MASTER NEGATIVE NO 93-808 11-3 MICROFILMED 1 993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or other reproduction is not to be "used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research.'* If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of "fair use," that user may be liable for copyright infringement. This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR MANNING BERNARD TITLE: THE PEOPLE'S FAITH IN THE TIME OF WYCLIF PLACE: CAMBRIDGE DATE: 1919 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MTrROPORM TARHFT Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record Master Negative # Restrictions on Use: iim • HI .■.. .' J ' Jj » ■ ■ ! ■■ w « m w I IISM D931 M31 1 Manning t Bernard Lord, 1892- Tho pooplo*8 faith in the time of Wyolif, Bernard Lord Uanning*«« Cambridge, Universi. press, 1919 • x\ri, 196 p# 19|- om# (Thirlwall essay, 1917. "Books, editions, and abbreviations, p.xiii-xvi. Copy in Barnard Colle(»e Library^ 1 i !•>/ /004a o TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: i\r FILM SIZE: XS^ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA <^ IB IIB DATE FILMED: » > ^ 3-_?j3 INITIALS M HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PU BLICATIONS TNC WOOnR^rnnF r' A BIBLIOGRAPHIC IRREGULARITIES MAIN ENTRY: Biblioeranhir IrrPffnlaij^ ^ os in thp Opg Wal Dnrnmpy^^ List volumes and pages affected; include name of institution if filming borrowed text. Page(s) missing/not available: yolumes(s) missing/not available: .Illegible and/ dam aged page(s) ) /-i4.i cPJSr-S'.T THE PEOPLE'S FAITH IN THE TIME OF WYCLIF CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS C. F. CLAY, Manager LONDON : FETTER LANE, E.C.4 NEW YORK : G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS BOMBAY ] CALCUTTA \- MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. MADRAS j TORONTO : J. M. DENT AND SONS, Ltd. TOKYO : MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BY BERNARD LORD MANNING, B.A. SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF JESUS COLLEGE, DONALDSON BYE- FELLOW OF MAGDALENE COLLEGE, AND LIGHTFOOT SCHOLAR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE XHIRLWALL ESSAY 191 7 CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1919 \ TO ARTHUR GRAY '\^-<^oC.C MASTER OF JESUS COLLEGE AND ARTHUR CHRISTOPHER BENSON MASTER OF MAGDALENE COLLEGE THIS ESSAY IS GRATEFULLY DEDICATED PREFACE Simile factum est regnum caelorum hominiy qui seminavit honum semen in agro suo. Cum autem dormirent homines^ venit inimicus ejus et superseminavit zizania... Sancti Matthaei Evangeiium^ xiii, 24-5. Pgr tolerantiam zizaniorum crescit fructus frumentorum. Sancti Augustini Enarratio in Psalmum Ixiv, 12 ; Operoy iv, 784. Migne. THIS essay falls into three sections. In the first, which comprises chapters i, 11, and ill, are examined some of the ways by which religion was taught in the fourteenth century: the Mass, the sermon, and the confessional — the dramatic, the rhetorical, and the personal presentation of Christi- anity. In the second section, which continues from chapter iv to chapter ix, comes the subject matter of popular reHgion, and here there are two sub- divisions, theory and practice, (i) What did the average man know about Christianity? How could he express what he knew? How well was he ac- quainted with the main facts of theology, with the principal stories in the Bible, with prayers and hymns and pious ejaculations? What did he understand of those sacraments which concerned him? What part had they in his religious life? After the wheat come the tares — after the beliefs which the Church tried to plant, the behefs which it tried to uproot. What was meant in the fourteenth century by ' supersti- tion'? How far had popular religion compromised with witchcraft, astrology, idolatry, and more trivial vm PREFACE '^ PREFACE IX forms of misbelief ? (ii) Passing then to the practical expression of popular faith the essay illustrates the relation of Christianity (a) to everyday life, in mar- riage, the care of children, oaths, dancing, treatment of animals, and the like ; and (b) to sacred duties, by the reverence shown for holy days and holy things, where incidentally the difference between medieval and modern ideas of reverence comes into view The third and final section, comprising chapters X, XI, and xii, is devoted to three problems which agitated the popular mind: the social problem of poverty, the philosophical problem of free-will, and the religious problem of prayer. The essay, despite its comprehensive title, does not profess to deal with more than a few aspects of popular belief and practice. I have made no attempt to cover the whole of the ground even super- ficially; the object has been to illustrate popular opinion on a few subjects by allowing the men of the fourteenth century to speak for themselves; and the endeavour to bring out some points in detail has necessarily disturbed the balance and led to a certain lack of proportion. The generation whose faith is here described was the generation of WycHf and Langland, of Chaucer and Gower, the generation who covered the second half of the fourteenth century. Most of the material drawn upon touches this generation on one side or the other, but I have not hesitated to go farther afield when the excursion seemed to be justifiable. The List of Books is intended to serve one purpose only, to elucidate the footnotes. It is not a catalogue of books consulted nor the beginning of a bibhography. One thing remains to be done, and that the plea- santest of all. I cannot deny myself the privilege of . recording my gratitude for the help that has been given i' 1 to me. To the Adjudicators of the Thirlwall Prize, especially to Professor Bury and Dr Rose, I owe particular thanks for the great consideration which they showed to me when I was placed in somewhat difficult circumstances. To Dr Foakes Jackson and Mr G. G. Coulton the essay owes more than I can say, but not more, I hope, than I can be grateful for. The extent of their patience and kindness can be measured only by those who have trespassed as often and as shamelessly as I have done. And, if I may venture to do so, I should like to express my warm thanks to Mr R. V. Laurence, Dr J. N. Figgis, Mr G. Lapsley, and Mr G. G. Butler, who gave me direction and advice when I was about to set out on the work; to the Master of Jesus, Sir Arthur Quiller- Couch, and Mr C. E. Sayle for suggestions of various kinds; to Sir John Sandys and Mr E. Harrison for help in the last stages of the book ; and to Mr A. R. Waller and to the readers of the University Press for the many corrections and improvements which they have suggested, as also for the indulgence with which they have treated me at a time when my attention has of necessity been given to other work. X PREFACE Though I can now do no more, I must express my sense of deep obHgation to the late Professor Gwatkin, who took no Httle trouble to advise me in the beginnings of my research and was good enough to show interest in its progress. B. L. M. Cambridge, 25 November 1918. CONTENTS BOOKS, EDITIONS, AND ABBREVIATIONS INTRODUCTION . . • • I. THE MASS . II. THE SERMON III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. THE CONFESSIONAL THE RUDIMENTS OF THE FAITH BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION COMMUNION AND EXTREME UNCTION ERRONEOUS AND STRANGE DOC- TRINES GOOD WORKS HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY . THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL . THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER CONCLUSION INDEX PAGE • • • Xlll I 4 17 29 39 SI 61 78 102 123 145 154 174 184 189 BOOKS, EDITIONS, AND ABBREVIATIONS This Ust sets out the titles and editions of the books to which references are most often made in the Essay; the abbreviations and symbols used in the footnotes are indicated here in brackets after the full title. Most of the footnotes state expUcitly whether the references are to pages or to Unes or to chapters, but where the system is at all intricate (e.g. in Dives and Pauper) it is explained below. The appeals to certain books are so many and so simple that it has seemed unneces- sary to enter into detail every time, and it is stated in this Ust once and for all that the references are to Unes (e.g. in Gower's Vox Clamantis). VERSE The Vision of William concerning Piers the Plowman in three parallel texts, ed. W. W. Skeat; Oxford, 1886. (Piers Plowman.) The Text is indicated by capital letters, the Passus by Roman numerals, the Une by Arabic numerals, e.g. B. IV. 10. The Works of John Gower, ed. G. C. Macaulay; Oxford, I 899-1902. Mirour de I'Omme. [Mirour.) Confessio Amantis. (Conf. Aman.) Vox Clamantis. (Vox Clam.) The Books are indicated by Roman, and the Unes by Arabic numerals, e.g. Conf. Aman. iii. 16. Pearl, ed. I. GoUancz, 1891. The Pearl, ed. C. G. Osgood, 1906. Pearl, rendered into English verse by G. G. Coulton, 1906. Pierce the Ploughman's Crede, ed. W. W. Skeat, E.E.T.S., 1867. (Crede.) ^ xiv BOOKS, EDITIONS, AND ABBREVIATIONS Lay Folks Mass Book, ed. T. F. Simmons. E.E.T.S., 1879. (L.F.M.B.) References are to Text B except where it is otherwise stated. Merita Missae, printed in Lay Folks Mass Book. Manner and Mede of the Mass, printed in Lay Folks Mass Book. Lay Folks Catechism, ed. Simmons and Nolloth, E.E.T.S., 1901. (L.F.C.) Handlyng Synne, by Robert of Brunne, ed. F. J. Furnivall, E.E.T.S., 1901. (Hand. Synne.) The references are to lines. Early English Alliterative Poems, ed. Richard Morris, E.E.T.S., 1864. [Alliterative Poems.) Political, Religious, and Love Poems, ed. F. J. Furnivall E.E.T.S., 1866. [P. R. S- L.) Twenty Six Political and other Poems, ed. Dr J. Kail E.E.T.S., 1904. (Kail.) Reference is made to the number of the poem by Roman numerals and to the page of the volume by Arabic numerals. Hoccleve's Works, Minor Poems, ed. F. J. Furnivall E.E.T.S., 1892. Instructions for Parish Priests, by John My re, ed. Edward Peacock, revised by F. J. Furnivall, E.E.T.S.. 1902. (Instructions.) The references are to hues. PROSE WORKS The Prymer, ed. H. Littlehales, E.E.T.S., 1895 and 1897. Festial, by John Myrc, E.E.T.S., 1905. The Book of the Knight of La Tour Landry, E.E.T.S., 1906. (Tour Landry.) The Fifty Earliest English Wills, ed. F. J. Furnivall E.E.T.S., 1882. (Wills.) The Brut, E.E.T.S., 1906-8. i I 11 M BOOKS, EDITIONS, AND ABBREVIATIONS xv English Prose Treatises of Richard Rolle de Hampole, ed. G. G. Perry, E.E.T.S.. 1866. (E.P.T.) Reference is made to the number of the treatise by Roman numerals and to the page of the volume by Arabic numerals. The Incendium Amoris of Richard Rolle, ed. Margaret Deanesly, 1915. Julian of Norwich. Sixteen Revelations of Divine Love, ed. R. F. S. Cressy, 1670. (Revelations.) Julian of Norwich, Comfortable Words for Christ's Lovers, ed. Dundas Harford, 191 1. (Comfortable Words.) Walter Hilton, Scale of Perfection, ed. J. B. Dalgaims, 1901. (Scale.) The Cell of Self -Knowledge, Mystical Treatises, edited by J. E. G. Gardner, 1910. Wyclif. Select English Works, ed. Thomas Arnold, 1869. (Arnold.) English Works of Wyclif Hitherto Unprinted, ed. F. D. Matthew, E.E.T.S., 1880. (Matthew.) Reference is made to the number of the tract by Roman numerals and to the page of the volume by Arabic numerals. Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, ed. Edward Brown, 1690. Volume I for Articuli Johannis Wiclefi Angli. Volume II for Defensorium Curatorum by FitzRalph of Armagh. (Def. Cur. in Ease. II.) The references are to the pages of the Fasciculus. Loci e Libro Veritatum, Passages from Gascoigne's Theological Dictionary, ed. J. E. T. Rogers, 1881. The Dialogue of Dives and P auper, Pynson's edition, i^. (D.^P?i The pages of this book are not numbered. It contains a prologue on Poverty and ten parts, one part for each of the Ten Commandments. These parts are sub-divided into chapters. References are made by indicating (i) the commandment. (2) the chapter, and sometimes ■7 I I -i BOOKS. Homes. ..OABBKKVZATZONS and the column by Zmc e „ Tl'^" *' ''^P^^ reference to the second coI„m„ 7 u -^^ "'• 3- « " is a part which discusses the fourth '"^P'" *'^ « the of columns are a Jays itlT ^'""'andment. Parts WORKS IN THP Dr^TTo 7-1. "'^ ROLLS SERTPQ ^o/vcAro«i^o« Ranuli>hi ff^ ' ^oltiical Poems /i*,/7 c ^ (^o.w so:;:"^ ^^^^^ ^^- ^^--as w„ght, .ss^^, Z^., "'-^ ed. W. W. Shirley, ^^s^, (^^^^ INTRODUCTION Christianity in the fourteenth century was still an oral religion. It was taught rather by word of mouth than by the written word, and as a natural conse- quence it was far more dependent on the ministers of the Church than it is to-day. There were few religious books in the vulgar tongue, and if anyone desired more instruction than the services of the parish church could give, he was unable to provide it for himself. There was but one certain way of obtaining information about Christianity — from a professional teacher. The wealthy availed themselves of private chaplains*. The poor betook themselves to a wander- ing friar. And if fourteenth century religion owed little to books, it owed Httle also to the "godly homes" of the people. Those best teachers of Protestantism were not the allies of the medieval Church. There is com- paratively Httle trace of "family religion" in the records of popular Christianity; the ordinary man's worship was an affair of churches and altars and shrines, not of the fireside. The father was not the priest of the household; the mother's knee was not * Cutts, Parish Priests and their People, ch. xxvii. See Grandisson's Register, Index, p. 1716, for a great number of private chapels. •■'-« m^ 1 1^ Vl ^1 -vj 2 INTRODUCTION the children's altar. The official teachers did not lay much stress on family worship. John Myrc, it is true, expressed the hope that his hearers "prayen well at hom yn your houses^," but he did not stay to em- phasise the point. To retort that he was preaching about the Church may help to explain the fact, but does not explain it away. Pubhc devotions were definitely preferred to private as less self-centred and more helpful to the general body of the faithful. St Margaret, said Myrc, "wyll con you more }>onk forto make a masse sayd yn )?e worschip of her )>en forto fast mony evenes bred and watyr wythout masse*." Without the EngUsh Bible family worship could not take any considerable part in the religious life of the people. Little was heard of "pure religion breathing household laws," nor does it seem to have been a prominent ideal of the age. The influence of devout parents must indeed have been strong in the fourteenth as in other centuries. The old question, "What mean ye by this service? " would often be upon a child's lips when daily life was honeycombed by religious observances: graces and crossings at meals*, Ave and Pater, invocation of saints, defences against evil spirits, obeisance to shrines and images — these would arouse the curio- sity of children and aiford occasion for homely instruction. And yet the traces of lay teaching are to be discerned only very faintly. It was, after all, an * Festial, p. 279. • ibid. p. 286. ■ ibid. p. 199. INTRODUCTION 3 inconsiderable amount of reUgious instruction that the average man received from sources not distinctly ecclesiastical. What, then, were the regular ecclesi- astical channels by which reUgion came to the lay- man? The parish church was the chief of them, and the influence of the parish church was felt through the Mass, the sermon, and the confessional system. i r —2 L 'j<>.jr* 1^ ^;'»» i^ :^><>:A^^i%f;v:^ . •^«5Ijjyj^.»*^~r--wir;:w-* ^.-j*^ »^> v- CH. I] THE MASS CHAPTER I THE MASS How often did the ordinary layman hear the Divine Service of the Mass? What did it mean to him when he heard it? Could he take an intelligent part in it, or was it a piece of incomprehensible magic? In most churches Mass was said every day, and unless he had a sufficient excuse every Christian might be expected to attend. Medieval literature is full of casual references to daily attendance at Mass, and, as far as it goes, this evidence is conclusive. In some ranks of society at least it was customary to begin the day with Divine Service. For the leisured classes Mass was, Hke dinner, a part of the daily routine. It was a regular preface to a day's hunting, and was often mentioned merely as an indication of the hour. Every one was urged to be present at the daily service if he could, but many exceptions were allowed. The majority of the people did not attend each day, nor was it expected of them. The "common people" were always exempt because of their agricultural work. To chyrche come, ^ef J>ow may, And here |>y masse vche day. r said Myrc, but he recognised that this would often be impossible, and went on to add And jef )>ow may not come to ch5rrche. Where euer |»at |>ow do worche, When )>ow herest to masse knylle. Prey to God wy|> herte stylle'. On Sundays, when Httle work was done, the " com- mon people '* as well as their masters were free to hear Mass, and were liable to fines if they did not do so. A general attendance was expected, too, on the greater feast-days, for these were observed as care- fully as Sundays 2. And yet John Myrc apparently looked for a larger congregation on Sunday than on the feast-day; for we find him usually arranging for the sermon about a saint to be preached not on the saint's own festival, but on the Sunday immediately preceding it^. The mid-morning Mass was the prin- cipal and best-attended service. Many people con- sidered matins quite superfluous*, and though church- going was general in the fourteenth century there were always some folk who spent little time in church till they were finally carried thither^. They preferred to pass the hour of service in bed, in the tavern, in games, or in dressing themselves*. • Instructions, 1603. Cf. Mir our, 16244. ■ Festial, p. 266. All Saints : attendance urged at evensong on the vigil, and at matins. Mass, and evensong, on the day itself. Trokelowe, p. 340. People at church on Corpus Christi. Mirour, 5245 and 5619. Though "ly Sompnolent" sleeps at service and "Lachesce" is late, it is clear that they attend church "en haulte feste." > Festial, pp. 11, 18, 52, 79, 132, 138, 142. 146. 175, etc., and contrast, for a few sermons oir holy days, pp. 26, 30, 38, etc. • Mirour, 5179. * Vox Clam. vii. 829. • Tour Landry, chap, cviii. p. 145. V it* J ''.•'*-.^' • V ^» <■ - • — , A ■ - V'-l' fcv-; >viT •■'•*■ I :4l r- >l r .VI J..* -^x THE MASS [CH. ' It might appear that the layman was a mere spectator watching a ceremony which he could not understand. Except on the rarest occasions he did not himself communicate*. In a popular explanation of the service there was no direction about this; the chance that the worshippers would communicate was so unHkely that the author felt safe in ignoring it. Lydgate indeed frankly taught that there was no need to partake of the bread; to see the priest's communion was quite as efficacious*. Until the time came for the distribution of that " holy bread " which was carefully distinguished from the sacrament itself the layman had not the interest of going forward to take his share in the service^. This was not the chief obstacle. It was the use of Latin which most effectually prevented congre- gational worship*. However it may have been in earlier times, by the end of the fourteenth century the Latin of the Mass was unintelligible to most people*. In books intended for general use Latin quotations were usually translated. Even French was becoming pedantic. Institutions hke the law- courts were recognising the language of the ordinary man«, and the Church itself did so when it was V See chap. vi. p. 6i below. « Merita Missae, line 127. • Walsingham, i. p. 475, gives quaint testimony to this weekly custom. Cf. Hand. Synne, 7301; Instructions, 1345. • Rosmini, Five Wounds of the Holy Church, chap. i. Of the Wound in the Left Hand of the Holy Church, which is the Division between the People and the Clergy in Public Worship (especially sections 13, 14, 15-19). • e.g. Mirour, 27475 ; Conf. Afnan. vi. 980. • In 1362. Parliament was opened by an English speech in the following year. ft I] THE MASS 7 essential that the people should understand exactly what was said. If an excommunicated person was denounced, it was stated with great care that the people should be warned in the vulgar tongue, that they might know what was said to them^. In the Anglo-Saxon Chiirch it had perhaps been usual to translate the Gospel into English after it had been read in Latin, but this concession to local dialect ceased at the Norman Conquest*. According to one school of opinion it was indeed unnecessary for the congregation to know what was being said at Mass. The liturgy was a sort of magic which could not fail to benefit the hearers whether they understood it or no. It was compared to the spell by which conjurers charm an adder. Little as it might convey to their minds, the people were told, '>e verrey vertu 30W alle a-vayles^." It seemed that the priest was satis- fied so long as the charm served to produce "mass- pennies"— for in the offertory at least the layman was first encouraged, and afterwards compelled, to take his part. Whon he torne|> a-non \>e tille. Go vp to him with ful good-wille And |>i peny him profre*. But this comparison of the Mass to the charming of an adder was no fair representation of what the Mass was intended to be, or of what in fact it was to many congregations. The mere existence of the Lay Folks Mass Book is sufficient to show that something more * Grandisson's Register, pp. 1053, 1061, 1109, II49. * Lay Folks Mass Book, p. 211. * Manner and Mede of the Mass, line 447. * ihid. line 512. i.i ,> -i-'l m I 8 THE MASS [CH. was attempted in the later Middle Ages; it represents a serious attempt to make the Mass intelligible first to those who spoke French and later to the English^. The structure and purport of the service were ex- plained in jingling verse, the thoughts of the wor- shipper were directed, and free translations of many prayers were supplied. These last the reader was advised to "con with-outen boke" that he might spend the time of Mass profitably and devoutly*. The prayers given were admirable for their simple piety. No one could fail to understand them, and the popular religion which they represented cannot be dismissed as a superstition unintelligible even to those who professed it*. The Lay Folks Mass Book was not a translation of the liturgy. It rested on a theory that the priest and the layman ought to approach God, not by the same, but by different ways. Even their creeds were not identical; the priest used the Nicene formula, the people an English version of the Apostles' Creed. Some of the prayers were adapted from the liturgy*; and some parts, like the Gloria in Excelsis, Sursum Corda, z.nd Agnus Dei, were translated and expanded*. To translate the whole of the liturgy would have been regarded as an act of desecration. Though some of it * L. F. M. B. pp. xxxii, xlix. « ibid, line 625. » tbid. lines 187, 314, 428. Cf. Instructions. 290. * L.F.M.B. line 336 et seq., a parallel to the prayer for the Church Militant in earth ; cf. St Ambrose's prayer in Mann^ and Mede of Mass, line 620. ^ L F. M. D. Une 119 (Gloria). Une 516 (Agnus Dei); Manner and Mede of Mass, line 549 (Sursum Corda), line 596 (Agnus •I 1] THE MASS 9 might be rendered into English with propriety, there was a deep-rooted feeling against any such treatment of the more sacred parts. The words of consecration in particular, those " fyue wordes... J?at no mon but a prest shulde rede^" were held in the same awe that the Jews had for the Name of Jehovah. Alexander VII expressed no new feeling in the Church when, in 1661, he condemned a translation of the whole missaF. Only the blasphemous, he thought, could have en- deavoured thus "to cast down and trample the majesty of the most sacred rite embodied in the Latin words, and by their rash attempts expose to the vulgar the dignity of the holy mysteries*." The object of the Lay Folks Mass Book was, therefore, not to make the congregation understand what the priest was saying. Two devotions, one lay and one clerical, were to proceed at the same time. According to Lyndwood, who quoted an early fourteenth cen- tury writer, the Canon of the Mass was said in silence ne impediatur populus orare^. For illiterate people the Lay Folks Mass Book offered no solution of the difficulty. The Mass re- mained unintelligible and uninteresting. All that could be done was to urge If )>ou kan noghte rede ne saye }py pater-noster rehers alwaye*. * Manner and Mede of Mass, Une 674. « Bull quoted /.. F. M. B. p. 388 (note). » Lyndwood, lib. 1. tit. 10, ut archidiaconi (a). Cf. L. F. M. B. pp. XX and 364 (Dr Christopherson quoted). * L. F. M. B. "C" Text, line 89. Lay brethren among the friars, the Cistercians (for whom this Text was written), and other orders often had no more advanced devotions. Cf . Myrc's story, Festiai, p. 279. 5 f ■ I i rr^^-'f- y'i.f^^jt^ TO THE MASS [CH, This, to say the least, was a remedy of doubtful merit. Merely to repeat Pater noster for oneself was as wearisome as to hear Latin collects said bv others. Few members of an ordinary congregation could make either practice a channel of living devotion. Yet the only thing that the author of the Lay Folks Mass Book could suggest for the ignorant worshipper ^as that he should repeat a Pater and an Ave a. dozen times in the course of a single Mass^. The book at best could appeal only to a small number of laymen, and the author unconsciously recognised this. He seems to have had in mind the wealthier and better instructed. The readers were told to pray for their " tenandes and servandes," but there was no alterna- tive petition for masters and lords*. The villein and the tenant would not use the book. In any congregation, too, the great majority must still have been untouched by the growing use of English prymers and translations of the Gospels. The references in wills to "my prymer" prove that among those classes that made wills the prymer was common enough^. The phrase "a Httle book like a prymer" is also substantial evidence. But most people possessed no books and for them the prymer was as if it did not exist. In the fifteenth century it became common for the wealthy to follow the lessons in English as the priest read them in Latin. Many of the translations of the Gospels remain, but their very magnificence proves that, Hke the prymer, they were > L. F. M. B. lines 60, 82. 152, 261, 297, 398, 423, 480, 574, 601, 621. " ihid. line 369. • See chap. iv. p. 47 below. I _- J THE MASS II never in general use. Most of the poorer people who had English versions were of doubtful orthodoxy, and from the trials of Lollards it is clear that a poor man who possessed a translation was suspected. Most men, therefore, went to Mass unprovided with any aid to worship. They were left either to improvise > their devotions as the service proceeded, or to repeat any prayers that they might know by heart. And some knew none*. Whilst members of the congregation were saying their own prayers in English or in such Latin as they could*, most of the formal responses were made by the clerks alone. But it was still expected that the layman would take some little part in the Latin liturgy (with the sound of which he must have been very familiar). Priest and people were supposed to say together the Orate in the Offertory, possibly the Sanctus, and the Libera nos a mala in the Pater at the end of the Canon^; other parts, like the Confession, might be said by the layman " loude or stille*," as he pleased. The tendency was to leave the service more and more to the clerks alone, and it was to combat this that the translator of the Lay Folks Mass Book laboured. He was anxious that the congregation should continue to take their share in the better known portions. At least they should join in the Pater, bot answere at temptacionem set libera nos a malo, amen, hit were no nede |>e ))is to ken, for who con not |>is are lewed men*. > See chap, iv p. 43 below. * Festial, p. 282. > L. F. M. B. p. xix. * ibid, line 52. » ihid. line 488. I ; £ itfi ^Jl * - • -«' Dives and Pauper, i. i. 4. Cf. Festial. p. 279. « See also chap. iv. pp. 49-50 below. . » e.g. in the writings of Julian of Norwich, of RoUe. in Dtves and Pauper, Piers Plowman, Quia A more Langueo. I ^ i ^•?l? • "l^r i.JfCl ..^/« THE MASS [CH; It may be allowed, then, that the imagery arid the symbolic actions helped in some degree to interpret to the laity a Latin hturgy which was in itself in- comprehensible to them. Most of the worshippers realised the broad outlines of the doctrine of the atonement. They understood that the Mass repre* sented the Holy Supper instituted by our Lord before He suffered. They saw something of the love of God manifested in the sacrifice of His Son. But there is no evidence that the details of the elaborate ritual con- veyed any clear or definite meaning to the average church-goer. He could scarcely be expected to re- member that the stole represented "ye rop y' he (our Lord) was led w* to his deth. The girdel the bondes yat he was bounde with to the pyler and to the crosse,*' or that the mitre of a bishop "betokneth the crowne of thornes y* crist bare on his hede for mannes sake. And therfore the mytre hathe two sharpe homes in tooken of the sharpe t homes i." The mystic interpretation was well enough for the experts, but it was not usually obvious to the layman or to the majority of the clergy. Even Gower did not expound symbols from his own knowledge; he copied from Aurora word for word 2. In its enthusiasm for symboHsm the Church had overshot the mark. The holy drama was too exact to be followed, too scientific to be popular. To understand the elaborated ritual demanded at least as much scholarship as the Latin rite itself. The ordinaiy man was left at the end very ^ D.& P. VIII. 8. 3. • Vox Clam. in. chap. xxiv. THE MASS 15 nearly where he had been at the beginning. He might be interested, but he could hardly be edified; his wonder was increased, but his mind was not in- formed. Even when the ritual was explained there was room for an infinite variety of fantastic inter- pretationsi; but if we may judge from the universal love of show and pageantry at civic and military festivities* it is probable that mere ceremonial, how- ever httle understood, helped to attract the people and to popularise the Mass. - It is a one-sided view that sees in the Mass only or chiefly a service for the visible congregation. A ghostly company was present too. The liturgy was supposed not only to confirm the faith of the living, but to give peace to the souls of the dead. The names on the bede-roll were read to remind the people for whose benefit they had assembled; prayer was asked for particular souls as well as for the general multi- tude of tlie faithful departed^. Usually the names were familiar. The worshippers had seen and talked with him who was now commemorated in the parish church where once he too had prayed. There was this human interest in the Mass which it is easy to overlook. We are apt to conceive it as a pubUc meeting intended to advance the cause of rehgion either by its appeal to the unconverted or by its 1 e.g. the "ii lunges on the preestes shuldre" commonly said to mean that England was twice renegade and perverted, but truly signifying that the priest should teach by example and precept. £>. & P. viii. 8. 5. « e.g. Brut, Part 11. p. 380. » The request for memorial masses is almost invariable in Fifty Earliest English Wills. I 1 11 1 1 i •;i ':.'» ''^ J'*, \^'. ... - *<. r?r-^S'?r* ^^j^RndHM^2i)%. « ■.1 ".^^ I6 THE MASS [CH. I stimulating influence upon professing Christians. Judged so, the fourteenth century Mass must be pro- nounced a failure, but in truth any such judgment is irrelevant. For the Mass was not devised to make an impression on the beholders. It was not primarily a meeting for propaganda or appeal or instruction ; it was a union of faithful souls to adore and commemo- rate their God, a meeting of the Church Mihtant with the Church Triumphant, an attempt to reahse the communion of saints in heaven and in earth. ;^.#t CHAPTER II THE SERMON EvEi^ before the Reformers had discovered the Sacra- ment of the Preached Word preaching was one of the • chief means used to instruct the laity. Yet the clergy did not practise it so faithfully as some^ have repre- sented. It was the duty of the parish priest to ex- pound to his flock the Creed, the Ten Command- ments, the Paler, and the Ave at least three or four times a year. This was very little, but most people had regarded the delivery of sermons as one of the minor duties of the clergy. The holy day, said Myrc, was ordained to hear God's service and the Mass— he did not mention preaching 2. There was, however, in the fourteenth century a growing desire for ser- mons. WycHf expressed it most violently^, but his opinion was not unique*; nor was it confined to his followers. Archbishop Thoresby in 1357 could no J ^'^' ^jsquet. Parish Life in Medieval England, chap x • and even Trevelyan, England in the Age of Wycliffe, p. 128 ' * Instructions, 889. j y jj r » e.g. Matthew, iv. p. 55; the whole of v.. especially p 112- VII. p. 150. * -^ *^ *^' T *i.^ jV .^"^^'^^ Catechism, Thoresby's version, line 48, and LoUardizmg version, line 48. . M. \ fi I K y'-» \. ^-* >'^^'^Sf^'-mr. i8 THE SERMON [CH. longer rest satisfied with the three or four sermons in a year which had contented Peckham two generations before*; he thought that the clergy in his province ought to instruct the laity every week, "at least on the Lord's day'." The author of Dives and Pauper valued preaching even above the administration of the Sacraments', and denounced those "theues of goddes worde" who neglected to teach the people, and drew on themselves the punishment threatened by Ezekiel*. The more energetic priests were trying to supply the demand for sermons, and to remove from their order the reproach of "doumbe houndes^." They composed courses of sermons, providing appropriate discourses for the Sundays and holy days in the year', and it is clear that the people responded to their efforts. "Mony haue lyst to here honest talkyng," said Myrc, "and namely yn hyr holydays forto be ocupyed yn gode'"; therefore he urged * L. F. C, Text "P." line i6, p. 7. « ibid. Text "C." line 13. p. 6. * D. &> P. V. 10; especially column 4: "And rather a man shulde forbere hys messe than hys sermoun. For by prechynge folke be styrede to contricion and to forsake synne and the fende, and to loue god.... By the messe be they not so. But if they come to messe in synne, they goo awey in synne; and shrewis they come, and shrewys they wende." Cf. vii. 12. 6, where "teaching and preaching" are set before "sacramentes yeuig" in an account of the duties of the clergy. Ferrers Howell, Bernardino of Siena, p. 219, "You should let the Mass go, rather than the sermon." Matthew, xxvii. p. 441. Knighton, 11. p. 179, Purvey's opinion. Fasc. Ziz. p. 409, Sautrey's opinion. « £). (S- P. VII. 3. 2; Ezekiel iii. • Piers Plowman, B. x. 287. • e.g. Myrc, Festidl; Neale, Medieval Preaching: Fasciculus Morum. » Festial, p. 191. U] THE SERMON 19 parsons to " occupy holy festys of pe 3ere " with pious discourses!, showing by his stories about Nero's death^ how the gaps could be filled, if the official history of the saint had been deHvered on the Sunday preceding^. It is significant that in the tirades of most moralists against the faults of the age there were no complaints that people would not hear sermons*. The congregations were indeed more ready to hsten than the priests to preach. It was by their preaching that the friars won much of their influence They preached to make themselves popular, and were popular because they preached. Their enemies ad- mitted regretfully the effectiveness of their sermons though Gower found a few who were idle and unwilling to fulfil this duty«. The friars' churches and the new parochial churches of this and the following century were built as great preaching halls, wide and comfort- able and easy to speak in. Wydif has made it clear that in his day three sorts of sermons were known : the string of anecdotes the scholastic discussion, and the practical exposi- tion of the Word. The first two he condemned. To dehver moral exhortations based on the Bible appeared to him the most useful function of a priest Yet he was ready to confess that the anecdotal ser^ mon was the most popular as he complained that it was the most usual. "To sum men," he said "it • ibid. p. 191. " Festial, p. 196. • Cf. p. 5 above. * Myrc laments the wickedness of the oeonli. "u^^h u- 2 — 2 ■'»>r^-' .:-^ --Vlr-J^^ 'i^^r^r- '» -^ »-e|j 'Ti ■/'*?•*-.• '.««.«:: >-.e talis J>at J^ei fynden in seintis lyves,.or wiJ>outen holi writt; and sich ]?ing plesij> ofte more ]?e peple^." The friars in particular were skilful in charming their hearers by a flow of stories, always marvellous and sometimes edifying*. They knew that the fourteenth century Englishman loved a well told tale, and they accommodated his taste. They were accused of neglecting Divine Service to spend their time hunting for anecdotes which would adorn their sermons'. Wyclif was never tired of re- proaching those who "techen opynly fablys, crony- klis, and lesyngis, and leuen cristis gospel and )>e maundementis of god, and 3it don )>ei >>is principaly for worldly wynnynge, frendschipe, or veyn name*." This was not an unfair description of many medieval sermons. Most of those in Myrc's Festial are mere strings of legends, the unreason of which is their least fault. In the fourteenth century they were perhaps less incredible than in the twentieth, but they cannot have been less barren. Most of the stories had no object but to declare the marvellous powers of some saint*, and, many of them being irrelevant, even that purpose was not always served. The regular plan was to tell first any Biblical narrative concerning the * Arnold, Select English Works, vol. i. p. 332. * See Little, Studies in English Franciscan History, chap. iv. for an account of their sermon note-books : Liher Exemplorum and Speculum Laicorum of the thirteenth century, Les Conies Moralises and Fasciculus Moriim of the fourteenth. * Pierce the Ploughman's Crede, line 591. ^ Matthew, i. p. 16. * Festial is full of these legends; e.g. the talking bird that called on St Thomas (p. 43), St Dunstan's mother (p. 60), the hand of St Thomas of India (p. 20). n] THE SERMON 21 saint, but, that once done, no wonder was too pre- posterous if only it would hold the people's attention. At times, however, the stories were useful. Parables drawn from daily life, vividly told and easily under- stood, helped to fix the mind of the congregation and gave definite emphasis to a preacher's wbrds^. Some few of the legends were more than useful; they had a beauty and a piety indescribable, and an appreciation of the spirit of the Gospel impossible to translate into plain exhortation. Myrc concluded his Christmas sermon with a story which must stand for many. There was once, he said, a woman guilty of lechery who in her remorse dared not think of judgment, of heaven, or of hell. Judgment she feared, for heaven she was unfit, hell she had well deserved. Even the thought of Christ's Passion brought her no relief- she could not forget that she had been "unkind to him who suffered it for her." At last she called to mind that our Lord had been a child. Children, she knew, took no revenge for wrong, and she cried out to Christ "prayng hym for his chyldhede J>at he wold haue mercy on hor." She was heard and her sin was forgiven 2. Worthless or useful, the stories were well told and if they did little good they did little harm. At worst .the preacher provided an agreeable interiude in the sad, hard life of his hearers. Though there might be httle moral gain, an innocent interest and a momen- tary relief were provided for the harassed poor, ' RoUe, English Prose Treatises, iv. p 8 Cf Kail virvt p. 143, a paialle very characteristic of Sie age ' ^'* Festt(^, p. 26, cf. p. 19 (The heavenly p^ace). * - .--7 ^^^'^^TpK <^P3^^BK3i^B5BWH^^3^SS©tf^^^., ^Iv.' ^^/^v^'-ii^^^ 22 THE SERMON [CH. depressed by plagues, terrified by earthquakes and eclipses, half-starved by drought and flood. There is small reason to wonder that the friars against whose sermons the severe reformer railed were heard gladly by the common people. For the scholastic dissertation there was far less defence. The peasants and the craftsmen could de- rive neither pleasure nor instruction from it. It served only to exalt the preacher, and proclaim his wisdom. Friars could not resist the temptation to add to their reputation in this way. Not content with amusing their congregations with vain legends, complained WycUf, they paraded their academic sophistries instead of declaring the simple word of God. It would be more profitable to "studien bisily holy writt & techen it more >>an veyn sophistrie & astronomye & more >>an pe popis decretalis & fablis & cronyclisi.'' The manner in which the fourth commandment could be so construed as to recom- mend almsgiving 2, the perfections of the number six», the inner meaning of the repeated Yea and Nay^, -—these expositions of Scripture which dehghted the medieval scholar were of no value to the ordinary congregation. The intricate subdivision and the tortuous allegories did but hide truth from the plain man*. Though Wyclif was at times guilty of an occasional lapse into these subtleties, he agitated consistently for another type of sermon, more practical than the J Matthew, xiv. p. ^25. * D.S-P. iv. 25. » tbid III. 2. 4 ii^ia. II. 6. 4. Cf . Loci eLibro Veritatum, p. 24, quoted belowin note 7. p. 26. %' -liiirj^y: ,>,^ - »ar.33r* ^^'W'^ "] THE SERMON 23 schoolman's thesis, more instructive than the mar- vellous anecdote. " We holden )>is manere good, — to leeve sich wordis, and triste in God, and telle sureH his lawe and speciali his gospellisi." The friars and the prelates might protest that truth was too mystically enshrined in the Bible to be comprehended by the layman : " it is false to I?e lettere & men wytyj? neuere what it mene]?*." Wyclif was not without his answer: "si)> goddis lawe is so myche & so hard to vndirstondc.whi schuUe worldly curatis & pre- latis make so many bokis of here newe lawis for to meyntene here pride & coueitise & worldly array?^" If Scripture was difficult to understand, that was only an additional reason for studying and expound- ing it. WycHf himself usually refused to be drawn aside into the by-paths of difficult exegesis; it was his method to pass lightly over abstruse questions, to teach the simple lessons of righteous living. *' Muse we not " on this point, was his advice when an obscure passage was reached*. "Beside lettre of this gospel, mai men meve doutis of scole; but me J?inki)? now, it is bettre to touch lore of vertues^." Wyclif has left us many models of the expository sermons which he approved. The ordinary congre- gation might find them more dull than Myrc's racy anecdotes, but the serious Hstener could not fail to * learn from them infinitely more of the content of the ' Arnold, vol. i. p. 332. « Matthew, iv. p. 89; cf. xviii. pp. 264. 266; xxiii. p. 343. • tbid. II. p. 38. • e.g. How did the kingdom come from Archelaus to Heiod? Arnold, vol. i. p. 339. • ibid. vol. I. p. 338. :i. ! V n \ . - «■•- ^» . %• ^ »■ •V ^ » •^ . ^^^ r^ .-mf *- •::•-. .-^^ " -*:-^.7-,--..-: — . THE SERMON [CH. Bible and the obligations of the Christian profession. This style of preaching was not peculiar to Wyclif and his followers, but it was not common. WycHf suggested one reason why the parish priests so rarely expounded the Bible: "fewe curatis han J>e bible^ & exposiciouns of >>e gospehs, & htel studien on hem & lesse donne after hem^." Yet a few of the orthodox- even Myrc himself sometimes— did expound the Scriptures as ably, and apply them as appropriately, as Wyclif. No rigid theory of verbal inspiration deterred the medieval narrator from adding many suggestive details to the bare Bible stories; no scholarly scruples hampered him when he heightened the effects, or drove the moral home, by the most curious of anachronisms. Not content with the state- ment in the Gospel that Herod "slew all the children that were in Bethlehem and in all the coasts thereof," Myrc could add tenderly of the children, " J>ay dydden lagh on hom )>at slowen hem and playde wyth hor hondes when >>ay seen hor bryght swerdes schyne^/' In one branch of his art the medieval preacher was » This, Mr Coulton tells me. is borne out by the many wills *°? i?7?*^"^*^ °^ ^^^ cJ^'-gy ^J^ich remain. ^ torum in Brown, Fasciculus Return, vol. ii. p. 47:. pnlrilf 1* P- l^- ^^- P- ^^' Stephen kneeled to pray for his !SZh / ^^''''^^ not when he prayed for himself, because he r « sinP^ '"^"^ devoutly for their benefit than for Ws own p. 53. Saul was so mad agamst the Christians that he "snorted ^e nose and fro^e at |>e mowth"; p. 190 St Paul was ex ecuted honourably because, unlike St^Pete^. he w^ Tlrlat gentieman; p. 79. sins of Judas. Arnold, vol i p ^7 Chritt Z^^^"^ ^iT *^^ ?^^.^"^ '^' ^^' *h^ir breath keVw^mwa^ n that cold time. Cf. Morris. Alliteratwe Poems "PaSencI^ hne 475, p. 106. Jonah's Gourd. Hand. Syn^Xyg ' n] THE SERMON 25 singularly expert. He could stir the feelings and appeal to the heart with tremendous effect. Except by the preachers of the Evangehcal Revival the message of Calvary has never been so powerfully set forth. Contemplation of the Crucified had been for centuries the supreme exercise of devotion, and the fourteenth century had inherited a spiritual ex- perience the depth of which we can scarcely appreci- ate. Modern religious thought and sentiment are not concentrated so exclusively on the Divine tragedy, and with the old obsession something of the old appreciation has been lost. As the early Protestants were men of one book — their language borrowed from the Bible, their thought coloured by it — so the medieval Christian was a man of one event. The Passion of Christ was his daily meditation. It was not for nothing that he crossed himself a score of times each day. Over the whole medieval world lay, the broad shadow of the Cross. With the fifteenth century new interests broke in to disturb the con- templation, but for men living in the fourteenth the old experience was still valid and unchallenged. The preacher who spoke of the Passion struck a chord which already vibrated in his hearers' hearts. The response was spontaneous and often over- whelming. The finest passages in the Dialogue of Dives and Pauper are disguised sermons on this theme^. Pauper might try to regulate his words suitably for an intimate discussion, but in fact he was pleading with a congregation. The periods were > JD. (S- P. X. 3. '.; 26 THE SERMON [CH. oratorical, but the appeals were not mere rhetoric. Myrc too rose to his greatest heights, and forgot his triviahty, when he dwelt on this subjects The echoes of these sermons can be found in much popular poetry*, and in the discourses of the Knight of La Tour Landry, whose quaint presentation of the sacrifice of Christ was perhaps the most affecting of all». In the fourteenth as in the early nineteenth century* the terrors of " hell fire *' were presented with the "love of God to men"; and each picture set of! the other. The vigour of the descriptions must be admitted*. It is not surprising that the conscience of the hardened sinner was disturbed*. Distinct from preaching properly so called^ ^ Festial, pp. H2, 113. n fi^^V ^?''T^S',®- ""^"^ ^"^ '^vi. 160-6. Kail. XIX. Pn„?o f""'^^?^^' Pohttcal, Religious, and Love Poems, p. 150 Fn/n/i^^^ if "f'^^'^i.P- '^ (Complaynt of Criste). p. 204 iS.^stl''!^^^^^^^^^^ ft^^^- ^44 (A. B. C. on the piJon ot . Tennyson, Northern Cobbler, ix. » es Festial o < • ibid. p. 287. Walsingham vol. i. p. igg^V Effect of the »XK ^^ ^^^^^^^^^ History, p. 123 9rrJ^t?'**^*'*^® °' delivering discourses on particular words of aJF^^^^f^ populansed by the friars. Gairdner. Lollardy and the Reformation, vol z p. 229. note, with reference to rnian^'c* ^u^V^'-^'i^i,^: ^r'*''^ Veritatum (Passages from Gas- coignes Theological Dictionary), pp. 18 and 44 "IJle enim SllJS^ "i?^"' praedicandi (5.. sumendo theml et inducend^ f i^^r^ . thematis assumpti) intravit poslquam ordines fratrum ecclesiam intravernnt. sed priedicare materias assumptas declarando. et textum scripluVae sacrae s^undum SLalir^'n 'r P«^*^"^"^«' ^^^ exponendo. fuit mc^s pm™ t^ a^^?^"^^ patrum" (p. 44). •'Modernos praedica- Snn^J^ concordancias vocales textuum quam circa declara- aonem rerum uUhum" (p. 24). Cf. pp. /79-80; 183-4 n] THE SERMON 27 whether expository, emotional, or anecdotal, was the medieval ''instruction," simpler, less pretentious, but perhaps more useful for imparting knowledge to an ignorant populace^. The historical facts contained in the Creed were enlarged upon, the Commandments appUed to daily life, the contents of the Pater ex- plained, the cardinal virtues recommended, the deadly sins denounced. With admirable directness these " instructions" supplied that sort of information which was embodied later in the Anglican catechism*. But many of the clergy were themselves too badly educated to give such teaching to others. It was for these priests that Peckham, Myrc, and Thoresby wrote. The Lollards complained that priests were not severe enough in their denunciation of wickedness, whilst the friars preached nothing but "mercie & mensks," "all of pardon to plesen the puple*." "Many men for sich slowJ?e of sharp reprouyng. synnen meche, for sharp wordis byten ofte where softe speche shulde not moue...& herfore freris (be- cause they were the most active preachers) shulden loke whe]?er )?ei ben coupable in )>is synne, & amende hem }>erof ^" But this was not the only verdict. One severe critic of the age declared himself fairly well satisfied with such preaching as was done; his great * Gasquet, Parish Life, p. 213 et seq. * Lay Folks Catechism is a series of these "instructions" Festial, p. 282, example on the Pater. Kail, xxii. p. loi, is a reminiscence of "instructions." * Pierce the Ploughman's Crede, line 81. * ibid, line 74. * Matthew, xxii. p. 313. r ' f^«* Tx ^8 THE SERMON [CH. II complaint was about quantity not quality. But he thought that plainer speaking was necessary about flattery, " the grete synne that al the lond is entriked in & al cristendome knowth*." Even Gower, who can be trusted to complain wherever complaint is possible, bears reluctant testimony to the merit of some of the preaching; time after time he contrasts the discourses of the clergy with their evil lives*. A recent judgment on the preaching of the friars is still more favourable. "The itinerant preachers/' says Mr Little, "knew the difficulties and sorrows and temptations of the people they addressed ; they were not afraid to castigate the vices of all classes, and to insist on the performance of duties; they gave courage to the poor and oppressed. The teaching on the whole, with some marked exceptions, was bracing and stimulating'." » D. (S- P. V. 5. 2. « Fo;«r Clatn. iv. cap. xvii. Conf. Aman. Prologue, 417, 449; • A. G. Little, English Franciscan History, p. 156. *^' , -d _ *. CHAPTER III ' i THE CONFESSIONAL The scantiness of sermons and religious literature was less serious than might at first appear. Though denied some channels of instruction, the fourteenth century layman could avail himself of one that has since been closed. He could seek guidance through the confessional. To-day every man is his own casuist. Christian principles are stated broadly in a general way, but to the particular circumstances of a man's own life the Church does not usually attempt to apply them. In the Middle Ages it was not so. Preaching was spasmodic and insufficient, partly be- cause the administration of confession made it less necessary. Less care was given to the public ex- position of the Gospel, but greater pains were taken to provide private advice for individual difficulties. Many of the troubles of the Church arose from the gradual superseding of confession by preaching. In the eariier days when ignorance was deeper, con- fession had been adequate for the need of the ordinary congregation. Simple advice, not discussion nor ex- planation, had been wanted then. But the age of f| fi' Mr '• '^1 -^ \i ^1 ;•-. 30 THE CONFESSIONAL [CH. Edward III was self-conscious, self-reliant, critical, curious. It was prepared to take little on trust. It would hear all sides and form its own conclusions. The incarnation of this spirit was Chaucer; he was exceptional not in his inquisitiveness and his sym- pathies, but in the force and clarity with which he could express them. There was, consequently, a demand for sermons, whilst people were Httle de- posed to use the confessional. The new Orders were naturally the first to meet the popular demand. They were in closer touch with the masses. They were hampered by a less weighty tradition. Regarded from one side the quarrel of the friars and the parish clergy was the quarrel of the progressives and the conservatives. The friars recog- nised that the layman liked sermons and disliked confession, and they were prepared to readjust ecclesiastical machinery accordingly. They special- ised in preaching, and were accused of degrading the confessional. They were opportunists, but if they played to the gallery, it is to their credit that they saw what the gallery wanted. The conservatives in the Church — the bishops and the parish priests — were less sensitive to the demands of the age, more impressed by the value of traditional ways, more conscientious, perhaps, in their use of them. They deplored the contempt into which the confessional was falling, and were indignant at the profanation of it by the friars*. * In Wesleyan Methodism a situation has arisen which nearly resembles, and in part explains, the dilemma of the 7. Ill] THE CONFESSIONAL 31 The literature of the time was full of these con- troversies. Time after time it was urged that without confession and absolution no soul was safe. The danger of dying unshriven was a well, known theme. But and thei dye a sodejme dethe With-outen shrefte or penaunce. To helle they gone withouten lese, For thay can chese none oJ>er chaunse^. No prayers of the Church could avail those who died without absolution: *']>yn for3euenes mote be here," said My re 2. And how could forgiveness come, in- quired Gower, if confession were neglected?' The Knight of La Tour Landry had more than one vivid story to teach his daughters the advantages of regular and complete confession*. False pride in a reputation for holiness, which prevented her from declaring her sins, took St Gregory's mother to torment^. Church in the fourteenth century. Amongst the younger, members the class-meeting — an informal sort of lay con- fessional — has fallen into disuse, almost into contempt. Many of the younger ministers have accepted the situation. They have not devoted time or energy to what they consider an out-worn institution. The conservatives, especially the class- leaders, are extremely bitter about this "neglect," and accuse the ministers of "kilHng" the class-meeting. The old forms are no longer observed. Often the minister does not "meet" each class separately, as formerly was the custom ; he " meets" a group of classes, where, say the conservatives, the proper work cannot be done. To complete the parallel there is a cry against the sale of holy things. The class ticket of membership is given to people who do not attend class, but who pay "class-money." What could be more like the old cry against the friars: 'they sell absolution'? ' P. /?. (S- L, Adulterous Falmouth Squire, hne 146, p. 97. * Hand. Synne, 598, cf. 11385. ' Mirour, 6128. * Tour Landry, chap. viii. p. 11; chap. ix. p. 12. * P. R. &' L. Trentsille Sancti Gregorii, line 25, p. 84. vv; I . 1 , \l I ir'rit' • ai£.W.^AtJ ^'mmmi^'^ K^- :VJ ■ \y-\ 32 THE CONFESSIONAL [CH. Many thought an annual confession sufficient. Be- fore they received communion at Easter they un- burdened their consciences to the priest^. This was not deemed satisfactory by the clergy; who could remember all his sins for twelve months? My re warned each of his hearers "all way [to] kepe his concyens clene not forto abyde from lenton to lenton, but as sone as he ieleye J?at he hath synnet, anoon goo chryue hym, and mekly tak6 the dome of his schryft- fader*." Yet there were those who did not confess even once a year. Lent came and went, and they remained in their sins'. Some delayed until death overtook them*. It was not enough merely to go to confession. Re- pentance, faith, and good resolutions were necessary^. To go carelessly, laughing on the way to the priest, was to invite condemnation*. To tell part of one's sins to one confessor and part to another — to confess "by parcelles" — was to steal absolution, and dis- please God'. Nor was it wise to confess to any clerk. Some had not the necessary wisdom®; some had not the necessary authority*. The parish priest, who had 'maystery" of the souls of his parishioners was the proper confessor. FitzRalph of Armagh with charac- * Mirour, 4431, 5623. Cf. Def. Cur. in Fasc. 11. p. 470: *'Romanus pontifex non potest," etc. ^ Festial, p. 2; Hand. Synne, 4783. * Piers Plowman, B. v. 420. * Hand. Synne, 4789. * ihid. 12619; P. R. 6- L. Christ's Own Complaint, lines 517, 529, p. 199. * Hand. Synne, IJ547. ' ibid. 1 1823, Summa, Supplementuni, Q. ix. A. 2. * Hand. Synne. 11587. • ibid. 11663. in] THE CONFESSIONAL 33 teristic vigour declared that neither the Pope nor God Himself could release a man from the obligation of confessing at least once a year to his parish priest^. The influence of the confessional may be measured both by the violence of the attacks upon it and by the suggestions of those who wished to see it still more effective. The psychology of the sinner was studied by the more able priests. They approached their spiritual "cases" with the discretion of experts, varying their own attitude according to the tempera- ment of the patient, now stern, now kindly, always impressive. Some penitents were so disheartened by any sign of disgust at their failings that the priest must talk to them like a fellow-sinner. Wonde |>ou not for no schame, [he was to say] Parauentur I haue done ]>e same, And fulhelt myche more, 3ef |>ow knew alle my sore?. "Freyne hym f>us," said Myrc, "& grope hys sore^." Others with less tender consciences might need to be severely catechised. By direct questions the con- fessor was to spread a net from which there was no escape^. The sinner must be kept strictly to the point; he was to reveal his own sins, not other men's. The priest must not enquire about his accomplices To do so would be backbiting and no shrifts Finally the priest must be diplomatic in imposing penance! he must weigh circumstanttas criminis, qualitatem ^ Def Cur. in Fasc. 11. pp. 470, 471. ■ A ^«^j''"^'^««^. 793- » ibid. 800. * tbid. 805-1398. ^ Hand. Synne, 11623; Wilkins. 11. p. 514. M. .3 I I ■ '/• y ■0 i-i I VA^^; --6??*^ •m^ 34 THE CONFESSIONAL [CH. personae, et genus delicti, tempus, et locum, causam et moram in peccato factum, devotionem etiam animi poenitentis^. If the layman was exhorted to accept the penance prescribed*, the priest was warned not to drive him to rebellion by indiscreet severity. The restive temper of the people must be taken into account, or the sacrament would fall into neglect. 3eue hym penaunce )>enne also J>at tyde. But non o)>cr J>en he wole take Wors }>enne lest J>ow hym make*. On dedly synne, as lawes techeth, To seuen jenis ende recheth. Paste bred & water vche fryday, And for-go flesch on Wednesday. But nowe [laments Myrc] be fewe t)at wole do so, periore a ly3ter way |k)u moste go*. There is the same ring of common-sense in the penances suggested. Not all were fooHsh, super- stitious, or degrading. To overcome pride, Myrc recommends his patient Ofte to knele, and er|>e to kys. And knowlache wel |>at er|>e he ys. And dede mennus bonus ofte to se. And J»enke |>at he schal syche be*. The indifference of the laity was not the worst trouble. The sacrament was abused by some of the clergy. The sale of absolution was one of the forms of simony most lamented by moralists, and WycUf > Wilkins, ii. p. 513, cf. Instructions, 1405. « Hand. Synne, 11 791. ' Instructions, 1522. * tbid. 1625. cf. Matthew, xxm. p. 336. • Instructions, 1557. I I >A. f# *« ni] THE CONFESSIONAL s ( * fi' ■I I 35 %. thought that false confessors were of all men nio^^ sinful^. The root of the evil was in the practice of '\; ^ n commuting personal acts for money payments; the same process which had destroyed the manorial com- munity was degrading the penitential system. All that had made either institution healthy and human was disappearing. The personal relation between the sinner and the priest was replaced by a " cash-nexus,' ' and the hideous system represented by Chaucer's Somnour was the inevitable result. Everybody saw that the purse was the decisive factor*, and it was possible for so loyal a churchman as Gower to charge the clergy with encouraging vice to increase their gains. A prostitute was, in the most Hteral sense, more profitable than a nun'. That the competition of the Mendicant Orders with the secular clergy increased this evil there seems Httle reason to doubt. Even if he were strictly con- scientious in giving absolution no stranger could administer this pecuUarly intimate rite so effectually as the resident*. Now the parish priest was the penitent's neighbour. He knew everyone's history and circumstances. The friars did not; For haue \e\ |>i money a mone|> |)erafter, Certes, |»ei3 \o\x come ajen he nyl |>e nojt knowen*. Sin appeared more shameful when it was told to a ^ Matthew, xvi. p. 247. * Vox Clam. 111. 197, and 223; iv, 760. Cf. Conf. Aman. Prologue, 407; Mirour, 20161. L. F. C. LoUardizing Version, line 767. Wright, Political Songs, vol. i. p. 324. Piers Plow- man, B. II. 171. * Mirour, 20149. * Def. Cur. in Fasc. 11. pp. 468, 471. * Pierce the Ploughman's Crede, line 248. 3—2 % . I -■ - -«. •"V, 36 THE CONFESSIONAL [CB. I man whom one saw every day*. The parish priest, too, was more likely to be at hand. The sick could confess at night in case of need^; husband and wife could confess, as they ought, to the same person*. There is, moreover, considerable evidence that friars were less strict and more venal than the secular clergy. The testimony of defeated rivals must not be accepted in toto, and the very success of the new Orders was in the eyes of the parish priest their most grievous offence; but when all allowance has been made the friars cannot be acquitted. They certainly had special temptations to pander to their charges, for they had no assured and independent income as their rivals had*. Ladies found them lenient, but from their intimacy with fair sinners the worst charges arose*. The parish priest, said popular opinion, is too ready to curse offenders*, but the friar is too ready to absolve them. Langland bitteriy de- scribed the friars as the favourite confessors of all classes, and gave his own reasons for their popularity'. From Lady Meed to the vulgar Sloth every notorious sinner turned to the false confessors who destroyed the world; '>ei seyn l?at }?ei wolen answere for men at domes day for to excuse hem 3if l?ei wolen 3efe hem or here hous to make gaye wyndowis or veyn ' Def. Cur. in Fasc. ii. p. 47i- * »^*^' ^^' "*• • ibid. loc. cit. • ibid. p. 469. ' » Mirour, 21265. 9145; Wright. Pohitcal Songs, vol. 1. pp. 264-6: Def. Cur. in Fasc. il. p. 479. ^ , • Hand. Synne. 10881. 10905. Wright, Political Songs, vol. I. p. 308. ' Piers Plowman, B. v. 140; xx. 281, 311. . Ill] THE CONFESSIONAL 37 housynge & nedles moche gold or siluer^." This was the echo of Langland's friar: We han a wyndowe a wirchyng wil sitten vs ful heigh; Woldestow glase that gable and graue there-inne thi name, Siker sholde thi soule be heuene to haue*. Each confessor was urged to do his part in checking these abuses. He ought not to administer the sacra- ment to all who asked for it. He ought to discover first whether the penitent were his parishioner; and if he were not satisfied about this he was to Theche hym home fayre hys way, But he schowe \>e I -wry ten, Where-by |>ou myjt wel I-wyten, pat he hath leue of hys prest To be I-schiyue where h5rm lust*. There is little evidence that this self-denying ordi- nance was observed, though it would have increased the power of the confessional immensely. Absolution, if more difficult to obtain, would have been more highly valued. Yet with all its defects the confessional was still one of the most powerful forces in popular reHgion. The Lollards realised that the vital issue in their conflict with the Church was not the papal authority nor even the doctrine of the Mass. It was the ab- solving power of the priest. WycHf in his tract Of Confession tried from all sides to undermine this rock of the Church. Beginning with the idea that ' Matthew., ix. p. 181 (cf. the heading). * Piers Plowman, B. in. 48. cf. Canterbury Tales, Prologue, 231- ' Instructions, 704. Cf. Wilkins, 11. p. 513. Summa, Supplementum, Q. viii., A. 4, 5, 6. .-•.-V ■•*« ! Si-» vy IV * I ■ ■\ i ! i i 1 ,8 THE CONFESSIONAL [CH- 1" everything depends upon the state of the individual soul he argued "confession mut be wilful, or ellis it is not medeful to man» " ; it was, moreover, an inven- tion of Innocent III ; our Lord never ordained it, and they who say that it is essential insinuate that He and His apostles should be blamed for the omission . God is weU content with silent repentance; "men shulden vndurstonde yat yt curtesie of god askiy> not of iche man to shriue him )»us by voice of mou^e. Men may repent silently as weU as sin silently, for god is as redy to jyue mercy as he is redy to take veniaunce*." The faith of the Church was corrupted when the priest seemed to make himself Gods . partner in forgiveness, as if God and he forgave to- gether or as if he could force God's action by his formula. The rite of the Greeks was less objection- able. Instead of saying " I assoyle " the priest prayed that God would do so*. Here at least the Lollards followed their master. This was the first charge brought against Oldcastle— even before his heresy about the Host. Thow seist "confessioun auriculeer Ther needith noon*." In popular attacks and in official statements of Lollard doctrine it was quite usual to lay more stress on this point than on the denial of transubstantia- tion*. > Matthew, xxni. p. 3^8. ' ibid- xxiii. P^332• • "iVi P 340. On these grounds a Lollard pnest who desired a'^confessor at his death was denied h.s request. .Walsingham, |i. p. I59- ^ r» ,„ n tvxxiv A ■\ « Matthew, xxiii. p. 333: Sumtna. P. in. Q. Lxxxiv.. a. 3- • Hoccleve To Sir John Oldcastle. 1415. line 81. . "^Knilhton. II. i 260. Wright. Polittcal Songs, I. p. 233. i CHAPTER IV THE RUDIMENTS OF THE FAITH "After the pope's catholic reUgion," says Foxe, "a true christian man is thus defined: first to be baptized in the Latin tongue (where the godfathers profess they cannot tell what) ; then confirmed by the bishop ; the mother of the child to be purified; after he be grown in years, then to come to the church; to keep his fasting-days; to fast the Lent; to come under Benedicite (that is, to be confessed of the priest) ; to do his penance; at Easter to take his rites; to hear mass and divine service; to set up candles before images; to creep to the cross; to take holy bread and holy water ; to go in procession ; to carry his palms and candle, and to take ashes ; to fast the ember-days, rogation-days, and vigils; to keep the hoUdays; to pay his tithes and offering-days; to go on pilgrimage; to buy pardons; to worship his Maker over the priest's head; to receive the pope for his supreme head, and to obey his laws; to receive St Nicholas' clerks ; to have his beads, and to give to the high altar; to take orders; if he will be a priest, to say his matins, to sing his mass, to Hft up fair, to keep his vow, and not to marry; when he is sick to be an- nealed, and to take the rites of the holy church; to I •55? — - .-j««iW^-^~-»'-»«'^1V:-".^'«^' 40 THE RUDIMENTS [CH. be buried in the church-yard; to be rung for; to be sung for; to be buried in a friar's cowl; to find a soul- priest, etc. All which points being observed, who can deny but this is a devout man, and a perfect christian cathohc ; and sure to be saved, as a true, faithful child of the holy mother-church^? *' This definition is accepted and expanded by an American scholar* who has more recently attempted to picture the rehgion of an ordinary layman at the end of the Middle Ages. It is, nevertheless, a carica- ture; not because of misstatements, but because of omissions. Almost every one of the actions recited by Foxe did in fact have a place in popular religion in the fourteenth century. He has described with no- table accuracy the covering husk of the medieval faith, but, finding this so repulsive, he refused to believe that it could contain any vital principle. It is difficult to remember that Foxe and Dexter were describing the same form of Christianity as the preacher who declared that the three things beheved in the fourteenth century to be necessary for salva- tion were "full contricion wyth schryft, full charite wythout feynyng, and stabull fayth wythout flater- yng. And, sothly," he adds, "wythout )>es )>re, )>er may no man haue pardon at Rome ne elleswher'." The questions by which the same divine proposed to ' Acts and Monuments, vol. i. p. 86. lid. 1853 (Church Historians of England). • H. M. Dexter, The Congregationalism of the last three hundred years. Lecture i. pp. 1-58. ' Festial, p. 74; cf. Kail, xxii. pp. 101-2 (summary of belief and practice), Hand. Synne, 1954 (picture of holy life). ■^iJy IV] OF THE FAITH test the faith of a dying man are also quite unlike anything that Foxe would lead us to expect. They might have come from a Protestant clergyman in- spired by the EvangeHcal Revival. After assuring himself that the sick man is firm in the orthodox faith, is sorry for his sins, and desires to amend his evil ways, Myrc concludes by enquiring, even as John Wesley might have done, Be-leuest |>ow with ful gode deuocyone On ihesu crystes passyone ? And how hys passyone saue ye schal And by non oJ»er way at al*? After his own definition of "the pope's catholic religion" Foxe might well ask "tell me, good reader, what faith or spirit, or what working of the Holy Ghost, in all this doctrine, is to be required^," but if Myrc's account of the matter be accepted that sceptical enquiry ceases to have point. Between the two descriptions lies the truth. The average Christian of the fourteenth century was not so completely lost in mere formalities as Foxe imagined, nor yet so spiritually minded as Myrc would have us beHeve. Like Disraeli's rendering of the creed of the poor in the nineteenth century ^ each of these accounts con- tains fact, but none of these writers has given an exhaustive description of popular Christianity. * Instructions, 1721, cf. "vij specialle interrogacions " from the Lansdowne MS. 762, Fol. 216, printed on p. 69. They con- clude: " I3clevest thowe fully that Criste dyed for the, and that thowe may neuer be saved but by the Merite of Cristes passione, and thannc thankest therof god with thyne harte asmoche as thowe mayest?" * Acts and Monuments, loc. cit. ' Sybil, book in. chap. iv. pp. 192-3 (ed. 1871). ! I r 42 THE RUDIMENTS [CH. IV] OF THE FAITH 43 ^ '; The view of the Church was that every Christian ought to know the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Com- mandments, the Pater, and the Ave. In popular verses, which are a safer guide than official pro- nouncements, it is assumed that the ordinary layman will be able to say at least his Creed and Pater^. Moch ys a man for to blame pat kan nat wurschep Goddys name With paternoster ne wy)> crede, )7ys beleue shuld hym to heuene lede". Robert Mannyng was professedly writing for laymen', and he assumed that they could teach the Creed and Pater to children*. The priest was expected to supple- ment this parental instruction^. According to one of the chroniclers an evil spirit learnt not only Pater, Ave, and the Creed, but even In Principio, in the household of a widow who lived near Bristol. This household was perhaps better informed than most, for the widow's son was a priest, though lamentably ' Kail, VIII. p. 33 : Thow may not knowe a cristen man |?ou3 J>ow here hym say his crede, |?e ten comaundementis tan. ibid. VI. line 15, p. 25. Cynical advice to laymen, "Say no)>er pater noster ne crede." Pearl, stanza 41, Pater and Creed would have been taught to the child. Piers Plowman, A. XI. 301 : Souteris and seweris suche lewide lottis Percen with a pater-noster the paleis of heuene. Cf. Matthew, xviii. p. 274, "symple pater noster of a plou^man." Conf. A man. v. 71 17, layman knows Pater and Creed ; Mirour, 5559, blamed for ignorance of Pater. * Hand. Synne, 4241. ' ibid. 43, 1 1 295. * ibtd. 9699, cf. Instructions, 153, (god-parents) 1049. * Wilkins, in. 59. devoted to sports The Pater and the Ave were the two most popular devotions, and there is abundant evidence that they were commonly used by the laity*. The compiler of the Lay Folks Mass Book indicates that most of his readers were familiar at least with the Pater by the easy way in which he urges them to repeat it at odd moments during the service*. Yet he admits that there are ignorant people who do not know even so much*. The Apostles' Creed, though peculiarly the layman's creed ', was not known by all*. The fact that some laymen were ignorant of these elementary things is not surprising, for many priests had no sure knowledge of them'. The classical example of ignorance. Sloth in Piers Plowman^, can- not have been altogether imaginary; yet it seems safe to infer that a fair proportion of the artisans and » Trokelowe, p. 19O. At first the evil spirit stumbled over words, but improved by practice. ^^ ,, 1 « Grandisson, Register, Part 111. p. 1234: Lavyna StoUoke: "postquam Oracionem Dominicam cum Salutacione Beale* Marie pro anima dicti defuncti dixerat." Festial p. 280: women gossiping in church try to cover sin by saying that they were repeating 'hor Pater Noster, Merita Missae, line 3 ; Crede, line 6. » See above p. 10, note i. .,,, „ t> 1 * L. F. M. B. line 488 (quoted above p. 11). The Mass Book was not designed for the lowest classes, whose ignorance would be deeper (see above p. 10). In a monastery there were some whose religious resources were restricted to the Pater, cf. C Text of L. F. M. B. line 89. * L. F. M. B. line 197: Men oen to sale t>o crede som tyme. when |»ai saie hore (Nicene) loke |)Ou sale |>ine (Apostles'). * Manner and Mede of Mass, line 449. Crede, line 8. ' Wilkins, iii. p. 59: significant account of what priests must know. Cf. p. 364. § 3^. . ^ » Pters Plowman, B. v. 400. Instrttcttons, 1600. i w <^^ jir^^'»r!v^«Y^^j»'r 44 THE RUDIMENTS [CH. better class people were familiar with the Creed and the Pater. But some knew them only as Latin tags, and this was unsatisfactory^. Myrc would have the preacher inform his flock that hit ys moch more spedfuU and meritabull to you to say your 'Pater Noster' yn Englysche |>en yn suche Lateyn, as je do)>e. For when je spekyth yn Englysche, )>en je knowen and undyrstondyn wele what ae sayn ; and soo, by your undyrstond- yng, 3» haue lykyng and deuocyon forto say hit*. Another time, speaking of the proper use of the Ave, he urged : Teche hem to sayne |>us in Ynglis tonge. |>at |>ee mown vndurstande what )>ei sayne. And algate. whan )>ei comyn to ^s worde ' God is wyth J>e ' )>at )>ai sayne hyt deuowtely and wyth ful deuocion, not to hastely, to seyne mony Avees; for it plesuth oure lady more to bene grete devotely wyth one Aue, |>an wyth many wythowte deuocion*. The priest was expected to assure himself that his parishioners were familiar with these elements of the faith; before giving absolution he might test the •penitent's knowledge of the Creed, the Pater, and the Ave^. About this, it was complained that the friars were careless. They were willing to absolve anyone who would pay, however ignorant and however vicious he might be*. ' Latimer, Sermons, pp. 307-8 (Parker Society, 1844). * Festial, p. 282. ' ibid. p. 299. * Wilkins, in. 59. Alter directions that the priest should teach the Pater, the Creed, the Ave, and the correct way to make the Sign of the Cross, there follows, "et quia, ut audivi- mus, etiam quidam adulti haec ignorant, praecipimus, ut, cum laici ad confessionem accedunt, diligenter examinentur, utrum sciant praedicta, et secundum quod expedit eis a sacerdotibus instruantur." Ins,truction$, 805, * Pierce the Ploughman's Crede. line 131: " pouj |>ou conne nou3t |>i Crede, Kare |>ou no more, I schal asoilen |>e, syre." - ♦ . ^•',' .: 4 IV] OF THE FAITH 45 It was the chief object of the preaching in parish churches to instruct the laity in these rudiments of the faith. By innumerable episcopal mandates and synodal decrees the parish priest was charged to explain to his flock in the vulgar tongue the Creed, the Commandments and the Pater at least three or four times a year, whilst exceptional prelates thought that such instruction should be given at least every Lord's Day^ The more earnest churchmen realised that the preacher's work was not sufficient. Often it was indifferently performed, sometimes it was com- pletely neglected, in some parishes the priest did not know the language of the people*. As a consequence the century produced a considerable number of re- ligious rhymes, which were very simple and easily remembered. At the beginning of his long didactic poem Mannyng explained that he hoped to combine in- struction with enjoyment for his readers and hearers. He intended to oust the unwholesome "talys and rymys" that led sociable men to falle ofte to vylanye, To dedly synne, or o|)er folye, For swyche men haue y made J)is ryme pat t>ey may weyl dyspende here tyme'. » Wilkins, in. 59: "decem mandata frequenter prae- dicet et exponat." in. p. 10. Festial, 282: Pater "oneso|)yr twyse yn \q 3ere." Instructions, 404. L. F. C. intro. p. xvi. ^ Wilkins, iii. p. 364, § 29: "quidam tamen quandoque pro- moventur in regno Angliae ipsius regni idioma penitus igno- rantes, quique ad informandum subditos indisponuntur et muti." Grandisson's Register, n. p. 820. ' Hand. Synne, 49. i MMMHhM ^^ r '. '•''' :*? . • --V-1 iiAVw^Vr;.^t«f *^>nr^ <£^Jti be-? * / -1 1/ l> M 4 >1 46 THE RUDIMENTS [CH. His racy style and his thrilling anecdotes must have made religious instruction palatable; and he had many imitators. The popular English verses of the time often contained free renderings of the Com- mandments, the Creed, the Pater and portions of the Bible*, and, whatever their literary merits or de- merits*, they were useful. K, as their authors intended, they were recited or sung whenever and wherever people came together, they would fill the place now taken by cheap handbooks and devotional works. Besides this the layman might well have some knowledge of the Psalms. The ecclesiastical au- thorities seem to have had no objection to the trans- lation of the Psalter into English; and from the fourteenth century onwards nothing in devotional literature was more popular than the several English versions of the Psalms. It was, however, with those few Psalms which formed' the favourite offices that the layman was most famihar. These were collected in the prymers, and it is the pr>^mer rather than the Breviary that may be considered the Prayer Book of the fourteenth century'*. The Breviary was too intri- cate and too variable to be followed by the layman ; and it was in Latin. The prymer on the other hand was simple in structure. The devotions in it were ahnost invariable from day to day*. It was in the > See p. 48, note i. ^ i,- j. « Literary critics have usually overiooked the first object of these verses: popular instruction. . , ^u ^ » The prymer puzzled historians; Bradshaw imagined that it was an abbreviated form of older devotions. I.ittlehales, Prymer, Part 11. p. xi. * Littlehales, Prymer, Intro, in Part 11. p. xxxvm. » • I A I IV] OF THE FAITH 47 people's own tongue, and from the many copies that remain, as well as from the continual mention of such books in wills and contemporary Uterature^ it may be inferred that the influence of the prymer in popular devotions was considerable. Though few laymen were wealthy enough to own a prymer, and fewer still learned enough to use it, many would bear its words in their memory. The contents of the prymer varied Httle ; the Hours of the Virgin, the seven Penitential Psahns, the fifteen Gradual Psalms, the Litany, Placebo, Dirige, and the Psalms of Commendation were usually in- cluded. There might also be English versions of Matins, Evensong, CompHne, and of other " Hours*" ; these would include the Te Deunt, the Command- ments, and several prayers besides the Pater and Ave. Very rarely the Athanasian Creed appeared'; the Apostles' Creed was usually thought sufficient. The more devout and better educated layman might well have a knowledge of all these aids to devotion. With the words of Scripture outside the Psalms very few of the laity can have been at all famiUar, and many were in complete ignorance. There were English versions of "Pety Job*," which was well known because it occurred in the Office of the Dead, > Wills, pp. 50. 59, 76. 102, 107. Cf. p. 58, our Lady's psalter used. Chaucer, Prioress's Tale, line 1707 (Globe Ed.). Piers Plowman, C. vi. 46 (a cle k). Cf. Littlehales. Prymer, Part II. p. xlii.; Maskell, Monumeiita Ritualia, 111. p. xlvii. « e g. The Hours of the Cross. Golden Litany, an account of our Lords Ufe and Passion, Mon. Rit. iii. p. 263. cf. p. xvii. » ibid. III. p. 257. * The lessons read in the Office of the Dead were so called. Mon. Rit. III. p. 115- Kail, xxv. p. 120. riHi :v-r~^ •^ ■^^'T- «►- ■t^-'r »>'^ ♦:< ^1 I ' 48 THE RUDIMENTS [CH. and of several of the classical passages of the New Testaments These were commonly in rhyme and were introduced into popular poetry. The preachers, too, could tell Bible stories as effectively as they told others. Occasionally there was considerable detail and accuracy*, but it was not uncommon to find even a clerk entirely confused in a simple Biblical narra- tive. Potiphar might be confounded with Pharaoh, and his wife called Queen of Egypt »; Absalom might be made a dutiful son who outlived David*. Esther placed in the Book of Kings «, the story of Ruth mangled beyond recognition^, and the events of bur Lord's life disarranged'. The people's ignorance of the Bible and the feebleness of the efforts that were made to instruct them were two of Wychf 's favourite themes®. Nor does his word stand uncorroborated; men who were by no means critical of the Church give their testimony to the people's ignorance not only of » Kail. XXI. p. 96 (St Matt. v. 1-16). P. R. S- L. Christ's Own Complaint, p. 198. line 489 (i Cor. xin. 1-3). Hand. Synne, 6635 (Dives and Lazarus). 7121 (i Cor. xni.). Peart. stenza 42 (Parable of Laboureis). 60 (Christ blessing children). 7^ (Vision of St John). L. F. C. (Ten Commandments). Alliterative Poems : Parable of King's Son. Noah, Abraham. Lot, Sodom. Belshazzarin "Cleanness"; Jonah in ' Patience. « Festial. p. 4 (St Matt. xxv. 31). p. 18 (Doubting Thomas). p. 93 (Jacob), p. 97 (Joseph). » Tour Landry, chap. Ivui. p. 76. * ibid. chap, xciii. p. 122. » ibid. chap, xcvii. p. 128. • ibid. chap. xci. p. 119. ' ibid chap. ui. p. 151. These mistakes occur in a book compiled or at least revised by "ii prestes and 11 clerkes. (Prologue, p. 3.) • Matthew. I. p. 16. II. p. 37. iv. p. 89, vii. passim, xiv. pp 221. 225, XIX. p. 276. Wyclif seems to imply that the •'lewed men" did not even know that the Pater was part of iSt Matthew's Gospel, xxvii. p. 429. il IV] OF THE FAITH 49 the contents of the Bible but even of the most elemen- tary facts about it^. FamiUarity with the Scriptures was indeed not reckoned a necessary part of popular religion. But although the fourteenth century layman might have no first hand knowledge of the Bible he was usually acquainted with a number of Biblical inci- dents and stories. It would be a gross mistake to imagine that Scriptural history becanle part of the common stock of knowledge only after the Reforma- tion. The everyday speech of the people was not indeed steeped in scriptural phraseology before the Authorised Version appeared, but the popular litera- ture of the fourteenth century— songs, romances, and moral anecdotes— is filled with references to the Bible. Noah's Floods the wives and wisdom of Solomon', the wickedness of Jezebel* and the fate of Nebuchad- nezzar ^ were as current in the common speech of Catholic as of Protestant England. The story of "man's first disobedience, and the fruit of that for- bidden tree" had provoked popular controversies before Wyclif's followers translated the first chapters of Genesis; the responsibility of Eve and the serpent for Adam's fall was as hotly contested in Chaucer's day as in Darwin's*. Favourite stories like these were » Myrc. referring to the signs of the four EvangeUsts. remarks: "mony lewde men wenen |)at |>ay wem suche bestys and not men." Festial, p. 261. 8 e.g. Kail. x. p. 41. Conf. Anian. Prol. 1013. AIM. Poems, "Cleanness." Piers Plowman, B. x. 399. * Piers Plowman, B. x. 16: Conf. Aman. vii. 3891, 4469. ' Tour Landry, chap. Ixvi. p. 88. * Conf. Aman. i. 2785. « Piers Plowman, e.g. B. v. 611; xvm. 277. Mxrour, M. <*h!.^'- •'\.l- ^'' '-*(^>-.^.'/j m '♦• '->. dJ ■^A,^^ ..4^ ■AMMl^Bi^i^^ti^Ai^Mii^aiid "tC >J rita )JISj^ .'> 50 THE RUDIMENTS OF THE FAITH [CH. iv well known, but it is always of the same score of characters that one hears^ Within certain limits the ground was fairly famihar, but outside it was almost unexplored. And it was not from writings but from sermons and mystery plays and church pictures that the layman gathered his inaccurate and superficial knowledge of BibHcal incidents. To those parts of the Bible which do not lend themselves to dramatic or pictorial representation — to the prophets and the epistles — there are few references in the literature of the times, and these references become more scarce as the literature becomes less and less academic. Whatever the theory might be, in practice the Bible was treated like Gesia Romanorum or any other storehouse of edifying narratives. The ordinary Enghshman seems to have been quite as conversant with some apocryphal stories as he was with those contained in the Scriptures. Popular writers alluded to the early history of Lucifer, the war in heaven, the Virgin's burial, and a dozen other legends, in full confidence that the point would not be missed*. Whether an incident was or was not contained within the pages of the Bible was in the fourteenth century no test either of its rehgious value or of the layman's famiHarity with it. 28854. Cow/. A man. Prol. 1002. Festial, p. 291. D. &> P. vi. chapters 10, 24, 25. * Cf. Chambers. Medieval Stage, ii. p. 321. (Subjects for Miracle Plays.) * e.g. Conf. Aman. I. 3299, and stories which conclude Mirour. . CHAPTER V BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION The layman was expected to have some knowledge of the form and meaning of the seven sacraments, and in popular treatises they were often explained to- gether with the deadly sins and the facts of the Creed. Of the seven, three stood out pre-eminent : Baptism, the Eucharist, and Penance. Which of these appeared greatest to the layman of the fourteenth century it would be impossible to decide; for, if the Eucharist was the holiest mystery 1, and if Baptism was the only gate to heaven, religious teachers gave more attention to Penance than to either of the other two. Robert Mannyng has expressed the common view of Baptism in his own forcible way : J?ys ys \>e fyrst and pryncypalle, purgh \fe whych we are saued alle; Saued we are, |>urgfi crystendam. Of the heued synne of Adam. I Adam's synn6 was so grefe, pat J»yr was to God, none so lefe, J:*yt he ne shulde to helle gone But he were wasshe yn |»e fonte stone*. "A soul of a child," said Hilton, "that is born, as is not christened, by reason of original sin, hath no > Summa, P. ni., Q. lxv., A. 3. « Hand. Synne, 9499. 4—2 I .M». * 52 BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION [ch. likeness of God; he is nought but an image of the fiend, and a brand of hell ; but as soon as it is chris- tened, it is reformed to the image of God^." As cloth is of no use for wearing until it is properiy prepared, so it fareth by a barne that borae is of wombe, Til it be crystened in Crjrstes name and confermed of the bisshop. It is hethene as to heuenewarde and helplees to the soule". This was the doctrine of original sin in its strictest form. No Calvinist has ever emphasised more terribly the effects of "our father's fault in that far day'"; and because the hope of the infant's salvation de- pended on the rite. Baptism was usually administered . as soon as possible after birth. Any person might baptize at need— a layman, a woman, even a pagan or a heretic*. It was the duty of the priest to instruct his parishioners in the essential parts of the sacra- ment, and especially to be sure that midwives under- stood what was necessary *. Water ought always to be placed in readiness when the birth of a child was expected •. For euery man, both hygl^ and logi^, pe poyntes of bapteme owe|> to knowe. To helpe chyldryn yn many kas; Men wete neuer what nede one has'. > Scale, Bk 11. Pt i. Chap. 4. p. 144 « Piers Plowman, B. xv. 448; xi. 82. » Pearl, stanza 27. t^ r^ « Instructions, 135. Wilkins, ii. 293- Summa. P. in.. Q. Lxvii.. A. 3, 4, 5. Trokelowe. p. 237: to explain a prophecy Richard His said to have been christened ' John ' by midwives. D & P. vii. 19. 2. Piers Plowman, B. x. 350: "An vncristene in that cas may cristen an hethen." Cf. Skeat's note, vol. 11. p. 159. with references. » Hand. Synne. 9613. Wilkins, in. 59- • Wilkins. 11. 293. ' Hand. Synne, 9591. Vj BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION 53 Two things only were necessary: water, and a sincere invocation of the Name of the Holy Trinity *. A lay- man might baptize in EngHsh or Latin*; either lan- guage made a valid sacrament, but the greatest care should be taken to name the three Persons in the Godhead correctly*. No other god must be invoked; the formula must not be altered substantially. A mid- wife who baptized a child by calHng on "God and seynt lone" was responsible for its damnation*. No fantastic ceremonies must be added; in particular no relics of paganism could be tolerated. Some people had a custom of appeasing the heathen gods re- nounced at this sacrament by placing gifts of food at the child's head ^, but churchmen denounced as im pious all these follies, which were dear especially to the women. And not only were such pagan customs opposed ; at least some of the clergy tried to destroy the superstitions which gathered around the Christian sacrament itself. They discouraged the idea that the Name of the Trinity was a mere magic spell, which was to be used in any circumstances to force salvation upon children. Fraudulent or forcible baptism, for instance, was not approved: if "criste me stele yong childre of iewes & of hethen peple & baptise them ayens the wyl of ther fader and moder " ^ It was not necessary to give the child a name. Hand. Synne, 9605; Instructions, 564. ■ Hand. Synne, 9602; Instructions, 131. •Wilkins, ii. 293; Hand. Synne, 9607. Summa, P. m., Q. Lxvi., A. 5, 6. Cf. Q. LX., A. 8. * Hand. Synne, 9619. » ibid. 9667; Instructions, 126; Chambers, Medieval Stage, I. pp. 265-6. I I I. v w » »f ir N ! I I ' 1 I ! I! 54 BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION [CH. the sacrament may be valid, but it has been abused. From such unnatural acts a Christian character will hardly spring^. Moreover without a devout intention in him who performs it the sacrament was not efficacious; or rather there was no sacrament — how- ever correctly the Latin were pronounced. On the other hand an ignorant person who blundered in the case-endings could perform the rite if in his heart he were sincere*. One enlightened (though by no means unorthodox) writer was therefore driven to express the view that it would be better for a child to be baptized by a "lewyd man or woma" than by a simoniac priest who demanded money for his ser- vices. " And if he wef of age y' shuld be baptised and there were noo man ne woman butt the preeste though he were in peryl of dethe he shulde rather die without baptyme of water thanne he shulde be baptised by symonie. For in that case the baptym of the holy goost suffiseth to him^." Probably this writer would have preferred lay baptism to the ^ D. &» P. VII. 9.1; Summa. P. iii., Q. lxviii., A. 10. ■ Instructions, 569: And |>a3 me say, as |»ey done vse, Sory laten in here wyse, As |>us, I folowe be in nomina patria & filia spiritus sanctia. AmeN. Of these wordes take |>ow non hede, pe fologh|>e ys gode wythoute drede So |)at here entent & here wyt Were forto folowe hjrt; Ay whyle \ey holde \e fyrste sylabul, pe fologhbe ys gode wythouten fabul. As \\xs. Pa of patris, n of fiUj, spi of spiritus sancti. Amen. To name the Persons in the wrong order or in jest was no sacrament. line 588. * D,& P.yti. 19. 2. i V] BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION 55 ministrations of those drunken priests whose tongues could scarcely stammer out the words^. This "baptym of the holy goost" was one of the subjects most keenly debated in the fourteenth cen- tury. Was the sacrament of Baptism an absolute necessity for salvation? Might not God sometimes save souls by a special and mysterious gift of His Spirit, by a spiritual equivalent of the ecclesiastical rite? This discussion was not a result of the Lollard movement. It began much eariier than Wyclif's work. Mannyng tried to combat a Hberal view which he considered dishonouring to the Sacrament; and the very terms* in which he refers to the matter are sufficient to show that even in the early decades of the century the doctrine of spiritual baptism com- manded a considerable number of adherents. Wyclif ^ and Hilton*, too, bear their testimony to the wide- spread beUef that Baptism was not the only way to salvation: "those men err greatly and grievously," Hilton remarks, "who say that Jews and Turks, by keeping of their own law, may be saved, though they believe not in Jesus Christ." It says much for the mental activity of the century that a controversy so ' Instructions, 623. « Hand. Synne, 9515; some thought Jews (i.e. unbaptized) could be saved. Hostiensis, Summa Aurea, Lib. 111., Rubric, De presbitero non baplizato, and of. De Baptism© et eius effectu, section 14, Quot eius species. Tres, est enim baptismus fluminis flaminis et sanguinis. St Thomas, Summa Theologica, P. iii., Q. lxviii., A.' 2. ^ Cf. Arnold, vol. i. p. 329, Sermon for Holy Innocents' Day: *'|>er ben many baptemys, as it is knowun comunly." * Scale, Bk 11. Pt i. Chap i, Sect. 2, p. 138. li i !' Ill I 56 BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION [ch. fectrinal s hould have become a m atter of popular Jnterest. T ' Opinion was not divided along the regular hnes of orthodoxy and heresy. There were teachers as ortho- ^ dox as Mannyng who held out some hope of salvation for the unbaptized by a special exercise of God's limitless grace. John Myrc, when he had to account for the salvation and canonization of the Holy Innocents— none of whom was baptized— went out of his way to explain to his congregation that "folo3t come)> pre maner of wyse: yn water, as we ben crystened yn ye fonte at >>e chyrch; in chedyng blod, as ye childyr and mony )>owsandys of o>>er martyrs ya.t schedden hor blod for Crystys loue; the yryd f ologht ys in f ay th yn ye wheche all ye patryarchs and prophetys, and all o)>yr holy fadyrs J>at wern befor Crystys yncarnacyon >>at leuedyn yn Cristes comyng ; )>ay wern folowed yn f ologht of faythei." Wychf agreed with Myrc in this point though he raised the question m a different way. He was willing to allow that circumcision was a real equivalent for Baptism under the old law^; but, even so, many of the Holy Innocents had not been circumcised. It was necessary therefore to suppose a spiritual circumcision "as it is knowun comunli " that there is a spiritual Baptism And God IS not so obhshid to sensible sacramentis * Festial, p. 36. Piers Plowman. B. xir. 282 Summa P S^d ?h.f ;>?•' '\'' ^'^^ ''' ^^^^'^ ^^d a similar idea when he s^d that the chosen souls" of the Old Testament had either genera ' or "special." "secret" or "clear" belief in " Christ to come as we have in "Christ already come." Sc^e loc St - Cf. Summa, P. m., Q. lxx. ' *"^;^"- V] BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION 57 .-.' / f ] \ J>at ne he may, wiJ>outen hem, 3yve a man his grace^.' The author of Piers Mmrnian extended the benefits of this spiritual baptism from Old Testament saints to virtuous p agans, setting forth expHcitly the very doctrine which Hilton rnnHpmn^2 ^ appeared un- reasonable to suppose that the wisdom of Solomon and Aristotle^ and Socrates should be counted for nothing whilst the Penitent Thief and Mary Magda- lene went to bliss 4. Th^re~mmt be some equivalent for Christian faith and rites. Moral virtue cannot be valueless in God's sight, or " lyue we forth with hther men " would be the best rule of Hfe. Langland found comfort in the story of Trajan's salvation and re- curred to it again and again s. Ymagynatyf seized ^ Arnold, vol. i. p. 329. A heretic who recanted in 1405 admitted that he had preached before a large congregation that infants dying unbaptized can be saved. Wilkins, in. p. 283 "ArticuU Johannis Wiclefi AngH damnati per Conci- H'JP- V^^stantiense" in Brown, Fasciculus, vol. i. p. 268: Definientes. parvulos fideUum sine sacramental! baptismo decedentes non fore salvandos, sunt stohdi et praesumptuosi " \Scale, Bk 11. Ft i. Chap, i, Sect. 2: "Since this is so, niethinks that those men err greatly and grievously who say that Jews or Turks, by keeping of their own law, may be saved though they beUeve not in Jesus Christ, as Holy Church beheveth; inasmuch as they beUeve that their own faith is ?^° K^v ^ secure, and sufficient for their salvation. And in that behef they do as it seems many good deeds of justice and righteousness, and peradventure if they knew that the Chris- tian faith were better than their own. they would leave their own and take it, and therefore they shaU be saved." Cf Piers Plowman, B. xii. 268-274, 284-293. » Lines found in the Corpus Christi MS. 293, and in the Duke of Westminster's MS., definitely state that since "aristele al-so sewede f>e same secte" as Job "hit semeb sobly by sondry skylus to schewe J-at he is saf as was lob," but, adds the writer 1 can not seye \>e sol>e." Skeat, Piers the Plowman (Oxford 1886), note on p. 383, vol. i. * Piers Plowman, B. x. 414-441. ^ ibid. B. XI. 135-164; XII. 210, 280. 4 t 3 o^ e) ^rk' 58 BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION [CH. vj BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION 59 the text saluabitur vix instiis in die iiidicij and argued from it ergo saluabitur^. This Hberal doctrine which *^ is usually associated with the fifteenth century mystics of the Rhine country- was known and debated in England a full century earher. r "But according to the sterner thinkers damnation J was the inevitable lot of all the unbaptized, whether \ they were Jews or heathen or the children of Christian parents 2. No still-born child could be saved^; mid- wives were vehemently forbidden to comfort the parents by repeating the baptismal formula over a dead child, but if a midwife saw that a child was not likely to live after birth she ought to baptize its head, or any part of its body which she could reach ^. In the common view, then. Baptism was a necessary condition of salvation ; but in itself it was never held to be sufficient. The baptized person must continue in the narrow way that he had entered. " Many that hath received Christendome, and liveth unchristen Life, and so dyeth out of Charity; all these shall be damned to Hell without end, as Holy Church teacheth ' me to beheve^*' ' Piers Plowman, B. xii. 278. ■ ibid. B. XII. 275-277. "Alle thise clerkes," quod I tho, that on Cryst leuen, Seggen in here sarmones that noyther Sarasenes ne lewes, Ne no creature of Cristes lyknesse with-outen Crystend'ome worth saued." » Hand. Synne, 9557. « Instructions, 91. * Revelations, chap. xxxn. p. 73, cf. chap, xxxiii. p. 74 Scale. Bk 11. Ft i. Chap. i. Sect. 2. False Christians "go to the pains of Hell endlessly as Jews and Turks do, and into much more and greater pains than they, inasmuch as they had the truth and kept it not." ■» \ The sacrament of Confirmation had an insignificant part in the ordinary man's rehgion. Little is said of it, and it is easy to understand why the service made so Httle impression on the popular mind. It did not recur constantly Hke the Eucharist and Penance ; and when they were confirmed most children were not old enough to be awed by, or even to be conscious of, the ceremony. The same indeed might be said about Baptism, which had a tremendous effect on the imagination, but then, unHke Baptism, Confirmation was never supposed to have a decisive influence on the soul's destiny. Myrc wrote at great length about the first sacrament, yet almost the only thing which he had to say about Confirmation was that, whereas Baptism was necessary for salvation. Confirmation was not. And ^gh a chylde confermet nere. So |>at he folowed by-fore were. To dyspuyte |>er-of hyt ys no nede, He schale be saf wythowte drede^. When that was the teaching it is not surprising to find priests and people rather indifferent to the sacra- ment. The physical difficulties of administering it were alone enough to account for considerable irregularity and delay. In wide- and sparsely populated districts the bishop could complete his circuits only very occasionally. Bishop Grandisson in 1336 at the village church of St Buryan confirmed pueros quasi innumerahiles de ipsa Parochia^; but there is no reason to suspect that energetic prelate of * Instructions, 671. * Grandisson's Register, 11. p. 820, 1 6o BAPTISM AND CONFIRMATION [ch. v slackness in the performance of his duties. The com- piler of his register, nevertheless, feehng that some apology was necessary, explained that the parish was lata utique et diffusa. The Council of Oxford in 1322 ordered that parents should be urged to have their children confirmed once (but only once) ; if the Bishop did not visit their neighbourhood they ought to seek him and not to delay ^ beyond the child's fifth year 2. Certes, |>o men moche mysdo, J?at abyde long, are Jjey go |>ar-to; And W3mimen, gretly ouer alle t>yng, J?at wyl nat here chyldryn bryng^. Mannyng's rebuke of these unconfirmed *'men,'' though not to be pressed too closely, seems to support Mr Capes's contention that many people wefe never confirmed^. The friars, whose energy in some sorts of popular rehgious work was unquestionable, took Httle interest in the confirmation of children. Their critics said that they interested themselves only in such rites as brought emoluments s, and not only to the friars but to the less devoted parish priests also the absence of an offering must have made Confirma- tion appear a somewhat superfluous sacrament. " Wilkins, 11. p. 512. 2 Instructions, 157. * Hand. Synne, 9841. « Capes, English Church in the 14th and 15/A centuries p 229 » Def. Cur. in Fasc. 11. pp. 474, 478. Cf. Vox Clam. iv. 739! t I CHAPTER VI COMMUNION AND EXTREME UNCTION The order of the Mass and its effect upon the minds of the congregation have been discussed already^. It is necessary now to consider not the reaction of the service on the layman, but the layman's own idea about the service; not the spectator's impressions of th^~weekry drama of worships but the iaith.of the communicant on those solemn Easter days when he walked forward up the narrow aisle of his village church to receive that very Body of Christ which was represented on the rood screen above his head. It was unusual for a layman in the fourteenth century to take communion more than once a year. He was encouraged to think this sufficient, but he was considered most negligent if he omitted to com- municate at Easter^. Some, nevertheless, were care- less. People were warned that it was very dangerous * See chap. i. above. - Hand. Synne, 10283-10300. L. F. C, Thoresby's vereion, line 320, p. 66. Mirour, 4434, 4461. Wilkins, 11. 528, corro- borates: "dominico corpore in die Paschatis assumpto." Piers Plowman, B. xix. 386, seems to suggest the monthly communion which was common for Regulars. The Ancren Riwle recommended communion no oftener than fifteen times a year, i.e. monthly and at the great feasts. Archbishop Sudbury in 1378 ordered all to confess and communicate on the three great feasts: Cutts, Parish Priests, p. 235. Johnson, Laws and Canons, 11. 444. Cf. Summa, Pars iii., Q. Lxxx., A. 8. I I 62 COMMUNION AND [CH. to present themselves for communion with any sins unconfessed; it was, indeed, better, said Mannyng, to sin- after communicating than before, for God take|> hyt nat to so grete grym As 3yf 1h)u yn tresoun receyuedest hym^. Unconfessed sin was punished notably: "seknesse, feblenesse and sodeyne dethe fal comonly aftre Ester amonges the people for men in Ester resceyue unworthily goddes flesshe and his blode2." Most decent people therefore confessed towards the end of Lent3. It was thought somewhat irreverent not to fast on the day of communion, though churchmen had to bewail that this preparation was frequently omitted ; men would practise abstinence for the sake of earthly sports more readily than for Christ's Body ^ The Easter communion was sometimes accompa- nied by the very reverse of fasting. Certain sons of drunkenness and gluttony s, complained Archbishop Raynold, had no sooner received Christ's Body than they began to feast in the most shameful way in the very church itself, turning God's house into a tavern. They did not even stay to receive the sacrament reverently, but rushed to the priest in scandalous haste, fearing all the time that others would take their places at the feast; worst of all, they deceived 1 ?i?"f- '^^''"^' '''^57- ^ D.&P. VIII. n -^ The layman was urged to confess more than once a year p. 32 rw "'^ '"^ communicate more often. Cf . chap^ m * .Y^^^f"' "• P- 528. Summa, Pars in., Q. lxxx.. A. 8 e3t." SjJ^Cs^lordr' '''"'^'"'" filii quorum Deus venter d VI] EXTREME UNCTION 63 the simple folk who could not distinguish these un- godly banquets from the sacrament i. The solemnity of an annual communion to a devout communicant cannot be exaggerated, and does not need to be explained to those who are familiar with "Sacrament Sunday" in the Church of Scotland. The medieval Church in its wisdom used everything that could help to make the season impressive. The day itself was the most wonderful in a calendar that abounded in wonders. The communicant had been long prepared for the reception of the bread—pre- pared for it not merely by prayer and fasting and confession 2, but by a daily s, or weekly*, or at least monthly ^, witnessing of this same ceremony in which he was at last to take his part. The wafer which he was now to receive he had frequently worshipped as the priest held it high overhead at the most impressive moment of the daily rite ; from childhood he had been taught to regard it as " ]>e same bodi )?at di3ed for }>e ^ " A subtle analysis ' of his mind has shown with how ^ Wilkins, loc. cit., for a vivid description of what was pro- bably an early form of "church-ales." ^ See chap, iii. p. 32 above. 3 Pearl, stanza ^loi. Manner and Mede of Mass hne 71 Mir our, 181 64. » / • * Cf. chap. i. p. 5 above. s j^^f q^^ ^^ p^^^ ^^ Manner and Mede of Mass. line 72. Cf. p. 66 below. ' L. F. M. B. Appendix iii. (Ashm. MS. 1286, folio 223), p. 126, sets out six considerations before communicating, with lines of thought to be followed in the service and afterwards; if it be so \>at a man feele not goostely affeccioun" he might pray "A! lord, lord, now ful mercyful lord, what schal I do? I haue put fyre in my bosum, and I feele noon heete of it I haue put hony in my mou^, and I fele no maner swetnesse P^^:^^ I haue resce5aied a souereyne medcyne. and at I feele neuere \>e more heele." 64 COMMUNION AND [CH. VI] EXTREME UNCTION 65 strange a thrill the communicant was expecting to receive the consecrated bread, and by what methods he could often produce a suitable mental exaltation if it did not come spontaneously. Nothing was more constantly impressed upon the priests than the scrupulous reverence which they must themselves observe towards the Elements, and, although these regulations sprang from a sincere veneration, they must also have been valued, by a Church so well acquainted with human nature, for their psychological effect upon the ignorant laity. About the physical condition of the bread and wine the priest could not be too careful^. The wine must be red like blood, unless it was quite impossible to procure any but white; it must not be diluted over- much with water, ut non vinum ah aqua sed aqua a vino absorbeatur^. The host, which should appear "white and round ^," must be preserved in suitable vessels* and renewed every seven days, or more often if necessary, ne contraxerit humiditatem seu mucorem; under^datur vel tut pis aspectu vel gusttii abominahilis^. Tit must be protected from the Church mouse: Do vp so that sacrament It'at hyt be syker in vche way, |?at no beste hyt towche may. 36f hyt (were) eten wyth mows or rs Dere |h)w moste a-bygge |>at*. * Instructions, 1769. 2 Wilkins, iii. 11. Summa, P. iii., Q. lxxiv., A'. 8. * Cf. Matthew, xxv. 357, xxviii. 465. * Wilkins, iii. pp. 11, 59. Cf. Instructions, 1850. » Wilkins, iii. p. 59, cf. 11. p. 513. M)n-c advises a daily change. Instructions, 1835. « Instructions, 1894. A penance of forty days was prescribed for the care- less priest^. No smallest drop of wine nor crumb of bread must be lost. If a spider should fall into the chaHce, the priest must suck out the spider and swallow it; if a drop of wine should fall he must scrape it up and burn the scrapings, preserving any ashes with the reUcs of his church 2. Lest any particle of the bread should be lost or defiled after the ad- ministration, it was customary to give wine and water to the communicants to help them to swallow the whole morsel at once ; says Myrc to the priest : wame hem |?ow schal That ]>ey ne chewe }>at ost to smal, Leste to small |>ey done hyt breke, And in her teth hyt do steke ; There-fore J)ey schule with water & wyn Clanse here mow|>, that nojt leue )?er-In'. The communicant was told that this wine and water was no part of the sacrament lest he should believe it to be the Blood of Christ*. To maintain popular reverence for the sacrament it was ordained that the priest should observe due ceremony when he carried the Host to a sick person. He was to take his surplice, hood, and stole, and, unless difficulties of time and place prevented, the parish clerk must precede him with a bell and a light. Anyone whom he met, even the Archbishop of Canterbury himself, must kneel down whether the road were fair or foul^. } Instructions, 1899. ^ ibicL 1819. ■ ^ ibid. 254. "• L. F. M. B. p. 381, with reference to Lyndwood. In- structions, 25Q. ^ Wilkins, 11. 513. iii. 59. Instructions, 304, 1839. Grandis- son*s Register, 11. p. 786; Trokelowe, p. 394. M. - K 66 COMMUNION AND fCH. VI] EXTREME UNCTION 67 However the schoolman might qualify their de- scription of the Eucharist by talk of accident and /substance, the Host had become for the ordinary Lman nothing less than Christ Himself. The more popular, the less scholarly, is the literature, the more plainly is this stated, "py creatoure^," "The kyng that a-tt thys world hathe wro3t^" "pe same bodi )>at di3ed for 'jf>e^," " Chryste, goddes sonne of heuyne under fourme of brede and wyne*" — these are com- mon descriptions of the Elements^. To "receive God " seems to have been the most usual expression for communicating^. The Host was more than a representation of Christ, more than a symbolic help to worship; it was itself the object of worship and prayer. True adoration was- not withheld from it, as it was from images. Whilst people were warned against making direct prayer to images' they were told plainly to pray to the Host. Loke [said Lydgate] to the hy autere And pray to hym that hangythe there®. It was part of WycHf's error that he did not make Hand. Synne, 10300. Merita Missae, line 142. Cf. Instructions, 311. Manner and Mede of Mass, hne 72. D. & P. I. 3. 3. Cf. Pearl, stanza loi. Cf. Hand. Synne, 9951 : Bojje fiesshe and blode \>er ys leyd, purgti ]>e wurdes f>at ]>e prest haj> seyd, i?at lyjte with-ynne \>e vyrgyne Marye, And on \)e rode for vs wulde deye. Mir our, 715 1. « Kail, XXIII. hne 81, p 106: "When J>ou to chirche gost To resceyue god." Hand. Synne, 10300: "Ones to receyue by creatoure." Mirour, 8386. L. F. M. B. Appendix iii. p. 122. ' D: & P., I. 2. 4. Cf. chap. vii. p. 99 below. * Merita Missae, hne 41. this distinction between the Host and images^. There is a significant passage in one of Grandisson's letters which shows that the Eucharist was regarded as the fulfilment of Christ's promise : Ecce Ego vobiscum sum omnibus diebus^. Yet despite this the layman of the fourteenth century was under no delusion about the appearance and taste of the bread. It was no part even of vulgar orthodoxy to pretend that the wafer had the pro- perties of flesh. Only to the eye of faith did the true quaHty of the Host appear. Correct behef was not attainable without love for Him Who was com- memorated and sacrificed. Stedfast beleue, of loue hyt comes And of beleue, loue men nomes'. A writer of the early fifteenth century, addressing the Host, set out as clearly as any Reformer the antithesis of faith and sense : In sy3t and in felyng, jjou semest bred, In byleue, flesch, blod, and bone; In sy3t and felyng, |?ou semest ded, In byleue, lyf, to speke and gon; In sy3t and felyng, nother hand ne hed, In byleue, boj^e god and man; In syjt and felyng, in litil sted. In byleue, grettere J>yng nes nan*. 1 Knighton, vol. 11. p. 158. 2 Register, 11. p. 1148. ^ Hand. Synne, 9941, cf. 9975. * Kail, XXIII. line 113, p. 107. Cf. Hand. Synne, 9987: Hyt seme)> brede, as be sy3t, And as brede, sauer ha|> ry3t, No))yr Jje sy3t, noJ>er j^e felyng. Ha)? |>erof any certeyn |>yng : what shal J>an, jje most saue. But stedfast beleue j^at [>ou shalt haue.? 5—2 68 COMMUNION AND [c». . To convince sceptics^ and to reward saints^, the Divine truth about the sacrament had occasionally been made manifest to the human senses; but this was exceptional. God had shown consideration for our sensibihty, said one, in veiling the mystery: For 3yf hyt fyl, as flesshe to take wlate we shulde. and hyt forsake^. It has been a common error to suppose that WycHf was the first in fourteenth century England to rouse a discussion on this sacrament, and some have even asserted that he denied the Real Presence. That last notion is disproved by many passages in his writings^ and by the fact that he died celebrating ulss^. A considerable discussion was raging round th^ sacra- ment of the altar before the Lollard movement began, ang3Si5™5?5!n^eS^^ his follow- ers indeed, so far as they spoke of the matter, claimed •yo range themselves on the popular, conservative side /against the friars, who were disturbing the faith of a r'thowsand wynter and more'* by their new-fangled words and definitions*. Henry VIII's scornful retort to the heretic that Christ's words Hoc estenim corpus ^ meum settled the whole question would have been endorsed by the Lollard author of Pierce the Plough- ^ Hand. Synne, 9999. Knighton, 11. p. 163. 2 The story of Grosse teste. ^ Hand. Synne, 9981. Summa, P. iii., Q. lxxv.. A. 5 * Lechler, Johann von Wiclif. Buch 11. Kap. 7, xi. B Vom Abendmahl, p. 613 et seq. * ibid. Buch 11. Kap. 8, vii. p. 722. « Matthew. XXVIII p. 465. xxv. p. 357. LoUardizing Version of L. F.C.: cristys owne body in lyknesse of bred " line 1030, p. 67. Eulogium Historiarum. in. 350. / VI] EXTREME UNCTION 69 man's Crede, whose firm adherence to traditional doctrine obhged his Protestant editor to tamper with the text in 1553^. The sermons and discussions in which the friars tried to make the doctrine of transubstantiation in- telHgible to the people were dishked by many pious folk, who were well pleased to leave such matters to the schools, and to maintain for themselves a simple faith hke Donne's and George Herbert's^. The friars wer« accused of shaking the faith of their hearers^, or at least of " tWckening it with curious definitions " ; boys (over whom they had a special influence) * were taught to wrangle about the Eucharist in an un- edifying and irreverent way ^. HJlton bore his witness to the existence of doubts about the sacraments, but warned his reader that although the declarations of the Church might not commend themselves to par- v^ ticular individuals they must be beheved neverthe- ""^^ less 6. Most of these popular doubts about the sacra- ments seem to have arisen simply from a natural, unreadiness to beheve that the Host was different from what it appeared ', or from an inbred lack of ^ Pierce the Ploughman's Crede. lines 822-30 p 31 Herbert, The Temple, Divinitie; Donne, On theSacra-C^— ^ * Piers Plowman, B. x. 71; xv. 68. ,/ ^f- ^"^- i^ P^^^- "•. PP- 472-3; 476. Mirour. 21541; Vox Clam. iv. chap. xxi. * Wilkins, in. p. 317. " Scale, Bk i. Pt i. Chap. xvi. p. 29. ' Hand. Synne, 9957- Mannyng argued (9967): Syn he (God) made alle \Q.t no3t er was, lesse maystry were hyt j^an yn kas, For to chaunge |?e lekenes YntD an ou|>er |>yng |>at es. 1 70 COMMUNION AND [CH. VI] EXTREME UNCTION 71 reverence^. But some few men raised more definite questions^^In 1354 a Cornish priest, Ralf de Tremur, a diligent student 2, was excommunicated for many heresies which he had not only held, but taught with some success^. He exactly anticipated by thirty years* Wychf's objection to transubstantiation, and had appHed to the Mass the text Opus manuum vestramm fantastice adoratis; he called St Peter and St John bad names, and crowned his enormities by steaHng the pyx from a church and burning the Host^. Another of WycHf's favourite doctrines was much (iiscussed by all sorts of people before his name made it famous: doea^Jthaxharacter of a priest affect the V^yirtue of his sacraments? In the fourteenth century the Jriars brought this old question prominently before the popular mind — perhaps unintentionally — by their claim to p eculiar hoHn ess and power ^ ; their Masses were believed to be more etftcacious than theie-.Df_iEiIordinary pnests. A popular rhyme in- * Merita Missae, line 167. * Grandisson's Register, 11. 11 80: "qui eo est perniciosior et ad decipiendum pericior quo literacior, Magister in Artibus quondam acer etc." 3 ibid. II. II 47. * ibid. II. 1 148: "afifirmans panem et vinum in Camem et Sanguinem Domini Nostri Jhesu Christi Consecracione Ver- borum substancialiter non transire." * For the whole story, covering more than twenty years, see Register, pp. 621, 627, 660, 715, 1147, 1179, 1303. * Def. Cur. in Fasc. 11. p. 478: "Quis tolerabiliter possit audire quod Franciscus in fide novitius melius atque utilius viam humanae perfectionis instituit quam Deus Omnipotehs Omnibonus Omnisapiens fecerat in hominis institutione pri- maria?" Cf. p. 483, "Item si sic mendicatio etc." Matthew, I- PP- 3. 4i XXII. p. 320. L. F. C. Lollardizing Version, line 850. P- 55- 1 tended for recitation or singing in hall was written to correct this among other errors. The layman was urged not to consider the character or person of the priest : t30U3 he be nou3t at |>i lykynge pe prest |>at schal |>y masse synge, perfore lette Jjou nouht: His Masse schal be as goode to heere. As Monk, Chanoun, Hermyte, or Freere^ John Myrc spoke to the same effect in his sermon for Corpus Christi day : " For >>at sacrament is so he3e and holy in hymself >>at )>er may no good man amende hit, ne no euel man appayre hit 2." "The secrament/' said Pauper, "is not the worsse for the malyce of the preeste^." Until the LoUards had made the dispute pignapt the attitude of the Church was perhaps not quite so definite. In Handlyng Synne there is evidence that the question was commonly debated early in the century, but Mannyng's own opinion was not very clear. He told with approval how a Suffolk man was rescued by Masses from hell, though he had that same strong preference for a good priest which was * Manner and Mede of Mass, lines 137, 595. * Festial, p. 169, cf. p. 45 quoted in chap. vii. p. 84, note 5 below. 3 D. (S- P. VI. 17. 3 and 4. Dives knows that "Though a preste be a shrewe the sacrametys that he mynystreth be not ye worse. For the goodnesse of the preste amendethe nott the sacrament." Why then, he asks, does the law forbid men to hear the Masses of sinful priests? "Not for defaute of ye sacrament." says Pauper. But "that they might be so ashamed of ther synne and the soner amende them." Cf. i. 33. 2, where it is said that a 'wicked liver' can conjure fiends with holy prayers effectively; though a good man has more power. Summa, P. iii., Q. lxiv., A. 5, 9, 10; Q. lxxxii., A. 5. 72 COMMUNION AND [CH. . VI] EXTREME UNCTION 73 afterwards condemned as heretical^. The Eucharist has powerful influence for good, Mannyng said, And namely whan hyt ys doun with gode mannes deuocyun; Hym, wyl God sunner here J?an one |>at ys nat hym so dere". Elsewhere he discussed the matter at greater length, concluding that Masses were not affected by the character of the officiating priest, though the effect of any other sort of intercession depended on it. pogti \>e prest be feds or frow, pe messe, ys euer gode enow; But |?e preyere ha]? no myst. For hys lyfe ys nat clene dy3t». Lollard teaching at the end of the century spread the heretical doctrine far and wide. Gower had his 1 Hand. Synne, 10435, e.g. Ofte he seyde to hys wyfe "A prest ! A prest ! of clene lyle. " « ihid. 10385. » ihid. 2305. , J. r A dead knight appeals to his friend for Masses, but refuses priest after priest suggested, for (2294) Jrey were nat of clene lyfe; Of hem ^ dede 3af noun answere, he made no fors of here preyere. Nel?eles, \e seluyn messe ys no)>er \e wurse, ne \e lesse ; pe sunne, hys feyrnes neuer he tynes, ]rog'ft hyt on \e muk hepe shynes. But j^e muk ys \e more stynkyngge J?ere J>e sunne ys more shynyngge. Ne more hyt ys lore, \g vertu Of [>e messe, but mannys pru. A woman who sins with a priest is damned, because she makes void all his prayers for souls in Purgatory (Hne 7961). This doctrine nearly approaches what Wyclif taught, Mat- thew, IV. p. 78; XVIII. p. 274. Of. D. & P. VII. 22: prayers of a simoniac priest not heard. Summa, P. iii. Q. lxxxii., A. 6. LX' H doubts about the Masses of unworthy priests^, and testators exhibited considerable anxiety on this point. It was a priest "of gode conversacioun and none other " who was wanted to sing for the souls of the dead 2. The popular view of the Mass was distinctly (^ mechanical. The tenor of wills and anecdotes shows unmistakably that the layman was taught to beheve that he could increase the effect of Eucharistic prayers by the simple process of multiplying them or making them more elaborate^. The benefits which the living and the dead received varied in direct pro- portion with the number and magnificence of the Masses said and with the amount of offering made at each. To multiply candles was to multiply the soul's chances of salvation. Yet, although this was the general effect of most of the popular instruction afforded, there were some efforts to give the layman a more spiritual conception of the Eucharist. As the Divine Presence could not be perceived without faith and love *, so the mere reception of the wafer was un- availing: "In gostly bylyue shal saued be^." The author of Piers Plowman, as might be expected, was insistent on this spiritual interpretation of the ^ Mirour, 20503. 2 Wills, e.g., p. 15, John Plot, 1408 : "of good conuersacion " ; p. 49, Lady Peryne Clanbowe, 1422: "honest men and good huers and ellys not"; p. 88, Wm Fitz-Harry, 1431: "a trewe prest and that y witt it be Frere William. . .and elles, y wi b- haue the best lyver that may be y-geten," " the best prest that may be found"; p. 105, Richard Bokeland, 1436: "two gode hon- nest and vertuous preestes of conuersacioun." 3 e.g. ihid. pp. 6, 15, 81. * Hand. Synne, 994i- ■* Kail, xxiii. line 96, p. 106. 74 COMMUNION AND [CH. sacraments ; indeed he rarely referred to them except to emphasize their worthlessness apart from faith and good works ^. The idea that good works should accompany the sacrament was often — though not always ^ — dis- torted. It was sometimes taken to mean that in order to secure any benefit from Mass an offering must be made. Mannyng seems to come near saying that a Mass without an offering is of no avail to any one 3, and elsewhere there are echoes of his opinion. This teaching led straight to the simoniacal selling of Masses, which was deplored and condemned in vain at council and synod. The official documents of the Church set forth continually in impressive language the necessity of Extreme Unction and the great benefits to be de- rived from it. Popular Hterature had less to say about this sacrament than might perhaps have been expected. The neglect, however, is apparent only. Religious teachers and writers usually spoke to lay- men of the necessity of shrift before death without actually mentioning the final rite, for the very practical reason that in confession the initiative was ' Piers Plowman, B. xiii. 259; xix. 387. 2 L. F. M. B., Text B, line 242. Cf. Manner and Mede of Mass, line 515. ' Hand. Synne, 10711: J:ys sacrament helpe)? nat jyt a-lone, But deuoute offrynges also echone; AUe J>at we offre at J>e messe, AUe oure saluacyon hyt ys. Cf. 10745, 10794- VI] EXTREME UNCTION 75 i> with the layman, whilst in Unction it was with the priest. Upon the priest therefore was impressed the importance of the anointing, upon the laity the im- portance of confession. And assuredly there was no^ scarcity of fearsome stories recounting the fate of those who, like the Falmouth squire, died unshriven^^. • These stories were the complement of the many ifi^ structions^ urging upon the clergy their solemn duty to the sick. Negligent priests who allowed their parishioners to die without the last sacraments were threatened with suspension which would be made permanent if ex consuetudine hoc fecerint^. For the prevention of such un-Christian deaths the priest was expected not to leave his cure day or night with- out reasonable cause, and to leave it then only when he had provided a competent substitute. He was to visit promptly all persons who desired to be anointed. He was liable to penalties if he used the terrors of a dying man to extort money for the administration of Unction^. But it was unhkely that the priest would often be asked to administer this sacrament. It was, rather, his duty to press it upon the sick, for many laymen 1 A ^. S- L. p. 97- 2 Wilkins, 11. 134: "inter caetera sacramenta istud non minimum, praecipimus venerari, et sacerdotes parochos, quan- docunque fuerint requisiti, ad visitandum infirmos se promp- tissimos exhibere: qui si difficiles se exhibuerint in hac parte, et infirmis poenitentibus (et petentibus) gratis absque uUa exactione pecuniae sacramentum hoc non contulerint, cum gratia sit gratis (data) et non pretio conferenda, convicti super hoc, juxta canonicas sanctiones punientur condigne." 3 Wilkins, 11. p. 294. Cf. 11. p. 135; in. p. 59. * ibid. II. p. 134 loc. cit. t^ 76 COMMUNION AND [CH. regarded it with suspicion. This was not surprising; ^vas not Unction the sign and seal of death? Ignorant /people might well imagine that it destroyed any /chances of a recovery. There were, too, some curious ^superstitions which clung persistently around the rite, and made it repulsive to any healthy-minded person who was anxious not merely to prolong his life but also to enjoy the fulness of its pleasures. It was a common behef that even if a man should re- cover after he had received Unction he was bound thenceforward to lead a stunted, crippled Hfe: he must eat no flesh; he must take pains never to leave his feet bare; he must have no carnal knowledge of his wife^. "Anele hem nat but ]?ey shulde deye^" was, therefore, the general feehng on the matter. More than one synod ^ denounced these erroneous opinions. Parish priests were ordered to contradict them and to warn the congregations that to neglect so great a sacrament for such fanciful reasons was to defy the Apostle St James, who had said clearly : Si infirmatur quis ex vobis, inducat preshyteros ecclesiae, et orent super eum, unguentes eum oleo sancto in nomine Domini'^. The notion that this sacrament, like Baptism, could be received only once, was also to be impugned. Unction could be received as many times as necessary, provided only that twelve months elapsed between each administration^. There was \ Wilkins, ii. pp. 295, 512. 135. Hand. Synne, 11 267. * Hand, Synne, 11268. » Wilkins, II. p. 512. * ibia. 11. p. 512. * ibid. II. pp. 295, 512. Summa, Supplementutn, Q. xxxiii A. I, 2. ^ . VI] EXTREME UNCTION 77 consequently no reason for the sick to delay their reception of it as long as they dared, fearing that, if they recovered, they could not be anointed again when the hour of death should really come. From the ponderous Latin of the synods these official pro- nouncements were translated into jingHng verse for the use of ''lewed men.'' Mannyng advised people to take no risks of dying unaneled: But yn euery an euyl strong — Lygge |>ou shorte whyle or long— J?ou shalt aske |>ys sacrament ». It is best, he added, that the sacrament be given by your own desire. Even if you see it already brought for you, make a devout request, and do not accept it merely as a matter of form 2. Later in thexentury this superstitious suspicion of Unction was reinforced by Lollard arguments. Not because of its effect but because of its invahdity the followers of Wyclif opposed the rite. It was, they said, without Scriptura l sanction, for si corporalis unctiojofet sacr amentum, ut modofingitur, Christus & ejus apostoli promulgationem eius minime tacuissent^. 1 Hand. Synne, 11275. 2 ibid. 11249. cf. 11281 Brown. Fasciculus, i. p. 269, Articuli Johannis Wiclefi Cf bumma, Supplementum, Q. xxix. A3 CHAPTER VII ERRONEOUS AND STRANGE DOCTRINES The dilemma which faced the translators of St Paul's sermon on Mars' Hill faces all who think about the Church in the fourteenth century: where is the hne between "religion" and "superstition"^? Any modern discussion of the matter degenerates into a wrangle because to-day no two persons define "super- stition" in the same way. But it was not always so. In the fourteenth, century the line between religion and superstition was more clearly drawn, and the ^j^trrch set itself to stamp out the one as definitely as to foster the other. The principle which guided it in its discrimination was not rational but rehgious. It was not because certain notions were (as we should say) more im- probable than others that they were condemned. It V^as their effect on practical rehgion that the Church \ had in mind when it came to judge popular behefs. Wf a particular "superstition" tended to make people more careful about rehgious practices and Christian virtues, it was not only tolerated but blessed, whilst another which did no greater violence to human reason was condemned as degrading and impious and CH. vii] vSTRANGE DOCTRINES 79 ^ ^ Acis. xvii. 22 . Cf. text and margin in R.V. unreasonable, because it could not be brought within the recognised teaching and practice of the Church; or perhaps because it occasioned inconvenience to her ministers. In superstition as in all else the Church of the fourteenth century strove for order and regulari- sation, fighting chiefly against individual fancies and unprofessional rites. A disturbing beliefwas opposed; an accommodating one was nourished; and the in- fluence of the Church thus tended at the same time \ to increase and to diminish popular superstition. J The official attitude Towards popular ideas of the Eucharist well illustrates the general principle. On the one hand the Church sanctioned any belief, how- ever preposterous, if it tended to exalt the power of the Mass, the dignity of the Host, or the consequence of the priest. Because these stories glorified the sacrament the layman was encouraged to believe that the saying of a Mass could remove iron fetters from a knight's body^, or sustain a miner who had been buried alive in a pit 2; that a man whose sickness prevented him from receiving the bread in the usual way received it through his side near his heart 3, that ^& / bUndness would not strike the fortunate eyes which \ / saw the Host carried to the sick*. To increase the offerings of the devout they were told that a penny offered at Mass would secure an increase of worldly wealth as well as freedom from their sins^. To make them more careful about confession they were taught ^ Hand. Synne, 10507. 2 jj^-^ 10729. » Festial, p. 172. * Instructions. 312. '" Manner and Mede of Mass, line 5 1 8. ^ \ A 8o ERRONEOUS AND [CH. VII] STRANGE DOCTRINES 8i \ S that sickness overtook those who had gone to Easter communion without full absolution^. Reverence for the saints 2, for holy days 3, and for holy places*, was recommended by the most foohsh and degrading stories. The beneficial effects of fasting were illus- trated by the story of a beheaded man who did not die till he was shriven^, and by the well known fact that ">>e spolde of a fasting man may sle any eddyr bodyly*." The forgiveness of enemies was proved to be pleasing to God because a crucifix kissed a man who had pardoned his father's murderer'. The Book of the Knight of La Tour Landry is full of pious anec- dotes of this kind; upon them a father and two priests^ hoped to build the faith of two girls. That conscientious priest J ohn Myrc cr owded his book of sermons with stories even more wonderful and offered them as spiritual food to his flock. The Stacions of Rome, a poem well known at the end of the century, j shows clearly how reUgion was identified with marvel- L»rongering8. ' D. & P. VIII. 13. 3. Tour Landry, chap. Ixxxvii. p. 112. 2 Festial, p. 20, Story of St Thomas's hand; p. 43, Bird that called on St Thomas a Becket. 8 Festial, p. 172, Birds in Holy Week; p. i37» St Mark's Day. * Stacions of Rome in P. R. & L, * Tour Landry, chap. vii. p. 10. • Festial, p. 83, quoted from Ambrose; cf. Mirour, 18025. ' Hand. Synne, 3797. * Tour Landry, Prologue, p. 3. • The reconciUation of different parts of this poem must have taxed even medieval ingenuity : our Lord's foreskin, for example, was said to be preserved in two places: St John Lateran and the Chapel of ' Seynt Agas. ' But the chief interest of the document is not in its evidence of popular creduUty, nor of the way in which the Church took advantage of it. It shows especially the great ease with which doctrines were debased and parodied in the popular mind. According to the official Yet even when it seemed most reckless the Church did not give an entirely free hand to popular imagination, or encourage every sort of story about saintly goodness and miracle. Such licence was only permitted about an officially recognised list of people and places, and the ecclesiastical authorities resisted the attempts of the over-devout to add to this list as promptly as they resisted the^oUard efforts to remove certain items from it. vThe unauthorised worship of such men as Lancaster 1, Edward IP, andi ArundeP was effectually suppressed in the end; and political prejudice cannot always be alleged as a sufficient reason. The question in dispute was whether undeserved suffering in death unaccompanied by a pious life could make a man a saint. Many held that ohlationum frequentia aut miraculorum simulacra were inadequate. Episcopal records give many in- stances of the steadying effect of this official caution. Bishop Grandisson no doubt beheved and taught as many wonderful stories as John Myrc, but it was pre- cisely because he believed them so seriously that he view pilgrimage could not affect the pardon of sin, but only the remission of temporal or purgatorial penance; to visit St Peter's at the exhibition of the Vernicle absolved dwellers in Rome from 4000 years of purgatory and those who crossed the sea from 12,000 years. But the popular mind, reflected (accurately because unconsciously) in this poem, made little distinction between pardon itself and remission of punishment. Pardon ys |?e sowle bote, At grete Rome ^r ys |>e Roote ; Pardon yn frensh a worde hit ys For3euenesse of synnes y wys (line 3). Yet, to speak accurately, forgiveness of sins was a benefit to be derived from our Lord's passion alone, * Higden, viii. 312. ^ ibid. viii. 324. ^ Trokelowe, 219. M. 6 82 ERRONEOUS AND [CH. could not allow them to be added to or tampered with ; therefore when he heard stories of mysterious bell-ringing in his cathedral i, or of cures wrought at a rector's tomb 2, he immediately took precautions ne, quod ahsit, populum nobis commissum ydolatrare, vel a via Veritatis ac Catholice Fidei aberrare contingat^. Commissioners were appointed to enquire most care- fully* into the rumours and, as their records show, they were by no means ready to accept any cock-and- bull story simply because it had a pious prologue or epilogue. The kind of proof that satisfied the four- teenth century was different, no doubt, from that which would be demanded to-day, but the fact re- mains: the Church exercised a restraining influence, for it usually did not sanction a new miracle or edify- ing story without some show of proof satisfactory to he age^. * Register, Part 11. p. 941. * ibid. Part in. p. 1231; cf. vol. 11. pp. 784, 942, alleged restoration of sight enquired into and one fraud proved. - • ibid. Part 11. p. 941. * The reports of one commission are preserved in full (Part ni. p. 1233) giving details oi ten cases of alleged miracles with the most circumstantial details or a statement that none is known. The taking of the evidence seems to have been qiiite thorough. Cf. Instructions to other Commissioners, Part 11. p. 941. * The sort of proof which might satisfy popular opinion may be judged from the following: (i) Mannyug recites the story of a lady who was burnt foi^. ever in hell because she adorned herself with ' homes ' ; appear- ing in a vision she told her squire on what day he and his lord should die. Her forecast was correct and therefore: By |>at tokenyng wel men knew Tat Jje tale was ryjt and trew. Hand. Synne, 3307. (ii) Myrc {Festial, p. 148) tells of the charity of Edward the Confessor in giving a ring to a pilgrim "for Seynt lonys loue"; \\ YII} STRANGE DOCTRINES ^t The Church, then, intentionally fostered "super- stition " where it might be expected to stimulate the laity to virtuous Uves or rehgious practices, and these last were so intimately connected with the income of the clergy that unscrupulous priests abused the piety of the ignorant ^ But, on the other hand, against some sorts of superstition the Church had set its face; and it worked as vigorously to uproot these as to foster others. There were prejudices against particular 'times and methods of receiving the sacraments. These were denounced because they were a hindrance to the ministers of the Church and a disturbance of ecclesiastical order. Children born within eight days of Easter or Whitsunday, said Myrc, should be baptized at those festivals; priests must warn their congregations lest any one should give way to the superstition that Easter and Whitsun Eve were un- lucky days for Baptism 2. Fanciful rites at Baptism must not be tolerated; they savoured of paganism and sorcery; and it was probably to prevent any sort of magical practices, as well as to show reverence, the pilgrim, who was St John, after seven years sent back the ring to Edward with a warning of his approaching death. "Then whoso lust to haue j?is preuet soj^e, go he to Westmyn- styr; and Jjer he may se |>e same ryng bat was seuen 3ere yn paradys." (iii) Most signifi cant of all, e ven Wyclif made no effort to disprove the miracles penqrmedl>y saints of whose doings he disapproved (especially of their participation in the wealth of the Church) : he " gran ts that all the miracles may be true, and then discredits thenTHy arguing that the fiend performed them t^^^f^^e mep. Matthew, xxviii. p. 469. * CtVr^^i, 13. 2; VII. 3. 2; I. 10. 2 discussed below, p. loi.' * WilkinsTii. p. 293. Instructions, 141. L l^ 6—2 /' 84 ERRONEOUS AND [CH. A that the vessel and the water used in a Baptism at a private house were ordered to be given up by the parents^. No one must hold the unwarranted behef that an unconfirmed child was sure to be damned 2. The shrinking from Extreme Unction ^ and the curious fancy that communion was less beneficial if a wafer was divided amongst several persons were held to be superstitious*. Warnings were often given against a blind trust in the special efficacy of par- ticular rites said in particular ways by particular men^. Pauper was never tired of ridicuhng these passing fashions in rehgious observances. He urged . Deople to rely on the oi^dinarv services performed in v^-^h^^ordinarv wav^. To beheve that Masses were of no ^ay lavail except on feast-days and the two days follow- ing^jtojast-wdth the particular object of avoiding ' The vessel was to be reserved "ad opus ecclesiae" or burnt, the water was to be poured on a fire or down the bap- tistery sink. Wilkins, 11. p. 293, Instructions, 116. * Instructions, 671. ' See chap. vi. p. 76 above. * Kail. XXIII. pp. 105, 106. Wychf agreed with the ortho- dox. Knighton, 11. 161. * Festial, p. 45. Myrc discouising on the pagan supersti- tions about New Year's Day passed to forms of the same sin common at his time. "3^ j^at ben Goddys seruandes, be 30 well war, lest 3e ben desceyvet by any s'orsery and by any byleue: as by takyng of howsell of on man raythyr J>en of anojjyr, o)>yr forto bye o|>yr selle, and aske or borue. Yn \e whyche some men haue dyuerse opynyons )>at, 3yf })ay weme clene schereven, |?ay wer worthy giet penawnce for mj'^sbeleue; for |?at comyth of \e fende, and not of God." Manner and Mede of Mass, line 140. * D. S' P. VII. 21 and 22. ' ibid. VII. 21. 4. "Sume prestes faitoures telle the people that but the messes be saide in thre dales principally of tho feestes, that is to saye in the festis and in two dales next lolowynge, elles the soules be nat holpen by tho messes." :< \ '/I VII] STRANGE DOCTRINES S5 sudden death 1, to fast on unusual days in the behef that peculiar virtue is attached to such practices ^ must be described only as a "nyce fantasy & mys- bileue fulle nigh wichecraft^. ' Even the trentai — a series-t^fiMrtyTirasses — then much in vogue ^, might be so abused as to become an evil^. One writer went so far as to declare that it was simony to try to limit the benefits of a Mass for "certeyne soules and for no moo"; the priest was bound to sing for all Chris- tians^. The horror of pestilence and the unprece- dented sorrows of the age had driven many people to a frenzy of devotion in which they plar ed a feverish trust in any pec uliar or abnorm al obser- vance'. These aberrations from the ordinary ways religion must have been assisted by some of the clergy; the friars in particular j were suspecte d of pandering t;o the unhealthy "religiosity" of over- * D. & P. I. 42. iT^yi men weie certayne by suche fastynge that they shuld nat die sodeynly, but haue tyme of repetaunce and to be shreuyne and houselyde, they shulde be the more re« chelesse in their lyuynge, and the lesse tale yeue for to doo amys in hope of amendemente in their diyng." ibid. i. 42. 2: "For more sodeyn deth wyste I neuir that men hadde thanne I wyste theym haue that haue fastyd suche fastes vii yere aboute." The sudden death was presumably death by pestilence. 2 ibid. I. 42. 3: "Fastyng is gode if it be done in mesure & maner & with gode itecion so that men sett no mysbyleue therin ne grounde them in no lesynges ne in no nyce obser- uauces." See p. 176, note i below. The whole chapter with its account of special feasts in honour of the Virgin is most illumi- nating. \ Jbid. I. 42. 5. * PTTCs- L. p. S^. Wills, pp. 31. 40, 48. 88, 105, 113. 5 D. 6- P. VII. 22. Pauper denied that St Gregory had any connection with the trentai, vii. 21. 5. ^ ibid. vii. 21. 2; 22. 4. ' Brut, II. 303, speaks of "wilful penaunce" as a result of the Plague. 86 ERRONEOUS AND feH. vii] STRANGE DOCTRINES 87 wrought minds; but it may be said to the credit of the Church that it often tried dehberately to counter- act this excitement. The financial interests of some of the clergy, especially of the parish priests, were affected by these extraordinary outlets of religious zeal; and selfish reasons joined with common sense in leading Hien back to the normal exercises of -^devotioni.(^£fiekises and mystics sometimes threw^^ -their influence on the side of quiet, regular piety^^ - But worse than any misconception about Christiari rites was the Hngering attachment to pagan customs and beliefs. Many of these indeed had been so over- laid with Christian sentiment that they passed un- recognised 2, but some survived quite plainly in surprising places. At the sacrament of Baptism there remained a custom of appeasing the gods who were renounced^ and some people still cherished a behef in the three weird sisters who had a fateful influence on the new-born child*. These superstitions the Church tried to root out, if it could not adapt them to its own uses^. Sorcery in general was condemned as partnership . * Of. Wilkins, 11. p. 145 (similar danger in 1287). Feshal. p. 239: in speaking of "Saynt Gowdelake bat fyrst jmhabit Crowland yn J^e Fennys" Myrc reveals the fact that the hends supposed to haunt the place in pagan times ("for pat place was nomet and callyd |>e abytacyon of fendes brogh all |>e contre") did not disappear from popular beUef when Chnstiamty came. They were then allotted to Satan The connection between the eastward position and sun-worshio IS recognised in D. S- P. 1. 16. * See chap. v. p. 53 above. Cf. Chambers, Medieval Staee i pp. 265-6. « Hand. Synne, 571. ■t " l^J^P^ "^^^^ ^ ^^^^ a* the child's head if it were laid for the Tnmty and not for pagan deities. Hand. Synne, 9667. with Satan and his sateUites, "the gods of the heathen," prominent among whom was Mawmet, the Saracen's idol. It has been argued that by continually referring to witchcraft and describing the evils of it the Church helped to preserve the superstition; had such fancies been ignored, it is said, they must have died a natural death. That may be the modern view; but certainly it was not the view of fourteenth cen- tury writers. To them sorcery never appeared Hkely^ to die of inanition; it was a growing cult which no amount of preaching and punishment would root out of the English nation^. •""'^ Astrology was regarded with horror by the ortho- dox for two reasons : first, because in its nature and origin it was pagan and, secondly, because it tended to increase a belief in that irresistible fate called "destenye^." This weakened morahty^; it was certain, too, to harm the influence of the Church in the same way as did the Augustinian doctrines r vived by Bradwardine*. Behef in a star-ridden fate or in Divine predestination made it impossible or unnecessary that men should work out their own salvation by the recognised ecclesiastical machinery. ^D. 6'P. I. 35.4: "wole they nat cease for noo losse for noo prechynge for noo shame, ne for no punisshynge from witchcraft." i. 48. 2: "eglisshe nacon that moste takyth hede to his (the fiend's) lore & moste taketh hede to wychcraft." Chron. Angliae, p. 98: Dominican magician, follower of King Nectanabus, in league with Alice Ferrers. Trokelowe, p. 301. 2 Z). 6- P. I. 22. 3 : "what is that destenye that men speke so moche of. And as they say al thing fallith to man and womS by destenye? " See chap. xi. below. 3 'UdicI^ I. 2'>. 3. * Lechler, johann von Wiclif, Buch i. Kap. 2, v. p. 229 I 7 iimmmm 88 ERRONEOUS AND [CH. vir] STRANGE DOCTRINES The Church tried, therefore, to maintain among the laity a simple behef in free will, throwing the decision for salvation or damnation entirely upon the in- dividuali. Against astrology no one has ever written better than the clergy who sought to destroy it in the late fourteenth and the early fifteenth century. It is impious, they said, for it takes away God's free will as well as man's; these astrologers " wole be of goddes pryue couseyl, wyl god nyl god, & rule his domes, his dedys, his werkes, and al by their wyttes & by the course of the planetes^." It is unscriptural, for the Bible tells us that God altered His plans about Nmeveh3. It is unjust, for it makes no allowance for man's repentance and God's pity. It is irrational, because the same stars may be observed to have different effects. Jacob and Esau must have been born under the same star, yet "iacob was a gode man and esau a shrewe^." The various fortunes and nat ma for hem. He made hem nat to gouerne m4n hnf h^ tte boSes a^ *" ^^* * ""'^"^ °^ ^^^^ ^""^'^^ "« ^^^ °^ thfSstement^nf".^HHl* ^!'^" (astrologers') crafte were true ine testament of goddes lawe shuld serue of noueht * «nr. nought fL''?^ '?'""''* '^"« '^y^ ^"<1 ^««°" shulie^^e of ?w^u • ■^°'' ^^"J^ "° "^ worthy to be punysshid for a svn ^fi^^ ^y °** '^"*- B"t fo"- that man doth wele whan he myghte do amys therfore he is worthy mede. A^d for thTt he dothe euyl whan he might do wele & might leue his mv^ede and wole nat: therefore he is worthy moch peyne/' c"Tolle! ^' b i p I'V r " ""' ^^^ ■ '^"°»^- 26737. «. 1 ''"a^' ';.'^- *• "whan they rep€tyd hem & amedvd thevm 89 )\ characters of men are due to education and sur- roundings. It is not because of the stars, but because of natural opportunities, that dwellers by the sea-side turn to fishingi. Evil parents are a worse bane than any planet. God is the great Cause of all things; external bodies are never more than signs 2.^auper was apparently reluctant to admit even the influence of the moon on tides— so much did he detest astrology .""^t is ''token whanne the see shal ebbe and floweTas the sun, moon, and stars are signs to man, beast, bird, and fish to do after their kind. But the moon cannot be the real or only cause of the tide, because "in other ferre cutrees ne in the grekes see is no suche ebbyng ne flowyng3." As "in citees and townes men rule them by the cloke," yet are not slaves of the clock*, so it is with the heavenly bodies. Natural portents are to be taken as indications of God's displeasure^ but only in a general way. Special interpretation, or prophecy of particular events therefrom, is "high folye & open wy tchecraf te ^ " ; God, says Pauper very finely, "usith nat the thundre as an home to blow his counseyl aboute the worlde'." It is true that men can sometimes read the immediate future as shep- herds foretell the weather S; the storms and comets and eclipses of the century were plain warnings of the judgment of God in war and pestilence upon the sin ^ D.& p, 1. 22. 2. 2 They are "God's grindstone" which He uses as He will ibtd. I. 18; I. 27. I ^•/' ^- '• ^^- ' '^'^- ^- ^^- 3- ' ibid. I. 29. tbtd. I. 47. 2. ' ibid. I. 47. 3. 8 if,^a. I. 26. J s V. ^TJi go ERRONEOUS AND [CH. VII] STRANCxE DOCTRINES ^ X)f England^ ; but they were not the cause of anything. The Magi were enUghtened by the inspiration of God, and not by astrology. A devout attention to Balaam's prophecies taught them the significance of the Star of Bethlehem 2. Modern astrologers, whatever they may pretend, collect their information from rumours^; they have access to no supernatural wisdom ; and the very fact that their own hves are full of failure proves that they cannot advise others how to act wisely*. ivTowards witchcraft the Church took a less rational iittitude, an attitude that is more difficult for the twentieth century to understand. By their own sin- cere beHef in the powers of a oersonal devil and his /interference in human affairs thcs^lergy opened a way j for a flood of vulgar superstitions which despite all Itheir effort^ they were unable to restrain or to Tegularis^^They taught the laity to beUeve in a itiahgn spirit second in knowledge and power only t^ God Himself. He may lightly knowe what is done in dyuerse cuntrees and londes. He is so sotel in kynde that ther may noo dore ne walle shytte hym out of couseyl. And so he may here and se what men & womg do though it be ful pryue*. Besides his own singular faculties and his long ex- perience* the devil had his angels, the fiends, * All the chroniclers give examples: e.g. see chap. xi. p. 155, note 2 below. * D. &• P. I. 23 and 24. ^ ibid. 1. 30. * ibid. I. 26. I. Of. Pauper's argument against those who claim to 'multiply' gold and silver: why are they so poor? i. 49. Canterbury Tales, Canon's Yeoman's Prologue, line 628. ^ D,& P. I. 31. I. * ibid. loc. cit. 1 t.| ''whiche duel sume in the fyre, sume in the ayre, sume in the water, and some in the erth for to tempte mankynde and been besy night and daye to lese manes soule and womanesi." These fiends, according to the common teaching of the Church, haunted the earth and accompanied man in every step of his life. They were responsible for every evil event: |>ay rery])e warres; |>ay maky|> tempestys in J^e see, and drowny|>e schyppes and men, j>ay maky|>e debate bytwyx neghtburs and mansla3t |>erwyth; j?ay tendy|?e fyres, and brennen howses and townes; |>ay reryth wyndys, and blowy|> don howsys, stepuls. and trees; J)ay make w)mien to ouerlye hor children; )>ay makyj) men to sle homselfe, to hong homself o|>yr drowne hom in wanhope, and such mony oj^yr curset dedys*. No one could ignore such powerful agents, and many people naturally desired to make the best of both worlds: God's and the devil's. Like English poli- ticians after the Revolution, they thought it safer to maintain relations with both parties. Some had trans- ferred their allegiance completely to the devil, and were believed, at the price of their souls' damnation, to have acquired some authority over him. Very frequently they claimed to exercise this authority by using the prayers of the Church as charms. The Church granted the premises of popular super- ^ D.& P. I. 36. 6. « Fesiial, p. 150. Cf. p. 259. Z). & P. 1. 31. 2: ''ofte tymes they haue leue of god for mannys synne for to do wounders to cause hidous tempestes to ehfecte and enuen5rm the ayr and cause moreyne & sekenesse, hungre & droughte, discension and werre." Trokelowe. pp. 196, 340, 342. Walsingham, i. p. 199. Knighton, 11. p. 81. 92 ERRONEOUS AND [CH. VII] STRANGE DOCTRINES 93 stition, but interpreted them quite differently from thi^ Granting — indeed teaching — the possibihty of men and women seUing themselves to the fiend and w^orking miracles by his power, the Church denied that they had obtained any authority over him thereby, or that they could in any way command his obedience^. All that sorcerers could do was to offer tp the fiend worship which properly belonged to God, thus gratifying that impious pride which was the chief element in his character 2. The devotion with which numbers of people, especially old men and women ^, adored the fiend was a standing reproach to Chris- tians whose worship of the true God was far less enthusiastic. In return for this gratification of his pride the devil was willing to exercise his power to reward his worshippers*. Thus when a witch used a Pater and said that in so doing she commanded the fiend she Hed openly. All that was proved by any supernatural occurrence which might follow was that the fiend had been pleased ; it was the fiend and not the Pater which took effect. This point was illus- trated by the tale of a " cow sucking bag " that would obey a witch but not a bishop, even though both conjured it in the same form of words, — the explana- tion being that the devil inside the bag was wilhng ^ D. &> P. 1. 33. Conf. A man. vi. 1376, 2377. -^' P- C, Lollardizing Version, line 545. * D. <&• P. I. 32. 3. Of. Fasciculus Morum, Pt v. c. 26 (quoted in Little, English Franciscan History, App. iii.); "diabolo instigante, quod proprium est deo summo creatori attribuunt creaturis." 3 i>. dede y-wroght-. The correct attitude for Christians was, therefore, never to have any part in witchcraft, because it was essentially devil-worship. Even to effect a good deed the fiend's help must not be used^. Yet by this teaching the Church had in some sense^ made a compromise, and was unable to take so clear / a Hne as it did towards astrology. Unhke the power / of the stars the power of the devil was not denied out- ( right. However the clergy might denounce witch- craft, they had fatally weakened their position by ) admitting its reaUty. Some priests went so far as to lend themselves and their altars to this superstition*; and, though the Church as a whole violently con- demned the use of charms as a means of controUing the devil's power, it consistently taught that Divine assistance might be secured by a similar practice. To say the Pater as a charm was a sin only if it were said to the fiend. If said " for deuocion nat for curioustie," " Paternost', Aue, or the Crede or holy wordes of y^ gospel or of holy wryt^" were potent against both fiends and wicked men^ The Cross and the Name of * Hand. Synne, 501. * ibid. 495. ^ D. &> P. I. 35. 2. E.g. to catch a thief by sorcery is sinful. * ibid. I. 34. 3. 6 ibid. i. 34. 2. * e.g. Tour Landry, chap. iv. p. 7. 94 ERRONEOUS AND [en: vii] STRANGE DOCTRINES 95 m 1 JESUS were especially eff ective^ jLEven rats might be scared away by the names of our Lord and the saints 2. /In the opinion of the Church almost every- thing ^ depended on the attitude of the individual who used a charm ; the most natural acts, if intended superstitiously, were a form of witchcraft*. Though such teaching left the ignorant still under the tyranny of many superstitions, it was at least one step forward. If not completely destroyed, the devil- world was put under rational control. Its relation to human hfe and its effect upon the individual were made to depend on thought and intention, not on the chance use of a formula which, by its intrinsic, ' e.g. the devil admits {Hand. Synne, 8243): No Jjyng |>at man may of hym sey, T>o\>e oure powere so moche a-weye As nemme that passyun and f>at rode pat he shedde on, his swete blode; And specyaly "Ihesus," |>at name Ys our shenshyp and oure shame. Fesiial, p. 151: "^ fend, ^ curse t tyrand of helle dredyj^e hym wondyr sore, when he heryj) \e Kyngys trompes of Heuen ryng, and cros and baners brojt about. For j>is cause, when any tempest ys, men usy|> forto ryng bellys, and so forto dryue \e fend away." ^ P.R.S- L. p. 23. " Not quite everything ; some prayers were so potent against evil that even a wicked man could use them with good effect. D. &> P. I. 33. 2 : "nat only gode lyuers but wyckyd lyuers in many lodes catche feendes oute of men and wymen and children by vertue of goddes worde and holy coniuracions and holy prayers ordeyned of holy church," and yet "soner a gode man or a gode woma shal do that thanne a wyckede." But there were no evil charms which by their own virtue, apart from 'fals beleue,' could harm a Christian. * ibid. I. 39. A man who cures people by skill but pretends to supernatural powers is as guilty as if he had secured the help of the fiend. » ' power, might blast an ignorant man who had used it unwittingly. The honest Christian had nothing to fear : To man }>at ys yn gode beleue, Wycchecrafte shal hym neuer greue*. Besides superstitions which reached as high and as deep as astrology and devil-worship there were in the fourteenth century many fooHsh customs and behefs against which common sense and simple observation would have been a sufficient protection?) It was in- deed only to common sense and simple observation that the author of Dives and Pauper appealed when he set himself to destroy them. The people com- monly beheved, he tells us, that frogs were *' lucky "^ animals.' a man who met them would grow wealthy; and yet it was plain that "these labourers, deluers, and dykers that moost mete with frogges and todes been fuUe pore comonly2.'' The other belief, that it was '* unlucky" to meet a priest, or to pass one on the right hand, he condemns as irrational and dis- honouring to a sacred profession 3. Many people were superstitious about certain days in the year; some indulged in divinations, especially at Christmas and New Year^. Some saw wonderful things in mirrors and basins ; some rehed on lots and dice^. There were professional magicians who transformed men and women, who visited Elfland, who cured and caused injuries by incantation and the use of waxen images^ * Hand. Synne, 8147. ^ D. S' P.i. 46. «» ibid. i. 50. * ibid. I. 47 and 48. Cf. Chambers, Medieval Stage, i. p. 269. ^ Conf. A man. iv. 2792. * Fasc. Morum, v. 26. Wilkins, 11. 518, especially alternative J^ \ i 96 ERRONEOUS AND [CH. Palmistry was considered especially reliable for matrimonial affairs ^ A little observation, thought Pauper, would have sufficed to show how groundless these fancies were, but in his time as in Bacon's it was true that "men mark when thev hit, and never mark when they miss^." There was some difference of opinion about dreams. Many writers thought that the ordinary man took his dreams too seriously. Beleeue nou3t moche yn no drerays. For many be nat but gleteryng glemys'. Most dreams, it was urged, had a rational explana- tion. The dreamer had been over-eating; he was too hot or too cold*. Other men whose general^outlook was amazingly rational incHned nevertheless to the behef that some dreams at least should be treated seriously. All were not insignificant : some came from God, others from the fiend ^. The whole question was an open one®, and, despite Gower's assertion that popular opinion had pronounced against a serious consideration of them'', it is clear that dreams still affected such mundane affairs as parliamentary grants^ and the restitution of stolen goods ^. The reading in footnote: "characteribus, carminibus, praestigiis, et sortilegiis, et Merlini vaticiniis fidem adhibent aenigmaticis, ne dicam de spiritibus inclusis." Summa, Pars 11. (second part), Q. xcv., A. 4-8, and Q. xcvi. 1 Fasc. Morum, loc. cit. : " quot viros habebit et quot uxores taUs?" 2 Of Prophecies. * ibid. 389. D. 6- P. I. 43. ^ D. S- P. I. 43 and 44. ' Vox Clam. i. Prol. 3. ^ Hand. Synne, 379. Fasc. Morum, loc. cit. •* Conf. Aman. iv. 2917, 3052. ® Chron. Angliae, p. 70. • Walsingham, i. p. 255. Higden, ix. App. p. 201, H vii] STRANGE DOCTRINES 97 fiend. Pauper believed, had a cunning plan of sending a dream about God to men who were on the verge of some misfortune, in the hope that they would connect God chiefly with unpleasant events and turn from Him. The plan was so far successful that most men said they would prefer to dream of the fiend himself than of God or our Lady, so certainly did misfortune seem to follow a holy dream^. This preference seemed to Pauper somewhat impious, and he was incHned to think that people would do well to pay less attention to their dreams, whatever the subject might be 2. In some customs afterwards to be branded "super- stitious!' the theory of the Church was better than its practice. Not a few people in the fourteenth cen- tury felt that the reverence paid to images was a breach of the First Commandment, and this was the first of the many popular discussions mentioned by the author of Dives and Pauper^. Dives introduced the problem by complaining "men do make ymages these daies grete plente bothe in churche and out of churche ; And alle men as me thynk worshyp ymages : And it is fulle harde to me but I do in that as al men done. And if I worshyp them me thinketh I do ydolatrie ayenst goddes lawe*." "Whereof serue these ymages," he cries, "I wolde they were brent alle^." This iconoclastic attitude was common ^ D.& P. I. 45. 2. ^ ibid. I. 44. ^ ibid. First Commandment: chap. i. * ibid. I. I. 2. *' ibid. i. i. 3. M. Y 98 ERRONEOUS AND [CH. bongst the Lollards^, though it was not shared by im all; one of their writers joining with the author of Dives and Pauper to explain the correct way in which images were to be regarded 2. The latria which might be offered properly to God only was distin- guished from the dulia due to holy men and from the veneration which could be paid to inanimate objects, without idolatry^, but for as moche as al these maners of worship so diuerse ben clepid with one name of worship in engUsshe tunge & ofte the latyne of worshyp is taken and used unpropirly and to com- monly Therefore men fad in moch dout anderrourinredyng& nat wele understonde what they rede*. In the course of his ridicule of the idols of the heathen, Gower paused to explain the difference between them and Christian images. Yet he had to bewail the fact that the vulgar could not distinguish between the use and the abuse of these aids to worships. N^ * Festial, p. 171: "^eriov roodes and o|?yr ymages bea j Lecessarv in holy chirch, whateuer j^es Loilardes sayn." ^ 2 L. F. C. Lollardizing Version, hne 508. ^ D. &• P. I. chaps. II, 12, 13. This threefold distinction was not quite the same as that made at the Second Council of Nicea (Milman, Latin Christianity, vol. 11. p. 392): where Tpo. 6- P. I. 13. 5. 5 Vox Clam. 11. 520, 541. Cow/. A man. v. 1501. Knighton, II. p. 158 (WycUf's view). i VII] STRANGE DOCTRINES 99 The true purpose of images, said Dives, was three- fold: to direct thought, to stir emotion, to serve as a book for the "leude peple^." This argument for images was commonly used. One preacher defending them from Lollard attacks declared himself vigorously : I say boldyly...J,er ben mony |,ousaund of pepul bat coub not ymagen in her hert how Crist was don on \,e rood, but as l>ai lerne hit be sy3t of ymages and payntours^. The truth of this remark was borne out by the con- fession of Julian of Norwich, who reckoned ^'paintings of crucifixes " a part of her creed 3. Images were to be helps to, and not objects of, worship: thanke thy god that wolde do so moche for the and worshyp him aboue al thynge, nat the ymage. nat the stocke, stone ne tree, but hym yt dyed on the tree for thy synne & thy sake- So that thou knele if thou wylt bifore the ymage, nat to the ymage Do thy worshyp afore the ymage, nat to the ymage Make thy prayer bifore the ymage, but nat to the ymage For It seeth the nat. herythe the nat, understondeth the nat Make thyn offrynge if thou wylt bifore the ymage. but nat to thymage. Make thy pilgramage nat to the ymage, ne for the ymage. For it may nat helpe the, but to him and for him that the ymage representith to the. For if thou doo it for the ymage or to the ymage thou doste ydolatry^ ' D.S-P. I; I. 3. 2 Festial. p. 171 : Myrc quotes " Ion Bellet " to the effect that ymages and payntours ben lewde menys bokes " '''''"^^^ 3 Comfortable Words, p. 18. r, *^ ^'f^'/-^- ^•. F- ^- ■5-2: "the ymage neither can ne mav helpe at nede For it hath no vertue at alle. It is nothySg Sles but a boke or a toke to the leude peple." 1.4.3 On Palm Sunday the priest appears to worship the Cross when he hS drawn up the veil. "God forbede." cried Pauper, "He speketh nat to the ymage yt the carpenter hath made and the pl?ntour painted, but if the pste be a fole. For that stocke or stoone was neuir kynge, but he spekyth to hym that dyed on the croce for us al. to him that is king of alle thynge.'' i. 13 2. ^ 7—2 '?? VII] STRANGE DOCTRINES lOI lOO ERRONEOUS AND [CH. Plainer language could scarcely be, but the writer of it, unlike some who have quoted him^ was ready to admit that the distinction which he elaborated was not understood by most laymen; " for lewdnesse they been deceyued and worshyp creatures as god him self 2." The impression of Dives was that "whane men knele bifore the ymage, pray and loke on the ymage with wepyng teres, buche or knocke theire brestys w' other suche countynaunce they do al this to the ymage, and," he adds significantly, "so wenyth moche peple^." The priest, too, on Palm Sunday seemed to say to the image Ave rex noster, "and soo he worshipeth that ymage as king*." Did not some suppose that, at Mass, Christ in the sacrament was offered to the carved crucifix ^P It was not generally understood that the cross represented our Lord, and was so addressed with more reverence than in itself it deserved^. For some of these mistakes Pauper thought one might fairly blame the laity. Their ordinary faculties ought to have been sufficient image, said Dives, was less worthy than the hving tree from which it was made. RoUe, E. P. T., v. p. lo. ^ Gasquet, Parish Life in Mediaeval England, pp. 57-8, 174, 179. 3, see note 6 below. Hand. Synne, 3876. 3. * D.&P. I. 4. 3 ibid. I. 3. I. ^ D.& P. I. 4. 5 ihid. I. 3. 3. * ihid. I. 4. 2 "Sumtyme we speke of the crosse only as of his token & the crosse y^ he died upon, and so one worde is referred to diuerse thinges. And this blidith moche folk in their redynge. For they wene that alle the prayers that holye chirch maketh to the crosse, that he maketh theym to the tre that Criste died on. or elles to the croce in the churche, as in that anteme, O crux splendidior. And so for lewdnesse they been deceyued and worshyp creatures as god him self." 4 to warn them against idolatry 1. Yet, even so, he was obhged to admit thatthejchief responsibihty lay upon the-^iergyr- When Dives expressed his wonder that "men be so besy to do the people worship ymages," the defender of the established order could not deny the charge. If the " leudenesse " of clergy and people (j^O was in part to blame, so was the^ ^' couetyse of m en of ^ i^ holy churche 2." The false prophets who "maynteyn 3?aoiatrie~lor lucre of offerynge" by "feynyng myracles of ymagis as men do these daies" steal God's true word from the people and the people's worship from God 3. The advantage which priests cynically took of the layman's ignorance was shown most unmistakably in Lent ; at that time according to custom images should be covered — yet the hypo- crites left uncovered any that brought in money^ "Leue this mater," urged Pauper in despair, "for it is odiouse to the coueitouse prestys y' wynne great richesse by suche ymages*." ^ D. & P. I. 11. 5: "they y* make their prayers and ther prisinges bifore the ymages & say their Pater nost', their Aue maria, and other prayers and prisynges used comoly of holy churche or any suche other, if they do it to the ymage & speke to the ymage they doo open ydolatrye. And they be nat excusyd alle if they understonde nat what they saye. For their sighte & their other wyttes & their ynner wyt also shew- yth wele that ther owith no suche prayer prysynge ne worshyp be done to no suche ymages. For they may nat here them ne se hem ne helpe them at nede." 2 ihid. 1. 13. 2. Vox Clam. ii. 541. 3 D.& P. VII. 3. 2. * ihid. I. 10. 2. CH. Villi GOOD WORKS 103 CHAPTER VIII GOOD WORKS The leaders of the Romantic Revival performed a great service and a great disservice to medieval religion. They rescued it from the contempt and ignorance of the "enlightened" rationalists, but they almost smothered it in magic and mysticism. As a result, it has been conceived too often as something remote from the ordinary ways of ordinary/ men. It has been pictured as deahng only with sacraments and mysteries, saints and visions, the Day of Judg- ment and eternal hfe. And a casual acquaintance with the best known writers of the fourteenth century r confirms this vague impression. Wyclif wrote fre- quently about the neglect of the plain moral teaching of the Gospeli. Langland lamented that the popular preachers of the day devoted their attention rather to insoluble mysteries than to practical Hving, thus quickening doubts instead of virtue. •^reres and fele other maistres that to the lewed men prechen, 3e moeuen materes inmesurables to tellen of the trinite. That ofte tymes the lewed peple of hir bileue douten. Bettere byleue were mony doctoures such techyng. And tellen men of the ten comaundementz and touchen the seuene synnes, And of the braunches that burgeouneth of hem and bryngeth men to helle, And how that folke in folyes myspenden her fyue wyttes*. I Arnold, I. p. 338. Matthew, i. 16, iii. 50, vii. passim. ■ Pters Plowman, B. xv. 68. >.J 1^ >i Religion was, nevertheless", very far from being a remote mystery; it concerned itself intimately with daily life. In the face of all the complaints it is ini^ possible to avoid the conclusion that too little moral ] and rehgious teaching was given to the laity, but / when and where it was given it was pr actica l. The^ moraUst did not err by making his lessons too vague and general; he left not a doubt of what he meant i; he had always a pertinent illustration ^. The very foirm and method of Langland's poem are enough to prove that the Enghshman of the four- teenth century knew something of Christian morality^ The freedom with which he impersonated the virtues and vices impHes that his pubHc — and it was a wide one — had a certain familiarity with the subject. And to the layman of the fourteenth century the virtues and vices were not mere names. Strenuous effort was put forth to make them real even for the simple and / ignorant. Gluttony, for example, was more than an, abstract quahty^; writers Hke Mannyng translated it into the terms of everyday life. / Twyys on \>e day ys sustynaunce To man J>at ha]? gode cheuysaunce ]?ogti he be man of trauayle, Hyt were y-now with-oute fayle*. To eat more than two meals a day was gluttonous, and to indulge in "rere sopers" was as bad^. Plain food * Instnictions, 977-1398. Conf. A man. iv. 1083. 2 Mirour, 1981. (The boastful lose their virtues as a cack- ling hen loses her eggs.) Cf. 12457, 14053, 16555. 3 See also the exposition of Pride, pp. 111-113 below. * Hand. Synne, 7213. ^ ibid. 7259. I04 GOOD WORKS [CH. VIII] GOOD WORKS 105 was best for soul and body^. The mmunerable host (^ moral stories showing in lurid light the fate of the immoral and the bhss of the virtuous were the most common part of popular knowledge 2. The elemen- tary lesson of Christianity, "People, be good^" was not forgotten, but it was presented in a form different from that now adopted by preachers and teachers. The Church did not then teach virtue by reference to the Sermon on the Mount or by exalting Christ as the pattern for everyday life. It analysed the human heart, tabulated all conceivable sins, and called on men to beware. The average Christian of the twen- tieth century approaches moral problems with the question, "What would Jesus doP^'^'Five hundred Z years ago he would have referred to^the Ten Com- mandments and the sevenfold presentations of virtue and vice — if he had been well enough taught to know these things. The obvious drawback to the medieval method of teaching^ morality was its intricacy. Illus- trations might drive home separate lessons, but the general scheme was more suited for academic dis- cussion than for daily guidance. Even the most unlearned can never entirely forget the example of Christ; and the "golden rule"* has the prime merit of simpHcity; t)ut to make a countryman famiHar * Conf. Aman. vi. 657; Mirour, 7951. * e.g. Handlyng Synne is full of them; so are Dives and Pauper, Knight of La Tour Landry, Myrc's Festial, Confessio A mantis. ^ Ruskin. Praeterita, vol. i. sect. 22. Cf. Lockhart. Life of Scott (ed. 1900), chap. Ixxxiii. p. 428. * St Matthew, vii. 12. i with the whole scheme of the virtues and vices, and to teach him to refer every action to it, would be a difficult task even to-day. There is no reason to wonder that in many medieval parishes it was ill( performed. There were, however, few parts of life on which the Church did not say something definite and practical. It gave careful supervision to all that concerned marriage and divorce and the nurture of children. Betrothal without the priest's consent it forbad^. It fiercely denounced child-marriages ^ and unnatural ties between old and young, or between persons in different ranks of society 3. After the Plague vigilance was especially necessary*. The disordered state of society tended to promote irregular and ill assorted unions, with nothing to recommend them but financial ^ Hand. Synne, 8363: ^yf |)0u a womman troupS plygfit Out of holy cherches sy3t; Men ogtit nat so for to do pogh |>at frendes consent I>arto; For holy cherche oght fyrst for to wyte Of here gederyng, 3yf hyt may sytte. Cf. 8399. 2 ibid. 1 1 203: Also, for men by-hete hem largely. Are chyldryn wedded ofte ioT-^y; For J>yr are many wedded for gode. And for no stedfast loue of blode. Many one weddej? euery deyl For }>e loue of syre kateyl. Cf. 1663. ^ Festial, p. 290: "Wherefore, os by Goddys ordynaunce, a man schal takon a wyf lyke of age, lyk of condicions, and lyk of burth; for Jjereos \>ese ben accordyng it is lyk to fare wel, and ellys not." * e.g. Wilkins, in. pp. 19, 61, 71. Cf. Ii. p. 135, chap. vii. io6 GOOD WORKS [CH. VII rl GOOD WORKS 107 t considerations^. If some gave too little consideration to social rank, others tried to form a narrow caste; the rich would marry only the rich 2; and birth was preferred to virtue 3. Adultery and fornication were the sins most com- monly denounced, as they were very generally practised. The gentry were perhaps the greatest sinners. |>ys [said Mannyng] ys now a comun synne J?at many one fallyn ynne For almost hyt ys euery-whore A gentyl man ha|> a wyfe and a hore And wyues haue now comunly Here husbondys and a ludby*. The wealthy, moreover, protected too many of these sinners from the wrath of the Church s. "Lechours" were threatened with the most hideous pains; the medieval morahst took pecuHar pleasure in elabora- ting sufferings appropriate to every variety of sin«. The children born from an illegitimate union were commonly believed to be inherently wicked and unfortunate, perhaps doomed to hell by the very circumstances of their birth 7. On this matter the ' Piers Plowman, B. ix. 160-176. Brut. p. 314: "And in \is same sere (36 Ed. Ill) was a grete & houge pestilence of peple. and namely of men, whos wyues, as wymmen out of gouemaunce. token husbondes, as wel straungers as ober lewed and symple peple. ^ whiche, forsetyng her owne wurschip & berthe, coupled and maried hem with hem bat were of lowe degre & htel reputacion." Cf. p. 303 ("weddyng wiboute frendship ). Mirour, 17269. Conf. Aman. v. 2830 2 Mirour. 17365. 3 j^,,-^ j^^^q. Hand. Synne. 2925. a ^^^-^ ^^^^ * e.g. P.R.S-L. Adulterous Falmouth Squire, Hnes 36. 201 • Tour Landry, chaip. XXXV. p. 51. ' Tour Landry, chap. Ivii. p. 75 : " For the children that ben (1 11 influenc§^ the Lollards tended onl^i la,§tiff en the t eaching of the Chur ch^. There was even a hankering desire to revive the brutal punishments of older times. " In sum places,'* said the Knight of La Tour Landry, speaking with obvious satisfaction of the torture of harlots, "thaire throtes be cutte, in sum places thei be brent, in sum places bothe man and woman putte alle quik in erthe^." But there was more than mere denunciation. Some fourteenth century morahsts understood a httle about psychology ; they recognised the influence of dreams and thoughts on sexual sins 3. And yet about this seventh deadly sin, of which they heard so much, certain people still held erroneous views. Some considered fornication defensible be- cause it was an equal contract; unlike adultery, it wronged no third party and desecrated no sacrament*. Bigamy, too, found some apologists, confident, hke Milton, in the example of the Old Testament patri- archs. The orthodox, however, held that a dispen- sation was allowed under the old law for the special not of trewe maryage, they be they by whome the grete hery- tages and Auncestri ben loste." * Gairdner, Lollardy and the Reformation, vol, i. p. 184: Wiche said that no bastard can be saved though he held the belief with reservations. (Fasc. Ziz. p. 376.) Cf. John Ball (Walsingham, 11. p. 32: "Docuit etiam neminem aptum regno Dei, qui non in matrimonio natus fuisset "). 2 Tour Landry, chap, cxviii. p. 162: "she shulde be brent or stoned vnto the dethe, so noble and trwe was the lawe of God and of Moyses." Cf. P. R. & L. p. 31. ' Hand. Synne, 7561, * D. &> P. VI. 8. I : "comon opynyon it is that is no dedly synne." Gower, who devoted nearly 340 lines to adultery, had less than 50 for fornication {Mirour. 9085 and 8749). Cf. Wilkins, 11. p. 518 (Complaint of Convocation); and in. p. 247 (Lollard's recantation). i\ I j io8 GOOD WORKS [CH. purpose of increasing God's people; it could not be pleaded in Christian ages when continence was con- sidered lawful for the very reason that the race had become plenteous^. Many believed that adultery was less sinful in man than in woman, but enlightened writers denounced any such notion, declaring that as a rule man was the more eager in sin ^. There were constant complaints that holy seasons ^ and even holy places* were not reverenced by the lustful. Most rehgious teachers paid too little attention to the upbringing and education of children. To warn parents continually of the danger of overlying their children was one of the recognised duties of a priest ^, and the priest shared with the parents the responsi- bility of giving to the child an elementary knowledge of religion*. Children ought to know the Pater, the Ave, and the Creed as well as the correct way of making the sign of the cross'. But not the least anxiety of the Church was to ensure that children were trained with sufficient severity. In the mind of the celibate clergy, who knew little or nothing of child-life, education consisted most obviously in ^ D. &- P. VI. 20. 2, cf. VI. 9. i; Sumtna, Supplementum, Q. Lxv., A. 2. ' D. &> P. VI. chaps. 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 24. 25. ^ Hand. Synne, 2009. Piers Plowman, B. xiii. 348. Lechery tempting maids: As wel in fastyng-days and Frydayes and forboden nyates; And as wel in Lente as oute of Lente alle tymes ylyche, Suche werkes with hem were neuere oute of sesoun. £). (S- P. I. 21. 3: "if they comen togyddrc.in holy tyme withouten drede or reuerece of the tyme." . * Tour Landry, chap. xxxv. and xxxvi. pp. 51-2. ^ Wilkins, in. pp. 61, 69. Instructions, 155. * Hand. Synne, 9697. ' Wilkins, iii. p. 59. Vlll] GOOD WORKS 109 chastisement. A child of five, said Mannyng, had been known to go to hell because its father had neglected his duty and had not heaten it^. There is great significance in another remark by the same writer. He was going to illustrate Solomon's in- junction about wholesome chastisement by the story of EH's sons: " wyle 3e ]?at 30ure chyldryn be a-ferd, 3yue)? hem j)e smert ende of |>e jerde; " And teche)> hem gode jjewys echone 3yt dur 30W breke hem no bone 2. Sometimes the tables were turned and children used violence against their parents. This was so monstrous a sin that even the enthusiastic advertiser of the stations of Rome could not promise forgiveness for it 3. The misuse of oaths was a matter which took a prominent place in religious teaching. The high value set upon solemn swearing did not make men fear to swear rashly. Of all vainoaths, blasphemous reference to the parts of our Lord's body was held to be the most offensive; one of the best-known medieval stories tells how people had seen our Lord's body mangled worse than on Calvary, and how it was explained that this fresh suffering was caused by » Hand. Synne, 4863. Cf. Piers Plowman, B. v. 34- « Hand. Synne, 4859. ^ P.R.S' L. Stacions of Rome, p. 118, hnes i45-«- At St Anastasius' r t.--.. u^ Wrathyng of fadur & modur, jyf hit be, In goddes name he for-3eue|> hit ^ So |K)u smyte not with |>yn honde: Ry3th so hit ys, I unJ>erstonde. no GOOD WORKS [CH. profane swearers^. Everyone agreed in condemning this kind of oath, but the more scrupulous objected to any light use of God's Name 2. Thoughtless oaths were used especially by the gentry, and their example was followed by every boy who wished to appear a man of fashion^. Some thought it worse to swear by the Virgin than by her Son*, but there was httle pro- test against the very common practice of swearing by the saints s. The author of Dives and Pauper entered with great detail into the matter, explaining precisely when andjiow it was lawful to take the several sorts of oath «r) The Lollards were inclined to object to any sort of sw^ring, alleging that Christ forbad it. "I am sykyr," "It is soth," " Withoute doute it is so," and similar phrases, were all that they would allow MThis sweeping interpretation of our Lord's word^med to Pauper unjustifiable «. Some oaths were lawful, as some were sinful. It was always wrong, for example, ^ e.g. Festial, pages 3, 113. Mirour, 6433. Instructions, 865. Vox Clam. v. 759. Hand. Synne, 689. D. &> P.ii.ii. 4. Piers Plowman, B. xviii. 230. Kail, xix. p. 87. 2 D.S-P. II. 4. I, Cf. II. 2. I : " Sume say of another i scorn god hathe forsaken him, & iapers and disoures comoly name goddes name i veyne in this maner though they swere none othe." Piers Plowman, B. v. 376. 3 Hand. Synne. 759. Cf. 669, 689. Gower, Carmen super multtplici viciorum pestilencia, hne 232. * Hand. Synne, 789: More drede ys, by here to swere Y^n ys by hym |>at she dede bere. * e.g. Langland, whose opinion in such matters was usually severe, tending almost to Lollardy, had no hesitation about swearing by saints. Even Piers Plowman swore by Peter (B. vi. 3), by Paul(B. vi. 25), by our Lord Himself (B. vi. 287); cf. A. XI. 228, B. VI. 22 (by Christ), B. xi. 27 (by St Mary). * D. (Sy P. Second Commandment. ' Knighton, 11. p. 262. ^ D. & P. II. 6. 3: It was not "swere i no manere," but ij VIII] GOOD WORKS III to swear by a creature 1, or to swear in craftily chosen words which, though perhaps hterally true, were sure to deceive 2. Perjury, he held, was a sin second only to idolatry. It was worse than manslaughter 3, and was terribly punished by God*. Yet an evil oath was better broken than observed 5. A woman might legitimately deceive a "lechour" with an oath. Better ys to skape with an o|>e pan synne dedly, and God be wro}>e «. Jephthah was wrong in performing his vow : Seynt Austyne seyj? certeynly t?at he synned ryjt dedly '. Herod's observance of his oath was no justification for his wicked act; it was a mere excuse — if his own eye had been demanded, instead of the Baptist's head, would Herod have been so careful of his honour ^P Personal vanity, one expression of the deadly sin Pride, was often denounced. It showed itself in many ways. Some people boasted of "hyghe lynage," an absurd boast : Be)>enke \e weyl fro when |?ou cam; Alle we were of Adam^. "swere nat i euery maner." Summa, P. 11. (second part), Q. LXXXIX., A. 2. » DS-.P. II. 7. Summa, P. 11. (second part), Q. lxxxix., A. 6. ^ D. &> P. II. 9. •'' ibid. II. 17; Mirour, 6423; Festial, p. 300. * D. & P. II. 18: perjured Britons and Saxons defeated by Danes; broken faith of St Brice's day punished in 1066. ^ ibid. II. 34. « Hand. Synne, 8357, cf. 2811. ' ^^,^-^ 2889. s ^^^-^ 2833. » ilnd. 3033. Instructions. 1013. There are many such parallels to John Ball's couplet: 7 Whan Adam dalf, and Eve span / Wo was thanne a gentilman ? Walsingha^, 11. p. 32. L^ 112 GOOD WORKS [CH. Some thought too highly of physical gifts, of bodily strength and beauty i; and so came to despise those unfortunate persons who were crippled or deformed 2. Even the hair or the voice or the complexion might become a temptation to pride. Pride showed itself, too, in unduly fashionable clothes^, in love of titles*, in discourtesy to servants ^, in display of horses «, even in elaborate tombstones ^. From scarcely any of these sins were the clergy exempt « ; the friars and preachers thought much of their personal appearance. But it was the vanity of women which provoked the four- teenth centur}^ moralist more than anything else, Gower for once was stung into humour. His grimly bitter description of the arts of women is in its way a masterpiece ^ Mannyng, on the other hand, could scarcely trust himself to speak : Of proud wymmen wuld y telle But J>ey are so wrotti and felle^'. His fiercest invective and most ghastly anecdotes were reserved for those |>at are so foule and fade, |?at make hem feyrere |>an god hem made With oblaunchere or outher floure To make hem whytter of coloure". To paint the face and to pull out "superfluous hairs " ' Instructions, 1003. Hand. Synne, 3043, 331 1. ^ ibid. 3317. » Instructions, 1031. Hand. Synne, 3321; Mitour, 1219- Conf. Aman. i. 2691; Brut, p. 296; Eulog. Hist. iii. p. 230. * Hand. Synne, 3407. * ibid. 3515. * Instructions, 1037. Hand. Synne, 3083. ' Hand. Synne, 8779. Cf. Wills, pp. 71, 88, 105, 116. ' D.S' P. VI. 13. 4; VII. 12. 4. * Vox Clam. v. cap. vi. »» Hand. Synne, 3215. " ibid. 3217. Vox Clam. v. 379, 409, 413. VIII] GOOD WORKS "3 were crimes punished in hell by the most ingeniously appropriate torments 1. To borrow clothes 2, to take undue interest in them, to copy the fashions of the other sex 3, to indulge in fantastic decorations like "horns 4, " was to arouse God's anger. This care for the appearance of the body was a double sin : it in- creased pride and it led to lechery— as indeed it was 2 intended to do 5. ^^ ^^;,, ^-v { is puritanical spirits which was_a_aiarked _£teristic_ of fourteenth century rehgion, ex- hibii^ itself in other ways, and n ot on ly amongst tfienraiards. Mannyng distrusted almost all sorts of recreation; people who were interested in such things usually neglected God's service «. Dancing was held by some to be wicked at all times, but especially on Sundays and holy days'. Minstrels and their instruments fell under a Hke suspicion ». Jousts led often to lechery, always to vain expensed Only those miracle plays which were connected with the ^ Tour Landry, chap. liii. p. 69. ^ Knighton, 11. p. 57. ^ Hand. Synne, 3457. ' Hand. Synne, 322^. Tour Landry, chap, xlvii. pp. 6^ 66 ^ D. S' P. VI. 13. 2. ' t-f jp ' ^ Hand. Synne, 4681 : Daunces, karols, somour games, Of many swych come many shames; whan jjou stodyst to make |?yse, pou art slogh yn Goddys seruyse. • ; ^ ^' ^l\ ^7- 4- Pauper personally did not share this view (p. 135 below). Matthew, i. p. 9 (quoted below p. i^:^) XII. p. 206: I gesse wel j>at jonge wymmen may sumtyme daunsen in mesure," etc. Hand. Synne, 9015. 3 Proverbs coUected in 1530 representing opinions of earlier generations P.R. & > L. p. 31: "Instrumentisof mynstrelsy seldome^doth^ gger god." Cf. Cha^mh^^iTmimf^tage, vol. I. p. 39. ^ • ' o ' ^'^Handr Synne, 4571. Tour Landry, chap. xxv. p. 35. >*• 8 114 GOOD WORKS [CH. Vlll] GOOD WORKS 115 Nativity, the Resurrection, and similar subjects, could be approved, because only such could streng- then faith ^. To borrow ecclesiastical garments for dramatic performances was held to be a form of sacrilege and was strictly forbidden 2. About the moraHty of kissing, opinion was divided, but Mann- yng's own view was clear. Some wene |>at kyssyng ys no synne, But grete peryl fallej> J>er-ynne. Be |k)u neuer so chaste Sc straunge, kyssyng wyl |)yn herte chaunge*. Geoffroy de la Tour Landry has recorded his wife's opinion that, however innocent it might be for girls to "make to them good chere" and "kysse them before all," secret kissing was hardly to be tolerated, for it is the " nyghe parente and Cosyn vnto the fowle faytte or dede*." To make out, as some do, that this puritanical attitude to pleasures was the creation of the Re- formers, is to neglect quite half the evidence. CathoHc England may have been " M errie England," but, if some of the merriment existed because of the Church, at least as much exist edTir~spite of it. Towards popular pleasures, as towards popular superstitions, the Church took up a critical attitude; of some it approved because they could be made to serve its purpose, of others it did not approve because it had no use for them. To represent the Church as a ^ Hand. Synne, 4639; Wilkins, in. p. 60; D. 6- P. in. 17. 2. 2 Hand. Synne, 4675. 2 Hand. Synne, 8107; cf. 7677. Instructions, 1253. Summa, P. II. (second part), Q. cliv., A. 4. * ToMyLawifry, chap, cxxxiii. p. 185. Ci.Conf.Aman.v.655^. force tending to increase Hght-hearted mirth is to show but one side of the picture. In fourteenth century religion we can find the forerunners of Mr Stiggins as well as those of Mr Chesterton. Even the propaganda against cruelty to animals had its fourteenth century counterpart. Chaucer's prioress alone would show that there were some who had tender hearts for the suffering of dumb creatures^. Of Margery Kemp too it was told that she could not bear to see even a beast wounded; if she saw a man smite a horse or another beast with a whip "she thought she saw our Lord beaten and wounded " like the beast 2. Then as now some people objected on principle to the destruction of any living thing, and Pauper felt it necessary to explain for their benefit that the Fifth^ Commandment was not intended to prevent the slaughter of animals for food. God allowed man "to slee bestes, fesshe and foule to his profite, but not to sle the for cruel tye, ne for lykynge in vanyte and shrewidnesse. And therfore whanne he forbadde man to ete flesshe with the blode he forbad him to slee bestes by way of crueltye or for lykynge i the shrewednes." " For god that made al," he adds, anticipating the Ancient Mariner, "hath cure of al"; He has promised to take vengeance "for alle the bestys that ye slayne only for crueltye of soule and lykynge i shrewidnes"; "there- fore men shuld haue rueth on bestys of (sic) bryddys and not harme them withoute cause*." Yet despite much plain and some beautiful teach- ing the popular conception of virtue was mechanical. * Canterbury Tales, Prologue 142. * A Short Treatise of Contemplation, printed in The Cell of Self Knowledge, p. 54. ^ According to the Roman enumeration. * D. & P. v. 15, 8—2 Si Ii6 GOOD WORKS [CH. VIII] GOOD WORKS 117 To escape hell and to win heaven a certain amount of merit had to be amassed. A righteous man who had virtue enough and to spare might help the dead by performing good deeds for their benefit; and if by chance the dead whom he had in mind were already in bliss, the merit so expended was not lost. The excess amount was transferred to other souls still in Purga- tory, "and >>en," said one preacher revealing the courtesies of the dead, ")>e sowles ]?at ben holpen ]7erwyth heyley )>ay ]?onken )>e sowles ]?at hit was yeuen for^/' The great "tresowre of holy chyrche," comprising all human merits and the immeasurable benefits of Christ's Passion, formed a spiritual bank with which any soul might open an account. The account might be opened at any time, and many people naturally postponed the day, even trusting to secure a sufficient store of merit after death by charitable bequests and the intercession of the Church. "I wene," said Dives, and he seems to speak for many, "that all me might be holpen with her rich- esses after her deth^." The wealthy were especially tempted to make this mistake^; and the Christian of the fourteenth century, like our Lord's disciples, often envied the rich man his chances of entering the King- * Festial, p. 270. ^ D. &• P. IX. 6. I : "It is nat soo," said Pauper. 3 ibid. IX. 5. 4: "Couetise puttith example of knightes, of marchauntes, of plates, of lordes and of ladies; If thou haue richesse, saith couetise, thou may do moche almesse and haue many prestis to pray for ye oute of purgatorye. But be ware for by suche bihestes the feende & worldly couetise been aboute to disceyue the and to bringe the in glotonye and lechery and ydolatrie.... He wole mak the more trust in thy gode tha in thy god." dom. In this world, wealth might be transitory but, as Gower bluntly said*, it could be used to buy heaven. "Wele is he y* may haue helpe of his gode after his dethe, and thenne fynde frendes and true atturneys^." The Church disapproved of this delaying of the fruits meet for repentance, but could not declare that such delay in itself prevented salvation. For on the one hand the theory of a treasury of merit gave definite support to the practice, and on the other it has always been against the genius of Christianity to deny the possibiHty of salvation to any man so long as he lives. The Church has never Hked "death-bed repentance," but with the penitent thief before her she has never been able to doubt its efficacy. Four- teenth century teachers could only urge a man to secure his salvation by good works whilst he Uved, and point out the very grave risk of leaving the matter till death 3. One might always die suddenly or lose one's senses, and so, being unable to ask mercy in the "last end" of life, one might be damned*. "Couetise" would spare no efforts to make one add sin to sin until it was too late to be shriven. " He wole so entryk the in dett and in synne that it shall be ful harde to the for to escape and so to brynge the to die in ^ Mirour, 23557, 23563. ^ D.&'P. IX. 10. 3. Cf. St Luke, xviii. 25-26. ^ P. R. &• L. Adulterous Falmouth Squire, lines 146-9. * D. S' P. V. II. 3: Dives, "Moch folk presume so moch on the merci of god that they yeue no tale to lyue in their synne moche of al ther life in hope to haue mercy in last end." Pauper, " ...comonly such maner folke be desseyued by soden deth or elles in ther diynge they lese ther hedys and ther wyttys and begynne to raue." ii8 GOOD WORKS [CH. VIII] GOOD WORKS 119 dedly synne. And if thou dye in dedly synne al the golde undre the cope of heuene though it were thyne ne alle the prestes under sone may nat helpe the^" "But only they shal be holpen with their goode after their dethe that deseruyd by ther lyf to be holpen with their richesses after their dethe, as they that do almesse after their staate, and spende wele the goode that god hathe sentte to theym, and paye wele their dettes, and do such other gode dedys and kepe theim from dedely synne to their lyues end or namely thanne^." It was good to build churches and to repair roads ; these things would speak for the soul, but they could not hush the cry of the poor whom the pious bene- factor had oppressed when he was alive ^. It was easier too, to acquire merit before death than after it ; " one peny shal^fyt more bifore hisdeth than tuenty penys after. And more ^fiteth one candel bifore a ma than xx behynd hym*." But besides all this there was the danger that pious intentions would not be carried out. One might be hindered from making a will as one wished^; if one were a serf, the will when made might be contested *. The clergy could not be trusted to carry out faithfully the wishes of the dead. Bequests for the establish- ment of lights and chantries and the relief of the poor * ibid. IX. 6. I. Christ's Own Complaint, line 201. * D. 6- P. IX. 5. 5. * P. R. S- L. p. 181 Mirour, 15553. * jD. 6- P. IX. 10. 3. * Wilkins, 11. p. 155. The synod of Exeter threatened with excommunication all who should hinder a man from making his will freely. Cf. iii. p. 96. * Wilkins, 11. p. 553: "Item omnes illi, qui ascriptitiorum vel aliorum serviUs conditionis testamenta, vel ultimas volun- tates quovismodo impedierint contra consuetudinem ecclesiae AngUcanae hactenus approbatam, per excommunicationis sententiam compescantur." were turned from their original purpose^. "Annue- lers" lived in drunkenness and lechery whilst the testator remained in torment 2. Executors were almost certain to be untrustworthy ; their reputation was extremely bad. No class of men — not even lawyers — had a worse name among the people. Of alle wykked men })at men calle, pe fals execu tours be werst of alle' was Myrc's summary of their character. Many were the tales of their treachery ; it was safest to be your own executor*. Ryche men gadere ryche tresours To make with ryche executours, pe whyles \>e executours sekke (i.e. fyl [)e bag) Of |>e soule ^ey ne rekke*. Executors divided amongst themselves the money in their charge. They argued that if the dead man's soul were in hell it could not be removed thence by any number of Masses, whereas if it were in heaven nothing done on earth could improve its lot*. Miserable was the fate of the neglected dead : whanne they shal crepe into purgatorye that is hoter thanne any ouene than they take to their executoures a boUe fulle of water in their hond, that is to say golde and syluer & other richesses for to do almesse for them & by almesdede, by messes syngyng, and holy praiers refresshe them in their peynes & kele the fyre aboute theym. But comonly whan they haue this boll of water in their honde and haue the godes at their wylle, they laughe so and make so mery and fare so 1 Wilkins, in. p. 60; iii. p. 244, § 53. There is much evidence for this, Mr G. G. Coulton tells me, in monastic records. 2 Mirour, 20537. ' Hand. Synne, 12 19. * ibid. 6293. Gower, Latin Works, p. 368, Nota contra niortuorum executores. Gower acted on his own advice, and provided prayers before he died. ^ ibid. 6233. ^ ibid. 6329 I20 GOOD WORKS [CH. VIII] GOOD WORKS 121 wel wt the godes of the dede yt they may no thing cast after them for they be ful lothe to forgo any of the godes. And therwhiles the synful soule lyeth in purgatory i. After all, was it not unreasonable for a man to expect others to care for his soul's welfare when he himself had been so careless of it in his lifetime? The executor might well plead : how shulde y bringe |>e of pyne, when |70u ne wuldest, whyl alle was J)yne? how shuld y late \>y gode me fro, when J>ou lete noun fro [>y-self go ? who shulde ]>e oute of sorowe vnbynde, when to \>y self Jjou were vnkynde^? To expect better results by appointing executors from one's own family was quite useless; Of alle executours \>at men fynde, Werst are J)yn owne kynde, * And |>y chyldryn specyaly Are to \>y soule vnkyndely: Py chyldryn alle sey ryght f»us: "Whom shuld J>ey 3yue hyt but vs"? " This at least was a lesson which men took to heart. No sort of provision in wills was so strict as that which tied the testator's own family *. With grim humour Mannyng remarked: Ne be J>ou neuere yn swyche errour To make )>yn eyr ^y secutour, Ne ]>y sekutoure \>y fysycyene, Yn hope for to leue a-3ene'^. d/ ^' ^ i' ^^' "• ^' ^^ *^® whole chapter. Cf Piers Plowman. B. xx. 288-91. Kail, xxv. p. 138 ^ ^ Hand. Synne, 6455. » ibid. 6263. Cf. 6283, 10791. he^ broth^r'h PP- '^''' ^^- ^^^^^ Clanbowe tried to secure her brother s acquiescence m her will by leaving him a set of vestments, mass book, and chalice^ '^ Hand^ ^nne, 1181! \\ Yet with all these warnings men continued to rely on the merit that could be secured for them after their death. They exercised businesshke prudence in their rehgious bequests ; striving to secure the maxi- mum of spiritual advantage from every sum spent. Their confident trust was shown by the way in which they left money to multiply candles and ornaments^, to win the grateful prayers of the poor and the in- firm 2, to assure themselves of places in the rich window of some friary church^, and above alF to perpetuate-their names in the prayers of the Church by the estabhshment of chantries, where masses and"* other offices might be said for ever*. "No one can now doubt," says a modern Roman CathoHc writer, "that the mediaeval sinner knew quite as well as the gentleman of the nineteenth century that if he offended God and did not resolve never to offend Him again, he would infaUibly be lost, though he left all his lands to the neighbouring convent. Priests might sing Requiems, and nuns might recite their Ofiice, but nought could avail the impenitent before the judgement seat of Christ s." It is true that the more earnest teachers strove to convince men of this doctrine, but it does not appear that they had any great success. And it is undeniable that m ^ Wills: almost every will gives an example, e.g. p. 11. 2 ibid., e.g. pp. 78, 105. ^ Pierce the Ploughman's Crede, line 175. Piers Plowman^ B. XIV. 199. * Wills, many examples, e.g. pp. i, 75, 105. " J. 'B^Dalgaims, Essay on the Spiritual Life of Mediaeval England, p. iii. ; prefixed to Walter Hilton, Scale of Perfection, (ed. 1901). 122 GOOD WORKS [CH. VIII there were other teachers— and they the most popu- lar—who were often guilty of teaching precisely the reverse 1. 1 Piers Plowman, B. xx. 352-365. Cf. teaching in Tour irandry, chap, xxxiv. p. 47. Friars taught that to die in their nabite and to be buned in their churches ensured salvation. u ^5^.P^^*®^*^^- "P^^^* '^y^te haue be dampned al jif he hadde dyed in cristis cloj^s." Matthew, xxii. p. 316. f CHAPTER IX HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES It was one of the defects of the Oxford Movement that in its enthusiasm it lost most of its critical faculties. Scholars who ought to have known that contemporary continental Roman CathoUcism was neither English nor medieval introduced from it many palpably modern and entirely un-EngUsh customs under the delusion that they were*' reviving " the rehgion of the EngUsh Church in the Middle Ages. Dr Wickham Legg has exposed some of their blunders about church furniture^, but more than the external part of worship was misunderstood. The mistake went much deeper. Many of the Anglo-CathoHc representations of the spirit of medieval rehgion have been as crude and false as the ecclesiastical architecture of the last century which claimed to be Gothic. The ecclesiastic or the pious layman of the fourteenth century would find his views on some subjects preserved more exactly by the straitest sects of puritanical Dissenters than by the average Roman or Anglo-CathoHcs of modern times. The observance of Sunday is perhaps the most flagrant example of this. Archbishop Laud has misled us. In his reaction 1 Ecclesiological Essays, vol. 11. p. 27. Medieval Ceremonial. I. ii 124 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [ch. from the extreme Puritanism of his times he was driven to exaggerate the anti-puritan characteristics of the medieval Church; but if medieval opinion be judged by the views of men like St Bernard it will appear that Laud's anti-puritanism, whatever it was, was not medieval. It is easy in criticising his pseudo- medievahsm to exaggerate in the opposite direction. There can be no doubt, however, that the Sabba- tarianism of the Puritans had its counterpart in the fourteenth century not only amongst the Lollards but amongst the most orthodox teachers. When modern writers adduce the "freedom" of the old Enghsh Sunday as a proof of the easy "Hberal" attitude of the medieval Church they are guilty of the fundamental mistake of imagining that the Church sanctioned what it was obliged— after many protests — to tolerate. The Sabbath was recognised as the greatest feast of the Church. Its Divine institution was a theme as well known to the fourteenth-century CathoHc as to the seventeenth-century Puritan, and it was agreed that the alteration of the day from Saturday to Sunday did not lessen the obligation to observe the third commandment. Many good reasons for the change could be alleged, and one ingenious writer argued that, although under the old covenant the seventh day was regarded as the "ceremonial" day of God's rest after the creation, it was on the eighth day that the Father and the Son had really rested ^ ^ D.S' p. III. 3. 4. IX] HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES 125 \l Not even the Pope could remove the obligation to observe it. Of al l^e festys j^at yn holy chyrche are. Holy Sunday men ogtit to spare; For |>e pope may, |jurgti hys powere. Turne j^e halydays yn |>e 3ere How as he wyl, at hys owne wyl, Bot J7e Sunday shal stonde styP. It was recognised that every one could not attend the daily services of the Church 2, and for this reason the Sunday services were held to be specially binding^. Only for exceptional causes might they be neglected ; on that point the official pronouncements of synods and councils were in hearty agreement with popular teachers. Statuimus, said Bishop Russell in 1350, tit in qiialihet parochiali ecclesia denuncietur paro- chianis, ut de qiialihet donio vir vet mulier, vet uterq; eorum qiialihet die dominica veniant ad ecclesiam audituri divina et praecepta ecclesiae, nisi rationahiliter sint excitsandi^. A fine of three shillings and four- pence was threatened against habitual offenders. The same was said for the ignorant in English verse: And jjat day jjou owyst and shal For to here jjy seruyse al; INIatyns messe here, to rede or syngge, Euery deyl to j>e endyngge^. ^ Hand. Synne, 805. 2 ggg chap. i. above. 3 Wilkins, 11. p. 145: "Et quanto variae seculi operationes parochianos non sinunt caeteris diebus divinis ofi&ciis interesse ; tanto his diebus singuli curiosius tenentur adesse, ut dum pro pane materiali in singulos dies perifuro sex diebus laborave- runt; septimo saltern die cibo spirituali, qui non perit, verbo scilicet praedicationis salubrius refocillentur." Instructions, 893- * Wilkins, III. p. II. Hand. Synne, 821. f! 126 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [ch. IX] HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES 127 iii Even when Divine Service had been attended the commandment had not been fully observed. All servile work must cease. How dur oJ)er prestys or clerkys. Or |>ou lewed man, J>at day werche, whan |>at day ys halewed yn holy chyrche * ? That a concession was made for necessary work, is clear both from official documents and from popular manuals. The archbishops in their sternest moods excepted from their denunciation of Sunday traders those who dealt in perishable food 2. It was stipulated, nevertheless, that such sales should be sine strepitu lest Divine Service be disturbed 3. Archbishop Arundel, also, in 1401, admitted thsit juxta consue- tudinem patriae it was lawful in harvest-time for countrymen to buy and sell on Sundays, because during the week they must devote all their time to the ingathering of the crops, ne commoditas fructuum terrae ad sustentationem generis htimani caelesti pro- visione concessa depereat^. Yet the archbishop was careful to provide that these Sunday traders should first hear Mass, though it might not be the principal, choral service^. Pauper thought it lawful "to fisshe after heryng on the Sunday & other fisshe also that may nat be taken but certeyn ceson of the yere." "to do * Hand. Synne, 832. Piers Plowman. C. xiv. 85. It was a pecuHar hberty of the poor beggar that unUke the ordinary man he was not held "^ contumax, thanh he worche Haly day other holy eue hus mete to deserus. * Wilkins, iii. pp. 43, 74. \ jWrf. III. p. 74. 4 ii^id ijj p 266. * quamvis absque nota." ihid. loc. cit. u rightful bateiies," or "to saue that elles shulde perisshe both ma and beste, fruyt, come, and other thinges^ ' But although the sale and preservation of needful provisions was allowed, that concession did not excuse people who carelessly left business to be done on the holy day. Ma and woma shuld so bethink them bifore i the woke day and so ordeyne their occupacions y^ they shulde nat nede to breke the holiday therefore they y' wole nat go ne sende to market in the woke daye to bye their necessaries but abyde tyl on the Sunday for sparyng of tyme they be nat excused though tho thinges ben nedeful to them. Men shulde studye and dispose hem as besily to serue god on the Sunday as they studie bifore to traueyl for themself on the woke day*. Objections to Sunday travelling are neither modern nor Protestant ; they were strongly felt five hundred years ago. Even the Hberal-minded Pauper could not approve of the practice in general, though he allowed that sometimes it might be necessary. As it was lawful to sell food on Sunday, so traveUing might be permitted to "marchauntes," "bochers, tauerners and other vitailers," as also to "messangers, pil- grymes and wayfering men," "so that they do ther deuer to her masse and matyns if they maye." Men might also hire horses, carts, and ships to speed them in their journey, if the owners' chief thought was to help the traveller and not to win gain 3. Preachers should take care that " undre colour of prechyng they rene nat to moche aboute in veyne in the Sunday*." ^ D. &> P. III. 14. 3. Cf. chaps, xiv-xvi. Summa, P. 11. (second part), Q. xl., A. 4. ^ D. & P. III. 7. I. 3 ibid. III. 15. 2. * ibid. III. 16. I. / 128 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [ch. This weekly rest-day was not only pleasing to God, it was beneficial to man : it fallith oft that they which wole nat rest on the sundaye been made to rest al ye woke aft either for seknes tha. they fal in by ouir trauayl or by seknes or by feblenes of their seruautes and of their beestes or elles by deth. For often they sle their fbestes by ouir moche trauayle^. Until the Lollards had stamped Sabbatarianism with the suspicion of heresy churchmen regarded all sorts of Sunday amusements with grave disfavour. ^Mannyng in the early part of the century knew nothing good of that merry Enghsh Sunday which has been lovingly pictured by modern writers. Plays, carols, wresthng, and other field sports were a dese- cration of the holy day, and the game of choosing a vil- lage queen was attended with pecuhar peril 2. To pass the hours devoted to God's service in watching jugglers or playing at dice in a tavern was perhaps the worst desecration 3. It was an aggravation of the offence to commit any of these sins "before ]>e noun whan goddys seruyse owy>> to be doun*," though some of the restrictions apphed to the whole of the day^, and indeed to the late afternoon and the evening of the previous day «. It was told of St Richard that he was so busy one Saturday morning that he postponed his shaving till the afternoon. The fiend appeared and gathered up the hairs, to keep them, he said, as ' Z>. (S^ p. III. 8. 2 (wrongly numbered chap. x. in Pvnson's edition). "^ •- Hand. Syniie, 997. » ibid. 1041, Instructions, 885. Hand. Synne, 1045. ^ jj ^ p jjj j^ ^ « Hand. Synne, 845. Cf. Festtal, 266: All Saints' Vigil to be observed. IX] HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES 129 J. a proof that St Richard had no reverence for the day of Christ's resurrection^. The exact time for the beginning of the holy day varied from place to place according to the solemnity of the feast; some men "use in saturdaies and vigilies to ryng holy at midday 2," but this was rather as a warning of the approach of a holy day than as a sign that it had already begun. There was in England a custom of observing Saturday afternoon as a holy day in honour of our Lady, who on the Saturday following the crucifixion alone preserved the faith that Christ would rise^. Mannyng told how an English priest instituted this feast in Italy to the great advantage of ItaUan vines, which were thus preserved from damage by tempest *. Most of the restrictions were intended to apply to feast-days as well as to Sundays. All, it was thought, were included in the general command, "Hallow thine holy day." But the Church recognised that feasts came so frequently that no one could observe all with equal strictness, and a distinction of greater and lesser feasts was made. On the lesser feasts needful works hke "erynge & sowynge, repyng, mowynge, cartyng" were not reckoned servile nor a breach of the holy day, if they were done in a right spirit and not for avarice; but Sundays and the great feasts must be observed more punctiliously; "suche ^ Festial, p. 125, cf. explanation of "Schere l?ursday" given there: Saturday evening "aftyrraete was no tyme (to shave) for holyday." ^ D.S' P. III. 14. 2. ^ Hand. Synne, loc. cit. * ibid, 877. M. 9 I30 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [ch. werkes shulde natt be done but ful grete nede com- pelle men therto^." In this matter as in all others, the medieval ideal was never even nearly approached. What was the actual practice? The godless and careless neglected Divine Service; hope of worldly gain tempted some to carry on their ordinary pursuits 2; others sinned in frivolous games, or, more grossly, in drunkenness and lechery. Sunday, said Pauper, has now become a feast of the fiend: ye haUday was ordeyned in confusion of the feende & i worship of god & for saluacion of manys soule, but nowe it is turned to sheship of mannys soul, to dispite & offece of god, & i plesaunce of the fende. For in the sunday reigneth more lechery, gloteny. manslaughter, robbery, backbityng. ^iury, & other synnes more than regnyd al the weke bifore^. John Myrc wrote vigorously to the same effect; gluttony, lechery, idleness, and pride in "dyuerse gyses of do]?yng" had turned the days "ordeynt yn hegh worschyp to God and to his sayntys" into occasions for the displeasing of God and the damna- tion of men*. The synods and the clergy were always complaining of the desecration of holy days^. Worldly business, so far from ceasing, seemed to increase. The gather- mg of the people for rehgious purposes was made the ^ Plf ^ "■^- 7- 3- Fourteenth century writers use the word holy-day in two senses: a narrow one meaning Sundays only and a broad one including all feasts fj ^' w f ^^^f «^' S- VII. i8. Cf. WilMns, loc. cit. Mirour. 0277. >^alsmgham, II. p. ii6. ^ D.S- P. III. 6. 2. ^ Festial, p. 63. Hand. Synne, 11127. ^ Wilkins, loc. cit. S\ TX] HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES opportunity for special trading. Sundays and festi- vals were the favourite days for fairs and markets^, and many of the saints' day fairs still survive. The merchants erected their booths in the churchyard or even within the sacred building; they disturbed the service, and prevented many people from attending it. And it could not be pleaded that only food and perishable goods were sold, for there was no such dis- crimination. So great was the abuse that in some places the whole population was engaged in business and unable to attend church 2. The wearisome repe- tition of the ban on all these doings proves how popular they were. How differently the Jews be- haved ! mourned Gower : on the Sabbath they neither bought nor sold. But now scarcely a feast is left for God. What is a holy day, ask our merchants, com- pared with money ^? The feeling that an irreligious custom must neces- sarily be an immoral one too may have led the clergy to exaggerate the evils which attended this Sunday trading. Almort invariably they recite that on such occasions exceptionally fraudulent bargains were made, whilst drunkenness and immorality seemed to accompany every breach of the third commandment *. But in the face of the evidence it is impossible not to believe that behind these official insinuations there was solid fact. The allegations of writs and synods 1 Wilkins, 11. p. 295; in. p. 68; cf. p. 61. 2 ibid. III. p. 73; Grandisson's Register, 11. p. 1201. 3 Vox Clam. v. 685. * Wilkins, in. p. 266; 11. p. 706 (abuse of the ancient custom of wakes). . 9—2 v 132 HOLY .DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [ch. are abundantly supported by Langlandi and other independent witnesses 2. And yet it was easier to make men abstain from work on holy days than to induce them to use their leisure properly. The frequent recurrence of feasts with their vigils gave an enormous number of idle hours to people who had few resources. When Robin left his plough and Marian her spinning they were disinclined to give up their free time to ecclesiastical observances. They forgot their souls and spent the feast in carnal dehghts^. The stricter clergy looked with disfavour on games and field sports; it was im- possible for the layman to spend all his time in church even if he had wished to do so; and the inevitable result was tli^t the taverns profited by the rehgious ordinance^Drunkenness, rather than piety, was the distinguismng feature of a fourteenth century holy day— at kast many keen observers would have us beheve soTjThe days which nominally were "fasts" proved irrfact the greatest temptation to gluttony, for then the average man had nothing to do but to eat and to drink ! Lechour, Langland tells us, spent Saturday, a vigil, in drunkenness*. Glutton began his orgy on Friday because it was a fast day, and slept over the effects all Saturday and Sunday s. Mannyng complained of the Thursday evening feasting which preceded the Friday fast, for pe Fryday nyght ys.— |>ys shalt J>ou leue— Aftyr \>e pursday at eue«. ' See below, notes 4 and 5. 2 Kail iv p 18 ! ^!'^,^^^' S653- * Piers Plowman, B. v. 72. ! *^'^- ^Z"- 350; cf. B. II. 95, V. 381, 409, 416. * Hand. Synne, 7287. ixl HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES 133 \t A heavy Sunday dinner ought also to be avoided. If held early in the day it prevented attendance at Mass^; if held late it tempted even the priest to rush out before service was done 2. Some people observed the fast at one meal, but only to be the more glutton- ous after it^. Some fasted by day and ate by night*; some contrived by a change of diet to keep the form of fasting and suffer none of the inconvenience ^. The whole idea of a fast day was thus destroyed. Even the clergy were very careless in their obser- vance of holy days. Some hunted^, some travelled needlessly, some insisted that work for the Church should go on with no interruption'. The friars, in their quest for popularity, mixed without shame in the profane games of the people on feast-days, taking part in veyn songis and knackynge and harpynge, gyternynge & daunsynge & oJ>ere veyn triflis to geten |?e stynkyng loue of damyselis j?ei breken foule |?er halyday®. These abuses were sufficient in themselves to make men ask if the Church would not do well to reduce the number of the festivals, but the attack was made the more formidable because it was supported by an enthusiastic Sabbatarianismyxhe question of festi- vals "Bgpoelone part of the L? Tilard cont roversy. On the general principle that the Bible contained all that was necessary for religion, it was argued that, the Sabbath being the only holy day ordained in the ' Hand. Synne, 7291. * ibid. p. 84. ® Vox Clam. iii. 1505. ^ D.S- P. 111. i6. I. 2 ibid. 7318. 8 Festial, p. 83. * Mirour, 7854, cf. 7890, 8365. ® Matthew, 1. p. 9. 134 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [CH. ^jy^-iiQ-iitiiers^hoi^^ observed. The other feasts hadjio Divine sanction r they were^'pfoductive of many evils; they ought, therefore, to be abohshed. To ^clif Jhimself the question was one rather of expediency than of principle. U '>is multitude of iestis " helped men to love Christ better and to keep God's law diligently "it profiti)> to sich men to kepe sich )?ingis wel." But there were others who could live better without such human ordinances; for such people to "leve siche serymonies" could not be wrong, for our Lord and His Apostles never observed themi. It was in a similar spirit that the wisest defender of orthodoxy conducted his argument. He explained that the Sabbath ought never to take so pre-eminent a place among Christians as it had among the Jews under the old covenant. "Amonges us also." he said, "the suday is moste solempne and holy for the grete dedys and wouders that god dyd in the Sunday. But for asmoche as it commyth ofte we make it not alway lyke solempne. For it falUth the sudayes in whiche god shewyd his woders as Ester day and wytsonday to be more solempne than other comon sundayes. Other festes also as Chnstmasse day and epiphanye daye in asmoche as they been oure lordes daies and come but ones in the yere. Therefore we make more solennytee in tho dayes than we do comonly on the Sunday*." To return too precisely to the old law was to ignore the greater wonders of the Incarnation, and against the Judaising tendencies of " Seventh Day observers '' [Pauper could not express himself too strongly3. He , ' ^'??l!^' ^9^- ^- P- 330; cf. Walsingham. 11. p. 253. No one knew If the saints were saved. Knighton. 11. p. 262 n. &- p. III. 10. 2; see the whole chapter. ^ tbtd. III. II. 3. IX] HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES »35 endorsed St Gregory's opinion that these people were antichrist's disciples. Those who wished to celebrate Sunday only wished also to observe it more strictly. The advocates of a "sad Sunday" showed some of the characteristics which marked the Puritans three hundred years later. They wished to revive in detail the Jewish regulations for the Sabbath, and were scandalized by the conces- sions which the Church had made to Sunday work and Sunday amusements^. It was, however, against the latter that they protested most bitterly ; had not St Augustine said that it was better to plough and spin on Sunday than to dance^? Pauper's attitude to this question was much more lenient than Mannyng's had been a generation or two eariier. When he was challenged, "Than it semyth by thy speche yt in hahdayes men may lefully maken myrthe," his ready reply was "God forbede elles." Miracle plays and dances, if connected with no sin, he would willingly allow on holy days^, alleging as a precedent David's dancing before "Goddes hutch" when they brought it to Jerusalem^. He showed that many of the stricter Sabbatarian notions were founded on a mis- understanding of the Bible; it was, for example, absurd to apply the rules for the Day of Atonement — a day of repentance — to Sunday, which was a token of joy at Christ's resurrection^. Nor could the Fathers' objection to dances and plays be advanced ^ D. & P. III. chaps. 14-16. 3 ibid. III. 17. 2. 5 ibid. III. 17. 4. 2 ibid. III. 17. 3. * ibid. III. 18. 3. R 136 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [ch. without qualification. The Fathers wrote for times when cristen peple was moche medlyd wt hethg peple and by olde custome and example of hethen peple used unhonest daunces and pleyes that by olde tyme were ordeyned to stire folk to lechery and to other synnes. It does not foUow, continues Pauper,— and here he parts company with most medieval morahsts— that there is any sin in tho??^'^''^f f ^"^ P^^y^^ ^°°« ' ^"« ty^<^ and in gode maner i the hahday." but if these amusements " stire men and wme to pryde to lechery, glutonye and sleuthe. to ouir longe wakinije on mghtes and to ydelship on the werk dales and to other synnes as it is nghte likly yt they do in our dales, than ben they unleful both on the hahday and on the werke dayi." The difference between Pauper's attitude and Man- Myng's may be easily explained. The monkish Man- ^nyng imagined all amusement to be hcentious whilst I the author of Dives and Pauper, who was possibly a / fnar and who certainly had a wide knowledge of hfe was arguing against an extremist, and was anxious to point out that pleasure was not necessarily sinful. The most obvious test of popular religion is the reverence paid to holy days and holv things, but it is a test to be apphed with caution. To confound ideals with practice is always easy, and it is the favourite vice of those who study the Middle Ages. In the fourteenth centur5^TeligiQiivs^^.aahW more co ncrete and less a bstract than it is in the twentieth, rhougn perhaps not less spiritual it was certainly , ^ D.&P, III. 17. 3. IX] HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES 137 f*! less content to remain entirely in the spiritual re alm, .very feelin g^ sought a ma terial and bodily expres- sion. It did not satisfy the medieval conscience to repent of pride; one must do something; one must study skulls. In the same way it was not sufficient to reverence God, one must reverence His house. The respect paid to medieval churches was something quite different from that modern sentimental affec- tion which Emerson has perfectly enshrined in his^ verses : We love the venerable house Our fathers built to God : In heaven are kept their grateful vows, Their dust endears the sod. The attitude of the fourteenth century was less human, jnoreL^tlieplogical. Reverence was more a rnatter of duty and less a matter of emotion; it was not so much_an_attitude of mind as a series of acts. To Take off one's hat, to creep to the cross, to provide lights and decorations — it was by such means that the layman showed his reverence. The holiness of a church consisted not in its atmosphere nor in its associations, but in a definit e numberjpf holy things w hich it conta ined. It was holy not because it was the place where prayer was wont to be made, but because it co ntained certain objects use d in prayer. And as reverence consisted- in a number ^f de- finite acts, so irreverence consisted in the omission of them — not in a general attitude of mind. Nothing illustrates more clearly the difference between mo- dern and medieval ideas of reverence than one of r\ \ 138 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [CH. Lydgate's poems. Lydgate was a monk and a priest and the author of Merita Mtssae. His orthodoxy was beyond question. Yet a man so rehgious and ortho- dox — who would have been duly horrified by the idea of translating the Hturgy into EngHsh — ^thought it quite proper to parody the Mass in some detail, and / address it to Cupid instead of to God^. No agnostic / in an "age of rationahsm" would descend to such a I travesty of solemn mysteries as was perpetrated by I a priest in the "ages of faith" — a priest who was I compelled by the scruples of his generation to swallow j the spiders that fell into sacramental wine^. The material bread and wine were adored, but the rite which made them adorable was not even respected. The gift was hallowed, but not the altar which hallowed it. Knowing how clerics could write, we hear with no surprise of a woman in London who taught her daughter to celebrate a mock Mass in priestly vestments at a secret "altar" in her house; what is surprising is that these people forbore from using the words of consecration^. Another example of this same free treatment of religious subjects is to be found in the squib on "papal neutraHty," which went round after the battle of Poictiers, and seems to have hurt no one's sense of reverence : Ore est le Pape devenu Franceys e Jesu devenu Engleys; Ore serra veou qe fra plus, ly Pape ou Jesu*. / * L. F.M.B., notes to Appendix v., p. 390. Ct^. R. &^4^ V V- - ^Im ik l^.^U^tUid p.' 12 for a satire with amazing levity of expression. 2 Instructions, 1825. * Knighton, 11. p. 316. * ibid. 11. p. 94. »,^ ixl HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES 139 Popular opinion was scandalised by the doctrinal questionings of the Lollards, and was at one with clerical opinion in treating doubters as reprobates; but popular, as distinct from clerical, opinion, saw nothing very shocking in the holding of markets in churches and churchyards. The clergy who could raise unUmited f eehng about the one point fulminated in vain about the other, and despite the moralists and synods it is impossible to believe that these markets and fairs were not attended by respectable and re- ligious persons as well as by rogues 1. The mere buying and selling was clearly condemned by our Lord's cleansing of the Temple, but the market itself was less objectionable than some of the things that ac- companied it. "Me use these daies i holy church," complained the author of Dives and Pauper, "bacbityng and glotony, dronkenshyp, lechery i song, & speche of rybaudrye^." The presence of the concubines of travelling mer- chants was responsible for the grossest immorahty, and in it priests sometimes shared^. Indeed much of the dishonour which fell upon the Church was due to the clergy. They abetted these evil customs for tW sake of financial gain. They let out plots of the churchyard and even permitted stalls to stand in th church*. The laity were not likely to respect th churchyard when the priests used it as a pasture f their beasts^. Great lords, too, who expected to be 1 Wilkins, 11. pp. 145, 295; in. pp. 43. 61, 68. 2 /).<&' P. I. 64. 2. ^ ibid. I. 64. 3. Hand. Synne, 8937. * D. S* P. VII. 23. ^ Hand. Synne, 8657. I40 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [CH. IXJ HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES 141 buried inside the church, had little care for the yard^. To hold lay courts and inquests for felony in holy places was as bad as to hold them on holy days; if a man were condemned in sacred buildings it would be a great desecration I Similarly, to put to secular use any article once used for ecclesiastical purposes was to invite the fate of Belshazzar: timber, stones, glass, curtains, vestments, vessels— all were sacred^. <-^ut despite this theoretical scrupulosity worse things than markets were not unknown in churches. The privilege of sanctuary was frequently violated, and bloodshed sometimes followed *. Though popular respect for holy places must still have sheltered many an offender, a man of determined character often braved ecclesiastical censure, took his revenge upon his enemy, and was forgiven when he professed repentance 5. The case of the Spanish prisoners, famous through its connection with John of Gaunt, is typical of many. Sanctuary-breakers were sufficiently numerous to be regularly denounced with robbers and withholders of tithe «. Not only was the church violated by force of arms : the same means were some- times employed to maintain a right of presentation. In Grandisson's Register is told the thrilling story of ^ Hand. Synne, 8661. * ibid. 8909. Of. Instructions, line 338 H^d^^e'l'^T^^ ""• '''' '''' '''-' "• '''' ^^7. fhIf?i;.^TJ't^*^^"^^ ^'''^"''' 4825. Walsingham admits that the restnction of the privilege in 1370 was "modificafin «^tis rationahs atque utihs.- Hil AngHae. Tp. 3™^^^^ « Wilkins. II. p. 414: m. p. 95. ^ ^' ^^''^ one St Mary Magdalene's Day — the story of a church fortified against the bishop and of an abbot who found discretion the better part of valour^. There were many isolated instances of brawling and assault in church^, and the sanctity of the place did not pre- vent the stealing of oblations^; but these acts of desperate men were due rather to the rudeness of the age and the inefficiency of the poHce-system than to any irreverence in public opinion as a whole. Less stress must be laid on these exceptional scandals than on the persistence of such customs as the holding of markets on consecrated ground. These last, though less dramatic, were more serious indications of re- ligious indifference. Holy places, like, holy days, were desecrated by pleasure as well as by business. Games and songs and interludes in a churchyard, or, worse still, in a church, were reckoned sacrilege by Mannyng^. Simon Langham in 1364 forbad the execrable custom of celebrating the Feast of Fools in churches, lest the house of prayer should be turned into a house of derision ^. About the same time Grandisson was com- ' Register, 11. 1052 et seq. 2 ibid. I. 287, II. 707, 893, 1041, 1163, 1194 (clerk murdered after Mass); 1209 (celebrating priest assaulted). 3 Wilkins, in. p. 95. ^ Hand. Synne, 8987. * Wilkins, iii. p. 61; cf. Instructions, 330; Chambers, Medieval Stage, vol. i. chaps, xiii. and xiv. Feast of Fools, especially pp. 291 et seq. (France) and pp. 321 et seq. (Lincoln and Beverley). It is stated on p. 232, vol. i., "Outside Lincoln and Beverley the feast is only known in England by the mention of paraphernaUa for it in the thirteenth-century inventories of St Paul's and SaUsbury, and by a doubtful allusion in a sophisticated version of the St George play," but this seems to be inaccurate (cf. Wilkins, loc. cit.). 1 . 142 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [ch. plaining that in his cathedral on Christmas Day and the following feast-days some of the ministers of the church joined with boys in ludos ineptos et noxios honestatique clericali indecentes, the antics in the choir making it impossible for the people to worship^. In some cities these jests and games in church were regularly observed at the Feast of Fools and the "Boy Bishop" ceremonies 2. The staff of a medieval cathedral indulged in froHcs as unhke the sedate decorum of their modern representatives as anything could well be. Inattention at service time was reckoned a form of sacrilege, and there were bitter complaints about the behaviour of the congregations at Mass. Of the distinctively Protestant vice of. sleeping in church we hear less than we might have expected — except among the monks. One explanation is evident. Until the close of the Middle Ages pews were rare, and benches uncomfortable, though the very drowsy somehow contrived to use the footstools as pillows^. Probably it was not easy to fall into a state of merely passive inattention at Mass. Even for those who came punctually and stayed until the end, the service was comparatively short ; there was usually no long interval for a sermon ; the varied ritual and the fre- quent movements of the celebrant, however incom- prehensible, would continually recall the attention of \ ^f^9-^^^',^^^' "^- P- ^^^3. cf. vol. II, p. 723 and vol. i. p. 586. A 4. e V u^"*^ ^J?^^' ^°^- ^- ^^^P- ^v- ^oy Bishop, p. 336 et seq. At Salisbury. York. Lincoln, St Albans (p. 340), at Wells in 1331 and 1338, and at Exeter in 1360 (p. ^42) « Mirour, 5250. vf :)^ 7 ixl HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES 143 r 7 I'V worshippers, unless they were misbehaving in some quite definite way. The general complaint accordingly was not of mere inattentive drowsiness like that pictured by Hogarth. There was active irreverence. The congregation engaged in all kinds of unseemly by-play. Some brought their dogs to church^, some / exchanged gossip, some quarrelled, some told im- proper stories. This was no quiet whispering, but a loud "janghng" which might interrupt the priests The warning against conversation at Mass was often enforced by the story of the devils who wrote down every idle word. Sometimes it was St Augustine who discovered their presence, sometimes it was St Martin, but the moral was always directed against those who "roune, iape, counsaile, and iangle eche with other 3." Young lovers were notorious transgressors. They cduld iTOffix their attention on the service. They turned their heads and gazed about them "like the crane and the tortu*" ; they listened for their lovers' sighs ^. Even at the most solemn moment when "the preest holdeth the body of oure Lorde bytweene his handes," "theyre thought ande melancolye made them ofte to thynke unto theyr delytes and to theyr peramours more than they dyde to the seruys of Godde^." Less regard was paid to the priest than to ^ Wilkins, 11. p. 145. 2 Manner and Mede of Mass, line 281. Instructions, line 264. Tour Landry, chap, xxviii. p. 40; chap. xxix. p. 41. Hand. Synne, 1005. ^ Tour Landry, loc. cit. Hand. Synne, 9261. Manner and Mede of Mass, line 293. * Tour Landry, chap. ix. p. 15, 5 Conf. Aman. v. 7035 et seqq., especially 7080. « Tour Landry, chap, cxxiii. p. 173; cf, chap, xxxiv. p. 47. 144 HOLY DAYS AND HOLY PLACES [ch. ix the stylishly dressed gallants who sat in prominent places like hawks watching their prey^. Disorder arose sometimes because lavmen tried to take a place among the clergy in the chancel, but it was only in exceptional circumstances that this privilege could be allowed even to the patron of the church 2. On no account could women be permitted to stand there^. Late-comers caused disturbance. Some were satisfied if thev arrived in time for the Pax*; others rushed home to dinner before the service was finished^. In certain places respect was shown to the gentle-folk of the neighbourhood by delaying the commencement of the service until their arrival. Of this compHment they were not always worthy. Sometimes they kept a whole con- gregation waiting whilst they lay in bed or completed their exquisite toilet ^. It was, to be sure, only seemly to honour holy days and holy places by wearing better clothes in church than one did for ordinary purposes; a lady who would dress herself elegantly when she was to see a stranger, but not when she was to present herself before God, was guilty of great irreverence'. But it was more important to be at service in good time than to be immaculately dressed®. * Conf. Aman., loc. cit. * Wilkins, ii. p. 145; iii. p. 61. Hand. Synne, 8803. ^ Hand. Synne, 8809, 8881. * Mirour, 5621. » Hand. Synne, 7293. * Tour Landry, chap. xxx. p. 42. ' ibid. chap, xxxvi. p. 37. * ihid. cha.p. cviii. p. 145. 'f \A i /ii CHAPTER X THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY Sir John Seeley once said that the one virtue which was well and consistently taught by the Church was almsgiving^. Certainly it was the favourite virtue of the Middle Ages. Every preacher, every rhymer, every story-teller extolled this particular form of charity. Alone it was sufficient to save a soul from hell. According to a typical story, there was a wicked man named Perys whose one good deed was that " wyth all hys myght " he cast a loaf at a beggar " and smot hym on ]?e brest, and sayde : ' Stop )>y mouthe herwyth; )?e deuell of hell choke ]?e."' When Perys died there was "no)7yng to helpe ]?ys soule, but only ]?at lofe J>at he cast at >>e pore man," yet by virtue of that most ungracious charity our Lady secured a second chance for him. He was not sent to hell, but was allowed to return to earth to amend his ways 2. "Att the dredeful doorae," said Pauper, whanne they shall stonde att the barre bifore the soueraign iuge Crist ihesu thanne almesse dede shal be the beste frende that they shal haue,...For almesse deliuereth soules from euery synne and from dethe and suffereth nat the soule to go into derknes^." 1 Lectures and Essays, p. 261 (ed. 1870). 2 Festial, p. 104. Cf. Hand. Synne, 5573, for the same story and ibid. 1463 for a similar one. * D. & P. IX. 12. 4. Piers Plowman, B. v. 603, at the dwelling of "Seynt Treuthe ": "Of Almes-dedes ar the hokes that the gates hangen on." A(« 10 146 THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY [CH. xj THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY H7 - ^^ Most teachers were content with urging simply "Give ahns," paying httle attention either to the merits of the recipient or to the motives of the giver. This unreflecting charity was criticised by a few, and, as often, the most sensible and enhghtened teaching came from the recluses. Rolle taught Dantpierumque panem pauperibus et algentibus forte iribuunt uesttmentum, sed dum elemosina sua uelfit in mortali peccato uel pro nana gloria, aut certe ex his que iniuste adquiruntur. nimirum non piacant Redemptorem, sed ad uindiciam prouocant ludicem. . . Possidet itaque diabolus plures quos bonos putamus. Habet enimelemostnarios, castos, humiles, scilicet peccatores sefatentes ctltctis tndutos, penitencia afflictos^. The po pu la r vi e w jQt_ppverty was highly senti- mentaJLThe poor were thought to represent Christ the poor Man of Nazareth, in a pecuharly intimate way; it was "in that secte owre saueoure saued al mankynde^." Poverty in itself was beheved to be a virtue, and the mere fact that a man had fared ill in this world seemed an indication that he would rise to great heights in the next. Those who had never had joy on earth might claim it of right in heaven^ Men debated whether "paciente pouerte" or "richesse n3tfulhche ywonne and resonablehch yspended" were the better, and in theory at least poverty was recognised as the higher state *. Wealth, said Gower is often a sign of God's anger K In view of the teaching of extremists «, the author of Dives and Pauper o'm'^'r/'^""''' P- ^50. 5«mma, P 11. (second part), • Knighton, u.f tl: ''Quod nullus Tn^^S^Tegru^^^^ae- *at dome; and J>er }>ay schall haue all hor one lust on hem^" The poor, too, besides being Christ's companions at the Judgment Day, were His special care on earth; to give alms to them was to give to the Church 2. The clergy sometimes forgot that the poor had a claim on all that was offered to the Church, and nothing caused more dissatisfaction than the selfishness of tight-fisted monks who refused to help the poor, alleging that their property was held in common and "therfore may non of theym yeue oute awey with- / oute assente of them aP/* . Si monacho dare vis, sibi possidet omne quod offers, Nil set habet proprium, si quid ab inde petas*. In the course of the century these views of the relations between rich and poor were rudely ques- tioned. The communistic doctrines of the times are best known through the rebeUion of 1381, but they were not originated suddenly, nor did they cease to disturb men's thoughts when Wat Tyler was done to death. The whole question of riches and poverty was debated and discussed from every point of view 5. Wycljf's theories of dominion were but the philo- sophic rendering of those popular arguments reflected r ^ Festial. p. 4; cf. Joachim, Expos, in Apoc, fol. 199 h, col. 2. Summa, Supplementum, Q. lxxxix., A. i, 2. 2 Bequests to poor named almost in the same breath as bequests to the Church: e.g. Wills, pp. 3, 11, 15, 40, 70, 78. Hand. Synne, 2275; association almost identification, of the poor and the Church. 3 Z). 6- P. IV. 8. I ; see all chap. 7 and 8. Piers Plowman, A. Prol. 78, 93. 4 Vox Clam. iv. 231. * Z). (S- P. Prologue. Piers Plowman, e.g. B. xi. 178-278, XIV. loi to end. / I50 THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY [CH. in Piers the Plowman and Dives and Pauper. Some people recognised that poverty in itself might not always be a virtue. The poor were not always Christ- like; their evil condition was sometimes the result of sin^. There was poverty of many different sorts^, and in almsgiving discrimination was very necessary 3. "More shrewys fynde I none than pore beggers that haue no gode, that the world hath forsake but they nat the world*." Was it right to give rehef to such rascals? " Moche folke " thought it was no true alms ^. "God forbede," exclaimed Pauper, "y* such pore folk blynde & halt shuld be put in the ordre of almes doing bifore them y* be pore & feble by vertue & for goddes sake«"; yet he would not exclude them completely from the benefit of alms, for "wycked doers and synful pore men been clepyd the lest of goddes menye^" the "least of my brethren'* referred to by our Lord in His parable. When once this heavenly glamour had been re- moved from poverty it was more easy to recognise the injustice done to the poor.(3o long as every beggar was regarded as a saint it was difficult to perceive his actual misery. A It was therefore in ^ e.g. Some were feeble, blind, and lame "for loue of synne as theuys fighters baratoures. which in fight and barett lese ther iyen, their feet, their hondes, and ofte ben punvsshed bv the lawe " D. &- P. ix. 14. i. t- j y * thid. IX. 13. 4. Piers Plowman, B. vii. 66. ^ D. &- P. IX. 16. 3: "Also in thy yeuyng thou must take hede to the holynes and to the profitablenesse and the nighnes of the psone that nedith help." * ibid. Prologue, 7, 2. * ibid. IX. 14. 2. Cf. Piers Plowman, B. xv. 199, 221 * D.&P. IX. 14. I. 7 ibid. IX. 14. 3. i \ X] THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY 151 writers like Langland^ and the author of Dives and Pauper, who were under no delusion about the moral character of the poor, that the keenest sort of " social conscience" was to be found. Why, they asked, was there any poverty and misery? God could have made all men alike if He had wished 2. The author of Dives and Pauper explained that by God's original law all things were common to all good men as sunhght and air still are^. Adam's sin introduced covetousness into the world, and with covetousness came individual property; but for sin "alle men shulde haue been euynly riche*." In the existing state of society, how- ever, it was God's will that property should be re- spected; the poor must not take what was really their own. This doctrine, whether preached by Wyclif or by Pauper, was profoundly unsatisfactory. Dives' surprise was not unreasonable; "this is won- derful to me," he complained, "that the pore man is as grett a lorde by way of kynde as the riche and yit may he nought without his leue ^." Pauper could only reply that good men are under tutelage like heirs; they must be content to wait before they enjoy their own. Meantime the general influence of p opular r eligion was to reconcile men with an ordered inequality in society. Each rank should observe its duties and not exceed^ its rights^. In Ged:^ ^ight king, noble, and peasant were equal; birth, death, and judgment came ^ e.g. Piers Plowman, B. xiv. 174: — - 2 ibid. B. XIV. 166. ^ D.& P. VII. 4. 4. * ibid. VII. II. 6. Cf. Com/. Aman. v. i; vii. 1991. ^ D. & P. VII. 5. 4. * Hand. Synne, 2209. 4 152 THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY [ch. alike to alli. God did not hate the wealthy merely for their wealth 2. The parable of Dives and Lazarus was directed only against those rich people who gave no alms', but^the rich man who did not trust in his nches could be saved f Our Lord, doubtless, was a poor man, but it was not certain that He renounced all property-according to many He had " soufficance ^ de monoie'." Though poverty might be the "fulle excellent " life, the middle-class man who maintained . his family honestly in decent comfort had no cause or tear . If the poor died of neglect the wealthy who lived in luxury were held by God to be guilty of man- slaughter', for tL^nf *•'%'?':''"«" l^ath passynge his oneste liuyng after the degre of his despensacon it is other mSnys and ^o h vs For nch men and lordes in thys worlde be goddes balvfes and goddes reues to ordeyn for the pore folic and to susten them" xj THE PROBLEM OF POVERTY 153 VII. 2 Conf. Aman. i. 2233, iv. 2222, Vox Clam. vii. 115. e.g. Vox Clam. vi. 1019. 2426. Mirour, 23389 D. &. P. Prol., chap. vii. Conf. Aman. vi. mo ' D.&.P. Prol., chap, vi 3yf an husbond chyldryn haue One or two, mayden or knaue ' He may haue store and tresou'r a n ^^ ^^f ^'^^ ^^^ chyldryn yn honour. Q. xx^i A 'a"^"'' '^^P- ^- ^«-^«' P- "• (second part), helVf xtanne^aL'yt'shuMe STe hoC^Ih" ^^" ?^ ^^^^^*« ^^ holpe them and wystrtherof nn^ ^ m^^"".^?"^ "^^^ht haue gylty of manslaughter H thou w^n^^.ni'H* ^"^^vf '^""^ ^ myght thou sleeste hym '' cfp i? 1 / "^^^"1.^^^^^^ ^^«" plaint, p. i8i, hne 209 ^ ^- ^^"-"^ "^ ^wn Com- ^ D.&>p, VII. 4. 4;cf. VII. 12. I. V' /' Yet no one was called on to be so generous as to impoverish himself 1. The problem of poverty is not new, and little that is fresh can ever be said about it. The medieval moralist did not leave much ground to be broken by modern sociology. The vision of a primitive^ communistic state, the doctrine of the stewardship 1 of wealth, the bourgeois faith in self-help— these / were themes familiar enough to fourteenth century / thinkers. Enthusiasts and extremists of every school can find supporters among the contemporaries of Wychf; and the humdrum conclusions of the I majority of men have not suffered any radical revision in five hundred years. / ^ Conf. Aman. v. 7774, and marginal note "Apostolus: Ordinata cantas incipit a seipsa." CH. XI] THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL ^55 ( CHAPTER XI THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL For religious people tremendous events, and especi- ally tremendous disasters, must always raise one question; what is the relation between man's Hfe and God's will? The problem was raised for St Paul by the fall of Judaism, for St Augustine by the fall of Rome, for Calvin by the fall of the medieval Church. It was raised for the fourteenth century by the desolation of war and plague. Had Wychf been able to give to his generation a masterly positive inter- pretation of these phenomena, he might have ranked with St Augustine and Calvin, he might have made Calvin's work unnecessary.VJut in popular religion Wyclif stood as a translator and a denouncer, not as a constructive teachery The hour for a great fn'J^^''^ is no intention here of discussing Wyclif s claim to be considered as a great constructive theolo^an, or the Xr.? ^P^T-.*^-^* ^^ ^^^ *^^ g^^^test schoolman of Ws generation; but it is true nevertheless that his influence on popular rehgion was chiefly felt through his translation of parts most Sn?^''.f ^""^ ^'' polemical tracts. The tracts expos^ most trenchantly many weaknesses in the working of the ecclesiastical system, but did httle more. Unhke^ CalviT .^g^f^-^g^^ P^7.^^t^d an inter pretation of Christianity sufficiently ^o ffliialiL aiiJ iiispiiiiig -tfr-srifi.the>yop<»tennTnd .gedid no^offer an alternative vi^oro^Tndp^e^uTh ^^Srr '^''^'}'''^-'' he never con^mit'tedhimsflf unreservedly to Augustimamsm as Calvin did. That suoerb confidence in complete and victorious harmony with the Will Augustinian came, but the great man in whom Augustinianism should have become incarnate was occupied in other — and lesser — ways. The principal fact in the life of fourteenth century England was the Black Death. It dominated reUgious thought no less than social development. It was the background which gave a dreadful significance to theological controversy. The Church had been placed in a difficult, if not in a false, position by the unpre- cedented ravages of the pestilence; for the Church wished to believe and to teach that God was govern- ing the world; it was anxious to have the scourge regarded as a visitation of His Providence on man's sin^. Now it was not difficult to convince people of this view; unum constanter affirmahant, says the chronicler, quod omnis calamitas, omnis mortalitas, demum omnis advetsitas, quae eis acciderant, ex speciali Dei gratia contingebant ^. The difficulty came because many were inclined to develop the idea farther than the Church felt to be safe either for the layman's morality or the priest's income. In the midst of a unique terror it was easy to persuade men of God, common in Calvin's followers, was not the distin- guishing trait of the Lollards, brave as some might be. Wyclif 's tactics were admirable, but his strategy was weak; he could write effectively about abuses, but he did not per- ceive that the campaign against the medieval Church would turn decisively on Augustinianism. * e.g. D. 6- P. I. 27. 4: " Sumtyme such auenture of hungre, of moreyne, of tempest, of droughte, of wete, falle by the orden- aunce of god for mannys synne or for to shewe his might and his worshippe." ^ Walsingham, i. 410. This reply to the enquiries of the Scots about the plague is typical of the popular attitude. Cf. pp. 222, 223, 284; vol. II. pp. 46, 117, 128, 130, 213, 229, 248. 0^''- "56 THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [ch. , of the irresistible power and the transcendent Will of God; It was only difficult to make them retain their sense of responsibility and their trust in the efficacy of ecclesiastical rites. For if the layman was saved from complete scepticism he rushed into an extreme Augustmianism, and either way the orthodox position was undermined. /The revival of Augustinianism was by far the most / t^reatenmg symptom of the times; for as the Middle ^ / Ages drew to a close the Church found itself more and L_pore committed to an anti-Augustinian doctrine The evolution of medieval religion had tended to ^ bring mcreasing emphasis upon the free will of man " ^ ^"^t° leave in the background the over-ruhng Will of God. Christianity had come to have the appear- ance of a gigantic machine organised for the salvation of humanity by its own good works i. Less and less was God conceived as a distant, irresistible Power- He had come very near to humanity in the Person of His Son and the very word "God," when it was used in popular hterature, referred more often than not to the human Jesus*. Through the ordinances of the Church God offered terms to man, and the fate of wo;,S'^iT;lfd°^«^?rt^-^^^^^^^^^ -" good forgiveness of sins Mvrr 7«ct!f ? ' *^J"^* ^^ securing the & passio domiS^nos&suStt"'*'^^'';''^'**''"'""**^ ecclesie, & omnes induLencie «hf .^^ * ""^V^ ^^°^t« ""atris I 1*-^ XI] THE PROBLEM OF FREE WIIX 157 each soul depended on its fulfilling the quite definite conditions of salvation. The prevaihng conception of religion was contractual, and, what was equally im- portant, the material interests of the Church were closely bound up with the maintenance of a behef in free will and in the efficacy of "good works," ecclesias- tically interpreted. As a consequence most writers opposed the deterministic views to which the Black Death gave increased currencyvThe one unpardon- able sin, they taught, was the minimising~of human responsibihty on whatever pretext. The fatahsm which excused its failures by God's eternal decree, the over-confidence which trusted to His mercy to wipe out all sins at the last^, and the "wanhope" which reconciled itself to inevitable damnation 2 were 1 Kail, p 30, Une 97; p. 32, Hnes 41-56; Vox Clam. vii. 1149; Matthew, xxiv. p. 351: "late me synne ynowe. for god wole neuer lese |>at he ha|> dere bou3t." Cf. Revelations, xl. 89. =» A short mystical treatise written in EngUsh, entitled A Devout Treatise of Discerning of Spirits very necessary for Ghostly Livers (printed in The Cell of Self -Knowledge), was especially directed against the "wanhope" which made men beheve their evil desires were an evidence of their souls' damnation: this "nice charging of conscience" might prove as dangerous as indifference (p. 130). Scale. Bk i. Pt i. Chap. 16, P- 30-. Revelations, lii. 134, lxxv. 197. Matthew, xxiv. p. 350. Wilkins. II. 513. Hand. Synne, 5165. Piers Plowman, con- stant references to ' wanhope " as the enemv of repentance and fajth: B text, v. 286: Avarice in despair would hang himself. XII. 179: He that "knoweth clergye" is protected from wan- hope, "In which flode the fende fondeth a man hardest." xyii. 307 : wanhope may prevent salvation. " Drede of desperacion dryueth a-weye thanne grace. That mercy in her mynde may naujt thanne falle; Good hope, that helpe shulde to wanhope tometh," etc. Cf. XIII. 407: "That in-to wanhope he worthe and wende naujt to be saued." v. 452; xx. 159. Summa, P. 11. (second part). Q. XX.. A. 3. / 158 THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [ch. the three most common symptoms of this deplorable temper, and all three were roundly denounced time after time by writers who intended to reach the popular ear. Robert Mannyng devoted almost the last solemn words of his long poem to this sort of impiety. Cain and Judasi, who would not repent because of despair, were the classical warnings. Al tymes ys God more wro|>er with J>ys pan with any oj>er |>yng j>at ys; pyr ys no synne ]>a.t men of rede. So moche withseyf) j>e godhede ; For wanhope weny)> J>at J^e foly Be more J)an Goddes mercy 2. Nor must men say that righteousness is impossible to a fallen race, laying their sins as Adam did upon God Himselfs. This was to make God's commandment ridiculous, for why shulde he J^at |>yng forbede pat nedely moste be do yn dede*? The note of the whole poem is the possibihty of salva- tion. Man can be saved ; all depends on his own works, especially on his penance; even bishops are not safe unless they work the works meet for salvation ^. what ys hyt wrj> to preche yn cherche, whan men yn dede wyl nat werche«? John Myrc in his sermon for the first Sunday in Lent put the position bluntly before his congregation. It XI] THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL 159 * ibid. 12293. * ibid. 12401. ^ Hand. Synne, 12289. ^ ibid. 12367. * ibid. 6917, the story of Bishop Troilus whose niggardhness almost shut him out of heaven. * ibid. 6941. V Ij I was idle for the sinner to try to shift the responsibility for his fate on to his Maker ; God jeuy'th-hym chose whe^yr he wyll do mekely, wyth good wyll, oJ>er no. And yf he do mekely hys penaunce, he wyll forseue hym hys gult, and cheressche hym more Jjen he dyd before and avaunse hym yn j^e court of Heuen. If he would not accept the conditions God would cast him into hell, of which, said Myrc, he was well worthy^. A rhymer gf the early fifteenth century expressed the same idea even more vividly The choice of the soul, and not the Will of God, was decisive: And ]>ou be loste, whom wiltow wyte ? Is it long on me or J)e*? pou hast fre wille, knowyst euytt and good : Chese where wyl tow take py plas*. For suche seed as J>ou dost sowe, perof shal jjyn heruest be. In heuene or helle to repe and mowe. As J>ou deserued, fong J)y fee*. The attitude of the author of Dives and Pauper may be judged from the fact that one of his chapters is headed: "That theris no destenye^." Not the stars*, he said, nor heredity^, nor God's decree® will account * Kail, XVII. line 119. * ibid. XIX. line 21. ^ Festial, p. 90. ' ibid. XVII. line 151. ^ D.^ P. I. 23. * ibid. I. 19. 5: The stars may indicate "wherto man or woman or comunyte is enclened by the worchyng of the bodies aboue. Neuirthelesse as they (clerks) saye man and woman may by vertue ouircome the planetes." Cf. i. 25. 3, quoted with other passages in chap. vii. pp. 87-90 above. ' "Sutyme a fulle wycked ma hath a fulle gode childe," and vice versa, i. 21. 4. • "God forbede saithe he (St Gregory) that any cristen man i6o THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [cH. for man's sin ; it is his own choice and he must bear the consequences. The temptation to sin is never too strong to be resisted; God suffers the fiend to tempt us not because he is certain to overcome us, but be- cause we can merit " mede " only by overcoming him i. The author of Piers the Plowman was greatly dis- tressed by this problem of Free Will. In various places he set out both sides of the controversy 2, and his clearness of vision showed him the difficulty of reconcihng all the facts of history and revelation with any one theory. Yet, when all allowance was made, his opinion remained: vche wi3t in this world that hath wys vnderstondinge, 'Is cheef souereyn of him-self his soule for to 3eme, And cheuesschen him from charge whon he childhode passeth, Saue him-self from sunne for so him bi-houeth; For worche he wel other wrong the wit is his oune". At all times and by every artifice he emphasised the / necessity for good works ; the way to " seynt Treuthe " / was the observance of the Commandments 4, and or woman shulde byleue or say that there were any destyne But god, sayth he, that made mannes lyf of nought he ruleth & gouerneth mannys lyf & womannes after that they deserue," I. 23. I. Cf. I. 19. 4: "God ruleth demeth and gouerneth al makjoide psone & comunyte, after that they deserue." 1 "The feend is so feble & so faynt y' he may ouircome noo man ne woman by temptacion, butt he wole be ouircome of him " Dives, " Whysuffreth god hym so moche to tempte mankynde?" Pauper, "Ther is noman worthy to haue the crowne of lyf but he withstode the feende in gostly stryf." "Al our teptacion shal turne us to mede if oure wyl be to withstonde," i. 32. 2. 2 e.g. B. X. 414, XV. 258. 3 Piers Plowman, A. x. 71. * ibid. A. VI. 56. Cf . Latin heading in C Text, viii. 204 : ' Alta uia ad fidehtatem est obseruatio x preceptorum ut dicit Petrus Plouhman." Cf. B. x. 157. XI] THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL ♦ y I n i' 161 ''Amende-thou'' had "the keye and the cliket" of Paradise 1. Everyone who would lead a virtuous life might be saved : For Cryste cleped vs alle come if we wolde, Sarasenes and scismatikes and so he dyd the lewes^. It is significant that the friars— the most active of popular teachers— are represented as the keen opponents of any Augustinian notions^. But there is another witness who is in some ways more convincing than any of these. John Gower made no pretence to a pecuHar message or a high inspiration. He claimed, time and again, to be nothing more than the mouthpiece of the people *, and, though we recognise this as a Hterary device, all that we know of his character makes it easy to accept his estimate of himself. He was respectable, orthodox, conventional beyond most men. He had neither the original genius of Langland nor the pro- fessional interests of Mannyng. We know that he borrowed at random the material for his books. It seems likely that he borrowed his views in the same haphazard fashion. He may fairly be taken — it is his own phrase — as a mirror of the men of his time. Now Gower's mind was full of this problem of destiny and free will. Of his chief works two open^ by discussing the relation between Fortune and the ibid. B. XI. 114, ;:> p * Piers Plowman, B. v. 610. I 3 ibid. B. VIII. 27. — *^Vox Clam. in. Prologue, lines 11, 1267; iv. 19, 1229; vii. 1469. Cf. Conf. A man. Prologue 124. ^ Co7tf. Aman. Prologue 26; Vox Clam., Liber 11., mth which the original version probably opened. M. II 162 THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [ch. evils of the time, and two close ^ with man*s responsi- bility as ahnost their last word. This theme had a fascination for Gower, and to it he constantly re- turned. The times, he frankly confessed, seemed to him as bad as could be. All three estates were at fault; in Church and State, from Pope to peasant, scarcely anyone pleased God 2. The very elements were disturbed. The whole creation groaned to- gCcher^. The last age was nearly spent*, and every- one was debating the cause of the universal dechne. Some found fault with the clergy, some with the gentry 5, but the most general inchnation was to blame the times: "Le siecle est mal«." O mundus, mundus, dicunt, O ve tihi, mundus, Qui magis atque magis deteriora paris\ It was fortune, destiny, fate. '^Ther mai noman his happ withseins," " Mai noman fle that schal betide »," — these explanations were offered for every event in human hf e^o. The natural science of the day supported this mechanical interpretation. What the vulgar called fortune was explained by the "naturien" to be the influence of the planets, and on this basis was constructed an elaborate philosophy which con- fronted the "divin" when he tried to preach about the effect of human sin^^. ^ Vox Clam. vii. 1401; Mirour, 26605. * Cow/. A man. Prologue; Mirour. 26557. ! ^J«/. Aman. Prologue 910. * ibid. Prologue 826 ' ^»''o«r, 27217. « Mirour, 26590. Vox Clam. vii. 361 ; cf. 11. 37, 47. 10 <^^«//»J««^- !"• 978. » ibid. II. 2860. e.g. Conf. Aman. iii. 1221. 1348, 1677; iv. 1524; vi. 1026, 1613, 1702; viii. 1020, 1 172. " ibid. VII. 633; Prologue 529; iv. 1783. Xlj THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL 163 \u \ \\ Gower was not prepared to reject the system of the ''naturien" completely, but his instinct drove him to the side of the "divin." He was sure that somehow man was the cause of all 1. As Gregory expressed it, man is a microcosm ; in himself he contains the whole world 2. If he is not in harmony with the Creator, what wonder is there if the land and sea cry for judgment on him, that the stars in their courses fight against him 3? Fortune is nothing, nor fate *. Every man shapes his own destiny. Si bene vis, sequitur bona sors, si vis male, sortem Pro motu mentis efficis esse malam^. That we fortune clepe so Out of the man himself it groweth*. However neatly the scientific interpretation of the uni- verse may hold together— planets, stones, humours, and the rest— history proves that the virtuous need stand in no awe of the stars and natural forces. Un soul prodhomme a dieu priant Porra quasser du meintenant Trestout le pis de leur diete'. Did not the sun itself stand still for Joshua? Wild animals waited on Daniel, Silvester, and Jonah. Whilst they served God the Jews defeated every foe^. It will be the same with England; she need fear no omens 9. Let men face their responsibihties. Let each 1 Conf. Aman. Prologue 528, 582, 965 ; Vox Clam. 11. 629, vii. 65i« ^ Conf. Aman. Prologue 945. 3 ibid. Prologue 959. * Vox Clam. chap. v. and vi. ^ Vox Clam. 11. 209; Mirour, 26975. « Conf. Aman. Prologue 548. ' Mirour, 26743. 8 Vox Clam. 11. chap. v. and vi., especially line 335; Conf. Am.-.n. Prologue 550; Mirour, 27013. • Vox Clam. vii. 1399. II — 2 164 THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [CH. confess his own sin. Gower, at least, is ready to do so 4 4 / ^ V5 Finally at the Council of Constance the condemna- /tion of the Church was officially laid on the idea that r God's decree overrode human choice^. ^I These denunciations and warnings are in them- selves strong presumptive evidence that there were some people who could not accept the orthodox account of God's relations with humanity. They be- lieved readily enough that the calamities of the age were sent by God, but they could not regard God only as an arbiter standing outside the world to judge it at the last. Had He not created man, and woman who caused man's fall; and was He not in some way responsible for all man did 3? Could He be entirely excused*? Had He not indeed pre-ordained all that V- ^ Mirour, 27289. 2 Brown. Fasciculus, vol. i. p. 279 : Articuli Johannis Wiclefi Angli, De futura contingentium necessitate. 3 Piers Plowman, B. x. 105 (discussion of laymen): Whi wolde owre saueoure suffre suche a worme in his bHsse That bigyled the womman and the man after, Thorw whiche wyles and wordes thei wenten to helle, And al her sede for here synne the same deth suffred? Whi shulde we that now ben for the werkes of Adam Roten and to-rende? resoun wolde it neuere. D. (S- P. VI. 10. 2: "Thys false excusacion that excuse so ther synne by the malyce of wymen byganne first in adam and lost adam and al mankynde. For synfullye he excused his synne by woma wha god undemam him of his synne and put woman m defaute. Also he put god in defaute that made woman and answerd ful proudly as men do these dayes and sayd to god : The woma y' thou yaue to me to be my felow yaue me of the tree and I ete therof . As who seyth. Haddeste thou not youen hir to be my felow I shuld not have synned he put woman and god principaly that made woman in defaute " The word is Gower's. Conf. A man.. Prologue 522. S^ Li \o I'. I XI] THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL 165 happened, since all that happened was according to His Will? This newer, more vivid conception of God's Will was sure in time to disturb the orthodox view of sin. There was a second hne of thought which made men dissatisfied with the attitude of the Church. The problem of evil is always raised in a pecuHarly acute form when the righteous suffer with the ungodly, and the continued ravages of the pestilence made the questionings of Job very real indeed for the four- teenth century. People who had been taught that the performance of rehgious duties and rites would bring temporal as well as spiritual reward ^ were in- chned to look upon prosperity and loss as a measure of virtue and vice. It was not easy for the Church now to reconcile them to the fact that curses of temporal mischief "fal as sone to the gode as to the wicked 2," or to teach that sometimes "mischeif is noo curse but a louetyk of god," and that it is only in the other world that God " punyssheth euery synne * Hand. Synne, 9323 : The payment of tithes ensured long Ufe and good health as well as grace and forgiveness of sin. ^yue God ]pe best f^at |>ou mayst haue And alle j^e touj^er wyl j^e saue. D. &- P. VII. 13. 3 : "If he paye his tithis truly he shal haue helth of body and the more plentie of gode " as well as spiritual blessing. ibid. VI. 3. 3: "Many myscheues falle to them that lyue i auotrie, moch sikenesse, moch myshappe, losse of good, wanysshyng of cateyl and lytel foyson therin. sodeyne pouerti euyl name, and moche shame, greate hurte and ofte maymige and myscheuous deth, as dethe in presoun and hangynge and ofte soden dethe and destruction of eyrys and of ther erytage." Mirour, 2197, 9025, 16027, 26989. Cf. Benefits derived from the sight of the Sacrament, chap. vii. p. 70 above. 2 Z). (S- P. X. 8. 3. \ 1 66 THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [CH. after y' it is more greuous or lesse greuousi." Any ordinary notion of justice was indeed difficult to reconcile with the indiscriminate destruction of the righteous with the unrighteous, of innocent children with hoary sinners, and some men began to "grutch ayenst goddes domes in seknes, tribulacion, and disease, and sey that god is unrightful and cruel or grutche ayenste his mercy 2." It was about the sorrows of his own age rather than about those of Sodom that Dives was thinking when he marvelled so much that "god toke so general wreth to slee man Jid woman and child. For I am syker," he added, thinking doubtless of the havoc of the plague, "ther were many children ful yonge and ungiltee in y' synne^." There was httle comfort in the reply that the children were mercifully slain to preserve them from the lechery of their fathers in this life and from hell in the next. And why, asked others, had the wicked such power in this world ? " God knowith ther maleice and what they wyll do, why yeueth he than such lordship & power to shrewis?" To reply that this was "for comon s ynne o f the peple" seemed most unsatisfactory*; t The bitterness of these questionings penetrated the !ll of at least one recluse with strange results. JuHan > "In the other worlde he punyssheth euery syune (sic) alter y' it is more greuous or lesse greuous. But in this worlde he doth not alwey so But oft i this world he punyssheth the les synne harder than he doth the more synne comonly he punissheth harder pore folk in this world than he do rich folk as by comon lawe god reseruethe the greuous synnes and ye synnes of greate folke to punisshe them in the other world or in helle or in purgatorye." D. 6- P. vi. 23 passim. * ibid. II. 4. I. 3 ibid. vi. 16. 4. « ibid. iv. 17 j v% xil THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL 167, of Norwich, Hke most of those who fled from the world, was greatly concerned about sin ; but strangely enough it was not her own sin which chiefly troubled her. That was almost forgotten in the shadow of a greater problem : the sin of the world. How came sin to marGod/s_pka_aud cause Christ's passion? This^, and not her own salvation, was the theme which fa scinated jH e^foiiHeenth "^ century mvstic ; and, strictly orthodox as she desired to b>e2, the solution of her doubts drove her so far into Augustinianism that her book from the first ^ was felt to be dangerous and has even been suspected of Lollardy*. JuHan was convinced that iTothing happens apart from God; " God doth all thing, be it never so Httle s," and, as a consequence, all is well done. It does not seem so to man^: "he beholdeth some deeds well ^ Her own definition of the sin which troubled her is given in Comfortable Words, p. 75: "In this word 'sin' our Lord brought to my mind generally all that is not good — the shame- ful despite and the utter noughting that He bare for us in this life and in His dying ; and all the pains and passions of all His creatures, ghostly and bodily... and the beholding of this with all the pains that ever were, and ever shall be." 2 Revelations, xxxiii. p. 74 et seq. : she disclaims any wish "to take proof of any thing that longeth to our Faith; for I believed sothfastlie that Hell and Purgatory is for the same end that Holy Church teacheth for." Cf. lxi. p. 161 ; ix. pp. 23 and 24. 3 The scribe added a prayer to God that "this booke com not but to the hands of them that will be his faithfull lovers, and to those that will sobmitt them to the faith of holy Church," p. 204 of Miss Warrack's edition (1901), * Cf. Father Dalgairns's Essay prefixed to Scale, p. xxxii et seq. ^ Revelations, xi. p. 31, cf. pp. 32 and 33: "There is no Door but he." * ibid. XXIX. p. 66: "Ah good Lord, How might all be weU, for the great harm that is come by sin to thy Creatures?" I i68 THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [ch. done, and some deeds evil, and our Lord beholdeth them not so,'' for ''all thing were set in order ere any thing was made, as it should stand without end; and no manner of thing shall fail of that Points." ''one point of our Faith" is, of course, that "many Creatures shall be damned," and at first Juhan found It difficult to beheve that, despite this, "all should be welP." Yet our Lord showed her that what was im- possible to her was not so to Him 3; God will perform some "great deed" which we cannot conceive, and one day He will make all things appear right to us as m fact they now are. Juhan had wondered "why by the great, foreseeing wisdom of God sin was not letted. For then methought that all should have been well*"; but in her vision our Lord answered "Sm is behouelys." He showed her further that it had no real existence, " GMis^-thing«." Julian had come to the same faith that Tennyson was afterwards to set before the nineteenth century; she had reached his "calm assurance" that— despite appearances— >^' All is well'." But as he had t^r^ppc^HTj- the "one far off Divine event," so she based her confidence on the "great deed that our Lord God shall do®." ^ ibid. XXXII. p. 73. * Comfortable Words, p. 74. ^ Revelations, xi. p. 32. ^ ibid. loc. cit. ' «^/rf. p. 75. ^ ibid, p 120: "Ah. wretched sin. what art thou> Thou ar noAght ! For I saw God is all-thing. I saw thee not '' /^'^aTh^Tr^'n' ^^5^^,^"^ cxxvii. with which compare: :^i f XI] THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL ^ 169 f By such doctrines the traditional notion of sin was y— f shaken marrelTecIually than by~all "Wyclifs tracts. '^^ , To the mysHcs and to those whom they influenc ed, /- sin warmore th an the brea ch of a commandment by the individual sinner; it was something fundament- S"--"^^ ally Wrong with the whole universe. It was not a "twelve penny matter" to be set right by a petty fine ; it had caused the Passion of God Himself. Christ had done al l; faith, and faith only, was asked o f man^. The doctrine ot Justification by Faith, shattering all ecclesiastical machinery, was dimly outHning itself before the mind of the fourteenth century. JuHan strovevigorously to maintain her behef in the efficacy of penance together with her Augustinian view of the necessity of sin; but it was an impossible union 2. The author of Pearl^haid also travelled far in A ugustinian theology. The medieval struggle to gatTier sufficient merits to enter heaven, whether by masses or almsgiving, lights or endowments, seemed * Comfortable Words, p. 77: "These words were shewed well tenderly shewing no more blame to me nor to any that shall be saved... He blames not me for sin." Revelations, xxix. p. 66: "this Asseeth-making is more pleasing to the blessed Godhead and more Worshipful for man's Salvation without Comparison than ever w^as the sin of Adani harmful." ibid. l. p. 114, Juhan reahzed the mystery of forgiveness ("Then was this my marvel that I saw our Lord God shewing to us no more blame, than if we were as clean and as holy as Angels be in Heaven" although "by the common teaching of Holy Church and by mine own feehng " "the blame of our sins con- tinually hangeth upon us"): the mystery was explained in chap. li. Christ, the suffering Servant, had become the second Adam identifying himself with the first Adam; himself "falling" into Mary's womb "to excuse Adam from blame." ibid. Lxxxiii. p. 213: Virtue defined as "Charity given," i.e. imputed to man by God. ^ Comfortable Wordo, p. 89. I70 THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [ch. to him an irrelevant and trivial matter. It was the grace of God, not obedience to the Law, which saved men's souls. "The grace of God is great enow," he loved to repeat^, and in the bliss which it assured all distinction of merits was forgot ten 2. The pure doc- trine of Justification set forth by Toplady, the strictest of Calvinists, was enunciated no less clearly four hundred years earher. It was the eighteenth century Evangelical who wrote: Not the labours of my hands Can fulfil Thy law's demands; Could my zeal no respite know. Could my tears for ever flow, All for sin could not atone ; Thou must save, and Thou alone. But precisely the same faith had been expressed in the fourteenth century : 'Twas said of one, I know well whom, David in Psalter, that never lied : "Lord ! draw never Thy servant to doom. For none living to Thee is justified." Wherefore to court when thou shalt come, Where all our causes shall be tried, Think on this text ; to wrath give room ; And leave thy fancied rights aside. So He on the rood that bloody died, Whose hands the cruel nails did bite. Grant thee to pass at that solemn tide By innocence, and not by right ! ^ It was the imputed righteousness of Christ which de- stroyed sin— not sacraments, nor fasts, nor even good works. The second Adam had rescued the first. ^ e.g. stanza 51 et seq. ^ Stanza 38 et seq. ^ /W/jrendered into modern EngUsh (ed. 1906). stanza 59. XI] THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL 171 Moreover, the choice of salvation did not lie with man; he was chosen by God^. This doctrine of Election, the most characteristic note of Calvin's ( Augustinianism, was sounded in the fourteenth century not only by Wyclif and t he Lollards^, andl not most clearly by them. It was JuHan^ who stated with the greatest emphasis^he ^fnll doctrine of ^-, eternal Election with the corollary of Final Perse- veFance *, and she was wilhng to go much farther than ^ Revelations, liii. 136, especially the passage beginning: "For I saw that God never began to love Mankind: For right, the same that mankind shall be in endless bUss... right so the same Mankind hath been in the foresight of God, known and loved fro without beginning in his rightful intent," etc. 2 Wyclif 's definition of the Church "congregacio omnium predestinatorum " is r eproduced in th e Lollardizing version of Lay_Molk&.Qa techism,hn^ 9O' "Holy chyrche |)at at ]?e day ot dome schal go llWinyii m^to heuyn"; line 306, "general chirche of angelys and seyntys in heuyn and of alle |>at schul be sauj^d"; line 106, "men |?at schul be sauyd." Matthew, xi. p. 1^8: "alle angelis & men & wommen ^at schuUen be sauyd ben goddis kyngdom 6c holy chirche... and alle |>o |?at schuUen be dampnyd in helle ben deuelis chirche or synagoge." This definition was given in Kail, xxiii. Hne i. p. 103: I wole be mendid 3if y say mys. Holychirche nes no|?er tre ne stones, f e hous of preyers, god nempned |>ys, Boj^e goode men and wikked ressayuej> at ones. |jere as gadryng of goode men ys, Is holychyrche of flesch and bones. The author seems, however, to doubt if this view is correct. Cf. Hilton, whose Scale of^e^fection is full of Augustinian notions, e.g. Bk u.-PTuTChap. 9, p. 219 and Bk 11. Pt i. Chap. 7, p. 152: "The most part of chosen souls." Hilton \' continually refers to St Paul and checks all religious experience"^^ by this apostle's. ^ Augustinian phrases abound throughout Revelations, e.g. "mankind that shall be saved," ix. 24; xxv. 60; xxvii. 64; XXXI. 70; XXXVIII. 83; cf. "chosen souls "in Co m/oy/a We Words, p. 49. 4 Revelations, xxxvii. 83: "In every Soul that shall saved is a godly Will that never finally assenteth to sinn ne never shall." ^ 172 THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL [ch. Wyclif in one direction. Wyclif would never allow that the elect had assurance of their salvation; the number of the saved was uncertain, and no one could be sure whether or no he was included^. In this view Wyclif had the support of many orthodox writers who dreaded "assurance" as savouring of fatalism 2. but the numerous condemnations are evidence that a severe and full Augustinian doctrine was abroad. In one passage Wyclif complains that when he urged the necessity of preaching he was met with the reply that goode men schulden be sauyd |>ou3 no prechynge be, for |>ei may not perische as god sei|>, and summe wicked men schuUen neuere come to blisse for no prechynge on erthe*. He could not deny that the elect must be saved, but argued that preaching was the means by which God would save them. Like other fourteenth century thinkers who felt the fascination of Augustinianism, Wyclif always resisted the conclusion that some men were irretrievably predestined to damnation, and he added: "who knowe> >>e mesure of goddis mercy, to whom herynge of goddis word schal )>us profited?" ' Matthew^ XXIV. p. 350: "if we looken wel. as neber we ISy dotte/^'''^^ ''''^ *"" ^ '^"^^' * ^^^* "^^ ^^P^'^ ^* wi^u ten One of Wyclif's arguments against the selling of oravers I'f >i^^' *^? ^""'^ (Matthew, XXII. p. 298 and p^ 317^^ Wc^ir/M'!-.\P"^'* "^^"^ ^"'^"^ *^^ ^^^d, nor could the piiest Inmself (Matthew, xxvii. p. 420), cf. xxii. 317. L. F. C O-oUardizmg Version), hne 313 : " men lakkys knowynge wheber j Saf;hfw,^^c^- ^cit. Cf. PesHal, ^ IT^ToJcu^rseTn^en holy chyrch prayl,e not : for whill a man or a woman standy|^ XI] THE PROBLEM OF FREE WILL 173 But the very form of the question indicates thsLtV some people had accepted the fuller consequences I of the doctrine. accursed he ys dampned befor God " and "^>er is no suffrage of holy chyrche )>at may helpe a dampned man"; yet he may repent and be saved. Cf. Summa, P. i., Q. xxiii. De Praedes- tinatione, especially Art. 3 and Art. 7. '~~\ CH. XII] THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER 175 CHAPTER XII THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER The fourteenth century discussions on the nature of prayer were closely connected with these Augustinian j doctnnes of salvation, and provide further evidence I of the theological ferment which followed the Black Death. The old conception of prayer was disturbed. Some cast away their entire behef. Others re- modelled their ideas. (Either way the Church was faced by dissentients, Uo were not all Lollards.'^ To the majority of men prayer was an instrument for applying God's inimitable power to the difficulties of daily liieK The chief, if not the only, question about It was an extremely^^^racticaLone: how can prayer be made most efficient? Is it by ordinary Masses Crr"byoth^ offices ^? Is it by the elaboration or the multipHcation of services 3? Is it by prayer at \|pf J''o/*^1f''^'i century prayers were concerned with every ^ Wilis, examples of each beHef • f< « T-:* i Rome or in the Holy Land^? Are the prayers of some priests more effective than those of others? Are not the friars the most influential of all 2? Have they not some prayers even more potent than the Pater ^7 To whom ought one to direct prayer? To the Father or to the Son or to St Mary*? Perhaps even St Mary is best approached indirectly — through her mother, St Anne ^? About these and similar details there were continual changes in popular opinion.\The piety of some ill-balanced persons was so greatly excited by the perils of the time that they could find no satis- faction in their regular devotions. They demanded exceptional modes of expressing their exceptiona feeHngs, and the ordinary services of the Church fe into neglect. The author of Dives and Pauper ha in mind both classes of people when he wrote about prayer. On the one hand he reproved any fantastic that ys for to sayn wyth Belle Ryngyng, deryge be note, and Masse of requiem be note," p. 15. 1 P^,.M,^J^ ^tacions of Rome, p. 125, lin e 350. 2 See chapTvi. p. 70 aDove. 3 Matthew, xxii. p. 320; L. F. C, LoUardizing Version, combats this notion, Text L, line 59, p. 7 (no parallel in orthodox text T) ; £>. 6- P. VII. 21. 5 opposes " specialle Orison that is nat of the rriissalle, ne approued of holy churche butt ofte repreuyd. " * Festial, 73. Our Lord is best approached by St Mary. P. R. & L. Christ's Own Complaint, v. 628, p. 203 : And |?i moder, myldest of mood, )?at schewi}> to |>ee hir papis bare (For me) of which |70u soukedist foode; And to-fore |7i fadir, (&) mere maree, J?ou schewist \i woundis rent on roode. The idea was to make St Mary appeal to her Son and our Lord to His Father. St Anne introduces a fourth stage. 5 Festial, 216. On St Anne's Day Myrc said "ye schul now knele adoune and pray Saynt Anne to pray to her holy doghtyr, oure lady, j^at scho pray to her sonne J^at he jeue you hele yn body and yn soule," etc. 176 THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER [CH. xiil or unusual religious customs, assuring his readers that the well-tried offices of devotion were more ef- fective than these new-fangled pieties which savoured sometimes of heresy, always of presumption^ It was good to fast, but why choose unheard-of days for fasting? Were not Wednesday and Friday suitable? Our Lady was well pleased by the Saturday fast in her honour, why now observe Monday? "But for to set feyth in such nyce obseruauces and wene to be syker of their axynge for suche obseruaunces y ^ is nat lefulle for we may not knowe the wyl of god in suche thinges wtout special revelacio of god 2." In a similar spirit he argued against those who went to the other extreme, appeahng to the common experience of many generations against the sudden doubts of in- dividuals. Some opposed long hturgical prayers be- cause our Lord reproved the vain repetitions of the i« \3 "^ ^: ^"" ^^- ^^- '• 42- 3 : "in asmoche as thev preferre fL^^ ^^*^^^ ^.^r^ ^^ ^^^'' «^^« choyce bifore^h^o dales that been ordeyned by holy churche to faste. in somoche thev syjne in presumption & do piudice to holy churche v^ ordeyned suche daies that been moste c6ueny?t to faste Js Wednesday, fridaye, and Saturday I seeTo ^undp n^ reason in suche fastynge. ne whye^t shuld be mo^^e med^^^^^^ ?n if I ^"^„"i?,^dayes in the yere whan the feest of oure ladv m lente fallyth on monday thanne to fast in worshvD of her wednesdaye, fnday, or Saturday. For I leue svkerlv th^f fi.1 mede of fastynge ne the vertue of fastynge L 4t ass^^^^^^^^^ hmyted by ye letters of the kaleder ne folLe nat the fours of the kalender ne chagith nat from one day to another '' Pauper complained (D. &- P vii 2t ^^ nf ^kI ^i^t^^T^' 'rh' ordlnarf m'ass's^o^'splc^l'dt^^^^^^^ • pTrochiales presby^^^^ni^anel t^nX rn^^e^c^Tant ^otlJTianis''""'''"''' '^^'^""^ ^"^^^"^ ^^-^-- dSs'^t ^ D.S-P. I. 42. 2. THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER J 77 heathen^; some opposed the intoning of prayers " with note and hackynge of the sillabes and wordes," remarking cynically that anyone who approached the king of England, as churchmen approached the King of Heaven, with "soo many notes and hackynges in his tale he shuld haue lytel thanke2/' Others, again, asked "Sithen god is ouir all present why pray we more i holy churche than in other place ^p " To all such questioners Pauper repHed in a tone that is surprisingly modern. He defended the normal methods of worship by psychological arguments. His answer was always the same: these things of which you complain have been proved to be helpful; the set form of words*, the kneehng posture^, the intona- tion ^, the atmosphere of common worship in a sacred * D.&' P. I. 57. 2. Pauper replied "Cryst bad nat utterly y* me shulde nat speke moche in their prayer but he bad that me shulde nat speke moche in ther prayer as hethen men do.... Also he badde us nat speke moche in oure prayer as ypocrites done... as longe as a man or woman prayeth wysely deuoutly and with gode itencion so longe he speke th nat to moch." He condemned the proverb "Shorte prayer thyrleth heuene" as a proverb for the careless: a true 'short' prayer is a prayer when God and man are not far apart, i. 56. i. 2 ibid. I. 59. 3. Cf. Knighton, 11. p. 262; Articuli Johannis Wiclefi Angli: Contra Orationes, Brown, Fasciculus, 1. 269. « ibid. I. 57. 3. * Cf, Scale, Bk i. Pt ii. Chap, i, Sect, i, p. 37. ^ D. &' P. I. 58. 2: "As longe as man or woma is stired to deuocion by speche or vocal prayer, by knelynge, loutynge, fastynge, or any other obseruaunce reasonable so longe it is wele doone to use it in his prayer, but if he be lettyd therby from deuocion and falle therby in distraction it is better to leue it for a tyme than to use it." Summa, P. 11. (second part), Q. Lxxxiii., A. i2,Q. Lxxxiv., A. 2 and 3, Q. xci., A. i and 2. ^ D. & P. I. 59. 3. Intonation tends "to the more excita- tione of deuocion of the people, also to putte away heuynesse and unlustynesse." ly M. 12 178 THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER [CH. place 1, hav€ been found to stir the spirit of devotion, and as long as they are likely to do this we must continue to support them. Certain points, Pauper admitted, were in need of amendment : priests some- times intoned so as to hinder and not to help the service, and not every chorister's character would bear examination 2. Over the s e m a tt ers the recluses seem to have been in close touch with popular doubts and questionings. To those who consulted them they gave counsel admirable in its sane moderation and its knowledge of human nature. P^olkr ^Iiltuii, Juli an, and others less known^, had alw ays the same advice , the samp. ' £). (S- P. 1. 57. 3 : " For asmoche as he (God) is ouir al there- lore i euery place he owyth to be worshiped. But for asmoche as we may nat worship him in due maner in euery place, There- fore is holy churche ordeyned that men shulde fulfyl there y' they leue in other places. . .Firste for comon prayer and prisynge is more plesaunte...Also to lie erroures and ydolatrye. For if eche man or woma drewe him alone alway in his prayer the feende shulde disseyue hym... Also to exclude slouth in goddes seruyce." Cf. Summa, P. 11. (second part), Q. lxxxiii., A. 12; Q. Lxxxiv., A. 2 and 3. '^ D.&' P. I. 59. Pauper admitted the evils of "lettyng the deuout praier of the peple as doth this curiouse knackyng sunge of the viciouse mynistres in the churche and specially in grete and riche churches. For it is ofte seen that the singers in suche places and other also ben fulle proude glutones and lechours also." Wyclif was of opinion that simple prayer said "as comunly men speken " not by " veyn knackyng of newe song " was best, "for bi ther grete criyng of song, as deschaunt, countre note and orgene ]>ei ben lettid for studynge and prechynge of be gospel." Matthew, iv. pp. 76, 77. 3 Mystical Treatises printed with Margery Kemp's Short Treatise on Contemplation, in The Cell of Self -Knowledge; especially A Devout Treatise called the Epistle of Prayer, and A very necessary Epistle of Discretion in Stirrings of the Soul, by an unknown writer of the later fourteenth century who XII] THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER 179 warning against extrayaganrp in Hm/ntinn They set their faces steadily against the fantastic methods of devotion which drew people from the .quiet and regular practice of rehgion, recommending rather that men should conform their hves to the norm of Christian pietyi, content with its time-honoured ex- ^ pressions— the Paterjpr the use of all; the Psalms ' for, the more learned; meditation on the Name of Jesu Jor the more spiritual^. Special warning was given against that self-confident piety which scorned set forms and times of prayer as unreal, which claimed ^ to^follow only the leading of the Spirit^. Some people were^iscouraged because they had no great rehsh in their devotions and no remarkable feehng of com- munion with God. Eeeli»g7said Hilton^ is a secQadary /- matter; if the forms of worship are conscientiously observed and the Faith is truly held there is no need to trouble about the presence or the absence of pious feehngs^. No one must try to force them by un- natural concentration of thought or by over-severe penances 5. No special tokens of communion with God — no miraculous Hghts or songs or smells — must "marks a middle point between RoUe and Hilton." See Introduction by E. G. Gardner, p. xxiv. ^ Cell of Self -Knowledge, p. 81 : "I had lever have his meed," etc. Rolle, E. P. T., ix. p. 40: Pater, Ave, matins, or psalter recommended "for |?at is euer more a sekyr standarde bat will noghte faile." 2 Scale, Bk 11. Pt iii. Chap. 12, p. 289. Cf. Bk i. Pt i. Chap. 7. p. 9. RoUe, E. P. T., I. pp. 1-5; IX. p. 40. ■ » Scale. Bk i. Pt ii. Chap, i, Sect, i, p. 37. * ibid. Bk II. Ptii. Chap. II, p. 233; cf. Bk 11. Pt i. Chap. 7. p. 152. Rolle, E. P. T., VIII. p. 19: "It suffice th to me f or to lyffe in trouthe princypally and noghte in felvner." « Rolle, £. P. T., IX. p. 37. ^ -- 12 — 2 i8o THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER [CH. \ be expected, though, to be sure, they must be reverently received if by the exceptional mercy of God they are granted^. Yetil they make_normal devotions impossible or unpalatable they are to be suspected 2, for heresy often begins with this sort of spiritual pride^. Above all, it is essential to maintain the physical strength of the body, or every kind of wild fancy will abound. A worldly person will not suffer great harm if he lose a night's sleep for thought of his sin, but a devout person ought to avoid such extremes^. These external matters, after all, were only the means and not the end; too much emphasis must not be laid on them ^. The recluses often set out the contrast between "formal and inward rehgion" in a way that would have commended itself to the early Methodists «. It was the hfe which tested the value of devotions, though, complained Rolle, "sume ere vnkouande and wenes )>at )>ay desire noghte Godd bot if )?ay be ay criande ef Godd... as if )?ay said thus 1 Scale, p. 233 loc. cit. Rolle, E. P. T.. viii. Cell of Self- Knowledge: Hilton's Treatise on the Song of Angels, p. 63 et seq., especially pp. 68-73. =* ibid. Bk i. Ft i. Chap. 11, p. 13 et seq. » ibid. Bk 1. Pt iii. Chap. 5, Sect, -z, p. 87. Cf. Bk i. Pt i. Chap. 15, Sect. 2, p. 26. * Rolle. E. P. T.. IX. p. 41. * Cell of Self -Knowledge, pp. 82, 96, 105 : "silence and speak- ing, fasting and eating, onliness and company, common cloth- ing of Christian reHgion and singular habits of divers and devised brotherhoods," all help in different circumstances. To beUeve too much in any one of them is the "full and finai destroying of the freedom of Christ." Cf. WycHf's contrast between freedom of Christ's rehgion and bondage of "sects" of "religious men." Matthew, i. "Leaven of Pharisees." * Rolle, E. P. T.. Preface xii. : "a wretched man or woman is thylke." etc. Cell of Self -Knowledge, external signs distin- guished from real piety, p. 95 et seq. Miroitr, 4489. XII] THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER 181 * A Lorde, brynge me to Thi blysse,' 'Lord, make me safe,' or swylke o)?eri." But some ^[uestiQiiers. were concerned not only with the places and methods of prayer; thej^doubted whether any sort of prayer was needed. God knew their wants before they told Him 2, and He did not alter His plans for all their beseeching. The innumer- able ''unanswered prayers" of agonised fathers and mothers, bereaved in the "pestilence-time," gave point to the bitter enquiry: " Wherto shulde we pray to god for anything for he is nat chaugeable^? " "Sume saye that god slepith whanne he helpith theim nat as they wolde^." To these doubts neither Pauper's common-sense nor Wychf's denunciation of the sale of prayers was any answer. No answer indeed was possible so long as men regarded prayer simply as a meanTbf"" getting things done," but a different idea was gradually worked out in the course of the century. The popular mystics expounded it. most fully. Men who doubted the use of prayer asked what right the contemplatives had to lead the life of prayer, and the Incendium Amoris of Rolle, like many of his shorter works, was really 3.n Apologia ^ Rolle, E. P. T., IX. p. 35. 2 "Why pray we to god with oure mouth sith he kuowyth (sic) alle oure thoughte, alle oure desire, al our wyl and what us nedeth?" D. S- P. 1. 58. i. ^ 3 ibid. loc. cit. It was easier to answer the other complaint that God sent no peace "but every yere more warre than other" despite many prayers and processions. "For they wolde noo peas haue," was the retort, "whanne god sent he worshipfuUe peas on euery side they despysed pees and slew he that made peas," J. 55. 2. Summa, P. 11. (second part). Q. lxxxiii., A. 2. ^ D. & P. II. 4. I. : I 182 THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER [CH. ^pro VUa sua\ In it he sought to show that the hermit was not less useful than the busy prelate. —J^ayec, he explained, and Juhan supported him, is not mere petition ; it is communion with God. It is not because prayer gives a man what he wants, but because it "ones the soul to God," that it is rational and necessary. Everything that is done would be done though we never prayed, said Julian, but God stirs us to^pray that we may be partners in His good deed2. PrayeriiTshDrtTS to be valued more for its effect o n man than for its effect on God. Wychf's contribution to this discussion was curionsly-moderate. He seems to have retained the more popular conception of the nature and purpose of prayer; in his works there is little trace of the "^yf^c^ view. Like the pilgrims to Rome or St James's hewas on a quest for the most efficient form of inter- cfission; but his belief in the necessity of individual righteousness made him seek efficiency in ways quite unlike the friars'. For Wychf, prayer was essentially a personal matter; whether or no God would hear depended on the suppHant's moral charactepS^As a consequence, he disbeheved in the inherent value of Hturgical formulae; prayer could not be sold*; it was an affair of the heart; "who euer lyue)> preiej> best; & a symple pater noster of a plou3man ^at is in ^ 1 Incendium Amoris. e.g. pp. 204, 205. Cf. Mirour, 14560 Summa, P. 11. (second part), Q. clxxxii. ^^^ * Comfortable Words, p. 99. ^ » e.g. Matthew. IV. pp. 77 and 78: "God herib nat siche ojere nJ^n?" ''^^' ^^^ ''^"^^^ ^" ^'^""^ ^^'^ ^^^ ^^r * ibid. XXII. p. 317; XXVII. p. 415. ^3 XII] THE PROBLEM OF PRAYER 183 charite is betre )?an a )>owsand massis of coueitouse prelatisi." Wychf directed his criticism rather against the methods by which men sought to make prayer effectual than against their notions of its intrinsic nature. In this way he exercised an influence (X- not essentially different from that of the more earnest orthodox teachers 2. * Matthew, xviii. p. 274. 2 Kail, xviii. line 37, p. 80: And preyere wi}>-oute deuocion, J?ou3 |?ey preye, god here)? hem nou3t: pe lippes turn preyers vp so doun, pat spekej> oJ>er \z.n herte |?ou3t. Cf. D. 6- P. VII. 22. 3. 1 t I I CONCLUSION Two events in modern history have directed atten- tion to medieval rehgion : the Protestant Reformation and the Romantic Revival. By each of these men's study has been directed, their enthusiasm kindled, their views coloured; by neither has impartial judg- ment been encouraged. Always there has been zeal, but it has not been always according to knowledge. The controversies of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries left Christendom divided into two schools which, for want of better names, we must call *' Catholic" and "Evangelical." These were not separated clearly or completely. In the English Church and elsewhere the two have existed side by side, but for all that they are distinguishable. Differing in most things, the two have agreed in a common view of the relation that each of them holds with medieval Christianity. The reformers were accused of revolution ; they admitted and gloried in the charge. The Cathohcs were accused of remaining in the old paths, and they did not deny it. Continuity was the boast of one party, freedom from tradition the boast of the other. However differently they might appraise them, they were at one about the facts. Their agreement was, nevertheless, an agree- ment only in error. The traditional Protestant view of Church history, which made of the thousand years between the "Early Church" and the Reformation a thick dark- I I Vt' ii I 1 CONCLUSION i«5 ness of superstition and priestcraft, illumined only by a few morning stars like Wyclif and Huss and the nameless^Jieretics of the Italian valleys — this has been for some time discredited. Hardly any fanatic would now leap from that indeterminable date when the purity of the "Early Church" de- parted to the day when Luther nailed ninety-five theses to the door of the Schlosskirche in Wittenberg. But the consequences which follow from this changed attitude have not been admitted in their entirety. There are few Puritans and Evangelicals who have claimed their inheritance in the Middle Ages: there are perhaps fewer Cathohcs who have admitted the claim. It is still too commonly assumed that the modern Catholic movement contains the whole tradition of the undivided Latin Church, and that puritanical Hving with evangelical doctrine is a new thing in the earth. Yet neither of these opinions will bear examination, for neither has more to recommend it than the loud and unanimous asser- tions of all the controversiahsts. The renewed study of the Middle Ages which came with the Romantic Revival did not remove these mistakes, but confirmed them. The new movement found itself everywhere confronted by rationalism and Evangelicalism. Either separately or in unnatural alliance these held the field. When for the refresh- ment and enrichment of their own barren times the leaders of the Revival turned back for inspiration to the Middle Ages, it was but to be expected that they would overlook, or even deny, the presence of 12—5 1. 1 86 CONCLUSION unattractive elements in those idealized centuries; and all was unattractive which reminded them of the dominant influences of the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth century. Their protest against the rationalism and EvangelicaHsm of their own day was as natural as their inabihty to recognise either in medieval thought. But the need for their protest has now disappeared, and still to persist in seeing only one side of the picture would be as inexcusable as it is unnecessar\\ The romantic and "Catholic" elements in the medieval Church no one to-day is Hkely to forget, but it is not superfluous to recall its evangehcal and its puritan quahties, its sanity, its commonsense, and its rationaUsm; to emphasize the fact that not only one half of modern Christianity but the whole has its roots in medieval religion. Nowhere has this been so plainly shown as in the field of political thought. Dr Figgis has recently bidden us look for the exposition of medieval political doctrine in places where continuity was scarcely to be expected. The true successors in modern Europe of Gregory VII and Innocent III and Boniface VIII, as we now begin to see, were John Calvin, John Knox, and the English Indepen- dents. In Spain, where, since the Reformation, the Church has best preserved its medieval appearance, the appearance only has remained unaltered. The spirit has suffered a decisive change: Lutheranism itself has not been more Erastian. Henry Thomas Buckle was remarkable neither for sympathy with ecclesiastical independence nor for insight into its CONCLUSION 187 \i development, yet even he could not fail to discern that "in poHtical matters the Church, which was servile in Spain, was rebellious in Scotland^" The Spanish Church may have been strong, but it was strong in the strength of the state. The high papal doctrine of the superiority of ecclesiastical over secular powers was more faithfully preserved and more vigorously practised by the -clergy inspired from Geneva than by the Spanish chaplains on the Seven Hills. The modern world has heard the echoes of Unam Sanctum less clearly in the Vatican than in the Scottish Kirk, where the battle for "the Crown rights of King Jesus" was a genuine renewal of the struggle for the liberties of the Holy Roman Church. Gregory VII died in exile again with the ejected clergy of 1662, and in the Disruption of the Church of Scotland Boniface VIII was put to shame a second time. And this is true of more than ecclesiastical politics : for the fourteenth century at least it is hardly less true of theological and devotional traditions. Not only nor chiefly among those who have borne and coveted the name of Catholic do we find reproduc- tions of medieval faith. Reflexions of the spiritual experience of the fourteenth century are not less clear, are sometimes clearer, elsewhere. None of the Caroline divines can boast so near a kinship with the mystic of Malvern hills as can the Baptist tinker of Bedford. In the dream of a puritan preacher ^ Buckle, History of CivilUation in England, Vol. 11, Chap, v, p. 409 (edition 1861), T i88 CONCLUSION » reappeared the vision of the fourteenth century clerk. The similarity of Piers the Plowman and The Pilgrim's Progress in spirit and thought, in the allegory, the imagery, and the very turns of the expression— even if there were no direct borrowing, this came by no accident. Here is no chance resem- blance, but a family hkeness. In this sympathy with the Puritan and Evangehcal schools of modern Christendom Langland is not alone. The pious rhymes of his time, burdened with the faith and aspirations of an unknown multitude, come closer in sentiment to the Hymns for the People called Methodists than to anything in The Temple or The Christian Year. From those remote versifiers one can pass to Charles Wesley and be scarcely conscious of the change, for medieval rehgion has had its in- fluence over many who have not felt its spell, and those who have been most sensitive to its spell have not always been most in harmony with its spirit. The anecdotes in Sandford and Merton and the prosy morahty of Tupper would be more to the liking of the fourteenth century than the ecstasies of Christina Ros- setti or the studied archaism of A Dream of John Ball The battle with rigid Protestantism and the final discomfiture of the enlightened rationahsts a hundred years ago were necessary prehminaries to the re- discovery of the Middle Ages, but the memory of those historic struggles does not justify the appro- priation of medieval religion by any modern party or the repudiation of it by any other. For the medieval Church is the mother of us all. INDEX A. B.C. on the Passion of Christ, 26 n. Abraham, 48 n. Absalom, 48 Absolution, 156 «. Acts and Monuments, see Foxe, John Acts of the Apostles, see Bible Adam, 49, 51, iii, 151, 158, 164 w., 169 w., 170 A Dream of John Ball, 188 Agnus Dei, 8 Alexander VII, 9 Alliterative Poems, see Morris, Richard All Saints' Day, 5 n. All Saints' Vigil, 12% n. Amende- thou, see Langland, William Ancren Riwle, 61 n. Anglo-Saxon Church, 7 Apologia pro Vita Sua, 181 Archelaus, 23 «. Aristotle, 57 Arnold, T., Select English Works, 20 «., 23 n., 24 n., 55 w., 57 M., 102 n., 134 M. Articuli Johannis Wiclefi Angli, see Brown, Ed- ward Arundel, Richard, Earl of, 81 Arundel, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 126 Ashmolean MS, 63 n. Astrology, 87 ff., 93, 95 Atonement, Day of, 135 Augustinianism, 87, 154 n., 155, 156. 161, 167. 169, 171, 172, 174 Aurora, 14 Authorised Version, see Bible_ Ave, 2, 10, 17, 42, 43, 44, 47, 93, loi n., 108, 179 w. Bacon, Francis, Of Prophecies, 96 Balaam, 90 Ball, John, 107 w., iiiw. Bedford, 188 Bellet, John, 99 w. Belshazzar, 48 «,, 140 Benedicite, 39 Bethlehem, 24, 90 Beverley, 141 w. Bible, 2, 19, 23 ff., 46, 48 ff., 88, 133 flf. Acts of the Apostles, 78 n. Authorised Version, 49 / Corinthians, 48 n. Genesis, 49 Kings, 48 New Testament, 48 Old Testament, 56 «., 107 Psalms, 461, 170, 179 St Luke, iiy n. St Matthew, 48 «. i, 164 «. Black Death, 105, 155, 157, 165 f., 174, 181 Bokeland, Richard, 73 «. Boniface VIII, i86 f. Boy Bishop, 142 Bradshaw, Henry, 46 w. Bradwardine, Thomas, 87 Breviary, 46 Bristol, 42 Britons, III «. Brown, Edward, Fasciculus Rerum Vol. I, Articuli Johannis Wiclefi Angh, 57 n., 77 n., 164 n., 177 w. Vol. II, FitzRalph, Rich- ard, Defensorium Cura- torum, 24 n., 32 n., 33 n., 35«-. 36 w., 60 n., 63 n., 69 n., 70 «., 147 n., 152 n. T90 INDEX INDEX " »'l Brut, 15 n., 85 «., 106 «.. 112 n. Buckle, H. T., //is/ory 0/ Civilization inEngland 187 Cain. 158 Calvary. 25, 109 Calvin, John, 154, 171, 186 Calvinist, 52, 170 Canterbury, Archbishop of, 65 Capes, W. W., English Church in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, 60 Carmen super multiplici vici- orum pestilencia, see Gower, John CaroUnian Books, 98 n. Cell of Self- Knowledge, The, 179 w., 180 «. A Devout Treatise called the Epistle of Prayer, 178 w. A Devout Treatise of Dis- cerning of Spirits, 157 n. A Very Necessary Epistle of Discretion in Stir- rings of the Soul, 178 «. Hilton, Walter, Treatise on the Song of Angels, 180 n. Kemp. Margery, A Short Treatise of Contempla- tion, 115 n., 178 w. Chambers, E. K., Medieval Stage. 50 «., 53 n., 86 n.,95n., 113 n., 141 n., 142 «. Chaucer, Geoffrey, 30, 35, 49, 115, 147 «. Canon's Yeoman's Tale, gon. Prioress's Tale, 47 w. Prologue, 37 w., 115 n. Somnour, 35 Chesterton, Mr G. K., 115 Christian Year, The, 188 Christmas, 95, 134, 142 Christopherson, John, 9 n. 191 Christ's Own Complaint, 32 w., 48«., 118 «., 175 M. Chronicon Angliae, 96 «. Cistercians, gn. Clanbowe, Lady Peryne, 73 «., 120 w. Comfortable Words for Christ's Lovers, see Julian Commandments, the Ten, 17, 27. 42. 45. 47. 48«.' 104, 160 First Commandment, 97 Third Commandment, 124 131 Fifth Commandment, 115 Complaynt of Criste, 26 n. Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, see Wil- kins, David Confessio A mantis, see Gower, John Congregationalism of the last three hundred years, The, see Dexter, H. M. Constance, Council of, 164; see also Articuli Jo- hannis Wiclefi under Brown, Edward / Corinthians, see Bible Corpus Christi Day, 5 «., 71 Corpus Christi MS, 57 «.' Coulton, Mr G. G., 24 «., n8 Creed, Apostles', 8, 17, 27, 42 ff., 51. 93. 108 Creed, Athanasian, 47 Creed, Nicene, 8, 437/. Crowland, 86 w. Cupid, Mass offered to, 138 Cutts, E. I.., Parish Priests and their People, i n., 6in. Dalgaims. J. B.. 121 «., 167 w. Daniel, 163 Darwin, Charles, 49 David, 48, 135, 170 Dexter, H. M.. The Congre- gationalism of the last three hundred years, 40 Dirige, 47 Disraeli, Benjamin. Sybil, 41 6 Dives and Lazarus, parable of, 48«., 152 Dives and Pauper, The Dia- logue of, passim Dives, in Dives and Pau- per, passim Pauper, in Dives and Pauper, passim Donne, John, On the Sacra- ment, 69 Easter, 32, 39, 61,62, 80, 83, 134 Ecclesiological Essays, see Legg, Wickham Edward II, 81 Edward III, 30 Egypt, 48 Elfland, 95 Eli, 109 Emerson, R. W., 137 England, 15 n., 45 n., 141 n. England in the Age of Wycliffe, see Trevelyan, G. M. English Church in the Four- teenth and Fifteenth Centuries, see Capes, W. W. English Prose Treatises, see Rolle English Works of Wyclif, see Matthew, F. D. Epiphany, 134 Esau, 88 Esther, 48 Eulogium Historiarum, 68 n., 112 n. Evangelical Revival, 25, 41 Evangelists, 49 n. Eve, 49 Exeter, 118 «., 142 w. Ezekiel, 18 Falmouth, Squire of, 31 «., 75, 106 w., 117 n. Fasciculi Zizaniorum, 18 n., 107 M. Fasciculus Morum, see Little, A. G. Fasciculus Rerum, see Brown, Edward Feast of Fools, 141 f. Festial, 20 and see Myrc, John Fifty Earliest English Wills, I5«., 47 w., 73 n., 85 n., 112 n., 120 n. f., 148 n., 174 w. Figgis. Dr J. N.. 186 Fitz- Harry. William, 73 «. FitzRalph, Richard, Arch- bishop of Armagh, 32 and see Brown, Ed- ward Five Wounds of the Holy Church. The, see Ros- mini, A. Foxe, John, Acts and Monu- ments, 39 ff. France, 141 w. Frankfort, Council of, 98 n. Gairdner, J., Lollardy and the Reformation, 26 «., 107 n. Gardner, J. E. G., ijg n. and see Cell of Self Know- ledge Gascoigne, T., Theological Dic- tionary, 26 n. Gasquet, F. A., Parish Life in Mediaeval England, 17 n., 27 n., 100 n. Genesis, see Bible Geneva, 187 Gesta Romanorum, 50 Gloria in Excelsis, 8 Glutton, see Langland, Wil- liam Gower, John Carmen super multiplici viciorum pestilencia, lion. Confessio A mantis, passim Mirour de I'Omme, passim Nota contra mortuorum executor es, iign. Vox Clamantis, passim Grandisson, John de. Register, i«., 7w.,43«.,45w.,59, 65 n., 67, 70 «., 81 f., 131 «., 140 ff. 192 INDEX INDEX 193 Greeks, rite of, 38 sea of, 89 Gregory VII, 186 f. Grosseteste, 68 n. Handlyng Synne, 71 and see Mannyng, Robert Henry VIII. 68 Herbert, George, The Temple, 69, 188 Herod, 23«., 24, iii Higden, R., Polychronicon, 81 n., g6n., 140 «. Hilton, Walter, Scale of Per- fection, 51 f., 55 ff., 58«., 69, 121 «., 157 n., 167 n., 171 w., 177 n., ij8S.; see also Cell of Self Knowledge Hoccleve, T., To Sir John Old- castle, 38 w. Hogarth, W., 143 Holy Innocents, 56 Holy Innocents' Day, 55 n. Holy Land, 175 Holy Week, 80 n. Hostiensis, Summa A urea, 55 «• Hours of the Cross, 47 «. Hours of the Virgin, 47 Howell, Ferrers, Bernardino of Siena, 18 n. Huss, John, .185 Hymns for the People called Methodists, 188 Incendium Amoris, see Rolle, Richard Independents, 186 In Memoriam, see Tennyson, Lord Innocent III, 38, 186 In Principio, 42 Instructions for Parish Priests, see Myrc, John Jacob, 48 «., 88 Jephthah, m Jerusalem, 135 Jews, 9, 53, 55 and n., 57 «., 58, 131, 134, 161. 163 Jezebel, 49 Joachim, Expositio in Apoca- lypsim, 149 n. Job, 57 n., 165 Johannes de Vecca, 26 n. John of Gaunt, 140 Jonah, 24 n., 48 w., 163 Joseph, 48 «. Joshua, 163 Judaism, 154 Judas Iscariot, 24 w., 158 Julian of Norwich Comfortable Words for Christ's Lovers, 99 n., 167 ff., 171 n., 182 n. Sixteen Revelations of Di- vine Love, 26 n., 58 n., 157 w., 167 «. ff., 171 n. Kemp, Margery, 115 and see Cell of Self- Knowledge Kings, see Bible Knight of the Tour Landry, The Book of, 5 «., 26 w., 31 «., 48 n., 49«., 80. 93 n., 104 n., 106 n. &., 113 f. «., 122 n., 143 f. «., 148 n. » Knighton, H., Chronicon, i8 «., 38 n., 67 n. f., 84 «., 91 «., 98 «., lion., 113 «., 134 «., 138 «., 146 «., 177 w. Knox, John, 186 Lancaster, Thomas, Earl of, 81 Langham, Simon, 141 Langland, William, Piers the Plowman, passim Amende-thou, 161 Glutton, 132 Lechour, 132 Meed, Lady, 36 Seynt Treuthe, 145 «., 160 Sloth, 36, 43 Ymagynatyf, 57 Lansdowne MS, 41 ». ' ti Latimer, Hugh, Sermons, 44 n. Latin Christianity, see Mil- man, H. H. Laud, William, 123, 124 Lay Folks Catechism, 17 «., 18 n., 27 w., 35 M., 45 n., 61 n., 68 n., 70 n., 92 «., 98 n., 171 «., 172 »., 175 n. Lay Folks Mass Book, passim Lazarus, 48 n., 148, 152 Lechler, J. W. von G., Johann von Wiclif, 68 w., 87 n. Lechour, see Langland, Wil- liam Lectures and Essays, see Seeley, J. R. Legg, Wickham, Ecclesiologi- cal Essays, 123 Lent, 32, 39, 62, loi, 108 n., ■ 158 Les Contes Moralisis, see Little, A. G. Libera nos a malo, 11 Liher Exemplorum, see Little, A. G. Life of Scott, see Lockhart, J.G. Lincoln, 141 n., 142 n. Litany, 47 Litany, The Golden, 47 «. Little, A. G., Studies in English Franciscan History, 20 n., 26 n., 28, 92 w. Fasciculus Morum, 18 n., 20 n., 92 n., 95 n., g6n. Les Contes Moralises, 20 n. Liber Exemplorum, 20 n. Speculum Laicorum, 20 n. Littlehales, Henry, Prymer, 461 Loci e libro veritatum, see Rogers, J. E. T. Lockhart, J. G., Life of Scott, 104 n. Lollards, passim LoUardy, now., 167 Lollardy and the Reformation, see Gairdner, J. London, 138 Lot, 48 w. Luther, Martin, 185 Lutheranism, 186 Lydgate, ]ohxi,Merita Missae, 6, 43 n., 66, 70 n., 137 f- Lyndwood, 9, 65 n. Magi, 90 Malvern Hills, 188 Manner and Mede of the Mass, 7 n. ff., 43 n., 63 «., 66 «., 71 n., 74 n., 79 w., 84 w., 143 «. Mannyng, Robert, Handlyng Synne, passim Mars' Hill. 78 Maskell, William, Monumenta Ritualia, 47 n. Mass, passim Matins, 5. 125, 179 m. Matthew. F. D., English Works ofWyclif, passim Mawmet, 87 Medieval Mind, see Taylor, A. E. Medieval Preaching, see Neale Medieval Stage, see Chambers Meed. Lady, see Langland, William Merita Missae, see Lydgate, John Methodism, 30 w. Methodists, 180 Milman, H. H., Latin Christi- anity, 98 «. Milton, John, 107 Mirour de I'Omme, see Gower, John Monumenta Ritualia, see Maskell, WiUiara Morris, Richard, Alliterative Poems, 24 n., 48 n., 49 n. Moses, 107 n. Myrc, John Festial, passim Instructions for Parish Priests, passim 194 INDEX / INDEX 195 Nazareth, 146 Neale, J. M., Medieval Preach- ing, 18 ». Nebuchadnezzar, 49 Nectanabus, 87 «. Nero, 19 New Testament, see Bible New Year, 84 «., 95 Nicea, Second Council of, 98 «. Nicene Creed, see Creed Nineveh, 88 Noah, 48 w., 49 Norman Conquest, 7 Northern Cobbler, The, see Tennyson, Lord Norwich, Julian of, see Julian Of Confession, see Wychf, John Office of the Dead, 47 Of Prophecies, see Bacon, Francis Oldcastle. Sir John. 38 Old Testament, see Bible On the Sacrament, see Donne, John Orate, 11 Oxford, Council of, 60 Oxford Movement, 123 Palm Sunday, 26 «., 99 «. Parish Life in Mediaeval England, see Gasquet, F. A. Parish Priests and their People, see Cutts, E. L. Parliament, 6«., 96 Pater, 2, 10 f.. 17, 27, 42 ff., 92 f., loi n., 108, 175, 179. 182 Pauper, see Dives and Pauper Pax, 144 Pearl, 26 n., 42 «., 48 «., 52 n., 63«., 66 n., 169, 170 «. Peckham, 18, 27 Perrers. Alice, 87 n. Perys, 145 Pety Job, 47 Pharaoh, 48 Pierce the Ploughman's Crede, 20 M.. 27 w., 35«., 43 «.,44w.,68,69w.,i2i«. Piers the Plowman, see Lang- land, William Pilate, 122 M. Pilgrim's Progress, The, 188 Placebo, 47 Plot, John, 73«., 174 «. Poic tiers, 138 Political, Religious and Love Poems, 26 «., 31 n. f., 48«., 75 n., 8o»., 85 n., 94 «., 106 n, i., 109 «., 113 n., iiyn.t, 138 «., 152 n., 175 n. Potiphar, 48 Praeterita, see Ruskin, John Prymer, 10, 46 f. Psalms, see Bible Psalter, Our Lady's, 47 n. Puritanism, 113!, 123!, 135 Purvey, J., 18 n. Quia A more Langueo, 13 w., 26 n. Ralf de Tremur, 70 Raynold, Walter, Archbishop of Canterbury, 62 Reformation, The Protestant, 49, 184! Revolution. The, of 1688, 91 Rhine country, mysteries of the, 58 Richard II, said to have been christened John, 52 n. Rogers, J. E. T., Loci ex libro veritatum, 22 «., 26 «. RoUe, Richard English Prose Treatises, 21 «., 88 «., 100 n., 178 ff. Incendium Amoris, 146 Romantic Revival, 102, i84f. Rome, 40, 81 «., 154, 175, 182; see also Stacions of Rome I Rosmini. A., The Five Wounds of the Holy Church, 6 n. Rossetti, Christina, 188 Ruskin, John, Praeterita, 104 n. Russell, W.. Bishop of Sodor and Man, 125 Ruth. 48 St Agas. church of. 80 n, Albans, 142 n. Ambrose, prayer of, 8 w. Anastasius. church of. 109 n. Anne, 175 Augustine, m, 135, 143, 154 Bernard, 124 Bernardino of Siena, see Howell, Ferrers Brice. 11 1 w. Buryan, church of, 59 Dunstan, mother of. 20 n. Francis, 147 k. George Play, 141 w. Gowdelake, 86 w. Gregory. 31. 85 n., 135, 159 M., 163 James, 76 James's, Compostella, 182 John the Baptist, 11 1 John the Evangelist. 48 n., 53. 70. 82 H. f. John Lateran. church of, 80 w. Luke, see Bible Margaret, 2 Mark's Day. 80 n. Martin, 143 Mary Magdalene, 57, 141 Mary the Virgin, 43 n., 44, 47. 50, 66 n., 85 n., 97, 98 n., no, 169 «., 175 f- Matthew, see Bible Nicholas' clerks, 39 Paul (or Saul). 24 w.. 78, lion., 154. 171 n. Paul, church of, 141 n. Peter, 24«., 70, 110 n. St Peter, church of, 81 n. Richard, 128 f. Silvester, 163 Stephen, 24 w. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, 32 n., 37 n.t, 51 «., 53«. ff., 61 «. f., 64 n., 68 «., 71 n. f.. 76 n. f., 96 w., 98W., 108 n., Ill n., 114 n., 127 n., 146 n., 149 n., 152 n., 157 n., 172 n. f., 177 n. f., 181 n. f. Thomas the Apostle, non., 48^., Sow. Thomas of Canterbury, 20 n., 80 n. Treuthe, see Langland, William Salisbury, 141 w. f. Sanctus, 11 Sandford and Merton, 188 Saracen, 58 n., 87, i6i Satan, 50, 87, 90 ff., 96 f. Sautrey, W., 18 n. Saxons. 111 n. Scale of Perfection, see Hilton, Walter Schere jr'ursday, 129 w. Scotland, Church of, 63, 187 Scots, 15514.' Seeley, Sir John, Lectures and Essays, 145 Select English Works, see Arnold, T. Sermon on the Mount, 104 Sixteen Revelations of Divine Love, see Julian Skeat, W. W., notes on Piers the Plowman, 52 n., 57 w. Sloth, see Langland, William Socrates, 57 Sodom, 48 n., 166 Solomon, 49, 57, 109 Somnour, see Chaucer, Geof- frey Sorcery, 86 f. Spain, 186 f. 196 INDEX speculum Laicorum, see Little, A. G. Stacions of Rome, 80, 109 Stiggins, Mr, 115 Stolloke, Lavyna, 43 w. Studies in English Franciscan History, see Little, A.G. Sudbury, 61 n. Suffolk man, 71 Summa Aurea, see Hostiensis Summa Theologica, see St Thomas Aquinas Sunday, 5, 18 f., 45, 113. 123 ff. Sursion Corda, 8 Sybil, see Disraeli, B. Taylor, A. E., Medieval Mind, 12 «. Te Deum, 47 Tennyson, Lord In Memoriam, 168 The Northern Cobbler, 26 The Temple, see Herbert, George Theological Dictionary, Gascoigne, T. Thoresby, J., 17, 27, 61 w, To Sir John Oldcastle, Hoccleve, T. Toplady, A. M., 170 Trajan, 57 Trental, 85 Trevelyan, G.JM,, England in theAgeof Wyclijfe, i-jn. Troilus, 158 «. Trokelowe, Johannes de, Chro- nica et Annates, 5 «., 43«., 52W., 65W., 81 w., 87 n., 91 n. see see Tupper, M. P., 188 Turks, 55. 57 n. f. Twenty Six Political and other Poems, passim Tyler, Wat, 149 Unam Sanctam, 187 , Vox Clamantis, see Gower, John Walsingham, T., Histofia Anglicana, 6 «., 26 n., 38 n., 91 n., 96 n., 107 n., 130 n., 134 n., 140 n., 155 n. Walwayn, Thomas, 174 n. Warrack, Grace, 167 «. Warwick, Isabella, Countess of, 148 Wells, 142 «. Wesley, Charles, 188 Wesley, John, 41 West, Lady Alice, 174 «. Westminster, 83 n. Whitsunday, 83, 134 Wiche, Richard, 107 «. Wilkins, David, Concilia Mag- nae Britanniae etHiber- niae, passim Wittenberg, 185 Wright, T., Political Poems and Songs, 35 w., 36 w., 38 «• Wyclif, John, passim Of Confession, 37 Ymagynatyf, see Langland, WilUam York, 142 «., 174 ». ^J »>♦ ^ \\ f CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BV J. B. PEACE, M.A., AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. dr i\ •.* . I*: < 5 1* 'Al 931 M316 in COLUMBIA UNIVERS 003221537 TY ). ;'UL9 i9o5 iJCt. :>4»j|i.»«,