Ji^yiiMiMiMiyM^^HI mmmmm ■^'yy'y:-'<4^'<^yy/>-y^//x«i^/y//'/^^^^ 828 Broadwav- liJil riJiJfrinJniiiinii^frO^fpjiJfru^ i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 THE LIBRARIES COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY General Library i i i i i i i i i MONTANIS AND THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH 'a study in the ecclesiastical history of the second century. THE HULSEAN PBIZE ESSAY, 1877. JOHN DE SOYRES, OF UONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. " Ubi Spiritus Dei, illic Ecclesia." Ibenaeus (adv. Haer. iv. 31. 3). CAMBRIDGE : DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. LONDON: GEOBGE BELL AND SONS. 1878 0% ©amiirfijge: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. DEDICATED TO ARCHDEACON ALLEN, WITH THE WAKMEST FEELINGS OF AFFECTION AND BESPECT, 104627 " Aei yhp Kal aipitxas iu vfuv flvat, 'ivp, ol odKtfJLoi (pavepoi yepojvrat ii> ifup." I Cor, xi. 19. "Now, because Faith is not only a precept of doctrines, but of manners and holy life, whatsoever is either opposite to an article of ereed, or teaches ill life, That Is Heresy: but all those propositions which are extrinsical to these two considerations, be they true or be they false, make not heresy, nor the man a heretic." Tayloe, Lihertj/ of Prophesyhuf. "■ Heresy and Schism, as they are iu common use, are two theo- logical MopMws, or scarecrows, which, they who uphold a party iu rehgion use to fright away such as, making enquiry into it, are ready to relinquish and oppose, if it appear either erroueoiis or suspicious. But howsoever in the common manage, heresy and schism are but ridi- culous terms, yet the things in themselves are of very considerable moment ; the one offending against truth, the other against charity ; and therefore both deadly, where they are not by imputation only, but iu deed." The 'Ever-Memorable' John Hales of Eton, " Quodsi mihi fortasse contingat, ut aliter sentiam quam plerique sentiendum judiceut, veniam mihi dari postulo, qui sine pruritu lacessendi Patres, (quos alioquin merito magnifacio,) sine insano studio pravorum hominum errores excusandi, cum tanto temporum iutervallo a Montauistis rcmotus sim, ut nullo eommodo meo ad eorum partes tiiendas adducar, sine libidine novum aliquid comminiscendi, ex eoque gloriam aucupandi, nihil aliud qua^ro, quam indagare verum." Wernsdokf, de Montanistis. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Intboduction. Materials and arrangement. List of authorities consulted . 1 BOOK I. EEEATA. 19, line 22, for " 1834" read " 1832. 82, ,, 13, for " M. Aurelius " read ' 105. Dele Note. Severus." BUUK 11, The Tenets of Montanism. Section 1. General remarks on the evidence . .... 55 ,, 2. The character of the new revelation .... 58 ,, 3. Tertullian's views on the Trinity, and the charm of a. Monarchianism and Subordinationism. tJH b. The Montanistic Trinity, M 4, The Montanistic Eschatology 77 ,, 5. Asceticism .... 79 „ 6. Marriage 83 „ 7. Penance 8(3 „ 8, The Church , . . . , 91 „ 9. Sacraments and ritual . 96 „ 10. Historical position of Montanism . 102 „ 11. Montanism and Gnosticism - 104 ,, 12. Summary 1U7 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Intboduction. Materials and arrangement, consixlted List of authorities BOOK I. History of Montanus and his folloivers. Section 1. The chronology of the party . . 25 „ 2. Names and nicknames . . 29 „ 3. Montanua ..... . 31 „ 4. The prophetesses and the disciples . 34 „ 5. Progress of the opinions in Asia Minor . 36 „ 6. ,, ,, Rome . . 37 n 7. , , , , Africa . , 44 „ 8. TertuUiaii ..... . 45 „ 9. The assailants of Montanism . 47 „ 10. Decisions of Councils , 51 „ 11. Decline and gradual extinction of the p< BOOK 11, The Tenets of Montanism. irty ... 53 Section 1. General remarks on the evidence , . 55 ,. 2. The character of the new revelation . 58 ,. 3. Tertullian's views on the Trinity, and the charge of Sabellianism : , .' . G8 a. Monarchianism and Subordin iiiionism. b. The Montanistic Trinity, M 4, The Montanistic Escbatology 77 ,, 5. Asceticism . . , . , .79 M 6. Marriage , 83 „ 7, Penance . 86 „ 8. The Church 91 „ 9. Sacraments and ritual . 96 „ 10. Historical position of Montanism . . 102 „ 11. Montanism and Gnosticism , . 104 „ 12. Summary . 1U7 Vlll TABLE OF CONTENTS. BOOK III. The Influence of Montanism upon tlw ChiirrJi. Section 1. Eevolutioii and reaction 2. Points of cohesion 3. Eeasons for rejection 4. Extent of influence 5. Later manifestations 6. Conclusion PAGE 110 112 113 IIG 118 130 Appendix A. Kestner's Agape . . , . Appendix B. Perpetua and Felicitas Appendix C. Jane Lead, Petersen, &e. . Appendix D. Swedenborg ■ , , . . Appendix E. Chronological Tables (a.d. 130—250) 134 138 142 153 158 INTRODUCTION. If it has been said with truth that a perfect historian In-troi^cc- of secular events will never be found, how much less hope — ' can we entertain that the vast field of ecclesiastical history ^j^^ ^^^ ' will ever find a really successful explorer ! If historians of Chmch Greece and Eome cannot banish the political prejudices of ^^ ^^^' modern times while busied with the past, is it to be wondered at that those who examine the religious ques- tions which agitated the early Church, perceive in them the mirror of later controversies, and deal with them in a congenial spirit ? It would seem that the two essentials, knowledge and impartiality, are rarely to be found together unimpaired. The mature scholar has acquired deep con- victions as well as profound acquaintance with his subject, and all his conscientious striving after a perfect objectivity of treatment fails to attain success. The beginner, pos- sessed indeed of all the impartiality which ignorance can grant, finds himself compelled to attain first, by long and painful industry, a knowledge of the instruments of re- search, before he can profit by them, — or is driven to the easy and worthless dependence on interested advocates and second-hand erudition \ It is acknowledged on all hands that it needs half a lifetime to acquire a sufficient know- ledge of patristic language, rhetoric, and logic, without ^ Baur, in his fierce onslaught upon Thiersch (Der Kritiker u. der Faimtiker, 18iG), contemptuously notes that the latter had only bestowed eight years on the study of Irennpus ! H. Iv 1 2 INTRODUCTION. Jntrodcc- which the student is at the mercy of all the arbitrary (and _■ contradictory) catenas which can be manufactured to prove anything and everything. Accordingly the prospect that a tyro in the great science of theology could do more than gather together and coordinate the researches of previous explorers is small indeed, and the writer of the present essay aims only at amassing some " Materials for a Critical History of Montanism," and will find his hopes fully grati- fied should he succeed in the attempt. It might seem, at first sight, as if the subject was of a character to limit the number and character of the obstacles. The history of a heresy which only emerged into notice for less than a century, which concerned practical rather than theological or metaphysical questions, and which is treated of by but few out of the great army of ecclesiastical writers, — ought not to involve very excessive difficulty or research. . But almost the next glance, and certainly the first examination, reveal the falsity of such a supposition. It is found that the chronology of the period has been, ever since history was written, the subject of the most contradictory hypo- theses ; that the statements of the witnesses are of the most partial and conflicting character ; and that the ques- tions as to the origin of the heresy, and its ultimate in- fluence upon the Christian Church, involve a consideration of many important ecclesiastical controversies. And when the student has worked through his materials, and has studied not merely the text but the context of his subject, his difficulty is enhanced a hundredfold by the conviction which is forced irresistibly upon his mind. It flashes upon him, namely, that the religious upheaval known as Mon- tanism is no isolated phenomenon, no product of one man's invention, but the first of a vast series of manifestations, which, fraught with good and with evil, have been per- mitted by Providence to break forth in the Christian Church. He sees the same forces at work, the same re- action, the same results, in the Cathari and Waldenses of the Middle Ages ; the Fraticelli and the " Homines lutelli- INTRODUCTION. 3 gentlee;" in the Anabaptist sects of the Reformation; in Introduc- the marvellous speculations of Jacob Boehme ; in the ^I^" wonderful spiritual revivals of the 17th century, Fox and the Quakers in England, Saint Cyran and Labadie in France and Holland, the Alombrados in Spain, Molinos in Italy, Spener and Petersen in Germany. He recognises a deep truth in Bossuet's taunt against his great adversary, " that the new Priscilla had found a new Montanus," for he feels that the same influences directed Madame Guyon and the Archbishop of Cambrai in their ill-fated endeavour to revive the expiring embers of spiritual religion. In the next century, he sees the same forces at work in the great Pietist movement in Germany, while its abuses are shewn in the follies of the Illuminaten-Orden. Swedenborg with his vast theosophic system simply give^ form and definition to the revelations of the Phrygian prophets sixteen cen- turies before\ Edward. Irving in more recent times completes the list of parallels with his prophets, his un- known tongues, and his passionate revolt against the formalism of a callous age. Such a historical vista is indeed calculated to appal the writer, and to cause him to shrink from the task before him. It would need the imagination and the receptive faculty of a Coleridge, added to the acumen of a Thirlvvall, to do the barest justice to this enormous and as yet uncultivated field. But the purposes of the following essay do not require the prosecution of so hopeless a quest. It is enough to have recognised the true horizon, and to take one's observations by the real luminaries : as for the rest, an analysis of one link in a great chain will be the best help for a later comprehension of its extent and its agency. Before proceeding to enumerate and classify the Historic historical materials at our disposal, it is necessary to ^^^^ '" ^' state the reasons which have induced me to depart from 1 As to the points of contact between Montanipm and Sweden- horsiauism, see Appendix P. 1—2 TION. 4 INTRODUCTION. iNTRODuc- the ordinary methods of arrangement. Ever since history has been regarded and dealt with as a science, the chaotic plan which once obtained of mingling together, in one perplexing heap, external and internal narrative, the statements of fact and the analysis of opinion, has been completely abandoned. But it is at least an open ques- tion whether the methods which the new historical schools have adopted, have not almost equally serious defects. Instead of working steadily /?'oto the solid facts of history, there is a marked tendency to reverse the process, and to employ these facts merely as the buttresses for a previously constructed theory. Now it may be very allowable for the astronomer or the physiologist to elaborate a theory from an ingenious conjecture, and then to submit it to repeated tests of the telescope or microscope; but the system when applied to historical research is by no means so advantageous. There is an elasticity in historical facts, especially (of course) when one is dealing with ancient history, which enables even the most conscientious writer to shape them to his purpose. Mohler finds the Papacy in the records of the Primitive Church ; Bishop Browne the Anglican system ; somebody else, with equal candour and learning, Presbyterianism. I do not say that differ- ences would cease if a more strictly inductive method were adopted, but I feel convinced that some theories would never have been committed to print. The two most recent writers on Montanism, Schwegler and Ritschl, not only practise this dangerous method, but take credit for so doing \ In the first case, we may venture without presumption to conjecture that, had Dr Schwegler reversed ^ Schwegler puts the history into the last (third) book of his essay, ' ' weil zwar die beiden ersten Haupttheile ohue deu dritten verstandlich und ziisammenhangend sind, der dritte aber nicht ohne die Voraus- setzung der zwei andern" (p. 13). Eitschl prefaces his account, also placed last, with the words: — "Es ist nur der Zweck, die zerstreuten und sparlichen Notizeu iiber die Geschichte des Montanismus in der Kirche zu sammelu, um die vorausgehende Darstellung zu bestatigen " (p. 52o). INTRODUCTION. 5 liis plan, he might neither have aholished the personaHty Introduc- of Montanus, nor liave c9ncocted the extraordinary theory 1' of the Ebionitic origin of Montanism, which provoiied a criticism from the patriarch of the Tubingen school him- self\ The present writer wishes to observe a more humble and prudent method. It will be his aim, in the following essay, to begin by collecting and analysing all the records that have come down to us in relation to the external history of Montanism. Next in order comes an examina- tion into the Tenets of Montanism, and lastly the attempt to disting-uish its true historical position, and its ultimate influence upon the Church. The materials for the work are, in their extent and Materials, character, precisely what we find in the case of nearly all obscure departments of history. They are obscure, not less on account of the paucity of original evidence, than from the plethora of subsequent conjecture. The wit- nesses before the court are few enough, and some of them do not survive cross-examination ; but the number of counsel and "amici curiae" is so vast, that the juryman, wearied by the alternate eloquence of bigotry and paradox, frankly declares himself more puzzled after the learned explanations than before them^. First of all, if not in chronology, yet in all other re- Tertul- spects, stands Tertullian. Until the seventeenth century ^^' he was the only writer in whose pages the prophets of Phrygia appeared in any light but that of fanatics, heretics, and criminals. He is a favourable witness, but the testimonies as well as the controversies of ancient and 1 See Baiir's articles in tlie Theol. Jahrhilcher of 1851, the substance of which was subsequently incorporated (1853) in his Cliristenthum der '6 ersten Jahrhuiiderte. 2 " Hoc commentario lecto, multo iucertior sum quam duclum," ob- serves Wernsdorf after reading the notes of the scholiast Balsamon. This, by the way, was only an unconscious paraphrase of Locke's rather irreverent remark upon Biblical commeutatora iu general, itself deriving its origin from Terence (Phorm. 459). 6 INTRODUCTION. Introduc- tion. Aiictores }il». Euse- bium. Ii-enseus. modern times, prove liis value to be supreme. It is well known that the question as to the period of his lapse to Montanism is still disputed, although (as will be shewn subsequently) the controversy has now reached very narrow limits. It will be necessary, in the course of the preliminary historical examination, to arrive at distinct conclusions upon the dates and character of his works, before quoting them in a later chapter as documents in the case\* Next only in importance, and possibly earlier in date, come the writers quoted so largely by Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History. They are at once the chief wit- nesses and counsel for the prosecution, and they evince one and all the thorough detestation of a supposed heretic, and the readiness to believe anything evil of him, so cha- racteristic of this and man}'- later ages. Neither the anonymous author of the first book cited", nor Apollonius, nor Serapion, quoted in later chapters^, attempts to furnish any complete account of the rise and progress of the sect ; the facts mentioned are vague in the extreme, and nothing is unquestionable except the animus. Iren£eus, although he lived through the period of the spread and influence of ^ There is another controversy connected with Tertullian's relation to Montanism which is discussed in the second book (cf. § 1). This is the question as to' how far his writings present to us Moutanistic tenets pure and simple, and without any colouring from Tertullian's individual opinions. * This resolution the writer was compelled to abandon, adopting the results of Uhlhorn, [Fund. Cliron. TertulL] ^ Supposed by many (Valois, TUlemout, Longerue, Dodwell, Baum- garten-Crusius and Eothe) to have been Asterius Urbanus. Jerome varies between Ehodon and Apollonius [cf. de Vir. lUustr. 37 and 40]. All tm-ns upon the interpretation of the words used by Eusebius — iv tQ avTifi Xoyip ry Kara 'Aardpiov Ovp^avbv—(H. E. lib. v. caj). 16). Eufinus and NicejDhorus declared for ApoUinaris, but tliis seems inadmissible. Probably, as Schwegler thinks, Eusebius himself Avas ignorant {Mon- tanismiis, p. 286). ^ For what is known of these writers, see infra, Book i. § 6. The quotations from the Anonymous take up the 16th and 17th chapters. The 18th contains the account of Apollonius, and the following a brief mention of Serapion's writiugvS. INTRODUCTION. 7 Montanism, makes only some doubtful references to it in Inteoduc- his work against heresies. It has indeed been contested — ' whether the passages in question {Adv. Hcer. ill. 11. 9, IV. 83. 1, II. 32. 4) have in reality a polemical appli- cation to the Montanist prophecies, and the ingenious Dr Schwegler is half inclined to claim Irenseus as a Mon- tanist altogetherM But one of the passages in question, to which we shall recur later, can have but one natural and reasonable interpretation, viz. as referring to the Montanists. Hippolytus, thanks to the discovery of the Philo- Hippoly- sophumena in 1842, is a more important witness. Although his career is even now very obscure, we may infer with some confidence that he was born in the second half of the second century, studied under Irenasus, strongly approved of Bishop Victor's severe measures with regard to the Easter-question, but came into antagonism with Zephyrinus and Kallistus on certain points of doctrine and discipline. He wrote his work Against all Heresies early in the third century, — say from A.D. 210 — 220, or even a little later ^ Next in order of chronology is Firmilian, whose epistle Firmiliau. to Cyprian has been long an effective weapon in the anti- Papal armoury. He was Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and was a great friend of Origen. He unites with some rather vague charges against the teachings of Montanism an important statement as to the position assumed towards the party by the Eastern Churches^ In Cyprian's epistles we find more than one reference Cyprian. 1 " Seine Ansichten vom Proplietengeiste, sein Chiliasmus, seine Verwerfung der zweiten Elie, seine praktiscli-ascetischen Grundsatze uberhaupt, nur diess Alles mit mehr Besonnenheit vorgetragen, lassen seine Verwaudtscliaft mit dem moutauistischen Systems nicbt ver- kennen." (Der Bloiitanismus u. die chr. Kirehe, p. 223, note). See i7ifra, Book III. § 1, and notes. 2 Baur believed that the Phllosophumcna were written by the Presbyter Caius. 3 See Cyprian's Epistles, No. 7o. INTRODUCTION. Introduc- tion. Paciau. Eiisebius. Epiplia- uius. to Montanism as an existent sect, but the pupil of Tertullian who for ever exclaimed "Da magistrum !" would not express openly his objections to a party many of whose opinions he had adopted. [E.g. strong belief in visions, severity on penance, &c.] Pacian, bishop of Barcelona, whose history is very un- certain, inaugurates the list of " hear-say" witnesses\ Eusebius probably wrote in the years 338-9, and apart from his quotations from early anti-Montanistic writers (already mentioned) gives us but scanty information. On the point whether the party was still in existence in his own time, he is silent. Far more considerable in volume is the contribution of Epiphanius, written about the year 874. The 48th Heresy in his capacious catalogue is that of Montanus, and in the course of his lengthy dissertation he communicates much valuable information as to the utterances of the prophetesses, interspersed however with an inordinate proportion of homiletical comment. If Eusebius is wanting in the historical sense and method, what shall we say of his successor ? Carelessness and in- accuracy in his dates and statements of fact, which fre- (juently contradict one another^; ignorance even of his own subject so complete that he includes heathen phi- losophy among Christian heresies ; yet this is the founda- ^ Pacian is an important witness as proving the opposition of the Western Chiirch to the Moutanistic doctrine of penance, which no other writer mentions. [E.g. "So manifold and so diverse are the errors of these men, that in them we have not only to overthrow their peculiar fancies against penance, but to cut off the heads as it were of some Lernjean monster How manifold controversies have they raised concerning as this also concerning the pardon of penance." Ep. ad Symphr. transl. in " Libr. of Fathers."] But the good bishop makes one very comic blunder in including Praxeas among the Montanists . 2 We shall find, when dealing with the chronology of Montanism, that Epiphanius gives two dates for its commencement, and fixes the death of Maximilla in the year 86, when she was not yet born. Hefele conjectures {Coiiciliengeschichte, i. 71) that this is a clerical error for 186, which is possible. See Lipsius, Quellenkritik des Epiphanios ; " seine spriichwortlich gewordene Leichtglaubigkeit, seine unkritische Willkiii- iu der Beuutzuug uud Yerweuduug der Stoffe, u. s. \v." (Eiiileituug). Naz. INTRODUCTION. 9 tion upon Avhicli the accounts in the majority of popular Introduc- histories are based, _' It will not be necessary to enumerate the Fathers in Athaua- whose writings are found chance allusions to Montanism*. ^^^^" Athanasius was too much occupied with another heresy to be able to spare time for condemning the Montanists, and it is characteristic that the only mention in his genuine works is by way of parallel to the Arians, who are accused of substituting the Emperor's authority (i.e. Constantius) for that of Christ " (vanrep eKetvot ^a^ifjuWav kol M.ovTav6v^." In Cyril of Jerusalem we find a series of denunciations, Cyril so serious as to the nature of the charges, and so passion- ately unreasonable in their manner, that it is necessary to remind ourselves that the " Catechetical Lectures" were delivered when Cyril was but a young man^. Gregory of Gregor Nazianzus, theologian, orator, and poet, is the first to state rhetorically the ground upon which the Church, in later times, grounded its final anathema on Montanism. Op- posed to the Holy Ghost, the true Paraclete, was " to ^lovravou irovrjpbv Ylvevfxa," and hence it easily followed that a baptism, in which the Holy Spirit took no part, could 1 For instance, in Clemens Alexandrinus {Strom, iv. 13, ap. Migne, Patrol. Graca, torn, viii.), who records the nickname \pvxi.Kol bestowed by the Montanists on their opponents. But the passage — "raura (so. idolatrous rites) oi ^pvyes TeKLffKovaiv "AttlSi Kal Kv^eXr] Kal 'Kopi^aaiv " (Coh. ad Gentes, cap. ii.) — even if written by Clement, can only refer to the Phrygian race. Origen has a solitary reference, to be found in the Apology of Pamphilus: — " Eequisierunt sane quidam utrum hffiresin an schisma oporteat vocari eos qui Cataphrygae vocantur, observantes falsos prophetas, et dicentes : Ne accedas ad me, quoniam muudus sum : non enim accepi uxorem, nee est sepiilcrum patens guttur meum, sed sum Nazaraeus Dei, non bibens vinum sicut illi. " What Origen's real opinion of Montanism may have been, can hardly be inferred from this passage, '^ Epistola de Sijnodis (Migne, Patr. Grceca, xxvi, 688). In the sjDurious Synopsis S. Script, lib, xi, (Migne, xxviii, 352), we have " ol Kara ^pvyas irapeiffdyovTes TrpocpTJTas fxera rbv Kvpiov ad\\ovTai, Kal ws alpeTiKol KareKpid-qtrav." The equally spui-ious " Sermo contra omnes Hffireses " describes the opinions as " ypelhv ■Kriap.ara. 'iov rb y' rj Kara ^pijyas dOeos wpocpriTeLa Movravou avvicTTri, 'iri. 5^ koX 'A\Kil3iddov Kal QeoB&Tov." 5 It is sufficient to mention that Pearson, Dodwell, and Neander sup- l^orted the arguments in favour of the years 156 or 157 ; Blondel and Lougerue, followed in our days by Schwegler and Hefele, declared for A.D. 140 or 141 ; TUlemout aud Walch foUow Eusebius in fixing the date at A.D. 172. Baratier, the wonderful child-prodigy, (b. 1721, t 1740) who wrote a Hebrew lexicon at nine years of age, had planned an exhaustive work on the history of the early Chm-ch. He only lived to pubUsh a preliminary dissertation on the succession of the Bishops of Kome in the first centuries. He treats at some length in this essay the origin of the Montanistic movement, and concludes that it was far earlier than most THE HISTORY OF MONTANISM. 27 the historian "meant Antoninus the Philosopher," thus Book I, arriving at the year 179. But Pearson, in his Minor Works, has exposed the weakness of the assumption. Looking upon the general character of the evidence, as furnished by Eusebius and Epiphanius, there can hardly be a doubt that the former has far higher claims to cre- dence. But the absolute impossibility of supposing that a sect which only (according to his view) began to exist in Phrygia in 172, should in five years time have reached the situation which elicited the letter of the Gallic Con- fessors (universally fixed at A.D. 177), makes it necessary to see whether his witnesses really support his cod elusion. Let us look at the statements of the Anonymous writer, and the quotations from Apollonius and Serapion, all of whom were most probably contemporaries, or at any rate of the" next generation. The Anonymous wrote " more than thirteen years after the death of Maximilla." But this prophetess appears to have survived her companions, from several passages in Epiphanius, (cf. Eiiseh. v. 17,) therefore the beginning of the prophesyings is thrown back to an earlier date, to which we are helped by the additional statement, that " it was forty years " (sc, at the time that Apollonius wrote) "from the first public appear- ance of Montanus." And we know, moreover, that this writer was a contemporary of Commodus (cap. 18). Put these facts together. It may be fairly concluded : — (1) That the Anonymous wrote at least 54 years, and perhaps more, after the origin of Montanism. (2) That he wrote at the beginning of the reign of Commodus, if not under Marcus Aurelius. Now Miltiades is quoted by Eusebius as mentioning that (contrary to a prediction of Maximilla) " thirteen years have elapsed, and perfect peace prevails." Can this give us a clue ? Baratier declares that it does. " Constat ergo writers have supposed. Many of bis results I have adopted iu this chapter. 28 THE HISTORY OF MONTANISM. Book I. ad Commodi tempus pacem banc referendam esse. Coepit nempe Ann. CLXXix. labente, cum Marcus Imperator Marcomanuis victis quiesceret, et duravit usque ad Ann. CXCIIL, quo ipsis Cal, Jan, Commodus interficiebatur, vel usque ad Martium ejusdem anni, et Pertinacis mortem, Ann. XIII. et aliquot mensibus." Taking tbis for granted, tbe solution is not far off. Miltiades wrote in tbe year 193, and tbe deatb of Maximilla is tbus placed in 179, subsequent to tbe decease of Montanus and Priscilla. Apollonius bad written during tbeir lifetime, in otber words, not later tban A. D. 178. Now we know tbat 40 years bad elapsed from tbe beginning of tbe manifesta- tions, wliicb brings us to tbe year 138 as tbe date of origin. But it is probable tbat Maximilla survived Mon- tanus some years, and at least possible tbat Apollonius did not write immediately after bis deatb. Tberefore we are justified in taking 175 as a likely date for Priscilla's decease, and 165 or 166 as tbat of Apollonius' writing. Tbis brings tbe origin of all back to tbe year 126, wbicb may agree witb Epipbanius's account of tbe 93 years after tbe Ascension, altbougb some calculate tbis differently. I confess tbat I cannot follow Baratier in bis rather arbitrary emendations of tbe otber statements in Epi- pbanius^ nor do I tbink tbem necessary for tbe adoption of bis conclusions. All tbat remains is to fix tbe interval between tbe first origin and tbe establisbment of a distinct party, tbe natural confusion between wbicb is probably tbe cbief cause of obscurity. Baratier gives 10 years for tbis purpose, and concludes : — " So we may delay tbe establisbment of tbe Heresy until tbe year 136, or the 1 " Item idem Epiphanuis se anno cxii. post id tempus scribere dicit, quod inendosum est. (!) Sed alibi uempe Haeres. xltiii. § 2. iiou cxii. annos sed ccxc. habet, quod iterum absurdum. Sed Icgcndum CCL. Scribebat euim Ann. ccclxxvi. Et facilis lapsus a TrevT-qKovra in ewe- vrjKovTa. (Diudorf, following Petavius, supposed tbe original numeral to have been dKociv.) At in Pearsonii Hypothesi forent Ann. ccxx. quod absurdum quoque, quia ex iUoai nemo ivvevijKovra exsculpet." (Disquis. chronol. p 140 ff.) THE HISTORY OF iMONTANISM. 29 19th of Hadrian's reign. And thus we can reconcile Book I. Epiphanius's accounts among themselves, and to our own." Without adojjtiug every step of this ingenious reasoning, there can be no doubt that it obviates some (if not all) of the great difficulties which attend the usual Eusebian calculation. It also harmonizes with the statement of "Praidcstinatus" that Soter, bishop of Rome, wrote against the Montanists\ Now the period of Soter's episcopate is usually reckoned at 167 — 175, or (as by Vater in his Tabellen,) at 161 — 171. In either case it is quite im- possible to suppose that a sect which only had its first beginnings in an obscure Phrygian village in the year 172, could in the following year (the latest possible for Soter), have been deemed formidable enough at Rome to elicit an episcopal manifesto. But by the adoption of a much earlier date, this difficulty vanishes. And, as we shall see later, a very imjjortant statement of Tertullian's on the attitude of the Roman See towards Montanism, is also satisfactorily explained^. Leaving to a later section our attempt to solve the § 2. remaining problems connected with the chronology of the andnick- Montanist party, we turn to the second difficulty which J^ames. meets us at the threshold. This is the extreme diversity of names by which the Montanists are described, and the obvious risk of confounding together descriptions of what might be essentially different objects. The most common designation of the sect applied by ancient writers is that of Phrygians or Cataphrygians, derived from the i:)rovince 1 " Scripsit contra eos librum S. Soter papa m-bis, et Apollonius Ephe- siorum antistes." (Liber Prcedestinati, HiEres. xxvi. ap. Gallautl. Bibl. Patr. X. 366.) The same writer adds, it is true, that TertuUiau replied to these attacks, "agens contra Soterem suin-adictum urbis Papam, asserens falsa esse de sanguine iufautis, Triuitatem in unitate deitatis, .... &c." Now it is clear that Tertullian wi'ote no book before the last decade of the 2nd century, and did not become a Montanist until the beginning of the 3rd. * Adv. Praxean, cap. i. On this vide infra, in the chapter on the Opponents of Montanism. 30 THE HISTORY OF MONTANISM. Book I. where Montanus began his teachings^ while all modern writers have preferred to connect the sect with the name of its founder. But the same writers speak of other parties, (whom they variously describe as Quintillianists, Priscillianists, Pepuziani, Tascodrugita?, Artotyritse,) in terms which strengthen a suspicion that these were either names of sub-sections of the same sect, if not arbitrary nicknames for the party itself ^ The subdivision into two parties, the Proculists and the ^schinists, as asserted by the author of the Appendix to Tertullian's Prcescr. adv. Hcereticos, will be best treated of in our later investi- 1 For instance, Augustin, De Ha:res. §26, " Catapliryges sunt, quo- rum authores fuerunt Montanus tanquam Paracletus, et duae prophe- tissae ipsius His nomen provincia Phrygia dedit, quia ibi extite- runt." [Basel ed. of 1542, vi. 17.] The name in question is employed by Eusebius, Epipbanius, Hippolytus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen (ap. Pamphil.), Atbanasius, {ol kclto. ^pvyas,) Cyril, Gregory Nazianzen, Didymus Alexandrinus, Firmilian, Philaster, Theodoret, and one or two others. Isidor, Hilary, and Ambrose only speak of Montanus. John of Damascus has ol Karacppvyaarwi'. [See his De Ilceres. § 48. Migue, xciv. 707.] 2 That the Fathers often exercised their orthodox wit in this way is well known (e. g. the " Alogi," of whom we shall speak later). The Tas- codrugitse were supposed to apply the hand to the nose when praying; the Artotyritse are said to have offered bread and cheese : (cf. Prasdestina- tus, "panem et caseum offerunt, dicentes a primis hominibus oblationes Deo de fructibus terrae fuisse celebratas,") and this is said by Epipba- nius (Hceres. xlix. 2. 1) to have been a rite practised by a very similar sect." The^" Pepuziani " were obviously Montanists from the name of the village (Pepuza) in which Montanus first taught, and where some believed he held episcopal authority later. (See Wernsdorf, de Monta- nistis, p. 57.) As Pepuza was a very obscure place, the nickname would carry a certain contempt. The titles " Priscillianists" and " Quintillian- ists" are not so easy to explain with certainty. It is quite probable that both refer to prophetesses, and that each of these had her special circle of hearers. Of coiu'se the " Priscillianists" will not be confounded with the totally distinct Spanish party in the 4th ceutm-y. And that the title was applied to the Montanists is proved by two penal statutes, in which the same language is employed with regard to both. (Cod. Theod. Tit. de Ilareticis, legg. 34, 40, 57, 65, and Cod. Just. lib. i. tit. v. §§ 18 — 21.) Whether, however, QuintUla was also a Montanistic prophetess, is more open to doubt. Tertullian wrote against her his treatise de Baptismo, describing her as one of the Cainite sect, and Epipbanius gives her the honours of a separate heresy. (Cf. Hcer. xlviii. 14, xlix. 1. 2, li. 33.) THE HISTORY OF MONTANISM. 31 gations', and the catalogue of titles may be concluded by Book I. the mention of the noble designation which, according to Tertullian, was sometimes applied as a reproach, but always received as an honour, — that of " Spirituales." ['Nos, quos merito spirituales dici facit agnitio spirit- -j ualiutn charismatum sed psychicis, non recipientibus spiritum.' De Monogam., cap. i.] All that can be declared with certainty about Montanus j^^^^^^j^^^^^ is that he existed, that he was originally an inhabitant of Ardaban in Mysia (near the Phrygian frontier), and that about the year A.D. 130 he began to teach a new revela- tion, and to lay claim to prophetic powers, if not (as his opponents declared) asserting himself to be the Paraclete himself. That he was born of heathen parents, and that he received the office of a presbyter, or even of a bishop, are rumours upon which it is now impossible to decide^ He attached to himself a large number of disciples, in- cluding several women of high social position, and the opinions he promulgated spread not only through Asia Minor, but obtained acceptance at Rome and at Carthage. He is asserted by some to have left writings, but the sentences quoted have far more the appearance of oral tradition ^ He has been even claimed as a joint-author 1 Pseud. -Tertnll. cap. 52: "Sunt eniiu qui Kara Proclum dicuntur, simt enim qui secundum Aescbinem prouunciautur." The name of this writer, and his period, appear to have never been ascertained. Some suppose it was Hippolytus. ■- All our details about the person of Montanus are derived either from Eusebius, H. E. v, 16—18, or from the 48th Heresy of Epipha- uius. Later writers simply copy or write from memory. 3 Bishop Kaye thinks that " Tertulliau's works fm-nish presumptive proof that the effusions of Montanus... were committed to writing," v {History of second and third centuries, p. 28,) but the passages he quotes, vi^. from cap. 9 and 11 of the Be Fug. in Persec. , and from the 21st of the De Pudicitia, hardly seem to confirm the statement suf- ficiently to counterbalance the fact that TertuUian does not anywhere mention such writings as proceeding from the pen or dictation of Montanus himself. The first passage : " Spu'itum vero si consulas, quid magis sermone illo Spiritus probat? namque omnes pene ad 32 THE HISTORY OF MONTANISM. Book I. of the Sibylline Oracles \ His opponents declared that he was mad, that he led a disgraceful life^ and that he finally Martyrium exhortatur non ad fugam, ut et illius commemoremur, 'Publicaris, inquit: boimm tibi est. Qui enim non publicatur in ho- miuibus, publicatur in Domino.' " Surely this might as easUy refer to a traditional as to a written utterance; and it might as probably have been revealed through Maximilla as through Montanus, The quotations made by Epiphanius are also just of that oracular and frag- mentary nature to be expected in tradition : and, as Bp Kaye admits, had Tertullian been aware of the existence of such declarations, "he would scarcely have failed in his Treatise against Praxeas to give some explanation of passages, which appear at first sight to identify Montanus with God the Father" (p. 29). The statement of Hippolytus, "ra TroWa rjAvapa avr^ ^L^Xia," may well be applied to the apologetic writings of Themiso and Proculus. Tillemont [Memoir es, n. 47), and Walch {Ketzerhistorien, i. 890), believed in the existence of such writings as Kaye supposes, and thought that Epiphanius must have had access to them. So also Wernsdorf, {De Montanistis, p. 133,) who adduces a passage from Theodoret : — ^lovravbs ra. tovtuv (sc. Trpo(pr]Ti8wi' ?) cv-y ypanfiaTa irpocpTjTiKas irpoavy^pevae /3i/3Xoi;s. He adds, " Atque hoc ipsum diserte confirmat ipse praesul Cyprius, qui verba Montani ex ejus pro- phetia adducit, '\iyei yap ev ry eavrov Xeyo/xivy irpo(j}7)Teiq., idemque non uno loco ipsa Maximillae verba transcribit, ut necesse sit, aut hanc Prophetiam continuisse Montani et mulierum oracula conjuncta, aut Maximillam etiam librum reliquisse." — I should certainly not balance my own inferences against so great a weight of authority. But it is difficult to imagine that detached utterances like the famous " Met' ip.^Trpol Tov l\lovTavbv .... irepl ttjv ^pvyiav dpri Tore wpQiTov T7]v irepl Tou Trpo(pT]Teu€Lv v-KoKrjipiv wapa woWois sKcpepo/j-evuv, (TrXciarat yap olv Koi dWai Trapaoo^oirouai tou deiov xap'^Maros eiffiri tots Kara Siaipo- povs eKKKrjcrias iKTeXov/xevaL TrlaTtv irapa. iroWols tou KaKeiuov? Trpov heh-q\u3ix€vwv, addis oi Kara TT]V TaWiai' a.deX(pol Tr]v IdLav Kplaiv Kal irepl toOtwv evXa^rj /cat opdoSo^oTd- rrjv viroTd.TTOV'r)Tr}v ev €K Sivdpujiros wael \vpa, Kq.-yu} lifTap-aL wad irXriKTpov' 6 dvOpUTros Koi.fx3.Tai, Kayui ypr]yopu>, l8od Kvpios icTTiv 6 eKarcLviov Kupdlai dvdpdnruii', Kal SiSovs KapSias dpOpicTrois.'" [In ano- ther jjlace we have: " i irpo (pavraaias Ziddt^avres Tifxas dX\' &(pi\oveiK(i3S Kal dcracndcrTCjos t7]v wapd Oeou de^afienov yfuaiv Kal Tavr-qv 5t5daKovT€s 7]pLds." Coh. ad Grac. cap. 8. [And see Dial. c. Tr. cap. 7.] THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. C7 period of inspiration by the image of the lyre struck by Book^II. the plectrum ; he denied in fact that they retained any natural consciousness during inspiration : in other words, it was a state of ecstasy'. It is clear, then, that Justin and Athenagoras held no other doctrine of inspiration than that which the Montanists asserted, and for asserting have been condemned as heretics by the Church since the Fourth Century'.. The defenders of the "Quod semper, quod ubique," are reduced to lamentable straits in the matter ; but, what is more surprising, not a few Protestant theologians have failed or refused to see this change of front. The writer of a modern text-book thus deals with the difficulty :—" It is true that Athenagoras considers the Prophets of the Old Testament to have uttered their predictions while in a state of ecstasy, thus adopting the sentiments of Philo ; but that he held, on any point, the extravagant opinions of Montanus, cannot, I apprehend, be alleged with any justice'." Now assertions of this sort 1 ' ' ToLis ayiovs dVSpas o?s oy X6yov iSeyjae t^x"'?' • • • • aW Kida- poiis iavToiis ttj rod Oelov irvevixaTO^ vapaax^'^'^ ivepyeig., iV avrb to Oeiov ef oipavou Karibv ir'hTJKTpov, watrep opydvip Kiddpas Tivbs ij \vpas rots SiKalois dvSpdffi xpti^e'^OJ', TTjv Ti2v Oeiuu Tjfuu Kal ovpavlwv d7roKa\v\pri yvuaw." [Coll. ad Gr. c. 8.] The same view is expressed with even greater plain- ness in tlxe Dialogue; where the revelation to Zechariah is declared to have " not been when unexcited, biit when in ecstasy." [rbv StdpoXov Kal rbv ToO Kvptov ayyeXov ovk avTO\piq., iv Karaffraffei ci'c, eupaKei, dXX' ev iKcrdan, dTroKoKv^ews avTC}ytyevr)ixivy)i. Dial. c. Tr. cap. 115.] 2 In addition to Justin and Athenagoras, (not to mention Tertullian,) we find that Theophilus [cf. Ad Autol. ii. 9, 10], Clement Alex. [Strom. VI. 18], and Macarius [Homil. xlvii. 14], adopt the same view of inspi- ration. The last-named writer employs the identical image :—" HX^k- Tpov T7> deias xa/"'^oJ> . . • • wj yap Slo. roO aiiXov rb Trvev/xa SiepxifJ-^vov XaXe?, ovTu 8id tup dyiwv koL TvvevixaTOcpbpuv dvdpiinroiv rb irvevfxa to dyibv iaTiv vfivovv." 3 Lee, On the Inspiration of Holy Scripture, (4th edition,) p. 78 ff. Anything so astounding as the "argument" adopted by Dr Lee I have never met. He ignores the perfect agreement of Justin Martyr with the Montanistic view, and he actually appeals to Hippolytus as a witness to the Church's antagonism to the " ecstatic" view. Now Hippolytus does not touch the question at all : his only words on the subject of the inspi- ration claimed for the prophetesses arc : " They pretend that these see 68 THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. Book ii. may be safely left to battle with inexorable facts which we have already adduced, and really deserve no refutation. We have seen that the work of Miltiades, itself a mere private treatise, and carrying with it no character of authority, was the very first declaration against the pre- vious universal and orthodox sentiment. Later, in the Third Century (although even here the catenas are dubious) and in the Fourth, it is quite true that a vast change had taken place. The once orthodox doctrine of Justin and Athenagoras and Montanus was now branded as a heresy ; and that which had been undoubtedly the private aipf.aL ry TUff lHoriTLavuiv alpecreL awriOefxevoi top waripa avTov etvai rbv vtoc Xeyovffi." (Rcjiit. viii. 19.) 2 u Tti/^s TiSv ^lovTafKTTQv Tcis Tpfh VTroaTacTeis ttJj OeoTrjTos Za^eXXty wapaTrXrialiJS rjpvrjcravTo, rbv avrov etvai X^yovres Kal warepa Kal vlov /cat aycov iri'eijfj.a, irapair\T}(Tius Tijj'Affiavtfi Norjry." (Tlieodor. Hccr. Fabul. in. 2.) 3 Jerome appears at times to imply something of the sort, (cf. Ep. ad Marcellam,) but it is not easy to distinguish whether he speaks of the Inspiration-theory, or of the independent doctrine of the Trinity. Marius Mercator, about the middle of the fifth century, is said by Wernsdorf (De Montanhti^, p. 33,) to support the charge; and also that very incoherent Father, Isidor of Pelusium. {Eput. i. 67, and cf. i. 242 ff.)— Harnack believes that the Pseudo-TertuUian's Monarchian Montanists were jn reality the Alogi of Epiphanius and Philaster. See this theory ably discussed, and (to my mind) satisfactorily answered by Lipsius. (Quel- leu, p. 93 ff. ) 76 THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. BooK^II, refused the 'Ofioovcnov as "partaking somewhat of Mon- tanism and SabellianismV which is alone a proof of the second of my two propositions, viz. that the influence of Montanism worked in the direction which (on this point alone) the Church subsequently adopted. Returning finally to Tertullian for the only statement of Montanistic belief free from obscurity^, we may derive the following articles from his writings: — I. The Son {Sermo) and the Spirit (Sojihia) were substantially existent before the worlds, in the Godhead ; [Adv. Prax. passim, Adv. Herniog., Adv. Valentin. &c.] II. But there was no personal and titular separation until the universe was planned, and subsequently when that plan was effected. [Hsec est nativitas perfecta Adv. Sermonis, dum ex Deo procedit : conditus ab eo primum Frax c 7 . . . . . ■ ■ ' ad cogitatum in nomine Sophise.-.dehinc genera tus ad effectuml"] III. The occasional ambiguity in his language con- cerning the Holy Si^irit may be ascribed to the variety of senses in which the word "spiritus" is used, often for the Divine Nature in Christ (see quotations in Bull, D.F.N. sect. 1, chap. 2). That he considered It a separate, indepen- dent Person, and the source of spiritual knowledge to the faithful, has been sufficiently shewn. ^ Hist. Eccl. I. 23. " Oi ixh yap rod ojioovaiov ttju Xi^iv eKKKlvovTei, TTjU SajSeXXi'ou /cat Movravov dd^av el (sc. the Catholic Church), p\aa(pr]fiui> oi.8daKOPTes rod dirr]uda5i. (Eijipb. liar. XLix. 2.) And see Augustin, Liher de llceres. § 27, and Wernsdorf, de Monta- nistis, p. 54 ff. * 2 Neander has some good remarks on 1 Cor. xi. 5 in his Auslegung der Corintherhriefe. (Berlin, 1859, p. 175.) 3 See the whole passage {De Anima, cap. ix.) quoted supra, p. 63, note (2). * " Non permittitur mulieri in ecclesia loqui, sed nee docere, nee tin- gere, nee offerre, neque ullius virilis mmieris, nedum sacerdotis officii sortem sibi vindicare." (Cap. 9.) 5 In the latter treatise he condemns certain heretics among whom " ipsae mulieres quam procaces! qua; audeant docere, contendere, exor- H. E. 7 ments. 98 THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. Book II. discussed in a former section^ It was there shewn, (a) that the keeping of Easter according to Roman or Asiatic use could never have become a note of Montanism ; (h) that the evidence as to the rite adopted is at best con- flicting ; and (c) that the better opinion seems to be that the Montanists did adopt the Roman use^ Sacra- Bajjtism. Did the Montanists baptize " for the dead"? The accusation is made by Philaster alone^ of whom the irreverent Wernsdorf remarks, " vir simplex, fortasse pius, sed scriptor ineptus'' (p. 51). The learned German suggests that Philaster blundered between the Marcionites and the Montanists, which would not involve, I imagine, any ex- cessive want of charity to believed Tertullian alludes twice to the passage in the First Epistle to the Corinthians (xv. 29), and though he certainly utters no specific con- demnation of the practice, he in no way approves it^ "It is certain," says Tertullian, "that they adopted this [practice] with such a presumption as made them suppose that this vicarious baptism would be beneficial to the flesh of another in anticipation of the resurrection." This is not the language of a man who treats of a rite still exer- cised by a party to which he belongs, notwithstanding vehement attacks. Accordingly our conclusion must be to reject the statement of Philaster. cismos agere, cnratioues rcpromittere, forsitan et tingere." (Cap. 41.) And see De BajJtismo, cap. 17. ^ Vide supra, pp. 42 and notes 2 — 5. 2 The fact of the Synod of Laodicea specially separating the Phry- gians and the Quartodecimans, (for the former were to be rebaptized, the latter not,) I now think almost conclusive on this point. Cf. the Canons 7 and 8, and Hefele, i. 729. 3 " Hi mortiios haptizant." (Philastr. dc Hares. 49.) * "Marcionitas voluit nominare bonus vir, quorum haptismus vica- rius satis notus est, neque aliam habuit confusionis causam, quam quod utriusque sect® nomen ah eodem elemento inchoatur." (The analogy, I presume, of Monmouth and Macedon. ) 5 Cf. Adv. 3Iarc. v. 10, and De res. carnis, c. 48 (quoted above). Besides Wernsdorf, the subject is fully treated in Arnold's Unparthey- ■ische Ketzerhistorien, p. 77 tf. THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. 90 Were any imautliorized elements distributed in the Book II. Eucharist? According to Epiphanius, Philaster, and The Eu- Augustin, cheese was partaken of; and the statement ^^^^^*" seems to find confirmation in an episode of the vision which appeared to the martyr Perpetua. She relates that she. found herself in a spacious garden, in which sat a man with white hair, in the garb of a shepherd, milking his sheep He gave her a morsel of cheese (casei huccella), upon which "I received it with folded hands, and ate it; and all the saints around exclaimed. Amen," This, together with Augustiu's positive statement \ and the absence of any evidence or assertion on the other side, would leave at least a strong presumption in favour of the idea. But in some cases a writer's silence is more positive than even his utterance ; and we can hardly believe that Tertullian's combative honesty would have suffered him to pass over in silence so remarkable an innovation. It seems probable, then, that the cheese was not adopted as a Eucharistic element, but as an oblation : perhaps to be partaken of in the Agape, but not in the solemn ceremony of the Church^ Lastly we must deal with a topic which, were it Mysteries, possible, we would gladly pass over in silence. We must consider now the evidence upon which Epiphanius, Cyril, Philaster, Augustin, Isidor, and Theodoret accuse the party to which Tertullian and Perpetua belonged of participa- tion in crimes so horrible that, if the charges be believed, Montanism deserves to the end of time to be the object of detestation^ It would be easy to reject the evidence at 1 He distinctly identities them with the Artotyrits: "Artotyrits sunt, (sc. rhryges,) .... offer unt enim panem et caseum, dicentes a primis hominibus oblationes de fructibns terrfe et ovium fuisse celebratas." {Hcer. 26.) And compare Epii^hanius, xlix. 2, and Philaster (Hcercs. LXXIV. ). ^ This solution I found in Wernsdorf. (P. 53.) It must be recol- lected that Epiphanius is doubtful whether the Artotyritte were Monta- nists or a separate sect. And Timotheus Presbyter (quoted by Fabricius in his notes on Philaster) makes them out to have been Marcionites. =* See Epiphanius (liar, xlviu.) ; Cyril {Catech. xvi. 4); Philaster 100 THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. Book II. once by the simple process of quoting the different accounts side by side, and pointing out the variations and contra- dictions involved; but such a course, allowable in juris- prudence, is not admissible in history. Besides, on one point all witnesses agree ; and that is in the fact of Infant- icide. A "fact," at least, if these holy writers have spoken truly, which we must be so presumptuous as now to in- vestigate^. First let it be noted that neither Hippolytus nor the writers quoted by Eusebius know anything of these enormities. Clement, Origen, and Cyprian, all of whom mention Montanism in one way or another, are equally silent ; so also is Athanasius. Cyril, in the middle of the fourth century, is the first to make the accusation. Let us transcribe his words : — "Montanus, most miserable of men,... cutting the throats of wretched little children, and chopping them up into horrid food, for the purposes of their so-called mysteries^" Philaster, who wrote later, is vague in his details, but positive as to his facts. "And there [sc. at Pepuza] were celebrated the cynical mysteries, and the horrible impiety with the child. For they say that [the Montanists] at Eastertide mingled the blood of a child with their sacrificed" The story gains, as might well be expected, immensely in graphic detail, by the end of (Tlar. XLix.) ; Augustin (Har. xxvi.) ; Isidor of Pelusium (lib. i, ep. 242) ; Theodoret [Fabul. liar. iii. 2) ; &c. &c. 1 This investigation would no doubt seem very presumptuous in the eyes of a certain modern school, whose writers speak of S. Philaster, S. Isidor, and so on, (cf. Canon Bright's History, and others,) and who possibly wrote S. Kallistus, before the discovery of the Philosophumena revealed this distinguished person in his true light. ^ "'0 Moj'Tafos dOXiwrara Traioia yvvaiKiSv /.UKpa ffcpoLTTOiP Kal Kara- KbwTuv eh aOiixLTov ^pucxLV, Trpo(pdaei tlcv KoKovixivwv irap'' avTois fj.vaTijpluv,'" {Catecli. XVI. 4.) 3 " XJbi et mysterium Cynicorum, et infantis exsecranda celebratur impietas. Dicunt enim eos de infantis sanguine in Pascha miscere in suum sacrificium." (Har. xlix. Migne xii. 1165.) It is just possible that the word " Cynicorum" should be " Scenicorum," or perhaps " Cyn- tillianorum," (i.e. Quiutilliauists.) Cf. " tQv Kvl'vTiWiavQv" in Epipba- nius (xLViu. 14). THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. 101 the century. Augustin cautiously shields himself under Book n. "it is reported," but nevertheless furnishes us with an account how the child was pricked with needles, its blood mixed with flour, and made into bread, and so forth \ We will not even stop to point out the ridiculous contradiction between Cyril's summary ''chopping up," and Augustin's "needle-pricking," upon which Wernsdorf grimly remarks : " liter ergo minus mentitur ? utrumque enim mentiri, certinn mild est'' That Isidor should join the chorus can- not surprise. Y'Ecce iterum Crispinus...monstrum scrip- toris" exclaims Wernsdorf, ^'cujiis mendacia Jam scepe explosimus.^'] He perorates about '^ /xayyavelai^; koX ttul- hoKTOvlaL^, ixot')(elai'^ re Kol etScoXoXarpetai?,' and there is no doubt but that he believed what he said^ Jerome is undecided : "malo non credere, falsum sit omne, quod sanguinis est." Theodoret honestly admits the lack of any corroborating evidence. Of modern writers it is sufficient to say that they can be divided into two classes ; those who indignantly repudiate the charge, and those who "imitent de Cunrart le prudent silence^." What shall be our con- clusion ? We shall not be disposed to believe an unproved indictment, because a piece of original slander has been copied and enlarged ; nor shall we suppose that a man like Augustin V70uld have repeated it had it not taken deep root in the popular mind. It seems that all writers forget that this crime of slaying a child was laid to the charge of 1 "Sacramenta perhihaitibr funesta habere. Nam de infautis anni- cnli sanguiue, qnse de toto ejus corpora miuutis punctiouum viilneribus extorquent, quasi eucliaristiam suam conficere perldbentur, miscentes eum fariuffi, pauemque inde facientes, qui puer si mortuus fuerit, habent apud eos pro martyre, si autem viserit, pro magno sacerdote." {Hares. XXVI.) Augustin attributes the same enormities {" iJerhibentur" again!) to the Pepuziani, whom he distinguishes from the Montanists proper. 2 Lib. I. epist. 242. {Patrol. Gr. lxxviii. 332.) 3 Most Church of England historians shirk the dilemma. The author of the History (described supra, p. 24) thinks that "there were some particiilar rites, but kept very secret from the uninitiated." He expresses his conviction, however, that Montanus " neither invented Transubstantiation, nor the Sacrifice of the Mass " ! (r. 1G3.) 102 THE TENETS OF MOXTANISM. Book II, all Christians, originally, by their heathen opponents. [Cf. The Apologies, Justin i. 26; Athenagoras, 3 ; Tertullian, 2, 4, and especially cap. 7.] Now this charge was simply made because the Christians had private meetings, and it was possible that unknown and terrible rites were cele- brated. This easy weapon was grasped by the enemies of Montanism, but not until Montanism had lost its numbers, and, above all, its mighty champion. Had Tertullian lived to hear this cruel falsehood, — "gross as a mountain, open, palpable," he would have answered the worse than heathen slanderers : ''Monsters of wickedness, we are accused of observing a holy rite in which we kill a little child and eat it.... This is what is constantly laid to our charge, and yet you take no pains to elicit the truth of what we have been so long accused. Either bring, then, the matter to the light of day, if 3^ou believe it, or give it no credit as having never enquired into it. On the ground of your double dealing, we are entitled to lay it down to you that there is no reality in the thing which you dare not examine !" {Apol. cap. VII.] \ § 10. If we now know something of the Montanists, — what osftion i^an^er of nien they were, and what they believed, it now of Monta- behoves us to form an opinion as to the position which the party occupies in history, and, at first, as to the causes which brought them into existence. There is no small danger of being perplexed by the multitude of theories which the ingenuity of different writers has sug- gested, but a steady reliance upon our previously ascer- tained facts will serve as an antidote. Neander deduces all that is characteristic in Montanism from the features of heathenism as modified by the Phrygian nationality^ 1 Pascal shewed long ago that it is a waste of time to attempt to prove a negative against the unscrupulous assertions of enemies. "C'est ainsi qu'il faut faire toutes les fois que vous accusez les gens sans preuves. On n'a qu'a repondre a chacun de vous, Mentiris impuden- tissiinef" (L. Pr. 15.) 2 "In der alten phrygischcn Naturreligion erkenncn wir den Cha- nism. THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. 103 There is much that is attractive in this theory, more Book II. especially at a time when the historical influence of nation- ality is given perhaps an excessive share of attention. And if wc believe the statement that Montanus was him- self a convert from heathenism \ and perhaps had been a priest of Cybele formerly, the notion gains no little in consistency. But when we attempt to account for all the phenomena of Montanism on this hypothesis alone, its insufficiency becomes apparent. Nor is it even clear that all the points of superficial similarity are connected radically. For instance, it is not accurate, with Schwegler, (p. 80), to trace the ascetic views of Montanism on the subject of marriage to this source. [" UeberhaujJt hahen die Ansichten der Mmtanisten von Elie und Ehelosigkeit so Manches, was auf den Character der orientalischen Naturreligionen, auf ihr Bestreben die Geschlechts- dualitcit zu indifferenziren, zuruckdeutet u. s. w."] It is rather, as we find in all later manifestations of cognate nature, the necessary corollary of the claim to higher and more spiritual knowledge. The objection is mentioned by Tertullian, and very fairly rejected^ with regard to fasting. We have seen elsewhere^ that there is a danger in comparing the Montanistic theory of ecstatic inspira- tion with the heathen fjbavTLKi'i, the argument being some- what more destructive than some of its modern employers racter dieses zur Schwarmerei unci zum Aberglauben geueigten, leiclit an Magie und EutziLckungen glaubeuden Gebirgsvolks, und es kann uns nicht wundern wenn wir die phrygische Gemiithsart, die sicli in den Ekstasen der Priester der Cybele und des Bacclius zeigt, in den Ekstasen und Somnambulisnien der Montanisten wieder finden." (Kirchen-Gesch. 1. 3. 871.) The same view was taken by MUnter, Baumgarten-Crusius, and Kirckner. 1 The Anonymus (ap. Euseh.) declares h im to have been tis tuu veo- ir'KXTUv. [H. E. V. 16.) 2 " Sed bene, qiiod in nostris xerophagiis blasphemias ingerens, Casto Isidis et Cybeles eas adajquas. Admitto testimonialem comparatio- nem. Hinc divinam coustabit, quam diabolus divinorum semiUator inii- tatur. Ex religione siiperstitio compingitur." (De Jejuniis, cap. 16.) 3 Vide supra, pp. 65—68. 104 THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. Book II. profess to think. At any rate the opinion was so clearly that of the majority of the Church, that an examination of the whole question would carry us much beyond our special subject. Shall we then accept the view of Schwegler, who makes Montauism a simple after-growth of Ebionitism ? Here again, while admiring the ingenuity of the writer, and freely admitting that many of the analogies he points out are correct, he yet does not solve the problem, — he does not account for the existence of Montanism in itself, he does not shew us how the marvellous mixture of pro- phecy, ectasy, ascetic severity, and chiliastic hope, came to be so moulded together \ But besides this shortcoming, his theory suffers necessarily from our very imperfect knowledge of the Ebionites themselves. We know, in fact, that at first all Christians were often called Nazareans or Ebionites. [/cat iravTe*; Se ^piariavol ^a^wpaloi Tore axxavTco'i eKaXovvro. Epiphan. XXIX. 1.] The name (or nickname) was not bestowed on account of their accepting as Master so humble and poor a Christ, as Gieseler ex- plained it, but rather as being themselves " poor," especi- ally the case with the congregation at Jerusalem, Avhere the name certainly originated. Continuing the examination, we ask ourselves what relations existed between Montanism and Gnosticism. Tertullian's book against Marcion is a proof of the separa- tions ; what points of contact were there ? Now both systems have at least this common ground, that they are based both upon a conception of the world's destiny. But the difference is that, while the Gnostics turned their §11. Mouta- nism and Gnostic- ism. 1 " Diese Frage ist durch die Zusammenstellung des Montanismuf? mit dem Ebionitismus oder Jndenchristenthum uoch nicht beautwortet, man sieht ihm, je unpersoulicber er erscbeiut iind je allgemeiner und abstrakter die Beziebungen sind, die man ilim giebt, nocb nicbt tief genug in den innern Mittclpuukt seines Ursprungs iiud concretcn Da- scins binein." (Baur in Thcol. Jalirh. 1851, p. 548.) In tbis article, Baur is certainly nnfair in considering Eitscbl's work as a mere contra- diction of Scbwegler's. See p. 553 ibid. THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. 105 attention to the beginning of things, the absokite princi- Book II. pies whether of revelation or of the world's development, the Montanists on the otlier hand laid all stress upon the final catastrophe, from which they (as it were) reasoned back to the present and even to the ]^st\ Neander seems to have expressed the nature of this great division very ably. There are two movements or forces acting in the Christian world in the first age after that of the Apostles : one idealistic, the other realistic ; but both as well within as without the limits of the Church. The former attains its extreme in Gnosticism; the latter in Montanism. There does not seem any contradiction in the fact that the latter acknowledged a means of Revela- tion apart from, or rather explanatory of Holy Scripture ; nor does a belief in the literal truth of the promises re- lating to the Paraclete involve in any way a " speculative direction," as Schwegler would infer. This writer is quite correct in describing the Montanistic doctrine of the three Stages as " modern ausgedriickt — die Annahme einer Perfectibilitat des Christenthums," (p. 218), but surely the conclusion is quite gratuitous that, therefore, Mon- tanism takes its place " der Kirchenleh-e gegenilher, auf eine und dieselhe Seite mit der Gnosis." And when he proceeds to find Gnostic elements in Tertulliau's theory ^ See Baur's Christenthum der 3 erstcn Jahrhunderte, pp. 213 — 224. Mohler's comparison I can only regard as including every possible mis- conception of Montanistic doctrine: — " Fandeu diese (sc. Guostiker) im Christenthum nur gottliches, und in Christo lediglich die gottliche Ver- nunft, so dass sie dem Erloser nur eiuen Scheinleib gabeu, und ihn die Form eines Meuschen nur vorspiegeln, nicht Mensch sein liessen, war Lhnen iiberdiess die sichtbare Welt dm-ch und durch bose: so entdeckten jene (sc. Montanisten) im Heilande niu* eiuen, wenn auch von oben herab erleuchteten, Menschen, und laugneten die Sendung des gcittli- chen Geistes iiber die Apostel und die Kirche, die hcihere iibernatiirliche Gnadenhilfe, der sie um so weniger bedurften, als sie in der menschlichen Natur keiu eingedruugenes tiefes Verderben anerkannten." {Symbolik, ed. of 1871, p. 363.) One reason, at least, should have restrained Mohler from this astounding diagnosis ; no lower authority than S. Epijihauius had solemnly declared: — He pi Trarpbs Kai viou /cat 0.7101' irvevfjLaros 6/xotws (ppovoOai Trj KaOoXiKrj cKK\r]aia." (7/(Cr. XLViii. 1.) lOG THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. Book II. of the Trinity, and quotes the use of the term Trpo/SoXyj as evidence, one is almost driven to the conclusion that he had not read the 8th chapter of the Adv. Praxeam, in which the word occurs. For how is it employed ? " If any man shall think," writes Tertullian, " that I am introducing some irpo^oXri, that is, some prolation of one thing out of another^ as Valentinus does when he sets forth ^on from ^on, one after another ; — then this is my first reply to you : Truth must not therefore refrain from the use of such a term, and its reality and meaning, because heresy also employs it. The fact is, heresy has rather taken it from Truth, in order to mould it into its own counterfeit." And to argue that Tertullian must be in some way approximate to Gnosticism, because he was by no means " the worst thinker that the Church pos- sessed" (p. 218), is surely a burlesque of serious argument, and a significant commentary upon the value of the "Ebionitic" theory'. In one singular analogy, not to be unduly pressed, but still not surely to be disregarded, Gnosticism and Montanism do approach one another. It is not in any theory or opinion, but in the persons of Tertullian and Marcion, who although bitter opponents, had not a few points of similarity. Both men, as Neander well said, "are alike in a stern one-sidedness, a fiery, passionate love, which embraced its object with all its forces, re- jecting everything else The predominant element in both men was fulness and depth of feeling. All was the result of feeling, &c." [Antignosticus, p. 400.] Only in this similarity, Marcion shewed himself least a Gnostic, 1 This technical term properly means anything which proceeds or is sent forth from the substance of another, as the fruit of a tree, or the rays of the siiu. In Latin, it is translated hy inolatio, emissio, or editio. In Tertullian's time, Valentinus had given the term a material signifi. cation. Tertullian, therefore, apologizes for its use, when writing against Praxeas. (Newman's Arians, ii. 4.) ^ "Die Wasserscheide des Gnosticismus und Montauismus ist die entgegcngesctzte Stellung zum Jiiden- und Heidenthum." P. 219. THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. 107 Tertulllan most a Montanist, Both wished, and wished Book II. sincerely, to restore Christianity, just as Savonarola and Luther wished it. Both were hostile to the slowly en- croaching inroads of hierarchical ambition and external formalism. But Tertullian was content to restore by the aid of the Spirit ; Marcion with his own system. We conclude then, as follows, as to the origin and § 12. character of Montanism : — ummary. I. That it was neither the individual theory pro- pounded by a man, nor the reflection of any past mani- festation, whether Jewish or Heathen ; but a simple reaction towards the primitive simplicity of Christianity, with a claim to the fulfilment of distinct promises from Christ to His Spiritual Church, II. That a certain Montanus existed, and gave his name to the party ; and that he, together with gertain companions, claimed to have received revelations from the Holy Spirit. III. That these revelations contained nothing con- trary to the Catholic Faith, as found in the Scriptures ; and that this fact is certified by Epiphanius and other fathers of the Church. IV. That the belief in the Paraclete, and in the Persons and Work of the Father and the Son, was that commonly held ; and that the individual views of Ter- tullian may be regarded as substantially identical with those of his party. V. That the expectation of a speedy coming of the Lord, to be followed by a physical Millennium, and the reign of the Saints on earth, was common to the Mon- tanists Avith many persons (like Justin Martyr) of un- questioned piety and orthodoxy. VI. That the Montanists received the Sacraments of Baptism and of the Lord's Supper, with the same belief in their nature and efficacy, and with the same rites, as the Catholic Church. VII. That the accusations which malignity or ere- 108 THE TEXETS OF MONTANISM. Book II. diility brought against them of celebrating revolting mys- teries are supported by no evidence, are totally contrary to known facts and the statements of the earliest witnesses, and only confer a stigma upon the Avriters who disgraced themselves by repeating them. VIII. That, although women were admitted to pro- phesy and to communicate visions, they were allowed to exercise no ministerial function, nor was any innovation in ritual or in the form of Divine Service introduced \ IX. That the spiritual claims of the Montanists, and their belief in a speedy end of the world, encouraged a system of asceticism, not in harmony with the full liberty of the Gospel, as proclaimed by St Paul, but still in no way repugnant to the commands of Scripture, or the custom of the Church. X. That certain fasts, either entire or partial, were enjoined ; but that no supererogator}^ merit was believed to be gained thereby. XI. That second marriage was condemned as contrary to the original dispensation of God, as well as to the injunctions of the Paraclete, but that (although celibacy was recommended to those able, as conducive to ad- vantage) the rite of marriage in itself was never dis- credited. XII. That while sin after baptism (and even a repeated lapse) was freely absolvable by God's boundless grace and mercy, it was inexpedient for the ministers of 1 In the notice of nn authorized rites ascribed to the Montanists, should have been included the curious gesture which gave rise to the nickname Tascodrugitae, i.e. raising the hand to the nose. Wernsdorf denies that it was the custom, but if it had been, " egregie convenit in homines meditabundos."(!) Strauch (Dissertatio de Montanistis, § 17) also is of opinion that it was never practised. On the other side, see Epiphanius (Hter. xlviii. 14); Nicetas (Thcsaur. orth. fid. iv. § 20); and Baronius (anno 73). Tertullian declares: — "Atqui cum modestia et hiunUitate adorantes, magis commendabimus Deo preces nostras, ne i])sis quidcm manibiis sublimius elatis, ne vultu quidem in audaciam erecto." {De Oratione, cap. 13.) THE TENETS OF MONTANISM. 109 the Church to declare absolution in the case of serious Book II. crimes, lest their repetition should follow. XIII. That martyrdom was the highest privilege and glory to which a Christian could aspire : but yet that it did not confer merit unless proceeding from faith and a conviction that it was God's will. XIV. That the Visible Church of Christ included all who, upon repentance and acceptance of the Kule of Faith, had been baptized ; but that the Spiritual Church comprised those alone who accepted the higher teachings of the Paraclete, by the mouth of His prophets, and that each one of these belonged to the order of spiritual priesthood. BOOK III. THE INFLUENCE GF MONTANISM UPON THE CHURCH. §1. Revolu- tion aud reaction. Book III. We see clearly now that Montaiiism is not to be re- garded as a sect, growing from within, though virtually without the Church, but as the exaggerated statement of fundamental and original principles S which, in a period of transition, would excite as much antagonism as the most violent novelty. To use an illustration, it would be quite inaccurate to compare it to such a phenomenon as Swedenborgianism, the founder of which system made no appeal to antiquity, and though not forming a sect, prepared his followers to dispense with all ecclesiastical forms. We shall trace in a later chapter the remarkable series of manifestations in the Church which almost each century produced ; all starting from the Montanistic stand- point ; all erring by the same exaggeration of good in- tentions; all, or nearly all, falling at times into the glaring logical inconsistencies which we have sufficiently noted in their model ; but all, without doubt, leaving an influence for good by stirring up the life and activity of ' Arnold has the credit of poiutiog this out first, although not very clearly. Wernsdorf overshot the mark in his endeavour to depict the Moutanists in the light of amiable " Auf gekliirte " of the 18th century, transplanted back into the 2nd. Neander, in his Church History and Antignostikns, developed the theory with all his learning and modera- tion, e.g.: "Die Montanisten sagten nichts ganz Neues, sondern sie stellten eine schon vorhandene Denkweise iiber religiose und sittliche Gegenstande nur auf die Spitze." (7\". G. i. 3. 113i.) THE INFLUENCE OF MONTANISM UPON THE CHURCH. Ill the Church. That at first the leading writers and thinkers Book III, were undecided what to say, fearful to approve extrava- gances of form, equally unwilling to censure principles which they cordially accepted, is clearly seen from the absolute silence of Justin, as well as the guarded utter- ances of Irenseus. I cannot myself agree with Schwegler (who is certainly wrong in quoting Neander on his side^), that the latter had any specially Montanistic leanings, other than as fighting the same battle against the Gnostics. Tertullian mentions him with praise, but does not add to his name, as with that of Proculus which follows, the significant " noster^" There are two passages in his great work which seem to refer to the Montanists, although only one of them can be declared strongly probable in that application. This occurs in the fourth book (cap. XXXIII. § 6) where he denounces "false prophets, who have not received from God the gift of prophecy nor fearing Him, but feigning for vain-glory's sake, &c.^" Now no reasonable explanation of this passage can refer it to any other party than the Montanists, although we fully recognise that in many respects, as on the Consum- mation of all things, on Marriage, and above all, on the nature of Prophecy, Irenasus was in perfect agreement with the sober element of Montanism^ But in another place, where he denounces certain persons who sought to 1 He refers to K. G. i. 3. 1143, {Montanismus , p. 223, note,) where the statement is indeed " etwas limitirter." - "Justinus philosophns et martjT, Miltiades ecclesiarum sophista, Irenaus oiitninm doctrinarum curiosissimus explorator, Proculus noster, christians eloqueutias dignitas." {Adv. Valent. c. 5.) 3 "Judicabit enim pseudoproiihetas, qui non accepta a Deo prophe- tica gratia nee Deum timentes, sed aut propter vanam gloriam, aut ad qucTstum aliquem aut aliter secundum operationem mali spiritus fingunt se prophetare, mentientes adversus Deum." See on tliis passage, Lip- sius, Quellen, p. 217. 4 Take for example this passage:— "Discipulus spiritalis vere recipiens spiritum dei, qui ah initio in universis dispositionibus dei adfuit hominibus, et futura annunciavit, et praesentia ostendit et prse- terita enarrat, judicat quidem omnes, ipse autem a nemine judicatur." (r. Hr]TaL%, ev d\T]divi^ wvei'ifxaTi, Koi ippufi^vri Siavoig. /cot TrapaKoXovdoDvTi f (p, oi aiiTov dyioi to. Travra ■n-po(pr)T€V(Tav. [Hceres. II. 1. 3.) Which Jerome expresses thus: — "Non enim loquitur Propheta in iKcrdcret, ut Monta- nus et Prisca MaximiUaque delirant, sed quod prophetat, liber est visionis intelligentis universa qua loquitur." {Prol. in Nahum proph.) UPON THE CHURCH. 115 he had so clearly and consistently witnessed \ and confining Book III. the acknowledged manifestations of the Holy Spii'it to the miracles and visions wrought and seen by the orthodox. Cyprian, however, the pupil of Tertullian, does not seem to have departed from the ancient views of the Church. He repeatedly bears witness to the very facts which Montanists had asserted ^ and, on a very critical occasion in his career, he accounted for his retirement from perse- cution by the statement that it had been enjoined in a vision ^ That a good deal of incredulity began to prevail now with regard to the spiritual claims of those who did not always seem to correspond in their lives, could be reasonably conjectured, even if Cyprian did not expressly deplore it^ And even Jerome speaks of his visions, including that remarkable nocturnal scourging for reading secular authors, which was so unceremoniously criticised by Ruffinus. Now it was not to be expected that the Catholic bishops should accept Tertullian's reasonings on prescription, which now served to defend the really ancient doctrines, now to excuse the new. Any statement of a ^ In addition to the passages already qnoted, (vide supra, p. 36,) may be added the following: by Irenasus, (ap. Euseb. U. E. v. 7,) the famous evidence for post-Apostolic miracles, including the statement that " oi 5^ Kal 'n-p6yv(j}(nv 'ixovcnv tCjv fxeWovTOH', Kal oTrraaias, /cat prjcreis Trpo(prjTCKds.^' And again: (c. Hcer. v. 6,) " Kadus Kal ttoWCou aKovo/xev ddeXcpuiv if rrj eKKKriffig, irpocprjTiKa xaptV/xara ixovrcov Kal wavrodaTrais XaXovvTwy Sid. tov irvevixaTOS yXdxraais, Kal tol KpvH i ::a 0) sjO to •« fe a 2 2 "•>; ^ to 'tc . *-s a aj-H 2 „ -, ~ Vs^S 03 !13 »rt « t- ao 158 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, A.D. 130 — 250. 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(Rela , Capitolinus, Claudi istius, amon<3! seen s, and by Tertulli ius, Orosius, Greg. ^ peror at Athens. ion of the Christians p. 39 in the Essay), cm of Pothinus. Soter, 175." he Mil by Die Them writer Eusel ^ a '-= —■? a heE ersec Gau artyi :: ^ Hftn S m « M Pi »^ ft. us IH s oo" S-l g« « o rS5 O I I *D t^ X C5 o 00 05 C 1— I -M re o to t^ 00 o» O ^-1 160 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, A.D. 130 — 250. i-l(Ma3-^".rOt>-00050i-H S > ^ ^ k4 r; £-! 2 ■■ crt ca ce O) 3| CI) a C f4 u Ph rr a p. (1) ■DX) o ^ tn o J • CU CD u ^' .2 Sh s tc ^ i, J2 -^ ■— f3 CO Q ■^. >.^^>^ P4 m dJ CO t« 5l — o to °= 05 a S > a. M CO S J •ill "S '73 -"S a J; u CD j;?7t ^, S t^ CD iJ2 re _; I i 1 ^ a p ■73 (^ IE © eS a t P4 g g a a o CD a O Ph^^ -* >c «c r-i M w -*< ic -x t^ X r-. o rt CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, A.D. 130—250. IGl to iO t~ CC OiO>H(M^5-^l0^t~XC50 o ^ t-i_ 3 ^ 55 ,^ ^ '7^ O § r- ■♦^ = o " . fen g-fi !^ ns a a •-' c4 ipore Alex 245.) e. O HPh O O :; O -3 • CO 2 PM CO ITl P,J3 (rt 2 I' CI IM H. E. 11 162 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, A.D. 130—250. 050THiMm'#«s«ot»ooo50 ?H eg r1 ^ .2 +^ ^1 o Hi '3 'e tio o a o -» -5 I— I O r3 TS O "1 «» «^ §'■§.!=' COS tc •-? 'w -« O O ?H ^ O ^ ' 1 tc • -2 ^ ^. ^ ' ' Q3 S 51 _ » '8 42 P a. C8 CO a > o . .2 6q 'u ' ' — ' o Q O ft ■2 ac^ ft CS O) S J o ^ ""-^.a ^ £M 03 tjOOJ r^ ■-G * -"^ o CH lo ft O CO O) . P^ t- (M f^ ?»oo H ' CO "^ C^ 'b ij »■ w <1 * CO .2 S :3 « ^ oa fH o ^ Qj +=vJl |: e8 CO Kl to a " pi .2 fi n" s 1 a > a C5:: (M 02 IM •rs a I I Plh s a S cS ■ rO '^ crs C50i-('Mcc-*W!ri>xc50 CHKONOLOGICAL TABLES, A.D. 130—250. 163 Cf5 Tj* IC CO (B CI) O rJ::) ^ !h a t» Is ,:3 g a j:i •^ (D ■n ft r3 A O a w c3 (D ^ o is,^ ■*^ m Ph T-! CO «4-( 60 O a M 3 d 2 o 2 Ph <1 "3 1 pq H-V„ N "3 ..:s^ •.a •^ .^^ ^o| lo -f- o ,=i *" >> .^J 03 .rt o , . _ ''S ^ 3 1 Council Corneliu t Mitte Vecchia p. 15 O ol a cq - ^ M INDEX. A. Absolution, 86 et seq. Acta Per]), et Felic. 4-1, 90, aud App. B. Adamites, 121 ^scliines, 35, 54 Afiican Chuixh (Progress of Moutan- ism in), 44 Alcibiades, 35, 62, note 3 Alexander, 35, 94 Alofii, 49 et seq. Alombrados, 3 AmaMc of Beua, 120 Ambrose, 10 Ambrosiaster, 13 Anabaptists, 2, 123 Aucbialus (Synod at), 37, 158 Anicetus, 41, notes 2 and 3, 158 ApoUiuaris, 6, note 2 ApoUonius, 6, 80 Ai-nold, 15, 16, 110 Artotyriti, 30, note 2 Asceticism, 79 etseq., 112, 113, 117 Asterius Urbanus, 6, note 2 Athanasius, 9, 30 Athenagoras (theory of inspiration), 66, 67 Asia Minor (Progress of Montanism in), 36 Augustin, 10, 13, 53 and note 1, 138, 139 Authorities, list of, 22 et seq. B. Baptism, 98 Baronius, 15, 39, 41, 62 Basil, 70 Baumgarten-Crusius, 55, 56 Baur, 1, 5, 7 Beausobre, 117, note 2 Bertot, 125 Blastus, 36 Boehme, 2, 124 Bonacursus, 119 Browne (bp. of Winchester), 4, 89 Buttlar (E. von), 123, 144, 145 C. Caius, 48 Cataphrygians, 29, 30 Cathari, 119 Ceriuthus, 50 Chiliastic doctrine, 77, 116 Chladenius, 82 Church (Montanistic doctrine of), 9 1 Clemens Alexandr. , 9 Confessors of Lyons, 38 et seq. Councils wliich dealt with Montanism, 36, 37, 51 CjT)rian, 7, 8, 115 Cyril Hieros., 9, 71, 77, 100, 101 D. Daille, 11 and note 1, 117 and note 3 David of Dinant, 120 Didymus Alesandi'inus, 10, 115 Dionysius ,, ,49 Dodwell, 26, 41, 115 Dolhnger, 23, 73 Donatists, 118 E. Ebionites, 33, note 3, 104 Ecbert of Schonau, 119 Ecstasy, 62, 63 et seq., 114 Ekhart, 120 Eleutherus, 39, 41 and notes 2, 3 Epiphanius, 8, 10, 25 et seq. Eschatology (Montanistic), 77 et seq. Eusebius, 6, 8, 25 et seq. Exomolofjesis, 87, 88 Fasting (cf. Asceticism) Fenelon, 3, 125 Firmilian, 7, 54, 69 Flathe, 23, 119, 120 Fox (George), 3, 124 FratipeUi, 2, 120 G. Gervaise, 16, 17 Gieseler, 54, 119 Gnostics, 104, 105 166 INDEX. Gregory of Nazianzum, 9, 10, 54 Groot (Gerard), 120 Guibertus cle Novigento, 119 Guyon (Madame), 3, 125 H. Hagenbach, 23, 73 Hahn, 23, 119 Harnack, 21, 49 Hase, 122, 124 Hauber, 58 Hebrews (Epistle to the), 48 Hefele, 8, 21, 26, 37, 51, 52 Hegesippus, 38 Heinichen, 19, 49 Hermas, 38, 82, 86 ' Herzog's E. E., 21 Hesselberg, 22, 47, 71 Hierapolis, 36 Hilary, 10 Hilgenfeld, 20 Hippolytus, 7, 69, 80, 131 Historic methods, 1 seq. Homines Intelligentice, 2, 121 Hug, 49 Hurter, 138, 141 I. Illuminaten Ordcn, 3 Infanticide (charged against the Mon- tanists), 99 et seq. Inspiration (Montanistic doctrine of), 62 et seq., 103, 114 Irenseus, 1, 6, 7, 111 Irving, 9, 129 Isidor of Pelusium, 12, 75, 101 Ittig, 15 J. Jerome, 6, 13, 70, 80, 118 Jerusalem (the New), 3, 77, App. D. John of Damascus, 14, 131 John the Evangelist, St, 49, 50 Justin Martyr, 65, 72, 78 K. Kallistus, 7, 100 Kaye, 46, 59, 78 Kestner's " Agape," Appendix A. Kirchner, 19 Konigsberg " Milckcr" 127, 128 Kiihlmann, 126, 127 Labadie, 3, 124 Laodicea (council of), 37, 52 "Laws of Paradise," 115 "Lay-gentleman" (hist, of Montan- ism by), 24, 101, 114 Lead (Jane), 124, Append. G. Lee (Archdeacon), 67, 68 Lee (Dr Francis), 24, 143, 145 Leucius (or Lucius), 35, 36 Libellus Synodicus, 37 Lipsius, 8, 20, 21, 75, 157 et seq. Longuerue, 18, 32 Lucian, 136 Luther, 124 M. Macarius, 67 Manichajanism, 119 Marcion, 91, 106, 158 Marius Mercator, 13, 14 Marriage, 83 Martyrdom, 93 et seq. Maximilla, 25, 27, 28, 34 et seq. Melito, 159 Merkel, 19, 49 Merlau (Frl. von), 143 Menuonites, 130 Middletou, 16, 17 Miltiades, 47, 48, 62, 111, 159 Mohler, 19, 105, 123, 154 Molinos, 3, 125 Moller, 21 Monarchianism, 73 et seq. Montanus, 3, 4, 27, 28, 30, 31 et seq., 34, 36, 40 Morcelli, 22, 45, 139 Mormons, 128 Mosheim, 16 et seq., 25, 59, 62 '' 3Ii(cker," 123, 127, 128 Miinter, 22, 138 Muratorian Fragment, 48 Mysteries, 99, 100 N. Neander, 12, 19, 20, 41, 42, 45, 46 Nobla Lerjczon, la, 120 Nosselt, 120 Novatianists, 118 0. Olivus, 121 Optatus Milev., 12 Origen, 7, 9 Orsi, 23, 35, 44, 138 P. Pacian, 8 Papias, 78 Paraclete (the), 40, 58 et seq., 71, 79 Patripassianism, 73 INDEX. 1G7 Pelagius, 11 Penauce, 87 Pepuza, 30 Pepuziani, 30 Perpetua, 44, 99, 131, Append. B. Petersen, 65, 124, Append. C. Philadelphian Society, Append. C. Constitutions, 151 Articles, 147 Philaster, 10, 11, 59 Philo, 154 Phrygian Eeligions, 9, 19, 102 et seq. Pietism, 124 Pneumatici, 91 et seq, Poiret, 10, 23, 125 Polycai-p, 38 Pordage, 145, 146 Prffidestinatus, 14, 29, 42 Praxeas, 8, 38, 40 et seq., 70, 71 Priesthood, 93 Priscilla, 34 Prochis (or Procuhis), 35, 43, 53 Prophetic gifts, 31, 58 et seq., 114 Pseudo-TertuUian, 24, 35, 69 Psychici, 91 Quakers, 3, 124 Quintilla, 34 g- E. Eeformation, 122, 123 Eeville, 18, 20 Ehodon, 6 Eibovius, 11 Eigaltius, 56 Eitschl, 20 et passim Eome (progress of Moutanism at), 37 Rothe, 6 Eouth, 15, 41 Ruel, 18 S. SabelHanism, G9 et seq. Saint CjTan, 3 Saturus, 140 Savonarola, 122, 123 Schonherr, 127 Schi-oeckh, 19 Schwegler, 20 et passim Semisch, 66, 79, 86 Serapion, 6 Sibyllme Oracles, 32 Socrates, 42, 75 Sotas, 36 Soter, 29, 41 Sozoraen, 42 Spirituales, 31, 120 Stationes, 82 Strauch, 18 Strohlin, 21 Sulp. Severus, 40 Swedenborg, 3, Appendix 1). Tauler, 120 Tertullian, 5, 22, 45 et seq., Book ii. passim. 111, 115, 131 Tertullianists, 53 Themison, 35 Theodoret, 14, 69 Tlieodotus, 35 Thiersch, 1 Thomasius, 23, 113 Tillemont, 6, 15, 95 Trinity (Montanistic doctrine of th<), 68 U. Uhlhorn, 6, 22, 47, 138, 139 V. Valois, 6 Vater, 41 Victor, 7, 41, 42 Volkmar, 21, 48 W. Walch, 19, 39 Waldenses, 2, 119 Wernsdorf, 18, 30, 44, 02, 75, 82 Westcott, 3, 68 X. Xeropliagice, 81 et seq. Z. 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