this be so, Commercial Treaties are 
 not only the most convenient means of such revision, 
 but infinitely the most effectual ; and this for two 
 conclusive reasons among others :— 
 
 1. They are necessarily framed with a better 
 
 knowledge of the natural conditions of the 
 respective countries. 
 
 2. They afford a security from change, at least for 
 
 a term of years ; an object of vital importance 
 to trade which can be attained by no other 
 method. 
 
 But, moreover, this form of objection is founded 
 on a misconception of the forces which promote the 
 acceptance of Free Trade principles among nations. 
 
12 
 
 COB DEN CLUB . 
 
 The most powerful of these is not an intellectual, 
 conviction, the result of a process of reasoning, but 
 the teaching of practical experience, and the creation 
 of vested interests. The importance of this last 
 factor is apt to be overlooked. The power exerted 
 by the vested interests of monopoly in maintaining a 
 Protective system is notorious. A similar force is 
 called into life on the opposite side by evoking vested 
 interests of freedom. 
 
 A signal proof of the influence of such a change 
 in the “ balance of power” among the industrial classes 
 is afforded by the history of the Treaty with France. 
 That Treaty was concluded under very unfavourable 
 conditions. It was, as it were, imposed on France 
 by the will of the Emperor, and in the teeth of the 
 national forces, which, under a representative govern¬ 
 ment, would doubtless have prevailed. Nevertheless, 
 such has been the re-distribution of public opinion on 
 this question in France during the operation of the 
 Treaty, that even when the whole strength of the 
 Executive was exerted against its renewal under the 
 auspices of M. Thiers, it was found impossible to 
 upset it. The masonry was too solid to be under¬ 
 mined by the combined forces of monopoly and 
 “ Chauvinism.” 
 
 It is difficult to conceive circumstances more ad¬ 
 verse to the progress of Free Trade than those which 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 have existed in Europe during recent years. War 
 and Protection act and re-act on each other with an 
 inexorable logic, and the financial embarrassments of 
 most of the Continental Governments have supplied an 
 occasion, which the monopolists will only too readily 
 seize, for recovering the ground which they have lost, 
 and re-imposing Protection under the pretext of fiscal 
 necessity. 
 
 Nevertheless, the reports contained in the letters 
 which we subjoin are not, on the whole, discouraging. 
 Though much is lost, much also has been gained ; 
 and it may be hoped that active and intelligent 
 diplomacy may yet avert the impending collapse of 
 the tariff system, and the confusion and disorder 
 which must be its inevitable result. 
 
 M. Bunsen and the Vicomte de Figaniere have 
 called attention to the shortcomings of the British 
 Government in their policy towards Germany and 
 Portugal, by which opportunities were lost of con¬ 
 solidating the Free Trade system in a manner which 
 would have been of inestimable value at the present 
 time. 
 
 The persistent maintenance by England of pro¬ 
 tective and discriminating duties on wines and spirits, 
 in spite of the friendly appeals of foreign govern¬ 
 ments, has not only retarded progress, but cast dis¬ 
 couragement on the cause of Free Trade. 
 
14 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 We direct the special attention of our readers to 
 the remarks of these two writers. 
 
 But perhaps the darkest spot in the prospect now 
 presented, is the state of confusion and reaction so 
 ably described by Mr. Montgomery Stuart, in a 
 country from which better things were expected—viz., 
 United Italy. It is believed that proposals have 
 been made by the Italian Government for reviving, in 
 the Treaties which are now under negotiation, the 
 worst characteristic of the old form of commercial 
 treaties, of which the Methuen Treaty was a type— 
 viz., discriminating duties between the products of 
 different countries. This attempt, if successful, will 
 re-introduce into the European system an element of 
 disorder which it has been the great object of the 
 Free Trade policy during the last twenty years to re¬ 
 move, by making it an indispensable condition of ail 
 modern treaties that they should contain a “most 
 favoured nation ” clause. This has now come almost 
 to be regarded as a part of the common law of 
 Europe: and it is hoped that the most uncompro¬ 
 mising resistance will be made to this attempt. 
 
 It is a satisfaction, in the present distracted state of 
 Europe, which for the moment threatens to imperil 
 some of the most important results of recent progress, 
 to receive the assurances contained in the letters from 
 our correspondents in the United States of America 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I S' 
 
 and in Australia as to the prospects of Free Trade in 
 the communities on whose future course the destiny 
 of the human race so much depends. 
 
 Mr. David A. Wells, whose name is identified with 
 our cause, and who is still, as ever, its powerful and un¬ 
 tiring advocate in the United States, although unable 
 yet to report legislative results, refers to the gradual 
 growth of a public opinion founded both on sounder 
 scientific knowledge, and still more upon the teachings 
 of experience, which leads him to hope that his 
 countrymen will not long repel a form of freedom so 
 essential to the well-being and security of nations. 
 
 We can well afford to wait a little longer for the 
 adhesion of a people whose verdict, when pronounced, 
 will be decisive of the fate of Protection both in 
 Europe and America. 
 
 It is impossible for Free Traders not to watch with 
 the deepest interest the course of events in the 
 Australian Colonies. 
 
 There was too much reason to fear that these 
 young States were entering upon the course, which 
 has proved so disastrous in Europe, of inter-colonial 
 treaties, tariff bargains, and differential duties. 
 Happily the bold and sagacious policy of New South 
 Wales, in giving effect to which Mr. Parkes has 
 rendered signal service, followed, as it has been by 
 South Australia, has interposed an obstacle to those 
 
COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 16 
 
 sinister projects, and afforded a hope that Australia 
 may yet avoid, in the earlier stages of her history, 
 the errors and follies of Europe and America, and lay 
 the foundations of her future greatness in the firm 
 ground of commercial freedom. 
 
 The problem before her is one of no small diffi¬ 
 culty. In England- the Imperial Parliament alone 
 regulates all fiscal questions. In the German Federa¬ 
 tion a Customs’ Union has only been achieved by 
 arrangements in which the leading States have made 
 considerable sacrifices of revenue for paramount 
 political objects. In the United States, the Federal 
 Government has reserved under its exclusive control 
 the regulation and taxation of foreign trade ; and in 
 the Canadian Dominions, which afford the closest 
 parallel to the condition of Australia, a common 
 tariff has only been secured by compromises which 
 all Free Traders view with regret. 
 
 It may still be hoped that the policy of New South 
 Wales may engender in her sister colonies a spirit of 
 generous rivalry and of enlightened self-interest which 
 will bring about ultimate union under happier aus¬ 
 pices, and with a Customs’ system which will satisfy 
 the requirements of sound economy and wise finance. 
 
 Thus there is much to view with hope, both in the 
 great Republic of the West and in the rising States 
 of Australia. If in Europe there is still too much to 
 
INTRODUCTIOW 
 
 17 
 
 rouse anxiety and disappoint the expectations of 
 the past, there is no permanent cause of discourage¬ 
 ment. In spite of standing armies, and the hostile 
 claims and pretensions of rival powers, the great 
 forces of industry and order will ultimately prevail. 
 Free Traders do not believe, as is said by enemies 
 and candid friends, that the success of their principles 
 will put a final term to war. They do believe, as 
 Cobden believed, that hostile tariffs and commercial 
 jealousy have played a deadly part in the quarrels 
 of Nations, and they see in the progress of Free 
 Trade one cause of war the less, one hope of peace 
 the more. 
 
 L. M. 
 
 
THE COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 The tenth dinner of the Cobden Club was held on 
 the 17th of July, at the Ship Hotel, Greenwich. The 
 chair was taken at 6 P.M. by M. MlCHEL CHEVALIER, 
 in honour of whom the Club was specially assembled. 
 
 The company numbered one hundred and sixty- 
 two, among whom were many foreign members of 
 the Club, and guests from all parts of Europe, from 
 the United States, and the British Colonies. There 
 were present M. Van de Putte, ex-Minister for the 
 Colonies, Holland ; Baron Von Kiibeck, Deputy of 
 Council, Austria; M. Corr Vander-Maeren, President 
 of the Political Economy Society, Belgium, who was 
 present as the delegate of that Society ; M. J. L. 
 de Bruyn Kops, Editor of the Political Economy 
 Review, Holland; M. Emile Boutmy, Director of 
 the Ecole Libre des Sciences Politiques, Paris; Dr. 
 Julius Faucher, Berlin; M. Auguste Guillemin, Paris; 
 General M'Dowell, of the UnitecJ States Army ; Mr. 
 Mahlon Sands, Secretary of the Free Trade League, 
 New York; Mr. Nathan Appleton, Boston; Sir G. 
 
DINNER, 1875 . 
 
 19 
 
 Bowen, Governor of Victoria ; Mr. Luke S. Leake, 
 Speaker of the House of Assembly, Western 
 Australia; Mr. L, Constantine Burke, Assistant 
 Attorney-General, Jamaica ; Mr. K. B. Murray, Sec¬ 
 retary of the British Chamber of Commerce, Paris ; 
 Chevalier de Scherzer, Director of Commercial Affairs 
 at the Austrian Embassy; Herr Willerding, Consul- 
 General for Sweden; Mr. D. E. Colnaghi, British 
 Consul, Florence; Sir F. Hincks, C.B., Canada; Dr. 
 Groning, Senator, Bremen; and Mr. Gower Evans, 
 Melbourne. 
 
 The Right Hon. the Marquis of Hartington, M.P., 
 sat on the right, and the Right Hon. W. E. Forster, 
 M.P., on the left of the Chairman. Among the rest 
 of the company were the Right Hon. W. E. Baxter, 
 M.P.; Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson; Right Hon. 
 A. S. Ayrton; Right Hon. W. P. Adam, M.P.; Mr. G. 
 Shaw Lefevre, M.P.; Mr. J. T. Hibbert; Mr. Arthur 
 Otway; Sir T. D. Acland, M.P. ; Sir George 
 Campbell, M.P.; Mr. H. Richard, M.P.; Dr. C. 
 Cameron, M.P.; Mr. W. E. Briggs, M.P.; Mr. W. 
 C. Brocklehurst, M.P.; Mr. W. Corbett, M.P.; Mr. 
 R. Davies, M.P.; Mr. C. Harrison, M.P.; Mr. T. 
 R. Hill, M.P.; Mr. W. Holms, M.P.; Mr. W. H. 
 James, M.P.; Mr. A. MArthur, M.P.; Mr. W. 
 M Arthur, M.P.; Mr. A. J. Moore, M.P.; Mr. E 
 Noel, M.P. ; Serjeant Simon, M.P.; Mr. J. Whitwell, 
 
20 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 M.P.; Mr. T. Burt, M.P.; Mr. James Caird, C.B.; 
 Mr. John Lambert, C.B. ; Mr. R. Baxter, Mr. 
 Albert Rutson, Professor H. J. S. Smith, Professor 
 J. E. Thorold Rogers, Mr. J. W. Probyn, Mr. W. 
 H. Ashurst, Mr. A. W. Dilke, Mr. Serjeant Parry, 
 Mr. A. Bonham-Carter, Mr. R. Fowler, Mr. James 
 White, Mr. B. Leigh Smith, etc. 
 
 Mr. T. B. Potter, M.P., the Hon. Secretary of the 
 Club, occupied the vice-chair. 
 
 When dinner was over, 
 
 The Chairman rose, amid loud cheers, and pro¬ 
 posed the toast of “ The Queen,” in the following 
 words :—Gentlemen : Having the honour of presiding 
 on the present occasion, and knowing how sincerely 
 loyal you all are to your Sovereign, Her Most Gra¬ 
 cious Majesty Queen Victoria, I propose to drink 
 to the health of the august Lady who sits on the 
 throne of this great country. Allow me to add to this 
 toast some few words, which become a foreigner, whom 
 you welcome as a friend of truth and progress. Her 
 Most Gracious Majesty has already occupied the 
 throne for a length of time which exceeds the duration 
 of most reigns. The nearly forty years that she has 
 worn the crown has been the reign of almost uninter¬ 
 rupted peace. Future generations will regard this 
 exemption from the curse of war as a most remarkable 
 and creditable example to all Sovereigns and Govern- 
 
DINNER, 1875 . 
 
 21 
 
 merits. Never during the same number of years has 
 the power of England increased to the same height, 
 and the record of this unparalleled progress will stand 
 in golden letters on the pages of history. But that 
 which, perhaps, lies nearest to the noble heart of your 
 Sovereign, is the increase of the welfare, happiness, 
 and freedom enjoyed by every class of her subjects, 
 not only in Great Britain and the Sister Island, but 
 wherever she rules throughout the surface of the 
 globe. Three centuries and a half before our time, 
 the flatterers of Charles V., King of Spain and Em¬ 
 peror of Germany, and of his son, Philip II., King of 
 Spain, boasted that the sun never set upon their do¬ 
 minions. The same may be truly said of Her Majesty 
 the Queen of the United Kingdom. But here the 
 similarity ends. Charles V. and his son, Philip II., 
 were tyrants. They were the enemies of every 
 kind of liberty. They looked upon political and 
 religious freedom as something to be eradicated from 
 the earth. They enslaved industry and commerce. 
 They abolished representative assemblies; they 
 erected scaffolds; they promoted the odious power 
 of the Inquisition, and set on fire its burning piles 
 for the destruction of heretics. In America the 
 people recently conquered were kept under an iron 
 yoke, spoiled of their property, and held in abject 
 servitude. From this dark picture turn to what is 
 
22 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 going on in this United Kingdom, and its vast colonies 
 and dependencies. From the nearest to the remotest 
 corner of the British dominions, wherever British 
 subjects live, whatever their race or colour (white dr 
 black, yellow or red), whatever their religious creed, 
 their manners, or customs, they love their Queen, be¬ 
 cause their welfare is cared for, their legitimate interests 
 are fostered, their political and religious liberties are 
 respected, and their industry and commerce, freed from 
 hindrances more than in any other country, are 
 flourishing. (Cheers.) All these blessings are secured 
 to the people under Her Majesty’s rule, of which both 
 Houses of Parliament are essential parts, and on which 
 public opinion acts as a stimulator, but of which the 
 Queen is by her own right the head, and by her 
 personal virtues and practice the great supporter and 
 defender. I repeat the toast, “To Her Most Gracious 
 Majesty Queen Victoria.” 
 
 The toast having been drunk with much enthusiasm, 
 the Marquis of HARTINGTON, who was very warmly 
 received, said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, — By the kind¬ 
 ness of the Committee of this Club I have been 
 commissioned to perform the pleasant duty of 
 presenting the gold medal of this Club to our dis¬ 
 tinguished Chairman, and of offering him, in the 
 name of j the Club, our most hearty welcome. 
 
DINNER, 1875 . 
 
 23 
 
 (Applause.) Gentlemen, I am sure you will agree 
 with me in the opinion that the medal of this Club 
 could not be presented to a more worthy recipient. 
 
 I do not refer at present to the writings upon political 
 economy, or in defence of the principles of Free 
 Trade, with which many of you are doubtless ac¬ 
 quainted, or to the services of that description which 
 have been rendered by our distinguished Chairman. 
 M. Chevalier, like Mr. Cobden, the statesman whose 
 memory we commemorate on this anniversary, has 
 not confined his work to the labours of the closet, but 
 has descended into the arena of practical politics. 
 Probably our Chairman, more than any other man, 
 has contributed to establish throughout the world the 
 sound principles of political economy, and to induce 
 Governments and nations to accept those principles 
 which, we are convinced, are sound and true. Gentle¬ 
 men, you are all aware that M. Chevalier was asso¬ 
 ciated with Mr. Cobden in the great labour of 
 negotiating the Commercial Treaty of i860. That 
 work, I beg leave to say, will do credit to both those 
 distinguished men, and I think it does equal credit 
 to their originality, and genius, and courage. It was 
 a stroke of originality and genius on the part of Mr. 
 Cobden, and of those who were associated with him, 
 to seize from the armoury of their opponents the 
 weapon which had often been turned to the purpose 
 
24 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 of imposing a most odious restriction upon the com¬ 
 mercial enterprise of nations, and turning it to the 
 removal of all restrictions on Free Trade. I say, 
 also, the enterprise in which he engaged was an 
 enterprise which required courage, because there were 
 some even among his own friends, and among the 
 professors of the strictest school of political economy, 
 who doubted the soundness of the enterprise on which 
 he was engaged, and doubted whether, under any 
 circumstances, it could be right to enter into stipula¬ 
 tions on the subject of tariffs, and whether, until all 
 the nations were prepared fully and freely to accept 
 the principles of Free Trade, it would be wise to 
 give any countenance to the idea that we could under 
 any circumstances purchase commercial advantages 
 for ourselves by concessions which were not in reality 
 concessions at all, but which were much greater 
 advantages to ourselves than to the other party. 
 Gentlemen, if Mr. Cobden had difficulties in the 
 enterprise which he undertook, I ask you to consider 
 what were the difficulties to be encountered by M. 
 Chevalier. (Applause.) In a country where public 
 opinion on the subject was, to say the least of it, 
 totally unformed, he had to combat all the opposition 
 which could be brought to bear by selfish interests 
 which hitherto had thriven, or thought they had, upon 
 Protection. Gentlemen, I think I may be allowed to 
 
DINNER, 1875 . 
 
 25 
 
 say one word as to the assistance which M. Chevalier 
 received in this enterprise. It is not for us now to 
 pronounce any opinion either for or against the Im¬ 
 perial Government; but this I think we at least may 
 be permitted to say, that, in this instance at least, the 
 Emperor rose to a sense of the responsibility in which 
 he was placed, and used the almost absolute authority 
 with which he was invested for the interest and 
 advantage of the whole people over whom he ruled, 
 and not for the supposed interest or advantage 
 of any class, whoever they might be. (Applause.) 
 Gentlemen, it will not be for me to detain you by any 
 particulars as to the effects of the treaty which was 
 negotiated by Mr. Cobden and M. Chevalier. I hope 
 that others who may follow me may be able to give 
 you some information on this point ; but I trust that 
 M. Chevalier, when he again addresses you, will be 
 able to tell you that when a few years ago the 
 terms of that treaty had expired, and when on 
 account of the financial necessities of France some 
 modifications of that treaty became necessary, and 
 when, in consequence, some French statesmen desired 
 to take advantage of those necessities to revive the 
 principles of Protection, there was found to exist 
 throughout France, among various interests and 
 expressed in various ways, and in a far greater 
 degree than could have been expected, a feeling in 
 
26 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 favour of the Treaty of i860—(hear, hear)—and of 
 the principles which were embodied, although only 
 to a limited extent, in that treaty. (Cheers.) If 
 M. Chevalier gives us, as I trust he can, such an 
 assurance, I think we need feel no doubt that a final 
 triumph throughout France, and indeed throughout 
 Europe, of those principles which we advocate, is 
 assured ; for it will prove that, in however a restricted 
 manner, those principles have obtained a foothold and 
 base of operations ; and if we believe, as I am sure 
 we do believe, in the truth of the principles of Free 
 Trade, that is all we require. (Hear, hear.) We are 
 convinced that having once obtained that foothold 
 and base of operation, they will go on extending until 
 their final triumph is assured. (Hear.) I hope and 
 trust that our distinguished Chairman and guest this 
 evening may live to see that final consummation— 
 (hear, hear)—and that he may live to receive the 
 acknowledgment of the services he has rendered 
 to his country—services as great as those which were 
 rendered to his country by Cobden. (Cheers.) What 
 those services were I need not detain you to recapitu¬ 
 late. Still, it is well that we should sometimes cast 
 one look back to the services which were rendered by 
 Cobden and Bright and their friends. When once 
 the victory of the principles of Free Trade was 
 achieved in Parliament, their subsequent progress was 
 
DINNER , 1875 . 
 
 27 
 
 so silent, so undisturbed, and so unaccompanied by 
 any violent changes, that we have come almost to 
 regard the benefits which have been conferred upon 
 us by Free Trade as if these benefits came to us by 
 nature, as do light and air. (Cheers.) It is not amiss 
 sometimes that we should reflect on the advantages 
 which we have derived from those great reforms 
 initiated and carried by Cobden. It is not only that 
 all classes have benefited in their income and com¬ 
 forts ; it is not only that those very classes which 
 ought to have been ruined by Free Trade are now 
 richer and more prosperous than ever, but above all it 
 is that the working classes, the lowest and humblest 
 of our fellow-citizens, have had their means of sub¬ 
 sistence and comfort greatly increased ; and when we 
 consider how large a portion of the life of those 
 classes is occupied by a bare struggle for existence, it 
 is almost impossible to overrate the advantages which 
 have been conferred on us by Free Trade. Gentle¬ 
 men, at this time, when after a week of rain and 
 storm, which has caused serious apprehensions for the 
 harvest, at this moment, when we are looking, at the 
 most, with apprehension to a time of financial and 
 commercial depression and inactivity, we should, if it 
 had not been for the exertions of Mr. Cobden and his 
 friends, have been looking to scarcity, perhaps even 
 to famine, to disease, to discontent, and perhaps to 
 
28 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 disturbance and disaffection. These are some of the 
 benefits which have been conferred on this country by 
 Cobden and those who followed him. Such benefits 
 as these we hope will be conferred upon his country 
 by the exertions of M. Chevalier and his friends, and 
 I am sure I am expressing the feelings of all here 
 when I say we heartily and sincerely trust our dis¬ 
 tinguished guest this evening may live to see the 
 fruits of Free Trade as fully and generously reaped 
 in France as they have been in England. (Cheers.) I 
 beg in the name of this Club to offer to M. Chevalier 
 our most cordial welcome, and to present to him the 
 medal which has been entrusted to me to deliver. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 The noble Marquis then presented the medal to 
 M. Chevalier, and resumed his seat amid loud cheers. 
 
 M. Chevalier then rose to propose the principal 
 toast of the evening—“ Prosperity to the Cobden 
 Club. He spoke in English, as follows :— 
 
 Gentlemen : I feel most grateful for this kind sur¬ 
 prise—the unexpected gift of your gold medal. The 
 zeal I may have displayed for the cause of Free 
 Trade, and for which you think proper to award me 
 this handsome medal, is but a feeble and dull imita¬ 
 tion of what many of you have done, and of what 
 Richard Cobden set so striking and so successful 
 an example. I am highly flattered also that this 
 
DINNER, 1875 . 
 
 29 
 
 medal was transmitted to me in your behalf 
 through the hands of the noble orator who fills so 
 important and elevated a position in the House 
 of Commons. Between the Marquis of Hartington 
 and me already existed a tie of which I feel 
 proud. We were made doctors at the University 
 of Cambridge on the same day, thirteen years ago, 
 under the auspices of his illustrious father, the Duke 
 of Devonshire, but from this day there will be a new 
 tie between us, that of gratitude on my part for the 
 very complimentary words by which he has accom¬ 
 panied the presentation of the medal. 
 
 I now propose to drink to “ The Prosperity of the 
 Cobden Club.” 
 
 The Cobden Club of itself, and through its nume¬ 
 rous associates scattered all over the world, has ren¬ 
 dered important services to the cause of civilisation. 
 Its motto, “ Free Trade, Peace, Goodwill among 
 Nations,” is to be ever praised. It is perfectly well 
 chosen, even for the least troubled times, for it recalls 
 to the mind admirable blessings, the value of which 
 men, when their passions are aroused, are prone to 
 forget. Free Trade, peace, and goodwill among 
 nations are in perfect accordance with the highest 
 interests of mankind, and essential to the progress 
 and prosperity of every nation under the sun, of every 
 province, and almost of every individual. Yet look 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 30 
 
 at the history, not of times buried in the dust of the 
 past, but of the present century. The spirit of war, 
 the love of military glory, the ardour for conquest 
 and for national supremacy, are defects inherent in 
 the nature of man, and they find ready entrance into 
 the minds even of talented and able statesmen pro¬ 
 fessing to be humane and Christian. Of your motto, 
 the first point, Free Trade, seems now in a fair way to 
 form part of the policy of all Governments, and at no 
 distant day to come off conqueror. The majority of 
 the governing classes of other nations are doing their 
 duty, as you have done on this side of the Channel. 
 But it is not so with the other sentiments expressed 
 in your device. There is still alive, and, alas ! in good 
 health and high spirits, a school of politicians who 
 seem to consider peace and goodwill among nations 
 as wild dreams and chimerical notions, fit only for the 
 amusement or literary exercise of rhetoricians. At 
 this very moment an effort to support every word of 
 your device is far from being superfluous. It has 
 rather become a necessity. Two or three months ago 
 peace and goodwill among nations seemed for a 
 moment a mere delusion—a vapour ready to vanish. 
 Had not the Government of this United Kingdom 
 taken a wise and firm stand, as well as the Russian 
 Government, a wide-spread, devastating war might 
 have swept over Europe. 
 
DINNER , 1875. 
 
 3 i 
 
 Free Trade! Around this table sit many valiant, 
 eloquent, strong supporters of it. Men no longer 
 laugh at it, as they did in the council halls of 
 England a century ago, as they did on the Con¬ 
 tinent only a score of years before the present 
 day. The victory is virtually won for the civilised 
 world, and it has been so through the persevering 
 efforts and wisdom of a number of able, high- 
 minded men in this country. Ultimate triumph is 
 certain from London and Paris to Pekin and Yeddo, 
 vid Washington, as the result of what has been done 
 successfully for the cause by the greatest merchants 
 of the City of London, allied with Thomas Cooke in 
 1820; by Huskisson in 1825; by our immortal 
 Richard Cobden, his intimate friend, John Bright, 
 and their associates of the Anti-Corn-Law League 
 since 1838 ; by Sir Robert Peel in 1846; and it is 
 impossible to forget the name of Gladstone in that 
 galaxy of statesmen who, after Sir Robert Peel to the 
 present day, took the task into their own hands in 
 Parliament, and worked at it with such untiring firm¬ 
 ness and ability. (Cheers.) 
 
 On this important subject of Free Trade we 
 have now come to the testing point. Before the 
 end of 1877 all the Governments of Continental 
 Europe must make up their minds in regard to the 
 renewal of their Commercial Treaties, and this is but 
 
3 2 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 the question of Free Trade itself. Nor is the agita¬ 
 tion of this question confined to Europe. Either the 
 Universal Exhibition so magnificently organising at 
 this moment in Philadelphia for next year has no 
 meaning whatever, or it is a sign that the day draws 
 near when the Free Trade policy will have obtained 
 its introduction into the great Republic of the New 
 World. (Cheers.) We have good reason to hope 
 that the Free Trade principle is to be benefited by 
 the renewal of treaties, and that at the end of 1877 
 Continental Europe may be nearer the point we aim 
 at than it is now. Still, persevering exertions are 
 needed to secure this acquisition, and I beg to be 
 allowed to say that this Club cannot be idle at so 
 momentous a time. Experience and well-ascertained 
 facts constitute the strongest kind of evidence, and 
 are the best arguments to use in persuading states¬ 
 men, representative assemblies, and the public at 
 large in every country, of the propriety and necessity 
 of a change from Prohibition and Protection to Free 
 Trade, from heavy customs’ duties to a very liberal 
 tariff. The example of the English nation, whose 
 wealth has been so much enhanced by the adoption 
 of Free Trade, is the most forcible and convincing 
 proof which can be used to influence public opinion 
 in Europe and America. A true and complete state¬ 
 ment of the progress realised by England will make a 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 33 
 
 deep impression upon the mind of every observing 
 and thinking person abroad. At the annual general 
 meeting of the Club held on the 26th of June, it 
 has been resolved that the Club, to which the world 
 is already indebted for the publication of excellent 
 volumes, should take proper steps for publishing 
 books and pamphlets suitable to the present circum¬ 
 stances, and for promoting lectures calculated to 
 further the cause of Free Trade. For these measures 
 the Club deserves to be congratulated, for they are 
 very auspicious, and they come at the most proper 
 moment. This fact is a new evidence that the Club 
 knows what to do at all times, and that it is com¬ 
 posed of men who are ready to unite their exertions 
 with those of all other public-spirited men, either in 
 England or abroad, for the accomplishment of the 
 important objects for which the Club was organised. 
 It would be a dangerous illusion to suppose that, 
 although the advantages of Free Trade are immense, 
 the re-construction of the Treaties of Commerce on a 
 liberal basis throughout Europe can be accomplished 
 without a hard struggle. The Protectionist interest 
 is still very strong, and they will use every effort to 
 regain the ground they have lost. They understand 
 that if they are beaten on the present occasion they 
 are so for ever. It would be a great point to them, 
 even without wresting anything from the Free Traders, 
 C 
 
34 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 if they could succeed in stopping the Free Trade 
 current, which went on in a masterly way on the 
 Continent of Europe from i860, mainly under the 
 guidance of the late Government of France, and of 
 the deceased Emperor Napoleon III. personally. 
 
 Now, the reasons we have on our side, and of which 
 the Free Traders on the Continent will make the best 
 use in their power, are the following ones :—Besides 
 the marvellous success of the experiment commenced 
 in England thirty or forty years ago, we have the 
 signal success of, at any rate, the beginning of the 
 Free Trade policy in the Continental States and 
 specially in France. It may be said without exaggera¬ 
 tion that this wholesome policy, followed since i860, 
 although restricted and timid, as it must be in the 
 outset, has added so much to the resources of France 
 that it has enabled her to bear the heavy burdens 
 arising from the tremendous war of 1870, including 
 the sum, amounting to more than £200,000,000 ster¬ 
 ling, exacted from her by the victor. Owing to the 
 wealth acquired and acquiring every day under the 
 auspices of a Free Trade system still very far from 
 perfect, France has the power of supplying a budget 
 of above one hundred millions of pounds, besides 
 thirty-five or forty millions of local expenses. Another 
 beneficial effect of the Free Trade system of France, 
 even imperfect and incomplete as it is, may be 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 35 
 
 seen in the fact that bank notes, in average to 
 the amount of mere than one hundred millions of 
 pounds, nominally inconvertible, circulate freely in 
 the country with no discount—a financial phenomenon 
 which has no parallel to be met with before in the 
 history of any country. If, then, the tree of Free 
 Trade has produced such fruits, even when, as is the 
 case in France, some of its largest roots are wanting, 
 and some of its finest branches cut off, what will it not 
 produce when all its roots and branches are allowed to- 
 develop themselves freely and fully ? (Cheers.) 
 
 The narrow escape Continental Europe had from a 
 bloody contest at the end of last April has aroused, 
 on the Continent a feeling very favourable to the 
 cause of Free Trade, because Free Trade is endowed 
 with a great force to oblige, in many cases, the 
 genius of war to recede. On this point I beg to lay 
 before you some reflections for which we are indebted 
 to Richard Cobden, and which you may have heard 
 from his lips more than once. It would be going 
 beyond the mark to say that Free Trade may ever 
 defeat warlike enterprise. The spirit of war, on 
 account of the horrors and losses it inflicts on nations, 
 is so great an evil that mankind, intelligent as it is, 
 never ought to let itself be subdued and mastered by 
 it. But we must not indulge in vain hope, and 
 certain illusion. Owing to the imperfection of our 
 
36 
 
 COD DEN CLUB. 
 
 nature, in truth, it must be acknowledged that war is 
 a vice by which mankind will be swayed more or less 
 to the end of centuries. In consequence of this 
 dreadful passion, the most civilised nations and the 
 most humane statesmen are compelled to keep 
 armies organised and preparations for war always in 
 readiness. Richard Cobden had a most humane 
 spirit, and he hated war as strongly as anybody on 
 the earth; but, at the same time, he had cosmopolitan 
 tendencies ; that is, he believed the will of God to be 
 that men be brothers to each other. At the same 
 time he was a patriot, and he hated oppression and 
 attempts of outrages to national dignity, from what¬ 
 ever quarter they might come. He thought that un¬ 
 fortunately war was in some cases unavoidable, as being 
 for a peace-loving nation the only resource against 
 -'foreign violence. Then, if war be from time to time 
 unavoidable, so is the expense of standing armies and 
 ■of warlike preparations. Still, if war cannot be 
 abolished, certainly it may be restrained in the number 
 of its explosions. In cases of emergency, when the 
 danger is near, arbitration opens to wise and patriotic 
 statesmen a fair way of adjusting the differences which 
 may occur. Here allow me to say that one of the 
 merits of the Cobden Club is its attachment to the 
 principle of arbitration, although recognising the diffi¬ 
 culties which, in some cases, attend its application. 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 37 
 
 The influence of Free Trade in the same direction 
 is very great, and it is of a preventive character. 
 Free Trade disseminates the seeds of harmony 
 and solidarity, when national hatred may rule, 
 and brutal selfishness may create the base desire 
 to gain riches and power by plunder and arrogant 
 domination over other nations. Free Trade is the 
 intimate friend and ally of peace. This belief is now 
 widely diffused in Europe, and tends to the extension 
 of the Free Trade policy. If the Commercial Treaties 
 which were negotiated from year to year, after the 
 signature of the Treaty of i860 between England and 
 France, had been of a more ancient date ; if the com¬ 
 mercial regime they have established had been in 
 operation for twenty years instead of five or six, on 
 the average, when the war broke out between France 
 and Germany, in 1870, it is very likely that this awful 
 war would have been averted. This opinion is held on 
 the Continent by a number of enlightened persons—a 
 circumstance which may give confidence in the success 
 of the attempt to improve the treaties now verging 
 on their expiration, and to frame new ones on more 
 liberal terms. The Free Traders on the Continent 
 will spare no efforts in promoting this invaluable 
 result, and they rejoice that the Cobden Club fully 
 participate in their feeling and heartily desire their 
 success. (Cheers.) If success crowns these mutual pro- 
 
3 * 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 ceedings, it will be most gratifying to all assembled in 
 this room, for the sake of the various nations to which 
 they belong. Let me add that to the soul of Richard 
 Cobden, who bequeathed you his plan and his hopes, 
 and whose name has become the name of your body, 
 it will be a great satisfaction in the calm and quiet 
 abode to which it has been raised by the merciful 
 hand of God. 
 
 M. Chevalier then proposed the toast, “ To the 
 Memory of Richard Cobden, and the Prosperity of 
 the Cobden Club.” The speech was received with 
 cheers, and the toast drunk with enthusiasm. - 
 
 Mr. W. E. Forster, who was loudly cheered, said : 
 
 The health which I have the honour to propose is 
 put down on the paper as “ The Health of the Foreign 
 Guests,” but there is a mistake here. We are not 
 only proud to entertain foreign gentlemen here, but 
 there are included in this toast guests not foreign, but 
 from our Colonies, whom we are delighted to see at 
 a great Free Trade banquet, and we have also here 
 gentlemen whom I can hardly call foreigners—our 
 kinsmen from the United States. (Cheers.) A man 
 who, like myself, has very recently been for some 
 months at home in that country can hardly call 
 General M‘Dowell or Mr. Appleton foreigners. I do 
 not know, of all the meetings of this Club in honour of 
 Mr. Cobden, that there is one which would have given 
 
D 2 A/NER, 1875. 
 
 39 
 
 him more pleasure to attend if living than the one this 
 evening. I think it would have been a special pleasure 
 to him if he could have looked forward to the time 
 to see his name associated, not only with a gathering 
 of his own countrymen in these isles, but also of men 
 from over the seas, celebrating his principles and trying 
 to promote them. It would have been a great delight 
 to him to know that from all points of the Conti¬ 
 nent came fellow-workers and sympathisers in our 
 principles. 
 
 Gentlemen, your Chairman has most properly 
 warned you that this is a time at which this gathering 
 is of real practical advantage. He has very ungrudg¬ 
 ingly responded to the question of my noble friend as 
 to the prospects of Free Trade on the Continent of 
 Europe, and has given quite as sanguine a reply as I 
 could have hoped for, and no less sanguine a reply than 
 I believe to be true. There is no doubt, as he says, 
 that a crisis is quickly coming on. Treaties formed 
 after the French Treaty are coming to an end. The 
 Protectionists are making what we all hope will be 
 their last struggle. Upon that struggle I am requested 
 to tell you, as I am sure you will be glad to hear, Free 
 Traders in Germany contemplate a conference in 
 Berlin, organised by Baron Behr, at which several 
 members of our Club—Mr. W. C. Cartwright, Mr. 
 Behrens, of Bradford, and Mr. Shaw Lefevre—will be 
 
40 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 present. Several letters have been received from the 
 Continent sympathising with our movement; they are 
 too long to read now, but they will be published in 
 the proceedings. 
 
 I have mentioned what would have been the 
 pleasure of Mr. Cobden at this meeting, but what 
 would he have felt or said about the great move¬ 
 ments in which he took so much interest, in 
 which he spent his life, if he could have lived to see 
 this time ? I dare say we shall be told on Monday 
 morning by those who hardly ever acknowledge a 
 hope of success until it is accomplished—(laughter)— 
 that, had he been living now, he would have been 
 down-hearted and depressed, and doubting the truth 
 of his own principles. But we who knew him when 
 living, and who read his writings, and knew the spirit 
 of the man, know that temporary checks would never 
 have depressed him. As regards Free Trade, I do 
 not see the grounds for that discouragement, as I think 
 Free Trade has survived, with great success, great 
 difficulties and dangers. Take France—the French 
 Treaty was greatly due to Cobden and Chevalier ; but 
 they both would have acknowledged that it was also 
 greatly owing to that perception of truth and deter¬ 
 mination to realise it, which, as my noble friend has so 
 eloquently expressed it, was the characteristic of the 
 late Emperor Napoleon. We give no opinion on his 
 
DINNER , 1875. 
 
 general policy—if we were asked to give one, perhaps 
 we might not wish to express it—but we cannot at a 
 meeting of the Cobden Club hear the name of the Em¬ 
 peror Napoleon without respect, and almost with 
 reverence. He was a great advocate of Free Trade. He 
 fell, and in a manner which made his fall likely to in¬ 
 crease the unpopularity of any cause which he had 
 espoused ; and following him came a statesman, to 
 whom France owes much, who helped her in the time 
 of need, but who was as well known for his zeal 
 against Free Trade as the Emperor was known for it. 
 Nevertheless, France has not gone back, in spite of the 
 power of M. Thiers. In the same way there has been 
 a great difficulty in the very enormous sums which, 
 owing to the late war, Continental nations have had to 
 raise. That has also been the case in the country of 
 General M‘Dowell. That gives the Protectionists a 
 great chance. When they have to raise revenues, it 
 is so easy to get in a Protectionist duty by calling it 
 a tariff or revenue duty. I am prepared to meet our 
 critics with the statement that Free Trade has not 
 gone back since the days of Cobden, and I believe the 
 prophesying and encouraging words of our President 
 will turn out to be true, and that the next struggle 
 will be a serious one, will require all the efforts 
 of our Government and of the friends and advocates 
 of Free Trade, in this and other countries, to en- 
 
42 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 counter it, but will be the last struggle against the real 
 principles of Free Trade. (Cheers.) 
 
 Well, but Richard Cobden was not only the advo¬ 
 cate of Free Trade, he was the apostle of peace. 
 What shall we say about peace ? Well, I think there 
 has been so much fighting in Europe, and I am sure 
 there has been so much fighting in America, that there 
 is not likely to be more fighting at present. I believe 
 too many people have suffered to wish for war again. 
 I do not know what it may be on the Continent, but 
 I know that in the United States the apostles of 
 peace are the soldiers of the late war. However that 
 may be, all that we can do is not to boast over our 
 comparative exemption, but to sympathise and feel 
 for those nations and peoples. We have had to pass 
 through their difficulties. Look at France and her 
 internal struggle at this moment. In order to under¬ 
 stand the feelings of each party we must go back to 
 our own civil war, and to the times of Cromwell and 
 James II. If we take the great struggle now going 
 on in Germany between the Civil and the Eccle¬ 
 siastical Power, it will not become me to give an 
 opinion on it at such a meeting as this, nor would you 
 desire to hear it; but if we would understand and 
 sympathise with the feelings of either party we must 
 not compare them with the England of the present 
 age we must compare them with the England of the 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 43 
 
 time of Elizabeth, or of the time of the Popish Plot. 
 It is a delicate subject when we have gathered round 
 our table members of so many different nationalities 
 of Europe; but when we consider all those inter¬ 
 national feelings which result in these enormous 
 armies, we must ourselves look back, to understand 
 them, to the time when we had a frontier between 
 ourselves and Scotland ; while now, thank God, we 
 have not a frontier in the world—no frontier from 
 which there is any danger, for we have either the sea, 
 or in our wide-spread dominions we have uncivilised, 
 and, therefore, weak neighbours in every important 
 dependency, except in that one case where in Canada 
 we have our friends in the United States, with whom 
 we have no quarrel or probability of quarrel hereafter. 
 (Cheers.) This being our position, let us not be 
 induced to boast over it, but rather let us endeavour 
 to put ourselves in the position of people on the 
 Continent, and not blame them over much. We 
 should rather grieve over them that they feel that 
 they are driven by the circumstances in which they 
 are placed to have these tremendous armies drinking 
 up, as it were, their very life blood. I do not know 
 that we can do more than try to induce the good and 
 w r ise men in the nations of Europe to take counsel 
 together and to endeavour to preach to their own 
 countrymen our motto of “ Free Trade, Peace, and 
 
44 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 Goodwill amongst Nations.” (Cheers.) I hope that 
 this Club may, to some extent, do honour to the 
 name of him whom we are here to celebrate, by 
 gathering together men of this nature, who are willing 
 thus to take counsel together. But we must not 
 boast over our position ; we have our own rocks 
 ahead, and we have our Cassandras to tell us of them, 
 and sometimes they are described in such eloquent 
 terms that I dare say you, like myself, are filled with 
 alarm. (Laughter, and cries of “No!”) Well, “no,” 
 I say too. There is the progress of Democracy even 
 in this country, there is the power of the masses and 
 the increase of that power, and sometimes w'e may 
 seem to fear in what that may result. Let me just 
 say what my right hon. friend, Mr. Cobden’s old 
 colleague and fellow-labourer, Mr. Milner Gibson— 
 (cheers)—has told me this evening, that over and over 
 again and many a time has he had proved to him, 
 and asserted as without the possibility of dispute, 
 that England was going on in a course which would 
 soon make it a hell upon earth. Well, it is true we 
 are not in heaven, and I do not know that we are 
 near it, but we certainly are not much farther off it 
 than we were twenty or thirty years ago. (Cheers.) 
 
 There is one question on which I cannot help, at a 
 meeting of this Club, saying one word, because I 
 believe that Cobden would have been delighted if he 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 45 
 
 had seen the present aspect of that question. We 
 are often told we have no international war, but we 
 have a war within our borders between labour and 
 capital. Well, I have been an employer of labour 
 ever since I arrived at manhood, and I can say that I 
 never saw a time in which employers and employed 
 were on better terms than they are now. (Cheers.) 
 
 But whatever we may say or think of our future, 
 there is no doubt that our present is very quiet. 
 Sometimes people almost sneer and lament over this 
 quietness, and say, What has become of the great 
 English-speaking nations, when England and America 
 have had for the last year only two things upon 
 which they have been occupied—two sensational, not 
 to say scandalous trials, and of little else have they 
 been thinking ? I am afraid our friends on the Con¬ 
 tinent would not sympathise with our lamentations 
 over this quiet, and would not be sorry even if they 
 had two similar trials, provided they had no other 
 kind of anxiety. There is, however, one opportunity 
 which we English-speaking nations could seize if we 
 would, that would do good to ourselves, to the world, 
 and to Europe, viz., if we would establish Free Trade 
 amongst ourselves—(cheers)—if we could get Sir 
 George Bowen to go back and preach the success of 
 Free Trade in the great Australian commonwealths 
 which have risen up, and which we regard with such 
 
4 6 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 pride and joy. We have a leading member of another 
 Australian community here ; if he, too, could go back 
 and persuade his friends to a‘similar policy; if we 
 could persuade our American friends to do the same. 
 (Hear, hear.) They may say it is against their 
 interest, but we know better. (Hear.) We have tried 
 all that, and we know that the interest of the con¬ 
 sumer is the interest of the country. (Cheers.) All I 
 can say is this: if we could in any way secure Free 
 Trade amongst the English-speaking nations; if we 
 could say that there should be no custom-houses to 
 bar intercourse between them, we should give such a 
 lesson of peace and prosperity to the countries of 
 Europe that I believe they would disband their stand¬ 
 ing armies and follow our example. We shall be 
 told that this is a dream, and such a dream as could 
 only be dreamed after dinner. .(Laughter.) But, re¬ 
 member, these dreams are not impossible in these 
 days, nor in a free country. Directly the sentiments 
 of a country become convinced, what had appeared 
 to be wrong is seen to be right; and however un¬ 
 reasonable it may be to have such expectations, I 
 trust in them, and I think they will be the forerunners 
 of a close alliance amongst the English-speaking 
 races. I believe it is one of those dreams of the 
 present which is a shadow of the future. (Cheers.) I 
 beg to give the toast of “ Our Guests from over the 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 47 
 
 Sea,” and I will call on several distinguished gentle¬ 
 men to respond. The toast was drunk with great 
 warmth. 
 
 M. Van DE Putte, ex-Minister of the Colonies 
 for Holland, who was first called on to respond, 
 said :— 
 
 I must begin by asking the patience of the assem¬ 
 bly, not only because I am not at all prepared to 
 speak this evening, but moreover because I speak 
 very bad English. I will be very short; but I will 
 try to speak in the English of this glorious country. 
 (Hear, hear.) Mr. Forster has proposed “The Foreign 
 Guests.” I belong to a foreign nation which stood 
 three hundred years ago at the head in sound prin¬ 
 ciples of self-government, in liberal institutions, 
 religious tolerance, and Free Trade. (Hear, hear.) 
 But times are changed, and the time is distant when 
 Holland could pretend to have any influence in 
 Europe in political matters ; but still we sympathise 
 with self-government, with liberal institutions, and 
 with religious tolerance. My hon. friend and I of 
 the Dutch Parliament (M. Kops) are very happy to 
 assist at the Cobden dinner, and to assent to the 
 principles of the Club—“Free Trade, Peace, and 
 Goodwill amongst Nations.” 
 
 Baron VON KiiBECK, Deputy of the Council of 
 Austria, next responded. He said :— 
 
4 8 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,—You will not, I am 
 convinced, measure my words with the standard of a 
 severe judge, as it is only too natural that a foreigner, 
 who has to speak in a strange idiom, should fail to 
 make himself understood. I feel proud, and happy, 
 and honoured indeed to appear amongst this illus¬ 
 trious and distinguished assembly. Till now, I never 
 had occasion to avail myself of the privilege of taking 
 part in a meeting of the Cobden Club—an assembly 
 which represents true humanity, peace, Free Trade, 
 and goodwill amongst nations—noble principles, 
 which will and must sooner or later conquer the 
 world, in spite of a strong and obstinate resistance, 
 not free from misunderstanding of facts and principles. 
 To defy such an opposition has always been and is 
 the task of strong and clear minds. It is therefore 
 with a feeling of pride that I have to thank the mem¬ 
 bers of this Club, who put my name down among the 
 list of honorary members. 
 
 I am proud of it as an Austrian subject, because it 
 has given me an opportunity to-day to affirm that in 
 my own country the principles of the great and im¬ 
 mortal Cobden are taking root every day more and 
 more. And the real criterion for this my opinion is, 
 that even the Protectionists, who are raising their 
 heads again very boldly, do not seriously dream, as 
 they did ten or fifteen years ago, of high Protective 
 
DINNER, 1875 . 
 
 49 
 
 duties, and they are quite contented if the duties are 
 not very much reduced. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 I cannot keep silence about the sad fact, which I 
 feel it my duty to tell you, that the English-Austrian 
 Treaty, concluded in the year 1865, and the second 
 Supplementary Treaty, in 1869, have not met with 
 great sympathy in our country. 
 
 I believe, and did not shrink from declaring frankly 
 at different public meetings in Austria, that the 
 greater part of our textile manufacturers overlook the 
 real reasons of the deplorable state of most of our 
 industries at present, by attributing it all to our 
 treaties with England and other Powers, with whom 
 they have been concluded on the same basis. 
 
 It seems quite evident that, after a period of over¬ 
 speculation, and of a sort of general epidemic craving 
 to gain riches with the least possible trouble and effort 
 —so to say, by gambling—the real and fictitious 
 capitals run into wrong channels, where they lie for a 
 time unproductive, and at last a panic on the Exchange 
 takes place, the immediate consequence of which is 
 that the investors’ earnings are very much reduced, 
 and their industry paralysed ; they have no outlet for 
 their goods, and are compelled to sell them at further 
 reductions, and they are unable to see their income 
 regularly guaranteed as it was before. This extra¬ 
 ordinary and unlucky state of things, temporary as it 
 D 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 5 ° 
 
 is, just coincides with the expiration of the Anglo- 
 Austrian Treaty of Commerce, the renewal of which 
 will, I am afraid, meet with no little difficulty in 
 Austria. 
 
 There is no doubt that the universality of trade 
 caused by the daily increasing means of communica¬ 
 tion, by the conformity of legislation in all the 
 civilised states of Europe, by the liberal institutions, 
 which bring nations continually nearer together, and 
 make manifest the absolute' solidarity of their eco¬ 
 nomical interests—that this very universality renders 
 crises on the money market and their consequences 
 more generally felt than before ; but to believe, as the 
 manufacturers do, that these consequences can be 
 stopped by an artificial isolation is to rely on the same 
 fallacy on which Protectionism itself rests. (Hear, 
 hear.) 
 
 But since the somewhat antiquated ideas of the 
 South-German author and statesman, Fred. List, and 
 the newer doctrines about Social Science of Carey, 
 have possessed the minds of a great part of my own 
 countrymen and of the South-Germans, it seems hope¬ 
 less to convince them in what a contradiction they 
 put themselves towards the exigencies of modern 
 times, so clearly conceived by the great Cobden. 
 
 These facts suggested to several of my friends in 
 Austria to form a Society of Austrian Political-Econo- 
 
DINNER, 1875 . 
 
 5 1 
 
 mists, having the object of exchanging, in yearly 
 congresses, their ideas about the most important 
 economical questions, with special reference to our 
 own legislation, and stimulating an intelligent interest 
 in such questions throughout our nation. Let me 
 hope to see, one day, our young association grow 
 into an ally of the Cobden Club. (Cheers.) 
 
 We have the satisfaction to count amongst our 
 foreign members two very distinguished members' of 
 the Cobden Club, Sir Louis Mallet and Mr. Somerset 
 Beaumont, and I am sure it is a good omen for the 
 further development of our young society that these 
 gentlemen, who have often proved themselves friends 
 of Austria, willingly accepted their nomination as 
 honorary members. 
 
 Our first congress was held at Vienna on the 5th, 
 6th, and 7th of April last, when the following topics 
 were discussed :— 
 
 1. Currency and National Banks. 
 
 2. Railway Tariffs. 
 
 3. Home Taxation. 
 
 4. Commercial Policy. 
 
 You can easily imagine that the great question of 
 commercial policy opened a fair tournament between 
 Free Traders and Protectionists, which lasted eight 
 hours in one continuance. Some of my friends joined 
 me in a most enlightened manner, and certainly with 
 
52 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 the most trenchant arguments that could be brought 
 forward ; amongst them I might mention to you Dr. 
 Alexander von Dorn, editor of the Gazette of Trieste, 
 and member of the Committee of the German 
 Congress of Economists, and Professor Francis 
 Neumann, who is an honorary member of the 
 Cobden Club, but is unfortunately prevented from 
 coming over here by official business. 
 
 To my very great disappointment we were defeated 
 by a considerable majority of the Congress on grounds 
 which I have already tried to explain, and which 
 seemed to me based rather on a thorough theoretical 
 misunderstanding—perhaps misinterpretation—than 
 on, as you might think, high Protectionism. The 
 word Free Trade ’ has still something alarming in 
 the ears of a great part of our manufacturers and 
 many other people too, because, without penetrating 
 coolly and quietly the practical meaning of this great 
 word, and of the immortal ideas of Cobden, they are 
 always checked by the fallacy of a supposed robbery 
 committed on the home labour by allowing foreign 
 goods to come in, and admitting foreign competition. 
 
 Whoever observes and takes into consideration the 
 progress that industry has made altogether, and espe¬ 
 cially in Austria, how our exports have grown as the 
 result of the competition, not only within the bound¬ 
 aries of the country itself, but also with all the states 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 S 3 
 
 of Europe, will not deny that the modern Treaties of 
 Commerce, based on the principle of the “ most 
 favoured nation ” clause, have helped a great deal to 
 enhance this progress. 
 
 I trust the new treaty, which will be concluded 
 after the expiration of the old one, between England 
 and Austro-Hungary will not prove a reaction 
 against the system lately inaugurated. I have 
 sufficient confidence in the wisdom of our statesmen 
 and Parliament that both will walk the right middle 
 path, and know how to resist any unjust and one¬ 
 sided, although loud, agitation in the direction of 
 Protectionism. (Cheers.) 
 
 This, Mr. Chairman, is my sincerest wish, and, 
 speaking of my own country, I know very well that 
 our proverbial friendship and alliance with the great 
 British Empire, which has brought us at last, after 
 long difficulties and struggles, the blessings of liberal 
 political and religious institutions, will bring us also 
 that of economical liberty, the logical consequence of 
 any other freedom. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, you mentioned the friendly relations 
 between England and France, which replaced the old 
 jealousy between the two countries. I am happy to 
 remind you of the friendship existing now between 
 Austria and Italy, a proof of which was given in the 
 cordial reception offered to my loved and magnani- 
 
54 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 mous sovereign, the Emperor Francis Joseph, by His 
 Majesty the King of Italy and his people at Venice. 
 The old feud is forgotten. (Cheers.) Allow me to 
 express a hope now that as Austria has always 
 followed England on the basis of freedom and truth, 
 she will also follow her in that liberty of trade which 
 is of as much radical consequence as any other. There¬ 
 fore I wish heartily for everlasting friendship between 
 Great Britain and Austria, and I echo the sentiments 
 of Cobden, “Free Trade, peace, and goodwill between 
 all nations.” (Loud cheers.) 
 
 In introducing General M'Dowell, Mr. Forster 
 said :— 
 
 It is only fair for me first to tell you that I rather 
 caught General M'Dowell and brought him down 
 here. He is not, like so many of our guests, a known 
 and pronounced Free Trader, and I don’t know what 
 his sentiments are, but of this I am sure, he will not 
 go away from this meeting less a Free Trader than he 
 came. (Laughter.) 
 
 General M ‘Dowell said :— 
 
 Mr. Chairman,—At some meetings there is a sort 
 of provision, or preliminary rule, which requires that 
 no one shall speak who has not had sufficient warning 
 eforehand, and if that is necessary for persons whose 
 usiness it is to talk, and speak, and argue, how much 
 e necessary should it be for one who belongs to a 
 
DINNER , 1875. 
 
 55 
 
 profession whose business it is not to talk. This is 
 the first political meeting of any kind or description 
 I have attended in this or any other country. We 
 generals of the United States are not suffered to have, 
 as such, any part in public affairs of a civil descrip¬ 
 tion. But I fully respond to the statement of Mr. 
 Forster that generals who have seen fire are about as 
 good a peace society as can possibly be produced ; 
 and though our business is war, I venture to say there 
 is not in this meeting or this country a more thorough 
 advocate than myself for the time when the golden 
 threads of white-winged commerce shall weave a web 
 to bind together all the nations of the earth. (Hear, 
 hear.) I am an advocate of enduring peace ; but you 
 must recollect that it is not the soldiers who make the 
 wars. That is a very great fallacy, though it is 
 something with which we are constantly reproached. 
 I don’t know how it may be in Europe, but in the 
 United States the army has never made war, it has 
 always made peace. (Cheers and laughter.) In the 
 few wars in which our country has had the misfor¬ 
 tune to be involved, I recall not one in which any 
 initial step was taken by any person in the military 
 service ; it was always done by the acts of omission 
 or commission of those who had the direction of the 
 political power of the country at the time. I am 
 not so hopeful as Mr. Forster as to universal peace, 
 
',6 
 
 COD DEN CLUB. 
 
 for I recollect reading in the Old Testament that after 
 every great war the nation had forty-nine years of 
 rest only; but we have, perhaps, enlarged the time 
 somewhat since. As to the question which has so 
 much occupied this Society I am not competent my¬ 
 self to speak. Mr. Forster very truly says he caught 
 me up, and I was very proud indeed to have the 
 honour of being caught up by such a person and 
 brought to such a place. (Hear, hear.) I have been 
 “ chaffed ” no less than half-a-dozen times since I 
 have been in England on Free Trade in America. I 
 confess I don’t know anything about it; but I will 
 say one thing in answer to the remark made a while 
 ago, as if we were yet to be initiated into the subject 
 of Free Trade, that I think we began it before you 
 did. If I recollect a debate that has taken place in my 
 own country, it was a prominent question in America 
 before you had repealed your Corn Laws, and when 
 you were not Free Traders at all. It was a great 
 question in one of our states, and at one time it was 
 Free Trade, and at another time it was the other way, 
 so that I don’t think you can assume that any nation 
 or individual is to be governed by anything more than 
 their enlightened self-interest. We have our troubles, 
 and you have yours. We have had large expenses. 
 We don’t adjust our tariff as, perhaps, it should be ; 
 but on that subject there is a diversity of opinion 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 57 
 
 amongst us. Some of our best-thinking and en¬ 
 lightened men are as great Free Traders as you are, 
 but there are others who, as Mr. Forster says, must 
 raise money somehow. A man who was once asked 
 where he preferred to have a “ boil,” said he would 
 prefer to have it on some one else. (Loud laughter.) 
 Now that is the case with some in America—those 
 we call the “ cast-iron party,” who don’t favour Free 
 Trade, and who tell us that the two great products of 
 the United States—tobacco and spirits—contribute 
 very largely, by their heavy duties, to the maintenance 
 of the Government in other countries ; and here I 
 find, as a layman in politics, a good deal to be said 
 on both sides. I fully appreciate all the benefits 
 that are to come from peace and goodwill towards 
 men, and from free intercourse to the different places 
 of the world, and on that subject I think that we in 
 the United States have nothing whatever to be 
 ashamed of. We welcome all persons to our country ; 
 we never ask whether he is an Flungarian, or a 
 Scotchman, or an Irishman, or an Englishman ; if he 
 is a good workman, and will make a good citizen, we 
 give him all the privileges we have ourselves. And I 
 think we have had our good account of this. This 
 was done perhaps with no very great view as to what 
 might be the consequences of it, but I think I may 
 say now, at this time, that the hundreds of thousands 
 
58 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 of communications that passed backwards and for¬ 
 wards between America and Great Britain during our 
 war created an influence outside the country itself to 
 which we were mainly indebted for the non-inter¬ 
 ference of this great country in our affairs, and for 
 the fact that we are now at this moment still the 
 “ United States ” of America. (Cheers.) 
 
 Mr. Nathan Appleton, of the United States, 
 said :—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : It is with 
 pleasure that I respond, on behalf of the United 
 States, to the toast of “ Free Trade,” because, although 
 I don’t know very well what is the condition of other 
 countries in that respect, I am perfectly convinced that 
 the United States to-day is ripe for it. (Hear, hear.) 
 I know that there is a great deal that is delusive in 
 the word “ Freedom ; ” that people who seek for it 
 often do not get what they wish ; but there are some 
 things that I believe occur instinctively to the 
 human mind as things we ought to have free —such 
 as free air, free speech, free religion, and I would 
 like also to say, “Free Trade.” (Hear, hear.) It 
 might perhaps seem strange for me to speak so 
 strongly on the latter, because I have been brought up 
 in strong Protectionist surroundings, amongst a strong 
 Protectionist section of the country. I remember 
 that my honoured father, who was one of the pioneers 
 of the introduction of the cotton manufactures into 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 59 
 
 New England, was of opinion that a moderate Protec¬ 
 tion was necessary, and considering the great success 
 of that industry, perhaps he was right in his time. 
 (Cries of “ No, no.”) But now the times have changed; 
 the United States, no longer in its infancy, has become 
 at least a young man, if it can get free from its 
 leading strings and can cast off Protection as an old 
 garment. It is not so many weeks ago since a gentle¬ 
 man in Boston, strongly connected with the cotton 
 interest, told me that he thought the cotton mills and 
 manufacturers would get on without Protection, but 
 he was not so sure of it with regard to the other in¬ 
 terests, such as the woollen; and I was delighted to 
 hear this admission, so far as it went. Then, going 
 into the principles of Political Economy, as applied to 
 Free Trade among the great nations of the world, I 
 think there are some little questions of detail which 
 are applicable to the United States; for instance, that 
 it is impossible to prevent smuggling, or to honestly 
 collect the revenue in a country of such immense 
 territorial extent, and of such a large coast survey; 
 and I believe that the bad effect of this and the 
 demoralisation occasioned to the national character, 
 is more than can be compensated for by the 
 little money which will come from the revenues. I 
 have read that the Caliph Ali, son-in-law of Ma¬ 
 homet, said, “ In the course of a long life, I find that 
 
6 o 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 persons are more like the times in which they live 
 than they are like their fathers; ” and Professor 
 Draper, in quoting this, says that this profoundly 
 philosophical remark is strictly true, for although 
 persons may resemble strongly in feature and form 
 their parentage and those from whom they are de¬ 
 scended, they themselves are more moulded by the 
 character of the times in which they live ; and so, Mr. 
 Chairman and Gentlemen, I think and hope, or I want 
 to think at any rate, that the times in which we live 
 are the times for Free Trade, so that all of us may be 
 moulded by them, and particularly we of the United 
 States—East, West, and South, and even our mer¬ 
 chants and manufacturers of New England. I hope 
 that this feeling for Free Trade will take a great im¬ 
 pulse in our next centennial year, and that it will 
 become one of the staunchest planks of the platform 
 of our next Presidential Election. And here, Mr. 
 Chairman and Gentlemen, if you will allow me to 
 digress for a few minutes, I will speak a few words 
 about the Centennial, for I have only recently 
 arrived from the United States, and the cheers 
 I heard at Lexington and Bunker’s Hill are still 
 ringing in my ears ; and I feel there is a great misun¬ 
 derstanding and particularly in England—as to what 
 that Centennial means to us. (Cries of “ No, no.”) 
 The time has passed for us to have any petty feeling 
 of jealousy or triumph in regard to the nation to 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 61 
 
 which belongs our origin. (Cheers.) One hundred 
 years, though a little in the history of mankind, is a 
 good deal, in this electric age, in the life of a nation ; 
 and so, as we feel a proud rivalry and ambition with 
 other nations in the world of progress that is going on, 
 we look back only with feelings of pride and venera¬ 
 tion to the country from which we sprang, which we 
 know was then a great country, and which has ever 
 since proved itself to be. And I would say this as 
 an American, that my ancestor was an Englishman 
 who, two hundred and fifty years ago, crossed the 
 Atlantic to seek a new home in America, while I 
 return here to-day, in the easy transit of a few days, 
 and as I visited my ancient home, in Suffolk County, 
 and looked at the old trees under which my ancestor 
 lived, and while I breathed the same air, I felt not 
 only a pride there, but half a feeling of possession, 
 as if I had a right to be there. (Cheers.) And, Mr. 
 Chairman, if you will allow me to say some things of 
 your country which you so honourably represent, the 
 history of the United States shows that the Hugue¬ 
 nots long ago came over there, and our historical 
 recollections are blended also with what you did for 
 us a hundred years ago. I could speak also of all the 
 nations who have contributed to make up that extra¬ 
 ordinary aggregation of races and tongues which we 
 call the United States of America ; but I intended 
 to explain what this Centennial meant to us. It is 
 
62 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 the reconciliation of North and South. I remember, 
 as long ago as 1869, at an American banquet, the 
 Hon. A. Burlinghame—“big-hearted Burlinghame,” 
 who passed away when he seemed so near his career 
 to regenerate China—said to the Americans who were 
 then assembled, “We had a great fight; now let us 
 have a great fraternisation. And as I had the privilege 
 of taking a small part in that fight, I want to claim a 
 great part in the fraternisation. I feel that never m 
 the history of the world has it occurred to a nation 
 that has been through the agony of a civil war—and 
 Heaven knows that it was an agony—to have had 
 such an opportunity given to it so soon as it was 
 given to us, to make up all the troubles of the past, to 
 heal the wound, and embrace as we could never have 
 done before, because the only thing that separated us 
 —Slavery—has been removed.” (Cheers.) And, now, 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, if, in celebration of this 
 act, we seem to go a little too far; if, perhaps, we allow 
 the American Eagle to scream a little louder than is 
 modest, I would request you all to pardon us for it; 
 and if you will come over to Philadelphia and take 
 part in our celebration, or hold the next meeting of 
 the Cobden Club there, I am sure you will say that 
 what we are doing is in the cause of peace and good¬ 
 will to all men. I should have stopped here had 
 it not been for those delightful words of Mr. Forster 
 with regard to peace; but I would say, before 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 63 
 
 sitting down, what General M'Dowell has said, that 
 those who are in the army and have seen war are 
 the first to wish to have peace. And now let me 
 conclude with one short stanza from our poet:— 
 
 “Down the dark future, through long generations, 
 
 The echoing sounds grow fainter, and then cease, 
 
 And like a bell, with solemn, sweet vibrations, 
 
 I hear once more the voice of Christ say, ‘Peace ! ’ ” 
 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 Mr. Luke S. Leake, Speaker of the House of 
 Assembly of Western Australia, said : Mr. Chairman, 
 my Lords and Gentlemen, I have been very dis¬ 
 appointed this evening. I have kept a diary since I 
 •have been in England, and I find that a month or five 
 tyeeks ago I had the honour of an invitation to join 
 the Cobden Club to-day. I accepted with pleasure, 
 for it was a. great distinction, I considered, offered to 
 me and the colony which to a certain degree I 
 represent; but the day before yesterday I received a 
 hint that possibly I might have to respond to the 
 “ Foreign Guests.” I wondered why I should be 
 called upon to respond to such a toast, as, though I 
 have been all my life in Australia, I am as thorough 
 an Englishman in heart, in thought, and in action, 
 as any one at this table to-night. (Cheers.) [A 
 voice, “ You look like it.”] Do I look like a 
 foreigner ? I must say again, I think I have been to 
 a certain degree deprived of my rights in another way 
 
64 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 (laughter), because others have been called upon to 
 speak before me, and I thought I should have had all 
 the honour and glory of speaking for these illustrious 
 strangers, and I came prepared with a very long 
 speech. (Renewed laughter.) But I shall not detain you 
 this evening more than a couple of hours. (Laughter.) 
 When I came here a hint was given me that it would 
 be acceptable if I gave some little idea of what the 
 Australian policy would be as to Free Trade. (Hear, 
 hear.) Now, this to me would be a very difficult task, 
 because I hold a peculiar position. I am Speaker of 
 a Council, and am supposed never to speak at all 
 (laughter); and I am representing one of the smallest 
 colonies, whilst amongst your guests are those’ 
 who represent much larger colonies, for I must 
 tell you that, beginning at Western Australia, 
 which is the nearest part to England, and which 
 only has about 26,000 inhabitants, we pass on 
 to South Australia, with many more inhabitants, 
 and then to Victoria, which is larger still, and 
 we then go on to New South Wales, and then to 
 Queensland, and opposite Victoria we cross to Van 
 Dieman s Land, or Tasmania ; and south-east of that 
 we pass on to New Zealand. If I were to presume 
 to give you what might be an Australian opinion of 
 Free Trade, it might possibly be reported to the 
 world, and I should be “ hauled over the coals ” by 
 the larger Australian Colonies : I intend to shirk the 
 
DINNER , 1875. 
 
 65 
 
 question as far as they are concerned, only an¬ 
 swering for the small colony to which I belong. 
 I belong to Western Australia, a very small colony, 
 and I believe I am doing the Government of our 
 colony no harm in saying that the policy of our late 
 Government (Mr. Welds’), represented in our Legisla¬ 
 tive Council by Mr. Bailee (the Colonial Secretary), 
 was one of Free Trade. (Cheers.) For myself, 
 I feel, like my friend, General M'Dowell, that there 
 are difficulties we labour under. If we authorise the 
 Government to spend money, we must find them 
 the means of obtaining it. As our friend says, to 
 put it in a practical way, “ Let each one say where he 
 would like the ‘ boil.’ ” (Laughter.) It is so because 
 the difficulty of a policy of Free Trade is how to 
 exercise it. Now, I have in my colony to consider 
 this, as a member of the Council, because before 
 I was Speaker I had to be elected a member by the 
 people ; and we have to consider, when we have voted 
 certain sums of money, how it is to be raised. We 
 think, if a man will have luxuries he must pay for 
 them, and so we place such articles as these in our 
 tariff: fourteen shillings a gallon on all spirits. I 
 suppose that would not be Free Trade. Then we go 
 on to wines—regardless of where they come from— 
 four shillings a gallon ; then tobacco, one shilling and 
 
 ninepence a pound. From all I can see, Free Trade 
 E 
 
66 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 in Australia amounts more than anything else to this : 
 that the poor man shall have his bread free, and for 
 that reason there is no duty on flour, though I believe 
 it can be grown very much cheaper in other colonies. 
 We are so far Free Traders there that the poor man’s 
 loaf is not taxed ; we only tax his beer. I have not 
 had the opportunity to prepare a speech on these 
 details; but I have here an abstract of a statistical 
 return in regard to Australia. Though a portion of 
 it may have been published in the colony, yet there 
 is a part of it that is not known to those around me, 
 and instead of reading it I will hand it to the 
 reporters to make any use of it they please. I will 
 merely point out that we have a population of nearly 
 two millions; {he revenue for 1873 was upwards of 
 eleven millions, of which six millions was raised by 
 taxes; and the rate of local taxation per head was 
 two pounds twelve shillings and seven pence. The 
 public debt was forty-four millions, and per head 
 twenty pounds. 
 
 [The table referred to by the speaker is subjoined 
 to the Report, at page 72.] 
 
 Dr. Julius Faucher also responded. 
 
 He remarked that there was a rivalry in Free 
 Trade through the whole world ; but in many of the 
 countiies of Europe which he had just visited the 
 Protectionists were elated. They were very much 
 alive in Ita y. He deprecated the idea that France 
 
67 
 
 DINNER , 1875. 
 
 and Germany would go to war again, because both 
 were tired of it. 
 
 Mr. Henry Richard, M.P., then said. 
 
 The toast which I have the honour to propose, and 
 which is the last of the evening, is one which I am 
 sure you will respond to with cordial and unanimous 
 acclamation—the health of our honoured and dis¬ 
 tinguished Chairman. (Cheers.) After the eloquent 
 eulogy already pronounced by the noble Marquis on 
 the high qualities and eminent services of M. Chevalier, 
 it is unnecessary for me to expatiate upon that topic. 
 I cannot conceive of a more fitting arrangement than 
 that of M. Chevalier presiding over a meeting to do 
 honour to the memory of Richard Cobden, for we 
 cannot help recognising in these two eminent men 
 many of the same qualities of character, the same far- 
 reaching intelligence, the same enlightened patriotism, 
 combined with a generous regard to the general in¬ 
 terests of humanity, the same resolute firmness of 
 purpose in maintaining and advocating the freedom 
 ot commerce and the principles of peace. (Cheers.) 
 
 Perhaps I may be permitted for a moment to 
 refer to a work in which I am now engaged that is 
 closely connected with the object that has brought us 
 together this evening. I refer to the collection and 
 publication of Mr. Cobden’s letters. This was a work 
 which I did not undertake of my own will, but at the 
 request of Mrs. Cobden, and many of the leading 
 
68 
 
 COD DEN CLUB. 
 
 friends of Mr. Cobden. Some of you who have 
 been aware that I have had this matter in hand may 
 feel some surprise and regret that the work has not 
 appeared before. But this was not altogether my 
 fault, though no doubt a person who had more ab¬ 
 solute leisure at command might have more expedited 
 the publication. But I have found great difficulty in 
 the preliminary step of getting the letters together. 
 Mr. Cobden’s correspondence was very copious and 
 wide-spread, extending not only over all parts of the 
 United Kingdom, but over the Continent of Europe 
 and the United States of America. Some of his 
 correspondents were dead, and it was not easy always 
 to find out their representatives. Others were men 
 much occupied, to whom it was not always easy to 
 find time to search for and arrange the letters. But 
 through the kindness of friends, Mrs. Cobden and I 
 have at length succeeded in getting possession of a 
 large number of the letters, including those to Mr. 
 Bright, M. Chevalier, M. Arles Dufour, Mr. George 
 Wilson, Mr. Henry Ashworth, Mr. Caird, and 
 many others. I have read them all through, and 
 I intend to devote the next Parliamentary recess to 
 the task of completing the preparation of the work 
 for the pi ess. If I am not greatly mistaken, it will be 
 a work of rare and singular interest. Mr. Cobden 
 was an admirable letter-writer, and evidently took 
 pleasure in that mode of communicating his senti- 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 (9 
 
 ments and feelings. His letters will contain the 
 running commentary on all the leading political and 
 public events of the last twenty-five or thirty years 
 of a mind of rare sagacity and singleness of purpose, 
 and I would fain hope the publication will help to 
 bring about something of a liberal revival, such as 
 is sorely needed in these days of political scepticism 
 and lukewarmness. 
 
 But to revert to the toast I have to propose, I call 
 upon you by unanimous acclamation to drink the 
 health of our Chairman, and to express our gratitude 
 to him for the excellent service he has rendered to us 
 on this occasion. 
 
 The toast was enthusiastically received. 
 
 The Chairman : I feel very much obliged to you, 
 but I must say that, if thanks ought to be expressed, 
 it ought to be on my part towards you for the very 
 great satisfaction and pleasure I have received ; and 
 whilst I say I am obliged to you for your thanks, 
 allow me at the same time to return my thanks to 
 you. I will now propose the health of Mr. T. B. Potter, 
 the Vice-President, who is the good genius of the 
 Cobden Club, and has borne the brunt of its organi¬ 
 sation, and mainly contributed to maintain it in 
 vigorous vitality. (Applause.) 
 
 In response to loud calls, Mr. T. B. Potter M.P., 
 rose and said :— 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I was only too glad 
 
70 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 to resign to Mr. Richard my usual privilege of pro¬ 
 posing the health of the Chairman, because I did not 
 desire to detain this meeting any longer. With regard 
 to the Cobden Cub, it is true that I have borne the 
 brunt of the work—(hear, hear) — and I have done it 
 through good and bad report; but I venture to say 
 that the success of this meeting is an ample reward 
 to me for the efforts I have made. It is no small 
 source of satisfaction to me to see M. Chevalier in the 
 chair, for it has fallen to my lot to know something of 
 the circumstances of former days. I know that it 
 was M. Chevalier who first proposed to Mr. Cobden, 
 in the summer of 1859, to g° to France, and it was 
 M. Chevalier who paved the way for his access to the 
 late Emperor. Mr. Cobden took advantage of his 
 good offices, at a time when there was a serious risk 
 of misunderstanding between the two countries, which 
 might have led to war, owing to military prejudices. 
 Mr. Cobden went to France as the apostle of peace, 
 and his efforts were crowned with complete success. 
 
 Most cordially I thank those who have remained to 
 drink my health ; and what I would ask you to do is 
 to induce your friends to join the Cobden Club, and so 
 inciease its efficiency. This Club now consists of 
 about five hundred paying members, which number I 
 should like to see largely increased, as there is ample 
 opportunity for enlarged usefulness, if our funds 
 would permit. The Club is now acknowledged as a 
 
DINNER, 1875. 
 
 71 
 
 power in Europe and America, as well as in the 
 Colonies. If I had time, I should say that we have 
 friends in America who give us far more sanguine, 
 reports than we have heard from our visitors to-night, 
 on the prospects of Free Trade in that great country. 
 In thanking you again for the honour that you have 
 done me, I ask each and all of you to exert your best 
 efforts in support of the Cobden Club, for I can 
 assure you that we have encountered very great 
 difficulties—now, I am happy to say, to a considerable 
 extent surmounted. (Cheers.) 
 
 The company then separated. 
 
 Guests present at the Dinner. 
 
 Mr. Nathan Appleton (Boston, U.S.A.), Mr. J. F. 
 E. Barrett-Lennard, Sir George Bowen (Governor of 
 Victoria, Australia), M. Emile Boutmy (Paris), Mr. L. 
 Constantine Burke (Jamaica), Mr. Alfred Bonham 
 Carter, Mr. E. Dicey, Mr. Gower Evans (Australia), 
 Captain Gossett (Sergeant-at-Arms), Mr. W. F. 
 Guise, Sir F. Hincks (Canada), Mr. Luke S. Leake 
 (Australia), General Irvin M'Dowell (U.S.A.), Mr. J. 
 Nield Robinson, Mr. Lionel G. Robinson, Mr. J. F. 
 Wilson. 
 
The following Statistics show the relative positions and agg 
 
 Name of Colony. 
 
 Victoria . 
 
 New South Wales . 
 South Australia 
 Queensland ... . 
 
 Tasmania. 
 
 Western Australia . 
 
 Revenue 
 of 1873 
 raised by 
 Taxation. 
 
 790,492 
 
 560,275 
 
 198,257 
 
 146,690 
 
 104,217 
 
 25,761 
 
 * I 
 
 3,943,691 I 
 3-3 2 4.7i3 | 
 937,648 I 
 1,120,034 j 
 293.753 i 
 z 34> 832 | 
 
 .777.S22/ 
 
 .382,752/ 
 
 362,246 
 
 588,416 
 
 I - I 7f 
 
 80,614 
 
 Total for Australian Colonies . . 
 
 1,825,692 
 
 Total for Australasian Colonies j 2,136,129 
 
 9.754. 6 7i j 4.402,722 
 
 June 30, 1874. 
 
 Population, 
 
 4 
 
 Sfj: 
 
 1,420,2161 1,224,159 3 18 idj 
 1,174,887 5,626,881 2 12 1 
 
 Victoria . 
 
 New South Wales . 
 South Australia 
 Queensland ... 
 
 Tasmania. 
 
 Western Australia 
 
 Total for Australian Colonies 
 
 New Zealand || . 
 
 Total for Australasian Colonies 
 
 Total Value 
 of Trade, 
 Imports and 
 Exports. 
 
 £ 
 
 31,836,310 
 
 22,904,217 
 
 8,417,689 
 
 6,424.239 
 
 2,000,723 
 
 562,545 
 
 72,145^723 
 
 June 30, 
 
 ' 1874. 
 12,762,862 
 
 Value of 
 Trade per 
 Head of the 
 Population. 
 
 5 15 10 
 1 3 zz i 
 [ 16 84 
 
 40 8 2§ 
 39 15 
 
 Miles of Railways 
 Railway Course ij 
 Open, Construe 
 
 Dec. 31, j tion, ! 
 1873. Dec. 31, 
 
 1873. 
 
 1,364 
 
 i.s°si 
 
 * From the items under this head, railway, telegraph, and postal receipt 
 the head of taxation have been excluded. 
 
 t Includes ^616,905 imports via and across the River Murray duri 
 J Includes 4 2 427,956 exports xuia and across the River Murray duri b, 
 § For 1872, information for 1873 not being ready. 
 f JJY 1 * re | ard t0 New Zealand, the figures inserted in his return * 
 ist July, 1874, and the published Agricultural Statistics of the Coloi 
 
^importance of the Australian Colonies at the close of 1873 : - 
 
 2,445,722 
 
 0,842,415 
 
 2,174,900 
 
 4,786,850 
 
 [,477,600 
 
 3S.000 
 
 ,762,487 
 
 une 30, 
 1874. 
 
 -2,509,546 
 
 15 14 iof 
 
 16,533,856 
 
 11,088,388+ 
 
 3,829,830 
 
 2,881,726 
 
 1,107,167 
 
 297,328 
 
 per Head 
 of the 
 Population. 
 
 £ s. d. 
 20 18 3| 
 19 is 10 
 19 6 4 
 
 19 1 
 
 Si 
 
 35,738,295 | 19 11 6 
 
 June 30, 
 1874. 
 7,241,062 
 
 Value of 
 Exports 
 
 15-302)454 
 
 11,815,829+ 
 
 4>587.859 
 
 3 . 542,513 
 
 893.556 
 
 265,217 
 
 36,407,428 
 
 June 30, 
 1874. 
 5,521,800 
 
 8 11 5? 
 10 S io 4 
 
 diles of 
 elegraph 
 Open, 
 
 )ec. 31, 
 1873. 
 
 Miles of 
 Telegraph 
 in course 
 
 struction, 
 
 1873 3 ’ 
 
 No. of 
 
 Cultivation 
 in 1873. 
 
 Number 
 of Horses 
 in 1873. 
 
 Number 
 of Cattle 
 in 1873. 
 
 Number 
 of Sheep 
 in 1873. 
 
 Number 
 of Pigs 
 in 1873. 
 
 3.870 
 
 6.521 
 
 3.807 
 
 3.059 
 
 291 
 
 900 
 
 210 
 
 912^ 
 
 65 
 
 33° 
 
 964.996 
 
 456.825 
 
 1,225,073 
 
 324.105 
 
 51.724 
 
 180,342 
 328,014 
 87,455 
 92,798 § 
 
 883,763 
 
 2.710.374 
 
 174.381 
 
 I,2CO,992§ 
 106,308 
 47,640 
 
 11,323,080 
 
 19,928,590 
 
 5,617,419 
 
 6,687,907§ 
 
 1,490,738 
 
 748,536 
 
 160,336 
 
 238,342 
 
 87.336 
 
 35>73 2 § 
 
 59,628 
 
 20,948 
 
 18,448 
 
 663 
 
 3,085,214 
 
 737.511 
 
 5.123.458 
 
 45.796.270 
 
 602,322 
 
 
 
 1872. 
 
 ] 
 
 Slumber in February, 1871, 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1,226,222 
 
 81,028. 
 
 436.592 
 
 9,700,629 
 
 I 151,460 
 
 1 - 
 
 - 
 
 4.311.436 
 
 8 i 8,S39 
 
 5,560,050 
 
 55,496,899 
 
 753,782 
 
 well as land sales, rents, and all similar receipts not strictly coming under 
 
 % as no returns could be obtained for 1873. 
 
 12., as no returns could be obtained for 1873, 
 
 n taken from the tables attached to Mr. Vogel's Financia Statement 
 
CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 ON THE 
 
 PROSPECTS OF FREE TRADE. 
 
 ON THE PROSPECTS OF FREE TRADE IN AUSTRIA AND 
 GERMANY. 
 
 From Herr Max Wirth, Vienna , late Director of Statistics 
 at Berne. 
 
 So great a part of the economical progress made not 
 only in England, but also in the other nations of Europe, 
 has been brought about by the influence of the noble man 
 in honour of whose memory the Cobden Club assembles, 
 that I feel highly gratified in doing what you ask of me, 
 and drawing, in a few touches, the present position of Free 
 Trade in Central Europe. 
 
 All questions, either religious or political, either scientific 
 or economical, bear more or less an international character, 
 science being in itself of a cosmopolitan nature, for the 
 reason that culture is nourished by the great thoughts of all 
 nations, and that, with regard to civilisation, there is po 
 “God’s chosen people.” This international character 
 becomes more apparent than ever in the question of Free 
 Trade, which in itself must be international. Switzerland 
 was the first country which introduced, I will not say Free 
 Trade, but so low a tariff of customs that they scarcely 
 deserve the name of finance customs. Again, the ideas of 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 75 
 
 Free Trade began to find their way into German Universities 
 ever since the beginning of the century, by means of Adam 
 Smith’s precepts. Although they were put into practice in 
 the Prussian States by statesmen like Schon, &c., yet Free 
 Trade did not obtain life and action until after Richard 
 Cobden’s great work was crowned by the abolition of the 
 Corn Laws. 
 
 The establishment of the German Zollverein was an event 
 of European importance, yet its principal aim was a political 
 one, as the re-establishment of the German Empire, includ¬ 
 ing all but Austria, has subsequently shown. Austria found 
 out too late that it was wrong in remaining apart from these 
 aims, and thus isolating herself. On the question of Cus¬ 
 tom-tariffs the Zollverein was still, in its majority, inclined 
 towards Protectionism. The duty on imports from Switzer¬ 
 land had been raised by the Zollverein, so that Switzerland’s 
 young industry was brought into a very dangerous position, 
 from which it was saved by beginning commerce with 
 countries across the ocean. For this reason the beginning 
 of Switzerland’s commerce on international markets dates 
 from this time. 
 
 At the time when List expounded his system of national 
 work, and thereby gave Protectionism a scientific raison 
 d'etre , by showing the necessity of educating domestic work- 
 power, there were not the elements of a Free Trade party in 
 Germany, and still less in Austria, to oppose him. In 
 Austria manufacturing industry possessed influential leaders, 
 because even high aristocracy by birth did not disdain to 
 undertake industrial establishments on its own account. A 
 Free Trade party, however, formed itself, after the abolition 
 of the Corn Laws in England, and after the change in the 
 universal opinion which began about the year 1848. It was 
 at first represented by the “ Frei-handels Verein,” founded at 
 Hamburg, which numbered amongst its members men of 
 importance from the west of Germany. The influence of 
 these men was confined to the press; and although politicians 
 refused to take any notice of Free Trade for ten years 
 longer, still the former found means of gaining a large 
 
76 
 
 COB DEN CLOP. 
 
 majority of German newspapers for the good cause. When 
 a change came over public life, by the accession of the Prince 
 of Prussia, the present Emperor of Germany, in the year 
 1858, and congresses and societies were formed in whose 
 meetings the ideas of Free Trade were freely discussed, the 
 ground was well prepared, and a firm trust in the final 
 result of their aims was obtained by Free Traders, when 
 they observed the imposing activity of the English Free 
 Trade League. All this did not fail to stimulate Govern¬ 
 ment leaders, and to give them so favourable an opinion of 
 Free Trade, that when the time for action had come they 
 refused to listen to the protestations of Protectionists. This 
 was at the time of the international Treaties of Commerce, 
 the favourable realisation of which is, in a great part, owing 
 to Richard Cobden. Although the Treaties of Commerce 
 are based on a compromise of both economical parties, of 
 which the most influential obtained some advantages over 
 the other—thus, for instance, France and Austria granted 
 greater advantages to Protectionism, whilst England, 
 Germany, Italy, and Switzerland favoured Free Trade—yet 
 public opinion was quite contented with this piece of pro¬ 
 gress, so that it occupied itself with other questions of more 
 immediate importance, especially with the position of the 
 working classes. 
 
 Through the initiative of Governments and Parliaments, 
 in which Free. Trade, which is beginning to gain ground 
 even in Austria, had its representatives, further progress 
 was made. In Austria an additional convention, dated 1869, 
 was made in connection with the Treaty of Commerce with 
 England of 1865, and in Germany the duty on pig-iron was 
 entirely done away with on the 1st October, 1863, whilst it 
 was determined to abolish the duty on import of cast-iron 
 fiom the year 1876.. The latter measures of great importance 
 were easily passed in the German Reichstag, when compared 
 with the difficulties encountered by Free Trade in former 
 times on both sides of the British Channel, the time being 
 very favourable to them. After the war between France 
 an Geimany, all the rolling stock of the railways was in se 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 77 
 
 defective and neglected a state as to render the conveyance 
 of goods difficult for many months after the peace was con¬ 
 cluded. But when, at the end of the war, a million of 
 strong men returned to their work and exchanged the sword 
 for tools and machines,—when iron-works' and factories had 
 all hands full of work with the repair of the rolling stock of 
 railways,—when both in Austria and Germany numerous new 
 railways were undertaken, — when new factories were estab¬ 
 lished and old ones provided with new machinery,—when 
 Germany's ironclad men-of-war began to be built—then all 
 at once the demand for iron reached dimensions never seen 
 before. Of course the price of iron in the country itself rose 
 in the same proportion, and as iron-works and furnaces had 
 in consequence plenty to do, at a price they had never be¬ 
 fore obtained, they could not well oppose the abolition of 
 duty on iron. The progress then made by industry both in 
 Austria and Germany turned into over-speculation, which 
 must needs end with a crisis. Over-speculation was then prin¬ 
 cipally produced by the payment of the French milliards, and 
 the hopes which men of business founded on them. It is in 
 part owing also to the German Currency Reform, and the 
 mistake committed by the German Government, viz., issuing 
 new gold crowns side by side with the old silver currency, 
 by which means the circulation of metal had been increased 
 by 750 millions of marks within the years 1872-74, ac¬ 
 cording to the confession of the President of the “ Reichs- 
 Rauzleramt” himself. The latter measure helped to raise 
 the expectations awakened by the war-contribution as to the 
 capital ready for new undertakings. By the re-payment of a 
 great many of the German States’ debts, a large amount of 
 private capital was set free, and ready for new investment, 
 by which means over-speculation spread to Austria, and 
 reached dimensions never before attained except with the 
 bubbles of the South Sea Company at the beginning of last 
 century. 
 
 With the destructive outbreak of the crisis, which, although 
 it began at the Bourse, soon reached every branch of in¬ 
 dustry in Austria as well as in Germany, Protectionism re- 
 
78 
 
 CODDEN CLUB. 
 
 appeared, and offered to heal the wounds received by in¬ 
 dustry in the crisis. To effect this, Protectionism proposed 
 giving up the Treaties of Commerce, all of which cease with 
 the year 1876, and raising the duty on imports. The wool 
 manufacturers of Briinn were the first to utter an opinion of 
 this kind, because they found themselves at a disadvantage, 
 occasioned by the additional Treaty of 1869. Next came 
 the owners of iron-works ; and both branches of industry 
 succeeded in obtaining the attention of the Government and 
 the Reichsrath, so that their position was made the object of 
 an official enquete. In the spring of 1875 Protectionism 
 succeeded in obtaining a triumph over Free Traders in 
 the Austrian Congress of Economists, but merely by a 
 local majority of voices, declaring itself altogether against 
 the renewal of the Treaties of Commerce, and for autonomy 
 in the tariff, which is in future to be raised. At the same 
 time the Protectionist party gave signs of life in different 
 parts of Germany, especially in the Prussian Landtag and in 
 the Bavarian Reichsrath. Now instead of naming the real 
 cause of the bad condition of industry, quite an unexpected 
 reason was given for it. Had Protectionists mentioned the 
 true cause of the crisis, they would have been reminded, 
 both by the Government and the Representative Power, that 
 not Germany and Austria alone suffer from the crisis, but all 
 Europe, North and South America, a part of Africa and 
 Asia not alone some special branches of industry, but the 
 whole of the small trade of commerce and of agriculture. 
 They would have been reminded that every branch of in- 
 dustiy in the nation has the same claims to the protection 
 of the Government. It is for this reason that Protectionists 
 both in Austria and Germany, to arrive at their purpose, use 
 the pretext of care for the commonwealth. The balance of 
 commerce must be upheld, and the depression of industry 
 is exclusively ascribed to the circumstance that in Germany 
 import has in the latter years, especially in 1872 and 1873, 
 exceeded export by a great deal. In Austria alone, in the 
 years 1S70 to 1874, it amounted to 600 millions of gulden, 
 m a Bill presented to the Bavarian Reichsrath in the be- 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 79 
 
 ginning of April a demand was made according to which 
 the Treaties of Commerce are to cease, and duty on import, 
 especially on cotton, is to be raised, solely because in the 
 year 1872 325 million thalers’ worth more goods were im¬ 
 ported than exported. In 1873 import exceeded export by 
 589 millions of thalers. On the question of duty on iron, 
 Protectionists demanded nothing besides suspension of the 
 projected measure of abolishing duty on cast-iron. The 
 preamble of the above-mentioned Bill did not name a single 
 of the reasons on which the disproportion in the commercial 
 balance of Germany and Austria depended. On it was 
 founded the conclusion that both industry and the country 
 itself are approaching their financial fall, from which they 
 could be saved by nothing except a return to a pure system 
 of Protectionism. The leaders of the party of Free Traders 
 did not fail to refute these suppositions by explanations, 
 which may perhaps be of interest to you. 
 
 The first fact to which attention was called is the truth 
 discovered in England—viz., that the amount of export 
 is always less exactly registered than the amount of import, 
 because, with the former, duty is but rarely levied. 
 
 Secondly. We have no official authority to confirm the 
 correctness of the value given for import into Germany, as 
 goods imported pay duty not by their value, but by their 
 weight. The amount of value given is drawn from a valua¬ 
 tion made since 1872 by the Imperial Statistical Office. 
 
 Thirdly. It has been said that in normal times the value 
 of import must always exceed the value of export, because 
 for import a higher sum for conveyance, insurance, and in¬ 
 terest on capital must be brought into account. Protec¬ 
 tionists were reminded of the normal course of British 
 commerce, with which, for a great many years, import has 
 outweighed export. 
 
 Fourthly. It was clearly shown that in this special case 
 the disproportion in the balance was to be ascribed to two 
 reasons, so clear that they cannot possibly be refuted. These 
 reasons are of so extraordinary a nature that they can never, 
 or at least very seldom, recur, and cannot therefore be taken 
 
So 
 
 COB DEN CLUB . 
 
 as the basis of a change in the legislation and in Custom- 
 tariffs. One of these reasons is over-speculation before the 
 outbreak of the crisis. In the latter part of the year 1871 
 the import of raw materials for the use of industry, especially 
 of iron, began to increase both in Germany and Austria in 
 quite an abnormal manner, owing to the enormous amount 
 of new manufactures and railways undertaken. The capital 
 consumed in the establishment of new companies and 
 societies amounts to about 300-400 millions pounds sterling. 
 I cannot give further details on the subject in these pages, 
 but I recommend all who wish for further information to read 
 my “History of Commercial Crises ” (“ Geschichte der Han- 
 delskrisen,” second edition, Sauerlander in Frankfort °/m.), 
 and, furthermore, a book which is shortly to appear in 
 Vienna, editor G. T. Manz, and which will be called 
 “ Wiedergeburt Osterreichs aus den Nachwehen der Kri- 
 sis.’’ In these works I have clearly shown how every crisis 
 has been accompanied by an enormous increase of import, 
 that import always grows in proportion to over-speculation, 
 and that this was the case with the crisis of 1857, and much 
 more so with the crisis of 1873. 
 
 Fifthly. The reason which would by itself suffice to explain 
 the disproportion of import both into Germany and Austria, 
 is the importation of foreign capital into Austria, as well as 
 Germany. It would be superfluous to explain to a learned 
 assembly like the one I am addressing, that the exchange 
 of capital from one country to the other is mostly effectuated 
 in goods. For the same reason the payment of the French 
 war-contribution was almost entirely effectuated in bills, 
 which for the greater part represent goods. The mere fact 
 that of the bills written for the war-contribution, 2,485 mil¬ 
 lions of francs were to be paid in thalers, 235 were to be paid 
 in gulden, and 265 in mark banco, which were, therefore, 
 all due in Germany; this fact alone proves that the bills re¬ 
 presented goods. The excess of import over export in the 
 years 1872 and 1873 is therefore explained by the payment 
 of the French milliards, which took place within those two 
 years. Another proof of this fact is that the import of the 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 8] 
 
 year 1874, the valuation of which has not yet been published, 
 has decreased by a great deal, so that the Exchequer levied 
 18 million marks less in duty. 
 
 In a similar manner the over-balance of goods imported 
 into Austria, which within the last five years amounts to 600 
 million gulden, is explained. Within these five years rail¬ 
 ways have been built to the extent of over 5,000 English 
 miles. Of course, inland capital alone did not build these 
 railways. The excess may therefore be put down to the 
 investment of German and English capital in Austrian 
 railways. 
 
 You see by these arguments, which have never yet been 
 refuted, how weak is the basis on which the Protectionists 
 found their demands. We very much doubt whether these 
 demands will in any way be regarded by the Governments 
 and Parliaments of Austria and Germany. We may found 
 this supposition on the manner in which the Minister of 
 Finances, Camphausen, treated the insinuations of the Pro¬ 
 tectionists advanced in the Prussian Landtag. He admitted 
 that the depression of industry, in consequence of the crisis, 
 renders the further reduction of the duty-tariff impossible. 
 He, however, declared that legislation cannot make a step 
 backwards out of regard for a passing misfortune. The 
 German Government will doubtless renew the old Commer¬ 
 cial Treaties on the footing on which they stand at present, 
 and the Reichstag will not refuse its approbation, if only for 
 this reason—that it requires all its forces on another side. 
 
 As to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the Austrian 
 Government has presented a project for a new Custom- 
 tariff to the Austrian Chambers of Commerce, and these 
 have, with scarcely an exception, pronounced themselves for 
 raising the duty on import, especially with regard to cotton, 
 wool, and iron. Now, although a number of other branches 
 of industry have come into existence and get on well 
 without Protection, which would greatly suffer from an in¬ 
 crease of duty on the import of the materials required by 
 them, and although almost the whole of the Austrian Cabinet 
 ip in favour of Free Trade, yet the demands of the Pro- 
 F 
 
82 
 
 COBDEN CLLB. 
 
 tectionists might, on account of the general depression of 
 industry, be taken into consideration, had not the Govern¬ 
 ment of Hungary expressed a very decided opinion on the 
 subject. It is a well-known fact that after the Treaty of 
 1867, which turned Austria and Hungary by treaty into one 
 Custom territory, no new arrangement with foreign countries 
 may be made without the approval of both halves of the 
 Monarchy. By a mere chance, the renewal of the Treaty 
 of Customs and Commerce between Hungary and Austria 
 and that with foreign countries will have to be made about 
 the same time. Consultations on the first have already 
 begun at Vienna. Hungary is not quite firm in its prin¬ 
 ciples of Free Trade; for when, last autumn, Austria 
 demanded a continuation of the momentary abolition of 
 duty on the import of corn, which had been made because 
 the harvest of 1873 had brought such bad results with it, 
 it was Hungary which would hear nothing of the kind, on 
 account of the competition with Roumania. The commercial 
 policy of Hungary has, however, undergone a change since 
 that time. . The working power of the Board of Trade is 
 an economist of reputation, the Under-Secretary of State, 
 who did not fail to recognise that Hungary, an essentially 
 agricultural land, must ultimately profit most by favouring 
 Free Trade. The Hungarian Government has already re¬ 
 turned from the above-mentioned policy in regard to corn, 
 and furnished a deputy to the consultations on the renewal 
 of the Treaty, with instructions quite in complian'ce with 
 Free Trade. The Austrian Ministry is far too well informed 
 to' comply with the special interests of single branches of 
 industry at the expense of the common weal. It will notice", 
 the demands of such branches of industry as are in imme¬ 
 diate danger of extinction ; it will be regardful of cases 
 where a large amount of capital might be lost or numerous 
 work-people be ruined. . As Hungary has always known 
 now to defend its political interests better than the sister 
 nations of the Monarchy, it is most probable that the 
 reaties of Commerce will be renewed on very much the 
 same footing ,on which they stand at present, with perhaps a, 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 83 
 
 few exceptions. Free Traders should by no means be in¬ 
 active • they must not allow their fire to extinguish, or even 
 to flag, for they have found out, from this last attack of 
 Protectionism, that Protectionists have certainly learned one 
 thing from them, and from our immortal friend, Richard 
 Cobden—energetic and persevering defence of their own 
 interests. They cannot, however, rob us of our principles! 
 
 Max Wirth. 
 
 From Herr George von Bunsen, of Berlin. 
 
 Villa Lepel, Heringsdorf (on the Baltic), 
 
 12 th July, 1875 . 
 
 Gentlemen,— You did me the honour some days ago to 
 ask my opinion as regards the prospects of Free Trade in 
 Germany at the present time, and though I can have no 
 pretension to say anything either new or important, yet I 
 know that in cheerfully obeying your command I do that for 
 myself which is next best to enjoying the company of so 
 many distinguished men as are wont to assemble at your 
 Feast of Nations. 
 
 My answer can be brief. There is little hope, perhaps, 
 of present speedy advance , but, on the other hand, still less 
 ground is there for apprehending serious or lasting retrogres¬ 
 sion ,, now or hereafter, on the path of Free Trade. 
 
 On the first proposition let me say nothing. We know 
 that Free Trade is the child of hope and the mother of good¬ 
 will. Then we must be satisfied with her holding her ground 
 in a period of history marked by languid pessimism and by 
 a reaction, even among eminent statesmen, to practices of 
 national isolation ! 
 
 But I foresee no retreat from the position attained. It is 
 true that, in Germany too, plaintive voices have made them¬ 
 selves heard in Parliament and in the press or among 
 manufacturers. When they speak much—and certainly not 
 too much—of the astounding advance of French manufac¬ 
 ture, do they attribute it to its real cause, viz., a fixed, 
 
84 
 
 COBDEN CLLB. 
 
 -patriotic determination to work very hard, to work very well, 
 and to work for fair wages peaceably? No! Protection, 
 forsooth, must have done it—the new laws of 1871 and 
 1872 were the panacea—and nothing but M. Thiers’ re¬ 
 action against those very principles, which the Anglo-French 
 Treaty of Richard Cobden has formed into a leaven of the 
 civilised world, could have saved France ! The same error of 
 judgment induces the same people to ascribe the present 
 discouraging appearance of trade in Germany to our return 
 to those more advanced economic rules which Prussia, to her 
 honour be it remembered, was the first to inaugurate so 
 early as 1818. 
 
 Besides these querulous voices one attempt, and one 
 only, I think, has been made to influence legislation by 
 embodying the same crude notions in a petition to the 
 Central Government, signed by certain manufacturers, and 
 praying that the legal term for the abolition of the last 
 remnants of duty upon iron (law of 7th July, 1873) might 
 be put off from January 1st, 1877, to a later period. This 
 petition, sht in motion at Bremen, fell ignominiously to the 
 grdund. It was met by a counter-petition from Remscheid, 
 of representative manufacturers in the same trade and of 
 the self-same district, protesting against Protection, and 
 pointing to more work , better work, and cheaper work as true 
 and lasting remedies for the present stagnation of trade and 
 commerce. 
 
 I am proud to say that, with such few exceptions, public 
 opinion, as represented in the press of this country, in the 
 Economic Congress, in the meetings of the Handelstag, 
 and, more authoritatively still, in the German Parliament, 
 and by our leading statesmen, has been unanimous in the 
 right direction. It will be sufficient to epitomise a remark¬ 
 able. speech by Herr Camphausen (Prussian Finance 
 Minister, Vice-President of the Prussian Caoine f , and a 
 member of the German Bundesrath, or States’ Council) on 
 this very question. “We believe,” he said, in answer to a 
 Protectionist complaint, “ that the worst is over, and that 
 better days-are coming, W$ have unbounded faith in that 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 85 
 
 policy, leading, as it does, circumspectly but safely to Free 
 Trade, which my friend and colleague, Herr Delbriick, and 
 I, as his humble companion, have been enabled to pursue. 
 And so strong is our conviction of its excellence that, if 
 Germany should resolve upon a change in her economic 
 policy, this change would certainly be preceded or accom¬ 
 panied by a change of Cabinet.” Loud cheers from all 
 benches followed this declaration. 
 
 As for the Chancellor of the German Empire, you are 
 aware, Gentlemen, that with him the love of Free Trade is 
 not an acquired taste , for the landed gentry of Prussia are 
 essentially Free Traders. This hereditary predilection has, 
 however, grown into a broad principle in his mind. It has 
 been observed that the advisers on economic matters whom 
 Prince Bismarck has drawn round his person have acquired 
 that public estimation which gave them a claim to the 
 places they' occupy by years of disinterested advocacy of 
 those principles for which the Cobden Club labours to 
 obtain universal acceptance. 
 
 I am not sure whether Free Trade ever had seasons of 
 more critical import to pass through. Were it not for the 
 genius of Cavour still ruling the destinies of Italy —if we 
 could not trust Hungarian interests to outweigh an ignorant 
 cry for Protection in parts of Austria —and if Germany was 
 vacillating, which she is not—where would be the prospects 
 of Free Trade on the Continent of Europe ? 
 
 Will you pardon me, however, if, at the close of this far 
 too lengthy epistle, I try to explain why, at its beginning, 
 I qualified my statement by saying that I could apprehend 
 no serious or lasting retrogression ? Notice should, I believe, 
 be taken of two complaints of the landed gentry of Prussia, 
 to whom I have just referred as being natural allies of the 
 Cobden Club. They have a grievance of old standing 
 against English legislation, and a new one ; both are affect¬ 
 ing their purses seriously ; a cry for reprisals is beginning to 
 be listened to more readily by them every year, and I am 
 bound to confess that a temporary backsliding on the road 
 of Free Trade in the German Parliament by a combination 
 
86 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 of this and some manufacturing interests may be the result. 
 Of course I am speaking of the manner in which English 
 revenue is raised on spirits , and of certain measures caused 
 by the advent of rinderpest. It has been said, and said 
 with truth, that the conclusions which led to the preser¬ 
 vation of the former and to the introduction of the latter 
 had nothing whatsoever to do with Protection; and I 
 am unable to judge whether or not protection of the English 
 distiller in the one case and of the English cattle-breeder in 
 the other is indeed the effect of those measures. If, how¬ 
 ever, they should, on renewed examination, be found to have 
 that effect, who would doubt the efficacy of that wise and 
 sound principle which the late Mr. Cobden rendered 
 dominant in the councils of Great Britain, to wipe out from 
 her statute-book , obnoxious excrescences which weaken the 
 hands of well-wishers and Free Traders abroad ? among the 
 humblest and staunchest of whom be pleased, Gentlemen, to 
 number Your obedient servant, 
 
 George von Bunsen. 
 
 The Committee of the Cobden Club , London. 
 
 From the Vicomte de FiGANikRE, Portuguese Envoy, 
 St. Petersburg. 
 
 St. Petersburg, July 17 th, 1875. 
 
 Dear Sir, —I may state, in a general way, as far as concerns 
 the Portuguese Government, that their commercial policy is 
 liberal, but necessarily based on reciprocity, secured by 
 treaty. In return for advantages granted—principally to 
 our chief staple, wine—they have admitted, and are still 
 willing to admit foreign produce at reduced rates of duty. 
 Ireaties on this basis have been made of late with several 
 Continental Powers; the last of all being with Holland, in 
 the beginning of the present year. If the Portuguese 
 Government have not adopted a more general and indepen¬ 
 dent policy of Free Trade, it is owing to the failure of our 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 S7 
 
 negotiations with the British Government (re-opened July 7th, 
 1869, and practically closed by Lord Clarendon’s final reply, 
 April 18th, 1870). Portugal was then ready to make far 
 greater reductions than any made since by treaty , if England 
 had accepted our proposal to raise the alcoholic test from 
 26° to 36° for the shilling duty on wine, with an additional 
 sum of threepence per degree from 36° to 42 0 (a proposal 
 which had been submitted by the Board of Trade in 1866, and 
 finally adopted by the Portuguese Government, who, at first, 
 had maintained that the shilling duty should be applied as 
 far as the 40th degree of proof spirit). And, moreover, the 
 manner of mutually carrying out our respective engagements 
 was left to the option of the British Government— i.e., either 
 by treaty or for each Power (England and Portugal) to 
 make those changes by tariff or general laws. The English 
 Government finally declined, and Portugal was thus pre¬ 
 cluded from adopting a more thoroughly admitted Free 
 Trade policy, which she certainly cannot consent to do as 
 long as her chief customer, Great Britain, virtually maintains 
 a differential duty of 150 per cent, against her wines. 
 
 I am very far from considering the question between 
 Portugal and England as finally closed; but I do think 
 that it will be settled only when British merchants and 
 manufacturers have found that it is their interest it should 
 be so. Portugal will always be found ready to go a good 
 way to meet their wishes, as soon as the interests of her 
 chief staple have been fairly dealt by on the part of her 
 principal customer. 
 
 To 
 
 I am, dear sir, very faithfully yours, 
 FlGANlkRE, 
 
 A Member of the Cobdcn Club, 
 
 George C. Warr, Esq., 
 
 Secretary of the Cobden Club. 
 
From James Montgomery Stuart, Esq. 
 
 ON THE PROSPECTS OF FREE TRADE IN ITALY. 
 
 Rome, July 2.0th. 
 
 Gentlemen, —In compliance with the request which the 
 Cobden Club has done me the honour of addressing to 
 me, I propose in the present letter to give a sketch of 
 the present movement amongst Italian politicians and 
 economists with reference to Free Trade and Protectionist 
 views, and the partial recognition of the second by some 
 very influential Italian statesmen. 
 
 One has been so long accustomed to regard Italy as the 
 classic land of Free Trade, that it is at first somewhat diffi¬ 
 cult to realise the fact of any strong Protectionist movement 
 in that country. It should, however, be recollected that 
 the only Italian state in which Free Trade doctrines were 
 
 not only generally accepted in theory, but embodied in legis¬ 
 lative action, was Tuscany; not indeed that there were 
 wanting advocates of liberal views in the other provinces, 
 and even royal decrees of a much earlier date than those of 
 Peter Leopold, attesting the recognition of the principles of 
 commercial liberty in the councils of other absolute princes. 
 Still, during the whole course of Mr. Cobden’s memorable 
 Italian tour of 1847, his great legislative victory was every¬ 
 where hailed in the Peninsula as one in which Italian 
 economists might feel a legitimate pride, because, in fact, a 
 victory due to the triumph of truths which they had long 
 and strenuously upheld. Foremost amongst the admirers of 
 r " ?°j den Wa . s Count Cavour, who, in a masterly essay, 
 sketched out in grand broad outlines the beneficent 
 results which the revolution in the commercial policy 
 ot England[ must sooner or later produce in all civilised 
 lands The great prestige of Mr. Cobden’s name 
 reng lened the hands of all liberal economists through¬ 
 out Italy; tariffs were modified in a liberal sense; 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 89 
 
 and such foice did the movement acquire that, in the re¬ 
 forming period of the new pontificate, Monsignor Corboli, 
 charged with negotiating a Customs’ union between the 
 Papal States, Sardinia, and Tuscany, had precise instructions 
 from Pius IX. to carry ou.t this work in the most liberal 
 spirit. So much indeed had the present Pontiff this at 
 heart, that the proposed participation in the negotiations of 
 the distinguished economist, Antonio Scialoia, then residing 
 at Turin, was, I have been assured, owing to the personal 
 initiative of the Pontiff, who was desirous that one so well 
 known for his Free Trade principles should be in direct 
 relation with the diplomatic agents of the three Govern¬ 
 ments. 
 
 The political reaction of 1849 brought, everywhere 
 except in Sardinia, an economic reaction in its train. In 
 Sardinia, during that period, Count Cavour, first as Minister 
 of Agriculture and Commerce, and afterwards as head of the 
 Cabinet, succeeded in embodying in the commercial legisla¬ 
 tion of the subalpine kingdom those principles of commercial 
 liberty no longer regarded with favour in the rest of Italy. 
 Even in Tuscany the strongest diplomatic pressure was put 
 on the native statesmen who sought to maintain their 
 economic traditions; and it is almost certain that but for 
 the moral support they received from England, these states¬ 
 men would have found themselves obliged to give way. 
 
 No wonder, then, if the successive annexations to Sar¬ 
 dinia of the other Italian states, and the immediate exten¬ 
 sion to these states of the commercial legislation sanctioned 
 in the North, were regarded as the definitive victory in Italy 
 of Free Trade over Protectionism. Ancient historical tra¬ 
 ditions and recent political experience combined—at all 
 events appeared to combine—in making a policy of com¬ 
 mercial freedom a prominent element in the national pro¬ 
 gramme. How comes it, then, one is naturally tempted to 
 inquire, that only fourteen years after the death of Count 
 Cavour the possibility of a Protectionist reaction with any 
 chance of success should be so much as dreamt of? I 
 believe that the explanation must be sought in various and 
 
9° 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 quite different causes. In the first place, the prodigious 
 personal energy and the astonishing political successes of 
 Count Cavour enabled him to do things in the Sardinian 
 Parliament and Administration which none of his successors 
 have been able to achieve. Even in the short period that 
 elapsed between the annexation of the kingdom of the Two 
 Sicilies and his death it was evident that in the bureaucratic 
 spheres at Naples he would have to encounter a strong 
 Protectionist opposition. The winter of i860-61 was one 
 marked by the high price of provisions in Naples, and 
 Count Cavour was made the object of unceasing remon¬ 
 strances and complaints from the great southern capital, all 
 ascribing to his Free Trade policy the scarcity prevalent at 
 the time. The violence of that opposition was not even 
 known until after Count Cavour’s decease, when questions 
 unexpectedly presented themselves respecting the regularity, 
 and indeed the legality, of certain administrative measures 
 taken at the time. But all this was not a very favourable 
 omen for the general acceptance of Free Trade principles in 
 Southern Italy, and for the contingent of moral force which 
 the deputies from those provinces were likely to bring to a 
 Government of enlarged commercial views. Meanwhile 
 Protectionism but too naturally and too easily found its 
 adheretns in the various manufacturers of Northern Italy, 
 who at each stage of their progress have been appealing 
 more loudly and more urgently to each successive Italian 
 Cabinet for protection against foreign competition. They 
 have been favoured by the course of political events. The 
 excitement consequent on the transfer of the capital in 1864, 
 r° m ^ ur * n to Florence, at once threw the Government into 
 the hands of a strongly Piedmontese Cabinet, presided over 
 by a statesman who represented in Parliament Biella, one 
 of the chief citadels of Piedmontese Protectionism. The 
 annexation of the Venetian provinces in 1866 had amongst 
 other results that of swelling the Italian Parliament with a 
 group of theoretical politicians who had already in their 
 writings committed themselves to Protectionist doctrines, 
 an w ose controversial energy in that line most certainly 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 91 
 
 did not contribute to diminish the aspirations of the 
 Venetian producers and manufacturers for a Protective 
 policy of the same kind as that already demanded by their 
 Piedmontese brethren. All these demands in a Protectionist 
 sense will be found embodied in the reports of the Govern¬ 
 ment Commission on the state of Italian trade and com¬ 
 merce which, in the early part ,of last year, visited the 
 principal Italian cities, received in each city the evidence of 
 the leading merchants and manufacturers, and has published 
 its reports and evidence in two large volumes, one devoted 
 to the oral, another to the written communications, with a 
 most formidable appendix of other volumes containing 
 more special details. What I have already stated may in 
 itself suffice to throw some light on the actual conditions of 
 Italian Protectionism. But there are two other causes, one 
 of a general, the other of a quite personal character, which 
 must likewise be taken into account, and without which 
 most incorrect and incomplete views would be formed. 
 
 In the first place, there is no use disguising the fact that 
 the true soil, the really favouring influences, in which Italian 
 Protectionism grows up and flourishes—that this soil and 
 these influences are to be found in the system extending 
 over the whole country, of the municipal octroi duties. By 
 means of that octroi system there is raised every year a sum 
 amounting, according to the last calculations I have seen, to 
 about a hundred and thirty millions of francs, of which sixty 
 millions, in virtue of special agreements, are paid in to the 
 public national treasury, and the other seventy millions to 
 the separate municipal treasuries. With the exception of 
 the sixty millions which the Government derives from the 
 lottery offices—with that single and most scandalous excep¬ 
 tion—the sum obtained from these octroi duties is the one 
 got in with the greatest loss to the national wealth and the 
 greatest check to the national enterprise. Every close 
 commune in Italy—by close commune I mean one entitled 
 ' to fence itself round with an octroi barrier—becomes 
 ipso facto a citadel of Protectionism. Its leading municipal 
 and provincial councillors, who are generally landed pro- 
 
92 
 
 COD DEN CLUB. 
 
 prietors in the immediate neighbourhood, have an interest 
 that the system be worked for their individual advantage, 
 and to the exclusion of a more distant competition. One 
 might fill a volume with the calamitous results for the national 
 production. In the first place, there is created an immense 
 disproportion between the price of provisions in close and 
 open communes, and between the town and the country. 
 The causes creating this disproportion, whilst acting first and 
 immediately on home, do not the less act with crushing 
 effect on foreign trade. Take for example the product in 
 which, from its geographical position and its territorial con¬ 
 formation, Italy seems, as it were, destined by Providence 
 to be one of the world’s great exporters, quite as much so 
 as France, or Germany, or Spain—I mean, of course, wine. 
 By the octroi system almost every motive, so far as the 
 home market is concerned, is taken away from the landed 
 proprietor, and much more from the common peasant 
 cultivator, to improve his wines. The law gives to the 
 municipal councils the power of establishing a tariff with a 
 minimum and a maximum duty. The minimum duty is 
 constantly imposed for such articles as vegetables, which, 
 most easily supplied from the immediate neighbourhood, 
 are furnished by the local proprietors; whilst the maximum 
 is just as regularly imposed on the wines which may enter into 
 competition with those grown by the same proprietors. The 
 distant wine grower has, therefore, to encounter the double 
 obstacle of the cost of carriage and the maximum duty, 
 the clearest instance is seen in the capital itself, in Rome, 
 here the additional population of some fifty thousand brought 
 by the change in the seat of Government would naturaliy 
 prefer to drink the much better Chianti or Barolo wines, to 
 which they had been accustomed in Florence and Turin. 
 
 I he Municipal Council of Rome lost not a moment in im- 
 posing the maximum duty on those wines, so that the 
 public functionaries have the choice of drinking a bad * 
 Oman wine which they detest, their own native wine, or a 
 f rench wine at almost the same high price, or, worse still, an 
 adulteiated wine professing to be Chianti or Barolo, but in 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 93 
 
 reality manufactured in Rome itself from a common Roman 
 wine, with perhaps a slight infusion of the Tuscan and 
 Piedmontese or many much less desirable ingredients. And 
 the same cause produces similar effects in a sometimes in¬ 
 credible degree. The Minister of Agriculture and Commerce 
 has frequently published in the Official Gazette the prices on 
 a given day of some forty of the principal articles of food in 
 about a hundred and fifty of the chief communes in the king¬ 
 dom ; and the disproportion in the prices, though in part expli¬ 
 cable from deficient communications, is in a very great 
 degree to be ascribed to the working of the octroi system. 
 But to return to the wine, not only the actual but the 
 possible, the apprehended effects of the system scare the 
 peasant cultivator in many districts from attempting to in¬ 
 crease and improve his vintages. He has enough for him¬ 
 self and his own family; he has a small but sure 
 market amongst the neighbouring peasants; why should 
 he incur the hazards of sending his wine to a town 
 where he must face a certain and, for him, heavy 
 outlay in the payment of the octroi duty, without feeling 
 assured of a corresponding gain ? But all the obstacles 
 to the natural and regular and healthful development of 
 home industry do not proceed from the octroi system. The 
 railway management and the railway tariffs certainly do their 
 best to make these obstacles almost insurmountable. There 
 is not a single city in the centre of Italy—a peninsula washed 
 on one side by the Mediterranean and on the other by the 
 Adriatic Sea—which might not with the existing net of rail¬ 
 ways be well supplied every morning with fish. But they 
 would be bold fishmongers who should contract for regular 
 supplies from Venice and Ancona, or from Leghorn and 
 Naples, with the knowledge that they must not on'ly en¬ 
 counter high octroi duties and railway tariffs, but that, 
 through the never-ending pedantic formalities imposed by 
 the railway companies, hours and hours, nay, sometimes an 
 entire day, may pass over before they are able to remove the 
 consignment, of fish from the railway station. An Italian 
 sun, though favourable to the growth of wine, is not equally 
 
94 
 
 COD DEN CLUB. 
 
 favourable to the conservation of dead fish: no wonder 
 if the speculation presents very decided risks. What is true 
 of fish is equally true of fruit. Whilst the Ligurian, 
 Neapolitan, and Sicilian shores exhibit one long and brilliant 
 succession of lemon and orange groves, the Italians in an 
 inland provincial town must, from the same causes, pay a far 
 higher price for lemons and oranges than is paid in Norwich, 
 or Perth, or Cork. The honest German who descends the 
 Alps into Italy with the echoes of Goethe’s song ringing in 
 his ears—“Knowestthou the land where the lemons flourish, 
 and where the gold oranges glow through their dark leaves? " 
 —has considerable difficulty in recognising that land, in its 
 commercial aspects, the first time he buys a lemon or an orange 
 in his progress. Why, it may be asked, are not more active 
 measures taken to remedy such a state of things? The’ 
 answer, I fear, must be found, not only in the fact that so 
 many local interests are involved, and that in connection 
 with the system a great amount of local patronage has 
 sprung up, but in the peculiar character of the Italian Par¬ 
 liament. There is a want of political men who devote them¬ 
 selves practically and usefully to such special questions. The 
 deputies in general think them below their notice. The fruit 
 and fish trade are matters of primary moment for the whole 
 Italian people, just as are the silk, and oil, and marble, and 
 sulphur, and borax, and other branches too numerous to 
 mention of agricultural, mineral, and animal production. But 
 the deputy who would make these subjects the object of 
 questions and motions in the Chamber would run the risk of 
 being nicknamed Lemon Bruni, or Oyster Bianchi, or Par¬ 
 mesan Cheese Neri, and the mere thought of being obliged 
 to go through the world with such a sobriquet would arrest 
 him at the outset. 
 
 I would now, however, advert to the last and more 
 special, indeed personal, cause by which the character of 
 the present Protectionist movement in Italy has been deter¬ 
 mined. I have already alluded to the fact that there had 
 sprung up in Northern Italy a school of accomplished 
 writers, whose.views have received their chief colouring 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 95 
 
 from the teaching of recent German economists. In their 
 works, as in those of their masters, a much larger share of 
 action is accorded to the State than was granted by the 
 political economists of the school of Adam Smith. From 
 the incontestable necessity of Government action in such 
 matters as factory labour and the education of the humbler 
 classes, these writers very clearly give us to understand that 
 they desire to proceed to a system of Protectionism in 
 commercial policy, and to the revival of that fostering 
 influence, once regarded as all-powerful, by which Govern¬ 
 ments formerly sought to rear native manufactures under 
 natural conditions most unfavourable. Every one, on a 
 moment’s reflection, knows that the true causes why manu¬ 
 facturers in Piedmont or Lombardy could not stand against 
 an English or Belgian competition are the want in Pied¬ 
 mont and Lombardy of coal and iron, and of a population 
 long trained to manufacturing pursuits. The present Italian 
 Protectionists try to keep these facts as much as possible in 
 the background, and to obscure the whole question by 
 vague and cloudy theories on the action of the State. In 
 the migratory commission, of inquiry, held at the commence¬ 
 ment of last year, their views were in various cities for the 
 first time publicly avowed. At the commencement of the 
 present year it was resolved to open, in the same sense, a 
 theoretical campaign. With this view a congress was held 
 at Milan. It was not very successful, but one of the reso¬ 
 lutions come to was to found in as many Italian cities as 
 possible branch clubs or societies, all based on the common 
 ' principle of invoking in commercial and industrial matters 
 a more direct action on the part of Government. Mean¬ 
 while the partisans of Free Trade, or, to speak more 
 precisely and correctly, those who regarded this new move¬ 
 ment as a mere mask to cover Protectionist tendencies, 
 were not idle. Professor Francesco Ferrara, generally 
 regarded as by far the most learned of living Italian 
 economists, led the way in a very powerful article, con¬ 
 tributed to the Nuova Antologia of Florence, in last August. 
 The article was entitled “ Economic Germanism in Italy.” 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 In this paper the German professorial or academic socialists, 
 and their Italian disciples of the Lombardo-Venetian school 
 —such was the name given to them by Ferrara—were roughly 
 handled. In fact, it was a regular throwing down of the 
 gauntlet to the new party. That gauntlet was taken up in 
 the next number of the same periodical by Luigi Luzzatti, 
 formerly professor at Padua, Secretary-General some few 
 years ago of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, 
 and at present one of the most active members of the 
 Chamber of Deputies. Luzzatti’s acceptance of the chal¬ 
 lenge was in itself a reply to one of the taunts that this new 
 Protectionist party was acephalous ; and Luzzatti, beyond all 
 question, is the animating spirit of this new school of 
 Italian Protectionists : the establishment of the committee 
 of inquiry was mainly his work; the Milan congress was 
 brought together through his efforts ; the two journals of 
 the party which have appeared in succession at Rome and 
 Padua have owed to him their inspiration ; and the leading 
 part which he is now taking in the negotiations for the 
 renewal of the Commercial Treaties with France, Austria, 
 and Switzerland will certainly not be found in contradiction 
 with these antecedents. The Free Traders, on the other 
 hand, have established in Florence a most ably-conducted 
 weekly organ, L'Economista; and one of their earliest 
 proposals, when organising themselves for regular action, was 
 that of an “ Adam Smith Club.” Nothing, indeed, is more 
 remarkable in all this movement than the unceasing war 
 waged around the name and the fame of Adam Smith. The 
 most eloquent passages in Ferrara’s article are those in which 
 he vindicates the glory of the Scottish economist from the 
 sneers of his German and Italian detractors. Not the least 
 significant passage in Luzzatti’s reply is one in which he 
 describes Adam Smith as a creature like Rousseau, of the 
 “age of reason,” which aspired to build “universal” truths 
 on metaphysical premises, arid dealt with man apart from 
 his historical antecedents and social surroundings. 
 
 There is much truth in the remark of Ferrara, that in 
 all this glorification of the State its admirers overlook 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 97 
 
 the very prosaic fact that no such thing as an ideal State 
 exists, and that the actual State is simply the men who 
 for the time being govern it. France is a socialist State 
 when confided to the direction of M. Louis Blanc, becomes 
 an enlightened Free Trading State so far and so long as it 
 reflects the economic views of a Napoleon III., and reverts 
 to a very pristine condition of Protectionism in so far as it is 
 controlled and governed by M. Thiers. Italy was a Free 
 Trading State under Count Cavour. His disciple and 
 successor, the present Premier, Signor Minghetti, loudly 
 protests that he has not abandoned Count Cavour’s com¬ 
 mercial policy. If such be really the case, why has he 
 entrusted the practical direction of the very important nego¬ 
 tiations for the renewal of the Commercial Treaties between 
 Italy and other countries to a politician professing, as openly 
 as circumstances will allow, Protectionist principles ? The 
 plain fact is, that in commercial policy the present Italian 
 Premier wishes at once to keep his cake and to eat his cake— 
 to gratify the wishes and secure the parliamentary support 
 of the Protectionist interest in Northern Italy, and yet not to 
 forfeit the prestige of commercial freedom which the Italian 
 Government has inherited from Count Cavour. 
 
 Facts, however, in such questions are stronger than all 
 theories, and it must somewhat have startled the partisans of 
 Italian Protectionism to read, ten days ago, in the columns 
 r of the semi-official Opinione, the announcement that Italy 
 must abandon all participation in next year’s Philadelphia 
 Exhibition, because the high Protective tariffs of the United 
 States completely excluded any prospect of Italian industry 
 and commerce deriving benefit from the same. The con¬ 
 fession was not the less instructive because made in the 
 columns of the very journal which a few weeks before had, 
 notoriously under Signor Luzzatti’s inspiration, been break¬ 
 ing out into lofty Protectionist dithyrambics on the future 
 triumphs in store for the native industry of Italy. 
 
 What the members of the Cobden Club have the right to 
 expect at the hands of the present Italian Cabinet is, that 
 its head, the Prime Minister Minghetti, shall not in prac- 
 G 
 
9 8 
 
 COD DEN CLUB. 
 
 tical statesmanship abandon the principles and forego the 
 hopes to which the patriot writer Minghetti gave frank and 
 fearless utterance at the very moment when Mr. Cobden 
 achieved his victories. 
 
 Signor Minghetti’s essay on the reform of the English 
 Corn-Laws, and on the immense benefits likely to accrue to 
 Italy from the same, written in 1846, and re-published three 
 years ago by the author, may be profitably recommended 
 to the perusal of the new school of Italian economists. 
 As lovers of their country, they will rejoice that the pros¬ 
 pects of a more extended national commerce, united in 
 Signor Minghetti’s speculations with a possible Italian 
 customs’ league, may now be realised by the energies of a 
 single undivided state. They will feel no less gratification 
 from the fact that the return of Eastern commerce to its 
 ancient European channels has already in part fulfilled the 
 glowing predictions contained in Signor Minghetti’s con¬ 
 cluding sentences. But they may also, it must be hoped, 
 feel some misgivings on the soundness of their Protectionist 
 views, when they read Signor Minghetti’s scathing exposure 
 in a few sentences of the Protectionist fallacies. And if 
 they dwell in the fitting spirit on the eloquent picture 
 presented by the author, of the economic apostleship of 
 Richard Cobden and his fellow-labourers, they will perhaps 
 carry away the impression that a blind antipathy to 
 Cobdenism is not the best preparation for negotiating new 
 commercial treaties, forming as it does a painful contrast to 
 the aspirations and hopes of the patriot statesman who, 
 under Pope Gregory XYI.’s grim and gloomy reign, 
 hailed in Cobdenism a most welcome guarantee of Italian 
 prosperity and progress. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 James Montgomery Stuart. 
 
The PROSPECTS of FREE TRADE in the UNITED STATES. 
 
 From the Hon. David A. Wells. 
 
 Norwich, Connecticut , United Stales, 
 July 12, 1875. 
 
 My dear Sir— Although it has not been possible for 
 me to accept your kind invitation to be present at the annual 
 re-union of the Cobden Club on the 17th, I have the 
 pleasure of being able to report to you a marked progress in 
 the United States during the past year, in the direction of 
 national emancipation from legislative restrictions on the 
 freedom of extra-territorial trade and commercial inter¬ 
 course. To those accustomed to judge of progress by out¬ 
 ward manifestations only, and who are not cognisant of quiet 
 changes taking place beneath the surface, this assertion may 
 not seem warranted ; for the friends of Free Trade have no 
 special agency in the United States, as they had a few years 
 ago, devoted to the work of disseminating economic truths, 
 while “ Free Trade ” and “Protection ” alike have so ceased 
 to be discussed generally by the press, that in the opinion of 
 some both subjects are no longer living issues before the 
 country. But during all this time the people of the United 
 States have been learning more rapidly than ever before in 
 that costly school which nations, alike with individuals, 
 seem to prefer to any other—namely, the school of 
 experience. 
 
 For fifteen years now the experiment of “Protection to 
 home industry ” has been tried in the United States on the 
 largest scale, and under the most favourable circumstances 
 for success that the world has ever seen; and under its in¬ 
 fluence the domestic industry of the country, to use a slang 
 expression, “ has been getting no better very fast.” Every 
 prophecy so confidently made in the past as to the results of 
 Protection in inducing national prosperity has been falsified; 
 and one has only to pick out the separate industries which 
 have been especially protected to find out the ones which 
 are more especially unprofitable and dependent. Thus, in the 
 manufacture of pig-iron, excessive profits have given rise to 
 such excessive competition as to render the whole business 
 
loo 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 ruinously unprofitable : a condition of affairs from which 
 there can be no recovery, except through a continued suspen¬ 
 sion or curtailment of production, the utter abandonment of 
 many furnaces, and the utter loss of a vast amount of reck¬ 
 lessly invested capital. In the manufacture of silk, the 
 manufacturers, although enjoying for many years the protec¬ 
 tion of a sixty per cent, duty on all manufactured imports, 
 and a free admission of all raw material, are desirous of a 
 still higher duty, and unanimously of the opinion that an 
 abatement of the existing duties to even the slightest degree 
 would be to them altogether ruinous. In the manufacture of 
 wool—an industry in which the representatives of Protection 
 were allowed to dictate without interference the exact 
 measure of Protection which seemed then desirable, and 
 caused the enactment of duties ranging from fifty to one 
 hundred and fifty per cent. — it is sufficient to say that the 
 existing depression and stagnation is without parallel : eight 
 of the principal mills of the country having been sold, on 
 compulsion, within a comparatively recent period, for much 
 less than fifty per cent, of their cost of construction ; the 
 Glendam Mills in particular —one of the largest and best 
 equipped woollen establishments in the United States, ad¬ 
 vantageously located on the Hudson, about fifty miles above 
 . ew York, and representing over one million of dollars paid 
 in—having changed hands since the first of April last, for a 
 consideration of less than two hundred thousand dollars. 
 Possessing also mines of copper of such unexampled rich¬ 
 ness, that their owners are able to export their products to 
 Jiurope and sell the same at a profit in competition with all 
 tne w°rld, the copper manufacturers and copper consumers 
 0 ie yHjted States have been obliged, through the agency 
 ot the tariff, to pay a higher price in their own market for 
 copper, than that at which the same article, the product of 
 the same mines has been offered to the consumers of other 
 cou^nes. And coming down to the administration of a 
 tariff whose average rate of duty approximates forty per 
 
 Cnv^f 1S f a , fa ? t n , ot t0 be denied, that if the Federal 
 ovemment, during the last eight years, had carried out the 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 IOI 
 
 intent of its representative officials, it would have arraigned 
 the reputation and impaired the credit of nearly every 
 important mercantile house in the city of New York 
 engaged in foreign commercial transactions. 
 
 All these things the people of the United States have 
 noticed and thought about; and no teachers have been 
 needed to convey and impress the full meaning of the in¬ 
 volved lesson, so that if to-day the further continuance of the 
 Protective policy on the part of the nation could be sub¬ 
 mitted to a popular vote, I have no question that Protection 
 would go under by a most decisive adverse majority. 
 
 The following are additional facts confirmatory of the 
 above conclusion, ist. There are now no important news¬ 
 papers in the United States, outside of Pennsylvania, 
 which especially advocate and defend Protection, except such 
 as capitalist manufacturers have organised or bought up 
 for such special purpose, and have caused to be edited 
 under instructions. American journals that exist by their 
 own merit do not walk in the paths of Protection, even 
 if they do not advocate Free Trade. . 2nd. Outside of the 
 State of Pennsylvania, it would be difficult to name one 
 American university, college, or school of high character 
 in the teaching of which Protection is not condemned as an 
 unsound economic system, antagonistic alike to civilisation 
 and material development. Furthermore, in most American 
 institutions of learning a belief in Protection would be re¬ 
 garded as disqualifying a person for teaching political 
 economy, almost to the same extent as would a belief in the 
 communistic views of Prudhomme, or the fiscal theories of 
 John Law. 3rd. Of the two great political parties which 
 divide the country, one—the Democratic, which may fairly 
 be held to represent at least one-half of the population—is 
 nearly unanimous in holding as an essential political prin¬ 
 ciple, “ that taxation should never be imposed for any purpose 
 other than revenue;” while no inconsiderable part of the 
 other great party—the Republican—also makes positive 
 affirmation of a belief in the same doctrine. 
 
 I think, therefore, I am warranted in asserting that the 
 
102 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 time draws near when the people of the United States will 
 demonstrate by legislation that they are fully satisfied of the 
 utter unprofitableness of the doctrine, “that the way to get 
 rich is for everybody to give as mqch as possible for every¬ 
 thing,” and that scarcity and high prices are productive 
 of abundance. 
 
 I am, yours very cordially, 
 David A. Wells. 
 
 To Thos. Bayley Potter, Esq., M.P., 
 
 Honorary Secretary of the Cobden Club. 
 
 From Horace White, Esq., Editor of the Chicago 
 “ Tribune ,” US.A. 
 
 London, June 28, 1875. 
 
 My dear Sir,— Being unable to attend the annual 
 dinner of the Cobden Club on the 17th proximo, I comply 
 with your request that I should give some account of the 
 progress of Free Trade opinion in the United States. 
 
 The commercial and industrial condition of the United 
 States at the present time is one of severe depression, being 
 part and parcel of the panic of September, 1873. This 
 depression has perhaps been greatest in the iron trade. A 
 large number of furnaces and mills, started under the 
 stimulus of high Protective duties and rapid railway 
 extension have suspended operations and been sold out 
 under the hammer at a fraction of their original cost. Others 
 maintain a precarious existence on a declining market, and 
 m the midst of angry strifes with their workmen. For 
 tlme since the year 1861, when the Morrill tariff was 
 enacted, we have heard no invocation of Congress on the 
 PS ° f , ruiI \ ed ironmasters to bolster them up with 
 r1pnW a Ki UtieS ’ R r d ^ the obvious reason that the present 
 hhrW b rf . C . ondl , tlon bas come upon them at a period of the 
 b onS 1 T S tha f ? e countr y could by any means be 
 brought to bear. And what is true of the iron trade is true 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 103 
 
 to a less extent of all the other protected trades. With all 
 their audacity, they have not the assurance to charge their 
 woes to the account of Free Trade. Their calamity has 
 come in the teeth of the most grinding and indefensible 
 tariff that the ingenuity of man could conceive. Instead of 
 calling for more tariff, some of their most prominent leaders 
 are calling for an addition to the volume of depreciated 
 paper currency—a device no less dishonest and disastrous 
 than the Protective system in which they and their customers 
 are floundering. But their appeal will be altogether in vain. 
 
 The state of facts to which I have alluded, viz., a great 
 commercial crisis in the face and eyes of a high Protective 
 tariff—so contrary to the whole philosophy of Protection— 
 has arrested the attention of large numbers of the honest 
 believers in the system, and thus many ears have been 
 opened to Free Trade arguments that were formerly closed 
 to us. The farmers of the Western States, who are the 
 principal sufferers by the Protective system, have taken more 
 decided steps during the past eighteen months toward the 
 emancipation of trade than I have observed in the previous 
 ten or twelve years. The National Board of Trade, an or¬ 
 ganisation composed of delegates from local commercial 
 bodies, has also been moving gradually but decidedly in the 
 same direction. The State of Massachusetts contains an 
 active and most intelligent body of Free Trade thinkers and 
 workers, whose influence is perceptibly increasing, although 
 the political power of the State is still dominated by the 
 special interests which the tariff was intended to favour. 
 
 The causes to which I have referred, although to a large 
 extent extraneous and accidental, have been potent in pre¬ 
 paring the public mind to receive the truths of Free Trade ; 
 and I am quite convinced that there has been no time since 
 the Protective system got the upper hand with us when it 
 was so weak and so liable to be overthrown as now. As it 
 required a period of dire distress to overturn the same 
 System in England, so it seems that a period of great 
 stringency and depression is most favourable to Revenue 
 reform with us. There is no special Free Trade agitation in 
 
io 4 
 
 COBDE.V CLUB. 
 
 the United States now, but the discussion is more general, 
 more temperate, and more clearly to the advantage of the 
 friends of Free Trade than it has been at times when special 
 efforts were on foot. 
 
 These are, in brief, my views of the present drift of public 
 opinion in the United States on the subject which you have 
 asked me to write about. 
 
 I am, Sir, your most obedient Servant, 
 
 Horace White. 
 
 T. Bayley Potter, Esq., M.P., Hon. Secretary, Cobden Club. 
 
 From A. L. Perry, Esq., Professor of Political Economy , 
 Williams College, U.S.A. 
 
 Williams' College, June 2gth, 1875. 
 
 My Dear Sir, — I think that I can answer for the United 
 States that the cause of Free Trade is progressing, slowly 
 perhaps, but broadly at any rate. Our educated young men 
 are almost universally Free Traders; and the prejudices of 
 their elders are much less bitter than they formerly were. 
 Our national legislation shows no sign as yet of this im¬ 
 proving public opinion, but it will show signs of it at no 
 distant day. I have been working and watching for more 
 than twenty years, and I know whereof I affirm. The 
 people of the United States are not fools, and, therefore, 
 they cannot continue “ Protectionists.” 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 A. L. 
 
 Mr. G. C. Warr, Secretary of the Cobden Club. 
 
 A. L. Perry. 
 
 From William Lloyd Garrison, Esq., of Boston, U.S.A. 
 
 Boston, July 1 st, 1875. 
 your official notice of the time 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 I °5 
 
 intervening ocean will prevent my bodily attendance; but 
 in understanding, heart, and soul I shall certainly be with the 
 Club on the occasion referred to, to join in paying a grateful 
 tribute to the memory of him whose honoured name it bears; 
 to signify my hearty approval of the principles of political 
 economy and international amity it so ably inculcates under 
 his leadership (for, “ though dead, he yet speaketh ”); to. re¬ 
 spond to every noble sentiment in recognition of those ties 
 of common relationships, common rights, common interests, 
 and common needs which should bind the nations of the 
 earth indissolubly together for the common welfare. 
 
 It is not less pitiable than strange that a Republic 
 claiming to be the most enlightened on earth, and never 
 failing annually to rehearse with special emphasis in the 
 hearing of the world the grand “ self-evident truths ” set 
 forth in its boasted Declaration of Independence, should 
 still be found adhering to a policy of “Protection,” so called, 
 which is as narrow in spirit and as exclusive in aim as it is 
 irrational in theory and injurious in practice. But as, under 
 that Declaration, it required the sad experience of almost 
 ninety years before a vast and hideous system of chattel 
 slavery could be abolished—and then only through Divine 
 retribution—the marvel is not so great that the same people 
 should be clinging to a delusion, in regard to what concerns 
 their best interests, incomparably less demoralising in its 
 tendency and disastrous in its operation. 
 
 For one, I do not hesitate to avow myself to be a Free 
 Trader to an illimitable extent, without any other restraint 
 or drawback than the ordinary risk of industrial interchange 
 and commercial enterprise, in all those productions which 
 serve to comfort and bless mankind. To innocent and ser¬ 
 viceable exchange, sale or purchase, let no selfish barrier be 
 erected. As freely as waters run or as winds blow, let all 
 peoples present the finest efforts of their skill and industry, 
 the richest specimens of their mineral resources, the best re¬ 
 sults of their agricultural and manufacturing pursuits, in a 
 world’s market, to be bought and distributed ad libitum, ac¬ 
 cording to the needs, tastes, and purchasing means of the 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 106 
 
 parties interested; interdicting only what in itself is so 
 fraught with evil as to imperil the general safety and welfare. 
 Protection by all justifiable methods against hostile invasion 
 by a foreign enemy; protection against infectious or con¬ 
 tagious diseases by stringently regulated intercourse for the 
 time being; protection against wrongs and outrages per¬ 
 petrated upon the citizens of one country by another; pro¬ 
 tection against whatever is destructive of the rights and 
 liberties of a people—all this is in accordance with the 
 instinct of self-preservation. But protection against the 
 achievements of human skill, invention, labour and enterprise, 
 in the matter of food, clothing, and other material wants, be¬ 
 cause of a geographical separation, and on the plea of ad¬ 
 vancing the home interests, is as preposterous as would be an 
 attempt to'regulate the law of gravitation by legislative enact¬ 
 ment. The welfare of one portion of the globe is not above 
 that of any other; for mankind are one in relationship and 
 destiny, and only those principles should be acted upon in 
 human intercourse which are universal and world-embracing, 
 and which eannot be violated with impunity. 
 
 Yours for “ Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” 
 
 Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 G. C. Ware, Esq., Secretary of Cobden Club. 
 
 THE PROSPECTS OF FREE TRADE IN AUSTRALIA. 
 
 The Hon. Henry Parkes (late Chief Secretary of State, 
 Sydney, New South Wales) writes ;— 
 
 The doctrines of Free Trade are making sure way among 
 the Australian populations. In Victoria (which is the 
 nursery of Protection), the policy of artificial aids to in¬ 
 dustry is breaking up, and the very public men who some 
 years ago introduced the “ thin end of the wedge ” by taxes 
 m favour of the local manufactures, are now seeking to 
 obtain political support as Free Traders. 
 
 I do not think the new Government here will do much 
 
CORRESPONDEN CE. 
 
 107 
 
 to forward the cause, but they certainly will do nothing to 
 throw it back. For the next year or two our fiscal relations 
 will probably remain stationary. But when any change is 
 made, it will be in favour of more complete commercial 
 freedom. 
 
 Sydney, New South Wales, 13 May, 1875. 
 
 Dear Mr. Potter, —Presuming upon the enclosed intro¬ 
 duction from Mr. Parkes, I beg your acceptance of some 
 Free Trade Essays, which I am about to publish in Australia. 
 
 I propose to send a few additional copies to the Cobden 
 Club, through Messrs. Gordon and Gotch. 
 
 If there is anything in the Essays which seems likely to 
 be useful to the Club, I place it completely at your disposal. 
 
 During a recent visit to Melbourne, I found the symptoms 
 of a reaction towards Free Trade doctrines amongst the 
 more intelligent electors. Of course the mass of the working 
 classes forms the bulwark of the Protective laws of Victoria ; 
 and it is against that, as you will observe, that I have directed 
 the chief effort of my work. 
 
 In New South Wales our common cause is out of danger. 
 There is no Protectionist party whatever here; and the 
 general desire is to throw open our trade and resources as 
 much as possible, conscious as we are that the freedom of 
 commerce is as essential to our future greatness as it is in 
 accordance with the genius of a free constitution and the 
 instincts of a free people. 
 
 Allow me to add my humble testimony to the service 
 done by the Cobden Club publications in this part of the 
 world. You will perceive that in one of my Essays I have 
 largely quoted from them. 
 
 Permit me, in conclusion, to express my ardent admiration 
 of the principles on which the Club is founded, principles 
 whose complete triumph in levelling for ever the barriers 
 which selfish folly interposes between the blessings of God 
 and the necessities of man will do something more than free 
 
ioS 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 the commerce of the world, for they will confer on all the 
 scattered races of mankind the germs of universal peace, 
 civilisation, and goodwill. 
 
 I am, my dear Sir, 
 
 Your faithful servant, 
 
 G. H. Reid. 
 
 Thomas B. Potter, Esq., M.P., Hon. Secretary 
 of the Cobden Club, London. 
 
 From Gower Evans, Esq., of Melbourne, Australia. 
 
 Hayes, July 15, 1875. 
 
 Dear Sir,— I have great pleasure in complying with the 
 wish of the Committee of the Cobden Club, that inasmuch 
 as I have recently arrived in London, after an eight years’ 
 residence in Victoria, I should acquaint them, as far as in 
 my power, with the present position of the Free Trade 
 movement in Australia. I must mention, by way of preface, 
 that as far as my own colony is concerned, it is difficult at 
 this moment to make a precise statement. The Parliament 
 of Victoria commenced its session at the end of May; and 
 a telegram from Melbourne, dated May 25, informs us that 
 the. Government policy includes a remission of Customs’ 
 duties. How far this remission goes, and whether it will be 
 acceptable to Parliament, it is of course at present impos¬ 
 sible to say. 
 
 +1 w ^ 10 ^ e ’ however, I am happy to be able to state 
 
 a the prospects of the Free Trade party in the Australian 
 co omes are more hopeful than they have been at any pre¬ 
 vious period during the last ten years. For that space of 
 •™ ] e ’j ls * i e Committee are doubtless aware, the whole group, 
 U Tasmania and New Zealand, have been, mainly 
 irougi tie initiative of Victoria, more or less under the 
 F'retectionist ideas. The first symptoms of un- 
 fpsipri !i unc y oppression of the Protective tariffs mani- 
 temselves in the desire to establish a system of 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 109 
 
 inter-colonial Free Trade. After repeated appeals, the 
 Imperial Government acquiesced in this desire of the Aus¬ 
 tralian colonies, and an Act was passed empowering the 
 colonies to enter into Commercial Treaties and to impose 
 differential duties. No advantage has been as yet taken of 
 the privileges conferred by the Imperial Act, and the present 
 able Governor of New South Wales, Sir Hercules Robinson, 
 in an exhaustive State Paper, has pointed out the difficulties 
 which must inevitably occur in any attempt to carry out the 
 Act on any principle except that of general Free Trade. 
 Partly, I consider, in consequence of the ideas sug¬ 
 gested by this paper, and partly from a belief in the 
 soundness of the general principle, the New South Wales 
 Government some two years ago took an immense stride in 
 the direction of Free Trade, by the abolition of the ad 
 valorem duties. The Government that, under the leadership 
 of Mr. Parkes, adopted this sound policy has since fallen, 
 but their successors have avowed their adherence to the 
 same principles, and purpose to proceed further in the same 
 direction; and at the last general election not a single can¬ 
 didate presented himself in support of reactionary views. 
 The action of New South Wales has had a sensible influence 
 on Victoria. The oppressive duties levied in Melbourne 
 have for some time past tended to divert the inter-colonial 
 trade from Melbourne to Sydney, in spite of the natural ad¬ 
 vantages of the former port. In addition to this, the classes 
 in Victoria,‘such as the miners and farmers, who do not in 
 any way benefit by Protection, but who have supported the 
 Protective policy under the mistaken idea that they were 
 furthering the interest of their fellow-labourers in the towns, 
 are beginning to feel the burden of the tariff without being 
 able to convince themselves that they really have served the 
 interests which they intended to promote. Owing to the 
 depression in the mining districts, the revenue of Victoria 
 has shown symptoms of decline. It is in these circumstances 
 that the Victorian Government has been induced to re¬ 
 consider its fiscal policy, and, as the telegraph informs us, to 
 propose a remission of duties. I am not sanguine as to the 
 
IIO 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 extent of this remission, nor can I write with confidence in 
 respect to the amount of change that has taken place in 
 public opinion in reference to the main principle of Free 
 Trade.. That some change, however, has occurred in the 
 right direction is certain, but so much class-feeling has been 
 generated by the long struggle, and so many interests have 
 grown up under the Protectionist regime, that a complete 
 return to Free Trade is not to be expected for the present. 
 
 We must be contented to know that the movement is in 
 that direction; and we may hope that at no distant period 
 Victoria may Toe found ranged with New South Wales, and 
 that the colonies will march together to the completion of 
 the policy. South Australia, it is encouraging to learn, so 
 recently as June 17 th, under a change of Ministry, has 
 adopted the New South Wales tariff. When the three adja¬ 
 cent colonies move together, the others, which have never 
 gone so far as Victoria, must inevitably adopt the system. 
 Thus, as I said at the commencement of my letter, the 
 moment gives occasion for a more sanguine feeling than 
 Australian Free Traders have for some time experienced; 
 and although patience is still required, I am justified in ex¬ 
 pressing the opinion that the present members of the Cobden 
 Club will have the opportunity of celebrating the return of 
 the whole of Australia to a sound fiscal policy. 
 
 I am, yours faithfully, 
 
 Gower Evans. . 
 
 August 19; . 
 
 . P-S- Since the foregoing was written, we have been 
 informed by telegraph that the Victorian Ministry then in 
 office had brought forward a budget of a Free Trade 
 tendency ; that it had been left in a majority of one; and 
 that, having been refused a dissolution by the Acting- 
 Governor, it had resigned, and had been replaced by a 
 Protectionist administration, under a Mr. Berry. I would 
 remaik, in the first place, with respect to this change, that, 
 taking the worst view of it, a Ministry coming into office 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 Ill 
 
 with a minority, even though the minority be only inferior 
 to the majority by one, cannot be a very strong one. But 
 there are circumstances connected with the position of the 
 retiring Ministry which, coupled with the character of that 
 which has replaced it, lead me to take a still less gloomy 
 view of the situation. The late Ministry consisted, in the 
 main, of Free Traders who had consented to carry out a 
 Protectionist policy. They were, consequently, not very 
 warmly supported by the non-official Free Traders in the 
 House. When they proposed to modify the Protectionist 
 tariff, they also announced the intention of imposing a 
 property-tax and a tax upon bank-notes. It may possibly 
 be the case that their modification of the tariff may not 
 have been considered sufficient to justify the imposition of 
 new taxes, and the ranks of the ultra-Protectionists may 
 have been swelled by the addition of some dissatisfied Free 
 Traders. Then, again, the list of the new Ministry does not 
 contain a single name of political or social eminence. I am 
 perfectly sure that every one acquainted with Victorian 
 affairs regarded it with unmixed astonishment. Although, 
 therefore, as I have said in my letter, I am not prepared to 
 indulge in sanguine prophecy with respect to the extent of 
 change that public opinion has undergone in Victoria on 
 the subject of Protection, I am still inclined to think, for 
 the reasons I have given, that a change in the right direction 
 is taking place; and I do not attach any importance to the 
 accession to office of such an administration as that of 
 which we have in the last few days received the list by 
 telegraph. 
 
 Gower Evans. 
 
 G. C. Warr, Esq., Secretary of the Cobden Club. 
 
DISCUSSION ON THE TREATIES OF COMMERCE 
 AND PUBLIC OPINION IN EUROPE, 
 
 At a Meeting of the Political Economy Society of Paris, 
 August 6th, 1875. 
 
 M. MICHEL CHEVALIER Presiding. 
 
 This meeting was attended, in response to an invitation, by 
 several foreign savants , who had come to Paris to take part 
 in the labours of the Congress of Geographical Science, as 
 well as French members of the Congress, and deputies of 
 the National Assembly. 
 
 The President delivered an address, in which he thanked 
 the strangers who had honoured the meeting by their 
 presence, and expressed his pleasure at seeing them as¬ 
 sembled with the French savants on the neutral ground of 
 scientific discussion. Every international congress, he said, 
 even if military affairs be the subject, should have the effect 
 of establishing peace and international harmony, because it 
 is impossible for distinguished men to assemble and exchange 
 their ideas and their lights without conceiving sentiments of 
 mutual esteem and sympathy. But the present congress, 
 thank God, had nothing to do with war. M. Chevalier saw 
 with pleasure among those present Economists and Sta¬ 
 tisticians—men, therefore, devoted to identical studies; for 
 statistics are inseparable from Political Economy, and the 
 organisers of the National Institute understood this when 
 they united in the same section these twin sciences, both 
 closely allied to geography, from which they derive precious 
 lessons and useful co-operation. What, in fact, is Political 
 
DISCUSSION. 
 
 ”3 
 
 Economy but the science of exchanges? and how could 
 exchange, without which neither society nor civilisation 
 could exist, be established between nations, if they knew 
 nothing of one another? The knowledge of geography, 
 taken in the widest sense, as it is understood and taught by 
 a learned academician, a member of the Society of Political 
 Economy, is therefore indispensable to the development of 
 exchanges, on which depends the prosperity of nations. 
 Now, geographical science owes its progress in great measure, 
 no doubt, to brave explorers such as Cook, Lapeyrouse, 
 Bougainville, Franklin, Livingstone; but it is indebted 
 also to those industrious men who patiently study the 
 manners, the institutions, the products, the intellectual and 
 material resources of nations, and who are all more or less 
 Economists; and all are, or are becoming, adherents of 
 commercial freedom. This freedom, as every one knows, is 
 one of the objects which Economists pursue with the greatest 
 ardour, because they see in it the solution of one of the 
 greatest social and international problems of our age. M. 
 Chevalier said that he would be glad if the foreign Econo¬ 
 mists present at the meeting would give some information 
 respecting the economical ideas which appear to them to 
 prevail in the councils of their respective governments, 
 and in the public opinion of their respective countries, 
 and to say whether the Commercial Treaties which have 
 nearly expired appeared to them to have some chance of 
 being renewed on a liberal basis. 
 
 Baron Von Czcernig, Corresponding Member of the 
 Academy of Moral and Political Science, late President of 
 the Geographical Society of Vienna, was the senior among 
 the Statisticians present at the meeting. He has for a long 
 time been Director of Statistics for the Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire, and he bore witness to the happy results produced 
 in that empire by the lowering of the customs’ duties, and the 
 other barriers which the old economy of the State opposed 
 to international exchanges. In consequence of economic 
 reforms, the imports had been seen doubled, tripled, quad¬ 
 rupled from year to year. Not, he said, that there is no 
 H 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Protectionist party in Austria, but there is good ground for 
 hoping that it will not succeed. A congress of liberal 
 Economists has assembled this year at Vienna, with the 
 object of acting on the deputies who will have to renew or 
 modify the Treaties of Commerce; and everything leads 
 one to believe that these treaties will continue the true, nay 
 still more pronounced expression of the progressive ideas 
 which dictated them. 
 
 Signor Peruzzi, a member of the Italian Parliament, 
 Mayor of Florence, would not venture to repeat the as¬ 
 surances. which he gave some years ago at a banquet of 
 Economists assembled at Paris, on the occasion of the Inter¬ 
 national Exhibition, and which was attended by one of his 
 mends, the eminent Economist, Signor Luzzatti, who shared 
 his convictions then more than he does now. They con¬ 
 versed on that occasion about the probable consequences of 
 Commercial Treaties, so differently estimated in Italy. 
 
 rord^n dl t CUSSed a i so r the Treat y of Navigation, which, ac- 
 ^ o many Italians, must ruin the Ligurian coasting . 
 
 found f ft thC bene , fit of that of Marseilles. Now it is 
 w irvf f i r , praCtlCa l ex P e nence, that the Ligurian coast- 
 renewS nf h tvi S n f ever . been 30 prosperous before. Still, the 
 Itdv Tn f t? e fi ! at l CS may meet with some obstacles in 
 known lllr u St J hce > the Italian Parliament, it is well 
 which ’like oif ed m l8 ' , ° an inconvertible paper-currency, 
 
 pecJd results tT^i! ° f the kind ’ has Placed 
 real svsfpm of US - tke curr ency in question constitutes a 
 indusfries n whh'^ >^0teC ^ 10n, a Paction very costly for the 
 while the other a ^ e supported in the interior of the country, 
 Twho are no l likewise the consumers 
 
 seriouslv bv A eeded tban tbe theorists)—are suffering 
 treaties 7 which' A ? other obstacle to the renewal of the 
 ExcheQuer ,nd\r have • 10 dread - i 3 the poverty of the 
 in Italy, as elsewhere^? 1 * 7 "' hlch the Government alleges 
 disposal We he G ’ rai3in S money by all means at its 
 
 tion, which obligeTus^theVsav -° f thG W ° f C0 . m P ensar 
 
 chandise chare-ef m,,’ *1 Say \ to lm Pose on foreign mer- 
 g quivalent to those borne by the commerce 
 
DISCUSSION. 
 
 u 5 
 
 and industry of the country. Lastly, Signor Peruzzi ex¬ 
 pressed misgivings with regard to the influence of the new 
 School of Economy which was formed a short time ago in 
 Italy, and which is demanding the intervention of the State 
 in questions of exchange and labour. This school has 
 founded a society under the direction of Signor Luzzatti, 
 and there is a rival society, the counterpart of it, on his own 
 side, of which Signor Peruzzi has been elected President. 
 The latter has entitled itself after Adam Smith, thus asserting 
 its firm attachment to the liberal doctrines propounded by 
 the great English publicist. The Economists who give the 
 tone to the new school do not positively differ from those of 
 the old, as far as concerns commercial freedom; but there 
 is reason to fear, that, in virtue of the large part which they 
 assign to the State in the direction of economic movements, 
 they will suffer themselves to be drawn into approving the 
 Protectionist measures which may be proposed. The two 
 schools are represented in the Italian Parliament. Signor 
 Peruzzi foresees that the struggle between them will be a 
 hard one; he declares that the banner of commercial free¬ 
 dom shall be lifted high by his friends and himself, but he 
 is not absolutely sure of the issue of the debate on the 
 Treaties of Commerce. 
 
 Dr. Julius Faucher, Editor of the Quarterly Review of 
 Political Economy , Berlin, trusts that the economic policy 
 inaugurated by the Treaties of Commerce will be maintained 
 in Germany. The Protectionists there are not numerous, 
 nor influential, especially in the Parliament, and the attempts 
 at reaction which have been made have met with no success. 
 Moreover, the situation of Germany counsels fidelity to the 
 principle of Free Trade. Germany has no inconvertible 
 paper-currency; she has received a large amount of gold 
 from France—that is to say, the Government has received 
 it, not the people. This influx of specie has caused a 
 general rise of prices; her imports have largely exceeded 
 her exports, and the gold has returned to France through a 
 thousand channels. But these circumstances have not 
 shaken the friends of Free Trade, who only think of securing 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 ii 6 
 
 the future, and they, too, are engaged in a struggle, often very 
 lively, with the Economists of the new school, whom they 
 call the “ Socialists of the Pulpit.” There will be, next 
 year, a Congress of Economists at Munich. We shall see if 
 the Protectionists are represented there; but Dr. Faucher 
 strongly doubts it. 
 
 Herr Engel, Director of Statistics for the Kingdom of 
 Prussia, stated confidently that the division between the new 
 and the old school of Economists is not so deep as is 
 represented, and that both are agreed in favour of promoting 
 exchanges by the lowering of customs' duties. The Statistical 
 Bureau of Berlin is a real school, a nursery of Economists, 
 from which Dr. Faucher himself came, and which produces 
 neither Socialists nor Protectionists. The question between 
 the two schools, to which reference had been made, is 
 simply, whether in economic affairs the State ought to be 
 reduced to the part of night-watchman, or whether it has an 
 active and useful part to fulfil in production and exchange. 
 The new school adheres to the latter doctrine, and M. Engel 
 appeared to hold with it. In any case he emphatically 
 exculpated this school from the Protectionist tendencies, of 
 which it is suspected, and he declared that it is not in that 
 quarter that Free Trade will find opponents. 
 
 Herr Meitzen, Assistant Director of Statistics for Ger¬ 
 many, knows all the young professors of the German Univer¬ 
 sities, and wishes to state that there are no Protectionists 
 among them. He desired also to correct what Dr. Faucher 
 had said regarding the economic situation of Germany of 
 late years. Being in charge of the statistics of internal com¬ 
 merce, M. Meitzen well understands the facts, and he can 
 affirm that the French milliards count for next to nothing in 
 the excess of imports noticed by Dr. Faucher. This excess 
 (considerable, it is true) is limited to cereals, meat, and 
 metals (iron and copper), and is very simply explained. On 
 the one hand, Germany has had bad harvests; she has been 
 desolated by cattle-plague, which has forced her to go to 
 foreign parts for cereals and meat. On the other hand, she 
 has been obliged to purchase iron and other metals to 
 
DISCUSSION. 
 
 117 
 
 satisfy the requirements arising from the development of 
 her railways and her mining industries. 
 
 Herr Unfalvy, President of the Geographical Society 
 of Pesth, said that economic questions in the present 
 situation of Austro-Hungary were generally associated 
 with the rivalry of the two parties in the Empire, but that, 
 in relation to foreign countries, opinion was generally 
 favourable on both sides to commercial freedom. 
 
 M. Clapier said that, having had the honour of belong¬ 
 ing to the Commission appointed to examine the proposed 
 tariff, which the Italian Government had laid before the 
 French Government, he thought he might, without departing 
 from the reserve imposed by negotiations still pending, 
 furnish some information to the meeting on the subject. 
 The treaty which existed between France and Italy, having 
 been denounced with due notice, will ceasi; to have effect 
 during the course of next year. Italy has submitted to the 
 French Government the draft of a tariff which she proposes 
 to put in force at the expiration of the treaty. She has not 
 formally proposed the renewal of the treaty, but she desires 
 to take the opinion of the French Government on the tariff 
 which she proposes to establish at home, so that nothing 
 may interfere with the good understanding which exists 
 between the two nations. 
 
 This communication raised a preliminary question : is it 
 well for us to be linked with Italy by a formal and obligatory 
 treaty? or, would it not be better to limit ourselves to an 
 understanding which, maintaining nearly the present state of 
 things, would leave to each of the two nations its liberty of 
 action ? A formal treaty appeared preferable to the majority 
 of the Commission, as offering more security to industry, 
 and rendering a longer term certain. The Commission 
 therefore felt bound to examine and discuss the draft tariff 
 submitted by Italy, on the supposition that it might serve as 
 the basis of a treaty. 
 
 This tariff appeared to them the result of three distinct 
 motives :—1st. A desire to furnish supplies to the Italian 
 treasury; this purely financial motive raised no objection. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 2nd. A desire to convert ad valorem duties into specific. 
 Ad valorem duties, though apparently more equitable, are 
 nevertheless a source of disputes and frauds; the Italian 
 Government loudly complains of them, and all Economists 
 interested in the question recognise that this conversion is 
 indispensable; but the transition from one species of 
 legislation to another is not free from difficulties. Specific 
 duties, founded on average values, have the inconvenience 
 of weighing more heavily on common goods than on rich pro¬ 
 ducts, which is an economic mistake. This difficulty can only 
 be escaped by dividing each species of product into a certain 
 number of categories, and marking with great nicety the ex¬ 
 ternal signs and conditions of composition which are to serve 
 as the basis of each category. The Italian draft exhibited un¬ 
 fortunate gaps in this respect; the French Government, en¬ 
 lightened by hints furnished by our principal manufacturers, 
 and by the stipulations of the English treaty, thought that it 
 could point out these to Italy. 3rd. A certain Protectionist 
 motive, revealed in several provisions of the draft tariff, 
 gave occasion for some remarks on the part of the French 
 Government. The Italian Government repudiated this in¬ 
 tention, affirming that the maximum duty which it is proposed 
 to place on foreign goods is not more than 10 percent. The 
 French Government admitted that duties restricted to this 
 limit did not exceed the measure of protection which a State 
 may reasonably accord to its industry, without doing violence 
 to the good relations which exist with neighbouring States; 
 and, taking note of this declaration, consented to make it 
 the general basis of negotiations, with certain partial ex¬ 
 ceptions which circumstances might render necessary. 
 
 Signor Peruzzi reverted to some of the considerations 
 which he had put forward, and which M. Clapier had just 
 confirmed, while presenting them in a new aspect. As to 
 the question which divides the Economists of the new 
 school and the orthodox Economists, Signor Peruzzi, bor¬ 
 rowing M. Engel’s simile, said that in his opinion the State 
 ought to be a “ night-and-day watchman,” but not to inter¬ 
 fere in economic questions, otherwise than by clearing away 
 
DISCUSSION. 
 
 119 
 
 the obstacles and the shackles, which, by paralysing ex¬ 
 change, prevent wealth from multiplying and prosperity 
 from becoming general. 
 
 M. A de Bounschen, President of the Geographical 
 Society of St. Petersburg, briefly informed the meeting of 
 the progress which has been effected in Russia since 1851 
 in economic ideas and circumstances. At that date, legis¬ 
 lation being completely protectionist, the customs’ duties 
 were raised and industry slumbered. In 1857 there was a 
 first revision of the tariffs, with some concessions made to 
 liberal ideas ; the duties were lowered and industry began 
 to spring up. In 1867 there was a new revision and new 
 concessions. The great cotton manufacture cried out for a 
 protection, which it did not need ; but the Government did 
 not stop to listen to these complaints. As for the public, it 
 remained neutral. Other special revisions have taken place 
 since, and always with a tendency towards Free Trade. At 
 the present time Russia, although protecting her iron manu¬ 
 facture, imports one hundred million pounds of foreign iron 
 for her railways. She protects other industries also, but 
 with exceptions so numerous that they reverse the rule. 
 If the liberal intentions of the Government meet with impedi¬ 
 ments, it is on the part of France, from whom they ask only 
 for reciprocity. In short, economic ideas are making pro¬ 
 gress, and one may hope that the next revision of the 
 treaties will be favourable to the extension of exchanges. 
 
 M. Baumhauser, Director of Statistics for the Nether¬ 
 lands, spoke of the treaty relating to the regulation of the 
 sugar-duties, which interests, besides the Netherlands, 
 Belgium, England, and France. The upshot of his evidence 
 was that the general tendency in Holland is favourable to 
 Free Trade. 
 
 M. Clapier then said: As the question of the sugar-duties 
 is raised, I have the good fortune to be able to furnish some 
 accurate information to the meeting on that subject; for I 
 belong to the Parliamentary Commission to which this 
 question is actually submitted. 
 
 You all know the convention of 1865. At that date 
 
120 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 there was a very keen contest between England, Holland, j 
 Belgium, and France, to get hold of the exportation of 
 refined sugar to the great consuming countries. This con- I 
 test issuing in the award on the part of each country of 
 premiums on the exportation of refined sugar more than 
 covering the duty paid on the importation of raw sugar, the | 
 convention of 1865 had for its object to place the four 
 contracting powers on the same footing, and to provide j 
 against imported sugars being subjected to duties other 
 than those paid by the sugars made or refined at home. 
 This convention raised loud complaints on the part of 
 England, who alleged that the French refiners had in the 
 facilities provided by the French legislation an indirect pre- | 
 mium, which crushed their own refinery; a certain number 
 of the manufacturers of the home-grown sugar, making com¬ 
 mon cause with the English refiners, maintained that this 
 indirect premium caused an enormous Joss to the French 
 exchequer, and under this impression the National Assembly 
 decided that, at the expiration of the convention, which 
 terminated on 1st August, 1875, the French refineries 
 should be subjected to the excise. In the interval, England 
 abolished all duties on sugar, thus leaving her market open- 
 to all nations. On the other hand, the French Govern¬ 
 ment, not wishing to inflict the annoyances of the excise on 
 her refineries except this excise should be equally estab¬ 
 lished in the two other contracting countries, negotiations 
 were opened. Belgium formally refused to establish the 
 excise in her refineries, but she offered by way of compen¬ 
 sation to reduce by half her internal duty on sugars, which 
 reduced by half the indirect premium which her refiners 
 possess in the facilities provided by her legislation. She 
 offered also to raise by some degrees the tax on her beet- 
 juice, subject to the system of simple abonnement. Holland 
 did not.oppose an absolute refusal to the establishment of 
 the excise in her refineries, but before committing herself, 
 she expressed a desire to know the system which would regu¬ 
 late the mode of application of the excise in France. 
 France officially communicated a proposed scheme of regula- 
 
DISCUSSION. 
 
 121 
 
 tions, but reserved the liberty to modify it according to the 
 greater or less latitude of the Dutch regulations. Moreover, 
 she showed herself determined to see the internal duty 
 imposed on raw sugars, on their entry into the refinery, on 
 the basis of their real richness, determined not by mere 
 shades, but by chemical analysis and the observations of the 
 saccharimeter. England, although not interested in the 
 question, insisted nevertheless on intervening in the treaty, 
 under a promise (which, coming from Lord Derby, costs 
 her little) that if ever she re-establishes a duty on sugar at 
 home, she will subject her refineries to the excise; taking 
 advantage of this simple promise, she demands very 
 peremptorily, as the fulfilment of a formal undertaking, that 
 the French refineries should be subjected to the excise. 
 
 Such is the state of the question, and as its solution will 
 require some further adjournment, the contracting parties 
 have agreed to prolong the convention of 1865 to the month 
 of March next; a law ratifying this agreement was passed 
 by the French National Assembly at the end of last session. 
 
 This question, very difficult in itself—inasmuch as the 
 legislature in intervening must conciliate at once the rights 
 of the Treasury and those of the French and colonial sugar- 
 producers with those of the sugar-refiners, and establish 
 between the contracting nations, in default of an identical 
 system which they rej ect, a system of compensation which 
 maintains complete equality between them—is further com¬ 
 plicated by the fact that we have now to deal with powerful 
 competition outside the four contracting nations, such as 
 that of Germany, of Hungary, and that of the United States, 
 which must unquestionably destroy the equilibrium which 
 is sought to be established by legislative combinations. The 
 introduction of a system of impediments and restrictions 
 such as are demanded must undoubtedly strike a blow against 
 one of the fairest industries which France has created 
 for twenty years, and demonstrate once more that both at 
 home and abroad liberty, honest competition, the incessant 
 improvement of the product, and reduction of the cost of 
 
122 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 production, are the surest basis of the commercial prosperity 
 of a country. 
 
 M. Zemeroff, Director of Statistics, St. Petersburg, con¬ 
 firmed in a few words the information furnished by his 
 fellow-countryman, M. de Bounschen. 
 
 Senor Fr. Coello, of Madrid, assured the meeting that in 
 Spain opinion is favourable to Free Trade ; and this tendency 
 is conformable to the manifest interests of the country, which 
 must desire an outlet for its agricultural and mineral products. 
 Unhappily, Spanish publicists are concerned at present 
 much more with politics than with economic science ; the 
 country is wasted in civil war ; but the speaker' hoped that 
 internal peace will shortly be re-established, and that the 
 commercial relations of Spain with other countries, and par¬ 
 ticularly with France, will speedily resume their normal 
 course. 
 
 M. Joseph Garnier summed up the explanation which 
 had been given by the different speakers, and from which 
 this salient fact appears among others, that the new school 
 of economy formed in Germany and Italy agrees with the 
 “ orthodox ” school in demanding commercial freedom. 
 
 (Translated from a Report in the fLconomiste Francois, August 14, 1875.) 
 
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COBDEN CLUB, 
 
 Presented at the Annual General Meeting, June 26, 1875. 
 
 During the year 1874 the Committee distributed the 
 following works :— 
 
 1. Professor Thorold Rogers’ “ Cobden and Poli¬ 
 tical Opinion” (820 copies), presented to the Members 
 of the Club and to the Free Libraries. 
 
 2. Bastiat’s “ Essays on Political Economy,” a 
 selection in English (3,000 copies), presented to the 
 Members of the Club and to Free Libraries, to 
 Working Men’s Clubs, Mechanics’ Institutes, &c., 
 at home, in the United States, and in the Colonies. 
 
 3. “The History of England from 1832 to the 
 Present Time,” by the Rev. W. Nassau Molesworth 
 (100 copies), presented to the Free Libraries. 
 
 4. “The Financial Reform Almanack for 1874” 
 (3,000 copies), presented to the Members of the 
 
124 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Club, to the Free Libraries, and Working Men’s 
 Clubs, &c. 
 
 5. “Report of Proceedings at the Dinner of the 
 Cobden Club, 1874” (the Right Hon. W. E. Baxter, 
 M.P., in the chair), with the Committee’s Report of 
 the work of the Club from its foundation, and an 
 Appendix relating to Free Trade in the Colonies 
 (15,000 copies), circulated among the Members of the 
 Club, and the various Libraries, Public Institutions, 
 Associations, &c., with which the Cobden Club is in 
 communication at home and abroad. 
 
 Since the beginning of the present year the new 
 series of Cobden Club Essays, on “Local Govern¬ 
 ment and Taxation,” which was announced in the last 
 Report, has been published (2,000 copies). The 
 volume has been presented to all the Members of 
 the Club, and to the Free Libraries at home and 
 some of those in the United States, in the Colonies, 
 and on the Continent. The number of copies sold 
 from the publishers’ (312) will be found entered in 
 the statement of receipts and expenditure up to 
 the present date, which will be laid on the table. 
 
 The Committee are glad to state that the work 
 has been received with approval; and they desire to 
 return their cordial thanks to the writers of the 
 Essays, to the Literary Committee, and to Mr. 
 J. W. Probyn, the Editor, for their respective services. 
 
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 125 
 
 The Financial Reform Almanack for 1875 (1,500 
 copies) has been purchased and distributed as before. 
 
 At the last General Meeting the Committee sub¬ 
 mitted the following Proposals with regard to the 
 future action of the Club :— 
 
 “1. To publish in a cheap form a selection 
 from Mr. Cobden’s speeches and works, and books 
 and pamphlets calculated to further the cause of 
 Free Trade, for circulation in Great Britain, the 
 United States, and the British Colonies. 
 
 “ 2. To assist in promoting lectures and publica¬ 
 tions on Political Economy, and instituting rewards 
 for essays, in accordance with Mr. Cobden’s views. 
 
 “ 3. To communicate with friends in other countries 
 with a view of circulating Free Trade publications, 
 and helping on measures likely to promote inter¬ 
 national amity.” 
 
 With reference to the first Proposal, the Com¬ 
 mittee have communicated with Mr. Henry Richard, 
 M.P., who reports that he is actively engaged in 
 collecting and preparing the correspondence of Mr. 
 Cobden for publication. The Committee will lend 
 their best aid in promoting this work. 
 
 The Committee also propose to issue a revised 
 edition of Sir Louis Mallet’s Essay on the Political 
 Writings of Cobden : 5,000 copies will be circulated. 
 
 In order to carry out the second Proposal, the 
 
126 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 Literary Committee has been empowered to offer 
 prizes in connection with the lectures on Political 
 Economy and English History organised in several 
 of the large provincial towns by the Cambridge 
 University Extension Syndicate; the prizes to con¬ 
 sist of sets of standard books relating to the subjects 
 taught. 
 
 With a view to giving effect to the last Proposal, 
 the Committee have authorised a translation to be 
 prepared of the Hon. David Wells’ speech on the 
 Results of Protection in the United States, delivered 
 before the Cobden Club 27th June, 1873, and 2,000 
 copies to be printed and circulated in Italy, where 
 the interests of commerce are immediately threatened 
 by the proposals of the Italian Government in the 
 direction of a protective tariff. 
 
 The Gold Medal of the Cobden Club has been 
 awarded to M. Michel Chevalier, for his eminent 
 services in the cause of Free Trade. 
 
LIST OF HONORARY MEMBERS. 
 
 127 
 
 List of Honorary Members elected during the 
 year 1875 :— 
 
 Baron von Keudall, German Ambassador, Rome. 
 Marquis Gino Capponi, Florence. 
 
 Comm. Ubaldino Peruzzi, Florence. 
 
 Count Petro Bastogi, Florence. 
 
 Comm. Celso Martucchi, Florence. 
 
 Prof. Antonio Boccardi, Genoa. 
 
 Signor Pannilini Gori, Sienna. 
 
 M. Leon Gambetta, Paris. 
 
 Cav. Gaetano Tacconi, Bologna. 
 
 Chevalier Charles de Scherzer, Director of Commer¬ 
 cial Affairs, Austrian Embassy. 
 
 Hon. Alexander Mackenzie, Prime Minister, Canada. 
 Herr Mijatovitch, late Minister of Finance, Servia. 
 Herr Max Wirth, Vienna. 
 
 Mr. Dominic E. Colnaghi, British Consul, Florence. 
 Mr. K. B. Murray, Secretary to the British Chamber 
 of Commerce, Paris. 
 
 Dr. Alexander von Dorn, Editor of the Trieste 
 “ Gazette.” 
 
 M. Louis Simonin, Paris. 
 
 M. J. Kappeyne van de Coppello,^Holland. 
 
 M. T. P. K. Jak von Poortoliet, Holland. 
 
 Hon. George Brown, Canada. 
 
 Signor L. Bodio, Minister of Agriculture, Rome. 
 
 Dr. Albert Groning, Bremen. 
 
 M. Menier, Paris. 
 
128 
 
 CODDEN CLUB. 
 
 List of Publications distributed from 1866-75. 
 
 “Speeches of Cobden.” .Edited by John Bright and J. E. Thorold 
 Rogers. (Macmillan.) 794 Copies. 
 
 “Political Writings of Cobden.” (Ridgway.) 732 Copies. 
 
 “Cobden Club Essays’’-First Series-on Systems of Land Tenure. 
 (Macmillan.) 1,058 Copies. 
 
 “Cobden Club Essays.” Second Series. (Cassell.) 2,500 Copies. 
 “Cobden Club Essays—Third Series—on Local Government and 
 Taxation. (Cassell.) 2,000 Copies. 
 
 “ Essay 6n the Political Writings of Cobden,” by Sir Louis Mallet. 
 2,000 Copies. 
 
 “Report on the United States Revenue,” by. David A. Wells. 
 (Macmillan.) 3 , 75 ° Copies.' 
 
 “Report on Taxation of New York,” by Messrs. Wells, Dodge, and 
 Cuyler. (Ireland.) 3,000 Copies. 
 
 Second Report on the same. (Cassell.) 4,050 Copies. 
 
 “Letters on Commercial Treaties, Free Trade, and Inter-nationalism,” 
 by a Disciple of Richard Cobden. (Macmillan and Ireland.) 
 3,500 Copies. 
 
 “The Commercial Policy of France.” (Cassell.) 10,000 Copies. 
 
 j3 0> do. Translated into French. (Guil- 
 
 laumin.) io,oco Copies. 
 
 « Speech by Mr. Grant Duff on the Teachings of Richard Cobden.” 
 (Cassell.) 10,000 Copies. 
 
 “ Essay by Lord Hobart on the Mission of Richard Cobden.” (Cassell.) 
 10,000 Copies. 
 
 “ Cobden and Political Opinion,” by J. E. Thorold Rogers. (Mac¬ 
 millan.) 820 Copies. 
 
 “ Nasse on Village Communities.” Translated by Col. Ouvry. 750 
 Copies. 
 
 “Leavitt on England and America.” Prize Essay. 2,000 Copies. 
 
 “ Free Trade in Land,” by Arthur Arnold. 1,000 Copies. 
 
LIST OF PUBLIC A TIONS. 
 
 129 
 
 “Report of Proceedings at the ColxlenClub Dinner, 1870”—Rt. lion. 
 W. E. Gladstone in the Chair. (Macmillan.) 4,000 Copies. 
 
 Do. 1871 — Earl Granville in the Chair. (Cassell.) 
 
 4,000 Copies. 
 
 Do. 1873—Rt. Hon. T. Milner Gibson in the Chair. 
 
 Speech of Hon. David A. Wells on Protec¬ 
 tion in the United States. (Cassell.) 15,000 
 Copies. Also Mr. Wells’ Speech, sepa¬ 
 rately published—5,000 Copies. Summary 
 of same in French, i,ooo: in German, 1,000 
 (Cassell). 
 
 Do. 1S74—Rt. Hon. W. E. Baxter in the Chair. With 
 
 Report of the Committee, 1866-1874. (Cas¬ 
 sell.) 15,000 Copies. 
 
 “ Bastiat’s Essays on Political Economy.” Popular Edition. (Provost.) 
 4,000 Copies. 
 
 “Financial Reform Almanack, 1874.” 1,000 Copies. 
 
 D°. do. do. 1875. 1,800 Copies. 
 
 ‘History of England, from 1832 to the Present Time,” by W. Nassau 
 Molesworth. (Chapman and Hall .) 100 Copies. 
 
 Total number of Copies distributed - 133,854. 
 
 Total Expense - - - ^5,518 is. 4d. 
 
 I 
 
130 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 List of Libraries, Public Institutions, Associations, &c., with 
 which the Cobden Club is in communication. 
 
 FREE AND PUBLIC LIBRARIES OF THE UNITED KINGDOM. 
 PUBLIC LIBRARIES on the Continent (73). 
 
 91 19 ^ the United States (256). 
 
 LIBRARIES and CLUBS in Australia, Canada, the West Indies, Cape 
 of Good Hope, &c. (63). 
 
 WORKMEN’S CLUBS and INSTITUTES. 
 
 (1) Those comprised in the list of the Working Men’s Club and 
 
 Institute Union. 
 
 (2) Lancashire Union of Mechanics’ Institutes. 
 
 (3) Yorkshire Union of Mechanics’ Institutes. 
 
 (4) Co-operative Associations connected with the Central Co¬ 
 
 operative Board, and Equitable Pioneers’ Association, 
 Rochdale. 
 
 ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE. 
 
 ASSOCIATED CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED 
 KINGDOM. 
 
 CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE in the Colonies. 
 
 ASSOCIATION of CHAMBERS of COMMERCE in GERMANY (Dr. 
 
 Alexander Meyer, Secretary). 
 
 CHAMBERS of COMMERCE in FRANCE. 
 
 BRITISH CHAMBER of COMMERCE in PARIS (K. B. Murray, Esq., 
 
 Secretary). 
 
 L’ECOMISTE FRANCAIS, Paris, and the ECONOMISTA, Florence 
 and Rome. 
 
 CONGRESS OF GERMAN ECONOMISTS (Dr. Karl Braun, President ). 
 FREE TRADE LEAGUE, New York (Mahlon Sands, Esq., Secretary). 
 YOUNG MEN’S FREE TRADE ASSOCIATION, Boston (W. Downie, 
 Esq., President). 
 
 REFORM UNION, Manchester. 
 
 FINANCIAL REFORM ASSOCIATION, Liverpool. 
 
 TRUBNER & CO., for foreign distribution. 
 
 EDWARD WILSON, Esq., of the Melbourne Argus, for Australian circtffetion. 
 MR. GEORGE HOWELL, Secretary of the Parliamentary Committee of 
 the Trades Congress. 
 
 NEWSPAPERS, London and Provincial . . in number, 147. 
 
 on the Continent, cc, 
 
 in the U.S.A., 
 
 FOREIGN EMBASSIES AND LEGATIONS. 
 
 CHIEF MAGISTRATES IN UNITED KINGDOM, „ 224. 
 
 HONORARY MEMBERS of the Club, on the Continent, in the United 
 Mates. 
 
Cobden Club. 
 
 LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 Names in Italics are those of Honorary Members. * Present at the 
 Annual Dinner. 
 
 The Cobden Club now consists of 501 Ordinary 
 Members, and 204 Honorary Members. 
 
 The following Gentlemen form the Committee :— 
 Mr. Wm. Henry Ashurst. 
 
 Right Hon. W. E. Baxter, M.P. 
 
 Mr. Richard Baxter, Treasurer. 
 
 Mr. Jacob Bright. 
 
 Hon. George Brodrick. 
 
 Mr. Alexander H. Brown, M.P. 
 
 Mr. James Caird, C.B. 
 
 Mr. H. Campbell-BanNerman,- M.P, 
 
 Mr. W. C. Cartwright, M.P. 
 
 Sir C. W. Dilke, Bart., M.P. 
 
132 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Mr. M. E. Grant Duff, M.P. 
 
 Mr. Richard C. Fisher. 
 
 Mr. C. Wren Hoskyns. . 
 
 Lord Houghton. 
 
 Mr. A. C. Humphreys. 
 
 Mr. Alfred Illingworth. 
 
 Mr. John Lambert, C.B. 
 
 Sir Wilfrid Lawson, Bart., M.P. 
 
 Mr. E. A. Leatham, M.P. 
 
 Mr. T. E. Cliffe Leslie. 
 
 Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P. 
 
 Sir Louis Mallet, C.B. 
 
 Mr. R. B. D. Morier, C.B. 
 
 Mr. T. Bayley Potter, M.P., Hon. Sec: 
 
 Mr. J. W. Probyn. 
 
 Professor J. E. Thorold Rogers. 
 
 Lord Arthur J. E. Russell, M.P. 
 
 Mr. Albert Rutson. 
 
 Mr. Peter Rylands. 
 
 Secretary— Mr. George C. Warr, 
 
 5, Millman Street, Bedford Row, London, W.C. 
 
 A. 
 
 1866 Abcrdare, Lord. 
 
 1872 ‘Acland, Sir Thomas Dyke, Bart., M.P. 
 1871 Acton, Lord. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 133 
 
 1870 Adam, Right Hon. W.P., M.P. 
 
 1868 Adams, C. F., U.S. America. 
 
 1873 Adams, Henry, U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Adams, J. Quincy, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Agnew, Charles Swain. 
 
 1869 Agnew, J. Henry. 
 
 1873 Agnew, Thomas. 
 
 1869 * Agnew, William. 
 
 1867 Airlie, Earl of, K.T. 
 
 1870 Akroyd, Lieut.-Col. Edward. 
 
 1872 * Allen, Stafford. 
 
 1875 Allport, James. 
 
 1871 *Allhusen, Christian. 
 
 1866 Amberley, Viscount. 
 
 1872 Anderson, M. B., U.S. America. 
 
 1867 Andrew, Charles. 
 
 1870 *Anning, James. 
 
 1873 Anstruther, Sir R., Bart., M.P. 
 1866 *Armitage, Benjamin. 
 
 1868 Armitage, Sir Elkanah. 
 
 1871 Armstrong, David B. 
 
 1866 Argyle, Duke of, K.T. 
 
 1868 Ashton, Robert. 
 
 1866 Ashton, Thomas. 
 
134 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1866 *Ashurst, William Henry. 
 
 1869 Atkinson , Edward , US. America. 
 
 1874 Atkinson, G. 
 
 1874 Aveling, Thomas. 
 
 1868 Avison, Thomas. 
 
 1870 * Ayrton, Right Hon. A. S. 
 
 B. 
 
 1869 Backhouse, Edmund, M.P. 
 
 1871 Baines, E. Talbot. 
 
 1873 Balfour, Sir George, K.C.B., M.P. 
 
 7870 Bancroft , His Excellency the Hon. George , US. 
 America. 
 
 1873 Barclay, James W., M.P. 
 
 1873 Barlow, Samuel. 
 
 1867 Barry, Right Hon. Charles R. 
 
 1868 Bass, M. Arthur, M.P. 
 
 1866 Bass, M. T., M.P. 
 
 1874 Bassett, F. 
 
 1867 Bastard, Thomas Horlock. 
 
 1875 Bastogi, Count, Italy. 
 
 1869 Batchelor, T. B. 
 
 1866 *Baxter, Richard. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 135 
 
 1866 *Baxter, Right Hon. W. E., M.P. 
 
 1867 Beal, James. 
 
 1866 Beales, Edmond. 
 
 1869 Beaumont, Somerset A. 
 
 1869 Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, U.S. America. 
 1871 Behr, Baron, Germany. 
 
 1871 Behrens, Jacob. 
 
 1873 *Bencke, A. H. 
 
 1873 Bennett, Sir John. 
 
 1870 Benson, Robert. 
 
 1869 Bentall, E. H. 
 
 1872 Bennich, M. Axel, Sweden. 
 
 1874 Beor, H. Rogers. 
 
 1870 Besohrasof, M. W., Russia. 
 
 1874 Biedermann, A. 
 
 1866 Bigelow, Hon. John, U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Blakeley, William. 
 
 1873 Blennerhasset, Sir R., Bart. 
 
 1873 Blennerhasset, R. P., M.P. 
 
 1875 Boccardi, Prof. Antonio, Genoa. 
 
 1874 Bohmert, Prof., Switzerland. 
 
 ,1875 Bodio, Sign. L., Rome. 
 
 1869 Bolckow, H. W. F., M.P. 
 
 1873 Bolles, Albert S., U.S. America. 
 
136 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1872 Bonnet , M. Victor, France. 
 
 1872 Bowles, Samuel, U.S. America. 
 
 1868 Brady, Dr. John, M.P. 
 
 1869 Brand, Henry R. 
 
 1867 Brand, Right Hon. H. B. W., M.P. 
 1871 Brandis, Dr., Germany. 
 
 1869 Brassey, Henry A., M.P. 
 
 1866 Brassey, Thomas, M.P. 
 
 1871 Braun, Dr. Carl, Germany. 
 
 1872 *Briggs, Thomas. 
 
 1875 *Briggs, W. E., M.P. 
 
 1867 Bright, Sir Charles T. 
 
 1866 Bright, Jacob. 
 
 1866 Bright, Right Hon. John, M.P. 
 
 1867 *Broadwater, Robert. 
 
 1870 *Brocklehurst, W. C., M.P. 
 
 1872 Broch, Professor, Norzuay. 
 
 1866 Brodrick, Hon. G. C. 
 
 1869 Brogden, Alexander, M.P. 
 
 1872 Broglio, Signor, Italy. 
 
 1869 Brown, Alexander Hargreaves, M.P. 
 
 1871 Brown, George. 
 
 1875 Brown, Hon. GcorgeJ Canada. 
 
 1872 Brown, James M., U.S. America. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 * 37 
 
 1872 Brown , John Crosby , U.S. America. 
 
 1871 Browne, Henry Doughty. 
 
 1870 Browning, Oscar. 
 
 1872 Bruce, Mr. Justice. 
 
 1869 Bruce, Hon. J. T. Hovell-Thurlow. 
 1875 Brunlees, James. 
 
 1871 Bryant, Jesse. 
 
 1869 Bryant , W. C., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 Buckley, Abel. 
 
 1866 Buckley, Nathaniel. 
 
 1870 Bunsen , Herr George von , Germany. 
 
 1 87 3 Butenval, Comte de, France. 
 
 1872 Buxton, Edward North. 
 
 C. 
 
 1873 Caine, W. S. 
 
 1866 *Caird, James, C.B. 
 
 1867 Caldicott, Rev. J. W. 
 
 1874 *Cameron, Dr. C., M.P. 
 
 1875 *Campbell, Sir George, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1870 *Campbell-Ba«inerman, Henry, M.P. 
 
 1871 Camperdown, Earl. 
 
 1873 Campion, Frederick. 
 
138 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1875 Capponi , Marquis Gino, Italy. 
 
 1866 Carlingford, Lord. 
 
 1871 *Carr, David Richardson. 
 
 1870 *Carr, Jonathan T. 
 
 1872 Carrao, Seiior Godo da Silva, Brazil. 
 
 1868 Carter, Samuel. 
 
 1869 *Cartwright, W. C., M.P. 
 
 1870 Casa-Laiglesia, Marquess de, Spain. 
 
 1875 Case, Rev. G., D.D. 
 
 1870 Castelar, Senor Emilio, Spain. 
 
 1866 Cavendish, Lord Frederick, M.P. 
 
 1869 Chadwick, David, M.P. 
 
 1871 Challemel-Lacour, M. Paul ,’ France. 
 
 1871 Charlemont, Earl. 
 
 1871 Charles, Robert. 
 
 1866 * Chevalier, M. Michel, France. 
 
 1866 Cheetham, John. 
 
 1866 Cheetham, J. F. 
 
 1866 Childers, Right Hon. Hugh C. E., M.P. 
 1871 Clarendon, Earl. 
 
 1870 Coats, Sir Peter. 
 
 1874 *Cobb, Henry Peyton. 
 
 1870 Cobb, Rhodes. 
 
 1866 Coleridge, Lord. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 *39 
 
 1866 Collier, Right Hon. Sir R. P. 
 
 1874 *Collins, Eugene, M.P. 
 
 1867 Colman, J. J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Colman, Jeremiah. 
 
 1867 Colvile, Charles Robert. 
 
 1875 *Colnaghi , Dominic E., Florence. 
 
 1869 Coote, Thomas. 
 
 1874 Corbett, W., M.P. 
 
 1871 Corrie, William. 
 
 1870 * Corr-Vander Mceren , M. 
 
 1870 Corsi, Sig?ior Tommaso , Italy. 
 
 1869 Couvreur , J/. Auguste, Belgium. 
 
 1872 Car, Jacob D., U.S. America. 
 
 *87 3 /2W Samuel S., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Cracroft, Bernard. 
 
 1867 Crompton, Charles. 
 
 1873 Cross, Edward. 
 
 1873 ‘Cross, J. Kynaston, M.P. 
 
 1874 Crossfield, G. 
 
 1874 Crossfield, W. 
 
 ^73 Crossley, John, M.P. 
 
 1873 ‘Curtis, R. H. 
 
140 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 D. 
 
 1871 *Dale, David. 
 
 1869 *Dashwood, Captain Fred. L. 
 
 1874 Davies, Richard, M.P. 
 
 1872 DecazeS) Due de, France. 
 
 1874 De Dedem, Baron W. K., Holland. 
 
 1870 Deheselle , M. Victor , Belgium. 
 
 1872 D'Eichthal\ M. Gustave , France. 
 
 1872 Delbruck, Herr , Staats Minister, Germany. 
 1870 *Delahunty, James. 
 
 1870 De Molinari, M. G., France. 
 
 1873 Denny, E. Maynard. 
 
 1872 Desewffy, Count Aurele, Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 1872 Deslandes, Seiior Venanzio , Portugal. 
 
 1870 Devonshire, Duke of, K.G. 
 
 1870 Dickson, James, Sweden. 
 
 1873 Digby, Kenelm T., M.P. 
 
 1874 *Dilke, Ashton W. 
 
 1867 Dilke, Sir C. W., Bart., M.P. 
 
 1868 Dixon, George, M.P. 
 
 1869 Dodds, Joseph, M.P. 
 
 1866 Dodson, Right Hon. J. G., M.P. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 141 
 
 ,867 Dclfus, M. Jean, France. 
 
 1875 Dorn, Alexander Von, Trieste. 
 
 ,873 Downie, William, Boston, Mass. 
 
 1870 Dowse, Right Hon. Richard. 
 
 1870 Draper, John. 
 
 1870 Ducie, Earl. 
 
 1866 Duff, M. E. Grant, M.P. 
 
 1870 Dufferin, His Excellency Earl, K.P., K.C. • 
 
 ,869 Dunklmm, Count, Austro-Hungarian Empire. 
 
 1872 *Duncan, James. 
 
 E. 
 
 1874 Earp, T., M.P. 
 
 1867 Eastvvick, Captain W. J. 
 
 1872 Echegaray, Senor , Spain. 
 
 1868 Edwards, Charles. 
 
 1873 Ellis, W.V. 
 
 1869 Emerson, R. W. t U.S. America. 
 1866 Evans, Francis Henry. 
 
 F. 
 
 'Fcuchcr, Dr. Julius ,, Germany. 
 
 1869 
 
142 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1872 Ferrara, Signor, Italy. 
 
 1870 Fenwick, E. M. 
 
 1874 Ferguson, R., M.P. 
 
 1868 Field, Cyras, U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Field, David D., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Figaniere, Vicomte de, Portugal. 
 1869 Figuerola, Sehor, Spain . 
 
 1869 Finnie, William. 
 
 1873 Firth, Thomas. 
 
 1872 Fisco, M. Amile, Belgium. 
 
 1867 Fisher, Richard C. 
 
 1875 Fletcher, G. Hamilton. 
 
 1870 Fletcher, Isaac, M.P. 
 
 1868 Flower, E. F. 
 
 1873 *Foord, C. Ross. 
 
 1870 Fordyce, W. Dingwall, M.P. 
 
 1866 *Forster, Right Hon. W. E., M.P. 
 1872 Fortemps, M., Belgium. 
 
 1872 Foster, Hon. L. F., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Fothergill, Richard, M.P. 
 
 1866 *Fowler, Robert. 
 
 1869 Fowler, William. 
 
 1872 Franqueville , Comte de, France. 
 1872 Frederiksen, Professor , Denmark. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 >43 
 
 1869 Freeman, Henry W. 
 
 1872 Frere, M. Orban, Belgium. 
 
 G. 
 
 1875 Gambetta , M. Leon, Paris. 
 
 1875 Gamble, David. 
 
 1869 Garfield , General J. A., U.S. America. 
 
 1868 Garibaldi, General, Italy. 
 
 1872 Gamier, M. Joseph, France. 
 
 1869 Garrison, W. Lloyd, U.S. America. 
 1872 Germain, M., France. 
 
 1869 Gibbs, Frederick W., C.B. 
 
 1866 * Gibson, Right Hon. T. Milner. 
 
 1870 *Gillibrand, Philip. 
 
 1866 Gladstone, Right Hon. W.E.,M.P. 
 1866 Gladstone, Robertson. 
 
 1874 Gleichman, T. G., Holland. 
 
 1866 Goldsmid, Sir Francis H., Bart., M.P. 
 1866 Goldsmid, Julian, M.P. 
 
 1872 Gomez, Sehor Ruiz, Spain. 
 
 1875 Gori, Signor Pannilini, Italy. 
 
 1866 Goschen, Right Hon. G. ]., M.P. 
 
 1872 *Gosnell, Charles. 
 
 1872 * Gould, Frederick. 
 
144 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1869 Gourley, E. T., M.P. 
 
 1868 Gow, Daniel. 
 
 1867 Graham, John. 
 
 1867 *Graham, Peter. 
 
 1866 Graham, William. 
 
 1866 Granville, Earl, K.G. 
 
 1870 Greig, Lieut.-General S., Russia. 
 
 1869 Greville, Lord. 
 
 1874 Gridley, Captain H. Gillett. 
 
 1875 Groning, Dr. Albert , Bremen. 
 
 1872 Grosvenor, Win. H. y U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Guest, Montague J. 
 
 1872 Guillemin , M. Auguste, France. 
 
 1871 Gurney, Samuel. 
 
 1873 *Gwinner, Hermann. 
 
 H. 
 
 1866 Hadfield, George. 
 
 1871 * Hall, Walter. 
 
 1867 Hammond, J. Lempri&re. 
 
 1871 Hanmer, Lord. 
 
 1869 Harcourt, Sir W. Vernon, M.P. 
 1866 Hardcastle, Henry. 
 
 1866 * Hardcastle, J. A. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 >45 
 
 1867 Harris, John Dove. 
 
 1871 Harris-Gastrell, James P. 
 
 1874 *Harrison, C., M.P. 
 
 1874 Harrison, J. Fortescue, M.P. 
 
 1870 *Hartington, Right Hon. Marquis of, M.P. 
 
 1874 *Haslam, Joseph Crooke. 
 
 1871 Hassan, His Highness Prince , Egypt. 
 
 1870 Hatch, Rev. Edwin. 
 
 1867 Hatchard, Rev. J. Alton. 
 
 1870 Hatherley, Lord. 
 
 1867 Heape, Benjamin. 
 
 1866 Henderson, J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Henry, Mitchell, M.P. 
 
 1875 Herschell, Farrer, M.P. 
 
 1866 *Heywood, James. 
 
 1866 *Hibbert, J. T. 
 
 1871 Hill, Frank Harrison. 
 
 1874 *Hill, T. Rowley, M.P 
 
 1875 Hockin, E. 
 
 1872 Hodgkinson, W. E. 
 
 1871 Hodgson, Kirkman D., M.P. 
 
 1873 Hoffman , John T., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Holden, Angus. 
 
 1866 Holden, Isaac. 
 
 J 
 
146 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1873 Hollins, M. D. 
 
 1869 Holms, John, M.P. 
 
 1873 *Holms, William, M.P. 
 
 1870 *Hopwood, Charles Henry, M.P. 
 1869 Hoskyns, Chandos Wren. 
 
 1866 Houghton, Lord. 
 
 1869 * Howard, James. 
 
 1870 Hoyle, William. 
 
 1872 Hubbuck, Thomas. 
 
 1875 Hubinet, Adolphe. 
 
 1869 Hudson, Sir James , G.C.B. 
 
 1873 Hughes, James. 
 
 1867 Humphreys, A. C. 
 
 1870 Hunting, Richard. 
 
 1873 Huntly, Marquis of. 
 
 [872 *Hutton, Charles W. C. 
 
 I. 
 
 1869 Illingworth, Alfred. 
 1875 Ingram, W. J., M.P. 
 1874 *Isaac, B. 
 
 1874 *Isaac, F. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 *47 
 
 J- 
 
 1866 Jackson, Henry Mather, M.P. 
 
 1873 Jackson, Stanway. 
 
 1866 Jackson, Sir William, Bart. 
 
 1872 James, Christopher. 
 
 1870 James, Sir Henry, M.P. 
 
 1874 James, Walter H., M.P. 
 
 1872 Jansen , Professor Julius , Russia. 
 
 1868 Jenkins, Edward, M.P. 
 
 1871 Jenour, Charles , Victoria. 
 
 1869 Jessel, Right Hon. Sir George. 
 
 1873 Johnson, Edward. 
 
 1869 Johnson , Reverdy, U.S. America. 
 1869 Johnston, Andrew. 
 
 1872 Johnston, M. N. } France. 
 
 1871 Johnstone, Sir Harcourt, Bart., M.P. 
 1871 Jones, C. H. 
 
 1875 Jump, James. 
 
 1874 *Jupe, J. 
 
 IC. 
 
 1873 Kaulla, William. 
 
 1868 Kay-Shuttleworth, U. J., M.P. 
 
148 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1873 Kemp, Dudley F. 
 
 1875 Kendall, Baron Von, Germany. 
 
 1873 Kensington, Lord, M.P. 
 
 1873 Kerr, R. K. Holms. 
 
 1873 Kiell, G. M. 
 
 1874 Kiemsdigh, Van, Holland. 
 
 1870 Kimberley, Earl. 
 
 1866 King, Hon. P. J. Locke. 
 
 1869 Kinsky, Count Eugene, Austro - Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 1873 Knowles, R. M. 
 
 1872 *Kops, M. J. L. de Bruyn, Holland. 
 
 1869 *Kubeck, Baron Max von, Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 L. 
 
 1868 Labouchere, Henry. 
 
 1869 Lacaita, Sir James. 
 
 1869 *Lack, Henry Reader. 
 
 1875 Ladell, H. R. 
 
 1872 Lalande, M. A., France. 
 
 1872 Lamansky, M. E., Russia\ 
 
 1867 *Lambert, John, C.B. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 149 
 
 1872 Lamplough, Charles E. 
 
 1870 Lamport, Charles. 
 
 1867 Lancaster, John. 
 
 1871 *Langley, J. Baxter. 
 
 1874 Langton , E., Melbourne, Australia. 
 
 1871 Lansdowne, Marquis of. 
 
 1868 Lanyon, C. Mortimer. 
 
 1873 Lanyon, J. C. 
 
 1871 Lascelles, Francis H. 
 
 1871 Latham, George W. 
 
 1869 Laveleye, M. Emile de, Belgium. 
 
 1869 Lavergne, M. de, France. 
 
 1867 Lawson, Right Hon. J. A. 
 
 1866 Lawson, Sir Wilfrid, Bart., M.P. 
 
 1871 Lea, Thomas. 
 
 1869 *Leake, Robert. 
 
 1867 *Lean, Vincent Stuckey. 
 
 1866 Leatham, E. A., M.P. 
 
 1873 Lees, Eli. 
 
 1866 Leeman, George, M.P. 
 
 1866 *Lefevre, Geo. Shaw, M.P. 
 
 1870 Lehardy de Beaxdieu , M. Adolphe , Belgium. 
 1870 Lehmann, F. 
 
 1873 Leroy-Beaulieu, M. Paul , France. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 15 ° 
 
 1867 Leslie, T. E. Cliffe. 
 
 1870 Lesseps, Vicomte de ) France. 
 
 1869 Levy, Edward. 
 
 1872 Lewis, Charlton T., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 Lewis, Harvey. 
 
 1870 Lewis, J. Delaware. 
 
 1873 Livesy, John. 
 
 1869 Loch, George. 
 
 1870 Longfellow, H. W., U.S. America. 
 1870 Lubbock, Sir John, Bart., M.P. 
 1870 Lycett, Sir Francis. 
 
 M. 
 
 1869 McArthur, Alexander, M.P. 
 
 1869 McArthur, William, M.P. 
 
 1870 *McCarthy, Justin. 
 
 1866 *McClelland, James. 
 
 1869 McClure, Sir Thomas, Bart. 
 
 1871 McCulloch , Hugh, U.S. America. 
 
 1873 McGeorge, M. 
 
 1874 Macgregor, Walter A. 
 
 1870 Macintosh, Alexander. 
 
 1869 Mackay, Baron, Holland. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 IS' 
 
 1875 Mackenzie, Hon. Alexander, Canada. 
 
 1872 Macknight, Thomas. 
 
 1873 McKerrow, John Begg. 
 
 1872 McMicking, Gilbert. 
 
 1875 Mackay, Charles, LL.D. 
 
 1869 Macmillan, Alexander. 
 
 1872 McMinnies, John Gordon. 
 
 1872 Madrazo, Seiior, Spain. 
 
 1871 Mahony, W. Short. 
 
 1874 Maitland, John, M.P. 
 
 1866 Mallet, Sir Louis, C.B. 
 
 1872 Marble, Manton, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Marcoartu, Senor Arturo de. 
 
 1870 Marling, Samuel S. 
 
 1867 *Marsden, Mark Eagles. 
 
 1871 Marshall, C. H., U.S. America. 
 
 1866 Mason, Hugh. 
 
 1873 *Mason, Stephen. 
 
 1872 Mason, William. 
 
 1870 Mather, William. 
 
 1875 Menier, M., France. 
 
 1871 Mellor, Wright. 
 
 1866 Menzies, Graham. 
 
 1870 Meredith, George F. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 152 
 
 1867 Merry, James. 
 
 1872 Mees, M. W. C., Holland. 
 
 1871 Michaelis, Herr Otto, Germany. 
 
 1872 Michell ’ T., Russia. 
 
 1875 Mijatovich, Herr, Servia. 
 
 1872 Millossovich, N. 
 
 1870 Minghetti, Signor Marco, Italy. 
 
 1871 Minturn, Robert B., U.S. America. 
 
 1875 Mitchell, John. 
 
 1866 Moffat, George. 
 
 1872 Mongredien, A. 
 
 1866 Monk, C. ]., M.P. 
 
 1874 *Moore, A. ]., M.P. 
 
 1868 Moore, George. 
 
 1873 Moore, J. S., U.S. America. 
 
 1868 Moran, Benjamin, U.S. America. 
 
 1871 More, R. Jasper. 
 
 1872 Moray Prendergast, Senor Don Sigismundo, 
 
 Spain. 
 
 1866 Morier, R. B. D., C.B. 
 
 1866 Morley, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1872 Moser, Senor Eduardo, Portugal. 
 
 1874 Mozley, Alfred. 
 
 1869 Mundella, A. J., M.P. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 153 
 
 1874 Mure, Col., M.P. 
 
 1871 Muren, Peter, Sweden. 
 
 1875 * Murray , K. B., Paris. 
 1869 Muspratt, E. K. 
 
 N. 
 
 1869 Napoleon, H.I.H. Prince Jerome, France. 
 
 1871 Nasse, Herr Erwin , Germany. 
 
 1871 Neal, John Dodd. 
 
 1868 Neill, Robert. 
 
 1871 Neumann, Dr. Francis, Austro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 1875 Newall, J. L. 
 
 1873 *Noel, Ernest, M.P. 
 
 1872 Nordhoff, Charles , U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Northbrook, His Excellency Lord. 
 
 0 . 
 
 1874 O’Callaghan, Hon. Wilfrid F. 0 ., M.P. 
 
 1873 Olcott, Thomas L., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Ollivier, M. £mile, France. 
 
 1872 *Oppenheim, Ernest. 
 
 1871 Oppenheimer, Charles. 
 
x 54 
 
 COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 1872 Oppert, Emil Daniel. 
 
 1872 Oppert, Dr. Gustavus. 
 
 1874 Orton, William, U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Orts, M., Belgium. 
 
 1869 Osborn, Win. H., U.S. America. 
 
 1866 *Otway, Arthur J. 
 
 1871 Ouvry, Colonel Henry Aime, C.B. 
 
 1870 Overbeck, M. Gustavus von, Austro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 1873 *Oxley, T. Louis. 
 
 P. 
 
 1867 Pagan, John Thomson. 
 
 1872 *Page, Henry. 
 
 1872 Pagezy, M. Jules, France. 
 
 1872 Palacio, Senor Francesco Gomez,'Mexico. 
 
 1870 Paris, H.R.H. Comte de, France. 
 
 1874 Parkes, Hon. H, Sydney, New South Wales. 
 
 1 87 3 *Parry, Serjeant John Humffreys. 
 
 1872 Passy, M. Frederic, France. 
 
 1872 Passy, M. Hippolyte, France. 
 
 1872 Pastor, Senor, Spain. 
 
 1870 *Paterson, John. 
 
LIS 7 OF MEMBERS. 
 
 155 
 
 1875 Paterson, J. 
 
 1866 Paulton, A. W. 
 
 1867 Pease, Joseph W., M.P. 
 
 1871 Pell, Alfred, Jim., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 Pender, John, M.P. 
 
 1866 Pennington, F., M.P. 
 
 1873 Pereira de Andrada, J. 
 
 1870 Perry, Professor A rthur L atham , U. S. A in erica. 
 .1866 Peto, Sir S. Morton, Bart. 
 
 1868 Phillips, Charles. 
 
 1875 Phillips, H. N. 
 
 1871 Pierson, M. N. G., Holland. 
 
 1866 Pilkington, James. 
 
 1873 Platt, Samuel. 
 
 1874 Plowden, W. C. 
 
 1869 Pochin, Henry Davis. 
 
 1870 Pocock, William. 
 
 1866 Pope, Samuel. 
 
 1871 Potter, Arthur Bayley. 
 
 1868 Potter, Edmund Crompton. 
 
 1872 Potter, Howard, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 *Potter, John Henry. 
 
 1871 Potter, Rupert. 
 
 1866 *Potter, Thomas Bayley, M.P. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 156 
 
 1866 Potter, Thomas Ashton. 
 
 1869 Price, William Edwin, M.P. 
 1866 Price, W. P. 
 
 1872 Princeteau, M., France. 
 
 1866 *Probyn, J. W. 
 
 1871 Pulley, Joseph. 
 
 1871 * Purdy, William. 
 
 R. 
 
 1875 Ralli, P., M.P. 
 
 1873 *Ramsden, Sir James. 
 
 1871 Ransome, R. C. 
 
 1867 Rathbone, Samuel Greg. 
 
 1867 Rathbone, William, M.P. 
 
 1872 Rawlings, Edward. 
 
 1866 Rawson, Henry. 
 
 1869 Redpath, James , US. America. 
 1872 Renouard , M. Charles , France. 
 1872 *Renshaw, A. G. 
 
 1871 Renton, James Hall. 
 
 1872 Reybaud, M. Louis , France. 
 
 1870 Reyntiens, M., Belgium. 
 
 1866 Rich, Anthony. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 157 
 
 1869 *Richard, Henry, M.P. 
 
 1869 Richter, O., Norway. 
 
 1874 Rickert, Herr, Germany. 
 
 1871 Ridgway, W. H. 
 
 1867 Ripon, Marquis of, ICG. 
 
 1875 *Ripley, J. W., M.P. 
 
 1870 *Robarts, C. H. 
 
 1867 *Robinson, John. 
 
 1869 Roden, W. S. 
 
 1872 Rodriguez, Seiior Gabriel, Spain. 
 
 1866 Rogers, Professor J. E. Thorold. 
 
 1870 Rollo, Lord. 
 
 1871 Rose, Sir John, Bart. 
 
 1871 Rosebery, Earl. 
 
 1873 Roth, Camillo. 
 
 1871 Rothschild, Baron Lionel N. de. 
 1871 Rothschild, Nathaniel M. de, M.P. 
 
 1867 Rouher, M., France. 
 
 1867 Roundell, Charles Savile. 
 
 1874 Rowsell, F. W. 
 
 1870 Ruggles, Samuel B., U.S. America. 
 
 1871 Rusden, R. D. 
 
 1866 Russell, Earl, K.G. 
 
 1873 Russell, Lord Arthur J. E., M.P. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 I5 8 
 
 1871 Russell, His Excellency Lord Odo. 
 
 1866 *Rutson, Albert. 
 
 1873 Rylands, John. 
 
 1869 Rylands, Peter. 
 
 1867 Ryley, Thomas C. 
 
 S. 
 
 1870 St. Albans, Duke of. 
 
 1873 Salomon, Peter. 
 
 1873 Salt, Sir Titus, Bart. 
 
 1868 Samuda, J. D’Aguilar, M.P. 
 
 1870 Samuelson, Henry B. 
 
 1870 * Sands, Mahlon, U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Sapieha, Prince, Austro-Hungarian Empire. 
 
 1871 Sargeaunt, J. P. 
 
 1870 Sargeaunt, William C. 
 
 1870 Saxton, N. 
 
 1872 Say, M. Leon, France. 
 
 1869 Schaeffer, Chevalier de, Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire. 
 
 1873 *Schifif, Alfred G. 
 
 1873 *Schiff, Ernest. 
 
 1872 Schimmelpenninch, Van der Oye, Baron W. A., 
 Holland. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 159 
 
 1869 Schulze-Delitzsch, Herr , Germany. 
 
 1872 Schurz, Carl, U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Schuster, Francis J. 
 
 1875 *Scherzer, Chevalier Charles de, Austria . 
 1872 Scialoja, Signor, Italy. 
 
 1869 Seely, Charles, Jun. 
 
 1870 Seisal, Vicomte de, Portugal. 
 
 1868 Seligman, Isaac. 
 
 1870 Sellar, A. C. 
 
 1872 Semensa, Gustave. 
 
 1873 Serena, L. 
 
 1872 Seneuil ' M. Courceles, France. 
 
 1870 Seymour, Alfred. 
 
 1871 *Seymour, Henry. 
 
 1867 *Shaen, William. 
 
 1875. Sharpe, Joseph, LL.D. 
 
 1868 * Sharpe, Charles. 
 
 1873 Shepherd, J. 
 
 1875 Sheridan, H. B., M.P. 
 
 1868 Sheriff, Alexander Clunes, M.P. 
 
 1872 Sherman, Isaac, U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Sieber, M. Henri, France. 
 
 1867 Sidgwick, W. C. 
 
 1875 *Simeon, Sir J. Barrington, Bart. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 160 
 
 1869 *Simon, Serjeant, M.P. 
 
 1875 Simonin, M. L., France. 
 
 1870 Simon, M. Jules, France. 
 
 1866 *Smith, B. Leigh. 
 
 1871 Smith, George. 
 
 1866 Smith, Professor Goldwin. 
 
 1867 *Smith, Professor Henry J. Stephen. 
 1875 Smith, J. T. 
 
 1866 Smith, Thomas Eustace, M.P. 
 
 1872 Soares, D. G. Noqueira, Portugal. 
 
 1870 Spencer, His Excellency Earl, K.G. 
 1872 Sponneck, Count, Denmark. 
 
 1866 Stansfeld, Right Hon. J., M.P. 
 
 1871 Stauffenberg, Baron von, Germany. 
 
 1871 Steinthal, H. M. 
 
 1868 Steinthal, Rev. Samuel Alfred. 
 
 1868 Stern, Sigismund J. 
 
 1872 Stewart, A. T., U.S. America. 
 
 I ^73 Stoehr, Emil Moritz. 
 
 1871 Stone, William Henry. 
 
 1870 Strahan, Alexander. 
 
 1871 Strutt, Hon. Henry. 
 
 1867 Sullivan, Right Hon. E. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 i6r 
 
 1873 Sumner , Win. G., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Szechenyi, Count Bela, Austro-Hungarian 
 
 Empire. 
 
 T. 
 
 1875 Tacconi, Cav. Gaetano, Italy. 
 
 1870 Talabot, M. Paulin, France. 
 
 1866 Taylor, P. A., M.P. 
 
 1871 * Taylor, Thomas. 
 
 1871 Thcerner, M. Theodore de, Russia. 
 
 1870 *Thomas, Christopher J. 
 
 1866 Thomasson, Thomas. 
 
 1867 Thompson, George. 
 
 1866 Thompson, H. Yates. 
 
 1872 Thompson, Dr. Joseph P., LL.D., U.S. America. 
 
 1873 Townend, Thomas. 
 
 1866 Trelawney, Sir J. S., Bart. 
 
 1874 Turner, H. J. 
 
 1868 Turner, J. Fox. 
 
 1868 ^Turner, Wright. 
 
 1868 Tweedale, John. 
 
 V. 
 
 1870 Valpy, Richard. 
 
 1872 * Van de Putte, M. Pranseit, Holland. 
 K 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 162 
 
 1871 Vasconcellos, His Excellency Zacharias de Goes y 
 
 Brazil. 
 
 1872 Vernadsky, Professor J., Russia. 
 
 1870 Vickers, James. 
 
 1871 Vigor, A. H. S. Stonehouse. 
 
 1866 Villiers, Right Hon. C. P., M.P. 
 
 1872 Vissering, Professor S., Holland. 
 
 1873 * Vivian, J. Brookes. 
 
 1871 Vivian, Captain Hon. John C. W. 
 
 1870 *Vivian, William. 
 
 1870 *Vivian, William, Jun. 
 
 1873 *Vivian, W. Hussey. 
 
 W. 
 
 1875 Waddy, S. D., M.P. 
 
 1870 Walker, Hon. Amasa, LL.D., U.S. America. 
 
 1872 Walker, General Francis A., U.S. America. 
 
 1869 Walker, George, U.S. America. 
 
 1875 *Ward, Richard. 
 
 1870 * Warren, Edward. 
 
 1871 * Warren, T. P. 
 
 1871 Watkin, Sir E. W., M.P. 
 
 1873 Watterson, Henry, U.S. America. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 163 
 
 1867 Watts, Sir James. 
 
 1867 Watts, Samuel. 
 
 1870 *Watson, T. Clemens. 
 
 1870 Wells, Hon. David A., U.S. America. 
 1873 Westminster, Duke of, K.G. 
 
 1869 Whipple, E. P., U.S. America. 
 
 1870 Whitbread, Samuel, M.P. 
 
 1872 White, Horace, U.S. America . 
 
 1866 White, J. 
 
 1873 White, William Arthur. 
 
 1870 White, Wm. Thompson. 
 
 1869 * Whit well, John, M.P. 
 
 1866 Whitworth, Benjamin, M.P. 
 
 1867 Whitworth, Sir Joseph, Bart. 
 
 1870 Whitworth, Robert. 
 
 1870 Wilke, Hermann C., Germany. 
 
 1869 Willans, Thomas Benjamin. 
 
 1869 * Willans, W. H. 
 
 1870 Willerding, Theodor, Sweden. 
 
 1867 Willett, Henry. 
 
 1869 Willmott, Henry. 
 
 1870 Wills, George. 
 
 1875 Wirth, Herr Max, A ustria. 
 
 1871 Wingfield, Sir Charles J„ K.C.S.I., C.B. 
 
164 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1869 Wolowski, M., France. 
 
 1870 Wolverton, Lord. 
 
 1870 Woods, Henry. 
 
 1872 Woolsey, Dr. Theodore, LL.D., U.S. America . 
 1868 Worthington, James. 
 
 1872 Wreden, Professor Edmund, Russia. 
 
 1873 *Wren, Walter. 
 
 1873 *Wybergh, J. 
 
 Y 
 
 1870 Young, Lord. 
 
Cobden Club. 
 
 LIST OF FOREIGN HONORARY 
 MEMBERS, 
 
 ARRANGED UNDER THEIR RESPECTIVE COUNTRIES. 
 
 U.S. AMERICA. 
 
 1868 Adams, C. F., Boston, Mass. 
 
 1873 Adams, Henry, Harvard University, Cam¬ 
 bridge, Mass. 
 
 1869 Adams, J. Quincy, Boston, Mass. 
 
 1872 Anderson, M. B., Rochester, New York. 
 
 1869 Atkinson, Edward, Boston, Mass. 
 
 1870 Bancroft, His Excellency the Hon. George, 
 
 Berlin. 
 
 1869 Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, New York. 
 
 1866 Bigelow, Hon. John, Berlin. 
 
 1873 Bolles, Albert S., Norwich, Conn. 
 
166 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1873 
 
 1873 
 
 1869 
 
 1.8 68 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1869 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1873 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1870 
 
 1871 
 
 1872 
 
 1871 
 
 1871 
 
 1873 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Bowles, Samuel, Springfield, Mass. 
 
 Brown, James M., New York. 
 
 Brown, Joint Crosby, New York. 
 
 Bryant, W. C., New York. 
 
 Cox, Jacob D., Cincinnati. 
 
 Cox, Hon. Samttcl S., New York. 
 
 Downie, William, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Emerson, R. W., Boston, Mass. 
 
 Field, Cyrus, New York. 
 
 Field, David D., New York. 
 
 Foster, Hon. L. F, Norwich, Conn. 
 
 Garfield, General J. A., Washington. 
 
 Garrison, W. Lloyd, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Grosvenor, Wm. H., St. Louis. 
 
 Hoffman, John T., New York. 
 
 Johnson, Reverdy, Baltimore. 
 
 Lewis, Charlton T., New York. 
 
 Longfellow, H. W., Boston, Mass. 
 
 McCtdloch, Hugh, 23, Queens Gate Gardens y 
 London, S. W. 
 
 Marble, Manton, New York. 
 
 Marshall, C. Id., New York. 
 
 Minium, Robt. B., New York. , 
 
 Moore, J. S., New York. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 167 
 
 1868 Moran, B., 20, Norfolk Terrace, Bayswater, 
 
 London. 
 
 1872 Nordhoff, Charles, New York. 
 
 1873 Olcott, Thomas L., Albany. 
 
 1874 Orton, William, New York. 
 
 1869 Osborn, Wm. H., New York. 
 
 1871 Pell, Alfred, Jun. t New York. 
 
 1872 Perry, Professor Arthur Latham, Cambridge, 
 
 Mass. 
 
 1872 Potter, Howard, New York. 
 
 1869 Redpath, James, Boston, Mass. 
 
 1870 Ruggles, Samuel B., New York. 
 
 1870 Sands, Mahlon, New York. 
 
 1872 Schurz, Carl, Washington. 
 
 1872 Sherman, Isaac, New York. 
 
 1872 Stewart, A. T., New York. 
 
 1873 Stunner, Professor William G., New Haven . 
 1872 Thompson, Dr. Joseph P., LL.D., Berlin. 
 
 1870 Walker, Hon. Amasa, LL.D., Boston, Mass. 
 
 1872 Walker, General Francis A., Washington. 
 
 1869 Walker, George, New York. 
 
 1873 Watterson, Henry, Louisville, Kentucky. 
 
 1870 Wells, Hon. David A., Norwich, Conn. 
 
 1869 Whipple, E. P., Boston, Mass. 
 
COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 168 
 
 1872 White, Horace, Chicago. 
 
 1872 Woolsey, Dr. Theodore, LL.D., Newhaven, Conn. 
 
 AUSTRALIA. 
 
 1871 Jenonr, C., Victoria. 
 
 1874 Langton, E., Melbourne, Victoria. 
 
 1874 Parkes, Hon. H., Sydney, New South Wales. 
 
 AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 1872 Desewffy, Coimt Aurele, pres Dcbreczin. 
 
 1875 Dorn, Dr. Alexander von, Trieste. 
 
 1869 Dilrckheim, Count, Vienna. 
 
 1869 Kinsky, Count Eugene, Vienna. 
 
 1869 Kubeck, Baron Max von, Vienna. 
 
 1871 Neumann, Dr. Francis, Vienna. 
 
 1870 Overbeck, Baron Gustavus von. 
 
 1869 Sapieha, Prince, Lemberg. 
 
 1869 Schaeffer, Chevalier dc, Austrian Consul, Japan. 
 1875 Schcrzer, Chevalier Charles de, Austrian Con¬ 
 sulate, Iwndon. 
 
 1869 Szechenyi, Count Bela, Zinkindorf. 
 
 1875 Wirth, Herr Max, Vienna. 
 
 BELGIUM. 
 
 1870 Corr- Vander Mceren, M. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 169 
 
 1869 Couvreur, M. Auguste, Brussels. 
 
 1870 Dehesclle, M. Victor, Thimister. 
 
 1872 Fisco, M. A mile, Brussels. 
 
 1872 Fortemps, M., Brussels. 
 
 1872 Frere, M. Orban, Brussels. 
 
 3869 Laveleye, M. Emile de, Liege. 
 
 1870 Lehardy de Beaulieu, M. Adolphe, Brussels. 
 
 1872 Orts, M., Brussels. 
 
 1870 Reyntiens, M., Brussels. 
 
 BRAZIL. 
 
 1872 Carr do, Senor Goao da Silva, San Paulo. 
 
 3871 Vasconcellos, His Excellency Zacharias de Goes. 
 
 CANADA. 
 
 1875 Brown, Hon. George. 
 
 1875 Mackenzie, Hon. Alexander. 
 
 DENMARK. 
 
 1872 Frederiksen, Professor, Copenhagen. 
 
 3872 Sponneck, Count, Copenhagen. 
 
 EGYPT. 
 
 3873 Hassan, His Highness Prince. 
 
i7o 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 FRANCE. 
 
 1872 . Bonnet, M. Victor, Paris. 
 
 1873 Bidenval, Comte de, Paris. 
 
 1871 Challemel-Lacour, M. Panl, Paris. 
 
 1866 Chevalier, M. Michel, Paris. 
 
 1872 Decases, Due de, Paris. 
 
 1872 D'Eichthal, M. Gustave, Paris. 
 
 1870 De Molinari, M. G., Paris. 
 
 1867 Dolfus, M. Jean. 
 
 1872 Franqueville, Comte de, Passy. 
 
 1875 Gamhetta, M. Leon, Paris. 
 
 1872 Gamier, M. Joseph, Paris. 
 
 1872 Germain, M., Paris. 
 
 1872 Guillemin, M. Auguste, Paris. 
 
 1872 Johnston, M. N., Bordeaux. 
 
 1872 Lalande, M. A., Bordeaux. 
 
 1869 Lavergne, M. de, Paris. 
 
 1873 Leroy-Beaulieu, M. Paid, Paris. 
 
 1870 Lesseps, Vicomte de. 
 
 1875 Menier, M., Paris. 
 
 1869 Napoleon, H.I.H. Prince Jerome. 
 1869 Ollivier, M. Emile. 
 
 1872 Pagezy, M. Jules, Montpelier. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 171 
 
 1870 Paris, H.R.H. Comte de, Paris. 
 
 1872 Passy, AT. Frederic, Paris. 
 
 1872 Passy, M. Hippolyte, Paris. 
 
 1872 Princeteau, M., Paris. 
 
 1872 Renouard, M. Charles, Paris. 
 
 1872 Reybaud, M. Louis, Paris. 
 
 1867 Rouher, M., Paris. 
 
 1872 Say, M. Leon, Paris. 
 
 1872 Seneuil t AT. Courceles, Paris. 
 
 1872 Sieber, AT. Henri, Paris. 
 
 1870 Simon, AT. Jules, Paris. 
 
 1875 Simonin, AT. Louis, Paris. 
 
 1870 Talabot, M. Paulin, Paris. 
 
 1869 Wolowski, AT., Paris. 
 
 GERMANY. 
 
 1871 Behr, Baron, Berlin. 
 
 1871 Brandis, Dr. Ringsdorf, Bonn. 
 
 1871 Braun, Dr. Carl, Berlin. 
 
 1870 Bunsen, Herr George von, Berlin. 
 
 1872 Delbriick, Herr, Staats Minister, Berlin. 
 
 1869 Faucher, Dr. Julius, Berlin. 
 
 1875 Groningy Dr. Albert, Bremen. 
 
 1875 Kendall, Baron von, Rome. 
 
 1871 Michaelis, Herr Otto, Berlin. 
 
172 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 1871 Nasse, Herr Erwin, Bonn. 
 
 1874 Rickert, Herr, Danzig. 
 
 1869 ScJmlze-Delitzsch, Herr, Berlin. 
 
 1871 Stanffenberg, Baron von, Risstissen. 
 
 1870 Wilke, Hermann C., Blomfield Street, London 
 
 Wall. 
 
 HOLLAND. 
 
 1874 De Dedem, Baron W. K. 
 
 1874 Gleichman, T. G., Amsterdam. 
 
 1874 Kiemsdigh, Van, Utrecht. 
 
 1872 Kops, M. J. L. de Bruyn, The Hague. 
 
 1869 Mackay, Baron, The Hague. 
 
 1872 Mees, M. W. C, The Hague. 
 
 1871 Pierson, M. N. G., Amsterdam. 
 
 1872 Schimmelpenninck Van der Oye, Baron W. A., 
 
 The Hague. 
 
 1875 Tak von Poortoliet, M. T. P. K., The Hague. 
 
 1 87 5 Van de Copello, M. T. Kappeyne, The Hague. 
 1872 Van de Putte, M. Pransen, The Hague. 
 
 1872 Vissering, Professor S., Leide7i. 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 1875 Bastogi, Count, Florence. 
 i8 75 Boccardi, Prof. Antonio, Genoa. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 173 '. 
 
 1875 Bodio, Signor L., Rome. 
 
 1872 Broglio, Signor, Rome. 
 
 1875 Capponi, Marquis Gino, Florence. 
 
 1870 Corsi, Signor Tommaso, Rome. 
 
 1872 Ferrara, Signor, Venice. 
 
 1868 Garibaldi, General, Caprera. 
 
 1875 Gori, Signor Pannilini, Siena. 
 
 1875 Martucchi, Comm. Cel so, Florence. 
 
 1870 Minghetti, Signor Marco, Rome. 
 
 1875 Peruzzi, Comm. Ubaldino, Florence. 
 1872 Scialoja, Signor, Rome. 
 
 1875 Tacconi, Cav. Gaetano, Bologna. 
 
 MEXICO. 
 
 1872 Palacio, Sefior Francesco Gomez. 
 
 NORWAY. 
 
 1872 Brock, Professor. 
 
 1869 Richter, O., Rostadt, Dronthem. 
 
 PORTUGAL. 
 
 1872 Deslandes, Sefior Venanzio, Lisbon. 
 
 1870 Figaniere, Vicomte de, St. Petersburg. 
 1872 Moser, Sefior Eduardo, Oporto. 
 
 1870 Seisal, Vicomte de. 
 
 1872 Soares, Sefior D. G. Noqueira. 
 
174 
 
 1870 
 
 1870 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 1870 
 
 1871 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 1375 
 
 1870 
 
 1870 
 
 1872 
 
 1869 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 1872 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 Besobrasof M. TV., St. Petersburg. 
 
 Greig, Lieut.-General S., St. Petersburg. 
 Jansen, Professor Julius, St. Petersburg. 
 Lamansky, M. E., St. Petersburg. 
 
 Michell', T., St. Petersburg. 
 
 Thcerner, M. Theodore de, St. Petersburg. 
 Vernadsky, Professor J., Kharkof. 
 
 Wreden, Professor EdmundSt. Petersburg. 
 
 SERVIA. 
 
 Mijatovich, Herr, Belgrade. 
 
 SPAIN. 
 
 Casa-Laiglesia, Marquis de. 
 
 Castelar, Senor Emilio, Madrid. 
 
 Echegaray, Senor, Madrid. 
 
 Figuerola, Senor, Madrid. 
 
 Gomez, Senor Riiiz, Madrid. 
 
 Madrazo, Senor, Madrid. 
 
 Moret y Prendergast, Senor Don Sigismundo. 
 Pastor, Senor, Madrid. 
 
 Rodriguez, Senor Gabriel, Madrid. 
 
LIST OF MEMBERS. 
 
 *75 
 
 SWEDEN. 
 
 ,1872 Berwick, M. Axel, Stockholm. 
 
 ■1870 Dickson, James, Gothenburg. 
 
 1871 Muren, Peter, Gejle. 
 
 1870 Willerding, Theodor, Aldermans Walk, London. 
 
 SWITZERLAND. 
 
 1874 Bohmert, Prof., University of Zurich. 
 
LONDON : 
 
 CASSELL TETTER & GALIMN, BELT S SALVAGE WORKS, 
 LUDGATE HILL, E.C. 
 
ANNUAL DINNER 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CO B D E N CLUB, 
 
 Held at the Ship Hotel , Greenwich, Jidy 20, 1878. 
 
 At the annual dinner of the Cobden Club, held at the Ship 
 Hotel, Greenwich, Mr.W. E. Forster, the chairman, in proposing 
 the first toast—that of “Her Majesty, the Prince and Princess of 
 Wales, and the rest of the Royal Family,” said: In her 
 Majesty’s long and prosperous reign I do not know that there is 
 any greater characteristic than the progress of the well-being of 
 the masses of her subjects. There have been ups and downs with 
 regard to that progress, perhaps there may be some depression at 
 the present moment, but all those here who are as oil as I am 
 well know how different is the condition of the masses of the com¬ 
 munity now from what it was when the Queen ascended the 
 throne. I feel sure that there is no feature of her reign which 
 Her Majesty regards with* more pride, or which has given 
 her greater conso ation amid the troubles and anxieties which 
 beset her, and nothing too, which has endeared her more to her 
 subjects, than the sympathy she has ever shown with the 
 sufferings of the least and the humblest amongst her people. I 
 feel that there is a special propriety in coupling the toast which 
 is given in every assembly of Englishmen with that of the Cobden 
 Club, for who will doubt for a moment that the progress and well¬ 
 being of the masses is very much owing to the principles which 
 Cobden advocated ? (Cheers.) I have great pleasure in coupling 
 with the health of “Her Majesty” that of our future King. 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 There are special reasons why in these days of wars and rumours 
 of wars it is a pleasure for the Cobden Club to know that the 
 Prince of Wales, remembering that he is his father’s son, has 
 been for the last few weeks most industriously and most 
 efficently promoting the cause of commercial intercourse, 
 and the cause of good-fellowship, with other nations, at 
 the French Exhibition. (Cheers.) To my idea, also, it is a plea¬ 
 sure to us that our future King and Queen should, in the heart 
 of France, in Paris, have welcomed, and with such complete 
 cordiality have accepted, the verdict of the French people in 
 regard to their Republic. (Loud cheers.) They have done as 
 much as it is possible for them to do— and that is a great deal to 
 cement good fellowship and friendship between England and 
 France. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 The Chairman, on rising to propose the toast of the evening, 
 after a cordial reception, said, —Gentlemen, several times I have 
 had the pleasure of being at our annual dinner, but I have never 
 before had the high honour of giving the toast of “The Cobden 
 Club.” I suppose every chairman who has to do that has asked 
 himself why there is a Cobden Club, why it was established, why 
 it has been maintained as vigorously up to this moment as it 
 was at the beginning P Well, most certainly the object of forming 
 it was not that we should pay an annual tribute to that great 
 man. That was not needed. (Hear, hear.) All England, even 
 his old opponents, concurred in that tribute. Nor should we 
 ever have established the Cobden Club in order to express 
 any slavish adherence to his opinions. We have established 
 and maintained this Club because we aim generally at Mr. Cob- 
 den’s objects, and because we sympathise with hi*s motives and 
 desire to be actuated by them, because we share in his sympathy 
 with the masses, his desire to advance their welfare, his convic¬ 
 tion that the welfare of the masses of his fellow countrymen 
 might best be promoted, not by any selfish object, not‘even 
 by any special national object, but by the welfare of 
 other countries and of the world generally. (Hear, 
 Hear.) He has often been charged with being cosmopolitan. 
 W hy was he cosmopolitan? Because it was to liis mind—and I 
 believe he was right—the highest form of patriotism. Well, 
 W* Tw xl S ob J ects? 1 win not detain you with them, but you 
 Know that they were mainly associated with the well-beiim of 
 Lnd wf S ~ general e , duca J ti ?h Parliamentary reform, better 
 land laws, more equal and lighter taxation. They wore all 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 great objects, though I think above all were his efforts for Free 
 Trade and for peace. (Cheers.) And no doubt it is worth while 
 at this particular moment that we should a little consider what 
 were the two grand characteristics of his conduct, and 
 of his actions, which marked his political career, and enabled 
 him to succeed in doing so much for the good of his country. 
 These two characteristics were mainly, first, courage, and then 
 common-sense. No opposition discouraged Cobden—no Parlia¬ 
 mentary majority alarmed him (loud cheers), no wane of pub¬ 
 lic opinion made him lose his foothold. He possessed more than 
 most men that virtue —and without its possession by the most 
 eminent politicians of a country, that coimtry is in danger of 
 losing permanent constitutional freedom—he possessed, more than 
 most men with whom I have come in contact, the virtue of with¬ 
 standing the temporary impulse of popular opinion, and forc¬ 
 ing it to reconsider its verdict. His other great characteristic 
 was his common-sense. But common-sense with him was what, 
 I think, common-sense generally is, it was wisdom. It mainly 
 consisted in looking at facts as they are, and in stripping them 
 of illusions. I will not say that all the inferences he made were 
 correct inferences. I sometimes differed from him: but there is 
 another great man who has had much to do in forming all that 
 is good and all that is best in English character, very unlike 
 Cobden in some things, very like him in others —I mean Mr. 
 Carlyle. I constantly differ from Mr. Carlyle, but I always feel 
 that his way of looking at things, and getting at the real mean¬ 
 ing of things, is a real help to understanding them. (Hear, 
 hear.) And that was the great characteristic of Cobden; he 
 looked at facts as they were, though his inferences I could not 
 always agree with. Many of you might agree with every one of 
 his inferences. I did not: but when I did not I was obliged 
 always to acknowledge that they were inferences which, if they 
 were for a moment one-sided, were in opposition to extravagant 
 inferences on the other side. His views, especially with 
 regard to the colonies and India, were an answer to ex¬ 
 travagant inferences on the other side. So, if it were true, 
 which I rather doubt, that he ever advocated the doctrine 
 of peace-at-any-price, I am quite sure it was merely a necessary 
 answer to the advocates of war at a mere paltry price. (Hear, 
 hear.) Now, why have I ventured to pay this tribute to Cobden’s 
 character, which is not wanted at our meetings ? It is merely 
 this. Because I think we have to consider a little what Cobden 
 
COB DEN CLUB . 
 
 himself would have felt in regard to the position of England at 
 this moment. (Cheers.) If this Club, instead of being a Cobden 
 Club, was merely a Free Trade one, and I have heard it mentioned 
 as if it were, or ought to be, a merely Free Trade Club—I should 
 content myself with attempting to review the present position of 
 Free Trade now, as compared with previous years. If I did 
 detain you with such a review, it wo.dd, perhaps, be a little more 
 hopeful than what I sometimes hear; but I trust we shall receive 
 some information on that point. On my left there is a gentleman 
 from America who will, I think, have something to tell you on 
 the subject of the prospects of America, and who may be able to 
 tell you something which will show that we are in a more hopeful 
 state in regard to Free Trade in America than is generally believed. 
 On my right there is a representative of the model colony of New 
 South Wales. I have close by me a gentleman from Spain, Senor 
 Pablo Bosch, who will tell us what is the position of his country 
 in that respect, and I should like to tell him that even in this 
 Conservative Parliament we have not absolutely forgotten all 
 ideas of Free Trade. (Cheers.) I won't detain you with an 
 examination of the Cattle Bill, which has been occupying our 
 attention in the last few days. When I had to make a long 
 speech about it directly after the Anglo-Turkish Convention was 
 presented, it was as much as I could do to listen to myself (hear, 
 hear, and laughter), but, notwithstanding that, the course of 
 that Bill shows that we are not going to give up Free Trade. I 
 do not think it was intended as a measure of Protection but 
 it would have resulted in Protection. Even the Conserva¬ 
 tive majority know that the country is so determined to be 
 Free-Trading that the very statement that it would result in Pro¬ 
 tection obliged then to modify it, and to take very much from 
 it its Protectionist meaning: and I hope my Spanish friend will 
 take this fact back to Spain, and tell his countrymen that we have 
 succeeded in keeping up our free importations of Spanish cattle, 
 and that he will be able to make use of this as an argument in 
 his country, where it must be admitted Free Trade principles have 
 not obtained much power over legislation. But this is not merely 
 a Free Trade Club ; it is a Cobden Club, and I repeat we have a 
 little to consider what Cobden would probably have felt and said 
 if he had been living at this moment. Would that he were alive. 
 I don’t know that I ever missed him so much as I do now, 
 with his wonderful clearness of expression, with his extra¬ 
 ordinary power of persuasion, which, as I have felt myself, 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 was more convincing than that of any speaker I ever heard; 
 for it was as much as ever one could do, when one heard him, to 
 prevent one’s self from thinking one was a fool for differing from 
 what he said. If he were alive now, what a speech he would 
 make on this Anglo-Turkish Treaty. (Cheers.) I cannot make 
 his speech, nobody could—but I can try to feel a little about it; 
 and just for a moment let us consider what is the position in 
 which suddenly, and without any warning, either to this country 
 or to Foreign Powers, our Government, after inveighing against 
 secret understandings or special treaties between Turkey and any 
 other Power, after declaring to the British Nation that its great 
 object was to prevent any aggression upon Turkey, has placed 
 us. (Hear, hear.) Our Government has taken from Turkey an 
 island, which I suppose they consider valuable, in order to 
 exercise a protectorate, which I maintain, if it means 
 anything, means our exercising a dominion over the whole of 
 Turkey in Asia—that is, over a country of about the magnitude of 
 France, Spain, and Italy together. Why have they done this? 
 This is not a place for entering into all the arguments. I sup¬ 
 pose we shall have enough of the subject next week: but I think 
 I may a little consider what has been the result, and if the 
 Government absolutely get their way the different position in which 
 England is now from what she has hitherto been. Well, we 
 have rejoiced that this country is an island, and that, through the 
 fact of its being an island, it was not necessary for us to keep a 
 large European standing army. What is it that the Government 
 has done? They have made us into a Continental Power. 
 (Cheers.) Do not suppose that protecting Turkey in Asia is 
 the same thing as having a dominion in India. Turkey in Asia 
 is geographically in Asia: but it is on the borders of the Mediter¬ 
 ranean, a European sea, and no one would deny that any Power 
 which attempts to exercise dominion or power over Turkey in 
 Asia is trying to interfere with the present relations of the 
 European nations one to another, because, by the very fact. of 
 the Treaty having been entered into, we are losing our position 
 as an insular Power, and trying to engage in all the difficulties, 
 complications, and dangers of one of the large Continental 
 Powers. Another thing here suggests itself. Surely there could 
 not have been a greater advantage to England than that, with 
 her widely extended Empire, she has had no frontier in any 
 European country. We have no frontier except with our friends 
 in the United States, and we know that there will never be any 
 
COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 quarrel between us and them again. (Loud cheers.) One must 
 often have been asked why should France and Germany 
 keep such large standing armies P We have been obliged 
 to reply that France had her frontier on Germany, and 
 Germany her frontier on France, and that they were 
 compelled to watch one another. We in England have had 
 a frontier to the sea. Now we have observed that at last 
 our Government is trying to make us have a frontier along the 
 whole of the Asiatic territory of Turkey— a frontier to Russia. 
 That seems to me the most unwise and the most reckless act 
 that any Government has ever perpetrated. (Loud cheers.) 
 Well, then there are those — I am not one of them—who think 
 that the one thought which possesses the minds of Russian states¬ 
 men, politicians, and people, is the attacking India. (Hear, hear.) 
 I do not believe it, and I find that even the Ministerial speakers 
 on Thursday night disavowed it. But, if Russia does mean to 
 attack India, what are we doing ? Instead of leaving Russia 
 the difficulty of marching across the wilds of Central Asia and 
 over the mountains of the Himalayas, we choose to tie up Turkey 
 in Asia with India, they having really nothing to do with one 
 another, and we say to Russia, “If you wish to attack India do 
 not come to meet us in India, but oblige us to meet you in the 
 mountains of Armenia, close to your own resources. " (Cheers.) 
 And then, again, there are some who say that it is not that we 
 fear actual attack upon India, but that we fear intrigue in India. 
 Well, if there have been intrigues — and I very much doubt it— 
 remember this, Russia has supposed, rightly or wrongly — if you 
 read the ministerial papers, and believe them, you would say 
 that Russia rightly has supposed — that we intended to attack 
 and to thwart her in the West and in Europe. Accordingly, 
 she would naturally try to take her revenge in the East and 
 in India. But, if it be true that there are these intrigues — I think 
 they are grossly exaggerated, and, indeed, I am very doubtful 
 whether they exist — will there be no intrigues in Asia P Will it 
 not be vastly easier to have intrigues in Turkey in Asia than in 
 Europe P Why, I saw to-day a story which is very likely true— 
 of course there are many stories in the newspapers which are not 
 true, but this seems not unlikely to be correct — that Russia is 
 appointing consuls in every great town in the English Protecto¬ 
 rate, and intrigues may follow from that. Again, there are those 
 who think that Russia is always wishing for war with England. 
 I do not believe it; I believe it is the greatest possible mistake; 
 
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 but I will say this—that whatever we may think of the conduct 
 of Russia — and I disapprove of a good deal of it—I have never- 
 read or heard of such articles in her newspapers as we see so 
 continually written in our own. I never heard of articles in them 
 that would be so likely to provoke ill-blood, or ill-feeling, as the* 
 articles which week after week and day after day are written here 
 about Russia, and the Russian people and pohcy. If it be the 
 case that there is a hostile feeling in Russia, we may thank the 
 unfair conduct of the English Press, or a large part of it. When 
 Russia shows a pacific tendency, Russian statesmen are charged 
 with cowardice. Sometimes when I read these articles, I wonder 
 whether the men who wrote them have for one moment con¬ 
 sidered what would be the feeling of the English people, if similar 
 articles appeared in Russian papers, and my only consolation 
 was that not many Russians read English, and scarcely 
 any Englishmen read Russian papers. There has been an 
 absolute forgetfulness of Mr. Cobden’s great maxim in foreign 
 pohcy, which was, that we should do unto others as we would be 
 done by, not merely in action, but in speaking and thinking of 
 others. But granted, if you choose to grant it, that Russia has 
 hostile intentions towards England ; what, then, is the meaning 
 of this Treaty ? That we give to this country with hostile inten¬ 
 tions the opportunity of seizing its own moment for declaring 
 war with us, and of subjecting us to intolerable burdens and in¬ 
 tolerable difficulties. I should have thought that with our small 
 army — I doubt whether it will continue a comparatively small 
 army —we should have felt that our greatest strength lay in being 
 able to seize for ourselves this opportunity of interfering. For 
 instance, in the late Franco-German War, we were bound to 
 guarantee Belgium, and we were able to take our own oppor¬ 
 tunity, when ten or fifteen thousand Englishmen thrown into Ant¬ 
 werp would have made all the difference on one side or the other. 
 But what has this Government done ? It has begun by giving 
 this guarantee for the Turkish possessions, and it has given 
 Russia the opportunity of seizing, any moment she wishes to 
 seize, when we are embarrassed with any difficulty, either with 
 India or any foreign country, to oblige us either to defend that 
 guarantee by the greatest possible sacrifices, or to accept the 
 humiliation, as it would be then, of giving it up. (Cheers.) But 
 I have not yet mentioned the greatest objection which I feel to 
 this Treaty and this Convention, and which I hope many of you 
 feel—namely, that England and Her Majesty the Queen have been 
 
COBDEN CLUB. 
 
 forced by this Government to guarantee the worst possible 
 Government that at this moment exists. (Hear, hear.) 
 I may be told that guaranteeing it against the attacks of 
 Russia is not guaranteeing the existence of that Government; 
 but, I don’t think that answer will be maintained. You 
 guarantee a government when you guarantee it against the 
 consequences of misgovemment; and the consequences of mis- 
 government, generally speaking, are insurrection and rebellion. 
 (Hear, hear.) If you guarantee a country against rebellion, you 
 make yourself responsible for securing that that government 
 shall not so govern that rebellion will be justifiable. I believe 
 that if you rightly read the despatches of Lord Salisbury, you will 
 find that they actually guaranteed the Sultan of Turkey against 
 insurrection on the part of his own subjects (hear, hear), but 
 we have certainly guaranteed him against the assistance which 
 his rebellious subjects would naturally obtain from Russia. 
 The punishment for misgovemment in Turkey is rebellion as¬ 
 sisted by Russia. We remove from the Sultan the fear of that 
 punishment, and, in so doing, I say we make ourselves responsible 
 for good government in Turkey. (Cheers.) In name the Govern¬ 
 ment have not denied that responsibility. They say that reforms 
 must be introduced. Well, we have had enough of the introduc¬ 
 tion of reforms into Turkey. (Hear, hear.) Reforms have been 
 introduced by one Hatti Scherif and one order after another. 
 How are reforms to be established and earned out P And here 
 we come to the great inducement of this scheme. Now, there 
 are in this scheme many bribes. There is a bribe first to the 
 place-hunters. ( Hear, hear.) I am not inveighing against place- 
 hunters. There are many men, Indian servants and others, who 
 would do a great good, and have a very useful career in Turkey 
 in Asia, and they are naturally in favour of a government which 
 would give them that career. Then there is a bribe to the trading 
 interests, or rather to the speculative interests. I am told that 
 there is a Euphrates Valley Railway scheme being got up, and 
 that we are to be asked to guarantee it a large percentage. 
 (Laughter.) Of course all the promoters, and all the engineers con¬ 
 nected with the company, will very much wish for the suc¬ 
 cess of the Convention. Then there is a bribe to the Chauvinists 
 I am glad to say that lntherto I have been obliged to take a 
 InThhih 01 - d n X K S them - who from music halls, the city, 
 anxiJtWn m P ? Maii, announce in the most open way their 
 anxiety to send out their fellow subjects to kill or be killed, and 
 
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 feel that they are vindicating English honour by so doing. But 
 the greatest bribe of all is that to the philanthropists, who are 
 told, “ Oh enter into this Convention, because by so doing you will 
 reform Turkey in Asia, and introduce good government there. ” 
 Well, I don’t know that it is our special duty to reform the 
 world. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, I think if you look into the 
 question of reforming the rest of the world you will feel that a 
 country which has taken upon itself the task of looking after 
 250,000,000 of Hindoos has about done its share. (Cheers.) But 
 this I do say, that although I do not believe it is our duty to set 
 about reforming Asiatic Turkey, I am quite sure that if the 
 Government insists on this guarantee, then it may become our 
 duty. (Hear, hear.) It would not be our duty unless the 
 Government stepped out of the way and made it so ; but 
 if they guarantee, as they appear to have done by this 
 Convention, Turkey in Asia against Russian aggression, and 
 therefore against misgovernment by the Sultan, it is, or must 
 become our duty, at any cost, to see that Turkey is well 
 governed. (Hear, hear.) Well, I will not say we cannot fulfil 
 that duty. I know very well that John Bull thinks he can do 
 anything, and there is very much he can do; but there is one 
 thing that he cannot do,“he cannot give Turkey in Asia good 
 government through Turkish Pashas. (Cheers.) If, therefore, we 
 are to govern Turkey well, that good government will and must 
 end in annexation. (Cheers.) I don’t believe that the Govern¬ 
 ment mean that. I believe that their words about good govern¬ 
 ment in Turkey are meant for comparatively very little more than 
 a paper despatch. But it is our business to take care that we do 
 not commit the crime of upholding a bad Government, without 
 securing good government. If John Bull sets himself to fulfil 
 this duty, how can he do it ? There are two ways by which he may 
 try to do it. He may try to do it by enormously increasing the 
 British Army, that is by conscription, or by means of an immense 
 Oriental Army, Indian or Ottoman, in either case at enormous cost. 
 I don’t know what the income tax would be, and all the duties 
 we have abolished must come back: but the sound finance which 
 Cobden used to say was the secret of good government will have 
 to disappear, as he always said it would, if you had not a sound 
 foreign policy. We shall have to choose between conscription or 
 an enormons Sepoy army. The country at first will not choose 
 conscription; but 1 believe you will have to come to it, for you will 
 want conscription to watch your large Oriental armies. I wou c 
 
10 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 rather have it at once than I would see England cease to be a 
 European Power, and become an Asiatic one, relying for her 
 Continental and European policy upon a larger Oriental and 
 dependent army. I will not detain you much longer, but one 
 other action of the Government must be commented on. This 
 tremendous change in policy, by far the greatest which I have 
 known in my political life, has been undertaken, without infor¬ 
 mation to foreign Powers who are our allies. They may 
 complain. I do not know whether they complain or not: but 
 whether they do so or not, there is one power, at least a power 
 which did exist a few months ago, which has a right to complain, 
 and that is the British Parliament — the representatives of the 
 people of this country. (Loud cheers.) This is the first time—I 
 don’t know that it will be the last— that a perfectly new policy, as 
 reckless, as wild and as dangerous as it is new, has been embarked 
 upon, and an attempt has been made irrevocably to commit 
 the country to it without the slightest intimation to Parliament 
 (loud cheers), without a hint even being given to Parliament. 
 (Hear, hear.) I may be told Parliament will not complain. 
 Very likely it is true that it wall not complain: but that is the 
 way liberties have been lost (cheers), that is the way Imperialist 
 ideas have possessed other countries; that is the way Con¬ 
 stitutional government has disappeared. It has been through the 
 Parliament of the day being so fascinated, and so possessed by a 
 special policy, and so brought under a special influence, that it 
 has forgotten how necessary it is to preserve our liberties, and 
 that, whether they agree with the policy or not, the one thing 
 which they are bound to preserve, if they would preserve the 
 rights which are placed in their keeping, is that the Government 
 shall not be allowed to commit the country to a positively new 
 policy. Well, now, gentlemen, it is not for me to ask you what 
 is to be done at this time. There is not a man here who takes 
 an interest in public affairs, but what wishes to do his duty. We 
 are going in the House to make what protest we can. (Loud 
 cheers.) We shall not succeed ; there will be a large majority 
 probably against us. I am sorry for it; but that fact does not for 
 one moment discourage me from making that protest. (Hear, 
 hear.) I dare say that some of you will think that during the 
 negotiations, during the last few months, we ought not to have 
 been careless about divisions. I am not surprised at your 
 thinking so : perhaps if I had foreseen what has now happened, 1 
 should have thought the same. But, remember, the circumstances 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 were then very different from what they are now. The Govern¬ 
 ment—one which we knew that we could not turn out — were 
 conducting negotiations, and our great object and desire was 
 not to give the Government an opportunity, an excuse, or a 
 temptation to drag the country into war. Some of us thought 
 that if we went to a division, and got a large majority, we might 
 encourage Russia in warlike action: and, on the other hand, that 
 if we got a small minority, we might encourage our own Govern¬ 
 ment in a warlike policy. But, whether we were right or wrong, 
 these fears do not apply to the present circumstances. The only 
 thing we have to consider now is whether it is our duty to make 
 this protest, to take a division, and to car 3 but little comparatively 
 about the majority against us. I am one of those, and I am very 
 glad that I can speak for your late chairman, and our present and 
 trusted leader, Lord Harrington (cheers) —who also agrees 
 with it —who think, that it matters little comparatively whether 
 there be a large or a small number who go with us on this 
 question. We shall at any rate have made our protest (hear, 
 hear), and we believe that there is no use in a Liberal Party, if 
 they have not the courage of their opinions, and that it is their 
 duty to disregard defeat, unless they believe, which at present 
 we do not, that by taking action they endanger the country. 
 We may give the country an opportunity of considering the 
 matter by a long debate, and by the arguments which may be 
 adduced. There still remains the question of what is the duty 
 of you, who agree with me, in this great crisis in our foreign 
 policy and in our history. It will be our duty and your duty, 
 not merely in Parliament, but out of it — and in giving the 
 health of “The Cobden Club” I feel that I am giving that of a 
 band of men who, whether they do or do not agree with all 
 Mr. Cobden’s opinions, yet are actuated by his spirit—through 
 good report and through ill report, to do your utmost to prevent 
 the country from being absolutely committed to this dangerous 
 policy, and, if possible, to seize the first opportunity of reversing 
 it. (Loud and protracted cheers.) 
 
 Mr. Peter Rylands, M.P., in responding to the toast, said: 
 Mr. Chairman and gentleman, I feel very much indebted to my 
 fellow members of the committee of the Cobden Club, for having 
 done me the great honour of requesting me to respond to the 
 toast, which has been proposed in a speech remarkable for its 
 statesmanlike breadth. I think, gentlemen, that our highly 
 respected Chairman has by his speech proved that the Cobden 
 
12 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 Club is not, as many have I think very unwisely supposed, a 
 Club simply for the propagation of Free Trade doctrines. Cobden, 
 in his lifetime, was spoken of by foreigners as an international 
 man. It was a reputation which gave to Cobden a great distinc¬ 
 tion in England. At the same time it proved that foreign 
 nations had an appreciation of the noble principles which 
 guided his career. Mr. Cobden was no doubt an international 
 man, and we, the Cobden Club, are an international club. Now 
 what do I mean when I say we are an international club ? I 
 mean that we oppose that gospel of selfishness which has been 
 taught in high places in this country—that doctrine of interna¬ 
 tional rivalry, a doctrine entirely inalien to the first principles of 
 the Cobden Club. We, the members of the Club, holding aloof as 
 we do these great principles to which Mr. Cobden devoted his life, 
 maintain that we do not preach the gospel of selfishness, and we 
 are sneered at by the Prime Minister, as though we had no 
 patriotism. Gentlemen, there is a true British patriotism, and 
 at the same time there is such a thing as a pinchbeck patriotism. 
 (Cheers.) What is true patriotism ? What are the true interests 
 of Great Britain ? Are they that we should set ourselves against 
 other countries, and that we should hold up the old creed of the 
 balance of power in Europe P What we believe to be British patriot¬ 
 ism is, that we should seek as far as possible to promote the general 
 advantage of mankind; not by war, not by jealousy, and not by at¬ 
 tempting national aggrandizement. Now, one of the great princi¬ 
 ples taught by Cobden—the foundation of his teaching, in fact— 
 was that the interest of every individual was the interest of the 
 nation, and that the interests of nations were in common. That 
 was the great principle which lay at the root of Cobden’s teaching. 
 Those of us who acted with Cobden, in the agitation created by 
 the Corn Law League, knew that we were able to prove that the 
 interests of those who thought that they would gain by monopoly, 
 were really only the interests of the rest of the nation. When we 
 secured the repeal of the Corn Laws, and established Free 
 trade, we gave advantages to the corn growers, and to the 
 classes who thought they benefited by protection, as well as to 
 the traders and the mass of the population. We believe that 
 the interests of all nations are interests in common, and we 
 maintain that the Government by their action tend to create 
 discord and rivalry among the nations of Europe. I am alluding 
 to the question of the balance of power. The right lion, gentleman 
 
 m the chair has remarked with great propriety upon the course 
 
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 13 
 
 which the Government is now taking. No doubt that course is 
 taken with the idea of securing public approbation and admira¬ 
 tion. We, as the Cobden Club, ought to remember that we are 
 placed in this position, that we have to meet a state of public 
 opinion which is very much excited—a feeling which in my 
 judgment is entirely mistaken—a feeling in favour of the 
 policy of the present Government. I remember a similar state 
 of things in 1855. I recollect that reactionary wave of public 
 opinion throughout the country, which swept Mr. Bright, Mr. 
 Milner Gibson, and Mr. Cobden, for the time, out of Parliament. 
 We are now in the midst of a similar wave of popular feeling 
 no doubt. This feeling is entirely opposed to the principles of 
 Cobden. We must not yield to it; we must hold up still higher 
 our standard of Cobden’s principles. (Cheers.) In every 
 instance where Cobden’s policy has been adopted by the 
 country, it has led to our general prosperity and welfare. Let us 
 remember that we must hold fast to those principles, which in 
 the history of this country have proved to be to the advantage 
 and welfare of the mass of our fellow countrymen, and let us 
 seek still further to maintain the teaching of Richard Cobden. 
 Well, Mr. Chairman, no doubt there are two issues before us. 
 It may be that Mr. Cobden’s high views of foreign policy will be 
 adopted by this country, and, if so, it will be not only to the 
 advantage of Great Britain, but to the advantage of mankind. 
 Although we, as the Cobden Club, are not responsible for the 
 disasters which are likely to follow from the non-adoption of 
 this policy, yet we feel it our duty to maintain to the utmost of 
 our power those principles which we believe to be intimately 
 connected with the prosperity of this Empire, and the great ad¬ 
 vantage of the whole of Europe. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. Fawcett, M. P., having been called upon by the chairman, 
 said: You will perhaps, sir, allow me to remark that, greatly as 
 I have enjoyed this evening, my pleasure has been vastly en¬ 
 hanced by your speech. (Cheers.) I think that in the present 
 condition of the Liberal Party, and in view of what I regard as 
 the unfortunate fits of lassitude that have occasionally come over 
 it, you could not have conferred a greater service upon that Party 
 in the House of Commons, and in the country, than you have 
 done by reminding them of that cardinal maxim of Mr. Cobden’s 
 conduct, that he was one who was never afraid of a Parliamentary 
 majoritv. I hope that that will be in the future, much more 
 than it 'has been during the last four years, the guiding principle 
 
14 
 
 COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 of our Parliamentary conduct. (Cheers.) Most heartily do I 
 reciprocate, gentlemen, and most gratefully do I respond to 
 every word that our respected chairman has said about the atti¬ 
 tude of the Liberal Party with regard to the question on which 
 he has just spoken. He has rightly said that we ought to do 
 what we can to shew well in a division, but that, whatever, may 
 be the number of votes to be reckoned against a policy which is 
 so injurious to our country, it is a matter of trifling impor¬ 
 tance compared with the incalculable advantage of she wing those 
 whom we represent in this country, and of showing those who, 
 under adverse circumstances, are upholding Liberal principles 
 among the constituencies, that at least we in the House of Commons 
 have the courage of our opinions, and that, whether we are in a 
 large or in a small minority, we will never shrink from carrying 
 our opinions to the logical and legitimate conclusion. (Loud 
 cheers.) The words of Vtr. Forster bear no uncertain sound (hear, 
 hear), and I believe that in the minds of a large part of the con¬ 
 stituencies of England, it will be felt to be a matter of considerable 
 importance in relation to the position occupied by the Liberal 
 Party that a change of policy is going to be commenced—that 
 what has happened in the past, on occasions to which I do not 
 wish more particularly to allude, will not recur in the future ; that 
 whatever may be the fate of the motion of Lord Hartington, we 
 are going to adopt the bold course of taking a division, and that 
 such will be our course whenever great Liberal principles have to 
 be defended, or the great cause of civil and religious equality has 
 to be maintained. (Cheers.) I can only say that I think the 
 Liberal Party might have done something more in the past, and 
 I believe it is going to do something more in the future. I do 
 not wish in the slightest degree to escape from sharing the respon¬ 
 sibility which belongs to our shortcomings; but I may say— 
 recurring to that admirable maxim of Mr. Cobden, that you should 
 never be afraid of a Parliamentary majority—that many a time 
 have I walked home from the House of Commons,sad and dejected 
 at the thought that I had not the courage of my opinions, and had 
 shrunk from a division; and therefore I say I think this maxim 
 applies just as much to myself as to anyone else. With regard 
 to the important question of foreign policy, which is now engaging 
 the attention of all of us, I feel that the subject is far too large for 
 me to enter upon it. But,Iwishto express my agreement with 
 r - orster on one point. However much we may condemn 
 the conduct of the Government of this country in conspiring with 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 15 
 
 the Russian Government, without the knowledge of England and 
 the rest of Europe, and for making no protest against the spoliation 
 of Roumania by Russia, greatly must we condemn their con¬ 
 duct in deluding the unfortunate Greeks—and the Prime Minister 
 for having on Thursday night displayed what (to use the mild¬ 
 est expression for it) I must call contemptuous cynicism towards 
 that people. This is not all. The sense of injustice—for such it 
 is—which the Greeks must feel is not that their nation have 
 not obtained a slice of Turkey; what they most chiefly feel is, 
 that they rested on the promises and assurances of the Govern¬ 
 ment of a great and magnanimous nation, and that they have 
 been grossly and basely deceived. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, 
 I hope that after the coming debate in the House of Commons, 
 the Greeks will at least see that there are some Englishmen who, 
 at such a moment as this, when they are suffering under a sense 
 of the wrong which I have described, are prepared to say some¬ 
 thing very different from the gibe which was uttered by the 
 Prime Minister on Thursday last. But, after all, what we most 
 condemn in the conduct of the Government, what we as English¬ 
 men are bound most strongly to protest against, is their determina¬ 
 tion to involve this country in a great responsibility without first 
 consulting the wishes of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Again and 
 again have the Government acted of late as if it were a great 
 satisfaction and a great pleasure to them to do important things 
 without having previously consulted Parliament. Many a Minister 
 has risen to such a height that he has at last become dazzled 
 at the altitude which he has attained, and the result has been 
 that his fall has been rapid and his humiliation complete; 
 and I cannot help thinking that although Lord Beaconsfield 
 and Lord Salisbury may at the present time be very popular, 
 yet they have gone a little too far, that the tide is 
 beginning to turn, and that they will find that however much 
 people may for a time be dazzled by a showy and meretricious 
 foreign policy, yet there are certain principles which we have 
 inherited from our forefathers, and that, having gained them 
 after many a hard and difficult struggle, the nation will not 
 surrender them. (Cheers.) I believe that when this question 
 of foreign policy comes home to the minds of the English 
 people, they would almost as soon let a foreign invader obtain 
 a foothold in this island as they would, for the sake of a hybrid 
 Imperialism, allow Parliamentary institutions to be set aside. 
 (Great cheering.) The fabric of the Constitution has been built 
 
COB DEN CLUB. 
 
 up after many a hard struggle, and the English people are 
 deeply attached to it. I believe that this feeling of attachment 
 is shared equally by Conservatives and Liberals, and I cannot 
 help thinking that if the present Ministry continue what they 
 have been attempting recently, that is to engage this country in 
 a great responsibility in Asiatic Turkey, and to treat us as if we 
 were simply a herd of cattle or a flock of sheep (cheers),' to 
 be driven wherever a reckless driver may choose to make us go. 
 (Hear, hear.) I say I think signs are not wanting that if they 
 again attempt to do this they will not be successful; but will, on 
 the contrarj r , find themselves woefully mistaken. (Cheers.) At any 
 rate, there are men in the House of Commons who, at the earliest 
 possible opportunity, will bring this question before the public. 
 There are some of us, gentlemen, at least—and Mr. Forster has 
 told us this evening that he is one—who, however small may 
 be the minority, will not shrink for a single moment from fighting 
 this contest out to the very utmost, with a determination that 
 this country shall not become involved in a great responsibility, and 
 shall not have thrown upon it indefinite obligations without that 
 free people being consulted upon whom the burden would 
 ultimately have to fall, and with whom the misfortune of such 
 folly would rest. (Cheers. ) Last night I was talking in the House 
 of Commons to a friend of mine about this protectorate. I asked 
 him what people in the commercial world thought about it—he 
 is, I may remark, busily mixed up with mercantile affairs—and 
 he replied, ‘ ‘ People who have been in favour of the Govern¬ 
 ment don t like it; they have begun to shake their heads, and 
 they say that we are asked to put our names to a doubtful bill 
 of unknown amount.” (Hear, hear.) This is, I think, a very 
 happy description of the matter. Following out the parallel, I 
 may remark that it seems to me like the case of a partner hi a 
 large firm who, having been abroad, has come back to his co¬ 
 partners and said to them, “I have entered into unknown obliga¬ 
 tions; 1 don t know what is the amount involved ; I never thought 
 about that, and I now only want your consent; you are all mixed 
 up in the transaction, and all I desire is your approval of my 
 snowy performance.” lam exceedingly doubtful whether the 
 English people will be disposed to offer that kind of obsequious 
 ornage. Mr. Forster has sketched out this evening a vigorous 
 cheSS f )° rthe Llberal Part y> and 1 at least will support it. (Loud 
 Sir Charles Dilke then rose to propose the toast of, “Our 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 *7 
 
 foreign and colonial friends who are present.’ ’ He said: My 
 friend on my right (Mr. Fawcett) said in his speech that he was 
 to be followed by some gentlemen who have had few occasions 
 of addressing large audiences in this country—our foreign and 
 colonial friends. I can hardly appear before you in that capacity, 
 but my excuse for rising is that I am called upon by our chair¬ 
 man to bring before you those gentlemen to whom I refer. One 
 of the most honoured of the toasts of the Cobden Club is that of 
 our foreign and colonial guests. We have, as you all know, a 
 large number of honorary members living out of England. We 
 have members in all parts of the world, and in all our English 
 colonies, and we have a good representation of those members 
 here to-night. There are here honorary members of the Club 
 from America, there is one from Holland, there are gentlemen 
 from Spain, and several from the Australian colonies. I shall 
 couple with this toast the names of four or five friends repre¬ 
 senting different interests in different parts of the world. I 
 regret that one gentleman who was to have been present is 
 unable to attend—I allude to Mr. Gennadius, charge Eaffaires 
 for Greece, in London. He has been summoned by his Govern¬ 
 ment to go to Paris, and I hope that visit will be productive of 
 good results to the country he represents. But, whatever may 
 be the cause, I regret that he is not able to be present, as I am 
 sure the reception we would have given him, had he been here, 
 would have shown him the interest we take in our friends in that 
 country. (Hear, hear.) Of the other gentlemen, whose names 
 I have to couple with this toast I must mention Mr. Simon 
 Sterne, who will reply on behalf of the United States of America. 
 Mr Steme is an influential member of the Free Trade party in 
 his country We have here Mr. Steme and General Walker, 
 both of them very active and influential members of the Free 
 Trade party. On behalf of the Free Traders of New York, Mr. 
 Sterne will probably show you the state of Free Trade opinions 
 in America. I shall also couple with this toast, the name of the 
 Hon. Alexander Stuart on behalf of the colony of New South 
 Wales. In New South Wales Free Traders have won their fight. 
 I regret that there is no one here from Victoria. Mr Stuart will 
 be able to tell us that Free Trade doctrines are not likely to 
 slide back in New South Wales, but in Victoria the prospects 
 are less bright. Let us hope that Victoria will soon follow the 
 example of New South Wales. Perhaps some gentleman repre¬ 
 senting New South Wales can hold out to us the hope of an 
 
CO'BDEN CLUB. 
 
 improved state of things in Victoria. I shall also couple with 
 this toast, the name of Mr, Savona of Malta. He (Mr. Savona) 
 is not an inhabitant of a great self-governing colony, but he 
 will probably tell us the advantages which come from self- 
 government, and the hardships inflicted on colonies which are still 
 Crown colonies. In Malta there still exists protective duties 
 under the British Crown. It is a most unfortunate thing, that 
 at the very moment we are trying to impress Italy with Free 
 Trade doctrines, there should be protective duties maintained 
 by the British Government so near to the Italian peninsula. 
 Also, there will be coupled with this toast the name of Senor 
 Pablo Bosch, a leading Free Trader from Spain. I hope this 
 gentleman will receive the welcome such as has always been 
 accorded at our annual dinner to our foreign and colonial 
 guests. Spain is a country which has long had good commer¬ 
 cial relations with England, and perhaps Senor Bosch will be 
 able to inform us that there is a prospect of Free Trade princi¬ 
 ples gaining ground there. Lastly, we shall drink this toast 
 in the name of Mr. Hendrick Muller of Rotterdam. Unfortu¬ 
 nately our foreign friends are here at a moment when home 
 politics are absorbing our attention ; but we must not let them 
 believe that their welcome is on that account any the less warm, 
 or that Cobden’s principles, as represented by this Club, are in 
 danger of being lost sight of. We hope their interests may 
 prosper in all parts of the world. (Cheers.) 
 
 Mr. T. B. Potter, M.P., then proposed “The health of the 
 Chairman,” and on rising was greeted with loud applause. He 
 said: It is my pleasing duty to propose the health of our ' 
 worthy chairman this evening. We are indebted to Mm for the 
 most able address with which he has favoured us. It is a long 
 time since I first knew Mr. Forster. I believe it is "ettin° 
 close upon thirty years since I first met him at Grasmere, a 
 spot filled with interesting recollections to him. We know 
 that few men have achieved more than he has during his 
 public career. In most things we agree with him, and the 
 speech he has made this evening shows us the mettle he is 
 made of. (Cheers.) It is already rather later than we usually 
 adjourn, but I must call your attention for a moment to a sub¬ 
 ject touched upon by my friend, Mr. Savona of Malta. I think 
 Englishmen do not take sufficient interest in their Crown 
 colonies and dependencies. They imagine that, somehow or 
 other, by some magic, everything which is done in their 
 
ANNUAL DINNER. 
 
 19 
 
 name must be good, must be of a high character of civilisation, 
 and that it must be an absolute blessing to be brought 
 under our rule. ( Hear, hear.) Take Cyprus for instance. 
 Indeed we have taken Cyprus. (Laughter.) We are bringing 
 Cyprus into the condition of a Crown colony. Are we going to 
 treat Cyprus as we have treated other dependencies, and intro¬ 
 duce into it the food taxes of Malta, and to supplement it 
 with the atrocious system of revenue farming of Ceylon? 
 Are we prepared to introduce the land system of India, in the. 
 face of knowing, and the Government do know it, that a larger 
 number than one half of the population of London have died 
 from famine in Mysore, Madras, and Bombay, through the 
 scarcity which has existed there, which many think has been 
 caused by our land system. As was stated by Mr. Savona, it is 
 a most easy thing to tax food, and whether they be land- 
 owners or clericals who do it, or others equally well to do, they 
 themselves pay no taxes, and they find it easy to raise the revenue 
 of a country in this way. We are doing it in Ceylon, Gambia, 
 and Jamaica at the present moment. There is a tendency to 
 adopt this system of food taxes, in all our Crown colonies and 
 dependencies, and the land revenue of India is virtually a tax 
 on food. I ask my friends to look into this question. I ask you 
 to see that Cyprus is not treated in the same way. I think that 
 Cyprus should be a free port. Malta might, and ought to be, a 
 free port, but it is not: and it would be, but for the opposition of 
 interested parties. I want to know what we are going to do. 
 What is the policy of the Government at the present moment ? 
 Where are we drifting ? Why, we are disregarding the principles 
 of Free Trade, and of peace, which Cobden always instilled into 
 us, and we are following a will-o’-the-wisp policy. (Hear, hear.) 
 Unless we take care, we shall be overwhelmed in the quagmires 
 and pitfalls of imperialism, for imperialism is the object in the 
 highest quarters of the land. (Cheers.) Lord Beaconsfield bows 
 down to it. He has done so since the time he introduced the 
 Royal Titles Bill. I look somewhat gloomily forward. to the 
 future, but I believe the people of England will resist in time. 
 If they do not they are unworthy of the name of Englishmen 
 (cheers) — if they permit themselves to be deprived of the 
 liberties fought for by their fathers. I hope, however, to find 
 that the objects which Lord Beaconsfield himself seems to be 
 attempting to carry out will be thwarted by the more sensible 
 portion of the Conservative Party. I beg leave to propose the 
 
20 
 
 COB DEN -CLUB. 
 
 health of Mr. Forster, and to tender him our hearty thanks for 
 the excellent speech he has made. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 Mr. W. E. Forster, M.P., in responding, said he had only one 
 or two remarks to make. Their meeting that evening might 
 have appeared to have a party character, or one of opposition to 
 the Government. That idea would be contrary to the traditions 
 and intention of the Cobden Club. It was solely because the 
 Government had trampled by its late act upon all the principles 
 which Mr. Cobden would have advocated, and which his friends 
 now maintained, that he had spoken as he had done as the 
 president for the day. As an illustration of what he meant, he 
 would only say that if the Lord Salisbury of to-day were the 
 Lord Salisbury of last year, there would be no opposition to the 
 Government of which he was a most important member. 
 
 Printed bj- John Hall, 11. St. Bride Street, London, E.C.: Works, Crewe. 
 

 
 
 
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