wm 'My ' • '■ ' ■ • ■, LIBRARY k N.YOKK. -^ ANTIENT m8T€^Yr INCLUDING THE PllOGRESS OP LITEMATURE TINE ARTS. BY WILLIAM RUTHERFORD, D.D. IN TWO VOLUMES. THIRD EDITION, CORRECTED. VOL. II. LONDON: Printed by C. Rowoith, Bell Yard. Temple Bar ; FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES AND ORME; VERNOR, HOOD AND SHARPE; JOHN MURRAY; AND J. HARDING, LONDON; AND BELL AND BRADFUTE, EDINBURGH. 1809. CONTENTS, C H A P. XVI. Page From the Battie of Th^rmofylm to the Naval Fictori/ at 'Sal AMIS - - - 1 CHAP. XVII. From the Battle of Salamis to the Conclu- sion (f the PBfisiA^ iVar - - - IS CHAP. XVIII. From the Conclusion of the Persian to the Commencement of the Peloponnesian War. 49 CHAP. XIX. Of the Rise and Progress of Literature, and the Fi7ie Arts, in Greece - - - 92 CHAP. 20332 IV CONTENTS. CHAP. XX. Page Hi5^o/*j/ o/^y^e Peloponnesian War - 129 CHAP. XXL From the Conclusion of the Peloponne- sian War, to the Peace of Antal- CIDAS ---,-- 217 CHAP. xxn. Fro)7i the Peace o/'Antalcidas to the Fall of the Thebaic Empire - - - 267 A VIEW A VIEW OP ANTIENT HISTORY, CHAP. XVI, From the Battle o/* Thermo pyl^, (o the Naval Victor]/ at Sal amis. ly URING these memorable operations, the Grecian fleet had anchored in the harbour of Artemisium. That of the Persians kiy in the road that reaches from Cas- taiiiea to tlie promontory of Sepias, on the Thessaliaji coast. Tlie road of Castanaea was open to the north and north-east winds; and so little spacious, that an eighth division only of the Peisian fleet could be moored in one line against the shcjre ; the other seven rode at an- chor, with the prows of the vessels towards the sea. The second day after their arrival, a tempest blew from the north-east, and the surges swelled to an amazing- height. The line of gallies next the shore were drawn upon the beach ^ of the others many were driven from their anchors; some dashed to pieces on the foreland of Sepias; others on the chfi's of Pelion; while several were wrecked near the town of Meliboea. Four hun- dred gallies were sunk or destroyed iu this storm, be- \'OL, II. B sides 2 A VIEW OF sides such a number of transports, that the Persians, dreading a revolt of the Tliessalians, erected a tempo- rary fort against any sudden attack, composed of the vreck of their vessels. They soon quitted this insecure station, and, M'ith eight hundred ships of war, besides transports, sailed into the road of Aphetae, opposite to the harbour of Artemisium. When the Grecian sentinels, posted on the Euboean heights, announced the fate of die enemy's fleet, a grate- ful sacrifice was offered to " Neptune the Deliverer;'* but the approach of an enemy, whose shattered remains M ere yet formidable, converted their transports of joy into anxiety for their present situation. The Grecian fleet consisted of two hundred and se- venty-one gallies with three tier of oars, besides smaller vessels. Each of these gallies carried a hundred and twenty rowers, besides forty soldiers ; but, on emergen- cies, the whole crew acted with arms. Of this fleet, more than one half was furnished by the Athenians; yet, such was the present influence, owing to the antient pre-eminence of Sparta, that the allies refused to serve under any but a Lacedaemonian commander. Eurybi- ades was therefore appointed admiral of the fleet. The moderation of the Athenian leaders, who acquiesced in this partial decision, and their superiority to little pas- sions in still prosecuting with zeal the great object of the common confederacy, have merited and obtained the praise of antient and modern historians. But the genius of Themistocles, equally penetrating and provi- dent, gained him an ascendancy which no political ar- rangement could preclude ; and though Eurybiades had the name, he exercised the authority of admiral. On the arrival of the Persian fleet near the harbour of Artemisium, an alarm spread on all sides, and reached the commanders of the Grecian squadrons. It was proposed in a council of war to retreat to the interior ■ seas ANTIENT HISTORY. 5 seas of Greece. Tlie Euboeans, whose coasts must tliiis have been left open to tlie invasion of tlie Persians, u ere alarmed at this resolution. They implored Eury- biades that the Heet might remain for the protection of their island, at least till they could remove their families and valuable effects to a place of safety. The Spartan admiral refused their request. They then ap[)lied to Themistocles. 'j'he opinion which he had already adopted coincided with their desire; and he told them, ** that though their eloquence could not persuade, their gold might influence the Grecian commanders, and that, for thirty talents,* he would engage that the Heet should remain for the defence of their coasts/' The money was delivered into his hands. A distribution of eight talents secured the acquiescence of the other captains to his opinion, the remainder he retained in his hand, to be usefully employed in future contingencies. The Persians, h.aving recovered from the shock of their late misfortunes, prepared to attack the Grecian fleet; but, confident in the superiority of their numbers, and secure of victory, tliey delayed the attack till they had sent two hundred gallies round Euboea to prevent tlie enemy from escaping through the narrow seas. The Greeks being informed of this stiatagem by Scyl- lias, a deserter from the Persian fleet, resolved to sail at midnight against the detached squadron; and, by at- tacking it sepaiately, turii the stratagem of the enemy against themselves; but, having received no farther in-!» telligence of it in the evening, they prepared to make an attack upon the Persian fleet. Accordingly, about sun- set, they advanced in order of battle. A sharj> engage- ment ensued, and the Greeks took thirty galiies from the enemies, though the victory was not decisive. The approach of night, with a storm, attended by rain and thunder, separated the combatants. The Greeks re- * About six thousand pounds. B 2 treated 4 A VIEW OF treated to the harbour of Artemlslum; the Persians >vere driven to the coast of Thessaly. The violence of the storm drove the wrecks of the late engagement, and the dead bodies, against the sides of the ships, and impeded the motion of their oars. Repeated flashes of lightning, amidst the darkness of the night, served only to discover the horrors of the scene, while the reverberation of the thunder among the neigh- bouring mountains of Pel ion, struck the mariners with the dreadful imagination that the gods were in this man- ner denouncing their vengeance. Nor was it unreason- able that the Greeks in the Persian fleet should be agi- tated with such superstitious fears, as, according to the creed of their age, they were making war against the di- vinities of their country. By good fortune rather than conduct the greater part escaped with safety into the Pegasean bay. The fate of the detachment which was to sail round Euboea was still more disastrous. Exposed in an im- known sea, and in a dark night, to thunder, lightning, and storm, they abandoned themselves to despair, and met their fate among the dangerous rocks of the Eu- boean coast. " Thus it was the will of the Deity," says Herodotus, " to reduce the Persian force more nearly to an equality with the Grecian." Next day a reinforcement of fifty-three Athenian ships joined the Grecian fleet, and announced the de- struction of the Persian squadron on the Eubaan rocks. Encouraged and elated by these advantages, the confe- derates resolved to attack the enemy in the dusk of the evening, which, from their knowledge of the coast, was particularly favourable to their designs. They accord- ingly made the attempt, and, having separated the Ci- lician squadron from the main fleet, totally destroyed it, and in the night resumed their station at Artemisium. Irritated and disgraccu by repeated disasters and in- sults from such an inferior force, the Persian comman- ders ANTIENT niSTOllV. 5 ders resolved on the following day, by one vigorous ef- fort, to repair their losses, and regain the lionour of M'liich they had been deprived. As tlie Ci reeks had gained their advantages by stratagem, and under covert of the night, they advanced to the attack at noon in tlie form of a semi-circle, witii a view to enclose the enemy. The Greeks waited hi the advantageous station which they had chosen. The plan of attack formed by the Persians appears to have been ill executed. In making their approach to the enemy, they crossed and fell against one another. The battle, however, was more vigorously maintained than on any former occasion. Five Grecian gallies were taken by the Egyptians, who appear to have signalized themselves in that engagement. More than half the Athenian squadron was disabled. The doubtful victory was claimed by the Greeks, who remained in possession of the wrecks and the dead ; but, from the distresses which their tleet had suffered, it wa^ resolved immediately to retreat to the interior seas of Greece. This resolution was confirmed by the arrival of Abronychus, an Athenian, who related the event of the battle of Thermopylie. They now retreated without delay, and, having passed the Euripus, they coasted along the shore of Attica, and anchored at Salamis. Before the departure of the fleet, Themistocles, ever fertile in expedients for the good of his country, en- graved on the rocks near the watering-place of Artemi- sium, which he knew would soon be visited by the enemy, die following inscription : '* Men of Ionia, your conduct is inexcusable, in warring against your ances- tors, and endeavouring to enslave Greece. Repair, therefore, the injury, and come over to our side. But if you are compelled by necessity to remain with the Persian fleet, avoid acting against us when we come to an engagement. Remember that you are descended from the same blood with us, and that our quarrel with the Persians was on your account." B 3 By 6 A VIEW OF By these means tlie Grecian commander hoped either to recal the attachment of the lonians to their ancient friends, or at least to render them suspected to their ne\r masters."* When the Grecians had quitted the road of Artemi- sium, Xerxes gave orders that his fleet, after ravaging the coasts of Euboea, should proceed to the harbour of Athens ; while he himself, at the head of his immense army, hitended to march, or rather to make a triumphal entry, into the territories of Attica. His route lay through the countries of Phocis and Boeotia, the latter of which had been early attached to the Persian cause. The Phocians remained faithful to the Grecian confede- racy, and were farther confirmed in their attachment, after the Thessalians, their ancient enemies, had joined the Asiatic invaders. A natural jealousy and rivalship subsisted not only between the Thessalians and Phocians, but between all the Grecian states : and that Thebes and Argos appeared on the side of Persia, may in a great measure be attributed to their desire of humbling the power of Athens and of Sparta. When the host of Xerxes had entered the territory of Phocis, at the instigation of the Thessalians, rather than from the cruelty of the Persians, destruction m as begun by fire and sword. While the main body of the army followed the course of the Cephisus, detachments plun- dered and burned to the giound Charadra, El atsea, and other flourishing towns. Even the sacred walls of Abe, with its temple dedicated to Apollo, and celebrated for its oracles, did not prevent Thessalian and Persian fury from plundering the holy shrine, and appropriating the donations which superstition had amassed for ages. 'The people fled to the mountains, or were reduced to slavery. After these dreadful devastations were committed, the * Herod, lib. viii. cap. 40, 41. grand ANTIENT HISTORY. 7 grand army marched throuiih Bceotia towards Athens; u detachment was sent tVom Panopens, to plnnder the temple of Apollo at Delphi.* Jnslrnctcd by the recent and disastrous fate of Abe, that relij^ion was insiithci«>nt to protect the persons or the property of its votaries, the Delphiuns consulted the Oracle, " whether they should bury their treasures, or transport them to another coun- try?" The Pythian proplieless replied, '' 'J'hat Apollo ixould defend his own shrine." The cares of the JJei- phians were now confined to their own safety, and that of their families. They sent their wives and children across the Corhithian Gulph into Achaia. The men climbed to the tops of Parnassus, or descended into a vast cavern on the side of that mountain. All left Del- phi, except sixty venerable ministers of religion, and the ])rophet of the God. When the Persian detachment drew near to Delphi, and were in sight of the temple of Minerva, the prophet saw the sacred armour, which it is unlawful for mortals to touch, brought by some invisible power from the innermost recesses of the fane, and laid before the edifice. No sooner had the advanced guard arrived at the chapel, ^^hich is in front of the great temple, than the air was darkened; thunder and lightning smote them from heaven ; two vast fragments rolled down from the mountain with prodigious violence, over- whelmed the prostrate Persians, while shouts of warlike acclamation echoed from the fane. Ilie impious and hostile bands were struck with a panic ; the Del})hians, believing from these manifest signs that the divinity de- fended his favourite mansion, rushed from their caverns and concealments, and slaughtered without resistance these victims of superstitious terror. f The survivors fled with precipitation to Boeotia. Such is the marvellous tale ^^hich the ingenuity of priests has mvented, and popular superstition has be- * Herod, lib. viii. cap.So. t I^i^- cap. 37, &c. B 4 - lieved; S A VIEW OF lievcd; but ^* which, when stript of its preternaturaf machinery," says an ingenious and learned historian,* leaves an account remaining neither improbable nor de- fective. The priests, anxious for their treasures, and for tlie credit of their Oracle, concerted a measure equally bold and prudent. When a response from the unerring Oracle had inspired the citizens with confidence, and their families were carried to a place of safety, the best and bravest men were reserved to defend the place. The uncommon mode of defence was well adapted to the si- tuation and circumstances of Delphi, as well as to its established character for sanctity. Surrounded by the sum- mits of lofty mountains, the city was founded on crags and^ precipices. No w ay led to it but through narrow defiles^ overhung with mountains, shadowed w ith wood, and com- manded at every step by fastnesses above. Every mea- sure was taken to make the enemy believe that the place was totally abandoned, and to induce them to advance in all the caielessness of security. The surprise accord- ingly appears to have been complete. A thunder-storm among the mountains was no uncommon phenomenon. Tlie rolling down of the rocky fragments proceeded from the invisible^ but not immortal hands of Delphians, who were concealed among the crags, and prepared to put them in motion. Perhaps artificial fires and explosions might imitate thunder and lightning, and increase the horror. Many of the nations too, which composed the Persian host, were believers in the divinity of Apollo, and must have been struck with the impiety of their at- tempt. In such a state of consternation, the Delphians attacked them w ith every possible advantage. The few who survived the engagement, and fled to Boeotia, readily adopted and magnified the rumours of superstition, as an apology for their surprise and flight. The fragments of rock thiown down from the summit of the mountain^ * Mr.Mitford. were ANTIENT HISTORY. 9 were preserved in the chapel of Minerva, as tlie proofs and memorials of the miraculous protection aliorded by the divinity upon that critical occasion. The army of Xerxes entered the territories of Attica three months after tliey had crossed the Hellespont, and proceeding on their march, burned and plundered the cities as they advanced. 1'he people of Peloponnesus, anxious only for their own interest, resolved to brinij all their forces widiin the Isthnuis, and fortify themselves by a strong wall from the one sea to the other. After such a base desertion of the general cause, Athens, ready to be crushed inider the whole weight of the Persian p(3wer, ap- peared on the eve of destruction; she owed her safety to the genius of Tliemistocles. This Athenian possessed greater and more various talents than the muniticence of nature generally allots to one man. Daring in enterprise, cool in action, of a foresight like prophecy, an apprehension that seemed intuitive, and a memory, as himself confess- ed, retentive to a degrt^e of pain. In times of danger, men naturally rank in their j)ropcr sphere, and great abilities raise to the highest situations. By tlie ascen- dency of his extraordinary character, he not only intlu- enced the decisions of the allies, but made the froward passions of the Athenian people submit to his better judgment. He had formerly persuaded the Athenians to build a fleet ; perceiving now that the city could not be defended, and that the sea oftered their only asylum, he told them that the time was come, when, for the connnon safety of Greece, they must forsake Athens, and betake them- selves to their ships. This advice presented nothing to the people but the mournful image of a total destruction, and they could not thuik, without trembling and horror, of abandoning their ancient country, their native city, the temples of their gods, and the tombs of their ancestors. As religion attached them to Athens, it was requisite to disengage them by religion. Greece had already been B o tilled !0 A VIEW OF filled with Oracles favourable to the designs of Themis- tocles, the messengers sent to consult the shrine of i\ pol- io, at Delphi, received for answer, " That the city could only be saved by its wooden zcal/sJ' These Theniistocles interpreted to be their ships, and added, " that the repub- lic lived not in its edihces, but in its men ; and that it was not houses or walls, but the citizens which formed the city." Superstition, the great engine of policy among tlie antients, was employed in another direction. It was believed that the temple of Minerva, in the citadel, was guarded by a large serpent, and at every new moon cakes were offered to tliis sacred protector. The chief priest affirmed, that the cakes, which had never failed to be eaten by the hallowed serpent, now remained untouched ; a proof that the goddess herself had abandoned the city. This, more than the eloquence of Themistocles, induced the Athenians to forsake their beloved city."* A decree was then passed, by which it was ordained^ " That Athens should be committed to the protection of Minerva, their guardian goddess; that all such inhabi- tants as were able to bear arms should go on ship-board ; and that the citizens should provide for the safety of their wives, children and slaves." The gallant and heroic be- haviour of Cimon, the son of ^liltiades, on this occasion, deserves to be recorded. Descended from a long line of an- cestors, he was one of the principal proprietors of land in the commonwealth, and had he been governed by interest- ed motives, would have been among the last to abandon his country. But when the proclamation was made to de- part from Attica, Cimon, with a cheerful countenance, and accompanied by the principal youths of Athens, marched in procession through the most public parts of the city, in order to consecrate their bridles (tlie ensigns of military service) in the temple of ^linerva, conveying to the people by this religious ceremony, that now they * Herod, lib.vjii. cap. 41. hacT ANTIENT HISTORY. 11 had no farther use for land forces, and that tliey ought to devote tlieniselves to tlie new service which tlie criti- cal situation of their country n'quired. Tlicu taking down one of tlie shields which hung upon the wall, he went with his companions to the margin of the sea, and was the tirst who by his example inspired his compatriots to venture with conlidence on a strange element, and to rush in anew channel to victor}' and renown. Having transported their wives, children, and aged parents to the isles of Salamis, iEgina, and the Troezene, the Athenians began to embark. While they looked back upon the deserted city, the scene drew tears from eveiy eye. The lamentations of the women and chil- dren, from whom they had just torn themselves; the bowlings of the domestic animals which followed them to their shijis, and the last looks of the old men, who, from necessity oi* choice, remained in the citadel to pe- rish, composed a mournful scene, from aa hich the mind could not be removed, but by attending to the heroic resolution of a whole people going into voluntary ba- nishment and leaving their city for a vviiile, that they might preserve it for ever. • When all the Athenians capable of bearing arms had joined the Heet at Salamis, a council of the commanders was held, to decide on their future motions. The im- portant question was agitated, ^' W'hether they should continue in the straits of Salamis, or advance towards the isthmus of Corinth, where the land-army was posted under the command of C'leombrotus, the brother of Leonidas r" Hie confederates of Peloponnesus, whose territories lay near the isdnnus, adopted the latter mo- tion, from a selfish desire to defend their respective cities. Themistocles, who saw the defects of this narrow policy, opposed it wiUi vigour. He affirmed, that it would be betraying their country to abandon so advantageous a si- tuation as that of Salamis; that in quitting the general rendezvous, the different detachments were likely to for- 12 A TIEW OF sake the common cause ;^ some would retire to their native harboiu"s ; some court the friendship, and submit to the tyranny of Persia, and others seek for liberty on a distant and unmolested shore. Meanwhile the Persian army, advancing from Thebes, burnt the forsaken towns of Thespiae and Plataea, and entering Attica, ravaged it without resistance. On their arrival at Athens, they found nothing but silence and solitude widiin the walls. The citadel was still defended by a feeble garrison of priests and old men, w ho suppo- sing it to be the " wooden walls" of the Oracle, confided in the divine protection. After an obstinate resistance, it was taken by assault; all within it were put to the sword, and the city consumed to ashes - According to Herodotus,'* information of this event "was brought to the fleet, while the council of war was deliberating. It struck such an alarm, that some of the commanders liastened to their gallies, and hoisted their sails in order to depart.. Themistoeles, encomaged and emboldened by his friend Mnesiphilus, prevailed on Eurybiades to summon another council ; there, hs represented the importance of preserving Salamis, Megaia, and ^gina, which upon their departure must fall into the hands of the enemy ; the advantage of their present situation in a narrow channel, where the Persians could not avail themselves of their superior numbers ; and the certain dangers they run in withdrawing to the Corinthian isthmus, where the aimy of Xerxes would attend the motions of his fleet, and the whole naval force be employed against them m the open sea. Some of tha commanders, paj ticukrly Adimantus the Corinthian, had the baseness to object to. the Athenian voice in council, as they had no longer a political existence, and had no country or city to defend. Themistoeles replied with moderation and magnanimity,. " that the Athenians had * lih. viii. cap. 58, indeeii ANTIENT IIISTOKY. 13 indeed left tlieir native soil and city, and considtriiiii tiieir country as comprehended in their liberty, had Jelt tlicni- selves nothing to share in with the allies, except the com- mon dangers; but that they had it still in tluir power to procure for themselves a more happy establishment, they had two hundred ships of war, and diat if the confede- rates persisted in paying so little regard to the Athenians, they would in these ships embark their families, and withdrawing from the confederacy, repair to Siris in Italy, the propitious spot of settlement pointed out to them by tlie Oracle." This formidable argument con- vinced or alarmed Eurybiades; and it was determined by the majority to remain in the bay of Salamis. The Persian tieet, after continuing three days in the road of x\rtemisium, sailed through the Euripus to Pha- lerus, the principal port of Athens, which lay to the south of the strait occupied by the Greeks. The lleet and army having again met, a council of wnv was held to con- sider the propriety of attacking the Grecian fleet in its present station. As the inclinations of Xerxes were known, his obse- quious commanders, evorts, he might with- out ditiiculty make himself master of all Greece. - The Persian monarch shut his ears agahist these salu- tary 14 A VIEW or tary councils, as he vainly imagined that the Greeks could make only a feeble and ineffectual resistance. Accordingly it "svas agreed to attack the enemy next morning. Themistocles, still apprehensive of the defection of some of his countrymen, sent a confidential messenger to the Persian fleet. Having obtained admission to the presence of Xerxes, he declared that he was sent by the Athenian admiral, who was desirous of revolting to the Persians, to give an account of the dissentions among the Grecian commanders, and of their intended purpose to make their escape during the darLness of the night; adding, *' that an opportunity now offered, by intercept- ing their flight, of destroying at once the whole Gre- cian fleet." The stratagem was successful; that very night the Persian fleet began to move, and formed a semicircle from the point of Salamis to the port of Munychia, and the little island Psyttalea was filled with Persian infantry, to extirpate the remnant of the Greeks, who, after the defeat of their fleet, might seek that asy- lum. Tlie first information of this arrangement was brought by Aristides, who escaping in a small vessel, through the middle of the Persian fleet, arrived at Salamis from iEgina, and forgetting every thing but the good of his country, communicated the important intelligence to TlieniistocJes. Private animosities and political dissen- sions were now suspended; antient enmity was con- verted into generous emulation ; and these heroic rivals now only vied with each other in promoting the com- mon interest of Greece. Aristides accompanied The- mistocles to the council of war, which was then sitting, and delivered his intelligence in person. The truth of his information was soon confirmed by the arrival of a vessel from the Island of Tenos. The confederates, perceiving that they were now surrounded, made a vir-*- tuc ANTIENT HISTORY. 1^ tiie of necessity, and prepared to fight, as it was im- practicable to escape. The Persian fleet, consisting of ICOO triremes, dis- played the naval force of more than half the known world; amidst a crowd of nncouth and barharous names, it contained the most skilful and renowned of maritime nations; and though inferior in the size and structure of the vessels, exceeded in numbers of men any naval armament of antient or modern times. Since the retreat from Artemisium, the Grecian fleet had been considerably reinforced, and now amounted to three hundred and eighty triremes. The naval engagements of the antients were very dif- ferent from our's. Their gallies, always light, however large, and \\'orked by their oars alone, c^juid form in veiy close order, and move in narrow seas. As their principal engine of oflence was a strong beak of iron or brass, projecting from the prow, the sailors always en- deavoured to keep the head of the vessel to the ene- my. The chief object in naval combats was either to bring the prow of their gallies to bear directly upon the enemies broadside, by which a vessel was often sunk, or by an oblique impulse to dash away some of its oars, by which it became unmaniigeable. Hence the im- portance of oars in action, by which alone attacks could be made or avoided in every direction. Various kinds of missile weapons were used, but, except when the at- tack with the beak succeeded, an engagement seldom terminated without boarding. At the dawn of day both fleets were arranged in the order of battle, 'llie Athenian line on the right was op- posed to the Phoenician squadron ; the Lacedremonians on the left to the Ionian division. When the sun arose, the triunpets sounded, sacred hymns and peeans were sung, and the Grecian commanders endeavoured by all means to rouse that spirit and vigour in their fleet which their timid and fluctuating councils had tended to destroy. As 16 A VIEW OF As nothing escaped the vigilance of Themistocles, he delayed the attack till the regular breeze began to blow which was adverse to the enemy. Soon as this wind arose the signal was given for battle. The attack was vigorous and formidable on both sides. The Persians, confident in numbers, and conscious that they acted un- der the eyes of the Great King, fought with more ob- stinate bravery, and displayed a more spirited resistance than on any former occasion ; but the wind was unfa^ vourable to their vast and unwieldy ships ; there was not sufficient space to bring their whole fleet into action, and the number of their vessels served only to embarrass them in a narrow sea. On the side of the Grecians the most steady discipline was preserved ; every movement was conducted with order and reguhirity; because all was under the direction of one commander. But among the various nations which composed the Persian fleet, commanded by diflerent oflicers, little versed in naval affairs, even their courage and enthusiasm contributed to increase the confusion and disorder. While the Athenians and iEginetans had broke the Per- sian line, the gallies out of action, which pressed to its support, ran foul of their own flxet, swept off the oars, and damaged the hulls of the Persian ships. A scene of havoc and destruction soon followed; and the sea itself, says the dramatic historian, (who distinguished liimself on the day of Salamis, and who united the war- rior's wreath with the poet's garland) became almost invisible from the fragments of wrecks and the floating bodies with which it was covered. On the left wing, the Lacedemonians and Peloponnesians completed the victory. Many of the Asiatic Greeks, attadied to the country of their ancestors, and remembering the advice of Themistocles, either declined engaging, or revolted to their countrymen; some of their gallies were taken, the remainder were sunk or put to flight. Among those who perished on this occasion were many persons of high ANTTENT HISTORY. J? Fiigh rank, who sought by their exploits to court the favour of a monarcli who behold the scene of action. Forty Grecian gallies are said to have been destroyed; but the crews were either taken up by other ships of their fleet, or 6aved themselves by swimming to the neighbouring shore of Sahimis. Aristides, with a de- tachment of Athenians, landed on the Isle of Psyttalea^ where a body of Persian troops had been posted to re- ceive, as they expected, Uie feeble remains of the Gre- cian fleet. The Greeks, flushed with success, attacked their astonished foes; and Xerxes beheld from his throne the flower of his infantry cut off, surrounded with an innnense army which could afi'ord them na relief. Among those who escaped in this fatal engagement was Artemisia, the Halicarnassian queen. After dis- playing a more than masculine courage during the ac- tion, and being among the last that fled, she foimd her- self warmly pursued by an Athenian galley, commanded by Amenias, brother to the poet iEschylus. In this ex- tremity, with all the promptitude of female inventioM^ she attacked the nearest Persian vessel, commanded by Damasithymus, a prince of Calynda in Lycia, with whom she w as in terms of hostility. The stroke of her galley was so well aimed, and so violent, that the Lyciaii vessel was instantly buried in the waves. Amenias, de- ceived by this stratagem, desisted from the pursuit, and the queen of Halicarnassus escaped. The important and decisive battle of Salamis discon- certed the councils, and deranged the measures of the Persian monarch. No harbour was at hand capable of protecting the shattered and dispirited, but stiM re- spectable, remains of the fleet. On the night after the engagenaent, it was ordered to sail for the Hellespont. The Greeks, who expected a renewal of the action on the following morning, found that they had no enemy to encounter. The Persian ar»iy disappeared almost as suddenly as their fleet. In danger of perishing for want 18 A VIEW OF want of provisions, they retreated to the weahhy and hospitable province of Boeotia, and thence marched into Thessaly. From the moment of defeat, Xerxes meditated to return with all possible expedition into Asia. Perhaps the punishment of the Athenians, by the destruction of their capital, with the subjection of so many Grecian states, might be regarded as a recompence, or held as an apology for such an expend ve armament and extra- ordinary expedition. His courtiers might suggest to him, that he did not come to Greece to combat against the winds and the waves ; and might impute his inferio- rity at sea to an armament composed of his conquered subjects; they might represent to him, that the valour of the Persians had made him master of Athens, and that he had sent its most precious spoils to the provinces of Asia; they might persuade hrm that, having obtuined the great object of his ambition, he might return to an empire, whose affairs required his presence, and leave to his generals the farther execution of his plans, and the completion of his conquests. Three hundred thousand men were selected from the army, and committed to Mardonius, to effect the con- quest of Greece. Of these sixty thousand were ap- pointed to march as a guard to the royal personage, as far as the Hellespont. Proper provision was made for these, as tliey were necessary to the pomp and safety of Xerxes ; but the innumerable multitudes of various nations, which followed the retreat of the monarch, suffered beyond description during their march, which lasted forty-five days. After living by plunder from friends and foes, they w-ere compelled to eat the herbs of the field, and even the bark and leaves of trees. Dy- senteries and the pestilence carried off the miserable relics which famine had spared, and when Xerxes reach- ed the Hellespont, scarcely a remnant was left of the myriads who, a l^w months before, had marched under his ANTIENT HISTORY. ^0 his coinmand. The bridges had been destroyed by a recent tempest, and the violence of the current; but the fleet was arrived. The Great King, whose ar- mies had lately covered the land, and whose fleets had darkened the ocean, embarked with a small retinue in a PhcRuician galley, and liaving crosjrcd the straits, endea- voured to forget liis misfortunes by plunging into th« most sensual and criminal pleasures at Sardis.* CHAP. XVII. From the Battle of Salamis to the Conclusion of the Persian War. X HE victory at Salamis was the most important and decisive which the Greeks had ever obtained over the Persians. In the first moments of triumph, it was pro- posed to pursue the Persian fleet to the Hellespont, and at one blow to crusli the naval power of the empire. This design, chiefly supported by the Athenians, was abandoned, and the maritime force of Greece employed against those islanders who had forsaken the cause of their country, and attached themselves to the Persians. From them it was determined to exact fines to defray in part the expences of the war. Themistocles, whose great talents as a commander and a statesman were sullied by avarice, raised heavy contributions unknown to the other commanders, and applied them to his own private emolument. The An- drians alone having refused to comply with these exac- tions, their capital w as besieged, but without eft'ect, and the fleet returned to Salamis. - Herod, lib. viii. cap. 100, 114, 126, The 20 A VIEW OF The approach of winter restored a tranquillity to the Greeks, of which they had been long bereaved. Agree- able to the piety of antient times, the most valuable ar- ticles of the spoil were selected, and offered to the gods, their propitious though invisible protectors ; the remain- der was distributed in the fleet and army. By an antient and established custom, it was then to be decided to whom the first and second honors were due for military and naval merit. On this occasion all assumed the first rank to themselves, but a large majority assigned the second to Themistocles.* This indirect but obvious preference given to the Athenian commander, was con- firmed by the general voice of the people and the judg- ment of Sparta. The Lacedaemonians could not refuse the first honours for courage and conduct to their own admiral, who had been commander in chief; but they invented a new kind of reward for the Athenian com- mander; adjudging to him the prize of wisdom and ma- ritime skill, and therefore bestowed on each the honour- able mark of distinction, the olive crown. Themisto- cles was also presented with a magnificent chariot ; and at his departure from Lacediemon was escorted to the frontier by three hundred Spartans of the first families ; an honour, says Herodotus, never gaid to any other stranger.^ After the departure of Xerxes into Asia, the Persian fleet wintered in the ports of Samos and Cuma3. On the approach of spring, the whole assembled at Samos, and remained there to hold the coasts of Asia and Thrace in subjection, as the recent victory at Salamis had removed that awe and terror with which the power of the Great King had formerly impressed the neigh- bouring realms. At this time also, Mardonius prepared to take the field with three hundred thousand men; the flower of * Herod, lib. viii. cap. 23. f Li^- viii- cap. 124. that ANTIENT HISTORY. €1 that army which Xorxes had conducted into Greece, and \>hich was increased in strength by tlie diminution of its superrtuous numbers. Sensible tliat the Athenians were t!ie prime movers of the confederacy, and that their maritime power was a principal suppojt of tht.ir land forces, he attempted to detach them from the Grecian alliance; wisely judging, tiiat if tiiis could be done, the Persian fleet w ould obtain a decided superiority, and the Great King remain master both by sea and land. With this view he sent Alexander king of Macedon as his am- bassador to the Athenian republic. That prince, a de- scendant of Hercules, Mas connected with the Athenians by the sacred ties of hereditary hospitality. Though he was now a Persian tributary, he had shewn himself, as far as his situation would permit, friendly to the Grecian cause. He was therefore well received at Athens, though his commission was unwelcome. But as the news of his arrival quickly spread through Greece, and alarmed the jealousy of the confederated states, particu- larly of the Lacedagmonians, die Athenians, whose en- lightened policy at this period seems to have been equal to their spirit and valour, delayed his jniblic audience before die assembly of the people till ambassadors ar- rived from Sparta. Upon their arrival the public assembly was convened, and Alexander addressed them in the simple but energe- tic stile of antient eloquence. " Athenians, thus saith Mardonius ; the commands of the king are come to me in these words: I forgive the Athenians (til thei?' offences against me. Now therefore, Mardonius, thus do; restore to them all their territories, and add what- ever themselves shall choose, leaving tlieni to he go- verned hy their ozcn laws; and if theif will enter irito an alliance with me, rebuild all the temples zchich have been burntd. Such are the commands of the King. From myself I thus address you: What can prompt you, O Athenians, to persist in making war against qo A VIEW OF against a monarch whom you can never conquer, nOr lono" resist ? To you even the army under my command is formidable ; should that be defeated, ^vliich you have no reason to expect, a greater force will be sent against you. As a friend I entreat you not to expose your country to danger or destruction for a vain contest with the King, but to seize this favourable opportunity of ter- minating hostilities by an honourable and permanent peace. Enjoy your freedom, and let there be a fair and friendly alliance between us. These things, O Athe- nians, 1 have spoke to you by the command of Mardo- nius. In my own name, and from my sincere friendship for you, which my past conduct uniformly proves, 1 be- seech you to accept of the terms proposed by Mardonius; for I see the impossibility of your long contending against a king, whose arm is of immeasurable length, and w hose power is irresistible. Let the situation of your country admonish you, which is first exposed to invasion ; nor reckon it an inferior honour, that you alone of all the Greeks are selected by the Great King to be his friends and allies." Wiien the king of Macedonia had concluded his dis- course, the chief of tlie Spartan ambassadors began: ** The LacediK'monians have sent us to request that you will not lose sight of the interest of Greece, nor listen to any proposal from the barbarian. Such conduct would be unjust and perfidious in any Grecian state, and most of all unbecoming you. This war, which Greece now feels in every part, was originally undertaken on your account. And shall the Athenians, who from ancient times liave distinguished themselves from the rest of mankind, by punishing tyrants, and asserting the liberties of others, become the authors of slavery to Greece. We sympathise in yom- calamities, in the ruhi of your city, and the loss of your harvests for two seasons ; but we, and the other confederates, are desirous of making you reparation, and will support your families during the con- ANTIKNT HISTORY. , 2J continuance of the war. I^t not tlierefore Alexander the Macedonian persuade yon by s}>ecious woids to de- sert tlie conuHon interest of (xreece. A tyrant Ininsclf, he supports the measures of a tyrant. But you know, Athenians, that to tyrants and barbarians trutli and justice are unknown." After a short dehberation, Aristides, who was princi- pal Archon, and presided in the assembly, delivered, in the name of the Athenian people, the following answer to the ambassador of Mardonius ; " We are acquainted widi the power of the Persian empire, and of its vast su- periority to Athens. With these, tlierefore, it was unne- cessary as well as cruel to insult us. Yet to the defen- ders of liberty and mdependence no power is superior. Return then, and tell INlardonius, that while that lumi- nary (pointing to the sun) pursues his course through the heavens, there shall neither be alliance nor peace with Xerxes ; })ut that, aided by tiiose gods and heroes xnIiosc temples he has burned, and whose images he has de- stroyed, we trust effectually to resist eveiy effort of his power. For yourself, come no more to the Athenians with such dishonourable proposals, lest we should forget tliat you are our friend, and united with us by the sacred bonds of antient alliance and hospitality." The reply to the Lacediemonians was in the high tone of offended merit. " Your apprehension that we should accept the alliance of the Great King has perhaps too strong a foundation in the general practice of mankind ; but alter so many and such striking proofs as yon have had of Athenian patriotism and magnanimity, such a sus- picion becomes as dishonourable as it is unjust. Not all the treasures of the Great King, nor the possession of the finest country upon earth, shall ever, seduce us to aid the Persian arms in conquering and enslaving Greece. " The temples and altars of the gods which have been plundered and profaned ; our city which is in ashes, and the tombs of our ancestors wliicli have been violated, call ^4 A VIEW OF call upon us for vengeance. We have also to avenge tlie cause of our allies, who are united to us by the indisso- luble ties of descent, religion, language, and manners; and be assured, that the last surviving Athenian will spurn the barbarian alliance. Your kind offers to our families we gratefully acknowledge ; but their future pro- vision we no\v tak^ upon ourselves. All that we require of you is, to rival us in activity and resolution. Your army must march without delay. Tlie barbarian, as soon as he is informed that we have rejected his propo- sals, will again invade Attica. Let us therefore move with all expedition to Boeotia, and check his progress." ITie dignity and magnanimity of the Athenian leaders on this occasion is equal to any thing which history re- cords; but the conduct of the allies, particularly of the Lacedaemonians, by no means corresponded to tliis en- thusiasm of public spirit. In a few weeks Mardonius, According to. the conjecture of Aristides, followed the tract of Xerxes, and marched into Boeotia ; but the Atlienians looked in vsin for the promised arrival of their Spajtan auxiliaries. No jneasures were taken by their ungrateful and perfidious allies for the defence of Attica. Thus deserted by the cont>3derates, the Athenians were compelled a second tmie to abandon their countiy. Scarcely had they deposited their valuable effects in Sa- lamis, when Mardonius invaded Attica, and took pos- session of Athens. This appeared a favourable oppor- tunity to the Persian general for once more attempting to seduce the Athenians to an alliance with Xerxes, while their minds were actuated with resentment against the confederates, who had abandoned and betrayed them. He therefore sent an ambassador to Salamis, offering the same tenns which had formerly been proposed by the prince of Macedonia. When the object of his em- bassy was laid before tlie council of five hundred, Ly- cidas alone judged it worthy of attention, and proposed that it should be referred to an assembly of the people. This ANTIENT HISTORY. 25 Tills circumstance being divulged to the people, Ly- c'idas, on quitting the council, fell a sacritice to pa- triotic enthusiasm : he was stoned to death. The widow and children of this unhappy man were de- voted to a like fate, by die momentary phrenzy of the Athenian women.* But in the midst of this popular ferment and out- rage the law of nations was respected, and the am- bassador was dismissed without suffering any insult. Ambassadors had been sent from Athens, with Others from Plataea and Megara, to remonstrate with tlie Lacedaemonians on the sliamefid neglect of their engagements. Inattentive to the danger of the Athe- nians, they were entirely engaged in defending the entry of the Peloponnesus, and building a wall cross the Corinthian isthmus, to prevent the enemy from approaching by that quarter. The deputies up- braided them for their base and ungrateful conduct ; ciud contrasted the treachery and pusillanimity of Sparta with the vigour and truly patriotic spirit of the Athenians. Overcome at last by the remon- strances and reproaches of their own allies, the La- cedeemonians determined to take the field. Five thousand Spartans, accompanied by thirty-five thou- sand Helots, were ordered to marcii in the silence of the night, under the command of Pausanias, regent during the minority of the young prince of Sparta. Next morning, when the Athenian deputies came to make their final complaint, they Mere surprised to hear that the Lacedffimoniau army was already on its march to meet the Persians. While Mardonius had any hopes of conciliating the alliance of the Athenians, he carefully spared their city and their territories ; but when he found it impossible to detach them from the Grecian confe- * Herod, lib. ix. cap. 5. VOL. IL. c deracy, 2G A VIEW OF deracy, he again laid waste their country, and set lire to their cities, so that every thing which had escaped the fury of the first invasion was now totally de- stroyed. Having been secretly informed by the Ar- gives, that the Peloponnesians were in motion, he marched into Bceotia, an open and flat country,' conunodious for the action of his cavalry, and for drawing up his numerous army in battle array. He extended his camp for many miles along the banks of ^sopus, from the Theban town of Erythrsea, to the boundaries of the Platasans. The combined army of the Greeks, commanded by Pausanias and Aris- tides, followed him thither, and posted themselves at the foot of Mount Cytheron, directly opposite to the Persians, the river ^sopus flowing between the hostile camps. The Persian army under Mardonius consisted of three hundred thousand men, the bravest and best disciplined of those myriads which had followed Xerxes. The Grecian heavy armed troops, consisting of free citizens, amounted to about thirty-nine thou- sand; the light armed troops were the thirty-five thousand Helots, and nearly an equal number of slaves, who attended the ether divisions of the army; the whole, including the Thespians, who were irre- gularly armed, amounted to an hundred and ten thou- sand. Herodotus makes no mention of cavalry in the Grecian army. The object of Mardonius was to draw the Grecian troops into the champaign country ; where, through the strength of his cavalry, which has always been the chief reliance of Asiatic forces, he promised him- self an easy as well as certain victory. But Pausanias would not move from his advantageous position. The Persian commander therefore ordered Masistius, his general of the cavalry, to harass the Grecian army, ANTIENT IIISTOIIY. 27 arniT, and, if he could tind an opportunity, to attempt an impression. The Megarians were encamped on a plain, and posted on tlie side die most exposed to the cavuhy. ^lasistius attacked them, and was for a A\ hile resisted with vigour. Wearied out at last by repeated attacks, and" the continual accession of fresh troops, their leaders sent a messenger to Pausa- nias, announcing their distress, and intimating their resolution to abandon a post which they could no longer defend. Pausanias was unwilling to issue orders on such an alarming occasion, but expressed a desire that volunteers could be found, who would ex- change situations with the Megarians. The army was silent. The Athenians alone, with that magna- nimity they had all along displayed, spontaneously oft'ered their services on this critical emergency. Three hundred heavy armed foot, with a large pro- portion of archers and pikemen, were sent to occupy this important post. Masistius attacked them with his cavalry, but found his detachment unexpectedly haiassed by the Athenian archers, and warmly received by the heavy armed foot. During the en- gagement, the horse of Masistius, being wounded by an arrow, threw him on the ground. His armour, which covered the whole body; like that of the knights in the times of chivalry, long resisted the w eapons of the enemy, but he was at last pierced in the eye by a javelin which penetrated to the brain. A dreadful conflict ensued around the body of the dead. The Athenians began to give way, after having so long resisted the whole strength of the Persian cavalry ; but being opportunely reinforced from the main army, they at last obtained possession of the body, and put the Persians to Hight. The unwelcome tidings of the defeat of the cavalry, and the death of Masistius, were received by the general and his attendants with tears, and all c 2 the 2S A VIEW OF the violent emotions of Asiatic sorrow ; and the loud lamentations of the whole army deplored the prema- ture fate of one of the bravest of the Persian nobles. I'o the Greeks however this event was an object of no small exultation. They were now taught by expe- rience how to resist the formidable cavalry of Asia; and the body of Masistius, a" personage high in rank and estimation among the Persians, and second in command to Mardonius, carried in triumph through the camp, w as an animating spectacle to soldiers who had felt his valour, and dreaded his success. As the enemy, by their archers and cavalry, com- manded both sides of the iEsopus, the difficulty of procuring fresh water compelled the Greeks to aban- don a situation which was otherwise advantageous. They marched along the foot of Mount Cytheron, and arrived at a plain within the Plataean territory, near the fountain Gargaphia. In this situation dissentions were likely to arise be- tween the Athenians and Tegeans, concerning prece- dency in the line of battle. The Spartans, who had for a length of time been the leading people of Greece, had the command of the right wing as their imquestioned privilege. The Tegeans, who had long been deemed the bravest soldiers in Arcadia, claimed the comm.and of the left, as their post by antient pre- scription ; and though the fame as well as merits of the Athenians were infinitely superior, no custom had established their superiority. The dispute was brought before an assembly of the commanders. The Tegeans enforced their claim in a studied harangue, support- ing it by reciting the gallant actions of their ancestors, and appealing to the Lacedivmoniaus, whose division in their favour they thought themselves entitled to expect. It was answered on the side of the Athe- nians : " The Greeks are assembled here, not to dis- pute about the post of honour, but to fight the barba- rians. ANTIENT HISTORY. 2[) rlans. Were we disposed to boast of the illusdiou*; deeds perfornied by our ancestors, we eould I'md more lionourable vouchers in antiquity than the Arcadians have produced ; l>ut while we maintain tlicir renown, we have our own to support. " Let the field of Marathon bear witness to Greece, and to the world, that we liave not degenerated from the spirit or the glory of our ancestors. There, uuas- .sisted and alone, we fought and conquered in the cause of the whole Grecian conmmnity, and erected a trophy over the numerous army of the Great King, 'i'his victory, had we no others to enumerate, entitles us to a higher rank than the Tegeans. But this is not a time for contests of tliis kind : place us, O Spartans ! where you please, there we will behave like brave men, engaged in the common cause of Greece." At the conclusion of this address, the Lacediemo- nians cried out with one voice, *' Ihat the Athe- nians were more worthy tlian the Arcadians, and en- titled to the post of honour." After the Greeks had fded off towards Plata?a, Mardonius followed them with his army. There were Grecian prophets and diviners in each camp, who for a while retarded the engagement, by predict- ing victory to the party that acted on the defensive, and threatening with a total overthrow the army that made the first attack.* Ten days accordingly elapsed in a state of inaction ; neither army ventured to pass the 4'Esopus. But the impetuous disposition of Mardonius, and the prospect of being soon in want of provisions, at length determined him to disregard the presages of Grecian superstition, and to observe no customs but those of the Persians in giving battle. Accordingly, having called a council of the officers, he declared his * Herod, lib. ix. cap. 37, 38. c ^ intention *30 A VIEW OF ii)tention of attacking the Grecian army on the next day ; and gave orders to prepare for the engagement. Alexander, king of Macedonia, who, though a tri- butary of Persia, was still a friend to the Greeks, mounted his horse at midnight, rode to the Athenian ]ine, and having found access to Aristides, informed him of all that had passed.* The Athenian general immediately w^ent to Pausa- nias, and communicated the intelligence he had received. It was then deliberated in wliat manner they should resist the formidable attack expected next day, and order a battle which was to preserve or extin- guish the liberties of Greece. In the arrangement of Mardonius's army, it had been observed, that the na- tive Persians, the bravest and most expert of the Asiatic infantry, held the left of the line in opposition to the Lacedaemonians, and that the Boeotians and other Grecian auxiliaries occupied the right against the Athenians. Pausanias wished to change the order of the Grecian army ; and proposed that the Athe- nians, who alone of all the Greeks had fought and con- quered the Persians, should again oppose them in the right wing ; and that the Lacedaemonians, who had often defeated the Thebans, and were held superior to all the Greeks, should move to the left. Aristides con- sented, and the Athenians accepted the change with exultation. At daw n of day Mardonius observed that the Gre- cian troops were in motion, and was informed of the change which was made in their arrangement. This induced him to postpone the attack, in order to make corresponding changes in the disposition of his own army. The day was spent in these evolutions, and in some desultory attacks made by the cavalry. A more sei^ous attempt was made upon that part of the Spar- * Hevod. lib. ix, cap. 44, 43. tan ANTIENT HISTORY. 31 tan line Avliich defended the Gari;a|)hian fountain, in which the Persian horse remained masters of the field. At the approach of night, the Grecian army was without water ; provisions also began to fail, as their convoys had been intercepted by an unexpected incur- sion of the enemy. They were thus again compelled to change their position. The second watch of the night was the time appointed to march for the ground they purposed to occupy, w hich w as a narrow valley near the source of the iiEsopus, lying between that river and mount Cytheron. At the same time it was deter- nihied to send a detachment of the army to the moun- tains, to guard and conduct a convoy of provisions to the new camp, l^ut in the pressure of danger, and the alarms of fear, the troops of independent states little regarded the orders of the commander in chief, and instead of halting at the place proposed, dispersed and fled in so many different directions, that the Grecian army presented, on the following morning, the ap- pearance not of a regular march, but of a precipi- tate retreat. The fortunate obstinacy of a Spartan officer was the accidental and extraordinary cause of the impor- tant and decisive victory at Plataea. Anompharetus, who was second in command to Pausanias, urged the sacred laws of his country (which forbid to retreat from an enemy) against the orders of his general. Incensed at the boldness, but struck with the novelty of this conduct, Pausanias detained the Lacedaemo- nian troops, while the others were marching. Aris- tides, ever anxious for the benefit of the confederacy, suspended the motion of his troops, and sent to en- quire into the cause of the delay. At the arrival of his niessenger, A^nompharetus, who had been in high altercation with his general, took up a large stone, and, according to the Grecian mode of voting, by casting a c 4 shell S2 A VIEW OF shell or die into an urn, threw it before the feet of Pausauias, saying, *' With this die I give my vote, not to fly from the strangers." Pausanias desired the Athenian to inform his commander of what he had seen, and to intreat of him that the Athenian troops might regulate their motions by those of the Laced'ci^monians. At the approach of dawn he gave orders to the Spartans, with three thousand Tegeans who remained with him, to march along the hills to the place of encampment ; the Athenians directed their course in the plain below. At last Anompha- retus, abating of his obstinacy, ordered his detach- ment to follow, with a slow pace, the rest of the army. When Mardonius beheld the unexpected move- ment of the Grecian army, imputing their retreat to fear, and thinking he should obtain an easy conquest, he ordered his soldiers to pursue the flying enemy. Having sent the Thebans, and other Grecian auxili- aries, to the number of fifty tliousand, in pursuit of the Athenians, he advanced with the Persian in- fantry against the Lacedaemonians, while the whole army followed with the hurry and confusion of a bar- barous multitude, eager to share the spoils of certain victory. The battle was fought in two different places ; the Athenians in the middle of the plain were engaged with the Grecian auxiliaries, while the Persians attacked the Spartans at the foot of the mountain. The uneven and rugged ground at the bottom of the hill, with the ^sopus flowing at the bottom, were favourable for defence, and adverse to the operations of cavalry. The Persian infantry was therefore ordered to advance ; a fierce engagement began. The Persians, after having discharged their missile '^ capons, closed upon the Greeks, and shewed them- selves. ANTIENT HISTORY. 3i selves, snvs Herodotus*, neither inferior in courage nor in strength. Had the excellence of their arms, or their skill in military discipline, corresponded to their valour, the battle of Plata3a mi-;ht have been fatal to the Greeks. But they wanted defensive ar- mour, and their short weapons were unlit to encoun- ter the lung spears of the Greeks. They acted too without union or concert. Unacquainted with the advantage of a firm and compact formation, in which the Greeks excelled, they rushed forward in small bodies, and were suci:essively defeated. As their efforts began to relax, notwithstanding the accession of new niunbers to supply those who were slain, the Greeks advanced upon them with the im- penetrable depth and irresistible force of their pha- lanx. The Tegeans made the first impression, and the Lacedaemonians, pushing forward, threw the Persian army into confusion. Mardonius, who had flattered himself with an easy conquest, and had sent his troops not so much in order to flght, as to pursue a flying enemv, was seized with anguish and vexation at this defeat. The impatience and impetuosity of his temper led him to form a fatal resolution. Instead of retreat- ing to the plain, and sheltering his infantry under the protection of his numerous horse, he determined to risk the fortune of Persia upon the present mo- ment. At the head of a chosen body of cavalry, he hastened to rally and support his broken infantry. By a bold and well-conducted charge, he checked the progress of the Lacedasmonian phalanx, but he could not break the order, nor pierce the ranks of that firm and impenetrable body. -After the bravest of his oflicers, and numbers of soldiers, had fallen around him, he received a mortal wound from the * Lib. ix. cap. 62. <^ ^ hand S4 A VIE'W OF hand of Aieimnestus a Spartan. The death of the general, according to the custom of the east, w as fol- lowed by the flight of the whole army. Artabazus, the Parthian, and next in command to Mardonius, had uniformly condemned the measures of the general, with regard to the conduct of the v>^ar. As soon as he perceived the rout of the Per- sians, he made a signal for his troops to quit the field : and w ith forty thousand men, ^^ ho were under his nnmediate orders, retreated towards Phocis. The remains of the Persian army took refuge in their fortified camp. Tliey were vigorously pursued by the Lacedsemonians, who immediately attempted an assault ; but, unacquainted with sieges, and the mode of attacking intrenchments, they were baffled in tlie attempt, and repulsed with loss. While the Laccdteinonians had obtained an unexpected victory over the Persians on the hills, the Athenians were keenly engaged with the Grecian auxiliaries in the plain below. Of these, amounting to fifty thou- sand, the greater part, little earnest in the cause, either made a feeble resistance, or fled. The Boeo- tians alone opposed with ardour the army of 2\ris- tides. Athenian valour, however, at last prevailed, and the Thebans were defeated. Here the Athe- nians, with equal patriotism and wisdom, sacrificed their particular enmity to the general cause; for, instead of pursuing the Boeotians, their inveterate enemies, they marched to the assistance of tlie Tace- daemonians, and arrived in time to render this glorious victory complete. Tliey attacked with success the fortification, which had hitherto baffled ail the attempts of the other confederates ; and burst, in spite of all resistance, into the Persian camp. They were soon followed by the Tegeans and Spartans, A panic enervated the courage of the Persians, they could not fight, and the wall prevented their escape ; tlieir ANTIENT HISTORY. 35 tlieir j^rodigious numbers gave a colour to the apo- logy that it was dangerous for tlie Greeks to give quarter. The resentment of a free people, who w ere lighting for their national independence and political existence, sought its gratification in ageneiai slaugh- ter, ratiier than in a victory; and of two hundred thousand Persians, not three thousand escaped the vengeance of the Grecian army. When satiated with t!>is scene of blood, the im- mense riches of the camp drew the attention of the conquerors. Xerxes, when he fled from Greece, had bestowed the treasures which he brought from Asia on Mardonius his brotlier-in-law, and his other favourites. The opulence thus po^:ses8ed by the Persian satraps presented a new scene to the frugal citizens of the little Grecian republics, of which they bad hitherto entertained no idea. This mass of wealth consisted of tables of gold anlcl silver, embroi- dered couches, golden cups and goblets, brazen stalls and mangers, collars, bracelets, and scymitars orna- ^ mented with gold and gems, female slaves, horses and camels, together with many chests of Persian money, wdiicli from that period continued long to be current in Greece. A tenth part of this booty, according to the rites of antient piety, was consecrated to the gods ; the general was presented with a tenth of the remainder; and the rest of the spoil was divided among the con- querors. Offerings of great value were dedicated at tlie shrines of Olympian Jove, Isthmian Neptune, Delphian Apollo, and of Minerva the protectress of Athens. After the battle, a principal citizen of ^jgina pro- posed to Pausanias to avenge the indi5;nity offered by Xerxes to the body of Leoiiidas, v, hich he hung on a cross, by using the corpse of Mardonius in a simi- h;r manner. The Grecian general noblv replied, c 6 ^ '' 'i^hey 36 A VIEW OF " They are little acquainted with true glory, who think that it consists in imitating the cruelty of bar- barians. If the esteem of the JEginetans is to be purchased by such actions, I shall be content with that of the Spartans, whose character consists in moderation, and in shewing clemency to enemies who are humbled or fallen. The manes of my country- men who fell at Thermopylae are sufficiently avenged* by the many thousand Persians that cover the iields of Platiea." Another anecdote concerning Pausanias deserves to be recorded. The furniture of the royal house- hold was found in the tent of Mardonius almost en- tire, and most of the domestic slaves had escaped the massacre. Pausanias ordered the Persian cooks to prepare a magnificent entertainment, as if intended for Mardonius himself. His orders were carefully executed, splendid preparations were made, the side- board displayed a profusion of gold and silver plate, the table was adorned with exquisite elegance, and covered with all the luxuries of Asia. As a striking contrast to the scene, he ordered the plain and frugal supper of a Spartan to be placed by the side of the Persian banquet. H-iving then assembled the prin- cipal officers of the Grecian army, " Behold," says the general, ^' the egregious folly of Xerxes and Mardonius ; living in such luxury at home, they came thus far to wrest from us our simple fare ; and, accustomed to such delicious repasts, ventured to attack men who despise superfluities, and have no wants but those of nature.'* — We shall fmd, how- ever, in the sequel, that Pausanias himself was not proof against the corrupting influence of wealth and luxury. * Herod, lib. ix. cap. 77, 78. Tlic ANTIENT HISTORY. 37 The burial of the dead was considered by the Greeks as an act of piety as well as huuianity. Accordingly, those who had fallen in the battle of Piataea were interred with the utmost pomp and so- lenniity, and monuments were erected in the tield of battle to record their renow n to succeeding ages. The emulation which subsisted between the Gre- cian states always bordered on jealousy, and some- times broke out into hostilities. After the engage- ment, the Adienians and Spartans contended for the prize of valour w ith a zeal and animosity that might have had the most serious consequences, had it not been prevented by the influence of the Corinthian leaders. In a public assembly of the Greeks, to which the question was referred, they propf)sed, in order to prevent a dangerous and, perhaps, a fatal contention, that the first honours for military merit should be assigned to the Platieans, whose zeal and valour had been equally conspicuous both by sea and land. Their commonwealth was too small to ex- cite jealousy ; their country had acquired a name by being the scene of a victory so glorious and decisive ; accordingly the other Greeks approved the determi- nation : Aristldes assented on the part of the Athe- nians, and Pausanias on that of the Lacedaemonians. As the battle of Plata^a was fought in the latter end of September, the season was not too far advanced for taking vengeance on those perfidious Greeks w ho had appeared against their country, under the ban- ners of the Persians. It was determined to march into Boeotia, and to demand of the Thebans the leaders of the faction which supported the interest of the Medes. They w ere given up by their "country- men, and carried to Corinth ; there they were con- demned widiout trial, or the forms of law, and exe- cuted as traitors to Greece. In 38 A VIEW OF In the next general assembly, Aristides proposed the following decree : that all the states of Greece should annually send their deputies to Plateea, in order to offer sacrifices to Jove the deliverer, and the tutelary gods of the cUy ; that every fifth year games should be celebrated there, which shoidd be called the games of lili^riy ; and that the several Grecian states should raise a body of troops consisting of ten thousand foot and a thousand horse, and should equip a fleet of a hundred ships, which should be con- stantly maintained for making war agJiinst the barba- rians. The proposi'tions having been approved and passed into a law, the Plataeaos were appointed to celebrate an anniversary festival in honour of those v.'ho had fallen in battle. This ceremony was per- formed widi much pomp and splendor, and conti- uued to the time of Plutarch. On the day that the Greeks gained the memorable battle of Plata^a, their naval forces obtained a victory in Asia, no less decisive and important, over the remainder of the Persian fleet, which had escaped from the engagement at Salamis. The Grecian fleet had wintered in the harbours of uEgina, imder the command of Leotychides, one of the Spartan kings, and Xantippus the Athenian. Early in the spring ambassadors arrived from the lonians, inviting them into Asia, to deliver the Grecian cities from the tyranny of the barbarians. The Greeks, overjoyed at this invitation, sailed directly for the coast of Delos, where they received intelligence from the Sa- mians that die Persian fleet, which had wintered at Cumas, *vas now lying at Samos, and might be de- stroyed without difficulty or hazard. They immedi- ately set sail for Samos ; but the Persians, alarmed with the ir.telligence of tl eir approach, retired to the neighuouiuig promontory of Mycale, on the Ionian coast, >vherc an army of sixty thousand men was encamped, ANTIENT IIISTOTIY, SQ encamped, under the command of Tlgranes the Per- sian. Here they drew their gallies upon the beach, accorchng to the custom of the antients, and sur- rounded them with a strong rampart. Tlie Greeks followed ihcm to Mycale, and land- ed their forces without opposition at some distance from the Persian camp. To encourage his troops, Leotychides is said to h.ave spread a report, that their countrymen under Pausanias had totally de- feated the Persians at Plattta; a report, v.hicli soon circulated through the army, and by kindling the enthusiasm, contributed to the success of tlie Greeks. The confederated forces marched in two columns ; one under the command of Xantip{>us, composed of the Athenian, Corinthian, and Trsezenian troops, held their course along the shore ; the other, con- sisting of the Lacedaemonians, with the remaining allies, went by the more inland and hilly road. The former division arrived first, and, eager to monopo- lize the glory of the day, }noceeded immediately to attack the camp ; and conducted the assault with such celerity and vigour, that they had already en- tered the Persian rampart before the approach of the Lacedaemonians. Their fortunate temerity v^as justified by the zeal and alacrity of the Asiatic Greeks. The native Persians fought with deter- mined bravery, and supported that military character which they had acquired under Cyrus the Great, None of the other Asiatic troops seem to have me- rited the name of soldiers, accordingly they shrunk in confusion before the impetuosity of the Adie- nians ; but the Persians still remained unconquered, when the Lacedaemonians arrived : they were then overpowered, and almost entirely cut off. In this battle the Greeks suffered more than in any other duimg the war ; and Perilous, conmiander of the Sicyonians, was in the number of the slain. From 40 A VIEW OF From the field of battle tliere was no retreat by land, but by narrow defiles over a mountain. To provide for Lis security in the event of a defeat, the Persian general had detached the ISIilehiaiis to guard the pa^v-es. But this |3recaution, instead of pre- servmg, operated to the destruction of their army. While tiie Spartans pursued the fugitives in that di- rection, the Milesians, instead ot j.rotecting, inter- cepted their flight, and few of them escaped from the general slaughter. Tigiaues, general of the land forces, a\id two of the prmcipal naval com- manders, were slain. Forty thousand Persians re- mained on the field, besides those a\ ho were slain in the pursuit; a small remnant fled in confusion and dismay, nor dared to trust to any nearer asylum than the walls of Sardis, at that time the residence of the Great King ; who might then reflect on " the prophetic tears he shed when he numbered his mil- lions at the Hellespont." The victorious Greeks took possession of the Persian camp, set fire to tlieir fleet, and returned to Samos with plunder and glory. When Xerxes heard of this double overthrow, and beheld in the fugitives from Mycale the poor remains of his former greatness, he left Sardis with as great precipitation as he had formerly fled from Salamis ; retreated to his distant ca|'it?l of Susa ; and to obliterate the remembrance of his past dis- asters, gave himself up to alternate excesses of vo- luptuousness and cruelty. Before his departure, he ordered all the Grecian temples in Asia to be pillaged and burned; an order which was so faith- fully executed, that not one escaped, except the temple of Diana at Ephesus. This mandate was^ not the dictate of impiety, but of religion, as the Magian theology prohibited the use of temples and images. This pious conflagration would procure him ANTIENT HISTORY. 41 him a character for sanctity among the subjects of his empire ; and perhaps, too, the desire of re})air- ing his treasury, exliausted in the Grecian expedi- tion, by the spoil of these temples, niiglit be an ad- ditional inducement to accelerate their destruction ; for he found in these sacred edifices, and appro- priated to his own use, immense riches, ^hich the superstition of kings and j)eople had accumulated during a long series of ages. The battle of Platiea w as fought in the morning, and that of Mycale on the evening of the same day ; a day which humbled the ambition of the Asi- atic monarch, and contracted the dimensions of the Persian empire ; which delivered Greece from the terrors of tyranny and oppression, and restored the Ionian colonies to liberty and independence ; which, by rescuing Europe from the dominion of Asia, and marking the decided superiority of the former to the latter, becomes interesting and important to all succeeding ages. In the league between the monarch of Persia and the Carthaginian republic, it was agreed, that while Xerxes in person hivaded Greece with all the forces of Asia, the Carthaginians should attack the Grecian colonies in Italy and Sicily. The foundation of Carthage, and its rise and progress to commercial greatness and naval power have been already ex- plained. The ambition of the Carthaginians, like that of all mercantile states, was distinguished by a spirit of monopoly, and a suspicious jealousy that other nations might become their rivals m commerce or in power. Twenty-eight years before the inva- sion of Xerxes, they entered into a treaty Midi Rome, w hich had recently shaken off the regal yoke, where the strongest solicitude is expressed to pre- vent that rising republic from cultivating any cor-, respondence with the dependencies of Carthage.* . * Polyb. lib. iii. cap. 22, The 42 A VIEW OF The Grecian colonies in Sicily and Italy, which, in a few years, had acquired such wealth and power as to merit the appellation of Great Greece, with better reason alarmed the jealousy of the Cartha- ginian commonwealth. No wonder then that it be- held with pleasure, the mutual spirit of hostility in the Greeks and Persians. The Carthaginians saw with a malignant joy the long and formidable pre- parations of the Great King, to punish and subdue the Greeks ; and hoping, by the assistance of Xerxes, to crush for ever the objects of their hatred and their fear, entered with eagerness into an alliance which he condescended to solicit. Their prepara- tions were in proportion to their animosity ; they collected an army of three hundred thousand men, and a fleet of two thousand ships, besides three thousand transports.* Hamilcar, the bravest of the Carthaginian generals, commanded this expedition. Both parties adhered scrupulously to the conditions of the treaty, and poured their combined force into Magna Grecia. But the success did not correspond to these mighty preparations. The Grecian colonies in Italy and Sicily were at this time flourishing in arts and arms, and not only equalled, but exceeded the mother country in v^ealth, population, and power. Many causes naturally contribute to the rapid progress of colonies recently established in a favourable situation. Almost all these causes combined in favour of the Achseans and Dorians, the principal emigrants to Italy and Sicily. They brought to a hiippy climate, and a soil of the utmost fertility, a knowledge of agricul- ture, habits of industry, simplicity of manners, and an acquaintance with tlie theory of government, which led to an establishment equally remote from anarchy and despotism ; which, while it fostered a spiiit of independency, shewed at the same time the * Herod, lib. vii. Diod. lib. xi. advantages ANTIENT HTSTOKY. 45 advantages of union and mutual support. Under these combined advantages, the Grecian colonists soon became populous and powerful. At this pe- riod their minds were not corrupted, nor their bodies enervated, by the vices attendant on riches and luxury ; tliey were, therefore, the better able to re- pel the united attacks of Persia and Carthage. If the warlike character and flourishing situation of Magna Grecia facilitated its defence against a foreign enemy, the wisdom and vigour of the Sici- lian monarch, at that time, enabled him to avail himself of all advantages that offered. Eleven years before the invasion of Sicily, Gelon had ascended the throne of Syracuse. He had risen from a pri- vate station to sovereign power; but exercised his authority with so much wisdom and beneficence, that he was universally styled the Father of his country, and his reign was said to have restored the happiness of the golden age. He was ignorant of the treaty ^\ liich Xerxes had made m iih the Cartha- ginians ; for the Sicilian writers, according to Hero- dotus, relate, that he Mas determined to assist the Greeks, if in that moment of time the Carthaginians had not made Sicily the seat of war. They were invited to this island by Tyrillus, the tyrant of JHlimera, who had been deprived of his sovereignty by the renowned Theron, king of Agt'i- gentum. This last monarch had given his daughter in marriage to Gelon, and had espoused his niece. The alliance of the two principal Sicilian states seemed to promise happiness to the whole island, when the appearance of the Carthaginian armament threatened its destruction. When Hamilcar set sail from Carthage, with an army of three hundred thou- sand men, and two thousand gallies, no ideas were entertained but those of conquest. When they reached 44 A VIEW OF reached the land, they said the war was finished, as they dreaded no enemy but the sea. Hamilcar landed his forces without opposition in the ample bay of Panormus, now Palermo, the capital of modern Sicily. The first care of thi» brave and experienced leader was to fortify two camps. One was to enclose his ships of war, which, as was then the custom, he had ordered to be drawn on shore, and to be guarded by his marine forces ; the other was intended for his land army. He had surrounded both with entrenchments and ramparts : but no fortifications can resist valour, when wisdom directs its course, and presence of mind seizes the moment of action. Theron employed proper measures to defend Hi- mera, which the Carthaginians were preparing to besiege, while Gelon was advancing to his assistance with an army of fifty thousand foot, and five thou^ sand horse. On its march towards Himera, this army encountered a detachment of the enemy, and took ten thousand prisoners. Among these was a courier from Selinus, a city near Agrigentum, which had secretly revolted to the Carthaginians. This messenger carried a letter to Hamilcar, informing him, that the cavalry he demanded would be sent on a certain day. , Gelon, who excelled in policy as well as courage, formed a stratagem on this disco- very, which was equally bold and fortunate. He ordered a chosen body of his own troops to advance, during the night, to the camp of the Cartliaginians, and to present themselves to Hamilcar in the morn- ing, as his auxiliaries from Selinus. On the appointed day, Hamilcar was offering a solemn sa:rifice to the stern divinity of T\re and Carthage, who delighted in human blood ; his sol- . diers, attentive only to the horrid act, stood by silent and ANTIENT HISTORY. 45 and unarmed. Tlie cavalry of Gelon were admitted without suspicion. While H[aniih:ar was immulatin^ a noble youth to the sani;»iniary demon of supersti- tion, they stabbed him witli a daL;ger, and instantly set lire to the fleet. Sentinels, posted on the adja- cent hills, notified to Gelon the success of his ca- valry, who availed huuself of Uiis favourable con- juncture to lead his army against the second camp, Mhich at first made a gallant resistance ; but when they heard that Hamilcar was slain, and beheld the conflagration of their ilett, they no longer diought of resistance, but of tiight. A dreadful carnage en- sued. A hundred and fifty thousand men are said to have fallen in the field, or in the pursuit. 1 he remainder retired to an eminence ; but provisions foiling, they surrendered at discretion. Twenty ships of war escaped the flames, and attempted to regain the Carthaginian harbours ; but they were overtaken by a storm, and all the crews perished, except a few individuals, who saving themselves in a small boat, conveyed the melancholy tidings to Carthage. The spoils taken on this occasion were of immense Value. Gelon employed the greater part of them in lidorning the temples in Syracuse. A prodigious number of prisoners was also taken, who were dis- tributed among the cities in Sicily, in proportion to the number of troops they had respectively raised on this memorable occasion. According to the custom of ancient war, after putting irons on their feet, they employed them in cultivating the lands, and in build- ing magnificent edifices for the utility and embellish- ment of Syracuse and Agrigentum..* All the tyrants of Sicily now courted the friendship of Gelon ; and the Carthaginians, who trembled * Cicero Orat. 4tb in Verrviia. within 46 A VIE\V OF within their walls, sent ambassadors to sue for peace. Not elated by success, Gelou received them with no marks of exultation, and offered them peace on the following conditions : ^' That they should pay two thousand talents of silver, to be divided among the cities which had contributed to the expenses of the war ; that they should erect two temples, one in Car- thage, another in Syracuse, \Aliere this treaty should be deposited ; and that henceforth they should ab- stain from the horrid and detestable practice of pro- faning their altars by offering human sacrifices to the gods." Such a shining instance of philanthropy was more honourable than victory ; the splendor of conquest disappears amidst the triumph of virtue, and we for- get the hero v/hen we behold the friend of mankind. Returning to Syracuse after so glorious a victory, he convened the assembly of the people, and ordered all the citizens to appear in arms. He himself en- tered the assembly unarmed, and without attendants, to render an account of his conduct. He repre- sented to them the various measures of his govern- ment ; the uses to which he applied the public mo- ney -with which he was entrusted ; and the maimer in which he had exercised the sovereign authority to which he was raised; adding, that if they had any just reasons to criminate his conduct, his person and life were at their disposal. The profound silence with which they listened to his recital was succeeded by public acclamations from all quarters ; and the r.ames cf Saviour, Benefactor, and Father of his Country, were loudly repeated by a grateful and happy people. The Syracusans, though jealous of their liberty, perpetuated his power as their king,. and passed a decree, conveying the crown to his bro- ther after his decease. When tlie object (5f kings is * to ANTIENT HISTORY. 47 to promote tlie hapj)iness of their kingdoms, they acquire ab.^okile power over the hearts of their people. The unlimited authority with whieh the Syracu- sans invested Gelon, enabled him to render them more important services. He is one of the few characters recorded in history, who, after acquiring the sceptre of a sovereign, and the laurel of a con- queror, became a greater and a better man. Hav- ing no more enemies to fear, he relinquished the projects of ambition, and studied to make his king- dom flourish by the labours of industry, and the works of peace. He conferred the rights of citizens on ten thousand foreigners, w ho had served under his standard with valour and fidelity ; and by incorporat- ing them with the community, added to the popula- tion of the capital, and augmented the power of the state. The encouragement of agriculture was to him an object of government. Accustomed to walk in the fields, he frequently honoured the husband- men by his presence, and animated them by his con- versation ; appearing at their head with less pomp, but with more real dignity, than when, on other oc- casions, he marched at the head of armies. He encouraged the cultivation of the fine arts as well as the necessary. Under his patronage and direction, the capital was adorned with Carthaginian spoils ; and those works of ingenuity w^ere produced, which, in the age of Cicero, were esteemed among the most precious monuments of antiquity.* The golden medals of Gelon, which are still pre- served, and of the finest workmanship, justify the panegyric of the Roman orator. He considered the possession of sovereignty as an obligation to defend the state ; and thought himse'f * Cicero in Verr. a king 48 A VIEW OF a king only for the good of his people. Dismissing the pomp, parade, and licentiousness of royalty, ho assumed its cares and its toils ; but found his zeal for the public welfare amply compensated by tlie supreme delight of conferring happiness on millions. Unfortunately for Syracuse, he died after a short reign of seven years, two years after the victories which he obtained over the Carthaginians. He was but just shewn to Sicily, to exhibit the pattern of a wise and a good king. He was interred without pomp, accordmg to his own desire ; and what pomp could equal the procession of a whole people in tears, following his corse twenty miles to the tomb r A splendid mausoleum was erected by the people to his memory, surrounded with nine towers of sur- prising height and magnificence, and he w as honoured with that religious veneration which was paid to demi-gods and herpes. The Carthaginians after- wards demolished the mausoleum, and Agathocles the towers ; but neither violence, envy, nor time, could extinguish the glory of his name, or abolish the memory of his heroic virtues and beneficent ac- tions, w hich reverence and gratitude had engraven on the hearts of the Sicilians. In a statue raised to perpetuate his fame, the mo- narch was forgot in -the virtues of the man. They represented him in the habit of a simple citizen, such as he had appeared in the assembly of the peo- ple, when he gave an account of his administration. A singular fate attended this statue, and worthy of the motives for which it was erected. A hundred and thirt)' years after this period, Timoleon restored the Syracusans to their liberty ; and in order to erase all traces of their former tyrannical government, he sold publicly the statues of those princes by whom they had been oppressed ; but he first brought them to trial as so many criminals, and they were all una- nimously ANTIENT HISTORY. 49 nimously condemned, the statue of Gelon excepted, whicli found an eloquent advocate in the grateful admiration which tlie citizens entertained for that great man, \\hose virtues they revered as if he had been still alive. CHAP. XVIII. From the Conclusion of the Persian to the Commencement of the Peloponnesian War, JL HE period which elapsed from the conclusion of the Persian to the commencement of the Pelo- ponnesian war, forms the most illustrious a^ra in the history of Greece. While the republics of the mo- ther country triumphed over the fallen myriads of Asia, their prosperous settlements on the Adriatic and the Hellespont intimidated the barbarians of Europe ; the southern colony of Cyrene checked the ferocity of the Libyans ; and their flourishing de- scendants in Sicily obtained a complete victory over the Carthaginians, at that time the most powerful people in the western world. While the north, south, east, and west, bowed to the commanding genius of Greece, one republic, whose whole terri- tory was scarcely equal to a French province, or an English county, rising to a sudden superiority over the rest, stood opposed to the whole weight of the Persian empire, conducted the war with extraordi- nary success ; and at last imposed conditions of peace, as glorious and beneficial to the republic as they were humiliating and ignominious to the Great King. Athens, which now rose to the command of Greece, erected, in a short period of time, anexten- VOL. II. D sive 50 A VIEW OF • sive, though a divided and discontiguous empire. This small, but ambitious state, had settlements on the shores of Thrace and Macedonia, had supreme dominion in the Euxine and ^gean seas, and ex- tended her sway from Cyprus to the Thracian Bos- phorus. During this eventful and splendid period, the ge- nius and taste of the Greeks were as conspicuous as their valour and patriotism ; and Athens flourished in arts, while she triumphed in arms. A history of the events that contributed to this age of glory, which has enlightened and refined all succeeding ages, must be given, not by general description, but in particu- lar detail. When the victories at Plataea and Mycale had put an end to the Median war, the first care of the Athenians was to bring home their families and effects from the isles of Salamis and ^gina. Re- turning to their native soil, they now began to raise their city from its ruins, and to rebuild it on a larger scale. Works of public utility were preferred to those of private convenience. In order to defend Athens from future attacks, it was proposed to sur- round it with walls of an extraordinary height.* The partial confederacy of the Greeks, which was cemented only by their fears, was dissolved by the happy conclusion of the Persian war ; and the jea- lousy of Sparta, at the growing power and reputa- tion of Athens, now began to appear. This impe- rious and domineering state, little disposed to bear a rival, had always watched the movements, and check- ed the rising greatness, of Athens. Jealous even of the liberty of the Athenians, after the banishment of the Pisistratidae, the Spartans attempted to re-esta- blish Hippias on the throne. It was not to be ex- pected that they could forgive them the victory at * Thucyd. lib. i. sect. 90. Corn. Nep. Tliemist. vit, Salamis, ANTIENT HISTORY. 5\ Salamis, tmd the glory of having delivered Greece from the Persian yoke. Jealous with regard to the future, as well as envious of the past, they dreaded the consequences of their new-acquired maritime power ; and w ere afraid that they might assume on land the same superiority which they had displayed at sea, and finally deprive Sparta of that authority and pre-eminence which hitherto it had enjoyed over the rest of Greece. Hence, when Athens began to rise from its ruins, they remonstrated against its walls and fortifications, under the pretence that the Peloponnesus should be the only place of refuge to all the Grecian states against a foreign invader ; and that a city so fortified might, in the event of another invasion, become a fortress to the Persians, The- mistocles (concerning whom history obsenes a pro- found silence during the last year of the war) easily penetrated the true design of the Lacedcemonians, though concealed under the specious mask of public good, and persuaded his coufitrymen to elude the Spartan artifice by similar policy. The senate of the five hundred declared to the Spartan ambassa- dors, that Athens would take no step which was not consistent with the good of the whole, and promised soon to give a satisfactory account of thr-ir measures by an embassay to Sparta. The Spartan deputies having returned, Themistocles was appointed am- bassador to Lacedajmon, and according to a previous arrangement, was to be followed at a proper time by Aristides, whose character was equally respected in both commonwealths, and by Lysicles, an orator of distinguished abilities, Tlie Athenian fortifica- tions were now carried on w ith the utmost expedi- tion. The rich and poor, freemen and slaves, sena- tors and artificers, women and children, all contri- buted their efforts to the patriotic work with un- ceasing perseverance, by night as well as day. The D 2 ruins 52 A VIEW OF ruins of their edifices, temples, and even tombs, were employed as materials on this pressing occa- sion ; and near a hundred years afterwards, the hete- rogeneous appearance of the wall plainly spoke the manner in which it had been erected.^ Themistocles, under the pretence that he waited for the arrival of his colleagues, had delayed to de- clare his commission. At this time some persons from Athens brought information of what was car- rying on in that rival city. Not disconcerted with this intelligence, nor with the consequent reproaches of the Lacedaemonians, Themistocles affirmed, with his usual address, '^ That it was below the dignity of Sparta to listen to the tales of unknown persons ; that the fidelity of Athens ought not to be suspected ; and that the truth should be investigated on the spot." This being seconded by the Ephori, (whom The- mistocles had gained by seasonable presents) the Spartans consented to send a second embassy to Athens, and some of their most respectable citizens in the number. When these deputies arrived at Athens, they were detained as hostages for the safe return of Themisto- cles and his colleagues, who now had brought him the long-expected tidings that the fortifications were finished. Dissimulation was no longer necessary to the Athenian ambassadors : Themistocles therefore, in the name of the rest, boldly declared to the Spar- tan assembly, that the Athenians, in fortifying their city with strong walls, had only exercised the com- mon rights of nature in providing for their own secu- rity ; that after having performed such signal and effectual services to all Greece, it was an insult to suspect them of any intentions that were not honour- able to themselves and beneficial to the common * Thucydid. lib. 1, cap. 89. cause ; ANTIENT HISTORY. i)3 cause ; that they were now in a condition to defend their city against enemies, whether foreign or do- mestic ; and that it was not nnich to the hononr of the Lacediemonians, that they shoidd desire to esta- bhsh their sni)eriority, not on their own strength, but tlie weakness of their allies.* The Lacedaemonians dissembled their resentment, and the ambassadors on both sides returned to their respective cities. Themistocles, ever intent to increase the power of the republic, and to raise Athens to the command of Greece, urged his countiymen to finish the new har- bour at the Pirieus, as the antient harbour of Pha- lerium was too inconsiderable to answer the purposes of a commercial nation. The Piraeus, from its na- tural advantages, which could easily be improved by art, was capable of forming a more commodious station for the Athenian navy j and, possessing three spacious havens, could contain above four hundred vessels. From the time he first entered on office, he projected this great undertaking, and was carrying it on with vigour, when the progress was interrupted by the Persian invasion. Notwithstanding the op- position of Sparta, the work now advanced with rapidity, and by the joint efforts of the citizens, was brought to a fortunate conclusion in the course of a year. The walls were formed of stones of a prodi- gious size, firmly joined by iron bars, and so thick as to admit two chariots a-breast on the summit. The Piraeus gradually became a populous town, and was afterwards connected widi the city by what were termed the long zcalhj begun by Cimon and finished by Pericles. The whole circumference of the Athenian fortifi- cations, including these w alls, and the circuit of the ♦ Diodor. lib. xi. p. 437. Justin, lib. ii. cap. 15. D 3 antient 54 A TIEW 05 ancient city, amounted to about eighteen Englisln miles. Themistocles likewise procured a decree of the people to augment the fleet annually by the addition of twenty ships ; and obtained particular privileges and immunities to be granted to artisans and sailors, in order to encourage their resort to Athens. The object of this able politician was to direct the efforts of his countrymen to encrease their maritime power, and to obtain the empire of the sea. Elated witli the extraordinary success which had attended their arms when acting in their own defence, the Greeks now began to wage offensive war against the Per- sians, and to meditate victories in the very heart of Asia. Though many of the Grecian colonies had recovered their freedom during the contest, Persian garrisons still kept possession of some of their sea- ports in the Hellespont, the Propontis, and the iEgean isles. Fifty Peloponnesian ships command- ed by Pausanias, and thirty Athenian, led by Aris- iides and Cimon, being joined by various squadrons^ from the Greek cities of Asia, swept the eastern shores of the Mediterranean, and delivered the island of Cyprus from the Persian yoke ;. then returning near two hundred leagues towards the west, and proceeding northward to the Bosphorus of Thrace, they attacked Byzantium. That city, so celebrated in following ages, had been founded by a colony of Megareans, had become popiUous and flourishing, but was now oppressed and enslaved by the Persians. It seems to have been considered by them as a place ©f great importance, and was therefore defended with unusual vigour. The siege was long and obstinate ;; it fell at last by storm into the hands of the Greeks. Many Persians of the highest distinction were taken prisoners, and the conquerors were enriched by the spoils of that opulent city. Hitherto ANTIENT HISTORY. 55 Hitherto tlie Spartans had kept the lead in the confederacy. Pausanias their king was still vested witli the supreme command : tlie allies collectively still submitted to their jurisdiction ; but now these powers were to pass over to the Athenians. As long as the Grecians states contended only ^vilh one another, and waged petty wars upon the continent, Sparta, whose form of government had been first established, held the ascendancy in Greece ; but when the necessity appeared of equipping a great fleet to defend their coasts from invasion, and the bolder project was formed of carrying the war into Asia, the Adienians began to open their eyes to their situation ; the idea of maritime power, suggested and enforced by Themistocles, was pursued by the peo- ple ; and the poverty of Sparta prevented her from contending with Athens for the empire of the sea. A revolution then took place in Greece, and from that period the republic of Solon has the advantage over that of Lycurgus. The power of a kingdom or commonw^ealth de- pends not only on its own constitution and strength, but on the changes which take place in the neigh- bouring states. As innovations, and even improve- ments, were prohibited by the laws of Lycurgus, Sparta could not keep pace w ith the other republics, and had no other method of preserving her antient influence but by endeavouring to depress her neigh- bours. This natural progress of things was accelerated by the corruption of the Laceda;monian commander, and the distinguished merits of the two Athenian leaders. The nistitutious of Lycnrgu?, or rather tlie original customs of the Dorians, which he endea- voured to render perpetual in his commonwealth, were so adverse to the manners of nations who w ere refined, or running the career of relinement, that in- D 4 tercourse 56 A VIEW OP tercourse with strangers, either abroad or at home, was strictly prohibited by law. The singularity of Spartan manners could only be preserved by their insulated situation. The long continuance of the Persian war, and the familiar acquaintance with Asiatic luxury introduced by that event, tended to re- lax the severity of Spartan discipline, and to open an entrance to ambition without principle, and dissipa- tion without taste. The fame of Pausanias, which hitherto had shone so bright, now suffered a total eclipse. The large division of the Persian spoils allotted to him after the battle of Piut*a raised him above the rank of a Spartan citizen, above that equa- lity which the rigid laws of Lycurgus demanded. The disorders arising from a sudden flow of prosperity, incident to the best minds, Mere increased in Pausa- nias by its continuance, and in particular by his re- cent victory at Byzantium. Tired of being the sub- ject, though the ruler of S'^arta, he aspired to become the tyrant of Greece, through the assistance of Xerxes. For this purpose he set at liberty the Per- sian nobles taken in the siege of Byzantium, and committed them to the care of Gongylus the Ere- trian, with a letter to Xerxes, in which he promised to deliver Sparta, and all Greece, into his hands, on condition of receiving his daughter in marri-age, and being appointed to govern this new province in the Persian empire. Xerxes gave a favourable ans^ver to these proposals, remitted large sums of money to gain over the Grecian leaders, and appointed Arta- bazus to assist in accomplishing the revolution. Intoxicated witli the dreams of ambition, and dazzled with the prospect of future greatness, Pau- sanias on a sudden assumed a new character, and affected a different behaviour. Ambitious without policy, he could not conceal his designs till the mo- ment of execution ; but exchanged at once the sim- plicity ANTIENT HISTORY. 57 plicity and frugality of the Spartan life for the mag- nificent manners and superb luxuries of Persia. He was surrounded by a guard of Persians, became diffi- cult of access to the other commanders, and dis- played the equipage and state of an eastern despot ; he required extraordinary honours to be paid to his person, treated the allies with insufferable insolence, and by the tenor of his whole conduct rendered the Spartan dominion odious to all the confederates. The lonians in ])articular complained, that they had been no sooner delivered from the fetters of Per- sian tyranny, than they had been subjected to the more severe and oppressive domination of Sparta. The secret comparison which they formed between this haughty, imperious, and tyrannical conduct, and the justice, moderation, and affability of Aristides and Cimon, induced the allies, with one consent, to abjure the despotic authority of Sparta, and range themselves under the generous protection, and gentle dominion of Athens. To the honour of the Spar- tans, they had the moderation, or magnanimity, or policy, to renounce their claim to the superiority which they had hitherto exercised over the rest of the Greeks. The Ephori, who saw that their institu- tions were in danger, waved for a while all other considerations, and sullenly acquiesced in the supre- macy of Athens.* Accused of having carried on a treasonable corre- spondence with the enemy, Pausanias was recalled by the senate of Sparta to give an account of his con- duct. Sufficient evidence of malversation was found, though not enough to convict him of treason ; and by distributing a portion of his prodigious wealth among his judges, he was only fined, and dismissed from his office. The Spartans, to remove the odium * Isocrat. Panalhcn. D 5 • which 5S A TIEW OF "Which the insolence of a single tyrant had excited among the allies, substituted in his place several commanders with divided authority. Pausanias returned in a private capacity with these officers to Byzantium, and again resumed the pomp of Persian manners, and renewed his secret practices with Arta- bazus. His increasing arrogance and violence ren- dering him obnoxious to the Athenians, he was obliged to retire to Colonnae, a city of Troas. There he received an order from the Ephori, bear- ing the solemn form of the Scytale,* to return to Sparta, under the penalty of being declared a public enemy, and traitor to his country. He complied with the summons, and on his return w as brought ta trial before the judges » He was a second time acquitted, and set at liberty, partly by the influence of his enormous wealth, and partly through the de- ficiency of legal evidence, it being the established custom of the Ephori never to condemn a Spartan to death w ithout a full and direct proof of the crime laid to his charge. This was at last furnished by the conduct of Pausanias. One of his slaves, entrusted with a letter from his master to Artabazus, having observed that none of the couriers employed in this intercourse ever returned, broke open the letter, and there found the usual liint to dispatch the bearer^ This writing he carried to the Ephori, who advised him to take refuge in the temple of Neptune ; thither he was soon followed by Pausanias, to interrogate him concerning his conduct ; while the Ejhori, who who were concealed in a corner of the temple, oyer- * The Scytale was a small slip of parchment,, rolled on ■wood, and then stamped with the decree of the comnionwealih. Every Spartan in autliority had a tally, which corresponded with thi3 roller, and upon receiving any commands from the senate, purport- ing to be in lorm of the scytale, he rolled the parchment on his tally, and if the writing kept its proper arrangement, he was cer- tain that the couunand was authentic* heard ANTIENT HISTORY. 59 heard their mutual confessions, and found sufficient grouads of conviction from the testimony of the traitor himself. T\\e hallov\ ed edifice prevented him from being immediately seized; he was permitted to retire in safety ; and having private notice that his life was in danger, he took refuge in the temple of Minerva. It was held unlawful to take him by vio- lence from this asylum ; but the entrance to the fane was blocked up by stones; the walls were sur- rounded by guards, and Pausanias perished by famine. The death of this traitor did not restore his coun- try to her antient pre-eminence in Greece, A few of the Peloponnesian states acknowledged the domi- nion of Sparta, and submitted to the authority of the commanders w ho succeeded Pausanias : all the other members of the confederacy unanimously ranged themselves under the standard of Athens, and en- trusted the conmiand of the confederated fleet to the calm wisdom and confirmed virtue of Aristides. The management of the national treasury of Greece was committed to the same uncorrupted and benevo- lent hands. Hitherto the contributions of money necessary for carrying on the war against the Persians had been imposed by the Spartans ; but in propor- tions so inadequate to the respective ability and opu- lence of the several cities as occasioned frequerit ani- mosities and contentions. The virtuous Aristides exercised this difficult and delicate office with no less prudence than equity. The whole annual tax amounted to four hundred and sixty talents,^* and it was proportioned with such accuracy and impar- tiality, that all the states acquiesced without a murmur. * About ninety thousand pounds. D 6 While 60 A VIEW OF While Aristides was advancing the interest, and enjoying the confidence of his conntry abroad, The- mistocles was doomed to feel its ingratitude and capriciousness at home. His unbounded passion for power, and his too frequently reminding the Athe- nians of the signal services he had rendered to the republic, provoked the resentment of a giddy multi- tude, and he was banished by the ostracism. This temporary ingratitude of the Athenians would not probably been of long duration, and Themisto- cles would have soon regained his consequence at Athens, had not the Spartans, at this critical period, accused him of having been an accomplice with Pau- sanias, and demanded his perpetual banishment or death as the only adequate punishment for his crimes. Themistocles was at this time an unpopular cha- racter at Athens ; the insolent demand was therefore too easily complied with, although the accusation was unsupported by proof. It is true that Pausanias had disclosed his designs to Themistocles after he was expelled his country ; and painting the injustice and ingratitude of the Athenians in the strongest colours, had pressed him to join in the conspiracy ; but Themistocles rejected the proposal with indigna- tion, and refused to join in the plot, though he con- cealed what had been entrusted to him as a secret. He answered by letter to the calumnies with which he had been charged, and represented to the Athe- nians " That, as he had ever been passionately fond of ruling, and would suffer no man to lord it over him, they might judge of the probability of his forming a design to deliver up himself and all Greece to the tyranny of enemies and barbarians." Having been informed that the Athenian people, convinced of his guilt, had ordered him to be seized, that he might be tried by the Amphictyonic assembly, be retired to the island of Corcyra, and from thence to ANTIKNT HISTORY. ()\ to Epirus. Finding himself still pursued by the Athenians and LacedLiimonians, he took refuge at the court of xVdnictus, king of the Moiossi, who liad retained the deepest resentment against hnn, because the Athenians had refused him their aid, \vhile 'J he- mistocles was in the plenitude of his power. Struck however at seeing the greatest man of Greece, and the conqueror of Asia, in his power, that prince received him with generosity, and resolved to protect him. But Sparta and Athens having threatened Ad- metus with war, Themistocles was compelled to seek another asylum, and ventured to retire to Persia, where a reward of two hundred talents had been offered to any one who would deliver him up. His character, the revolutions in his fortune, the versati- lity of his genius, and his facility in learning the lan- guage, and adopting the manners of the Persians, recommended him to the new king Artaxerxes, who gave him a palace to live in, married him to a noble lady, and loaded him with favours and honours. Although there be no suiticient reason to charge him with treason, he had been remarkably attentive to in- crease his private fortune, looking upon wealth as a step to power. His friends had secured, and re- mitted to him his most valuable effects; yet it is said he left property in Athens to the amount of a hun- dred talents.* From tlie eagerness and rapacity with which this was seized by the Athenians, we may fairly conclude that to his riches he in a great measure ow ed his con- demnation. While Pausanias was punished for his crimes, and Themistocles was banished on account of his celebrity, his power, and his opulence, Aristides died of old age, to the universal regret of his coun- * About twenty thousand pounds. trvmen. 62 A VIEW or trymen. He remained in honourable poverty while he superintended the public treasury, and had all the wealth of Greece at his disposal. The republic at his death bore the expenses of his funeral. His son Lysimachus was educated, and his daughters were married and portioned at the public expense. Plato delineates his character in a single expression, "■ The- mistocles, Cimon, and Pericles, adorned the city with splendid edifices, porticoes, and statues ; Aris- tides studied to fill Athens with virtue." By the banishment of Themistocles and the death of Aristides, the conduct of the Persian war devolved on Cimon, the son of Miltiades. His filial affection in discharging the fine imposed on his father, in order to obtain the privilege of burying his dead body, early introduced him to the public esteem. In the two memorable engagements at Salamis and Plataea, he signalized his valour, and attracted the admiration of his country. Aristides conceived an affectionate regard for this young hero, and discerned in his early efforts a capacity for the most important offices of the state. To the talents requisite for public affairs, he added the softer quahties of private life ; and, while his courage and conduct, directed by justice and moderation, conciliated the jarring inte- rests of the confederated forces, his amiable disposi- tion, and indulgent humanity, endeared him to his fellow citizens. ITie first operations of the fleet un- der his command were directed against the towns of Eion and Amphipolis, situated on the coast of Thrace, near the river Strymon. Amphipolis was taken, and, as the country was fruitful, he established there a colony, consisting of ten thousand Athenians. Eion made an obstinate resistance, and its singular fate deserves to be recorded. It was in the power of Boges, the Persian governor, to have capitulated, and to have retired to Asia with his family and all his effects ; ANTIENT histohy. 63, effects; but this he reckoned inconsistent with the 2eal and tidelity he owed to his sovereign, and deter- muied to perish rather than surrender. The city was assauhed with fury, and defended with the most per- severing bravery. Driven to despair at last by famine, he with liis companions mounted the walls^ and threw all their gold and silver into the Strymon ; then descending, they settiieto a funeral pile, inta which they threw tlieir wives and children, after they had slain them with their own hands, and then de- sperately rushed themselves into the burning pile.'^ The whole coast of Europe, which had been sub- ject to the Persians, now yielded to the Grecian arms. Cimon, with the Athenian reinforcements,, with those of the various islands, and the maritime towns of the Ionian coast, found his fleet augmented to the number of three hundred gallies, and therefore in a condition to pursue the enemy into Asia. He sailed directly towards the coast of Caria, and, assisted by the natives, reduced, in a short time, all the Persian fortresses in that province. Lycia soon afterwards yielded to the conqueror. Plaselis alone, secretly aided by the Chians, who served in the fleet of Cimon, made an obstinate resistance • but they were at last obliged to capitulate, to pay a contribu- tion of ten talents, and joni their whole naval force to the Grecian armament. After the assassination of Xerxes, by Artabanus,. captain of his guards, his third son Artaxerxes, known by the appellation of Longimanus, w as raised to the throne. The dangers which threatened a sceptre, acquired by intrigue and assassination, occu- pied the beginning of his reign, and prevented him from turning his attention to the Grecian conquests aiid invasion. But after he was firmly seated on the ♦ Diod. Sic. lib. ii. Plat, in Cimon. throne. 64 A VIEW OF throne, he began to think of stopping the progress of the Greeks in the lesser Asia. Having recovered the island of Cyprus, he meditated the defence of Pamphylia, which lay open to the attacks of the enemy. For this purpose he collected a numerous army on the banks of the Eurymedon, while his fleet, of four hundred sail, was ordered to approach the mouth of that river, to co-operate with the land army. The enterprise which Artaxerxes had foreseen, was now undertaken by Cimon. The Grecian fleet, consisting of two hundred and fifty gallies, engaged the Persian near the coast of Cyprus. The engage- ment was obstinate and bloody. The barbarian fleet was at last defeated, and, being vigorously pur- sued to the coast of Cyprus, the vessels were aban- doned by their crews, and fell into the hands of the conquerors.* Cimon had now on board his fleet above twenty thousand Persians. The army, \vhich was encamped on the banks of the Eurymedon, were still ignorant of the battle, and its consequences. From these circumstances the intuitive discernment of Cimon conceived a stratagem for surprising the Persian camp, which was carried into execution on the evening of the same day. A chosen body of Greeks dressed themselves in the Persian habit, and embark- ing in the Persian vessels, sailed up the ri\er Eury- medon. They were received without suspicion into the camp, as countrymen and friends. Having thus gained admission, on a Grecian signal, they attacked with evei7 advantage an astonished and imprepared enemy. When Cimon had penetrated to the gene- ral's tent, the whole army was seized with an univer- sal consternation and panic ; a few saved themselves * Thucyd. lib. i. cap. 137. by ANTIENT HISTORY. 6.5 by ttlglit, the rest fell without resistance by the hands of an enemy, the more formidable from being unex- pected and unknown. Having gained two celebrated victories in one day, Cinion returned in triumj)h to Athens, with a prodigious number of prisoners, and the immense spoils of the IVrsian camp. After a tenth had been dedicated to Apollo, a considerable pait of the remainder was employed in strengthening the harbour and the fortifications of Athens. Cimon received a valuable share as general, which he bestowed on the public. He erected various structures for the orna- ment of the city ; planted the academy with groves, laid it out in delightful walks, and introduced into it u stream of water. He ordered his delightful gar- dens and orchards to be at all times open to his fel- low citizens. He kept an abundant, but plain table, to which he invited all persons : rich and poor, citi- zens and strangers were made welcome ; and he assisted with his liberality, not only particular friends, but the greater part of the Athenians. When he walked through the city, the servants who attended him, had orders to put money privately into the hands of the poorer citizens ; and to give clothes to such as were in want of them. This magnificent liberality of Cimon was practised without ostentation, or inte- rested motives ; for he acted spontaneously not poli- tically, and with regard to party was inviolably at- tached to the side of the nobility. In the following year Cimon sailed towards the Hellespont, and, having expelled the Persians from the Thracian Ciiersonesus, of which they had lately taken possession, he laid siege to Thasus, whose in- habitants had revolted against the Athenians. This siege is remarkable for havhig continued three years, and for the obstinate resistance of the besieged, by which they exposed themselves to the severest calami- ties 66 A TIEW OF ties of war. It was declared a capital offence for any person to talk of surrendering the city ; and the wo- men, no less inflexible, cut off their hair to make ropes for the military engines. 'The city accordingly withstood the besiegers, till famine had carried off most of its inhabitants. Cimon next set sail to the shore opposite to Thrace, and landing his troops seized on all the gold mines on those coasts, and subdued the country as far as Macedonia. The Greeks were meditating an expedition against the Persian garrisons in Cyprus, in order to possess themselves of that fertile and delightful island, when the troubles of Egypt opened a new career to their arms. The Egyptians, disgusted with a foreign yoke, revolted from Artaxerxes, and chose Inarus, an adventurous Libyan chief, for their king. Neither deficient in valour nor in policy, this prince dis- patched an embassy to Athens, requesting the assist- ance of that victorious commonwealth to deliver them from the odious yoke of Persian bondage, which they had long felt and lamented.* The Athenians, equally desirous to humble the pride and to share the spoils of Persia, accepted the invitation with pleasure, and ordered their fleet of two hundred ships, which was destined against Cyprus, ta sail for Egypt. Soon after their arrival in that kingdom, an army of three hundred thousand men^ under the command of Achsemenes, one of the bro- thers of Artaxerxes, appeared on the banks of the Nile. A great battle was fought, in which the Per- sian general and a hundred thousand of his soldiers were slain. Those who escaped fled to Memphis, the capital of the kingdom ; the victors immediately pursued them, and soon became masters of two divi- * Tljucydid. lib. i. eions ANTIENT HISTORY. 67 sions of tlie city ; but the Persians having fortified themselves in the third, vvhieli, from the colour of it» works, had obtained the name of the white wall, a vigorous siege commenced, which was sustained "with perseverance and obstinacy on the part of the besieged. To make a diversion of the j^thenian forces, Ar- taxerxes sent ambassadors to the Lacedaemonians, with the most profuse oft'ers, to engage them to make war against the Athenians. This ofter being rejected, he raised another and more formidable army than the former, and gave the command of it to Megabazus, a man equally renowned for his conduct and bravery. Exhausted by the fatigues of a severe service, and enfeebled by the diseases of a torrid climate, Inarus was compelled to raise the siege ; and, being defeated in an engagement, retreated with the remains of the allied army to Biblos, a city in the island of Pro- sopis, which is surrounded by two arms of the Nile. In besieging Prosopis, the Persians had recourse to an extiaorcfinary expedient ; by diverting that arm of the Nile in which the Athenian fleet lay, they opened a passage for the whole army to enter the island. Inarus capitulated, and the Egyptians laid down their arms. The Greeks, with their usual in- trepidity, set fire to the fleet, and resolved to die sword in hand, like the Spartan band at the battle of Thermopylae, Struck, perhaps alarmed with their heroic resolution, Megabazus thought it prudent to allow them to retire in safety. They attempted ta reach the Grecian settlements in Cyrenaica ; but few of them ever revisited their native country, the greater part perished in the burning sands of Libya. In ad- dition to this series of calamities, a reinforcement of sixty ships, which the Athenians had sent to the aid of their countrymen in Egypt, was defeated and de- stroyed 68 A VIEW OF stroyed in that very arm of the Nile which had already proved so disastrous to the Greeks. Thus ended the fatal war carried on by the Athe- nians during six years in Eg}'pt ; that kingdom now submitted to the conqueror, and was reunited to the empire of Artaxerxes. These calamities abroad, together with troubles a home, which shall be mentioned in the sequel, pre- vented the Athenians from their long projected expe- dition against Cyprus. They however at last equip- ped a fleet of two hundred vessels, which sailed for Cyprus under the command of Cimon. Having no- tice that the Phoenician and Cicilian fleets were at sea, Cimon determined to bring them to an engage- ment before they could land their succours upon the island. His attack was successful, above a hundred ships were taken ; the remainder took refuge on the coast of Cicilia ; whither being pursued by the Greeks, they were totally defeated, and the Persian detachments who marched to support them involved in their destruction. The Grecian fleet returned in triumph to Cyprus. The siege of Salamis, the next object of Cimon, proved unsuccessful, from the con- sequences of a wound he had received in the attack of Citium,^vhich prevented his wonted exertion. Tired v, ith a war, in \A'hich he had sustained so many disasters and defeats, Artaxerxes sent orders to his generals to conclude a peace with the Athenians. Plenipotentiaries were chcsen on both sides, and the terms of the treaty were as honourable and advanta- geous to Athens and its allies as they were humi- liating to tlie Persians. The conditions of peace were the following: — " That all the Grecian colo- nies and cities in lesser Asia should be declared free and independent ; that no Persian ship of war was to appear on the seas between the Cyanean and Che- lidonian islands, that is, from the Euxine sea to the coast ANTIENT HISTORY. 69 coast of Pamphilia ; that tl»€ annKs of the Cireat Kini^ were not to approach Nvitliin three days journey of the sea on the Asiatic coast ; and that the Athe- nians and their allies should withdraw their forces from Cyprus, and abstain from invading the domi- nions of the Persian king." Such was the termination of a war, which, from the burning of Sardis, had continued with little in- terruption during the space of flfly-one years, a war no less remarkable for its striking events than its important consequences, -and glorious conclusion. A small but magnanimous republic, which tirst re- fused to acknowledge the usurped authority of the Great King, defended its liberty against the whole force of the Persian empire, brandished in its turn the hostile sword, and, making Asia not only the seat of war but of victory, dictated to its haughty invader the most humiliating conditions of peace. \\ hile the treaty was negociating, Cimon died of the wounds he had received at the siege of Citium. He was the last of the Grecian generals who per- formed any memorable achievement against the Per- sians, and was long remembered and regretted by his countrymen for all the qualities which ennoble the hero, or adorn the man. The sudden rise aiid extraordinary progress of the Athenian empire w as not beheld w ithout emotion and envy by the Grecian states. The Spartans, in parti- cular, were deeply Lffected with the rapid prosperity of their antient rival. Their fall from their former pre-eminence in Greece, the command of the con- federated allies conferred on the Athenians, the va- luable conquests and celebrated victories of Cimon, who daily added to the wealth and splendor of his country, were seriously felt by the jealous aristo- cracy of Sparta, who had determined to make war on the Athenians, twenty years before the conclusion of 70 A VIEW OF of the peace with Persia. But the immediate bursfc of their lurking animosity was suspended by a cala- mity sudden, dreadful, and unexpected. A tremen- dous eaithquake laid Sparta m ruins, and twenty thousand Lacedcemonians perished in this devastation. To heighten the calamity, the slaves or helots, consi- dering this as a favourable occasion to recover their liberty, assembled in crowds from the villages, and attempted to massacre such as had escaped the earth- quake ; but finding them assembled, and drawn up in order of battle, by the prudent foresight of Archi- damus, they retired from the capital, and strength- ened by the Messeniaiis, took possession of the strong fortress Ithome, from which they continued to infest for many years the territories of Laconia, The Spar- tans, who were not skilful in sieges, could not expel this intestine enemy ; accordingly, in the third year of the war, they applied for assistance to the Athe- nians, who had acquired distinguished reputation in this branch of military service. Ephialtes the ora- tor, who belonged to the party of Pericles, main- tained, that, so far from assisting an ambitious rival, tiiey ought to congratulate themselves upon her dis- gra<:e, and suffer Sparta to be buried under her own ruins. Tbe generous soul of Cimon adopting better maxims of policy, exposed the dangerous ambition that would thus injure the general cause of Greece, and leave Athens without a coimterpoise. The re- quired assistance was therefore sent under his com- mand ; but the Spartans, suspicious that the Athe- nians favoured the Helots and Messenians, soon dis- missed them, on pretence they were no longer wanted ; and, as the other auxiliaries were re- tained, the Athenians easily penetrated their true motives, and conceived a just resentment for this in- stance of jealousy and distrust. By ANTIENT HISTORY. 71 By the assistance of the Pisaiis, and other states hostile to Sparta, the fortress of Ithome held out ten years. I'lie L''ceda*nionians were so nuicli e>h.;ust(d by this war, that the Helots and Messenians, though at last obhgod to surrender, obtained teims which phiinly indicated the enfeebled state of Sparta : thej were permitted to retire in peace from the Pelopon- nesus with their families and effects. The Athenians, to punish the Spartans for their unjust suspicions, received these wandering exiles with kmdness, and assigned Naupactus, a sea-port on the Crissean gulph, for a place of settlement. Argos, the next powerful republic of the Pelopon-- nesus, at this time weakened by internal commo- tions, could make no opposition to the increasing power of Athens. From various motives, tl e Ar- gives had not joined the Grecian confederacy during the Persian war. Mycenae, with the other prhicipal cities in the Argive territory, either really moved with indignation at this dereliction of the common cause, or glad of so fair a pretence for revolt, loudly ex- claimed that traitors to Greece were unworthy to rule over them, and, supported by foreign alliance, assumed and maintained independence. Similar causes con- tributed to enfeeble and lower the consideration of the Theban republic. The conduct of this state during the Persian invasion was held in detestation b^ the smaller communities in Bceotia, and they unanimously determined to shake off the Theban yoke. The Thebans, unable to assert their superio- rity, gave way for a time to the combination ; but when they btheld the Spartans, after the recovery of Ithc me, in a condition to assist them, they endea- voured, by promising their most cordial efforts against the Athenians, to obtain the aid of Sparta to reinstate them in their former dominion over Boeotia. The proposal was accepted by the Spartan senate, whose 72 A VIEV; OF whose passions and policy were equally interested in raising a rival to Athens beyond the isthmus. Dur- ing tlieir preparations for this important purpose, Myronides the Athenian general was sent with fifteen thousand men to support the Boeotian confederacy. ^ decisive victory which he obtained near the walls of Tanagra, which Diodorus compares to those of Marathon and PIat£ea, established for a time the inde- pendency of the Boeotian cities, and the humiliation of Thebes. Pericles, who had now assumed the government of Athens, placed Athenian garrisons in several of the Boeotian fortresses, and, having sent Tolmidas to scour the coast of the enemy, he next year appeared there in person, a terror and scourge to the Lacedaemonians and their allies; but soon after the rash and precipitate Tolmidas was totally defeated and slain in an attack upon Thebes ; and this important check given to their career induced the Athenians to listen to terms of accommodation. They agreed, on condition that their citizens, who had been made prisoners in the late engagement, were restored, to abandon their conquests in Bceotia, and to relinquish all pretensions to Megara and Corinth. Such was the truce of thirty years, concluded by Chares for x\thens, and Charondas for the allies, in the fourteenth year preceding the Peloponnesian war. This treaty, although it circumscribed the ambition of the Athenians in one direction, left them at liberty to pursue it in another. It threw no obstacle in the way of their long-projected scheme of distant domination. This design, equally daring and magniticent, was finally accomplished by Pericles, ^^hose extraordinary character merits a particular delineation. He was descended from the most illustrious fami- lies in Athens. His father Xantippus commanded at ANTIENT IIISTOUY. 75 at the celebrated battle of INIycale, and his mother Agarista was niece to Chsthenes, who expelled the Pisistratidie. His education was entrusted to the first philosophers of the age, particularly Anaxagoras of Clazomene, denominated the Intef/igejice, from liis being among the first who taught that all human affairs were under the direction of a wise and bene- volent Mind, who presided over the universe. From the studj of philosophy, w hich was then confined to a few, he derived an elevation of mind and a dignity of character, which prepared him to act a superior part in public life : but, though attached to this science, he did not lose the statesman in the philosopher ; but selecting what was useful to his future purposes, gave his chief application to the study of eloquence, the great engine of influence and power in a popular go- vernment. He possessed a natural elocution, which he cultivated and refined with all the graces of art. A strikuig dignity of manner and deportment, an un- common elevation of sentiment, an animated elegance of stile, accompanied with the graces of a melodious voice, operated like enchantment on the Athenian assembly ; and raised him to a kind of absolute power in the hearts of the people. The cotempo- rary poets asserted that he lightned, thundered, and agitated all Greece. The dawn of such superior talents, instead of contributing to his sudden elevation, rendered him the object of suspicion to jealous republicans, w ho fancied they remai ked in liis vigorous and decisive character, something which might bear the common- wealth from its proper bias. His person, counte- nance, and voice, were said to resemble those of Pisistratus, who, by popular virtues and specious arts, had overturned the free government of his country. As Pericles had carefully studied the ge- nius and character of the Athenians, he knew that VOL. II. E an 74 A VIEW 0¥ >n aversion to tyranny, an unbounded love of liberty, and a jealousy of such citizens as were distinguished by their birth or great talents, were the predominant passions of that people. To remove their jealousies, and elude their apprehensions, he withdrew from the scene of public affairs ; and leaving the city for the camp, seemed only solicitous for military honours. His abilities, which qualified him to excel in every direction, soon raised him to distinction in arms ; and he was held inferior only to Cimon in military merit. When Aristides was dead, Themistocles banished, and Cimon engaged in foreign expeditions, he judged it a proper season to appear on the public scene, and assume the character of a statesman. In his absence, he had formed a strong party in his favour by his agents Charinus, Epialtes, and Menippus, before his opponents were aware, and taken a strong hold in the affections of the people, ^vhich their tmited powers and policy could not loose. To shake the credit and authority of his rival, Cimon, vi'ho admired the Spartan constitution, and supported the power of the nobles, he devoted himself entirely to the party of the people. He not only defended the interests of the multitude agaiust the rich and noble, but appeared to adopt their foibles ; he flattered their vanity, indulged their taste for plea- sure and profusion, and carefully kept alive their an- tient antipathy to the Spartans, who, as the haughty lords of Greece, were particularly obnoxious to the Athenian populace. As his fortune did not permit him to equal the magnificent entertainments and profuse donations of Cimon, he made it his first care to insinuate himself into that branch of the ad- ministration which held the management of the public funds. He could then oppose profusion to profusion; ANTIENT IIISTOHY. <^5 profusion ; and, in the absence of private wealth, squandered the treasures of the state. The situation of the times, and some changes which had gradually taken place in the Athenian government, favoured the views and measures of Pericles, to alter the balance of the commonwealth, and raise the consequence of the people. When the Athenians, hi consequence of the Spar- tan incapacity, and the treachery of Pausanias, were raised to the command of the fleet, they were also appointed to the management of the national trea- sury of Greece. A system of conquests by sea, of maritime empire, and at last, dominion over her allies, was the natural consequence of the particular situation of Athens at that period. The annual subsidy entrnsttd to the administra- tion of the Athenians, amounted to four hundred and sixty talents ; from this, and other resources, ten thousand talents had been gradually amassed. This common treasure was deposited at Delos, but was entirely at the command of the Athenians ; nor was their disposal of these public funds accounted for to the other states of the league. Their sove- reignty over the persons of the allies w'as as firmly established as over their fortunes ; while the military authority of Cimon Mas strengthened by the aflfectioh and gratitude of the Asiatic and other Greek-, whom he rescued from danger, or delivered from oppres- sion. Besides the subsidies in money with which the allies were taxed, they were obliged to furnish their complement of ships and of men. Many of the scattered islands and petty states, grew weary of per- petual hostilities, when there were no enemies to in- vade, and no dangers to alarm ; and were desirous of repairing the ravages of war, by an assiduous atten- tion to the arts of peace. The Athenians took ad- E 2 vantage 76 A VIEW OF vantage of this disposition, ^^ hich began to prevail among the allies, and allowed such states as were averse to the toils and the dangers of war, to com- pound for military service, by furnishing a certain number of ships, and an annual contribution of money. Two important consequences followed from this event ; an increase of their revenue, and an extension of their empire. This contribution, at first voluntary, soon amounted to a hundred thou- sand pound. It was gradually augmented and raised by Pericles, to three times the original sum.'*^ A prodigious income, considering that the proportional value of money to labour, was then ten times higher than at present. The power and empire of the Athenians were ex- tended by the same means. The allies, from being warlike in the field, began insensibly to lose their martial spirit ; and applying to husbandrj', or menial trades, acquired the mean and degrading spirit of these professions. The Athenians, on the other hand, being continually engaged in maritime or mi- litary expeditions, acquired courage, ambition, a spirit of enterprize, and all the qualities which lead to superiority and dominion. Thus the people pur- chased masters to themselves at their own expence ; and tiiey who had formerly been confederates and allies, became now, in some measure, the subjects and tributaries of the Athenians. Other states, who penetrated the policy, and wished to prevent the designs of the ruling republic, withdrew from its command ; but this proved only fatal to themselves ; for these refractory states being subdued, became an accession to the dominion of the Athenians. Thus their superiority at sea was strengthened by the conquests of ^gina and Eubcea ; * Thucvdid. lib. 1. and ANTIENT HISTORY. 77 and thus the contumacy of the lliasians afforded u pretence for tlic seizure of their gold mines, and served to increase the funds of the republic. Tlie contributions to the general deposit, uhich were at first voluntary, nere soon converted into a permanent revenue ; from which period, the Athe- nians adopted a jfixed scheme of conquest, and a concerted system of command. As republics ar« the most despotic of all governments, imperious ex- actions were often made, and tyrannical decrees enacted by the assembly of the people, that affect- ed the independency of the inferior states in alli- ance ; till the sovereignty of Athens became so firmly established on precedents and habit, that many of th« petty republics deemed it expedient to negociat« terms of submission. Not satisfied with this natural current of dominion, they embroiled themselves in the quarrels of their neighbours to extend their own power ; and holding out protection to every free city, found, in its intestine commotions, nevy means of usurpation, and, in its foreign wars, new subjects of conquest. The Megareans applied for their aid against Corinth ; and the consequence was, the stationing of an Athenian garrison in the citadel of Megara : the Milesians required their assistance against Samos ; and the result of the alliance with Miletus was the possession of Samos. Whenever they were called to the assistance of a state or city against its enemies it was their constant policy to send some of their superfluous numbers to inhabit part of the conquered or ceded territory ; and such a colony was always found to be an encroaching neighbour, and hi times of trouble an imperious gar- rison.* So attached were the Athenians to this mode of colonization, that Pericles sent out a num- • Tbucydid, lib. 1. Diod. Sic. lib. 13. E 3 ber 78 A VIEW OF ber of emigrants, w'h states in Asia, whose people took the appellation of Dorians. The colonies which migrated to Ionia from Athens, after the death of Codrus and the abolition of the royalty, carried along with them the principles of li- berty, \\hich at that time distinguished the Athenians, and became general in Greece. While they retained the same ingenuity, the same enthusiasm, and the same poetical and pleasing system of superstition which they derived from their I^uropean ai'.cestors, they possessed advantages peculiar to themselves. Harassed by internal dissentions, and torn by the struggle of contending factions for power, iVdiens continued in poverty and barbarity till the time of Solon ; but its colonies in tlie east enjoyed. profound r. 4 peac/ 104 A VIEW OF peace, and acquired sudden prosperity. From their vicinity to Phrygia and Lydia, the best cultivated and most opulent regions of Lower Asia, they learned the arts of industry and ingenuity ; to dye wool, to work mines of gold, to mould figures in bronze, and to cultivate the fine arts. Availing themselves of their situation, they turned their attention to foreign commerce, which had been neglected by the Phry^ gians and Lydiaus. Commanding the mouths of great rivers, and possessing convenient harbours, they soon made such progress in maritime and inland trade as raised several of dieir cities, particularly Miletus, Colophon, and Phocaea, to wealth and power."*^ In the eighth century before Christ, they had an inter- course with Egypt, and for a length of time monopo- lized the trade of that country. Thus blessed by the advantages of nature, and enriched by the acquisitions of art, they felt a desire, or found a demand for new and more refined pleasures, and began to cultivate the elegant arts and amusements which spring from leisure, and minister to luxury. Elegance, gaiety, tenderness, and sometimes dignity, characterise the Ionian muse. The passionate and tender Sapplio breathed the sensibility and ardour of love ; while her lover Alcaeus, though he chiefly indulged the gay and sportive strains of the muse, possessed a genius fitted for subjects of greater dignity.* Voluptuous gaiety, the pleasures of love and of wine, are the sole themes of Anacreon, as they were the chief pursuit of his life. The chaiacter of an elegant voluptuary is uni- formly preserved in his works ; and his style- is dis- tinguished by an original simplicity, purity, and sweet- ness. Tlie tender Simonides indulged the plaintive tones of elegy, and melted the heart to sorrow. Ste- sichorus attempted higher strains, and sung of battles » Strabo, p. 582. t Quintil. lib. x. cap. 1 , and ANTIENT HISTORY. 105 aud heroes. But of these poets, celebrated by the Greeks, and imitated by the Romans, a few fragments only remain, sufficient to make us regret tlie injury that we have sustained by the ravages of time. Painting and sculpture, as well as poetry, arose in the delightful and inspiring climate of Ionia. The Grecian religion, which was so favourable to the cul- tivation of poetry, was no less propitious to the pro- giess of the other imitative arts. When wealth and retinement are introduced among a people, they aspire to have temples worthy of their divinities, and statues that represent and seem to realise their perfections. The popular superstition was happily adapted to the art of the painter and the statuary. Abstract essences and metaphysical powers were unknown to the Gre- cian theology. As the divinities of Greece were be- lieved to possess the human form, though infinitely more perfect and sublime, the artist, by comparing and selecting the elegant forms of natme, and exalting Ins conceptions to ideal excellence, could, without shocking probability, give a supernatural dignity to his work. The happy climate of Ionia too, pro- ducing the human figure in its most exquisite propor- tions, exhibited that living and real beauty which in less favoured regions is the work of fancy or ab- straction. In the seventh century before our era, tlie elegant arts and productions of the lonians embellished the wealthy capital of the Lydian kings, and were dif- fused over the dominions of the European Greeks. Alarmed by the incursions of a Cimmerian horde, many of the Ionian artists emigrated to the wealthy cities of Sicyon and Corinth, where they found pro- tection and encouragement. Bathycles, a native of Magnesia, celebrated for its painters, fixed his resi- dence at Sparta. By order of the senate, he made the throne of the Amyclean Apollo, the statues of F 5 Diana 106 A TIEW OF Diana Leucophryne, of the Graces and the Hours, and all the other ornaments withm the consecrated' precincts of the temple. I'he following century, Scillis and Dipenus, natives of Crete, enriched many cities in Europe, as well as in Asia, by their produc- tions ; and soon afterward Anthermus and Bupalus gave to the world lliose works which v\ ere the admi- ration of the most enlightened ages of Greece and Rome. The ring of Poiycrates, the tyrant of Samos, made by Polydorus, and mentioned with such ap- plause by Pliny,* was likewise the work of this age. But Athens gradually surpassed the fame of her colonies, and became the seat not only of empire but of literature, the fine arts, and philosophy. The conquest of Lydia, by Cyrus the Great, con- tributed to this event. Croesus, tlie magnificent monarch of that wealthy kingdom, had assembled the Ionian sages and men of letters at his court. When the Lydian monarchy was annexed to the Persian empire, literature took refuge at Athens, to which Pisistratus and his son Hipparchus invited the learned and ingenious, to embellish their court, and polish the Athenians. I have mentioned that Pisistratus collected the Fiiad aad Odyssey of Homer, and in- stituted a public library for the benefit of men of science. TJis son Hipparchus augmented the col- lection of books begun by his father, and extended the same patronage and protection to the leafned. He gave a pension to the poet Shnonides to rtside at his court, and sent a fifty-oared galley to bring Anacreon to Athens. After the expulsion of the Pisistratida^ literature and refinement declined among the Aliitnians. An ansetlied government, torn by the factions of Clis- * lib. xxxvii. Sect. 4. thenes- ANTIENT HISTORY. 107 l?ienc.s and Tsagoras, and subject to rapid revolutions was iittlo adapted to the cultivation of letters or an intercourse of the muses. A higli-spuited people AVere more intent on action than speculation, and had to run their career in arms before they began their progress in art,*<. A rude kind of diama had been introduced, and was exhibited in the villages of At- tica in the cart of Thespis ; louia had sent philoso- phers to preside over the education, and form the minds ofllie illustrious vouth; but no art or science lioiuished at Athens till after the Persian war. The singular and splendid events of that war heightened the spirit and ardour of the Greeks, and gave a new elevation and enthusiasm to the Athenian character. The spoils of Asia enriched the con- querors of Mardbnius and Tigranes. The profusion* of gold and silver found in the Persian camp after the battles of Plata^a and Mycale ; the iiundation of wealth poured into the country from the succeeding victories of Cimon, when Greece waged offensive war against Asia for plunder as well as victory, en- riched individuals as well as the state, and was dif- fused among the body of the people. Cimon, whose original patrimony was insulficient to discharge his father's debt to the public, suddenly became pos- sessed of such immense wealth, that feasting the Athenian people was to him an ordinary expence. The redemption of prisoners taken in battle pro- duced anew accession of wealth to the conquerors ; while the former, employed in menial arts and handi-- craft trades, gave leisure and competence to the latter to enjoy a higher rank, and pursue more elevated occupations. The companions and fellow-soldiers of Miltiades, Themistocles, Anstidcs, and Cimon> appeared in the public assembly with the conse- quence of those w ho had foudit the battles, contri- buted to the victories, and shared in the glories of F Q. ihe'm 108 A VIEW OF their country. Persons so elevated by national pride and personal importance, disdained to practise the mechanical professions ; to fmd them more conge- nial and elegant employment, a decree passed prohi- biting slaves from the exercise of painting and sculp- ture. Thus the mechanical and liberal arts \yere separated at Athens ; and the latter being appro- priated to free citizens, received additional dignity. From that period the most ambitious mind disdained not the pencil or the chisel ; the labour as well as the design enobled genius and led to fame. Hence gran- deur of conception was combined with the most elegant execution ; nor was the time employed on the work any consideration to the artist who laboured for immortality. The celebrated statue of Laocooii employed the lives of a father and his two sons.* Another circumstance which contributed to the progress of refinement and the arts at Athens, was the administration of Pericles, who, besides an ele- gant taste derived from nature and improved by edu- cation, possessed a liberal spirit and unbounded power. Pericles comes not at present to our view as the minister, or rather dictator of the republic, but as a patron of letters ; enlightened by the philo- sophy of Anaxagoras, and polished by his intercourse with the accomplished Aspasia, he saw' and felt the -value of those arts which adorn society and reiine manners. With a taste for the liberal arts and sci- ences, Pericles enjoyed the most ample means of re- warding them. The bank of the general contribu- tions had been removed from Delos, and no imme- diate exigency demanding the application of these treasures to the common cause, he converted them to the purposes of embellishing the city, with a zeal and assiduity that soon rendered Athens the orna- * Fiin. lib. iy?.iv. f»p. 7. me^it ANTIENT IIISTOUV. 109 ment of Greece, and gave it the empire in ai t.^ as well as in arms ; nor did Pericles lind it difficult to pro- cure the consent oi his countrymen to this use of the public funds, and to emj)loy in adorning tlie city the treasures which had been given for ils detei^ce. Dra- matic poetry, philosophy, architecture, sculpture, and painting were r.ow cultivated with success, and at- tained to disthiguislied honours. DRAMATIC POETRY. Tlieatrical entertainments form, in all countries, a curious and useful subject of speculation, as they not only mark the national feelings and character, but give additional strength to those feelings, and that charac- ter, from which they are derived. But in Greece the theatre was an object of capital importance and dignity ; dramatic representations formed a striking part of religious worsliip, and the expence of sup- porting them exceeded that of the army and navy together. No people v/ere ever so passionately at- tached to these entertainments as the Athenians. Their chief employment and delight was to amus« themselves m ith works of genius and taste, and to judge of the dramatic performances that were repre- sented by public authority several times in the year, particularly at the feasts of Bacchus, \\hen the tragic and comic poets disputed for the prize. So widely diffused was this taste, that the common people com- mitted to memory the fine passages of this poet, and learned to repeat the philosophical sentiments and poetical numbers of Euripides. The drama, in antient as in modern Europe, arose from the ceremonies of religion. The names of Tragedy* and Comedy t sufficiently point out their origin. Amidst the festivity and joy of the vintage, * Tfayaiha, thie 9png of the Goat. t Kufxioha, the sopg of the Village. the fl<^ A \I1£W OF t%e Greeks had been early accustomed to sing the- praises of Bacchus in extemporary strains. At these festivals they had been accustomed not only to chaunt Dilhyrambic hymns to the bountiful god of wine, but also to represent by action the exploits and at- chievenients ascribed to him by the poets, and trans- mitted by antient tradition. Dramatic imitation, being established m the sacred ceremonies, ^vas gra- dually extended ;- and the poets, instead of recitmg,, represented the striking events or agreeable flctions-^ of antiquity. As the more serious parts of the Dio- nysian festival gave rise to tragedy, so the gayer and' more ludicrous introduced comedy. The Athenians were extremely addicted to raillery and' inventive, and at the vintage festival gave a loose to the wildest and most licentious extravagance. The women masked, and disguised with lees of wine, and the men dressed in rude grotesque habits like satyrs, vented- such irregular sallies as their inebriated imaginations- furnished on the instant. The satire and scurrility they indulged in these village amusements, their masks and disguises in the hairy habits of satyrs, then- wanton songs and dances at the phallic ceremonies,, form a complete outline of the first drama. When- dialogue and repartee were added, it became a masque, and in this state it is discovered in very early times in the villag'es. Havhig assumed the shape of the drama, it attracted the curiosity of the villagers ; who, in return for their anmsements, decreed to the performer a prize, which consisted of a cask of wine. The first form of these dramatic ex- hibitions was very different fiom their subse- quent improvements; yet, to shew the attach- ment of the Greeks to their antient customs, they always rttained the song of the chorus as a principal part of the performance, the custom of concealing die faces of the actors with a mask, and the distribu- tion of prizes to the most successful competitor. EveaA ANTIENT IIISTCTRY. VIV Even tlie dark bombast of the Ditbyrambic hyiaii- continued till the time of ilifiichylus, and marls some of liis tragedies; and the licentiousness and obscenity of the vintage songs distinguished and disgraced Athe- nian comedy till the age of Menander. Rewarded with the praise of the villages, the rural poets were led by a natural ambition to exhibit their dramatic entertainments at the capital. Accordingly, in the fifty-fourth Olympiad, Susaiion, a native of Icarius, presented a comedy a tAthens on a moveable stage or scaffold. This was the first drama exhi- bited in that city ; the author on these occasions was tJie actor of his own piece ; and tlie rude interludes of Bacchus and the satyrs v\ere introduced occasion- ally by the Sileni and Tityri, \\hose songs and dances were episodical to tlie drama. Comedy at that time appears not to have been committed to writing. The first author of written comedy, was Epicharmus the Sicilian, who being enter tahied in an elegant court at Syracuse, rejected the mummeries of the satyrs, and composed his drama on a more regular and re- fined plan. Tragedy was of a later invention and owed its rude beginnings to Thespis, who introduced one actor to the relief of the chorus, whose songs and dances formerly constituted the whole drama. From Thes- pis, tragedy descended through Pratinas, Carcynus, itnd Phrynichus, to iEs( hylus, the first tragic poet whose works have been transmitted to posterity. When this new species of composition was intro- duced, many ingenious competitors began to enter the career of fame, and to contend for theatrical ho- nours. Thespis was succeeded by Pratinas, a native of Peloponnesus, who wrote fifty tragedies. He entered the lists with Chcerilus and iEschylus, before tlie battle of Marathon, and gained the prize by one- of his compositions. Phrynicus* 112 A VIEV; OF Phryiiichiis was the disciple of Thespis. He first iatrodiiced the measure of tetiameters, as the trochaic foot is most proper for dancing, and the drama of that age wds accompanied with dances chaiacteristic and explanatory of the fahle. Dancing was so es- sential a part of the early drama, and the people w ere so much attached to the old Bacchanalian customs, that the early refoi mers of tragedy found it a dithcult task to make the dance accord to the subject of the scene. This part of the spectacle was generally un- .der the direction of the poet, v.ho was often a princi- pal performer ; but when lie was incompetent to this part of his dLity, he called in the assistance of a pro- fessed ballet-master, who formed dances upon the hi- cideiits of the play, and instructed the chorus how to perform them. '^Phe tragedy of Phrynichus, on the siege of Miletus, the capital of Ionia, which had been lately sacked by the Persian troops, made a most wonderful impression on the audience. The deplo- rable fate of a city, founded by one of their colonies, and \^ hose mournful story was recent in their remem- brance, dissolved the whole audience into tears, and operated so powerfully on the patriotic feelings of the Athenians, that the magistrates prohibited, by a public edict, any poet in future to recall that melan- choly subject. This author bore away the prize by his tragedy the Phenissae, which Themistoeles was at the charge of representing. From this drama JEiS- chylus took the design of his celebrated tragedy the Persie. Literary excellence of every kind does not rise from sudden and single efforts, but from gradual and progressi\e attempts. There were heroic poets before Homer, and dramatic authors of reputation before iEschylus. The theatre had now assumed a new form. In- stead of scaffolds or booths, which contained both the spectators and the actors, a building of more solid material ANTIENT IIISTOHY. 11.1 materials and of a more regular form was constructed, llie actors wore masks adapted to the charaelers which they represented, were adorned with long robes and flowing trains, and trod the stage in buskins. ^schylus was the son of Euphroion a)i Athe- nian, and born in the last year of the sixty-third Olym- piad. He had attained the flower of manhood at the battle of Marathon, in which he acquired distin- guished renown. His three brothers, Aminias, Eu- phorion, and Cynegyrus, signalized their valour in the same action, and shared the honours of the vic- tory. Though iEschylus had reasons, which all pos- terity have approved, to set a high value on his poet- ical talents, yet, like Alceeus, he preferred his military character to his literary one, and, in the inscription which he composed for his tombstone, he appeals to the field of Marathon and the long-haired Mede. The brave and gallant spirit which glowed in hie family gives a strong and manly colouring to his compositions. His genius, like his valour, is keen and daring, and his pen, like his sword, is a weapon of terror. The spectacle which his drama exhibits, is that of one sublime though simple scene of awful magnificence. His sentiments and his diction accord with his subject ; and though he is accused of having written his tragedies in a state of ebriety, yet they do not discover the traces of a disordered fancy, though often of an inflated imagination. Attentive to every subsidiary art which could give success to his dramas, he instructed the chorus in the dances introduced into the piece, and taught the per- formers to dress witli elegance and propriety. His taste in these decorations was so dignified and correct, that they were imitated by the priests and ministers of religion in their sacred vestments. The dances which he composed for his tragedy of the seven Chiefs were peculiarly adapted to the scene, and performed f^t4 A VIEW OF performed with extraordinary applause. He some-^ times exceeded the just bounds of dramatic effect. Iji his tragedy of the ILumenides, Orestes is repre- sented at the bottom of the theatre, surrounded by tlie furies, laid asleep by Apollo. Upon their awaking with wildness and despair in their looks^ gestures and accents, the whole theatre was petritied with horror ; pregnant women brought forth the un- timely fruit of their womb, and children died of the fright. So dreadful was the scene, that the magis- trates interposed to prevent such spectacles in fu- ture, and reduced the number of the danceis from, fifty to twelve. The candour of this poet is apparent from his well-known declaration, *' That his tragedies were but fragments from the magnilicent repasts of Ho- mer." The elevation and dignity of his mind are equally conspicuous from the remarkable appeal which he made when the dramatic prize was voted to one of his competitors from prejudice and envy — *^ I appeal to posterity," said iEschylus, " and to posterity 1 eonsLcrate my works, in the assurance diat they will receive that reward from time, which the partiality of my cotemporaries refuses to bestow." This prophetic appeal was soon verified, for after his decease tlie Athenians held his name in the highest veneration, and enacted a decree for defraying the expence of representing his tragedies out of ihe public treasury. Eight of his tragedies iHiceived the ])rize during his life, and more after his death. A statue was erected to hi& memory at Athens, and a painting was publicly exhibited representing his valour in the battle of Marathon. In the latter part of his life he retired to the court of Hiero in Sicily, where he w as received with the honours due to his genius ; and after residing there about three years, died in the sixty-nhith year of his age. When* ANTTENT HISTORY. IlcM When iE^chylus was in the sole possession of tJic theatre, and applauded by the public voice, a young rival started up to dispute with him the palm of dra- matic poetry. This was Sophocles. Pie was born at ('oloima, a considerable village in Attica, in the second year of the seventy-fir^t Olyinpiad. Ho stu- died in his compositions to attain a regular, sup- ported dignity, and avoiding the sounding, swelling,, gigantic diction of iEj^^cliylus, which resembles the tumultuous shouts of battle, rather than the nobler harmony and silver sound of the trumpet. His first production gained him distinguished applause. When the bones of Theseus were brought to Athens by Ci- mon, a dispute was appointed between the tragic poets : Sophocles had the boldness to enter the lists with iEschylus, and the felicity to carry the prize. An union of dignity and ease, of strength and soft- ness, characterise the Sophoclean buskin. From the peculiar ssvcetne.^s of his diction, he was stiied the Attic Bee. He retained the vivacity and vigour of his genius to extreme old age. His ungrateful and impious children summoned him before the judges, on the pretence of lunacy, that they might obtain a decree to take possession of the estate. He made no other de'ence than by reading the tragedy of Oedi- pus at Colonna, which he was then composing. The judges were delighted m ith tlie performance, and he carried his cause unanimously. He was twenty times crowned victor in the dramatic contests, and is &aid to have expired in a raptine of joy, on being de- clared victor contrary to his expectation. He died in his ninetieth year, and the ligure of a hive was placed upon his tomb, to perpetuate the appellation which had been ascribed to him from the sweetness of his verses. Euripides was born in the first year of the seventy- fiftlL 116 A VIEW OF fifth Olympiad* at Salamis, whither his father Me- iiesarchiis and his mother CUto had retired, \vhen the Athenians left their city at the approach of Xerxes. He applied himself at first to the study of philosophy, and had the celebrated Anaxagoras for ins master ; but the dangers which threatened that illustrious sage, who had nearly fallen a victim to his philosophical tenets, inclined him to the study of dramatic poetry, which had risen to high re- putation. He was the scholar of Socrates, and his works discover his profound application to philo- sophy. Euripides is the most tender and pathetic of all the Grecian dramatic authors. Alexander of Pheroe, a cruel tyrant, burst into tears at the representation of the Troades, (written by this poet) and left the theatre before the conclusion of the play, professing that he was ashamed to weep for the distress of Hector and Andromache, when he had not felt the least compassion for his own citizens, whom he had put to the sword. The beautiful and sublime of moral sentiment which run through his works have, by the consent of ages, established his title to the appellation of the philosophic tragedian. It was reserved to this poet to perfect the chorus in the Grecian tragedy, the chief distinction between the antient and modern drama. The office of the chorus was to give useful counsels and salutary in- structions, to espouse the side of innocence and vir- tue, to be the faithful depositary of secrets, and to supplicate the gods to raise the humble and depress the haughty. Jn the music of the chorus there was more variety, and in the poetry more animation than what could with propriety be admitted into the mere 420 years before Christ. dialogue ANTIENT HISTORY. 117 dialogue part of the drama : this, together with the splendour of the dresses, and the various dances of this numerous groupe, at once highly entertained the eye, and affected the heart. I'o recommend and enforce moral instruction, by the power of a happy imagination and harmonious numbers, was frequent- ly attempted in the choruses of ^schyhis and So- phocles, but seems to be the constant object which Euripides had in view. Comedy. While tragedy rose and flourished in this manner at Athens, comedy, which had been less cultivated, began to attract attention. This species of compo- sition assumed three different forms at Athens, pardy from the genius of the poets, and partly from the in- fluence of the government. The antient comedy retained the remains of its original rudeness, and the licentiousness which dis- tinguished the cart of Thespis. Though it had be- come regular in its plan, it had not learned to be modest and reserved. Aristophanes aixl his con- temporaries represented real transactions, with the names, habits, gestures, and the likeness painted on the masks of whatever person they thought proper to -sacrifice to public derision. They assumed the -pri- vilege to direct die public measures, to reform the commonwealth, and to advise the people on the most important occasions. Nothing was spared in a city so licentious as Athens. Generals, magistrates, the government, nay, the gods themselves, were at- tacked by the satirical pen of the poets ; and all was well received by the people,- provided the comedy was entertaining, and tiie attic salt not deficient. Cratinus, Eupolis, and Aristoplianes*' the prin- * Eupolis, atque Cralinus, Aristopbanesque Foelse, Sec. Horace. cipal 118 A VIEW OF <:ipal authors of the Old Comedy were preceded by Epicharmiis and Phormis, natives ot Sicily, Chro- nicles and Magnes, Athenians, and Dinvilochus of Agrigentum. Cratinus and Eupolis obtained the applauses of the people, by the keenness and bold- ness of their satire agamst the magistrates and nobi- lity, whom they exposed to public scorn. Of the former nothing remains; of the latter a few frag- jTients only are to be found. It is sufficient to anark their character to mention, that they exceed- ed Aristophanes in licentiousness, obscenity, and abuse. This latter poet was an adoi>ted, not a native citi- zen of Athens. He was distinguished by l)is vivacity and wit in conversation, and his company was co- veted by the greatest characters of the age. Plato shared many festive and social hours with him, and Socrates sat up whole nights in his company. He attained an ascendancy in Athens, which, at tliis distance of time, appears extraordinary. All the ho- nours that a poet could receive were publicly be- stowed up(.n Aristophanes by the Athenians, nor did they confine their rewards to honorary prizes only, but decreed him fines and pecuniary confiscations, from tliose who attacked hmi with suits and prosecu- tions. In vam Dionysius, the Syracusan, invited him to his court, though Plato had frequently solicited the attention and patronage of that tyrant. The king of Persia considered him as the most conspicuous per- sonage in Athens. In giving audience to the Crreek ambtissadors, his first enquiry was after the comic poet, who put all Greece m motion, and directed its force against Persia. He acted the same splendid part on the theatre, which Demosthenes afterwards performed in the public assembly. He made his most distinguished figure during the Peloponnesian ^ar ; the mal-admiuistralion of government, and the misconduct AT^TIENT inSTOUY. IIQ TTiisconduct of generals at that time, afforded ample subject toi his wit and satire. His works have been generally esteemed the stand- ard of Attic writing in its elegance and purity; and if any person w ishes to know the Athenian language, as it was spoken by Pericles and his cotemporaries, he nujst seek for it in the scenes of this poet. "^1 he .antient x:ritics, both Greek and Roman, who had the .comic theatre of Athens before them, give him a decided preference Xo his cotemporaries and suc- ar broke out between the citizens of Crotona and Sybaris. The city of Sybaris, by the fertility of its soil, and its resources hi navigation, manufactures, and commerce, had attained to great prosperity and population. But opulence and luxury had corrupted the minds, and debilitated the bodies of the inhabitants, whose proverbial effeminacy has been handed down to modern times. They were to- tally defeated by the army of Crotona, under the command of Milo, the Olympic conqueror. But the ruin of Sybaris involved in it the fate of Crotona. . Intoxicated with success, the lower ranks, by the instigation of the artful Cylon, whose fero- cious manners had excluded him from the order of Pythagoras, c-ntended with animosity for an equal division of the conquest ; a refusal produced a con- spiracy, which ended in the slaughter or expulsion of the magistrates. Pythagoras did not long survive the misfortunes of his favourite city : he died at Meta- pontum, in Lucania, at a very advanced period of life. His disciples were dispersed over Italy, Sicily, Greece, and some of them sought refuge in the de- serts of Egypt. Of the Ionic Sect. The Ionic Sect was founded by Thales the Mile- sian, who was born in the first year of the thirty-tlfdi Olympiad, or six hundred and forty years before the birth of Christ. Like the other sages of antiquity, he applied himself first to the study of legislation, and, on particular emergencies, gave seasonable coun- G 2 biih 124 A VIEW OF sels to his countrymen ; but afterwards retiring from the tumult of public atifairs, he devoted himself to philosophy, and travelled into Egypt, from which he is said to have returned with great intellectual im- provement. He was the first who instructed the Greeks in geometry. Many of the elemental y propositions which now appear under the name of Euclid, were invented by Thales, or introduced by him from Egypt. He directed his studies to astronomy with equal success ; he traced some of the circles of the sphere; and taught his countrymen that eclipses could be predicted. He placed the earth in the centre of the solar sys- tem, and believed it to be spherical. He knew that the moon shone by the reflection of the sun's rays, and represented the movements of the celestial orbs in a sphere, of which he was the inventor. He taught that water was the first principle of things ; and that, susceptible of an endless variety of forms, it became the matter of bodies the most op- posite. He seemed to recognize no other first cause ; and the same doctrine had been already taught by some Indian sages. He probably collected many of his doctrines in Egypt ; but, from all that can be gathered concerning a person who lived in so re- mote a period, he appears to have been a man pos- sessed of high intellectual powers, who, from his own fund, added much to the store of human know- ledge. He was succeeded in the Ionic school by Anaxi- mander, one of his disciples. He taught that infi- nity is the origin and the termination of all things ; that inniunerable worlds spring from it to be destroy- ed and re-produced,- and that, while every thmg changes, infinity itself is eternal and unchangeable. He was the first of the Greeks who traced geogra- phical ANTIENT HISTORY. 123 pliical niap.s, and brought siin-fllals into iisC; but these liad been long known in Asia. Anaximenes, liis fellow-citizen, friend and disciple, ap{>eary to have been little more than the interpreter of his opinions. Tiie philosophical speculations of Thales \vere pursued by other ingenious men beside his immediate successors, particularly by Xenophanes of Colophoji, Leucippus, Parmenides of Elea, and Heraclitus of Ei)hesus. The system of Leiicippus was rendered famous by what some have called the improvements of Democritus of Abdera,* and afterwards adopted bv Epicurus, whose false and impious tenets Lucre- tius has illustrated and adorned with all the graces of poetry. Anaxagoras of Clazomene transported the school of Anaximenes to xVthens, where he taught thirty years. It was he, as I have already mentioned, v.ho first announced to the Greeks the existence of a Su- preme and All-perfect Being, the Creator of the world. The disciples of Thales and Pythagoras had admitted spirit as a principle of nature ; but they do not appear to have had a distinct idea of it, or pro- perly to have discriminated it from matter. Accord- ing to the juster and nobler system of Anaxagoras, the Almightj^ Creator was altogether separate and distinct from his w orks ; and he considered the soul of the world as a metaphorical expression, to de- note the laws which the Deity had impressed upon matter. He taught, that the sun was larger than Pelopon- nesus ; that the moon was inhabited ; that the comets were irregular planets, and that the rainbow was pro- duced by the refraction of the sun's rays. These two last opinions, however, were only the fortunate con- j ♦ Div. Laert. lib. ix. G 3 jectures 126 ^ A VIEW OF jectures of a man of genius, and not founded on a series of observation. Instead of being rewarded by the grateful admira* tion of his countrymen for his sublime discoveries in theology, he was accused of impiety. Pericles, his scholar and his friend, could not protect him ; on the contrary, one great object of the accusation was to render Pericles suspected of holding the same senti- ments. To avoid a trial, Anaxagoras withdrew to Lampsacus, where he died. He was succeeded by Diogenes of ApoUonia, and Archelaus of Miletus, the instructor of Socrates, and the last teacher of the Ionic school. This philosophy, thus tending to the improvement of intellect, and the refinement of morals, was luihap- pily arrested in its progress by the rise of the So- phists. These pretended sages, but real impostors, had lately risen to distinction, and spread themselves over Greece. Instead of studying to attain the character, and to follow the maxims of calm contemplative wisdom, they were governed by ambition and avarice, entered into the intrigues and business of the world, and made a trade of their pretended knowledge. They wandered from city to city to exhibit their ta- lents, and to vend their eloquence. Xhey were at- tended by crouds of novices, whom they made philo- sophers at a fixed price. They pretended to possess universal knowledge, and taught all the arts and all the sciences, though metaphysics and oratory were the chief subjects of their speculations. By adapting the tone of their discourse to the taste of their audi- ence ; by throwing a veil over the vices, and gilding the follies of the opulent and tlie great, they gained admission into the best company, and were enabled to live with elegance and splendor. They suggested the materials and planted the seeds of the libertine and ANTIENT HISTORY. 127 aiid sceptical systems of philosophy, which were af- terwards introduced into Greece. While in several of the Grecian coinmonwealtlis they were allowed full liberty to display their abili- ties, and practise their artifices, the son of Sophro- Jiiscus made it his chief object at Athens to detect their false reasoning, expose their impious frauds, and iniveil the hypocrisy of their character. This illus- trious sage, and virtuous man, was born in the fourth year of the seventy-seventh Olympiad, forty years be- fore the Peloponnesian war. His father was a sculp- tor, and his mother a midwife. He followed, for some time, the profession of a statuary w ith success ; for in the time of Pausanias, a Mercury, and the graces oi' his workmanship, were to be seen at Athens, But whatever benefit or reputation he might have ac- quired by cultivating an art which was admired at that period, and encouraged by the magnificent patro- nage of Pericles, he chearfully sacrificed them to the natural bias of his mind, which led him to cultivate science, and recommend virtue. In his youth, he was the disciple of Archelaus, who delivered the doctrines of Anaxagoras, his master. The natural philosophy of that age, which delivered theories con- cerning the origin, destruction, and renovation of worlds, and the inexplicable movement of the hear vens, stars, and planets, gave little satisfaction to a mind, that preferred to shadowy and uncertain specu- lations, studies that lie within the compass, and con- duce to the benefit of mankind. He was the first who conceived the idea of bringing philosopliy down from heaven to earth, to place it in cities, and intro- duce it into private life. He acknowledged, with Anaxagoras, the Supreme Intelligence, who regulates the operations of nature, and the affairs of the w^orld. From the wisdom and justice of the Deity, he in- ferred his moral administration of tlie universe. He G 4 taught 1£S A VIEW OF taught the immortaUty of the soul, and a state ot' re- wards and punishments in another life. He studied to discover the laws of divine providence, and incul- cated a compliance with those laws. Wherever he could be of use, there he was to be found, conveying the precepts of his philosophy with all the address of manly insinuation ; grave, didactic, or wittv, as best suited his audience; he was always eloquent, al- ways persuasive. The example of this practical philosopher illus^ trated- and recommended his doctrines. He bore arms in many campaigns, was present in many ac- tions, and always distinguished himself by his valour and conduct. We shall find him, towards the close of his life, acquiring the highest honour in the senate, and giving the most illustrious proofs of his ardent zeal for justice, without being intimidated by the greatest dangers. To confirm the probity of his disciples, it was re- quisite to expose the fallacy and artifices of the So- phists, who employed their time in corrupting the morals of youth. As the sole aim of these harangues was to dazzle their audience with the glitter of elo- quence, and by their ingenuity in speaking on each side of a question, he did not attack them in a direct manner by a continued discourse. He employed the more artful address of irony, a weapon which he knew how to use with much dexterity and delicacy. Whenever he met with the Sophists, assuming the appearance of simplicity, he proposed his doubts with a diffident and modest air, and asked simple questions in a plain manner. These pretended mas- ters of wisdom heard him with a scornful attention, and, instead of giving him a direct answer, entered upon their common places, and delivered a vague harangue without coming to the point. Socrates, after extolling their ingenuity and eloquence, en- ' treated ANTTENT HISTORY. 129 treated thorn to adapt themselves to his capacity ; and as he was incapable of comprehending or retaining so many tine and exalted notions, begged that they would answer his queries in a few words. When he had once obliged them to move from their en- trenchments, and brought them to give a precise an- sv er to his questions, he led them on from one to another, till he involved them in the most absurd con- sequences; and after having reduced them to a mor- tifying silence, or still more mortifying contradictions, complained tluit the learned men would not conde- descend to instruct him. llie youth began to per- ceive the incapacity of their teachers ; their admira- tion was changed into contempt ; and the name of Sophist became odious and ridiculous. A powerful party, who had been long celebrated for their wit and eloquence, and were in high reputa- tion among the great, would not be attacked without endeavouring to retaliate ; especially as they had been wounded in tiieir two most sensible parts, their fame and their interest. It will appear from the subse- quent part of diis history, that Socrates experienced from these haughty impostors, whom he had un- masked, all that could be feared or apprehended from the most malignant envy, and the most envenomed resentment. CHAP. XX. Containing the History of the Peloponnesian War. JL HE Peloponnesian war was of twenty-seven years duration, and, while it depopulated the coun- try, at the same time exhausted the finances of G 5 Greece^ ISO A VIEW OIF Greece. In the course of its continuance, both par- ties experienced the most cruel calamities, and dis- played a courage that might have procured them the greatest advantages over their common enemies. I have already observed, that the jealousy enter- tained by Sparta, and other Grecian states, at the recent and rapid progress of Athens to greatness and dominion, was the real, though concealed cause of this war. All the states within the Peloponnesus, except the Argives, joined the Lacedaemonians, who were further aided by the Megarians, Locrians, and Boeotians. The Athenians counted, among their allies, the inhabitants of Chios, Lesbos, and the citizens of Plalaea ; and received the support of their tributary countries, Ionia, the Hellespont, and the territory of Thrace. Hostilities were first committed by the Thebans, who attacked Plataea, an independent city of Boeotia, in alliance with Athens. They were admitted into the city by the treachery of the Aristocratical fac- tion ; but the Plataeans, perceiving the small number of the enemy, attacked them with fury duruig the night, above a hundred fell, two hundred were taken prisoners, and afterwards put to the. sword. The Athenians, on receiving news of this attack, .sent suc- cours and provisions to PlatSra. The sword being now drawn, both parties pre- pared openly for war: all Greece was in motion, and ambassadors were sent to distant countries to solicit the assistance of Greeks and barbarians. The majority espoused the side of the Lacedemo- nians, esteeming them tlie deliverers of Greece ; be- cause the Athenians, forgetting their former modera- tion and gentleness in command, had alienated the greater part of their allies by the severity of their go- vernment, and incurred the hatred of other states, who ANTIENt HISTORY. 151 who were apprehensive of becoming their de- pendents. After the attack on Plata^a, the Lacedaemonians marched two-thirds of their forces to the isthmus of Corinth. Archidamus, one of the Spartan kings, dispatched an ambassador to the Athenians, to require of them to relinquish their pretensions ; but the Athenians commanded the messenger to retire, with- out deigning to give him an answer. Upon this, the Lacedaemonians marched towards Attica with an army of sixty thousand men, while that of the Athe- nians amounted only to eighteen thousand ; but to make compensation for the difference, they had a fleet of three hundred gallies. The counsel of Pericles to the Athenians, was to waste the enemies strength by protracting the war ; as they had not sufficient forces to oppose the enemy, their wisest plan was to retire with their effects into the city, and shut themselves up in it without hazaiding a battle. Accordingly the inhabi- tants of the country sought an asylum in Athens. Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians entering Attica, besieged OEnoe ; but being compelled, after a few meffectual ^saults, to abandon that attempt, they advanced stHl nearer to the city, and encamped within half a league of the walls. It required all the art and address of Pericles to prevent the Athenians, exasperated at the sight of the ravages committed on their country, from sallying forth to attack the enemy ; but, by means of his absolute power over the passions of the multitude, he kept both the senate and people from assembling to deliberate, notwith- standing the reproaches, insults, and menaces of his enemies. He dispatched, in the mean time, a fleet of a hundred sail, to lay waste the coasts of Pelo- ponnesus, which being joined by that of the allies, G 6 nrade 132 A VIEW OF made a descent on Laconia, and ravaged the territo- ries of Sparta. Intelligence of these ravages committed in La- conia, and the difficulty of subsisting in a desolated country, induced the Lacedajmonians, and their allies, to withdraw from Attica. After the Lacedaemonians had retired, the Athe- nians appropriated a thousand talents, and a hundred ships, for the more immediate defence of their country ; and prohibited any person, under pain of death, to propose a difter. nt application of these re- sources. They afterwards sent a squadron to expel the rebellious inhabitants of ^gina from their pos- sessions. To these islanders they imputed the prin- cipal cause of the war. Their territory was divided by lot among the inhabitants of Athens. Pericles then led out the army against the hostile province of Megara, and ravaged their territory. Towards the close of the campaign, the Athenians concluded an alliance with Sitalces, king of the Odripians in Thrace ; and in consequence of this treaty, his son was admitted a citizen of Athens. They also entered into an accommodation with Per- diccas, king of Macedonia, and restor^ to him the city of Thermae. At the approach of winter, the Athenians cele- brated fimeral rites to the memory of those brave men who had fallen since the beginning of the war. For this purpose^ a large tent was erected to contain the bones of the slain, which were covered with flowers and perfumes. To the place of public sepul- ture in the Ceramicus, the most splendid suburb of Athens, they were conveyed in cypress coffins, on the day appointed for the funeral obsequies. Attended by persona of every age and rank, the remains of these citizens were committed to the tomb, and Peri- cles was appointed to pronounce their eulogium. The ANTIEN'T HISTORY. 133 This celebrated oration, or one made by tlie histo- rian, is to be found in '1 hucydides ; but whetlier real or fictitious, it is, in every respect, suited to the cha- racter of the orator, and admirably calculated for all the ends he had in view. In the begiiuiing of the second campaign, the La- ceditmonians and their allies again invaded Attica, which was atHicted by a more dreadful disaster. The plague, which was said to have originated in Ethi- opia, and had spread its ravages over Egypt, and a great part of Persia, at last communicated its conta- gion to Athens. This fatal malady, which baffled the power of medicine, turned Athens into a spec- tacle of horror ; the bravest soldiers and best citizens perished in the most excruciating pains, and every part of the city exhibited a dreadful image of agony and death. The confederates did not neglect to avail them- selves of this opportunity for committing devastations in Attica. They now penetrated beyond the city, and spread devastation over every part of the Athe- nian territory, not sparing even the plains of Mara- thon, where Athens had nobly bled for the cause of Greece. Pericles, still adhering to his established maxim., not to expose the safety of the state to the hazard of an engagement, would not permit his troops to sally out of tlie city ; but having fitted out a fleet of a hundred vessels, he sailed through the Saronic gulph, and ravaged the coasts of Elis, Argos, and Laconia. Having arrived on the Argolic coast, the Athenians laid siege to the sacred city of Epidaurus ; but the plague again breaking out in the fleet, they abandoned the enterprize, as the calamity was attri- buted to the anger of iEsculapius, who was its pa- tron, and supposed protector. They were equally unsuccessful against Truizene, Hermione, aud other cities 134 A VIEW OF cities of Peloponnesus. Overwhelmed by these ac- cumulated calamities, murmurs against Pericles, and a general despondency, took place. Ambassadors were sent to Sparta to supplicate for peace on any terms; but even an audience was denied them. The popular rage recurred of course with double force upon Pericles, whom they considered as the author of all their calamities, who at last assembled the people, and endeavoured to vindicate his measures. But his eloquence and address were exerted in vain ; the feeling of present evils rendered them insensible to every other consideration. They deprived him of the command of the army, and imposed on him a considerable tine. The public disgrace of this great man was embit- tered by afflictions of a domestic nature. Xan- tippus, his eldest son, a youth of a profuse and ex- travagant turn, unable to bear the strict ueconomy of his father, w as among the first to murmur at his con- duct, and to exclaim against him in all public places. This ungracious youth \\ as cut off by the pestilence, while at the same time many of the hrmest and most useful friends of Pericles, with the remains of his nu- merous and flourishing family, perished by the same fatal disorder ; but the strength of his mind was not shaken by these disasters, till the death of Paralus, the last of his children. That desolating stroke sus- pended his fortitude. When he was to put the crown of flowers upon the head of his deceased son, the hero yielded to the parent : he could not support the cruel spectacle, nor conceal the transports of his grief, which forced its way in sobs, inarticulate cries, and a flow of reluctant tears. The Athenians, whose character Mas marked by fickleness and inconstancy, and who were led by the passions of the moment, soon repented of the injury they had done to Pericles. Their observation con- vinced ANTIENT HISTORY. 135 vinced them, that ihcy had no other person capable of directhig their atiairs ; they therefore implored his forgiveness, and entreated him to resume the admi- nistration, and to command the army. Meanwhile Potida?a, \vhich had been besieged almost three years, could no longer endure the mise- ries of famine, and surrendered on conditions. The inhabitants were permitted to depart from the city with their wives, children, and some of their effects ; Potidaea was re-peopled by an Athenian colony. Soon after this event, Pericles died of the pesti- lence ; according to Plutarch, of a languishing con- sumption. The history of his life delineates his cha- racter. Brave, magnanimous, eloquent, political, he was qualified to take the lead either in the council or the field ; he rose to distinction and authority by his admirable and unparalleled eloquence ; and, by the power of that talent, governed the fickle and capricious Athenians with absolute power for the space of forty years. He employed this vast and extensive authority with such mildness and modera- tion, that his administration was never charged with tyranny. His talents for war were eminent and con- spicuous ; yet he cautiously avoided all military expe- ditions, till he was almost certain of success ; and when engaged in hostilities, depended more on stra- tagem than the impetuosity of courage. He ma- naged the revenues with irreproachable disinteiested- ness, so far as regarded his private fortune : as an in- dividual, he lived with the most exemplary oeconomy ; while he gloried in the magnificence of Athens, whose opulence was the fruit of his wise administra- tion, and which owed its magnificence to his taste, and to his encouragement of the tirts. In his last ill- ness, his death-bed was surrounded by some of the principal citizens, who celebrated his illustrious ex- ploits and numerous victories ; for while he was ge- neral 136 A VIEW OF iieral of the Athenian army, he had erected nine ti'p- phies, in memory of as many battles he had gained. After hearing their encomiums, " You extol," said the dying statesman and philosopher, ^^ a series of actions, in which fortune had a principal share, and which are common to me with many generals ; but you forget the most glorious circumstance of my life, that no citizen ever zcore ?uovnii?tg on my account.^^ The confederated army invaded Attica for the third time. All the inhabitants of Lesbos, except those of Methymne, determined to renounce their alliance with the Athenians. Sensible of the great loss they would suffer by the defection of that island, the Athe- nians sent out a fleet of forty gallies to attack that of the Mitylenians, who, being repulsed, proposed terms of accommodation. A suspension of hostilities hav- ing taken place, the Mitilenians sent ambassadors to Athens and to Lacedaemon at the same time. The Lacedaemonians informed the deputies that they should be fully heard at the approaching Olympic games, where the other allies would be present to assist at the conference. From the speech of the ambassadors, as transmitted to us by Thucydides, we find that they assigned the ambition, tyranny, and op- pression of the Athenians, not their present calami- ties, as the reason that induced the Lesbians to break that treaty, and relinquish that alliance. The allies, as was to be expected, were satisfied with their de- claration, and admitted them into their confederacy. It was also resolved in this assembly to prosecute the war against Athens more vigorously than ever. Receiving intelligence of the vast preparations making against them, the Athenians equipped a fleet of a hundred sail, and appearing suddenly off the promon- tory of the Corinthian isthmus, made a descent upon Peloponnesus, while another fleet protected the coast of Attica. Never had they raised such a formidable armament ANTIENT HlSTOllY. K^? arniament with so much celerity ; it struck such terror into the Laceduinioniaiis, that they ininiediatcly hur- ried back to the defence of Liiconia. The Athe- nians, in the mean time, sent a detachment of a thou- sand soldiers to the siege of Mitylene, and the town was invested by sea and land. Pressed by famine, and receiving no assistance from Sparta, the citizens were obliged to surrender at discretion. The authors of the revolt, amounting to more than a thousand, were conveyed to Athens and put to death. Orders were at the same time issued to massacre the rest of the inhabitants by way of example ; but this sangui- nary decree was almost instantly revoked by the returning good sense and humanity of the people. The town was then dismantled, and the whole island, Mitylene excepted, was divided by lot among ll>e citizens of Athens. The city of Plataea had been invested by the con- federates in the preceding year. This siege was ren- dered remarkable, not only for the obstinate resist- ance of the besieged, but for its being the first recorded in the Grecian history that was conducted with any kind of regularity. Both parties employed ramparts and mounds of earth ; the one to attack, the other to defend. It is not a little astonishhig, that so inconsiderable a town as Plataea, which con- tained only four bundled citizens, and eighty Athe- nians, should have made a long and vigorous resist- ance against a powerful army. The enemy changed the siege into a blockade, and surrounded the town with two ditches. The besieged at last, having lost all hopes of relief, attempted to make their escape, which the half of them eliected by a daring stratagem suggested by despair. The remainder, affrighted at the dangers attending the effort, continued in the town, but finding themselves unequal to its defence, were obliged to surrender at discretion. Eight Spar- tans 138 A VIEW OF tans were sent to decide their doom. In vain did the wretched Piataeans alledge in their own defence, that they had been compelled, through necessity, to espouse the side of the Athenians, in order to obtain their protection against the Thebans, their antient oppressors. They were all butchered in cold blood ; their wives were sold, and their city consumed to ashes. Such were the calamitous effects of the vio- lent and furious hatred, which now reciprocally pos- sessed the minds of the Athenians and Spartans, that each party, after the hour of victory, carried their revenge to the most sanguinary and savage extremes. This was the mournful and disastrous fate of the Plataans, \\ ho, during the Persian war, had obtained an honourable name in arms, and performed the most important services to their country. In the four hundred and twenty-sixth year before the Christian era, the plague broke out afresh at Athens, and swept multitudes to destruction. Ac- cording to the regular opening of every campaign, the confederates invaded Attica, and the Athenians made a descent on Peloponnesus. The siege and capture of Pylus, a small town of Messenia, by De- mosthenes, the Athenian commander, forms the most memorable event of this campaign. The Lacedsie- monians, being anxious to recover possession, it be- came the scene of very extraordinary military opera- tions. A detachment of four hundred Spartans seized the little island of Sphacteria, opposite to the city. The Athenians surrounded the island, and cut off all supplies of provisions. The siege, however, went on slowly ; but Cieon and Demosthenes being joined in command, they landed in Sphacteria, and drove the enemy to the extremity of the island ; but the Lacedaemonians, having possessed themselves of a fortification, defended it with the most desperate valour. At last, the commander of the Messenians, bavins: ANTIENT IIISTOHY. ISO haviii2; discovered a difficult pass which led to tlie fort, inarched that way, aijd appearing unexpectedly on the reiir of the Laced his last fortunate undertaking, attempted to retake Amphipolis ; but Brasidas, informed of his intentions, took possession of the town. To increase the presumption and temerity of Cleon, the Spartan general, who was well acquauited w ith his character, affected to be intimidated by his approach. Deceived by this appearance, Cleon neglected every precaution, and the discipline of his army was relaxed. Brasidas, having made the necessary preparations, sallied forth suddenly, and attacked the left w ing of the Athenians, which, being the strength of their army, made a vigorous resistance ; but six hundred of them being slain, the whole army turned their backs and fled. Struck with terror and trepidation, Cleon betook himself to flight, but was killed by a Spartan soldier before he could make his escape from the field of battle. Brasidas was wounded in the engagement ; and w hen it ^^ as over, was carried into the city, where he survived his victory but a few m'^ments. He was a general, no less distinguished by conduct than cou- rage, and deserves to rank among the Laceditmonian heroes. It was the mother of Brasidas, who, hear- ing her son applauded as being superior to all other generals, replied, '' My son was brave; but Sparta, I doubt not, has many braver citizens." The two persons who had been the chief obstacles to peace, having fallen in the late engagement, both parties seemed more inclined to an accommodation, and a suspension of hostilities took place. Accord- ingly, after mutual conferences, a truce was agreed on for the space of. fifty years, between the two commonwealths 144 A VIEW or commonwealths and their respective allies. This pacification was greatly forwarded by Plistonaea, one of the Spartan kings, and Nicias the Athenian ge- neral, who was no less distinguished by his probity and patriotism in the assembly, than by his courage and skill in the field. The treaty was concluded ten years after the declaration of the war. The Boeo- tians and Corinthians were extremely offended and disgusted at the peace, and employed their utmost efforts to excite new animosities ; but Nicias per- suaded the Athenians and Lacedaemonians to con- clude an alliance, offensive and defensive, which would render them more formidable to their allies, and more assured with regard to each other. In consequence of this new arrangement, the Athenians restored the prisoners they had taken in the island of Sphacteria. Notwithstanding this treaty of peace, the war was Very distant from a conclusion. Before the expira- tion of the first year, animosities sprung up afresh between the Athenians and Laccda^moniaiis, and both parties prepared for hostilities. Alcibiades, who now began to appear in the public assemblies, was principally active in breaking the peace of ^ii- cias, and renewing the Pelopormesian war. This extraordinary youth was brought up in the house of his uncle Pericles. His education seems to have been neglected ; for the instruction of his youth was committed to Zopyrus the Thracian, one of Pericles's slaves, and ill qualified for such an ar- duous and sublime employment. Nevertheless, his noble birth, his great opulence, and the authority of his guardian, conspired to give him high ideas of his own importance, and to inspire his mind with premature plans of ambition, which proved in the end pernicious to himself, as well as fatal to his country. His uncommon talents, and promising reputation, ANTIENT HISTORY. 143 reputation, drew the attention of Socrates ; who dis- cernhig in him a singular mixture of good and evil qualities, bestowed incredible pains on his instruc- tion, and studied to remedy the defects of nature by the lessons of philosophy. But it w as the eloquence of Socrates as a public teacher, and the graces of his conversation, more than his moral lectures and his virtuous life, that induced Alcibiades to become his disciple. At his first appearance in the Athenian assembly, he displayed a bold and eccentric genius, capable of the greatest and most hazardous designs. He pos- sessed a singular versatility of character; he could with ease accommodate himself to all companies, and conform to every situation. He made the tran- sition from virtue to vice, and from vice to virtue, with equal facility and ardour ; and the people ap- plied to him the observation of Homer concerning Egypt, " That it produces excellent medicines, and peniicious drugs in equal abundance." Although he was addicted to pleasure, and even debauchery, at Sparta he lived according to the laws of Lycurgus, and exceeded the Spartans in temperance and sobrie- ty. In Ionia he assumed the softness and effeminacy of the natives ; and in the Persian dominions he ri- valled the superb Satraps in oriental luxury and mag- nificence. Ambition, however, had the ascendancy in his mind ; and even in frivolous disputes, he al- ways contended with eagerness, and aspired to victo- ry. He possessed, indeed, most of the qualifica- tions which were requisite to form a leader in the Athenian assembly. His illustrious, though remote, and perhaps fabulous descent from Ajax, the manly gracefulness of his person, w hich captivated the love and admiration of all who beheld him, and even of the philosophic Socrates ; his expertness in the af- fairs of the commonwealth; his immense wealth, w hich 144 A VIEW OF which he spent in magnificent profusion, and lavished in public entertainments on the people, dazzled all eyes, and commanding the respect, invited the con- fidence of his fellow citizens. When, to all these endowments and advantages, are added his popular eloquence, and his superior knowledge in the military art, it is easy to trace his subsequent progress to pre-eminence and power in Athens. His faults were construed into the negligencies of a great cha- racter ; his affectation of superiority, which would have been accounted criminal in any other citizen, was referred to ignorance of the world ; and his wild excesses were construed into the effervescence of a luxuriant and youtliful mind. With such talents and such a temper, it will be readily conjectured that Alcibiades was not born for the repose of his country. He had employed every effbrt to traverse the treaty of peace which had been lately concluded between Athens and Sparta ; but failing in his attempt, he endeavoured to prevent it from taking effect. He studied secretly to detach the Argives from the Spartan interest, and to irritate his countrymen against the Lacedaemonians, be- cause they had surrendered the fort Panactum in a ruinous condition, and not fortified according to the terms of the treaty. He endeavoured also to ren- der Nicias suspected by the people of too strong au attachment to the interests of Sparta. At the treaty of peace, the Lacedaemonian ambassadors had ad- dressed themselves only to Nicias, in whom they re- posed confidence, and totally neglected Alcibiades, though his ancestors had enjoyed the rights of hos- pitality in their republic. This was a rival, there- fore, whom he wished to remove ; and opportunities soon presented themselves for accomplishing all his designs. The ANTIENT IIISTOUY. 14.5 The citizens of Corinth contributed to renew tin- war, which had originated from their qnarrel with their colony Corcyra. The article in the league be- tween Athens and S|>arta, granting a power to each to make such alterations in the treaty as situations and circumstances might demand, the Corinthians considered, or affected to consider, as portending something fatal to die rights and liberties of Greece, and endeavoured to inspire the citizens of Argos with similar sentiments. The Argives, having remained neuter during the former part of the w ar, could now appear in full vigour, and with an unexhausted trea- sury to maintain their riglits, which, it was alledged, had been shamefully abandoned and betrayed by the Spartans : and they seemed v^ illing to regain their an- tient superiority in the Peloponnesus. The inha- bitants of jNlantinasa and the Elians joined the Ar- give alliance, and it soon received a new addition of strength from the Macedonian allies. This confederacy was soon rendered more formi- dable, by the junction of a power no less respect- able than tlie Athenian republic. This unexpected event which, \\hile it shocks modern ideas, illustrates antient manners, arose from the machinations of Al- cibiades. Ambassadors from Sparta arrived, 'who declared to the senate that they were invested with full powers to put an end to all divisions and animo- sities. Next day they were to receive audience from tlie popular assembly, and to deliver their proposals. Alcibiades, apprehensive of their success, endea- voured to engage them in a conference. Having in- vited them to an entertainment, during which he expressed an uncommon regard for their republic, and the warmest wishes for the success of their em- bassy, he afterwards told them, diat one circum- stance affected him with much concern, their decla- ration before the senate that they were invested with VOL. II. H ' full 146 A VIEW OF full powers. He intreated them to beware of re- peating this declaration in the assembly, as the people, extravagant in their pretensions, and rapacious in their demands, would not fail to avail themselves of this circumstance, and insist on conditions injurious both to the interest and the honour of Sparta. He concluded ^vith assuring them, that if they con- cealed their full powers, he would support them with all his influence ; procure the restoration of Pylus ; and prevent the accomplishment of the Ar- give alliance. The Spartans conhded in the man whom they had foinierly ofiended ; looked upon Al- cibiades as an extraordinary statesman and politician ; and soon found that they had not erred in their con- jecture. Next day the people being assembled, the am- bassadors were introduced. Alcibiades enquired of them the subject of their embassy, and the extent of their powers. According to the pre-concerted plan, they answered, *' That they came to propose an ac- *' conimodation, but were not invested with full powers." " No later than yesterday," said the artful politician, affecting a transport of indignation, *' they declared their full powers to the senate, and to-day they deny them before the assembly of the peoi)le. But such is the hypocrisy and duplicity of their re- public. It is thus they have restored Amphipolis and the Macedonian cities ! And it is thus, Athe- nians, that they have given you possession of Pa- nactum, dismantled and demolis^ied ! Nay, after concluding a league with Athens, and ratifying it by a solemn oath, they h ve basely and audaciously in- fringed it, by entering mto an alliance Avith Thebes, your determined and devoted enemy. Men of Athens! canyon still submit to such injuries and in- dignities? Or is it consistent, either v.ith your justice or your honour, that these trakors, who call them- selves ANTiENT nisTonv. 147 selves ambassadors, should remain longer within your walls ?" No language can express the astonishment and confusion of the ambassadors, who gazing wildly on one another, could scarcely give credit to their eyes or their ears. Nicias, unacquainted with the base stra- tagem of Alcibiades, wondered at their folly, and par- took of their disgrace. Retiring abruptly from the assembly, they departed with indignation to Sparta, and their departure announced the renewal of hostili- ties. Tiie Athenians soon afterwards joined the Ar- give alliance; appointed Alcibiades their general; and sent troops to Pylus, in order to ravage Laco- nia. ,At this period, Nicias and Alcibiades cMijoyed all authority in Athens. The former had wearied the patience of the people, by his firm perseverance in opposing their unjust inclinations; the latter had provoked their resentment, by his ijisolent behaviour and his profligate life. Alcibiades was supported by the joung men, who were eager for war; ^Nicias by the aged citizens, who knew the value of peace. Both \\ ere in danger of being banished by the ostra- <:ism, through die intrigues of Hyperbolus, a bold but abandoned man, who possessed some influence in the repuJjIic, and who was sometimes ejnployed by tile people to humble those in exalted stations ; but Nicias and Alcibiades, wisely uniting their inte- rests, procured the banishment of Hyperbolus. The ostracism, which ^^ as looked upon as an honourable exile, and which had never before been inflicted but on persons of superior merit and renown, \\ as hence- forth abolished as having lost its dignity, by being ex- ercised upon a subject so contemptible. The eccentric but vigorous character of xMcibia- des, had gained an unaccountable ascendancy over the minds of the people, though they were w ell ac- H 2 quaintcd 148 A VIEW OF quainted with the defects and vices of his character, which he hardly endeavoured to conceal. The dis- solute luxury in which he lived, made every virtuous Athenian blush. He expressed too an aversion to the customs of his country, and a disregard to religion and the gods. The intelligent and serious citizens dreaded, lest by his address, his boldness, his elo- quence, and his extravagant profusion to the people, he should rise, with all these vices, to uncontrouled and absolute power. Timon, the misanthrope, formed a proper judg- ment of his character. Instead of shunning him as he did the rest of mankind, ^^ Persist, my son," says he, " in pushing thy fortune ; for thy advancement will be the ruin of Athens." The subsequent events of the war form a commentary on Timon's predic- tion. The expedition of the Athenians into Sicily, to which they were chiefly excited by Alcibiades, forms the most remarkable and important event which took place m the course of the Peloponnesian contest. " Pursue the war temperately, but with iirmness and perseverance," said Pericles to his countrymen at the commencement of hostilities; " throw your chief strength into the naval line ; meditate no increase to your dominions already too extended; never leave your cities or arsenals open, or exposed to sudden at- tacks ; and, in the course of time, you will gain the victory over your enemies." But, on the decease of that great statesman, says Thucydides,"^' " the Athe- nians acted in every respect contrary." No sooner had Pericles paid the debt to nature, than the wild and ambitious project of subduing Si- cily recurred to the people, and their eyes continually turned to that fertile and opulent island. I have al- * Lib. ir. sect. 65. ready ANTIENT HISTORY. 1 4(> ready mentioticd its Hoiuishing situation under the mild and bcndicent reign of Gelon. Ilieron, king Syracuse, is represented as avaricious and cruel in the early period of his reign ; but, by conversing with the Grecian sages, and making philosophy the school of life, he learned to correct the errors of his mind, and to reform the vices of his reign. His sentiments and character underwent a total change, and he filled that throne with lustre which he had formerly dis- graced. His illustrious reign was followed by the oppressive tyranny of Thrasybulus, which produced his expulsion from the throne, and banishment from Sicily. After his expulsion, the Syracusans, that they might never again experience the odious rod of tyranny, established a re- publican government. The Agrigentines too, having dethroned their king Thrasideus, and banished his fa- mily, instituted a democracy, a mode of government which, notwithstanding its turbulent and tumultu- ous nature, appears to have been the most natural and congenial to all the Grecian tribes. They were imitated in this revolution by the inferior states. The republic of Syracuse, treading in the ambitious steps of 7Vthens, had brought most of the Dorian settle- ments to be their tributaries or dependants ; and, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, tliat as- piring state, though agitated by internal commotions, had cairicd their successful arms against the Ionic settlements of Leontium, Catana, and Naxos. Jn the sixdi year of the Peloponnesian war, and soon after the death of Pericles, the Teontines, ori- ginally from Chalcis, an Athenian colony, solicited assistance against the Syracusans, by whom they had been invaded. At the head of the embassy \\as Gorgias, the most celebrated orator of the age. His pathetic eloquence, the harmony of his^ penods, and the elegance of his diction, adorned with figures, li 3 which 1^0 A VIEW OF whicli he is said to have iiitrodueed into the language*^ so much transported Attic ears and Attic imagina- tions, that the assembly immediately concluded an alliance with the Leontines, and sent a fleet to Rhe- gium to the assistance of their Ionic descendants. At the distance of two years a similar request was made, and the Athenians sent a more numerous fleet, not simply with a view of relieving the cities op- pressed by the Syracusans, bii4; with the design of producing a revolution in Sicily, and of kinging that island under the dominion of Athens. Alarmed by the repeated visits of the Athenians, the sagacious and provident Hermocrates prevailed on his countrymen to convene a general assembly of the Sicilian states at the tow'u of Gela. Deputies were sent irom all the Doric and Ionic cities. Hermo- crates was deputy from Syracuse, and appears to have acted with true patriotism and somid wisdom. His eloquence, enforced by reason^ at last })revailed in the assembly ; and all parties agreed to terminate their domestic quarrels, and resist, with united force, the projected tyranny of Athens.* The wisdom and patriotism of a popular assembly, might approve and adopt such a salutary plan of union; but in republican states, projects^ of peace and concord are transient in their operation, while the principles of dissension and hostilitv are perma- nent and perpetual. A few years after this amicable convention, Leontium was taken and destroyed ; the miserable inhabitants driven into exile ; and the con- federated city Egesta besieged by the combined ar- mies of Syracuse and Selinus. The oppressed and afflicted states again sent ambassadors to the Atheni- ans, pleading the rights of constmguinity, the habits of alliance, and the ties of interest. They repre- sented, that if they should now be abandoned by the * Thucyd. p. 290. parent ANTIENT HISTORY. lOi parent state, they must experience the fate of Leon- tium ; and the Syiacusans, after making themselves masters of Sirily, wonld add their forces to the Pe- loponnesians, from whom they m ere descended. To these arguments the ambassadors added an artful am- phtication of the riches of tlicir repubhc, and an offer to defray the whole expences of the war. The Athe- nians, who only waited for an opportunity of com- mencing hostilities, sent deputies to Egesta to en- quire into the situittion of their affairs, and the funds in their treasury. Carrying on the deception, the citizens of Egesta made an ostentatious display of gold and silver, which they had borrowed from the neighbouring states ; contributed the sum of sixty ta- lents of silver, to maintain an Athenian fleet of sixty sail for a month ; and promised to repeat monthly the same ample subsidy, from funds w hich they af- firmed to be deposited in the public treasmy and in tlie temples. Although every consideration of wisdom, expedi- ency, and interest, dissuaded the Athenians fiom un- dertaking a hazardous expedition against so distant and so powerful a republic, yet the popular assembly, tempted and seduced by tlieir evil genius Alcibiades, would have ventured to atchievfe impossibilities, and saw no obstacles where he pointed the way. This irregular character carried the smne extrava- gance of speculation and action into pubhc life, which he had displayed in private. The ordinary maxims of prudence, and the established forms of policy, were little adapted to a mind that aimed at die vast and unbounded. His wild and ambitious views did not stop short at the conquest of Sicily, but looked forward to the possession of the cultivated shores of Italy and Africa, and to the establishment of super-eminent dominion both by land and sea.* * Isocrat. de pace Aiidocid. Orat. 3d. H 4, Possessed i.yi A VIEW OF Possessed of the most insinuating talents, he cora- nnmicated the contagion of ambition to the Athenian people, who, blinded by these romantic and fallacious prospects, precipitately granted the demand of the Egcstieans, and appohited Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus to command the fleet ; with full powers, not only to relieve Egesta, and restore the Leonlines to their city, but to regulate the affairs of Sicily in such a manner as was best adapted to the interest of Athens.* Nicias, distinguished by his prudence, no less than by his probit} , remonstrated against the Sicilian expedition ^vith unusual ^varmdl and vigour, and de- scribed, in strong colours, the calamities that might thence result to the republic. He represented to the people his surprise, tliat an affair of such impor- tance should have been determined, almost the very moment it was taken into deliberation ; that in pur- suit of an airy and impracticable scheme they bad gone abroad in search of enemies, when they were ^jurrounded with them at home; and that though they were but just beginning to recover from the ca- lamities of the late war and the pestilence, they were wantonly exposing themselves to unnecessary and greater dangers. Nicias, in his discourse, pointed his censure in strong terms against the luxury and extravagance of Alcibiades ; vices which that licentious youth carried to an incredible pitch. He lavished prodigious sums of money on his furniture, equipage, and retinue ; his table vied in profusion and delicacy with that of a Persian satrap ; and he contended at the Olympic games with seven different sets of chariot horses. Extraordinary resources were necessary for support- ing such enormous extravagance ; and Nicias nisinu- * Thucyd. lib. vi. p. 415. ated; ANTIENT HISTORY. 153 ated, that Alcibiades was no less solicitous for con cjucriu;^ Sicily to repair his own ruined faiances, than to extend the dominions of his country. To a speech, that was chiefly directed against him- self, Alcibiades replied with eloquence and spirit ; he acknowledged, " that he wished to lead the Athe- nians against Sicily, and that he thought himself not unworthy of that command. The splendor in which 1 live," continued the orator, *' and which has been imputed to me as a crime, reflects lustre on my coun- try. The wealth I have expended among the Athe- nian people, and the magnificence I have displayed at the Olympic games, convey to foreigners an idea of the glory of Athens, and shew, that the state is not runied, nor its finances exhausted, as our enemies pretend. But dismissing this subject, let the world form a judgment of me, not from the illiberal pas* sions, jealousy and envy, but from my actions. Was it an inconsiderable service I rendered to the republic, in conciliating in one day to its alliance the people of Elis, of Mantinea, and of Argos, and in raising armies against Sparta, in the center of Peloponnesus ? Employ, therefore, in order to ag- giandize your empire, the youth and ignorance of Alcibiades, as well as the w'isdom and experience of Nicias, and do not abandon, from chimerical apprehensions, the illustrious enterprize to which you have already given your solenm sanction, and which, if skilfully conducted, vill ultimately termi- nate both to your advantage and renown. Tlie Sici- lian cities, fatigued and provoked with the arbitrary government of their princes, and the tyrannical authority of Syracuse, watch the first opportunity to open their gates to the deliverer, who shall oft'er to emancipate them from the yoke under which they have groaned so long. The expences of the expe- dition will be furnished by the Egestaeans and their H. 5 allies; 154 A VIEW OF allies ; nor will it be difficult to subdue a multitude of independent states, unconnected with one ano- ther, and unacquainted with military discipline."* The applauses of the people followed the speech of their leader; and their favourite Nicias, no longer venturing to oppose the violence of the popular tor- rent, made a last effort to break or divide its strength ; but his attempts to magnify the difficulties of the ex- pedition, and to state the obstacles in their way to conquest, served only to heighten the ambition of the assembly ; and instead of extinguishing their ardour, inflamed it the more. It was immediately decreed, that the generals should be in\ ested with full powers to raise sums of money, to levy such a body of troops, and equip such a number of gallies, as should be judged necessary or adequate to the en- terprize. The internal forces of the republic being insufficient for the expedition, agents were sent to demand contributions and auxiliary troops from its allies and tributary states. When the preparations were completed, and the fleet was ready to sail, evil omens and presages tilled the minds of the people with apprehension and terror. The festival of Adonis, which was celebrated annu- ally, returned at the time of the embarkation. During this gloomy ceremony, the whole city was in mourning ; statues were carried through the streets in funeral procession ; and the temples re- sounded with the cries and groans of the women who lamented the mystical death of the favourite of Venus. From a natural association of melancholy ideas, the minds of the superstitious foreboded, that the splendid armament before them vvould pass away like a pageant, and a^ ither like the flo\\ ers in the Gardens of j^donisj which were canied about in the hallowed procession. * Tlmcydid. p. 422—426. Ta ANTIENT HISTOllY. Iv55 To increase the general affliction, the statues of Morcmy, ^vllich had been erected in the streets as the boundaries of different editices, were all thro\\n down, maimed, and defaced on the night preceding the intended navigation. Ulie licentious character of Alcibiades exposed him to suspicion as an accom- plice in this act of sacrilege; but the boundless affection entertained for him by the soldiers and sailors, who declared they would leave the service if violence was offered to his person, emboldened Alcibiadcs to demand a trial before his departure, that he might have an opportunity of justifying his conduct. But his enemies postponed their resent- ment ; and the people, impatient for the expedition, obliged him to set sail. On the day appointed for the departure of the fleet, the Athenians crouded the Piraeus by day- break, to behold and admire the most magnificent armament that had ever been fitted out by any city in the antient world. It consisted of a hundred gal- lies, carrying six thousand two hundred and eighty soldiers, the greater part of whom was heavy armed. Thirty vessels, and a hundred barks, attended the fleet, loaded with provisions, and all things neces- sary for the length of the voyage. Besides the ma- rine forces, there was a land army, and a i'ew cavalry, to the raising of which private persons had contributed as well as the public. The grandeur and beauty of the spectacle delighted the eyes of all beholders. The gallies were decorated with every ornament of naval pomp ; the troops, composed of the flower of the Athenian youth, strove to excel one another in the gaiety of their dress, and the splendor of their arms ; the mgnificence of the whole had the appearance of a triumphal shew, rather than a warlike expedition. But amidst this pomp and pageantry which distinguished the Athe- H 6 niaK 156 A VIEW OF niaii adventurers, the joy of their friends and kins- men ^vas overcast with sorrow, when, with parting tears, they considered the length of the voyage, the dangers of the ocean, and the uncertainty of their success in distant regions, from which they might never return. When the troops had embarked, the trumpet sounded, and solemn prayers were offered up to the gods for the success of the expedition ; the accus- tomed libations were poured out from vessels of gold and silver. The people who lined the shore, shout- ing at the same time, lifted up their hands to heaven, to implore a prosperous voyage for their fellow-citi- zens. And now, the hymn being sung, and the cere- monies ended, the gallies set sail, and arrived without any accident at Corcyra, where die army of the allies was assembling with the remainder of the fleet.* The armament assembled at Corcyra consisted of a hundred and diirty-four ships of war, besides trans- ports. Five thousand heavy armed troops were at- tended with Rhodian slingers, and archers from Crete. At a moderate computation, the whole land and ma- rine strength, including slaves and attendants, amounted to twenty thousand men. The fleet having been proliibited from entering the harbours of Tarentum and Locres, directed its course to Rhegium. There they re<:eived information, from vessels which they had sent from Corcyra, that the citizens of Egesta possessed only thirty talents in their treasury. Nicias, who had foreseen and foretold that the Egista^ans were unable to fulfil their promises, enforced his former arguments against the expedition, and gave it as his opinion, " That the Athenian fleet ought to terminate the dispute between Egesta and Selinus, by persuasion or arms ; and after having dis- * Thucyd. Jib. vi, p. 43?, de Plut. in Nic'm, played ANTIENT HISTORY. lo7 played to the inhabitants of Sicily their power to protect their allies, should return immediately to Athens." Alcibiadcs maintained, ''That it would be inglorious for so noble an armament to return without having performed some signal exploit ; that by the prospect of immediate support, the inferior cities might be detaclied from their reluctant confede- racy with Selinus and Syracuse ; and that, after being strengthened by new alliances, the Athenians should attack. Selhius and Syracuse with vigour, unless the former concluded a peace with Egesta, and the latter restored the Leontines to their city." Lamachus offered a third opinion : " That they ought to sail directly for Syracuse, before the citizens had leisure to recover from their surprise, or prepare for their defence. That they had thus the fairest chance of ending the war at one blow ; and that the present time was the most proper, while the courage and the hopes of the Athenians were high, and the Syracusans were unprepared and unarmed." The timidity of Nicias, and the ambitious vanity of Alci- biades, rejected this wise and spirited advice. The opinion of the latter prevailed. Accordingly the fleet sailed from Rhegium to Sicily, and Alcibi- adcs took Catana by surprise. With another de- tachment he sailed to Naxos, and persuaded the in- habitants to accept the alliance of Athens. Mes- sene, the key of Sicily, was on the point of surren- derip.g to his intrigues, when he heard, that he was re- called by the Athenians to stand trial before the peo- ple for his life. When he received this intelligence, such was his baseness and profligacy, that he betrayed his friends in Messene to the party favourable to Syracuse, ^^ho immediately put tliem to death.* After the departure of the fleet from Athens, the Thucyd. p. 462. enemies 158 A VIEW OF enemies of Alcibiades, intent on gratifying their pri- vate resentment, without any regard to the welfare of their country, renewed against him, in his absence, the accusation of having defaced the statues of Mer- cury, and of having profaned the mysteries of Pro- serpine and Ceres. ^lany persons, accused of being accomplices in these crimes, were thrown into pri- son without being heard, and condemned to death without evidence. The ship of Salamis was dis- patched to bring Alcibiades to Athens, to be tried by the judgment of the people. He went on board the galley, but on arriving at Thurium, he disaj)- peared. From Thurium he made his escape to Argos, and hearing that the Athenians had condemned him to death, and confiscated his estate, he threw him- self on the protection of Sparta, which received him with open arms. By his versatile character, in- triguing disposition, and active genius, he soon gained an ascendancy in the commonwealth of I^ycurgus ;. and yielding to the dictates of a base resentment, seized the first opportunity to employ his influence in ad- vising and promoting those fatal measures which, ac- celerated the ruin of his country. This perfidious Athenian shewed the Spartans, that the Sicilians could only be conquered by want of ex- perience and unanimity ; that they abounded in brave and hardy citizens, but wanted the assistance of vete- ran officers to instruct them in military discipline, and train them on to battle. He also informed them, that their own forces in Greece had been idly and unprofitably employed ; that their frequent invasions of Attica had been uniformly unsuccessful, from their strange and unaccountable neglect of omitting to secure and fortify some strong hold in a province, whence they might, at leisure, harass the country, intercept parties, and keep the capital itself in con- stant alarm. The ANTIENT HISTORY. 159 The Spartans availed tliemselves of these import- ant instructions. On their next incursion into Attica, they strengthened and garrisoned tlic fortress of De- ceha, only twelve miles distant from Athens ; and they inmiediately dispatched Gylippus, with a small foice, to inspirit and discipline the Syracusan armies. From the departure of Alcibiades, Nicias, by his opulence and eloquence, possessed the whole autho- rity in the fleet ; for Lamachus, notwithstanding his valour, his spirit of enterprize, and his experifiuce in the field, was held in contempt by the soldiers on account of his poverty. Such were not always the sentiments of Athens. Finding himself iiuested with the sole command, he carried on his operations in tliat timid, irresolute, and dilatory manner w hich marked his character ; and, instead of attempting to make a bold impression on Selinus and Syracuse, wasted the ardour of his army in laborious insignifi- cant marches along the coasts, and in destroying the mconsiderable town of Hyccara, inhabited by barba- rians. Every thing languished under his command ; the bravery of the army w as disgraced by their un- successful attempts against Hybla, and Plimera ; their spirit declined by their obscure and inactive summer quarters at Naxos and Cataua ; w hile fresh courage \> as inspired into the Syracusans by the tardy measures and tiiniJ counsels of Nicias. While the Athenians murmured against these dilatory and ignominious proceedings, Nicias at last determined to gratify their ardour, and to attack Syracuse by sea and land. As the siege of this city is one of the most remarkable in the Grecian History, it will be requisite to give a detail of it at some length. Syracuse, of which the magnificent ruins still form an object of admiration, was founded by Archias the Corinthian, 160 A VIEW OF Corinthian, on the eastern coast of Sicily, seven hundred and nine years before the Christian era. The city, which was one of tlie strongest and most beautiful possessed by the Greeks, was situated on a promontory, surrounded on tlnee sides by the sea, and defended by lofty and abrupt mountains towards the west. It consisted of three principal divisions, the Island, Achradina, and Tyche. The Island, which composes the whole of modern Syracuse, formed the least extensive division of the ancient. It communicated with the main land by a bridge. Here the Syracusans afterwards built the citadel, and the palace of their kings. This division of the city was of great importance, because it gave the possessors the command of the two harbours by "VAhich it was surrounded. For this reason the Ro- mans, when they became masters of Syracuse, pro- hibited the Syracusans from inhabiting the Island. Achradina, the most spacious, beautiful, and best fortified quarter of the city, stretched along the sea to a vast extent, from the northern shore of the pro- montory, to the southern island Ortygia. Tyche, so called from the temple of fortune which adorned that part of the town, stretched along Achradina on the land side, and was crowded with industrious inhabitants. Syracuse was fortified by walls eighteen miles in circumference ; possessed two harbours separated by the island ; and was peopled by above two hundred thousand inhabitants.* The first rumours of the Athenian expedition had been regarded by the Syracusans as vague and ill- grounded reports. The fleet had arrived at Rhegium, before they could be induced by the provident Her- mocrates to prepare for a danger which was no longer * Strabo, p. ^66. Thucyd. lib. vi. at ANTIENT HISTORY. l6l at a distance. But when they belield the powerful arnumient covering the sea of Sicily, and ready to invade their unprepared state, they were seized with terror and trepidation, and sunk from their former presumption into despair. It required all the mag- nanimity and vigour of Hermocrates to restore their courage. By his spirited advice, they sent deputa- tions to every part of the island, soliciting the assist- ance of their allies ; they garrisoned all their castles; review ed their troops ; examined the arms in their magazines ; and made serious preparations for the defence of their island. At the close of the summer, information was brought to Nicias, that the Syracusans, having re- sumed courage, intended to march against him, and to attack him in his camp. Already their cavalry harassed the Athenians, beat up their advanced posts, intercepted their convoys, and, elated by success, added sarcasm and reproach at the pusillanimous in- activity of the invaders. These reproaches, and the murmurs of his own troops, rouzed the timid and inactive temper of Nicias ; but openly to attack Syracuse, was a bold and hazardous attempt. The distance between Ca- tana and that capital by sea, was but thirty miles ; but much peril would attend a descent, as the shore was well fortified, and the enemy numerous and pre- pared for defence. Nor was it safer to march by land, as the Athenians were deficient in cavalry, and that of the Syracusans was numerous, which watched their motions, and with whose activity and force they were ill-qualified to contend. To extricate himself from these perplexities, Nicias had recourse to stra- tagem. A citizen of Catana appeared in Syracuse, as a deserter from his native city ; he informed the magistrates, that a conspiracy against the Atlienians was formed in Catana ; and that, w ith the aid of the Syracusans, l62 A VIE\\' OF Syracusans, it would be easy to defeat an unprepared enemy. No^ proposal could be more acceptable to the Syracusans in the present ferment of their minds. The plan of the enterprize was concerted, and tlie day appointed for carrying it into execution. In consequence of this engagement, the Syracu- sans marched towards Catana, and encamped near Leontium. On receiving this intelligence, the Athe- nians set sail for Syracuse in the evening, and ar- rived by day-break in the Great Harbour. They immediately disembarked their troops, and fortified a camp in a favourable situation near the temple of Olympian Jove. When the cavalry of Syracuse pro- ceeded tQ the walls of Catana, they discovered, by the departure of the enemy, the stratagem by which they had been over-reached. They returned with the utmost expedition to protect Syracuse ; they were joined by the forces of Gela, Selinus, and Ca- marina ; and it was determined, without delay, to give battle to the Athenians.* In a few days Nicias marched out of his entrench- ments, and both parties prepared for the engagement. Nicias having gone round the ranks, and exhorted his soldiers to remember their antient valour, and the atchievements of their ancestors, led them on against the enemy, who did Hot decline the engagement.. The battle was long disputed with tirmness and vigour on both sides. Victory hitherto continued doubtful; when a sudden thunder storm arising, decided the engagement in favour of tlie Athenians ; they considering it merely as the effect of the sea- son, while the inexperienced Syracusans, looking upon it as an omen of the divine displeasure, betook themselves to flight. After this indecisive battle, Nicias, abandoning all • Xhucyd. p. 445— 5r. bopea ANTIENT HISTORY. l65 hopes of taking the town, retired w ilh his fleet to winter at Naxos and Catana. The recent success of llie .Vlhenians over tlie Sy- raciisau forces, emboldened tlieni to send niessenj^ers among their allies in Sicily, and the Italian coast in the neighbourhooil. They sent ambassadors also to Tuscany and to Carthage, the rival of Syracuse, so- liciting assistance ; large supplies of men and money w ere demanded from Alliens ; and every probable measure was pursued for opening the next campaign with vigour and success. The Syracusans were no less zealoiLs and active in preparing for the defence of their city. Hermo- crates, to whose wisdom and experience they had re- course in every moment of difficulty or danger, ad- vised them to lessen the number of their generals, -svhich amounted to fifteen. Accordingly they in- vested himself, Heraclides, and Sicanus, with un- limited authority both in civil and military atfairs. The expected succours now arrived from Athens. Nicias, in possession of four hundred talents, and at the head of a numerous army, strengthened by the addition of six hundred and fifty cavalry, now pre- paied, in the eighteenth year of the war, to lay siege to Syracuse. The Athenian Heet sailed from Ca- tana, and having disembarked the troops at the port of Trogile, retired to Thapsus, a small })eninsula of Syiacuse. The land forces marched with' the ut- most expedition to take possession of Epipolae, be- fore the enemy had received information of their arrival. On the tir&t news of their approach, seven hundred soldiers, undcF the command of Diomilus,, advanced in confusion to meet them ; but were soon, defeated, and three hundred of them, with their leader, left dead in the field. The Athenians, after erecting a trophy, built a fortress to secure their baggage and effects, on the summit of Epi})ol«, the highest of the mountains which overlook and com- maud 164 A VIEW OF mand the city. A blockade was the method adopted by Nicias for gaining possession of Syracuse. He surrounded the city on the land side with a strong circumvallation, in order to cut off all communication with the country ; while he expected that, by his nu- merous fleet, he should be able to block up the har- bours, and prevent the Syracusans from receiving any succours or provisions by sea. The strength of the whole army was employed in building a wall, to shut up the city northward from Tyche to Trcgile ; and the work was carried on with such rapidity, as struck the besieged with surprize and consternation. They attempted to prevent the completion of the wall ; but their sallies were always unsuccessful, and even their cavaliy was routed. After these recent defeats, the wise counsel of Her- mocrates deterred them from farther hostilities, and persuaded them to raise new bulwarks against the walls of the Athenians."^ Accordingly the projected wall was begun, and carried on with vigour ; and as the works on each side drew nearer, frequent skir- mishes took place between the contending parties, in one of which the gallant Lamachus fell a victim to his unguarded valour, but the Athenian troops were still victorious. The Athenian army was animated by these suc- cesses, but the Syracusans began to lose hopes of defending their city ; and this despondency was in- creased by the continual supplies which arrived to the besiegers, while Syracuse was abandoned or for- gotten by her perfidious or ungrateful allies. The populace, as was usual in the Grecian democracies, clamoured against the incapacity of their leaders, to whom they ascribed all the misfortunes of the war. INew generals were appointed in the room of Her- mocrates and his associates ; and this injudicious * Tliucyd. lib. vi, p. 482. chang^ ANTIENT lUSTOllV. \C)3 change brought Syracuse to the brink of ruin, so that at hist it prepared to scurendcr.* In this critical moment, and while the assembly were deliberating concerning the mode of capituhi- tion, a Corinthian vessel, commanded by GongyUis, entered the harbour. On liis landing all ranks of men flocked eagerly around him. He announced the speedy arrival of Gylippus, with a considerable fleet, to relieve Syracuse. VVhile astonished and delighted with this information, the citizens could scarcely give credit to what they heard, a courier arrived by land from Gylippus himself, giving them intelligence of his arrival, and ordering them to meet him with all their troops. He had landed with four gallieson the western coast of the island, to avoid the Athenian fleet, and advanced towards Syracuse on the side of Epipola}, where the line of circumvallation was still unfinished. Surprised and disconcerted by his arri- val, the Athenians drew up under the walls with pre- cipitation and disorder. Gylippus, laying down his arms, sent a herald to inform the Athenians, that he allowed them five days to leave Sicily. While Ni- cias disdained to ans\\ er this insolent proposal, some of his soldiers, bursting into laughter, asked the he- rald, '^ Whether the presence of a Lacedaemonian privateer, and a petty wand, made any alteiation in the state of the city ?" Both sides now prepared for hostilities. The first engagement was unfavourable to the Sicilians, from the inadvertence of Gylippus in posting them between their own walls and those of the enemy. To remedy this error, he arranged his army in the subsequent engagements on more spacious ground ; drove the Athenians in disorder from the field ; and pursued them to their camp with considerable loss, and still greater disgrace. The effects of this victory w ere sudden and im- * Thucyd. p. 487. portant. 166 A VIE^v OF > ? portant. / While the Athenians were victorious or superior in the field, they were furnished with pro- visions in abundance from the neighbouring tribes ; but after their defeat, they found the gates of every city shut agahist them. The foragmg parties were attacked or cut off; and at length they were reduced to dej^end for subsistence on precarious supphes from into the omiiiy. The fleet, besides transports, con- sisted of seventy-tlnx'e gallies, containing five thon- s-and pikenien, and above three thousand slingers and archers. I'he Syracusans were ahnmcd and dejected beyond measure, by tlie ap[>earance of this forniidabk* arma- ment. Notwithstanding all their former exertions and sufferings, the war was again to begin ; and they saw no prospect of a termination, or e\en suspension to their calamities. Demosthenes, who now assumed the chief autho- rity in the iieet, instructed by die dilatory conduct of Nicias, proposed " to take advantage of the alarm uhich the sudden arrival of such a powerful rein- forcement had spread among the enemy, and, by assaulting the walls of Syracuse, at once put an end t<> the war; or, if that was found to be impossible, to raise the siege, and no longer to exhaust, in inde- cisive engagements, the treasure and the streiigth of Athens, which might be better employed against the invaders of their own country." This spirited, but rash counsel, was highly ap- jNOved by Eurymedon and the rest of the com- manders ; Nicias, though extremely reluctant, was forced at last to acquiesce. Ai'ter «ome fruitless attempts against the fortifica- tions on the banks of the Anapus, Demosthenes de-- termlned to attack the fortresses in Epipole, believ- ing, that should he possess himself of that post, the wall would be quite undefended. As he could not proceed undiscovered during the day, he marched thither in a moonshine night, with the flower of his army, accompanied by Eurymedon and jMenander, Nicias remaining behind to guard the camp. Their lirst efforts were successful. They stormed the first entrenchment, and put to the sword those by whom it was defended. Encouraged by fortune, Demos- YOL. I. I thenes 170 A VIEW OF tlienes marched forward. During this interval, Gy- lipj>us led his whole forces out of their entrench- ments. At the approach of Demosthenes, the Sy- racusans A\ ere defeated and retired ; but as the Athe- nians advanced in disorder, to bear down w hatever might oppose their arms, their tumultuary attack was checked by a body of Thebans, ^vho repulsed them ■with loud shouts, made a dreadful havoc among their troops, and spread universal consternation through the rest of the army. Their ignorance of their situa- tion, and the dubious aspect of a night, not suffi- ciently bright to distinguish objects, nor sufficiently dark to render them imperceptible, added to the perplexity and panic of the Athenians. Their watch "word being betrayed to their enemies, they could not distinguish their allies from their foes, and frequently imbrued their hands in the blood of their friends. The confusion encreased, and the route became ge- neral. Some in their flight fell from the tops of the rocks, and were dashed in pieces ; others wandered into the country, and were next morning discovered and slain by the Syracusan cavah^. Upwards of two thousand men fell in this fatal engagement on the side of the besiegers. This severe and unexpected repulse subdued the spirit of the Athenians, w hose numbers were conti- nually diminishing by the diseases incident to the au- tumnal season, and the un\\holesome vapours arising from the morass near which the army was encamped. Demosthenes urged this calamity, which was daily encreasing, as an additional reason for raising the siege, while they could with safety cross the Ionian sea before the connnencement of approaching winter. But Nicias, whose ruling principle seems to have been that of delay, dissuaded them from the attempt, af- firniing, that an abrupt departine would betray their weakness, and that, at all events, they should wait for ANTII'NT HISTORY. 171 for orders from Athens. ^J'lie other generals, believ- ing that the unusual lirnnicss and obstinacy of Nicia** proceeded from soiiie secret discovery, or concealed ground of confidence, assented to his opinion, and adopted his n)casures, which nltinmtely involved themselves, the army; the navy, and the city of Adiens, in irretrievable destruction.* Meanwhile Gylippus, having made the tour of of Sicily after his late victory, returned to Syracuse with a po\^erfui reinforcement; and the troops so long ex]>ected from Peloponnesus, arrived in the har- bour of Svracuse. Such an aupnientation to the army and the navy of the Syracusans, with the in- creasing danger of the malignant distemper, threw the Athenians into tlie deepest dejection; and even Nicias agreed to abandon the sliores of Sicily. Pri- vate orders were given for this purpose, and the hour of midnight chosen for the time of their departure, in order to avoid the immediate pursuit of the enemy. V^ hen every preparation was made, and they were ju>t going to set sail, the moon was suddenly eclipsed. Xicias and his army were astonished and terrified at the phenomenon. The soothsayers, who were con- sulted, inter])reted it as an hiauspicious omen ; and advised them to defer the voyage till the mysterious number of three times nine days was completed, and a full revolution of the moon had taken place. But before that time expired, the voyage was impracti- cable, as the design was discovered to the Syracusans, who resolved to attack the fugitives by sea and land. During three days diey carried on their military and na\al operations Vtithout intermission. On the first day they attacked the entrenchments of the Athenians, and gained the advantage in the contest. On the .second, they sailed with seventy-six galiies against' • Thucyd. p. 5?4. Plut. in Nicia, I 2 eighty- 172 A VIEW OF eighty-six of the Athenians. Eurymcdon having se- parated his squadron from the rest of the fleet, in order to surround the enemy, was pursued by them to the bottom of the gulf and defeated. He fell in the engagement, and the galhes under his command were driven on shore. On the third day, Gylippus having meditated an attack "on the Athenian soldiers as they were escaping from their gallies that had run aground, was repulsed with considerable loss; but eighteen of these gallies were taken, and their crews put to the sword. With a view to intercept the retreat, and totally to destroy the fleet of the Athenians, Hermocrates pre- vailed on the Syracusans to place a line of vessels, flxed with anchors and chains, across the mouth of the Great Harbour, which was five hundred paces wide. When the Athenians found themselves shut up in the harbour, a council of war was held to de- liberate on the state of their affairs. They were in want of provisions, and none could be procured, un- less they were masters of the sea. This determined them to risk a naval engagement. Nicias, whose for- titude rose in adversity, now exerted his utmost ef- forts to retrieve the falling fortunes of his country. He immediately refltted a hundred and ten gallies, and filled them with the flower of his infantry ; hav- ing drawn up the remainder of his forces in order of battle on the shore. As the Athenians had suffered much on former occasions from the firm and weighty prows of the Sicilian vessels, Nicias had provided grappling irons to lay hold on the hostile vessel, that they might come immediately to a close engagement. When the firm decks of op[)Oshig vessels \a ere thus crowded ^^ith armed men, an engagement at sea re- sembled a batde at land. The generals on both sides employed all their elo- quence and ardour to animate the courage, and heigliten AN'TiENT insTOHY. 1?.'^ lu i^1lte^ tlio exertion of tlieir soldiers ; and no coni- niaiideis could ever have been proni})ted by stronger inducements; lor the impending; l)uttlc was not only to deteruiine their own fate, but to decide the fate of their country, and the destiny of succeeding ages. W'lien the Syracusans were acquainted with the intentions vf the enemy to engage, they prepared to defend the chain of gallies at the entrance of the harbour. A narrow opening was left, on either side of which a considerable squadron was stationed.* Sicanus and Agatharcus were appointed to command the wings ; and Pythen, a native of Corinth, to com- mand the centre of the fleet. Gylippus having given every necessary order, returned to take the command of the land forces. The Athenian fleet consisted of a hundred and ten gallies ; the Syracusan of ninety ; but the latter was amply provided with every neces- sary article for attack or defence ; even the new in- vention of the Athenians was not overlooked; to prevent the impression of the grappling irons, the l)rows of the Syracusan vessels were covered with raw hides. The engagement was desperate and sanguinary on both sides. When the Athenians arrived at the mouth of the harbour, they repelled with ease the gallies that were stationed to defend it. But when they attempted to break the chain of vessels that guarded the entrance, the Syracusan fleet approached, and rushed inter the harbour, which was more favourable to the form of their vessels, and their mode of flght- ing, than the open sea. The confusion, tumult, and havoc occasioned by the engagement of two hundred gallies in so narrow a space, strike the imagination with horror, and surpass the powers of description. From the motion of the ships by the agitation of the * Thucyd. p. 451. 1 3 sea, 174 A VIEW OF sea, the darts and arrows of the Athenians were spent without effect; but tlie frequent and furious discharges of stones from the Syracusan vessels \^ ere dreadfully destructive. The efforts of distant hostility heir.g over, the nearest ves.<^els came into close contact, and grappled fach other. The heavy armed troops boarded the eneniy's ships, and fought hand to hand; the decks w ere covered with blood ; and nothing was to be acen around but fragments of ruined vessels, and dead bodies floating on the wave. The crash of the ships that rushed against each other, and the mingled shouts of the victors and the vanquished, occasioned such uproar and disorder, that the orders of the commanders could no more be heard. The object of the Athenians was to break the chain of vessels that shut the harbour, to secure their return to their o\\n country, lliis the enemy endeavoured to prevent, to render their victory more decisive and complete. The two armies, which were drawn up on the neighbouring shore, saw clearly every circimi- stance of the engagement, and contemplated the in- teresting scene with solicitude and terror. Attentive to every movement of the fleet, and shuddering at every change, they discovered their hopes or their fears by shouts of exultation, or groans of despon- dency. Sometimes stretching out their hands to- wards their countrymen, as if to animate and direct their efforts; at other times raising them towards heaven, to implore the assistance and protection of the gods. At last, after an obstinate contest and a rigorous resistance, the Athenian fleet was dispersed and driven on shore. The Syracusan land army, when they beheld this event, conveyed to the whole city, by a sudden and imiversal shout, the news of the victory. The Athenians were protected in their landing by a small but heroic band, commanded by Nicias. ANTIENT HISTORY. \(d Nicias. The Syraciisans, now the acknowledged masters of the sea, sailed to Syracuse, and t'rected a trophy. In this engagement the victors lost forty vessels, and the vanquished fifty. Defeated by a new power, on an element in which they had not only reigned, but triumphed for half a century, the spirit of the Athenians was broke, and their courage annihilated. On this occasion they neglected tlie sacred duty of burying the dead ; and did not so much as request that the bodies of their deceased countrymen might be delivered to them, m order to pay the last duties to their remains. Though their lieet was still more numerous than that of the enemy, they refused to meet the Syracusans a second time, and to engage with an inferior force. The dauntless Athenian spirit no longer appeared ; their only wish was to escape at any rate. The evening after the engagement, the Syracusans celebrated the festival of Hercules, their favourite hero, and celestial protector. Nothing could be more favourable to the silent and unobserved depar- ture of the Athenians, than the gaiety, jollity, and giddiness in which the capital of Sicily indulged it- self during the greatest part of the night. Piety, as well as duty, seemed to second the double call, which a festival and a victory gave to pleasure and enjoy- ment. Hermocrates alone, who suspected tlie de- signs of the enemy, saw the necessity of intercepting or preventnig their tligiit, since tliey might again be- come formidable, and renew the war. 1 or this pur- pose he selected a band of horsemen, who, pretend- ing friendship to the Athenians, were ordered to in- form Nicias, '^ that it would be dangerous to depart till morning, as the Syracusans lay in ambush for him, and had occupied all the pas:^e^." This false intelligence suspended the march of the dilatory Ni- 1 4 cias; 17f) A VIEW or cias; and he remained two days longer to make every necessary preparation for the departure of the army. This delay gave full time to the Syracusans to seize the most difficult passes, to fortify the places where the rivers were fordable, to break down the bridges, and spread detachments of horse up and down the plain to harass the Athenians on their march. On the third day after the battle, the Athe- nian army, consisting of forty thousand men, set out from their camp with a view of retiring to Catana, The lofty expectations which they had formed ^vere now vanished; they had abandoned their fleet to the enemy ; they had been conquered on their own ele- ment; had disgraced the achievements, and fallen from the fame of their ancestors. To this public dishonour was^ added the keenest pungency of private distress. A melancholy spectacle presented itself wherever they turned their eyes ; vast numbers of the sick, the wounded, and the dying, following them with feeble steps, clinging to their garments, and im- ploring them with tears, and in the accents of unut- terable woe, not to abandon them to the fury of wild beasts, or tlie more merciless rage of the enemy, but self-preservation prevailed over every other care ; the miserable victims w'ere left to perish, sending up towards heaven their plaintive and unavailing groans, invoking gods and men to hear their lamentations* and avenge their wrongs. The sufferings of Nicias, and his magnanimity in supporting them, form a striking part of the specta- cle. Worn out with a tedious sickness : deprived of com.mon necessaries; and pierced not only with his own grief, but that of others, which preyed upon his heart; this great man, whose courage rose in adver- sity, thought of nothing but how^ to console the sor- rows and revive the hopes of the army. He moved with alacrity among the ranks, proclaiming aloud, ''That ANTIENT IIISTOKY. 177 ** That there was yet 'room for hope; that other ar- mies Iiad escaped from greater evils; and that there- fore they ought not to yield to mistV)rtinie. That if they had incurred the displeasure of some deity, by their invasion of Sicily, his vengeance must be satiated bv the jireatness and the length of their sufferings; that their numbers and their bravery rendered them still so formidable, tliat no city in Sicily was able to oppose them ; and that, by a rirm and prudent re- treat, \Ahich was now become their only resource, they would not only save themselves but their coun- try; since the strength of a state consisted in brave and good men, not m evacuated fleets or undefended walls."^ The army marched in two divisions, both drawn up in llie form of a phalanx, as the most secure and conmiodious an angement. The tirst was command- ed by Nicias; the second by Demosthenes ; the bag- gage and the slaves were placed hi the centre. In this arrangement they passed the river Anapus, the ford of which was disputed by a detachment of Sv- racusans. Being much harassed by the cavalry and archers after they had passed the river, they pro- ceeded only live miles on their march. Next day they were exposed to the same dangers, and compel- led to dispute every inch of their way. The enemy did not chuse to venture an engagement against an army that despair might render invincible; whenever the Athenians offered battle, the Syracnsans retired ; but when the former proceeded in their march, the latter advanced, and charged them in the rear. The situation of the Athenian army grew more and more deplorable. On three successive days they attem})ted to pass the mountain Acraami, and were thrice repulsed by the enemy with considerable loss. * Tlmcyd. p. 550. I 5 The 178 A VIEW OF The numbers of the wounded had been greatly in- creased by these unavailing attempts ; the neighbour- ing territory could no longer furnish them with pro- visions ; ^'icias and Demosthenes now found it ne- cessary to alter their route, and to make a circuit by the sea shore. To conceal their design from the ene- my, fires were lighted in every part of the camp. The troops then marched out under covert of the night, but with confusion and disorder. The hor- rors of a gloomy sky, an unknown country, and the apprehension of the enemy, who were at no great distance, spread terror and consternation among the Athenians ; and Demosthenes, with the greater part of the troops under his command, lost their way, and made a fatal separation from the rest of the army. Next momhig, Gylippus having received intelli- gence of this event, marched with the utmost celerity to intercept the smaller division, and overtook them at noon near the ford of the river Erinios. Having surrounded them with his cavalry, he drove ihem into a narrow defile, where they defended themselves with the most desperate bravery. I'o wards the ap- proach of evening, oppressed with fatigue, and faint with their wounds, they were exhausted rather than defeated. Gylippus offered indemnity and protec- tion to all who would desert their leaders ; an offer which was accepted by the Asiatic Greeks, and the troops from other tributary states. At last De- mosthenes, and the remainder of his host, consented to lay down their arms, on condition that they should not suffer death or imprisonment.''^ These, still amounting to six thousand, were sent prisoners to Sy- racuse. Gylippus then pursued the division of the army • Thucyd. 553. conducted ANTIENT IIISTOUY. 179 conducted by Nicias, which liad niarchid twenty miles, and was advancing tow.irds llie margin of the river Assinaros. He overtook them before they could reach the banks of the ri\ er ; and sent a herald to TS^icias, sommoning him to imitate the examjile of Demosthenes, and to surrender without farther effu- sion of blood. Xicia^i, not giving credit to the in- telligence of an enemy, w as permitted to send a mes- senger for information. AVhen the intelligence was confirmed by the return of the cornier, >iicias pro- posed terms in the name of the Athenians, engaging to repay them all the expences of the war, and to deliver hostages for the repayment, on condition that they would permit him, with his army, to depart from Sicily. The S\racnsans, as was to be expected, would not listen to his proposals, and Gylippus made an attack on the army of ^'icias, \^hich wus sustahied during the whole day with incredible bravery, the Athenians still hophig they should be able to make good their retreat hi the obscurity of the night. But their in- tentions and movements were discovered by the w ary Gylippus, and only three hundred men broke through the enemy and escaped. The rest returr»ed with de- spondency to the post they had left. Next morning, prompted by despair, they resumed their aims, and ran towards the river amiilst the attacks of the Syra- cusan bowmen and cavahy. The feverish sensation of thirst excited them to ru^h with frenzy into the ra- pid stream; while their pursuers, who lined tlie rocky banks, attacked them with darts, arrows, and jave- lins. The Assinaros presented a new scene of dan- ger; multitudes were borne down the stream by the rapidity and force of the current; while others joined in a body to stem its i'orce, were butchered without mercy as they were drinking the turbid element. Ni- cias, unable to bear this spectacle of honor, surren-^ 1 6 dereti ISO A VIEW OF dered at discretion, and implored pity and protection for the miserable remains of his army. Before the orders of the generals could be known, many of the soldiers had, according to the custom of the age, seized tlieir prisoners, so that Athenian captives >vere dispersed through all the cities of Sicily. The Athe- nians, displeased with Nicias for surrendering at dis- cretion, omitted his name in a public monument, on ^vhich were recorded the names of those commanders who had fallen in the battles of their country. The conquering army suspended the arms taken from the vanquished, on the largest trees which adorned the banks of the river, as a trophy of their victory ; then crowning themselves with garlands of flowers, and decking tlieir horses with the richest ca- parisons, they returned to Syracuse in trimnph, after having brought to a happy termination a war, which threatened not only their liberties, but their political existence. On the following day an assembly was held to de- liberate on the fate of the prisoners. Diodes, a leader of great authority among die people, pro- posed, *' That all tlie Athenians and the Sicilians who. had joined their army, should be imprisoned, and fed with bread and w ater ; that the slaves and allies should be publicly sold ; and that the two generals should be scourged, and afterwards put to death." The injustice und severity of the last excited com- passion, or rather horror in every Immane bosom. Hermocrates attempted to remonstrate, but notw ith- standing his acknowledged and respected character for patriotism, as well as for justice and integrity, his voice was interrupted by the clamours of the mul- titude. At that instant a venerable old man, w ho had lost tv/o sons in the war, the sole heirs to his name and estate, ordered his servants to carry him to the tribunal of harangues. \\ hen lie appeared, a pro- found ANTIENT IHSTORV. 13t found silence took place : " You behold in me/* said the hoaiy-lieaded Nicolaus, ''an unfortiuiate fa- ther, who lias felt more than any <;ther Syracnsan the calamities of this war, by the d(,'atli of two sons, who were the sole supports, and formed all the con- solation of my old age ! I cannot, indeed, cease to admire their courage and their felicity in losing, in defence of their country, a life, of which they nnist one day have been deprived by the course of nature ; but then I cannot but strongly feel the cruel and in- curable wound which their untimely death has made in the heart of a bereaved and forlorn father ; nor forbear to detest the Athenians, as the authors of this unhai)py ^'^'^^> ^^^^ the murderers of my children. But, how ever sensible to private affliction and to do- mestic sorrow, 1 feel no less strongly for the honour of my country, and the character of my fellow-ci- tizens, especially when I see them exposed to perpe- tual infamy, by the inhuman counsel which is now given you. The Athenians, indeed, merit every pu- nishment that can be legally intiicted on them, for having so unjustly declared war against us. But have not the gods, to whom vengeance belongs, punished them in an exemplary manner, and revenged our cause? When their griierals laid down their arms, did they not surrender on condition of having their lives spared ? And if we put them to death, how can we avoid the reproach and ignominy of having broken solemn engagements, violated tke law of na- tions, and disgraced our valour by .sa^age and san- guinary cruelty r What ! will you suffer your glory to be sullied in the face of the whole world ; and have it said, that a nation, who lirst dedicated a temple i!i tln.'ir city to clemency, found none in yo!ns ? To enjoy prosperity with moderation, to exercise hu- manity towards a vanquished foe, and to imitate the gods in pity and in clemency, will reflect more lustre on 182 A VIEW OF on the commonwealth than victories and triumphs. Have you forgotten that this Nicias, whose fate you are going to pronounce, was the person who pleaded your cause in the Athenian assembly, and employed all the infiueuce of his authority, and the w hole power of his eloquence, to dissuade his country from en- gaging in tl'is war ? and will you pronounce sentence of death on this virtuous and unfortunate man, as a return for the zeal he expressed for your interest t With regard to myself, death w ould be less grievous to me than such flagrant injustice and shocking cru- elty, committed by my countrymen and fellow-citi- zens. Tlie assembly was struck with admiration, as well as softened to compassion, by this magnanimous and pathetic f9^ ' A VIEW OF their own, which they had lost in a former engage- ment, they erected a trophy. It was next resolved to attack the enemies fleet at Cyzicus ; for this purpose a detachment of eighty gallies sailed to the small island of Proconnesus, about ten miles distant from the station of the Peloponnesian fleet. A thunder-storm, followed by rain and a thick gloom, concealed their approach ; and, favoured by the darkness, Alcibi- ades surprized sixty vessels, which had been sepa- rated from the Peloponnesian fleet. When the gloom dispersed, the rest of the fleet sailed to their assist- ance, but were totally defeated by the Athenians, who took every vessel, except the Syraciisan gallies, which were set on fire by Hermocrates in the face of a victorious enemy. The news of this victory elevated the Athenians as much as it depressed the Spartans. For several years the operations of the Athenians had been crowned ■with success, but the twenty-fourth year of the war was peculiarl}' fortunate. The Carthaginians invaded Sicily, and prevented any effectual aid from being sent to the Peloponnesian allies from that quarter. The revolt of the Medes withheld the Persian rein- forcements, which were necessary to recruit the army of Pharnabasus. The Athenians having repeatedly defeated both the confederated Greeks and the Per- sians, returned in trriumph to attack the fortified ci- ties, in which Alcibiades displayed the extraordinary resources of his genius. By sudden assaults or gra- dual approaches, by force or by stratagem, in a few months he became master of Chalcedon, Selembria, and at last of Byzantium. His fleet was no less successful than his army, and he restored to the Athe- nians the empire of the sea. It was computed by his friends, that Alcibiades, since he was invested with the chief command, had taken or destroyed two hundred Syracusan or Peloponnesian gallies. After ANTIENT HISTORY. 197 After so many atchievcments and victories, Alci- biades eagerly desired to re-visit his native country, and to enjoy the honours he had merited by his suc- cess, lie set sail for the Piraeus ; and, on the joyful day of his arrival, the people crowded to meet him, and to behold the deliverer of Athens. His fieet was adorned with the arms and spoils he had taken from the enemy. The ships which he had captured attended the triumph ; and he displayed, as trophies of success, the ensigns and ornaments of those he had sunk or destroyed. He landed amidst the universal shouts and acclamations of tlie spectators, who, in- attentive to the naval pomp, fixed their eyes on Al- cibiades alone. They gazed on him w itli admiration as a tutelar divinity, who had brought victory in his train ; reflecting on the deplorable situation of the commonwealth, when he undertook its defence, and the many illustrious atchievcments he had since per- formed, by vvljich he had rendered her victorious both by sea and land.. As Alcibiades had been charged with a crime, and condemned in absence, it was requisite that he should be absolved in due form. iVccordingly an extraordi- nary assembly was summoned by the magistrates, that he might explain and vindicate his conduct. He found little difficulty in making his defence before judges so strongly prepossessed in his favour. Having deplored his past misfortunes^ he imputed them en- tirely to his evil destiny, and not to the people. He concluded by exhorting them to pursue the war, and to hope every thing from its success- Charmed with his eloquence, his candour, and. magnanimity, the assembly decreed him a crown; of gold, restored his estate, and appointed him commander in chief by sea and land. So excessive were the grateful transports of the people, that they w ould have oiFered him the sovereignty, if they had not been prevented K 3 by J98 A VIEW OF by himself and his friends. The utmost exertions were made both in the army and the navy, a bimdred gailies were fitted out, and transports prepared to carry a large body of infantry and cavalry. When these preparations were finished, he deferred his departure for some time, to celebrate the Eleii- sinian mysteries. Nothing in the history of heathen religion is more memorable or illustrious than the festival of Ceres Eleusina. The origin of the in- stitution is referred to the goddess herself, who, coming to Eleusis in the reign of Erectheus, and finding the country afflicted with famine, taught the inhabitants the culture of corn, and instructed them in the principles of justice and humanity. These mysteries were divided into the greater and the lesser. Those who desired to be initiated into the greater mysteries, were prepared and purified by watching, temperance, sacrifices, lustrations, and prayer ; and, previous to the revelation of the mys- terious secrets, the most profound silence was en- joined them. When the time for their initiation ar- rived, they were brought into the temple ; and, to in- spire the greater reverence, the ceremony was per- formed in the night. Wonderful things passed upon this occasion ; visions were seen, and voices heard of an extraordinary nature. A sudden splendor illumi- nated the darkness of the place, and immediately dis- appearing, added new horrors to the gloom. Appari- tions, claps of thunder, shaking of the earth, height- ened the terror and amazement, while the trembling candidate heard the mysterious volumes read to him by the hierophant. These striking ceremonies were contrived to teach, with greater efficacy, the most important principles of religion and virtue, and to ex- press, by external emblems, the immortality of the human soul, and the rewards appointed for the vir- tuous ANTIENT HISTORY. 199 liious ill a future state of existence. " The know- ledge of these nivsteries," says Isocrates,* '* dispels the tenors of deatli, by inspiring the initiated with the ])leasing hopes of an eternity of happiness." Besides tlie secret and awful ceremonies, the wor- ship of Ceres was celebrated by public shows and ex- hibitions, and, above all, by the solemn and magnificent procession which proceeded along the sacred road lead- ing from Athens to Eleusis. The Athenit^ns, for some time past, had been obliged to conduct this proces- sion by sea, as the Lacedaemonians were in posses- sion of the road to the temple. Alcibiades, who had resolved to celebrate this festival in its antient lustre and solemnity, ordered the procession to go by land in the usual manner, under the convoy of an armed force. Having posted centinels upon the hills, he placed the venerable ministers of the goddess, and the initiated, under the protection of his army. No enemy appeared to disturb the solemnity and pomp of the procession, which Alcibiades conducted to Eleusis, and back to Athens, without interruption from the enemy. No spectacle, says Plutarch, was ever more august or more worthy the majesty of the gods, than tliis mingled pomp of war and of religion ; and even the enemies of Alcibiades were obliged to acknowledge, that he w as no less qualified to dis- charge the functions of a high-priest than those of a general. The principal design of Alcibiades, in this public ostentation of his piety, was to efface from the minds of the people the suspicions of irreligion, to which the mutilation of statues and the profanation of rnysteiies had formerly given rise. After di s effusion of rel^ious zeal, so meritorious in the eyes of the people, and particularly acceptalle to the army, Alcibiades prepared for his mihiary ex- * Panegyr. p. 24. K 4 pediiion; 200 A VIEW OF pedition ; and his countrymen expected every tiling from his abilities. Alarmed at the late victories of the Athenians, and apprehensive of their future success, the Spartans now thought it necessai'y to oppose one of their best generals to Alcibiades, and appointed Lysander chief commander of the fleet. This general, though of noble birth, and a descendant of Hercules, was edu- cated with all the rigour and severity of Spartan dis- cipline. He had spent his life in arms, or in em- bassies to foreign states. To unabated valour he added the fruits of his experience, and knew well how to gain by policy what could not be obtained by open violence ; how to join, according to his own expres- sion, the cunning of the fox to the courage of the lion. Ambition was his ruling passion, to \^hich he could sacrifice evei^ principle, and resign every plea- sure. Since the remarkable defeat at Cyzicus, the Pe- loponnesian states had been employed in building ships and preparing a fleet. The whole armament, amounting to ninety sail, was now collected by Ly- sander at Ephesus. While he was making prepara- tions for his expedition, he was informed that Cyrus, the youngest son of the Persian monarch, was ap- pointed governor of Sardis. As he had no perma- nent fund for the payment of his forces, he repaired to the Lydian capital without delay, to congratulate the arrival of the young prince. Having insinuated himself into the favour of Cyrus, he complained of the perfldious partiality of Tissaphernes to the Athe- nians, whose power had formerly been, and might still be, destructive to the interests of Persia. Phar- nabasus, he added, had more effectually served the cause of his master ; but that neither the one nor the other had furnished the stipulated pay to the Grecian seamen and soldiers, without which desertion would tak'^ ANTIENT HlSTOilY. 201 hike place, and no vigorous measures could be pur- sued. Cyrus' answered, '^ That he had orders from the king his father, to assist the Laceditmonians; that lor this [)urp()se he had brought \vith him five hundred talents ;* atid, shouhl that sum be found inadequate, lie would coin into money the golden throne on which he sat." Lysander endeavoured to profit by the favourable dispositions of the Persian court, and requested that the pay of the seamen miglit be raised from three oboli to a drachma a day. The young prince re- plied, that on this subject too he must be guided by the instruction of his father, " That the pay must continue on the original footing, and the allied fleet receive thirty miHei'f a month for every ship." Ly- sander seemed to acquiesce, but did not abandon his project. Soon after, at a magnificent entertainment given by Cyrus, the artful Spartan, by his address and flat- tery, insinuated himself so far into the good graces of the young prince, that he desired him to prefer a re- quest, \vith full assurance it should be granted. Ly- sander replied, '^ That he had nothing to desire but the addition of an oboliis a day to the pay of the ma- riners." The apparent magnanimity and disinterest- edness of this request charmed the youthful mind of Cyrus, and the Spartan received ten thousand darics.J Returning with this sum to Ephesus, he paid off the arrears due to his troops, gave them a month's })ay ia advance, augmented their daily allowance, and thinned the Athenian gallies by tempting the mariners to de- sert. Though Lysander had considerably enfeebled the * Near a hundred thousand pounds, t Above ninety pounds. * Above five thousand pounds. K 5 ' aaval 202 A VIEW OF naval power of the enemy, and strengthened his own by the augmentation of the mariner's pay, yet he ventured not to hazard a battle; being apprehensive of Alcibiades, who had the superiority in number of ships, whose reputation was equally high for valour and military skill, and who had never been defeated in any engagement by sea or land. But the Athenian general was soon obliged to sail to the Ionian coast, in order to raise contributions to pay his troops, and committed the charge of the fleet to Antiochus ; a favourite so unworthy of such a trust, that even Al- cibiades gave him positive orders not to hazard a battle. But such was the insolence and folly of the new commander, that he entered the port of Ephesus with two gallies, and, having challenged Lysander to an engagement, retired with loud laughter and de- rision. The Spartan knew how to restrain his re- sentment ; but, when he observed the enemy thrown into disorder, he ordered the Peloponnesian squadrons to advance. The battle was soon decided ; the Athe- nian insolence was not supported by their valour; and, having lost fifteen gallies, retired in disgrace to Samos. Alcibiades soon returned ; but Lysander, though fa- voured by fortune, still declined an engagement with that commander, who entered the port of Ephesus to offer him battle, and employed threats and insults, to procure an opportunity of retrieving the honours of the Athenian fleet. In the mean while, another revolution, with re- gard to him, had taken place in the minds of the Athenian people. Expecting nothing but conquests, such an ignominious defeat filled them with disap- pointment and rage. They had such confidence in the abilities of Alcibiades, that they began to suspect his integrity; and, as they believed nothing impossible for him to atchieve, they imputed the disasters which happened in his absence to design. These suspicions, though ANTIENT HISTORY. 203 though groiuuUess, were coufirmed by Thrasybulus, who, jealous of the fame and honours diat liad bteii bestowed on a rival, accused him before the assembly of die people. He charged him with the ruin of his country, by introducing hcentiousness into the navy ; with liaving selected his friends from tlie most noto- rious libertines and debauchees, and entrusting the command of the fleet to such unworthy hands; while he spent that time, which should have been dedicated to the service of his country, in the arms of loniau courtezans, or in raising contributions on the pro- vinces to defray the ex pence of his castle on the Thracian coast, his meditated asylum against the vengeance of the state w Inch he had betrayed. Nothing can more strongly illustrate the levity, in- constancy, and capriciousness of the Athenian demo- cracy, than their treatment of iMcibiades. The man on whom they had so lately poured accumulated ho- nours, whom they had almost worshipped asa tutelar Divinity, was now, in one day, accused, tried, and condemned unheard. Ten generals were chosen in his stead ; among whom Thrasyllus, Leon, Diome- don, and Conon were, entitled to the honours of the commonwealth, and the confidence of their country. Alcibiades retired for refuge to one of his castles in the Thracian Chersonesus. The new generals had scarcely arrived at Samos, when Lysander's year of command expired, and Cal- licratidas, a Spartan of the antient mold, was ap- pointed his successor. The ambitious and political Lysander had employed his annual period of com- mand to lay the foundation of systematic influence and permanent authority. To attach the soldiers and sailors to his semce, he indulged them in licen- tious pleasures ; he encouraged the most daring w itii liberal rew ards and magnificent promises ; and from this faction, which was entirely devoted to his inte- K G rest. 204 . A VIEW OF rest, he raised his favourites to the first employ- ments and highest honours in the army. He had partizans in all the islands and cities dependent on Sparta. He established aristocracy, or rather the government of his own creatures, in all the towns he had taken. He bestowed his confidence on those who were void of fear and of shame, committed autho- rity to their hands, and, by the influence of Persian gold, rendered them entirely devoted to his interest. When Cailicratidas laid his commission before the council, the partizans of Lysander raised an univer- sal clamour, and declared against yielding, on such a critical emergency, a scrupulous obedience to the laws of Lycurgus. But \\ hen Cailicratidas addressed the assembly, with the manly simplicity and unaf- fected dignity of a virtuous mind, they listened wi^h respect and admiration, the faction of Lysander was ashamed, and all acknowledged that it w as necessary to obey the orders of the Spartan government. Lysander, though not without the strongest symp- toms of jealousy and resentment, resigned his com- mrand, but resolved to render it more humiliating than honourable to his successor. He returned to the court of Cyrus, and restored the unexpended remains of the ten thousand darics, which that prince had given him for the augmentation of the mariners' pay ; at the same time he represented Cailicratidas as an ignorant, obstinate, unpolished Spartan, un- Avcrthy the conversation or confidence of a prince. On his return, he told Cailicratidas, that to provide subsistence for his army, he must apply to the Great King. Compelled by necessity and duty, this high- minded Spartan at last repaired to Surdis. He was refused admission to the royal presence ; making a second attempt, he was treated with derision and scorn by the vain and insolent minions of a court. He then left Sardis with disdain, execrating the haughtiness A NTT r. NT niSTORY. (205 fianohtinoss and troadicrv of the Pcri^laiis; latiiotit- inij the internal tlissrnsions of the (i reeks, which compelled them to solicit the assistance of snch inso- lent allies; and vowinsr, if ever he returned to Spnrta, to exert his ntmost efforts to reconcile the Grecian states to one another. As he had not obtained the object of his expedi- tion, he proceeded to Miletns and other towns of Ionia; and, after nnfoldinir the jealon^-y of Lysan- der, and the arrogance of Cyrus, solicited contribu- tions to carry on a \\'ar which was undertaken on their behalf. Bv this fair and honourable conchict he ob- tained considerable sums, wliich enabled him tore- turn with credit to Ephesns, and, by satisfyinfr the demands of the seamen and soldiers, to raise their spirits for the day of battle. In the twenty-sixth year of the Peloponnesian war, Callicratidas, having gained some advantages over the Athenians at I.esbos, pursued C'onon, the most il- lustrious of the ten generals, into the port of Mity- lene, where he kept him blocked up. Conon found means to apprise Athens of his ex- treme danger. Extraordinary eftbrts were made for his relief; and in less than a month a fleet of a hun- dred and ten sail was fitted out, containing all the Athenians, slaves as well as free, that were capable of bearing arms. Reinforced at Samos by the allied states, they now amounted to a hundred and iiiiy sail ; and, steering for the islands of Arginusa.^ sitnattd near the promontory of Lesbos, they prepared to en- gage the enemy. Nor was Callicratidas averse to the engagement. Having left Eteonicus at Mitylene, to continue the blockade with fifty gallies, he set sail with a hundred and twenty to the southern pohit of Lesbos, within four miles of the Athenian fleet. The counsellors of Callicratidas dissuaded him from hazarding a battle 206 A VIEW OF . against such superior strength and numbers. He re- plied, "To fly would cover me with perpetual shame. My death is of little importance to the re- public ; Sparta does not depend on one man." He then gave the signal for engaging. The victory was long disputed with undaunted and persevering bravery. Callicratidas distinguished himself in the fight. At length, being opposed by the galley of Pericles, son of the celebrated statesman and orator, his ship was held fast by a grapplhig iron, and he was instantly surrounded by several Athenian vessels. In this si-- tuation the brave Spartan fell, overpowered by num- bers. The right wing, which he commanded, was put to flight. The left, composed of Boeotians and Euboeans, made a long and vigorous resistance, from fear of falling into the hands of the Athenians, from whose authority they had revolted ; at last they were obliged to give way, and fled in disorder, llie Athe- nians having gained a complete victory, erected a tro- phy in the islands of Arginusa?. They lost twenty- live gallies in this engagement, and the enemy more than seventy, in the number of which were nine of the ten furnished by the Lacedaemonians. After the battle, the Athenian generals gave orders to Theramenes and Thrasybulus to collect the dead bodies, that they might be interred with the accus- tomed ceremonies. Fifty vessels were appointed to discharge this religious and humane office. The rest of the fleet sailed in quest of the Peloponnesians on the coast of Lesbos, who were saved by a stratagem of Eteonicus. Soon after the battle, a vessel ar- rived at Mitylene announcing the defeat of the Pelo- ponnesian fleet. Eteonicus, who anticipated the consequences of that event, ordered the vessel se- cretly to leave the harbour, and to return in a short time, the rowers crowned with wreaths of flowers, and calling out, with shouts and acclamations, that Callicratidas ANTIC NT HISTORY. CO? Callicratlclas was victorious, and had destroyed the whoh'^ Athenian fleet. '^I'he contrivance was success- ful ; hymns were sung-, and sacrifices offered to the gods. Eteonicus took advantage of a favourable gale to send his gallies to the Isle of Chios ; and, after having burned the camp, marched his land army to Methymna, whicli was threatened with an attack from the enemy.* Theramenes andThrasybulus, who were ordered to convey home the bodies of the dead, that they might be honoured with the rites of sepulture, were pre- vented by a violent tempest from the execution of these orders. When the Adienians heard that the last sacred duties, on which they believed the happi- ness of departed spirits in a future life to depend, had not been paid to their brave and victorious coun- trymen who had fallen in battle, they were affected with horror, as well as the deej)est sorrow, and con- sidered the neglect, although unavoidable, as a capi- tal offence. The Athenians had other reasons for being offended at the ten generals ; they were disap- pointed of the advantages which they expected iVoni the engagement. Immediately after the battle, the commanders had sent a vessel to Athens, acquainthig the magistrates that they had taken seventy gall its from the enemy, and meditated expeditions against Mitylene, Methymna, and Chio«; but Methymna was too strongly fortified to be taken by assault; and when they sailed to Chios, in quest of the Peloponnesian fleet, they found it carefully secured in the principal harbour of the island. Theramenes returning to Athens during this po- pular fury, accused the other admirals of having ne- glected the favourable moment to save those who were perishing, or to recover the bodies of their dead * Xenoph. HeUen. 446. Diodor. p. 3S4, &c. countrymen 208 A VIEW OF countrymen. The Athenians, who listened witK ea^ gerness to this invidious cakmniy, dismissed the com- manders in their absence, and unheard, and appointed Conon to the command of the fleet. Two of the generals, Prolomachus and Aristogenes, went into voluntary exile ; the rest returned home to justify their conduct. The cause having been brought be- fore the senate, it was there resolved, that it should be referred to the decision of the people, and that the suffrages of each tribe should be given separately. This iniquitous decree, approved of by a majority of the senate, and received with ail the clamorous ap- plause of democratical frenzy by the people, left no room for a legal defence, or impartial hearing. From that moment tlie admirals had only to prepare for death. In vain did the Prytanes, who officially at- tended to regulate the proceedings of the assembly, endeavour to calm the minds of the people. Gal- lixenes, the chief accuser, threatened them, if they did not desist, with the fate that awaited the accused. The voice of reason was silenced by the fury of the people, and a shameful compliance with injustice disgraced the firmness and integrity of the Athenian judges. Socrates remained a single and sublime ex- ception. In opposition to the unanimous voice of the assembly, he sustained the dignity of a philoso- pher and a judge; and persisted, with a heroic bold- ness, in opposing a decree so contrary to every prin- ciple of justice, and subversive of all laws. But his solitary opposition could not save the ad- mirals. They were condeinned and executed. The speech of Diomedon, before his death, deserves to be recorded. ^* I wish, Athenians, that the sentence you have passed may not prove a calamity to my country. I have one favour to ask of you, in behalf of my colleagues and myself, which is, to acquit us, before the gods, of the vows we made to them for you ANTIENT HISTORY. 20Q vou and for ourselves, as we are not now in a condi- tion to discharge them ; for it is to th< ir protection, invoked before the battle, thut we acknowledge we are indebted for tlie beneficial anest remorse. They could make no compensation to the innocent, but they took vengeance on the guilty, and inflicted on Callixenes the punishment due to his crimes. The Peloponnesian confederacy having met with such a severe blow at Arginusae, the allies, supported by the authority of Cyrus, sent ambassadors to Sparta, soliciting that the command of the fleet should again be conferred on Lysander. Although it was con- trary to the Spartan institutions, that the same person should be twice appointed admiral of the same fleet, the Lacedaemonians gratified the allies, and at the same time, in appearance, complied with the laws, by gi'ving the title of Admiral to Aracus, and appoint- ing Lysander second in conmiand, though, in fact, invested with supreme authority. This appointment gave great joy to the factious devoted to his interests in the different cities, who foresaw their own eleva- tion on the fall of democratic power. Cyrus, who was preparing for a journey to Upper Asia, sent for Lysander to Sardi^ previous to his departure, and received hinj with the warmest demonstrations of friendship. He supplied him with considerable sums to satisfy the present demands of his fleet ; and dur- ing his absence consigned to him the revenues of the opulent cities in his government. \\ ith the season- able aid of these copious resources, Lysander aug- mented 210 A VIEW OF merited his fleet with Ionian and Carian seamen, and carried on his naval preparations with such vigour and success, that in a few months he sailed to the Hellespont with a hundred and fifty gallies. He laid siege to Lampsacus, which he took by storm, and abandoned to the rapacity and licentiousness of the merciless soldiers. During these operations of the enterprising Spar- tan, the affairs of Athens suffered from the incapacity and folly of Philocles, Adimanthus, Tydeus, Men- ander, and Cephisodoms, the five generals who were joined as colleagues to Conon. On hearing that Ly- sander had taken Lampsacus, they advanced with a hundred and eighty ships, and anchored on the oppo- site side of the Hellespont, at the distance of near two miles from the enemy. The station which they chose was the mouth of the iEgos Potamos, or river of the Goat, so called from a cluster of small islands which rise above its surface, bearing a resemblance to that animal. They anchored in this inconvenient place, in order to provoke the enemy to an engage- ment, as the two fleets were in sight of each other. Alcibiades, though a banished man, could not di- vest himself of anxiety for the success of Athens ; he therefore visited the Athenian fleet, and represented to the commanders the danger of their situation on an insecure and inhospitable coast, without either harbours or cities to which they might retire in case of necessity. At the same time he offered to co- operate with them, and to attack the enemy by land with a strong body of Thracian forces. The com- manders, who were still jealous of this favourite of the people, refused to accept of his services, and re- proached him for presuming, while an exile, to give counsel ta the admirals of Athens. As ANTIKNT HISTORY. 211 /\stlie IVloponnesian fleet was inferior in numbers lo the Athenian, Lysander employed stratagem to accomplish his designs. He drew np his land-army, in order of battle, upon the coast by bieak of day, and ordered the seamen to go aboard their gallies, and to hold themselves in readiness, as if an engage- ment were to take place. When the sun arose, the Athenian fleet advanced, and bid defiance to the enemy. Lysander pretended to decline the engage- ment; his ships remained at anchor, and the Athe- nians, who imputed this conduct to fear, returned in triumph to harbour. During four days Lysander bore the insolence and nourished the presumption of the Athenians, having stationed his fleet in a place of security, where it could not be attacked without manifest disadvantage. After this daily parade, the Athenians landed in security from their ships in the evening, indulging themselves in pleasure or repose ; a circumstance well known to Lysander, who regu- larly sent swift-sailing vessels to watch their motions. On the fifth day the Athenian commanders pro- ceeded, as usual, to ofl'er battle to the Peloponnesian fleet. As they now counted on certain success, they yielded to all the dreams of presumption, and began to dispose of the Lacediemonian prisoners who should fall into their power. Philocles proposed to cut otF their right hands ; and this cruel and unmanly pro- posal was sanctioned by the majority of his col- leagues. After having attempted to provoke the enemy to an engagement, by more daring menaces and mortifying insults than on any former occasion, they retired with auair of triumph, as if they had ob- tained the victory. Lysander detached his boats, as usual, to observe their movements, with orders to re- turn when they saw the iVthenians landed, and, as a signal, to hoist their shields in the middle of the channel. Lvsanderj^ 21<2 A VIEW OF Lysander, in the mean time, made every necessary preparation, and went through the whole fleet, ex- horting the officers to hold the mariners and soldiers in readiness for an engagement. When the scouts^ on their return, hud reached the middle of the chan- nel they hoisted their shields to the top of the vessel. The signal was given from the admiraFs galley, by sound of trumpet, and immediately tlie whole fleet was in motion. The narrow strait of the Helles- pont was soon passed by the activity and diligence of the rowers. Conon, the chief in command, first perceived the approach of the enemy, and called with a loud voice for the troops to embaik. But all his efforts were in vain ; the troops and their com- manders, equally infatuated, had deserted their ships, were amusing themselves in the fields, indulging in the luxury of the table, or preparing to sleep in their tents. In this critical moment, Conon resolved to save himself hy. flight; and, carrying along with hinv nine gallies, set sail for Cyprus. Mean while Ly- sander arrived, and his forces gave full indulgence to their resentment and animosity, which had been rendered more violent from the long restraint which their prudent conunander had imposed on them. Au engagement, with little resistance, was attended by a. victory with little bloodshed. The ships, when taken, were either empty, or so feebly manned as to be inca- pable of resistance. No defeat was ever more deci- sive in its eflecls, or more disgraceful to the van- quished, tiian tliat at iEgos Potamos. Of a fleet consisting of a hundred and eighty vessels, nine only had escaped. Lysander, amidst triumphal shouts and acclamations, returned to Lampsacus, with a hundred and seventy-one gallies, three thousand pri- soners, and the plunder of the camp. It was his glory or good fortune to have performed one of the most important military exploits recorded in history, and ta. AN TIF, NT HISTOIIY. Sl^T to have terminated in an lionr, a \var wliicli had bsted twenty-seven years, which had embroiled all the states of (Greece with their dependencies, and \vliich, vvidiout such a seasonable and decisive blow, might have extended its malignant etil'ects to a longer duration. Lysander immediately sent couriers to convey this welcome intelligence to Sparta. The fate of the Athenian prisoners taken in the engagement was soon decided at a hostile and a Spar- tan tribunal. They were all condemned to death, and massacred in cold blood. However this severe sentence may shock the feelings of humanity, it was in some measure excused by the law of retaliation, as the Athenian connnanders had, of late, without the shadow of necessity, thrown the helpless crews of a Corinthian and an Andrian vessel from the top of a precipice into the sea ; and had meditated cruelties on the Spartans, if they had proved victorious. Three thousand prisoners w ere put to death ; Adimantus :>lr was spared, because he had opposed the san- iry resolution of Phiiocles, a merit which, it is ., was augmented by his having carried on a cor- lespondence with the Spartans. This war had been expensive, ruinous, and san- guinary from the beginning, and continued so to the end. It was their superiority at sea that enabled the Athenians to support it for such a length of time, and to recover from their frequent calamities and dis- asters at land ; and the Spartans prevailed at last merely by the influence of Persian gold, the distrac- tion of tiie Athenian councils, and the weakness of their commanders. By the battle of iEgos Potamos, the Athenians lost the sovereignty of the sea, which they had acquired by the consent of their maritime allies, in the fourth year of the seventy-fifth olym- piad. They had enjoyed that empire from the four hundred 214) A VIEW OF and seventy-seventh till the four hundred and fifth year before the Christian era ; that is, during a period of seventy-two years. After this battle, which left him without an enemy to engage, Lysander did not immediately attack Athens. He knew, that from the strength of the fortifications, as well as from the valour of the inha- bitants, heightened by despair, the siege would be an arduous undertaking. He proposed, therefore, after he had extended his conquests, to reduce it by famine. Having now the command of the sea, he employed his naval force to establish the Lacedae- monian empire over the extensive coasts of Greece and Asia. He attacked the flourishing cities of Chalcedon and Byzantium^ and easily subdued them during the panic into which they were thrown by the total defeat of the Athenians. He soon after took Mitylene ; and all the neighbouring islands, as well as the sea-ports of Lydia and Caria, submitted to his arms. In the meanwhile a squadron, commanded by Eteonicus, laid waste the shores of Macedon and Thrace, and met no opponent in all the Grecian seas. In about seven months after the defeat of Conon and his colleagues, the finest provinces of Europe and Asia became either the tributaries or allies of Sparta. But the main object of Lysander was the conquest of Athens. For this purpose his fleet prevented all supplies from reaching that city, and every Athe- nian prisoner was compelled, under pain of deatli, to return home. By thus keeping back all supplies, and by the accumulation of inhabitants, the Lace- daemonian commander expected that famine would reduce tlie Athenians to surrender. Nothing can be conceived more deplorable than the situation and the prospects of the Athenians. Agis and Pausanias, the two kings of Sparta, ad- vanced ANTIENT HISTORY. 215 vaiKcd towards the city with all their forces ; Lysan- der, witli a hundred and lifty sail, blocked up their harbour. Surrounded by sea and land ; without an army or a fleet, an ally or a friend ; destitute of pro- visions and resources, they represented to themselves the cruel calamities of a siege, the horrors of famine, the ruin of the republic, the destruction of the city, and the unknown, though miserable and ignominious fate of its inhabitants ! But even then their antient spirit did not forsake them. They defended their walls and ramparts with unabated courage, endured fatigue and hunger with patience, and, amidst the ra- vages of disease and death, punished with severity a citizen who proposed, that they should capitulate ; but when their provisions were almost exhausted, and the famine had made dreadful progress, necessity prompted them to send deputies to Agis, to propose a treaty with Sparta. i\gis informed diem, that am- bassadors must be sent to the Lacedaemonian capital, to consult the Ephori. The fickle and treacherous Theramenes, with nine colleagues, were appointed to this office, and invested with full powers. During four months the negociation was purposely protracted till the progress of famine aud disease, and the daily depopulation of Athens, should compel the inhabi- tants to submit to any terms. Theramenes at last re- turned with the fruits of his embassy. The condi- tions of peace were these, ^^ That the fortifications of the Pirieus, together with the walls that commu- nicated with Athens, should be demolished ; that the Athenians should deliver up all their ships, twelve only excepted ; that they should abandon all their fo- reign possessions, and remain satisfied with their ow n territories ; that they should recall the surviving mem- bers of the aristocracy ; that they should enter into a treaty oti'ensive and defensive with the Lacedaemo- nians, and in war should march under their standard; and Olg A VIEW OF and lastly, that their adored commonwealth should be subverted, and the odious oligarchy imposed ; that oligarchy which the Athenians had spent so much blood and treasure to overturn in every city of Greece ! The period of twenty-seven years had now elapsed, which had been marked out by frequent oracles as the term of the Peloponnesian war, and of the Athenian empire. The chief leaders of the democracy had been cut off by the stratagems of the opposite party, who regardless of the interest or ho- nour of their country, only thought of being subordi- nate tyrants under the conquerors. Superstition, therefore, and necessity pressed equally on the feeble and dispirited Athenians, and produced a reluctant submission to the decisions of Sparta. On the same day in which the Athenians had gained the celebrated victory at Salamis, they fell a victim to the confederacy ot' their countrymen. The wulls and fortifications of the city, sacred to Minerva, were rased to the foundation, and, amidst every wan- ton and exulting display of triumph, the tyranny of Atliens was execrated, and lier fall declared to be the revival of Grecian freedom. Lysander immediately changed the form of the Athenian government, established thirty archons or tyrants over the city, and bribed to their interest three thousand, collected from the refuse of the people, to sport the more securely with the lives and property of the rest. CHAP. ANTIENT HISTORY. 217 CHAP. XXL From the Conclusion of the Peloponnesian War, to the Peace of Antalcidas. XjLT the close of the Peh)ponnesian M'ar, the Spar- tan empire revived on the ruins of the Athenian, and tlie l^aceda3monians became the leading people in Greece. Lysander having reduced Samos, the last of the Athenian settlements which submitted to his arms, governed the islands and cities of Asia Minor with arbitrary and oppressive sway. He had a party in every iittie state, with a Spartun Harmostes, or governor, at their head, who were the ready instru- ments of his ambition, avarice, or resentment. The contributions, of which the Asiatic Greeks had so much complained, under the stern dominion of Athens, appeared no longer exorbitant under the cruel tyranny of Sparta. Lysander imposed on thesG exhausted communities the enormous tribute of a thousand talents. The thirty archons established at Athens, soon shewed themselves to be the fit instruments of Spar- tan oppression and cruelty. With a guard always attending them, and three thousand armed men at their command, they kept the whole city in terror and dismay. At lirst, the people rejoiced when they saw that informers and turbulent demagogues were delivered over to condign punishment, without con- siderhig that this gave the last blow to their liberties, and was intended to introduce a scene of rapine and bloodshed.* Their private enemies became the first * Xeuoph. p. 462. Sallust. de Bell. Calalin, cap. 51. ^OL. II. L victiiiis 218 A VIEW OF victims of their cruelty, on pretence of their being enemies to the state. Power was considered as a crime, because it might be dangerous; riches in- duced a sentence of death on the possessors, which was followed by a confiscation of estates, which the thirty tyrants divided among themselves. In short, says Xenophon, they put more people to death in eight months of peace, than the enemies had done in u war of thirty years. The abandoned Critias, whose vices had raised him to the head of this council, carried his oppres- sion and cruelty to such an extreme, that Thera- menes, who, in fact, had been the author of the usurpation, either prompted by virtue, or the sug- gestions of inconstancy, resolved to demolish the fabric which he had reared. He became the pro- tector of his countrymen against the injustice and violence of his colleagues ; and the citizens, consi- dering his influence over the foreign troops, as well as the Athenians, looked up to him alone for de- liverance from their present state of humiliation and distress. Critias, who knew the precarious tenure of his own authority, and that of his colleagues, accused Thera- menes before the senate of conspiring to distiub the tranquillity of the state, and to subvert the govern- ment. After an able and artful accusation by Critias, Theramenes made his defence, which was managed with such strength of argument, that the senators, notwithstanding the presence of Critias and his asso- ciates, could not restrain the murmurs of their ap- plause. The sanguinary tyrant, afraid that he might be acquitted, introduced privately into the senate armed men, who, from time to time, discovered to the eyes of the judges the points of their daggers. Tlie astonished and intimidated senators condemned him to death. Amazed at this atrocious sentence, Theramenes ANTIENT HISTORY. 21() Theraincnc^s sprang upon the altar of the senate- house, and implored the assistance of the surround- ing spectators, who, in permitting his execution, he A\arncd them, vveie establishing a precedent for their own. 13ut the terror of the tyrants, and their armed associates pievented any exertion in his behalf: he ^as torn from the altar by th<3 ministers of public justice, and dragged to execution. Of all the sena- tors, Socrates alone, in whose school he had studied philosopliy, opposed the sentence witli the wisdom of a sage, and the magnanimity of a patriot ; and even when his efforts were unsuccessful, exhorted the se- nate and the people to avenge themselves of their insolent oppressors. When tlie hemlock was pre- sented to Theramenes, he drank it w^ith tranquillity, and made some atonement for the inconsistencies and contradictions in his life, by his fortitude in the hour of death. Delivered from the only associate who ventured to oppose their measures, the Athenian tyrants in- dulged thernselves in every species of oppression without resistaiici? or controul. Accusations, im- prisonments, murders, succeeded each other. Every one trembled for himself or his friends. The antient Athenian spirit seems entirely to have deserted Athens; and the pusillanimous citizens ventured not to utter tlie voice of complaint. Socrates alone remained iirm and intrepid ; he preserved his inde- pendence, sustained his dignity, and discoursed with boldness against the government of the thirty. The most consideiable citizens of Athens, who re- tained any sentiments of freedom, at last resolved to withdraw from their native city, now become a scene of cruelty mu\ oppression, and to seek an asylum in different parts of Greece. At the head of these was Thrasybulus, a person of extraordinary merit, who L2 beheld, ^20 A VIEW OF beheld, with the most lively sorrow, the calamities of his country. The savage resentmevit and inhuman cruelty of the Spartans, not yet gratiiied by all the suffer ings of the Athenians, endeavoured to deprive the miserable \\anderer3 of this last refuge. The senate issued a decree prohibiting the Grecian cities to receive the unfortunate fugitives. Most of the states obeyed this cruel injunction ; but in some the sacred laws of humanity and hospitality prevailed. Argos, Thebes, and Megara opened their gates to the Athenian exiles. The Thebans, with unwonted generosity, made a decree to punish every citizen who beheld an Athenian attacked by his enemies, without exerting his utmost efforts to assist him. By continual acts of injustice, rapine, and cruelty, the thirty tyrants had rendered themselves so odious and detested, that nothing but a leader of abilities and spirit was wanting to shake the foundations of their power, and precipitate their downfall. Such a leader appeared in Thrasybulus ; who, collecting the scat- tered exiles in Thebes and Megara, to the number of seventy, seized the fortress of Phyla, on the Athenian frontier. The tyrants, alarmed at this enterprize, hastened, at the head of three thousand men, to dis- lodge the new garrison. But the natural strength of the place, with the uncommon violence of a tempest, aided the efforts of Thrasybulus's little army, and compelled the enemy to return, without success, to Athens. The garrison at Phyla, by the concourse of Athenian exiles, was soon augmented to seven hun- dred men. Apprehensive that this determined and daring band might attack the capital, the tyrants sent a de- tachment of cavalry and Lacedaemonian auxiliaries to encamp near Phyla, as a check upon the garrison ; but Thrasybulus made a sudden and unexpected at- tack ANTIENT HISTORY. 0.21 tack by night on the Lacedaemonian camp, put the enemy to flight, and slew a hundred and twenty men in the pursuit. Alarmed at this defeat, the tyrants withdrew from the defenceless city of Athens to Eleusis. As a proof of their atrocious and unrelenting cruelty, the very first step they took was to put to death all the Eleusinians whom they suspected of disaffection to their interest. The garrison at Phyla was reinforced by five hun- dred men, raised by Lysias the orator, at his own expence, in order to take vengeance on the tyrants for the murder of his brother, and his own expulsion from his country. Encouraged by this accession of strength, Thrasy- bulus resolved to march towards Athens, and attack the Pirieus. The tyraiils opposed him with all their forces, but were defeated by his superior abilities. The enemy, drawn up in deep and close array, were obliged to ascend an eminence, which had been wisely occupied by the general of the exiles. The javelins thrown from the rear could not reach beyond their own van ; Avhile, on the contrary, from the ad- vantage of the ground, every weapon discharged from the army of Thrasybulus did execution. The battle was short but decisive ; Critias and Hippomachus, the two most sanguinary and violent of the tyrants, were in the number of the slain. Thrasybulus restrained the ardour of his troops, and stopped them from pursuing the Tugitives. He then ordered a herald to proclaim, with a loud voice, *' Athenians, wherefore do you fly from your coun- trymen ; We are not enemies, but fellow-citizens ; we have the same origin, country, religion, and laws ; we have often jointly fought to defend our common liberty ; we have declared war, not against the city, but against the tyrants; and we come not as con- L 3 querurs 222 A VIEW 0¥ querors to load you with new chains, but as friend? to avenge your wrongs, and assert ydur liberties." This seasonable proclamation aided the effects of the victory to raise a general abhorrence of the ty- rants ; who were next day deprived of their dignity, and ten magistrates (one elected from each tribe) ap- pointed in their stead. The surviving members of the council of thirty, with their chief accomplices in guih, fled to Eleusis. The council of ten, who now assumed the govern- ment, were no sooner invested with the badges of au- tliority, than they followed the track of the thirty, adopted, in like manner, the Lacedaemonian policy, and equally oppressed their fellow-citizens. Thra- sybidus, who still kept possession of the Piraeus, struck terror into the Decemvirs ; who, in conjunc- tion with the remains of the thirty, sent messengers to Lysander, to implore assistance from Sparta. He soon arrived to their assistance, with a powerful army and a squadron of gallies, and invested the Piraeus bj sea and land. Nothing could have defeated the projects of Ly- sander to subdue Athens a second time, and to ex- tirpate the last roots of the democracy, but his own overbearing demeanour, and the boundless rapacity of his dependants. A powerful party was formed against him, and Pausanias, the most popular of the Spartan princes, suddenly raised an army, and marched with celerity to Athens, to thwart or defeat the ope- rations of Lysander. After some skirmishes, in which the army of Thrasybidus defended the Piraeus with more valour than success, Pausanias conveyed to them his favourable intentions, and his design to restore their liberties. These tidings were received with universal joy. Pausanias entered into a negociation with the senate of Sparta, and the Ephori, which was traversed by Lysander and the ten tyrants ; but not- withstanding ANTIENT HISTORY. 225 withstanding their opposition, fifteen commissioners were appointed, who, in conjunction with the Spar- tan king, were empowered to settle the government, and fix the security of Athens. Factions now ceased to contend with eacli other ; the tyrants were degraded from their rank, and, amidst liie exuhation of die Athenians, their beloved demo- cracy was re-established. This revolution was as re- markable for its clemency and gentleness, as the former usurpation had been for its cruelty and op- p^es^ion. I'he tyrants, with tlie despicable tools of their oppression, were allowed to retire in safety to Eleusis, and, by the influence and persuasion of Thrasybulus, an enthusiasm of generosity and a spirit of forgiveness pervaded all orders of the people. The tyrants of tlieir country, who had fled to Eleusis, might have shared the benefits of indemnity and forgiveness, if the consciousness of former guilt had not involved them in new crimes. They again collected troops, and attempted to reinstate them- selves in the government. But the unprepared eff'orts of rage and resentment were of no avail ; the remain- ing tyrants expiated their crimes with their blood, and thus established the safety and tranquillity of the new republic. Their adherents, upon their submission, were received to mercy, all the exiles were restored, and the wise and generous Thrasybulus obtained a decree of the people for reinstating them in their former rank and fortunes, and for burying in perpe- tual oblivion the remembrance of their delinquency. This law, equally prudent and generous, was not, however, strictly adhered to ; die remembrance of injuries could not be totally effaced ; and many of the adherents of the tyrants were afterwards con- demned and punished, in violation of the public faith. Thus, in less than two years after the subversion l4 of 424 A VIEW OT of the Athenian commomveahh by a Spartan general, the same form of government was re-established with new lustre by the authority and assistance of a Spar- tan king. To understand this historical phenomenon, it is requisite to review the character and conduct of Lysander. After the siege and surrender of Athens, he was in the zenith of his glory. Fie had the prin- cipal share in those celebrated engagements and victories which raised Sparta to her former pre-emi- nence in Greece; and, assuming the consequence which he thought due to his merit, he began to dis- play the pomp and parade of state, and to court the flattery and adoration which were conferred on east- ern princes. Poets, enriched by his bounty, employed their talents to celebrate his atchievements ; a venal tribe of flatterers continually surrounded him, who studied to excel one another in the licentious strains of panegyric. He ordered his own statue to be cast in brass. He permitted the Grecian cities to erect altars to him as to a divinity, to offer sacrifices to him, and to sing hymns in his honour. The Sa- mians ordained, by a public decree, that the feasts sacred to Juno, and which bore the name of that goddess, should be called the Feasts of Lysander. The ambition of this general was not satisfied with pomp, ostentation, and liattery ; he had acquired a degree of power and authority, prohibited by the laws of Lycurgus, and of which there had been no example in Sparta. The states and cities annexed to the dominion of Sparta, were governed by his de- pendants, over whom he possessed absolute power. He knew no bounds in resenting injuries and ])unish- ing his enemies. Whoever incurred his displeasure was punished with death; and, in accomplishing his plans, whether of ambition or revenge, he employed, without hesitation or remorse, treachery, perjury, and the worst of crimes. He massacred eight hundred inhabitants ANTIENT TIISTORV. 2125 inhabitants of Miletus, thouc^h he had solemnly sworn to preserve their lives. The multitudes that he caused to be murdered in the other cities is almost incredible; for he had not only his own resentments to satiate, but those of his friends and dependants, to whom he gave unlimited power to gratify their malice and avarice, by the destmction of their ene- mies, and the confiscation of their eflbcts. There was no kind of injustice, violence, or cru- elty, which the people did not suffer under the go- vernment of Lysander and his deputies. Frequent complaints were made by the cities of the intolerable vexations and oppressions which they endured; but he had found out a method to render the Lacedaemo- nians deaf to the voice of petition or remonstrance. Before Lysander returned to Sparta, after the re- duction of Athens, he sent Gylippus before him with the gold and spoils which he had amassed in the course of his last campaign. This wealth, be- sides the presents of golden crowns and ornaments received from the cities, amounted to fifteen hundred talents.*' Gylippus converted a fifth part of this treasure to his own use, by opening the bottom of the bags in which it was contained; but the treache- ry being detected, to avoid punishment, he went into voluntary exile. On this occasion it was debated in the senate, whether it were not a violation of the laws of Lycurgus to admit gold and silver into Spar- ta. Those who were attached to the antient consti- tution, condemned Lysander for introducing that per- nicious metal, which had always proved the bane and corruption of morals ; and presented a strong remon- strance to the Ephori, who ordered it to be carried out of the city. But this sentence was over-ruled by the party of Lysander, who proposed, as a concili- * 337,000/. 1' <5 ating tt6 A VIEW OF atlng measure, that the iron money should be em" ployed in ordinary currency, and that the gold and silver should be deposited in the treasury, and applied solely to the service of the state. Such a debate, in the present situation of Sparta, carried more of the ostentation than the reality of public virtue. As the Lacedaemonians had adopted a new plan of administration, a public treasury v^ as become absolutely necessary. It was impossible to support a fleet, or carry on offensive war, without a revenue. Hence they applied so frequently to the Persian viceroys and governors for money. As the situation of the republic had changed, it was requisite that its customs should also change. A law passed, prohibiting private persons from receiving this new coin, as if individuals could long neglect what formed the strength and sinews of the state, or laws prevent money from penetrating into houses where avarice had gone before. Lysander's wealth did not remain in the treasury. By the influence of this secret but powerful persuader, he found means to defend him- self against the complaints and accusations of deso- lated cities and plundered provinces. The prohibition of the precious metals had the usual eft'ect hi rendering them more eagerly and pas- sionately coveted . Sensible to the attractions of gold and silver, the Lacedaemonians employed the most unjust and violent means to obtain them; avarice and corruption being late hitroduced, made the more ra- pid advances; and the Spartan governors imposed exactions and tributes on the dependant states, more arbitrary and oppressive than either the Athenians or Persians. But although the arm of Spartan authority was feeble, and slovv^ to punish oflcnces when the accu- sers were in the rank of subjects or dependents, it acquired new nerves and sinews when a person of rank ANTIENT HISTORY. 227 rank and dignity solicited its exertion. Pharnabazns, one of the goveinors of Lower Asia, harassed by the perpetual ravages committed in his provinces by the rapacious l^ysander, sent deputies to Sparta to com- plain of his conduct. He was immediately recalled by the Ephori. He was astonished at the order, but obeyed, and endeavoured to defend his conduct be- fore the senate. He was neither condemned nor ac- quitted. Accustomed to command at the head of armies, and to enjoy the secondary attributes and prerogatives of sovereignty in Asia, he could not en- dure this banishment to his native country, nor de- scend to the simplicity of private life. He therefore solicited the permission of the Ephori, to make a journey to the temple of Jupiter Hammon to dis- charge a vow. After his departure, the kings, senate, and Ephori, considering that he held the cities in dependence by means of his own partizans, whom he had raised to be magistrates and governors, and that, by blending the aristocratical authority with that of his own crea- tures, he had become, in some measure, lord and master of Greece, resolved to destroy this system of tyranny, by re-establishing democracy in the Grecian states. Hence the efforts of Pausanias to restore Athens to its liberty, in opposition to the plots of of Lysander. Of such casual incidents, the code of Athenian and Spartan policy is composed; of such unconnected links the chain of their history consists. The concluding year of the Peloponnesian war terminated the prosperous reign of Darius Nothus. He appointed Arsaces, his eldest son, to be his suc- cessor; who, upon ascending the throne, assumed the named of Artaxerxes, from his great memory. Cy- rus, his younger brother, w as then at court, and, as he was the peculiar favourite of his mother, she em- ployed all her influence over her husband to obtain L 6 the 223 A VIEW OF the kingdom for her younger son. This produced a rivalshlp between the two princes, which naturally ended in jealousy and hatred. The claim of Cyrus to the throne was not without authority and prece- dent in the Persian history ; for/ though he was the second son of Darius, yet, being born after his acces- sion to the throne, he was the eldest son of the king. This distinction had induced the first Darius to be- queath his crown to Xerxes, in preference to his el- der brother Artabazanes. Artaxerxes succeeded to the throne according to the appointment of his father, and set out from his capital for the city of Pasargades to be crowned, ac- cording to custom, by the priests of Persia. Cyrus, whose dangerous ambition was inflamed by that of his mother, could not behold the scepter, which he claimed as his right, transferred into the hands of another ; and conceived the criminal design of assas- sinating his brother in the temple, w hile he w as as- suming the robe of Cyrus, previous to the corona- tion.'^ His intention being discovered, he w^as seized and condemned to death. His mother Parysatis, who doated on him to distraction, interceded for his pardon with shrieks and lamentations. Artaxerxes, who was a generous and merciful prince, yielded to the prayers and tears of his mother, forgave the wald ambition of Cyrus, but sent him to his government in Asia, where he had been appointed hereditary sa- trap by the will of his father. No sooner had he arrived at Sardis than he bent all his thoughts to revenge the supposed affront he had received from his brother, and to expel him from the throne. All the talents w hich he had received from nature, and improved by art, were exerted by him to forward this ungrateiYil and unnatural attempt. * Flutar, In Artaxcnc. Whoever ANTII:NT IIISTOHY. C'Jf) Whocvercame from the court of Susa found a welcome reception at Sarclis ; and every artifice was put in prac- tice to iiltach them to tlie side of Cyrus, ile gained the affections or secured the obedience of his Asiatic subjects, who, though inferior to the Greeks, excel- led the effeminate troops of Upper Asia bodi hi va- lour and mihtary skill; but his chief confidence was in his Grecian forces, particularly in the assistance of Sparta. The maritime situation of his provinces connected him widi the Greek states, whose favour he was soiicivous to gain ; and, as he had raised the Lacedaemonians to their present superiority in Greece, he had every thing to expect from their gratitude. Nor was he deceived in his expectations. He was allowed to recruit his army with the best soldiers of Peloponnesus; and, with the assistance of Clearchus the Spartan, he augmented his army with thirteen thousand Greeks. In order to disguise his policy, and draw a veil over his treason, he enticed the cities under the government of Tissaphernes, to revolt from his authority, and transfer their allegiance to himself. He then assembled his troops openly, under the pre- tence of arming against that governor, and filled the ear of his brother with complaints against Tissapher- nes. That generous and humane, but weak and ere- dulous prince, believed the representation ot Cyrus, and was lulled into his usual security. The friends of Cyrus at the Persian court, by dis- seminating rumours and opinions, endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people for the intended re- volution. They hinted, that the vast dominions of Persia required a prince of abilities, valour, and acti- vity; a king magnilicent, brave, and generous; who, fired with a noble ambition, would emulate his an- cestors, by extending the boundaries, or augmenting the glory of the e:npire which was founded by the great Cyrus. The 230 A VIEW OT The formidable preparations of this aspiring prince did not escape the vigilant eye of Alcibiades- This singular man, whose history now draws near to a conclusion, then resided at Grynium, a Phrygian town under the protection of Pharnabasus. Ambi- tious of conciliating the favour of the Persian mo- march, lie desired a guard from Phainabasus to es- cort him with safety to Susa, that he might apprise Artaxerxes of the meditated rebellion. At this very time the Athenians, groaning under the cruel govern- ment of tlie Thirty, proposed to recal Alcibiades to his native country, and a{)point him their leader against the tyrants. The reputation of this active and successful commander was still so formidable, that Lvsander informed Pharnabasus the death of Alcibiades was equally necessary to Persia and the Spartans. The satrap, who wished that the Athe- nian should not have the merit of discovering the treachery of Cyrus, paid immediate attention to this sanguhiary counsel. A troop of assassins was sent to seize him ; but were so intimidated by the terror of his name that they durst not attack him by open force. In the darkness of the night, they surrounded his house, to which they set lire. Alarmed by the noise, Alcibiades drew his sword, and rushed through the fiames followed by the aifectionate Timandra, His cowardly executioners retired from his presence, but, dischargmg their darts at a distanci^, he fell, co- vered with wounds. No outrage was oft'ered to Ti- mandra; she was even permitted to bestow the last duties on the remains of her Illustrious and unfortu- nate fiiend. Thus fell Alcibiades, who had so fre- quently embroiled the affairs of Europe and Asia, whose contradictory life had been almost equally be- neficial and pernicious, honourable and ignominious, to himself and his country, Cyrus completed his army without interruption or molestation ; ANTIENT inSTOTlY. ^.)1 molestation; and, \n the beginning of the fourth cen- tury before the Christian era, began his march from Ionia to Upper Asia, at the head of thirteen tliousand Greeks, and a liundred thousand Asiatics. Clearchus, the Lacediemonian, connnanded all the Peloponnesian troops, except the Aclrajans, who had Socrates for their leader. The I'hessalians were conducted by Menon, and the Boeotians by Proxenes the Theban, who introduced Xenophon to the service of Cyrus. Their fleet, consisting of sixty vessels, was commanded by Samius, who was appointed succes- sor to Lysander in the government of the Ionian coast. It was ordered to keep near the shore, and co-operate with the land army. Cyrus, apprehensive that the boldness of his enter- prize, and the length as well as dangers of the march, would intimidate the Grecian officers, as well as sol- diers, had imparted his design only to Clearchus. The troops knew not into w hat countries they were going to march, nor with what enemies they were to engage. Cyrus had only caused it to be given out to the army, that they were to act against the Pisidians, who had infested Ionia by their incursions. Tissaphernes, at last acquainted with the real in- tentions of Cyrus, and the object of his expedition, posted to the court of Susa, and informed Artaxeixes of the dairger with which he was threatened. In consequence of this information, that monarch assem- bled a numerous army, and prepared to resist his re- bellious brother. Having at length set out from Sardis, Cyrus ad- vanced with rapid marches towards the upper pro- vinces of Asia; passed through Lydia, Phrygia, Cap- padocia, and the high grounds of Cilicia ; crossed the river Euphrates at Thapsacus; and, having traversed the desert, reached the confines of Chaldea. After bavins: passed, not without op])osition, tlie narrow de- lile Zo2 A VIEW OF fiie of Cilicia, he arrived at Tarsus. Here the Gre- cian troops refused to continue their march. As the design of advancing to Babylon, and making war against the Persian king had never been communi- cated to tliem, they com}3lained with loud clamours of the deceit, accused their generals of treachery, and even hisuited the dignity of Cyrus. It required all the address and insinuation of Clearchus to quell this commotion. He publicly espoused the cause of the soldiers, affected to sympathize with all their griev- ances, and to approve their measures for redress and relief. He openly declared, that he considered his interest as inseparable from theirs, and advised them to send deputies to treat with the prince, that he might either, by granting the demands of the Greeks, induce them to follow him, or permit them to return home. The tumult was thus appeased, and all dif- ferences adjusted, by adding half a daric to their monthly pay. Leaving Tarsus, the army continued their march to Issus, the last town of Cilicia, on the l)orders of Sy- ria. Two fortresses, called the gates of Syria and Cilicia, defended this narrow pass between the moun- tain and the sea. The Lacedaemonian fleet, com- manded by Pythagoras the Spartan, who had suc- ceeded Samius^ prepared to land the Greeks beyond the Syrian works, so that their fortifications must have been assaulted on both sides; but the com- mander, Abracamas, abandoned his forts and fled. After this feeble opposition, Cyrus proceeded unmo- lested to the banks of the Euphrates. That river at Thapsacus extends in breadth to more than half a mile, but is remarkably shallow, especially in autumn, which was the season when C'yrus and his army forded it. This afforded an opportimity for Asiatic flattery to the inhabitants of Thapsacus, who scrupled not to declare ANTIENT HISTORY. 233 declare to the prince, that the , Euphrates knew and submitted to its sovereign.* Having passed the Euphrates, <]^yrus continued his route through Mesopotamia ; and having crossed the desert in seventeen days, arrived at the fertile and opulent plains of Babylon. After a march of five days, he came to a ditch iive fathoms broad and three deep, extending twelve leagues in length from the Eupin-ates to the wall of Media. Bet^^een the Eu- phrates and the ditch, was a road twenty feet broad, by which, as it was left unguarded and unprotected, Cyrus passed with his whole army. From the neg- lect of the Persian monarch to dispute this pass, it was generally believed that he had laid aside the de- sign of risking a battle. Confiding in this conjec- ture, the troops of Cyrus no longer observed any order of march, deposited their arms in the waggons, and proceeded negligently along, as if they had no enemy to encounter. But when they arrived at the plain of Cynaxa, a day's journey from Babylon, a confidential friend of Cyrus rode up to them with full speed, and called aloud in the Persian language, that the knig w as at hand with a great army. Cyrus, leaping from his car, in which he rode carelessly in the van, put on his armour, mounted his horse, and prepared his troops for engaging. He was obeyed with alaciity ; and the army soon ad- vanced in order of battle. A little past noon-day, a thick cloud of dust announced the approach of the royal host. The army of Artaxerxes was con:iinanded by Tissaphernes, Gobrias, and Arbaces. In ihe front were a hundred and fifty chariots, armed with scythes. The cavalry, under the command of Tis- saphernes, were distinguished by white corslets ; the Persians by bucklers made of wicker; and the * Xenoph. 253. Xen. p. 263, &c, Egyptians 454 A VIEW OF Egyptians by wooden shields, which covered their whole body. These formed the principal strength of the regal army ; the rest consisted of a multitude without dis- ciplincj and almost without arms. Cyrus gave orders to Clearchus to attack the centre of the enemy, where, according to the Persian custom, the king had taken his station, surrounded by the flower of his army, assuring him that victory would inevitably follow the defeat of that body ; but Clearchus, from a fear of being surrounded by the Persians, who, from their numbers, greatly outflanked him, diso- beyed the orders, and kept his post near to the Eu- phrates. To this, and the blind impetuosity of Cyrus, must be ascribed the defeat which ensued. When the armies were within four hundred paces of each other, the Greeks began to sing their sacred paeans, intermixed with the martial sound of their spears against their brazen bucklers. Then moving at once, they sprung forwards upon the enemy, who fled with precipitation. While the Greeks were occupied in the pursuit, Artaxerxes commanded his centre to wheel to the left, to attack the rear of the enemy. Cyrus at this moment rode with eagerness and impatience to meet him at the head of six hun- dred horse. He threw the guards of the king, con- sisting of six thousand cavalry, into confusion, and killed Artagerses, their leader, with his own hand. When he discovered his brother amidst the ranks, his eyes sparkled with rage. Rushing forward with the instinctive fury of revenge, he cried out, " I see him," and opening a way through the attendants, aimed a javelin at the king, which killed his horse, and brought him to the ground. Artaxerxes having mounted another steed, Cyrus aimed a second dart, and wounded him in the breast ; but his eagerness for revenge rendered him inattentive to his own pre- servation. ANTIENT HISTORY. 2.1.5 servation. He was overwhrlmed by a .shower of darts during the furious conflict between the king s attendants and his own ; eight of his confidential friends having fallen round the dead body of their l04d. Artaxerxes, having caused the head and right hand of Cyrus to be struck off, pursued the enemy into their camp. Ari^eus, who commanded the forces of Lower Asia, led them off in dejection and despair for the loss of their prince ; nor did they stop at their camp, but continued their flight to the place where the army had encamped the day before, at the distance of four leagues. Meanwhile Clearchus had defeated the left wing of the enemy, and pursued the fugitives to the dis- tance of three miles from the field of battle. Upon his return, he found that the Persians were in posses- sion of the camp, and perceived, that satiated with plunder, they advanced to attack his rear. Appre- hensive of being surrounded on all sides, he wheeled about, and halted with the river in his rear. Tlie remainder of the day w as spent without any decisive action, the Persians constantly retiring with precipi- tation from the charge of the Greeks. Clearchus at last returned to his camj), which he found plundered by the enemy, and all the provisions either carried off or destroyed. Next morning he prepared to decamp, when mes- sengers arrived from Ariaeus, informing him that Cyrus Avas slain ; that the new general, with the Asiatic troops, would wait for that day, and no longer, in their camp, for the junction of the Greeks, intending on the next to march for Ionia. Clearchus replied, ** We lament the death of Cyrus ; but acquaint Ariaeus that we have compelled the king and his army to fly before us, and assure him, that 236 A VIEW OF ' that if he will join his forces with ours, we will place him on the Persian throne." Artaxerxes, on the other hand, flushed with what he esteemed a complete victory, sent heralds to the Greeks, commandiDg them to deliver up their arms. *^ Let him come and take them," replied an unknown voice from the midst of a multitude, which heard the demand with indignation. '' It is better to die, than to surrender our arms," said another intrepid Greek. Xenophon delivered the following answer : "All we now have are our arnis and our valour ; while we have courage and our swords we are free ; we are slaves as soon as we lay down our arms. Expect not therefore, that we shall throw a^vay our sole ad- vantage ; but be assured, on the contrary, that, con- fiding in our arms and our valour, we will dispute with you all your boasted advantages." Clearchus added, " That if the Great King would receive them into the number of his allies, they would serve him with fidelity and valour ; but if he imagined to reduce them to slavery, he should find that they had the means of defence in their hands, and were determined that the same moment should put an end to their liberty and their lives." After this unsuc- cessfid attempt, the heralds returned to the Persian camp. Ariaeus replied to the Grecian deputies, " That there were many Persians of greater consideration than himself, who would never permit him to ascend the throne; that he should certainly set out next morning on his return to Ionia ; and that, if they in- tended to march along with him, they should join him in the night." This j^roposal was adopted; the army marched in order of battle, and arrived at mid- night in the camp of Ariaius. The Grecian and Asiatic commanders entered into a treaty, and bound themselves by oaths to mutual fidelity and attach- ment. ANTIENT HISTORY, 237 ment. They confirmed this engagement by a solemn sacrifice, the Greeks cli})j)ing tlnir ^^^vords, and the Asiatics the point of their javelins in tlie blood of the victims. After consulting on their intended march, it was determined to alter their route ; and, instead of returnmg by the desert, where they had for- merly marched Feventeen days amidst a barren wild, that they should direct their course to^\ards the north, where they would find provisions in abundance, and cross the great rivers nearer their source. Artuxcrxes was, or pretended to be, so delighted with the courage and magnanimity of the Greeks, that he sent heralds to them the following day, with conciliatory propositions. Soon after Tissaphernes paid them a visit, to acquaint them with' the cle- mency of the king, who, compassionathig their situa- tion, and foreseeing the dangers to which they were about to expose themselves, had given him permission to conduct them back to their own country. Clear- chus replied, that the Greeks were led into Persia by Cyrus, without being acquainted with his intentions ; that by his death tlieir engagements with him were at an end; diat they had undertaken this expedition without anv view^ of making war against the Persian king ; and that all they desired was a safe passage to Greece. Tissaphernes having departed to report their answer, returned on the third day to inform them, that the king was pleased with their declara- tions, and would favour their return ; tl}at as he him- self was soon to set out for his province, he would accompany them in their journey, and supply them with provisions, on condition that they committed no disorders on tlieir march. These conditions were sworn to on both sides, and Tissaphernes withdrew to settle his affairs^ previous to his departure for 1^0 wer Asia. During 238 A MEW or During the absence of Tissaphernes, which con- tinued for twenty days, the Persians had full oppor- tunity of attempting the fidelity of Ariaeus and his officers. His kinsmen and brothers warmly solicited his return to the allegiance which he owed to his na- tural sovereign, with full assurances of entire obli- vion with regard to the past, and promises of future favours. Henceforth the affections of Ariaeus ap- pear to have been entirely alienated from his Gre- cian allies ; and a visible coolness and distrust pre- vailed between the two armies. On the return of Tissaphernes, they all set forward under the conduct of that satrap, who, according to his engagement, supplied the Greeks with provisions; but Ariaius and his troops no longer encamped with the Greeks, but with the forces of Tissaphernes. Yet, though the armies were mutually suspicious, for three weeks there were no open hostilities, except some inconsiderable skirmishes between the parties sent out to provide wood or forage. After having traversed the deserts of Media, they arrived at Ccenae, a rich and populous city, and thence to the river Zabates, which, flowing westward from the Median mountains, pours its waters into the Tigris. The occasions of distrust and aversion increasing every day between the Greeks and Persians, Clear- chus proposed a mutual conference between the commanders, in order to remove every ground of suspicion or complaint, and bring matters to an ami- cable explanation. A motion so acceptable to both parties, though from very different motives, was rea- dily carried into execution. The five generals, and twenty captains, went to the quarters of the Persian commander ; two hundred soldiers followed, under the pretext of bu)ing provisions in the Persian camp. Clearchus, with his four colleagues, Menon, Proxe- Bus, Agias, and Socrates, were conducted into the tent ANTIENT IIISTOnv. 23<) toiit of Tissaphernes ; the captains were not jxr- mitted to enter. The darkest suspicions ^^'e^e now entertained, and a silent interval of tenor took place. On a signal given, tliose within the tejit ^^ere seized, and those without were put to the sword ; while a party of Persian horse cut to pieces the Gieeks who had followed their officers. The five generals were sent to the Great King, who ordered them to be beheaded. '] he astonishment and consternation of the Greeks at this tragic catastrophe, soon gave place to the horrors of their own situation. rhey were twelve hundred miles distant from their native country ; they were surrounded by tiie dreary deserts, steep mountains, and dangerous rivers of an unknown and hostile country ; they were exposed to famine, de- predation, and the treachery of their Persian allies ; and they were without a guide to conduct them through the multitude of dangers that opposed their progress. In this general despondency, Xenophon, who had hitherto served in an mferior station, displayed an uncommon spirit of enterprize and energy of mind. Assembling the captains belongmg to the division of liis friend Proxenus, he represented to them that their valour was now their sole resource; that how- ever small their number, they might render them- selves formidable by their resolution and their forti- tude ; that the treachery of their enemies was the strongest proof of their timidity, of their dread of Grecian valour, that it would draw down upon them the vengeance of heaven, and enable the Greeks to baffle their numbers and their pertidy. The magnanimous emotions of Xenophon roused tlie desponding spirits of his friends ; and a council of the principal officers, to the number of a hundred, was summoned. In this council, Xenophon warmly exhorted 240 A VIEW OF exhorted them to break off from the insidious alli- ance of the impious Ariseus and Tissapliernes, and to expect success from their virtue, valour, and the pro- tection of the gods. He advised them to appoint new officers in the room of their late commanders ; to burn their super- fluous baggage ; to begin their march with all expe- dition towards the sources of the Tigris and Eu- phrates ; and to advance in the form of a hollow square, that they might be prepared on every side to resist the enemy. The approbation of Chenisophus the Spartan, gave weight to the counsels of Xeno- phon ; his proposals were unanimously approved of, and carried into immediate execution. This retreat of the ten thousand Greeks to their native country, has been celebrated by judges in the art of war, as one of the best conducted exploits to be found in antient history. It is recorded by Xeno- phon himself with an eloquent simplicity, much beauty of description, and- a profound knowledge of the military art ; but as it forms an episode in the history of Greece, rather than a part of it, I must refer the reader to his elegant and ingenious pro- duction. Such was the catastrophe of an audacious and cri- minal enterprise, suggested by extravagant ambition, and violent revenge. Xenophon has given us a highly-hnished picture of the younger Cyrus. Accord- ing to his account, he surpassed his cotempora- ries in bodily exercises, and exterior accomplish- ments. When he was appointed satrap of Lydia, instead of oppressing his subjects by extortion and rapacity, he preferred the interest of the provinces to his own ; alleviated the load of taxes in order to en- courage industry ; set an example of rural labour with his own hands, and introduced a regularity of police, never before known in the Asiatic peninsula. By ANTIENT HISTORY. 241 By Ills integrity in performing promises, and fulfilling engagements ; by his genero^;ity in rewarding merit, and bestov\ing favours, be conciliated affection to his person, as well as respect to his aniliorily. By his character and conduct he gained the attaclmient both of the Greeks and Asiatics ; and there have been few princes whom their people were more afraid to offend, or for whose sake they were more ready to sacrifice their fortunes and their lives. But in this favourable portrait, Xeriophon has omitted to mark the dark shades by which it was dis- figured and disgraced. An ambition wliiLh was ready to sacrifice every thing to its own gratification, and to wade through blood to a throne; rebellion against his brother and his sovereign, who had spared his life when it was forfeited to justice and the laws ; and the horrors of a civil war, in which he plunged the countries over which he proposed to reign, reflect an indelible stain on the memory of Cyrus, and, though not uncommon in the annals of Asia, ought not to have been passed over without censure by a philosophical historian. A letter m hich Cyrus wrote to the S]>artan senate when he solicited their assistance, conveys some traits of his real character. There he boasts that his heart was more noble than that of his rival, that he was better instructed in religion and philosophy, and that he could drink more wine without being hitoxicated. The cities of Lesser Asia, that had espoused the cause of Cyrus, apprehending the resentment of Tissaphernes, applied to the J^acedaemonians for their protection and assistance.* The successful retreat of the ten thousand had lessened the character of the Persian monarch, and inspired through all Greece an enthusiasm for martial atchievements and * Xenoph. Hellen, p. 470, &x VOL. II. M railrtary *243 A VIEW OP military glory. Accordingly, Sparta armed at once to defend the liberty of the Asiatic states, and de- clared war against Tissaphernes and Pharnabasus. They immediately levied a body of five thousand Peloponnesian troops, and obtamed three hundred horse from the Athenians. Thimbron, the Spartan, was appointed to the command of these forces, and had orders to offer employment to the Greeks who had returned from the expedition of Cyrus, and who, tired out by the perfidy of Seuthes, a Thracian prince, quitted his service, and joined the Lacedae- monian army with six thousand men, the remains of those hardy veterans who had experienced every spe- cies of distress, had seen danger in every form, and had returned unconquered by all the powers of the Great King. Strengthened by such a powerful reinforcement, Thimbron commenced hostilities with considerable success, and gained possession of Pergamus, Teu- thrania, Myrina, Cyme, and Gr3Tiium ; but was re- pulsed at Larissa. The licentious and seditious spirit of troops, col- lected from different and hostile communities, ren- dered them, during the intervals of war, formidable to each other, and to the cities they were appointed to protect. They even phmdered the territories of the Lacedaemonian allies, ^^ho complained to the senate ; and, in consequence of this complaint, Thimbron was recalled. The command was con- ferred on Dercyllidas, celebrated for his fertility in resources, and his ingenuity in inventing and improv- ing machines of war. By joining the talents of an engineer to the abilities of a general, he soon be- came master of Larissa ; and, in the space of a week, became master of eight other cities in the pro- vince of Pharnabasus. In ANTIENT HISTOKY. 243 In t!ie spring, the I/acediemonians sf^nt commis- sioners to inspect the aftairs of Asia, and to continue, for another >Tar, the authority of Dercyllidas, if they approved of iiis conduct. The conmiissioncrs, find- ing that llie conduct of Dercyllidas was in every re- spect irreproachable and meritorious, that he was popular in the army, and that the cities of iEolis and Ionia flourished under his administration, confirmed him in his command. The Spartan deputies, before their departure, soli- cited the ])rotection of Dercyllidas to the inhabitants of tlie 1'hracian Chersonesus, who were infested by the barbarous tribes that occupied the adjacent regions. Highly favoured by nature, the Cherso- nesus was cultivated by an industrious people ; it was therefore rich and populous, but exposed, by the neck of land which connected it with Thrace, to the irruptions and depredations of the barbarians. Der- c\llidas employecl the labour of his soldiers to shut up the isthnms, and built a strong wall, which .secured the cities in the Chersonesus from the preda- tory inroads of the Thracians. The Spartans, now considering diemselves as the protectors and sovereigns of Greece, zealously em- ployed every opportunity of asserting their superio- rity, and displaying their influence. Ofl^ended with the Eleans, they resolved to make them striking ex- amples of tlieir vengeance. In the course of the Peloponnesian war, they had not only deserted the alliance of Sparta, but, w ith the Mantineans and Ar- gives, had taken arms against that republic, excluded the Spartans from consulting the oracle, or disputing the prizes at the Olympic games, and even prevented Agis, their king, from sacrificing in the temple of Jupiter Olympius. That monarch was appointed to inflict the vengeance of Sparta on the devoted Eleans. Admonished by repeated shocks of an earthquake, he M Q, refrained. 244 A VIEW OF refrained, for a year, from ravaging the sacred terri- tories ; but having appeased the wrath of heaven, as he imagined, by prayers and sacrifices, he laid waste the country during the two following summers, plun- dered the villages, spoiled the sacred edifices of their ornaments, and reduced to ruins many of the porti- • cos and temples which adorned the city Oiympia. After the Spartans had plundered and laid waste the territory of Elis, they vouchsafed to .suspend their ravages, and offered peace, on condition that the Eleans relinquished their authority over the villages originally independent, and accepted of the form of government which they should impose.* Agis fell sick in his return from this expedition, and died soon after his arrival at Sparta. He ac- knowledged on his death-bed, the legitimacy of his son Leotychides ; but a death-bed acknowledgment of a son, whom he had formerly disowned, was far from satisfactory to the party of Agesilaus, the bro- ther of Agis, and failing Leotychides, the heir to the crown. The diminutive stature and lameness of Agesilaus were amply compensated iiy the virtues of his mind, a courage superior to danger, a noble ele- vation of character, and a generous ambition for the glory of Sparta. As the throne was the inheritance of his elder brother, he had been educated like a pri- vate person in all the strictness and severity of the Spartan discipline. Hence he had learned to obey, before he rose to command ; and acquired, by living among his equals, the virtues of self-command, can- dour, and a respectful attention to others. Charmed with his extraordinary merit, notwithstanding his corporeal defects (more ignominious at Sparta than in any country) the majority of the Spartans supported his title, and estimated it a singular advantage to * Xenoph. Hellen. lib. iii. cap. 4. have ANTIENT HISTORY. '245 have a king, who was educated like themselves, in a rigorous submission to the laws of Lycurgus. Ly- sander in particular, whose own ambitious prospects were now blasted, employed all his eloquence and address in behalf of his public favourite; and, chiefly owing to his exertions, Agesilaus succeeded to the throne of Spnrta. Of all the Spartan kings, he was the most esteem- ed and loved by his subjects. Nature had endowed him with an heroic spirit, and talents for command ; and his education had nnited to these the virtues of humanity and condescension. When he w as declared king, the estate and effects of Agis, liis brother, de- volved to him by law, Leotychides being declared a bastard ; but finding the relations of that prince, on the mother's side, in poverty, he divided the inheri- tance with them. By these, and similar actions, his reputation and popularity increased. The Ephori conferred on him the highest panegyric under the form of a punishment, and imposed a fine upon him for monopolizing the hearts and affections of all the citizens, which were the common property of the re- public. His power was equal to his popularity. This arose from the respect and deference which he paid to the Ephori. As the authority of these magis- trates was an innovation on the institutions of Lycur- gus, the Spartan kings had retained an hereditary aversion for them, and looked upon them as rivals. On the contrary, Agesilaus, knowing that without their consent he could undertake no business of im- portance, endeavoured to concilitate their good opi- nion, and connnunicated to them the resolutions and enterprizes which he was forming. At the distance of two years after the accession of Agesilaus to the throne, information was received, that the Persian monarch had fitted out a formidable fleet, in order to deprive the Lacedaemonians of their M 3 empire 246 * A VIEW OF empire at sea. By tlie influence of Lysander, the Spartan king was appointed commander in chief of the Grecian forces in Asia. He set out in the spring with three thousand emancipated heiots, and six thou- sand troops collected from the allies. Since the il- legal conduct of Agis in his expedition, the Spartan kings were usually attended in the held by a council of ten senators, invested with powers to sanction or controul their measures. Agesilaus got their num- ber augmented to thirty. By this ai tful stroke of policy he lessened the consequence of the whole, and brought them more easily to submit to his direction. The celebrated retreat of the ten thousand under the conduct of Xenophon, had, at this period, in- spired the Greeks with a confidence in their owai va- lour, and a contempt for the Persians. The Lace- daemonians resolved to improve so favourable a con- juncture for the delivering the Greeks in Asia from their subjection to a foreign yoke, and the oppres- sions of tyranny. When Agesilaus arrived at Ephesiis, Tissaphernes sent an embassy, demanding the reason of his coming to Asia with such hostile preparations. The Spartan king replied, " That he came to assist the Asiatic Greeks to recover their antient liberty." The depu- ties of Tissaphernes were prepared for this reply, and answered, that Artaxerxes w as ready to acknowledge the independence of the Asiatic Greeks ; and that am- bassadors were soon expected from the Great King, invested with full powers to establish a lasting peace between the Persians and all the Grecian states. Meanwhile, the satrap desired a continuation of the truce ; to which request Agesilaus, although suspi- cious of treachery, agreed, and the truce was sworn ^ to on botli sides. The perhdious Persian, who had no other intention but to amuse and deceive the Spar- tan general, continued to assemble forces and prepare for hostilities, Agesilaus ANTIENT IIISTOKY. 247 Agesilaus employed this interval in making a tour throiigli the principal cities, in order to redress inju- nva, and establish the government on a better foun- dation. Lysander, ^vhose power in Asia had been abso- lute, and whose name was still illustrious or formi- dable, rivalled and eclipsed the S})artan king in the eyes of the lonians. They believed, that Agesilaus was general only in name and appearance, and that the whole authority was still vested in Lysander. Hence they paid their homage to him in crowds, and augmented his train when he went abroad, while Agesilaus remained almost in solitude. A general and a king could not but feel such a diminution, or rather annihilation of his authority; but Agesilaus, on this occasion, proceeded too far in humbling a ri- val, to whom he owed his throne, and his present command. He took every opportunity to diminish the influence, and mortify the pride of Lysander ; and while he raised private officers to the highest com- mands and honours, appointed the man who had been celebrated as a conqueror in the east, a commis- sary of stores. Lysander required an explanation, and a pretended reconciliation took place; but there can be no cordial union between minds equally am- bitious. He was appointed to the command of the Lacedaemonian squadron on the Hellespont, an ho- nourable kind of exile, in which he nourished his resentments, but discharged his duty. Ashamed of a situation in which there were no laurels to gather, he returned in a few months to Sparta, inflamed by resentment, and stung with the ingratitude of his friend, whom he had first raised to the throne, and aftej- wards to the chief command of the army. When Tissaphernes had collected his forces, and received his auxiliary troops from Persia, he sent he- ralds to Agesilaus, commanding him to retire from M 4 the 248 A VIEW OF the coast of Asia, and threatening him with the ven- geance of the Great King in the event of disobedi- ence. While his officers were alarmed at this mes- sage, and the prospect of hostilities, the Spartan commander, with all the appearance of chearfulness and satisfaction, desired the heralds to tell their mas- ter, "That he had laid him under a signal obliga- tion for having made the gods, by his perlidy and perjury, the enemies of Persia, and the friends of Greece." To the treachery of the Persian, he opposed a successful stratagem. He made a feint of marching his army into tlie province of Cai ia, the residence of the satrap, and where his treasures were deposited. Tissaphernes, beheving that he intended to make Ca- ria the scene of military operations, encamped on the plains of the Meander, in order to oppose his pas- sage; but Agesilaus, have left a strong garrison iu Ephesus, advanced with rapidity into Phrygia, cap- tured many towns, and divided the rich spoil among his army. The ungenerous satrap made iio eifort to relieve Phrygia, which was the province of Phama- basus; accordingly the Spartan army ravaged it, du- ring the summer, almost without resistance, and re- turned to Ephesus crowned with victory, and loaded with plunder. During the winter, Agesilaus was occupied in mi- litary preparations or martial exercises. The spoils of Phrygia were expended in fabricating all the im- plements of war. Horses were disciplined to the field, and the men trained to arms. The whole city was in motion, and Ephesus seemed to be a Pala- stra, and a school of war. Agesilaus not only en- couraged the martial games of the Greeks among his soldiers, but contended also for the prize himself ; and as often as he oblahied the crown of victory, de- voted it to the gods, and placed it in the celebrated temple of the Ephesian Diana, Whea ANTIENT IIISTOR\^. 249 AVlien the season for taking the field returned, Age- silaus declared, that he would niurcli into Lydia. Tissaphernes, suspecting this to be a second strata- gem, advanced with his forces inunediateiy towards Caria, which he concluded to be the real destination of the Spartan army. But he found himself deceiv- ed ; Agesilaus entered Lydia, and approached to- wards Sardis. Thither the satrap hastened with his cavalry, to relieve the place. Agesilaus, knowing that his infantry had not arrived, gave him battle on the banks of the Pactolus, made a great slaughter of his troops, and plundered his camp. Tissaphernes, as if foreseeing a defeat, had taken refuge within the walls of Sardis, where he passed his time in Asiatic pomp and luxury, while the army of Agesilaus was ravaging the tei ritories, and plundering the cities of Lvdia. After the unsuccessful event of this ensfaoe- ment, he was accused of treason to the king, who dis- patched Tithraustes from court, with the sentence of his fate. The new satrap, on his arrival in Lydia, desired a conference with Tissaphernes, who sus- pecthig nothing went wiih a guard oidy of three hun- dred men. Tithraustes having seized him while bath- ing, ordeied his head to be struck off, and sent to the Persian king. He suffered the punishment due to his crimes ; and, to aggravate his misery, these crimes had been committed in the service, and for the benefit of that sovereign who was the author of his death. Tithraustes succeeded to the government of Lower Asia, and the connnand of the army. Having as- sumed his dignified station, he sent an embassy to Agesilaus with presents from the king his master. The ambassadors were commissioned to declare, " That Tissaphernes had suffered deserred punish- ment ; that the Great King, having now discovered his artifices which had produced the war, was ready to acknowledge the independence of the Greek cities *i5 , in 250 A VIEW OF in Asia, provided that Agesilaus withdrew his troops and returned to Greece/' The Spartan commander xephed, " That he was not master of peace or war ; of these the senate must determine ; nor could he withdraw his forces from Asia without the authority of the Lacedaemonian repubhc." The satrap, wish- ing at least to divert the cause of hostilities, proposed to Agesilaus to attack Phrygia, the province of Phar- nabasus, and offered him thirty talents to defray the expences of the expedition. This proposal, shameful to both parties was accepted. In his march towards Phrygia, a messenger from Sparta delivered him a mandate from the senate, pro- longing the term of his military rule, and adding to it the command of a numerous fleet, consisting of ninety gallies. By these new^ powers, he found himself commander in chief of the forces both by sea and land ; an honour which Sparta had never before con- ferred on any of her generals or Kings. During the victorious career of Agesilaus hi Asia, Pharax, who was then at the head of that ileet, had performed sig- nal services to his country. Forgetting, or wishing to forget, his important merits, Agesilaus superseded him, and appointed in his stead Pisander, his bro- ther-in-law, who, indeed, possessed the rough and masculine courage of a Spartan, but none of the ta- lents of a commander. Agesilaus, having entered Phrygia, levied heavy contributions on the cities, and ravaged the country at his pleasure. The fume and terror of the Grecian name pervaded the neighbouring regions. The op- pressed subjects of despotism courted the protection of a new and unknow n power ; galled by tlie weight of the Persian yoke, they hoped to gain by the change of masters. Colys, the prince of Paphlagonia, who had refused the proffered alliance of the Persian king, requested to associate his numerous cavalry with the army of Agesilaus. Ariteus, and the nu- merous ANTIENT HISTORY, 251 merous Asiatic forces who had l\)llowed the standard of Cyrus, might easily be inlianicd into a second re- volt against a master, who probably viewed them with the eves of jealousy and distrust. Egypt was in a state of rebellion. All the Lower Asia was dis- contented, and wished to deliver itself into the hands of Asesilaus ; who, encourasfed bv these favourable circumstances, resolved and prepared to carry the war into the heart of Persia, and, by crushing the power of the Great King at the center, prevent him in future from involving Greece in the crimes and ca- lamities in \\ ar. This ambitious and splendid project was defeated in its origin by the intiu( nee of Persian intrigue, and and the power of Persian gold. Tithraustes, who knew that, from the mercenary temper, constant jea- lousies, and unstead) politics of the Grecian states, it would be easy to set them at variance with one another, sent Timocrates, a man of boldness and ad- dress, with fifty talents,* into Greece, among the cities which opposed the oppressive dominion and im- perious pre-eminence of Sparta. The negociation of Timocrates succeeded to his wishes. He bribed to the Persian interest the leading men in Argos, Co- rinth, and Thebes, who, in their respective cities, declaimed with the most vehement eloquence against the injustice, oppression, unbounded ambition, and insolent tyranny of Sparta. They- recalled to the remembrimce of the people the recent devastation of the consecrated territory of Elis, and predicted the same desolation to every comnumity that incur- red their displeasure. The Spartans, continued they, have emancipated their helots, that they may have no slaves but their allies, and aspire to domi- nion in Asia, in order to subjugate Greece. * Above nine thousand pounds. M 6 These Q,5t A VIEW OF These severe accusations acquired double weight from their being founded on truth, and addressed to men who not only believed, but feit their reality. Since the close of the Peioponnesian war, the do- mineering authority of Sparta had rendered her equally odious to her old and new allies ; and both were disposed for a revolution. The Athenians, on this occasion, displayed the virtues of their an- cestors, and refused to admit the ministers of corrup- tion within their \\ alls ;* but the occasion was too favourable to be lost of attempting to regain their former power, with Asia as well as Greece on their side. As Thebes had opened her gates to the Athe- nians in exile, the Athenians voted, from gi atitude, an alliance offensive and defensive with Thebes, which w^as devoted to the interest of Persia. As suspicions and animosities already prevailed on both sides, an occasion soon presented itself of coming to an open quarrel. A dispute having arisen between the Phocians and Locrians, concernmg the property of a small piece of ground, the Phocians, who were the allies of the Spartans, took arms to attack the Locri, while the Thebans, their friends, prepared to defend them. Without enquiring into the cause of the quarrel, or condescending to re- monstrate, the haughty and vindictive Spartans im- mediately flew to arms, and sent Lysander to invade Boeotia. Having assembled the northern confede- rates, he marched into the Theban territory, took Lebadea, and prepared to attack Haliartus, one of the most considerable cities of Boeotia. He sent dis|>atches to Pausanias, the Spartan king, requesting his co-operation on this critical occasion with his Pe- ioponnesian troops ; and fixed next morning at sun- rise as the time to attack the city with their united ♦ Xen. Hellen. lib. iii. forces : ANTIENT HISTORY. 253 forces : but the messenger was intercepted by the Thebans ; and at the same tunc a powerful body of Athenian troops arrived to the assistance of their Tlieban allies. The care of the city was committed to the Athenians, while the flower of the Theban army set out in the dead of night, and reached the gates of Haliartus long before the break of day. When the citizens of Haliartus had recoi^nized their friends, and were made acquainted with the cause of this unexpected visit, they nuitually concerted mea- sures to defeat the stratagem of Lysander, and atnply to avenge themselves on the Spartan invaders. A detachment of Thebans was placed in ambush without the walls. The remainder, together with the citizens of Haliartus, stood ready armed within the city. Lysander, as he had proposed in his letter, arrived in the morning; but Pausanias, who was ig- norant of his intentions, remained at Platiea. The soldiers, animated by their recent victories, requested their commander to lead them to the attack ; and he willing to reap all the glory of the conquest, readily yielded to their request. Deceived by the apparent unguarded state of the city, he began the assault with great boldness. But while his army were attempting to make a breach in the wall, the Thebans and Haliartians rushed from the gates, and attacked their astonished foes. Ly- sander fell in the beginning of tjie action. His troops attempted to rally, but were prevented by the Thebans, who lay in ambush. The invaders were completely defeated ; more than a thousand were left dead in the field, besides those who fell in the disorderly retreat. Informed of this unexpected calamity, Pausanias marched to the field of battle, to celebrate the fune- ral obsequies of the slain. A herald was accordingly sent to Haliartus, intreating permission to bury the dead. 254 A VIEW OF dead. The request was granted, on condition that the Peloponnesian army should immediately with- draw from Bueotia. From the want of success at- tending this expedition, Pausanias, on his return to Sparta, was tried, and condemned to death^ but avoided the execution of the sentence, by flying to Tegea, where he soon afterwards died, transmitting his scepter to his son Agesipolis, an infant. The defeat of Lysander's army at Haliartus, and the death of that renowned general, emboldened the enemies of Sparta, and accelerated the desertion of her allies. The republics of Thebes, Argos, Athens, and Corinth, now openly avowed then- hostility to the Lacedaemonians. The island Euboea, the provinces of Acarnania, Leucas, Ambracia, the cities of Chai- cis, and the principalities of Thessaly, revolted from the alliance, or rather the yoke of Sparta. The consequence and power which she had acquired by her success in the Peloponnesian v. ar seemed now in the utmost danger i and no resource remained to save her from the brink of ruin, but that of recalling Agesilaus from pursuing his victories in Asia. Ac- cordingly, the orders of the republic were sent, com- manding his return to the defence of his country, at the critical moment when he had assembled all his forces for marching into Upper Asia, in order to shake or overturn the throne of the Persian king. Without deliberating a moment, Agesilaus obeyed. His answer, transmitted to us by Plutarch, expresses the character of the Spartan government. '^ VVe have reduced part of Asia, put the barbarians to flight, and made great preparations for a Persian war : but, as you order me to return, I am already on my march. I received the command, not for my- self, but for my country ; and 1 know that a general does not deserve that name, but as he submits to tlie laws, and obeys the Ephori, and the magistrates." When ANTIENT HISTORY. 255 When he commujiicatodhis rcsohition to the armv, they expressed their grief and rekietanee at being torn from the promised s})oiIs of Asia ; but dcehued with tears, that diey vvonkl never forsake tlie standard of a general, under whcnn they had so often fought and conquered. Agesihms encouraged this ardour and attaclnnent, and to secure its continuance, proposed to reward such officers as should join him vvidi bodies of foot or cavalry in the Thracian Chersonesus. The wealth of Lydia and Phrygia enabled him amply to fulfil his promises, to defray the expences of the war, and to return to Greece with above a thousand ta- lents.* Meanwhile the Lacedeemonians had collected an army, and given die command of it to Aristodemus, tutor to their infant king. The confederated army, consisting of twenty thousand men, proposed to at- tack the Lacedaemonian capital ; but the Spartan vi- gilance prevented this attempt, which, in the absence of Agesilaus, was a master-stroke of policy. Having assembled fourteen thousand men, of whom the greater part was furnished by the allies, they attacked the enemy near Nem^ea, a city on the frontier of Co- rinth. The engagement was obstinate and bloody, but not decisive : the Spartans remained masters of the field. After Agesilaus had assemhlec his forces in the Chersonesus, he proceeded witl all expedition to- wards Greece, and in one montl accomplished what had been the labour of a year to Xerxes and his army. Instead of pursuing his journey though the hostile territories of Locris, he marched through Do- ris and Phocis, that w^ere in alliance with Sparta, that he might not be detained by unimportant skirmishes from attacking the Thebau army. The recent en- * A hundred and ninety-three thousand pounese conmianders were not overlooked or neglected by the Persian monarch, \^ho, after loading Pharnabazus w ith wealth and honours, gave him his daughter in marriage. The noble ambition of Conon neither desired or solicited rewards or honours l^)r himself. To raise his fallen country from her ruins was the generous and patriotic motive, which was the source of all his actions. By his suggestion and persuasion, a naval armament had been fitted out, which retaliated the ravages, and revenged the conquests of Agesilaus. To depress still farther the pride of Sparta, he now proposed to the Persian king, and his viceroy, the re- establishment of Adieus. The proposal was favour- ably received ; liberal snpplies of money were given ; and Pharnaba/.us conferred on Conon the command of the naval armament; which immediately set sail, and after reducing the Cyclades and Cythera, and ra- vaging the coast of Laconia, assembled in die har- bours of Phalerus, Mui.ichia, and Piraeus. No time was lost in the imporlant work of rebuilding the har- bouis and fortifications of Athens. Besides arti- sans, who were allured by gain, the soldiers and sail- ors contributed their efforts ; the voluntary exertions of the allies, particularly the Thebans, accelerated the progress of the undertaking; while the zealous labours of the natives were never intermitted, in re- storing their celebrated capital to its antient strength and splendor. The w ork was completed with asto- nishing rapidity ; and, by a singular combination of vicissitudes, the Athenian capital, after having been formerly reduced to ashes by the Persians, was now rebuilt Q6t A VIEW OF rebuilt by their own hands ; and, after having been dismantled and demolished by the Lacedaemonians, was restored at their expence, and by the spoils taken from their fleet. When these tidings were conveyed to Sparta, they were received with the deepest disappointment and vexation, and excited in their minds every invi- dious and malignant passion. They looked upon the restoration of that city as the overthrow of their own; and would rather have been swept from the face of Greece, than have allowed the Athenians to enjoy iheir antient independence and prosperity. From these base motives, they adopted the timid and trea- cherous resolution of avenging themselves upon their Athenian rivals, by making a disadvantageous and dishonourable peace with the king of Persia. They were ready to sacrifice every thing, provided the Great King would withdraw his fleet from co-opera- ting to the re-establishment of the Athenian power. To" accomplish this purpose, they sent Antaicidas to Teribazus, who had succeeded Tithraustes as satrap of the southern provinces, and afterwards to Babylon. Tlie previous history of this ambassador is unknown ; he appears, however, to have had nothing of a Spar- tan but the name; but to have possessed all the arts of complaisance and insinuation, and to have been versed in all the vices of dissimulation, flattery, and seduction, which qualify a man for such an employ- ment, and facilitate his success. To please the Per- sian king and his satraps, he laid aside the dignity of oflSce, and acted the bufl'oon ; he publicly derided the institutions of Lycurgus, and in a mimic dance ridi- culed the heroism of Leonidas at Thermopylae.''^ Such a character, at^such a court, could hardly fail to accomplish his ends, though his success had not * Athenaeus, lib. ti. been ANTIENT HISTORY. ^65 been precipitated by the imprudent patriotism of Co- noii. Alter rebuilding the fortilicatioiis of Athens, this illustrious coninuuider requested Pliarnabazus to jiermit him, for a few months, to em})lo\ the com- bined rieet in ravaging the territories of Sparta and her allies. The uusus})icious governor readily grant- ed iiis desire. But Conon neglected his promise, and meditated only to promote the interest and glory of his country. He displayed at Chios, at Lesbos, and along tlie Eolian and [onian coasts, the numbers and the strength of his naval armament, and, describing the happy revolution that had raised Athens to her former po\N er and splendor, invited the Asiatics and islanders to recognise the authority of their antient sovereign, and share \vith her the government of Greece. Such a visionary project could have no effects, but to bring ruin or disgrace on the head of the contriver. The sagacious and artful Antalcidas immediately re- presented him as guilty of the most aggravated treach- ery, ingratitude, and rebellion, in violating his engage- ments as soon as they were made ; in forgetting the signal obligations received by himself and his coun- trv, and attempting to conquer the Persian dominions by the assistance of the Persian troops. Conon was now abandoned, even by his friend Pharnabazus, and Antalcidas carried on his intrigues, if not without op- position, at least with triumphant success. Nei- ther the remonstrances of Conon, and the other Athenian ambassadors, nor those of the Theban and Argive deputies, were attended to, while tlie Spar- tan negociator obtained every thing he desired. An- talcidas proposed terms that seemed to have been dictated by the Persian monarch : — " The Spartans resign all pretensions to the sovereignty of the (ireek cities in Asia, which they acknowledge is the right of the Great King. They are ready to declare all the cities 264 A VIEW OF cities and islands reciprocally independent ; which will henceforth prevent any one of them from ac- quiring sufficient power to dispute the supremacy of Persia." These conditions, which the most insolent minis- ter of the most insolent monarch could hardly have solicited or desired, awakened no jealousy or suspi- cion in the mind of Teribazus, who was lulled into profound security by the arts of the Spartan ambas- sador. The fate of the patriotic Conon must excite emotions of sorrow and rtgret in every mind of sen- sibihty. After having sacrificed every thing, even justice and integrity, to the service of his country, he was condemned either to death or perpetual impri- sonment.'^ The successful Antalcidas, on the con- trary, was amply rewarded. Although the conditions of the alliance between Persia and Sparta were in the highest degree advan- tageous and honourable to Artaxerxes, the negocia- tion remained unaccomplished for several years. Te- ribazus incurred the displeasure of b.is lord, and was succeeded in his government by Struthas, who adopt- ed, with warmth, the interest of the Athenians. The powerful efforts of the Argive and Boeotian deputies • contributed likewise to this end, as they raised sus- picions against the Spartans, by discovering the real object they had in view. Meanwhile the military operations of the contend- ing states were carried on by those sallies and incur- sions that irritate without enfeebling, and contribute to provoke, rather than to terminate hostilities. The Lacedaemonians ravaged the country, and plundered the villages of their enemies in Peloponnesus. The Thebans and Argives, on the other hand, laid waste the territories of Laconia ; and the Athenians employ- * Xenoph. Gr. Hisn 1. 4. ed ANTIENT IIISTOUY. *l65 ed the renovated vigour of their republic in regain- ing the empire of the sea. The death or captivity of Conon again called forth the abilities of Thrasybulus, w hose vigour and patri- otism had twice rescued his country from the yoke of tyranny. The Adienian fleet, consisting of forty gal- lies, was intrusted to this coinmander; who hav- ing sailed towards the Hellespont, induced the inha- bitants of Byzantium, and several other cities of Thrace, to accede to the Athenian alliance. He next landed in the isle of Lesbos, and having engaged the enemy near Methymna, defeated the Lacedaemonian troops, and slew, with his own hand, Therimachus, the general. From this island he drew considerable reinforcements to his fleet, and with this accession of strength, proceeded towards Rhodes, to assist the Athenian party in that island. To provide himself with resources for this expedition, he raised supplies from the sea-ports of Asia ; and, entering the mouth of the Eurymedon, exacted a heavy contribution from xVspendus, the capital of Pamphylia. This act of power would, perhaps, as usual, have been sub- mitted to, but the unrestrained enormities of the sail- ors and soldiers provoked the Pamphylians to resist- ance. The Grecian camp was attacked in the night, a considerable slaughter ensued, and Thrasybulus himself fell a sacritice to his unbounded rapacity and avarice. Tliese unjust and oppressive exactions on the ca- pital of Pamphylia presented another opportunity for the vigilant Antalcidas to w'ork on the passions of the Persian king, and inflame his resentment against the Athenians. Artaxerxes at last determined to embrace the cause of the Spartans ; and thus dictated the terms of a general pacification ; — <' It is the pleasure of Artax- erxes, the king, that the island of Cyprus, and Cla- VOL. II. N zomene. 266-^ A VIEW OP zomene, belong to him; tliat the other Grecian states be severally enfranchised and independent, with exception to Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, which, as of old, shall be subject to the Athenians ; and, what- ever state accepts not these terms, I will go to war \vith it and its adherents, by sea and land."* When the deputies of the Grecian cities were sum- moned by 1 erihazus to hear the conditions of peace, they were astonished to find, instead of an equitable treaty, the imperious mandate of the Great King, v^^ho, by their dissensions and hostilities, had become the sovereign arbiter of Greece. The greater part of the Grecian states rejected w'ith horror terms of pacification so humiliating and so in- famous. But, as they were enfeebled and exhausted by their internal divisions and animosities, and were unable to support a war against a prince so opulent find pow erful, it w as expected that prudence, as well as necessity, would soon induce them to accept the conditions of peace. Thebes, Argos, and Athens, made the only vigorous opposition to a treaty that was equally destructive to the interest, and disgrace- ful to the fame of Greece. The Thebans were averse to resign their authority over the inferior com- munities of Bcxiotia : the Aigives v. ere reluctant to withdraw their forces from Corinth, and leave that capital in the power of the Lacedaemonian party : and the Aihenians could not relinquish, without regret, the fruits of their late conquests, and their hopes of future ])rosperity and renown. The sagacious Antal- cidas had foreseen and prevented the opposition of tliese states. A fleet of eighty sail, fitted out with Persian gold, was ready to awe them into coniffliance. Teribazus had collected a squadron, and was prepar- ed to attack the isle of Cyprus, if Evagoras should * Xenoph. p. 550, revolt. ANTIENT HISTORY. 2f)7 revolt. The Persian government had also raised an army, which was ready at the first summons to em- bark for Greece, and co-operale with the I/dcedae- monians against ail vvlio might venture to refuse the terms of peace w hich had been dictated by l^ersia. These formidable pre[)arations alarmed the fears of the confederates, and obliged them to submit, though with sullen reluctance, to the terms of accommoda- tion. The resistance of tlJe Thebans was the most obstinate ; but, at length, yielded to the menaces of Sparta. Open hostilities ceased, the armies on both sides were disbanded, a sort of forced tranquillity was established, but it was like that gloomy stillness vhich precedes audamiounces a storm. CHAP. XXII. from the Peace of Jntalcidas to the Fall of the Theban Empire. X HE famous and shameful treaty of Antalcidas, owed its origin and -completion to the artifice and address of the Lacedaemonians. The success which attended the arms of x\gesilaus, in Asia ; the rapidity iand the splendor of his victories, and his long-con- certed plan of carrying the war into the heart of Persia, struck terror into the regions of despotism, and made the Great King tremble on his throne. The arrival of Conon, at the court of Babylon, at this critical conjuncture, relieved the fears of the mo- narch, and wrought a revolution in his councils. He solicited the command of a powerful fleet, and un- dertook to deprive the Spartans, at one blow, of N 2 their 26S A VIEW OF their empire at sea, and compel them to relinquish their conquests in Asia. In the celebrated sea-fight with Pisander, he fully accomphshed his promise : when he crushed the strength of the Peloponnesian fleet, took fifty of their ships, and blasted in one day the fruit of all the victories that had been gained by Agesilaus. Sparta, though subject to an aristocracy, was kss governed by system, and discovered less political consistency, than any of the Grecian republics. The rival passions of jealousy, envy, imperious ambition, and revenge, with an inveterate and eternal antipathy against Athens, were the prime movers of all tl>eir actions. Hence, when they were informed of the assistance which the Great King had given to that republic, and in particular, when they heard that the Athenian walls and harbours had been rebuilt by Conon, they were torn by the cruellest conflict of contending passions. They were willing to solicit an accommodation with Artaxerxes, on the most morti- fying conditions ; they were ready to resign all the advantages they had gained, and to abandon all views of foreign conquest, provided the Persian king would cease to open his treasury, and to connnission his fleets to raise and aggrandise the grov.ing and dan- gerous power of their Athenian rivals. They found too, that while they were endeavouring to extend their conquests abroad, their acquisitions at home were sliding from their possession. Athens had risen from its ruins with new lustre. Thebes and Argos had become formidable, and assumed po- litical importance. Many of the Peloponnesian ci- ties had shaken ofl* their authority ; their colonics in Thrace and Macedon no longer obeyed them ; and they were deprived of all their Ionian acquisitions. During a war of twenty-seven years, they had fought and conquered both in Europe and in Asia, and vvere now ANTIENT HISTORY. Q6Q now in a worse condition than at the commencement of hostilities. Thoy now began to abandon all thoughts of dis- tant expeditions, and relinquished all concern with Asiatic affairs. In return, they obtained many sub- stantial advantages from the Persian monarch. To them it was given in charge to see that the articles of the peace were strictly adhered to ; and, for this pur- pose, they were supplied with money from the Per- sian treasury to raise troops in Greece. While, in consequence of the peace of Antalcidas, the Thebans had been compelled to permit the cities of Boeotia to enjoy their liberty, and the Argives to withdraw their garrison from Corinth, the Lacedaemonians, on their part, discovered no intention of complying with the articles of the treaty. Having found their power already increased, they resolved to extend it farther by policy and arms. They employed their emissaries to encourage the aristocratical factions in the inferior cities; to en- flame the reciprocal animosity of the citizens ; and, under the semblance of protecting the injured and oppressed, decided every appeal to their senate in such a manner as turned to the advantage and ag- grandisement of Sparta. The republic of Mantinaea, situated in the center of Arcadia, which, from a few hamlets of shepherds, was now a pow erful state, was the first object of their unjust ambition. Hardly a year had elapsed since tlie peace of An- talcidas, when Spartan ambassadors were dispatched to Mantinaea, with one of the most unjust and impe- rious commissions that is recorded in history. The Mantinasans were commanded, by these emissaries of aristocratic despotism, to raze their fortifications, to forsake their city, and to descend again into the humble and dispersed state of villagers; because, N 3 during 270 A VIEW OP during the late war, they had supplied the Argives with corn, and, though apparerstly in friendship with Sparta, had rejoiced at her misfortunes. This insolent request met with the answer it de- served ; the ambassadors returned without success, and Sparta declared war. King Agesipolis, with a powerful army, ravaged the territory of the Manti- naans, and laid siege to the city. After an ineffec- tual siege for several months, he at last contrived a scheme which proved fatal to the brave Mantin?eans, The river Ophis flowed through the city of Manti- njea. With much labour and difficulty the course of the stream w^as stopped below the city, and the foundation of the walls laid under water. The un- burnt bricks, of which the fortifications were built, dissolved in the water by which they were overflow- ed, and the citizens beheld their crumbling walls with sorrow and despair. Perceiving that all farther de- fence was impossible, the inhabitants sent to capitu- late on conditions ; but the Spartan king would grant them no other terms than those which had been ori- ginally proposed. They were therefore obliged to destroy their city, to separate again into four distinct communities, and return to their original habitations in the villages and hamlets. The Lacedaemonians next displayed their tyranny and severity against the republic of Phlius. This little community was not exempted from that state of ferment which prevailed throughout Greece : it was divided into factions, and the party opposite to Sparta had expelled their opponents. The authority of Agesilaus procured their return from exile ; but new quarrels having arisen, commissioners were ap- pointed to try and pimish those who were termed the most obnoxious citizens. By condemning to death almost every man of eminence or abilities in the de- mocratical party, these infamous executioners secured the ANTIKNT HISTORY. 271 the permanent and invariable attachment of Phlius to the interests of Sparta. At this period the cities of Acanthus and Apol Io- nia solicited the assistance of the Spartans, against the growing and dani^erous power of Olynthus, which was inhabited by Greeks, originally fioni Chalcis in Eubeea. The Athenians, after their victories ni the Persian war, had annexed to their dominion many cities in the Thracian territories and neighbourhood, \yhich threw' off the yoke at the close of die Pelo- ponnesian war. Olynthus was of this number. To secure themselves against the encroaching tyranny of Sparta, no less dangerous than that of Athens, the Oiynthians had raised troops, and fortified their city. The state of affairs in Greece, and the weakness of their neighbours, enabled the citizens of Olynthus, not only to establish their independence, but to ex- tend their dominions by conquest, till, by their power and wealth, they became formidable, and ob- jects of jealousy and alarm to the adjacent communi- ties. On the southern shores of Macedon, they had made themselves masters of Chalcis and Pierea, which, blessed with a natural fertility, invited the operations of agriculture ; and, at the same time, by its maritime situation, was favourable to the pursuits of trade : they " grasped at still more valuable acqui- sitions, and would have extended their dominions on the side of Thrace and Macedon, if the ambassadors of Acanthus and ApoUonia had not interested the Spartan ambition to break the strength of this new confederacy, and give an effectual check to their rising^ greatness. When Cleigenes, the Acanthian, had delivered, in the name of his colleagues, their complaint and pe- tition before the greater assembly at Sparta, the La- cediemonians, with their usual affectation of injpar- tiality, desired the opinion of the confederates ; who, N 4 knowing t7^ A VIEW OF knowing the inclinations of the assembly, unani- mously resolved, that it was necessary to declare war against the Olynthians. War being determined on, it was agreed that the confederates should raise ten thousand troops, with liberty to sych states as were unable to furnish the ftdl complement of soldiers, to pay an equivalent in money, at the rate of half a drachma * a day for each foot soldier, and four times as much for the horse. Cleigenes, the ambassador, informed the assembly, that the critical situation of Acanthus and Apollonia demanded immediate aid ; and proposed that, with the troops they had in arms, they should instantly set out on the expedition. The Lacedaemonians con- sented, and ordered two thousand men to march to Macedon without delay, under the command of Eu- damidas ; and that his brother Pha^bidas should fol- low him as soon as the remainder of the forces could be collected. When Eudamidas arrived in Thrace, he placed garrisons in such cities as were most exposed to the enemy ; but, as his forces were not yet assembled, he did not commence open hostilities. Potidaa, a city in alliance with the Olympians, and of considerable importance, in the isthmus of Pallene, surrendered to him without making any defence. Meanwhile Phoebidas began his march, at the head of eight thousand men, and encamped in the neighbourhood of Thebes, near the Gymnasium. Thebes, like all the cities of Greece, v. as at that time agitated by the contentions of a popular and an aris- tocratical or Spartan faction. Ismenias w tis at the head of the democratical party; Leontiades of the Spartan ; both were polemarchs, that is, generals of the army, and chief magistrates in the common- * Three-penee halfpenny. wealth. AN TIE NT HISTORY. 273 "wetilth. It is probable that Phoebidus had orders from the senate, or from king Agesilaiis, to take a decided part in the Theban divisions, which made him listen with the greatest alacrity to the proposal of Leontiades, '' to seize the citadel, to expel the adherents of Ismenias, and take possession of it with his troops in tlie name of the Lacedaemonians." He represented to him, '^ that nothing wonid be more easy, and at the same time more honourable, than to make himself master of Thebes, a greater and more important prize than the capital of the Olyn- thians." Phtebi.las received the proposal with transports of joy. The plan of operations was soon settled be- tween the conspirators. The Thebans, confiding with perfect security in the late treaty of peace, were pre- paring to celebrate the feast of Ceres. It was in the midst of summer, and, during the intense heat of noon, few passengers were to be seen in the streets. Phoebidas, who, to conceal his intentions, had made preparations for continuing his march, was at the fa- vourable moment called by his confederate to the scene of action. At this festival, the Theban matrons went in procession to the Cadmeea, or citadel, to acknow- ledge the past, and implore the future favours of the beneficent goddess who presides over the harvest. For them the gates of the Cadrnaea w^ere left open, and, as no male was admitted to this mystic solemni- ty, the place was without defence. Accordingly Phoebidas and his army, conducted by Leontiades, took possession of the citadel without opposition. The senate was then sitting in the market-place, Le- ontiades took his place among the senators, and avowed that the Lacedsemonians had acted by his authority, not as enemies, but to preserve the public tranquillity. He then seized Ismenias, with the leaders of the opposite party, and sent them to N 5 the £74 A VIEW OF the citadel. Many wefe thrown into prison, and about four hundred fled with precipitation to Athens. When the Spartan senate received information of this atrocious enterprize, that one of their generals had, by open violence and force of arms, taken pos- session of a city in alliance with their republic, com- plaints and accusations against the conduct of Phoe- bidas resounded from all quarters* The opponents of Agesiiaus, who suspected his being the contriver of this shameful transaction, demanded by whose au- thority a Spartan commander had committed such a flagrant violation of public faith, such a shocking act of perfidy as would have disgraced the rudest barba- rians. Agesilaus found no difficulty in vindicating the conduct of Phoebidas, and publicly declared to the senate that the sole question was concerning the utility of the action. Whatever was beneficial and expedient for Sparta, a general was not only permitted hut commanded to perform, by his own authority, and Avith:,ut waiting for orders. Such corrupted maxims of policy have been often adopted and pur- sued, but seldom avowed, except by the Lacedaimo^- nians. The senate, after a long discussion, and ma- ture deliberation, resolved, according to their usual hypocrisy, '' That Phoebidas should be deprived of his command, aiid fined in a hundred thousand drachmas;^ but that the citadel should be retained, and defended by a strong garrison." The Lacede- monians, not satisfied with this act of injustice and perfidy, sent commissioners from the cities in their alliance to try, or rather to condemn Ismenias, who, upon their arrival, was immediately put to death. TeleutiaS; the brother of Agesilaus, was appoint- * Above two tbobsand pounds. cd, ANTIENT HISTORY. 275 ed, in the place of Phoebidas, to command ten thou- sand droops destined against Oi> nthiis. -By the as- sLstance of Amintas, king of Macedon, he compelled the Olynthians to retire within the inclosure and protection of their walls. Many sallies were made, with uncertain success ; but Teleutias, beholdmg a party of his cavalry cut to pieces by die Olynthians, advanced against them at the head of his heavy-armed troops, with greater precipitation than prudence. The Olynthians never halted till they arrived under the fortitications. The townsmen then mounted the battlements, and assaulted the enemy with darts, ar- rows, and odier missile weapons. At the same time the Oiynthian army, which were in readiness within the wails, sallied forth with impetuosity ; die Spartan general fell in the first attack ; the army was repulsed ■with great slaughter, and fled to Acanthus and Apol- lonia. This check served only to animate the ardour of the Lacedaemonians. In the third year of the war, king Agesipolis marched into Macedon wdth a strong reinforcement. After ravaging the Oiynthian terri- tories, he took by storm the strong city of Torona ; but in the midst of his success he was seized with a calenture, and died in the seventh day of the disease. Cleombrotus, his brother, succeeded to the throne of Sparta ; and Polybiades was appointed to com- mand the forces against Olynthus. This general surrounded the city by land, while a squadron of Lacedaemonian vessels blocked up the adjacent harbour of Mecyberna. 'Jlie Olynthians were now^ cut off from all supplies both by sea and land ; and were at last compelled by famine to capi- tulate. They relinquished all claim to the Chaici- dic^, gave up the cities of Macedon to their former sovereign, and bound themselves to obey, on all oc- casions; the mandates of their Spartan allies. After N 6 the 276 A VIEW OF the submission of the Olynthians, Amiiitas re-esta- blished his court at Pella, ^vhich thenceforth- con- tinued to be the residence of the ^lacedonian kings. The Spartans, after they had seized with a strong ann the Theban citadel, maintained possession of it during five years, with a garrison of fifteen hundred men. The partizans of aristocracy and Sparta now acquired an entire ascendancy in the government, and the Thebans experienced every species of oppression. Not satisfied with the exercise of despotism in Thebes, they persecuted the unhappy exiles from their country, till at last both those in the city, and those who had fled from it, driven to the last extre- mities, and deriving courage from despair, were de- termined to hazard every thing rather than to groan any longer under the Lacediemonian yoke. At this time the prosperity of Sparta appeared to be in its greatest splendor, and its power so firmly established as to bid defiance to accident or opposi- tion. Thebes, and all the cities of Boeotia, had lately submitted to their authority. They had con- trived measures to humble the pride of Argos, and to retain it in a state of dependence. Corinth ac- knowledged their jurisdiction, and was ready to obey their commands. The Athenians, deprived, by the late treaty, of their allies, and reduced to their indi- vidual strength, were not in a condition to contend for dominion with their powerful rival. If any state or city attempted to shake off their authority, imme- diate and«eyere punishment reduced them to obedi- ence, and struck tenor into the neighbouring com- munities. While thus they tyrannized over Greece, the Great King was their ally, and the wealth and power of Persia were pledged and prepared to give vigour and success to their measures. But, notwithstanding this apparent tranquillity, a revolution ANTIENT HISTORY. 277 revolution \\ as preparing in a quarter uhere lliey had iuriicled the deepest injuries, but w hence they neitlier expected nor appr( hended any attempt towards reta- hation. The four Inmdred Thebans, who had fled to Athens after Phoehidas had taken the citadel, were banished by a public decree of their country. The Lacedaemonians, to give a presumptuous proof of their tyrannical and domineering spirit, ordered the iVthenians to withdraw tlieir protection from these unhappy exiles, and to expel them from their city. The humanity and generosity, natural and peculiar to the Athenians, as w ell as their gratitude towards the Thebans, for affordmg them an asylum when they were banished by the thirty tyrants, prompted them to reject the infamous proposal. At the same time, Leontiades sent some of his devoted creatures to assassinate the chief of the exiles ; but Androclides alone fell a victim to his iniquitous machinations. Pelopidas, the son of Hippocles, who acted a distin- guished part in the deliverance of Thebes, was among the exiles who had sought protection in Athens. Elevated with the native courage of his mind, and tired with resentment against the late in- stances of Spartan treachery and cruelty, he exhorted his fellow -exiles no. longer to suffer in silence, but ' to take up arms at once to avenge their ow n cause, and assert the liberty of their country. " Let us, follow," continued he, '' the example of Thrasybu- lus, who, with heroic magnanimity, set out from Thebes w ith a handful of brave men to crush the oppressors of Athens. So let us, by one blow, for glory and revenge, expel the tyrants of our country, and restore it to its antient freedom." This discourse made a deep impression on the banished Thebans ; and, while they deliberated by night on this important subject, Mello, one of their number, introduced Phyllidas, his friend, who had just 273 A VIEW OP just arrived from Thebes ; a man whose situation, boldness, and address, iitted him for the enterprize they meditated. Though strongly attached to the republican cause, he followed the changes of government, and, by his complaisance, officiousness, and adulation, had insi- nuated himself into the good graces and the confi- dence of Leontiades, Archias, and the other Theban oppie.-sors. He was secretary to the council, and no less subsidiary to the pleasures, than necessary to the business of his masters. The exiled patriots having concerted the plan, and fixed the time of thtir enterpri e, communicated it to their friends at Thebes. V\hen ihey had assem- bled, on the confines of Attica, seven* of the youngest and most daiing, with Peiupidas at their head, disguised themselves like huntsmen, and, arri- ving at the gates towards evening, passed unsuspected. They were concealed in the house of Charon that night and the following day. On the eventful evening that summoned them to strike for Thebes and independence, the crafty Phyl- lidas had prepared a magnificent entertainment for two of the tyrants, Archias and Philip; and pro- mised to render the repast more exquisite and allur- ing by the company of the most beautiful women in the city. The banquet of Phyilidas contained the most lux- urious viands to gratify the senses ; and the richest wines to dissolve the soul in pleasure. But in the height of their festivity and voluptuous expectations, a messenger arrived from Athens, with letters that contained a circumstantial account of the whole con- spiracy. The courier, with marks of haste and agi- tation, desired to see Archias, and, having delivered * Xenoph. p. 566, the ANTIENT HISTORY. 279 the pacqiiet into his hand, informed him, that liis Athenian friend desiieil he vvoukl read the letters im- mediately, for they related to serious ajjaiis. At- chias replied, smiling, " ISeriou^ affairs to-morrozi);" and, putting them unopened under his pillow, con- tinued the debauch. Phyllidas now retired to intro- duce the conspirators, disguised like women of plea- sure. Their arms were concealed by their female vestments, and their faces overshadowed by wreaths of pine and poplar. At tht:ir arrival, the tyrants, intoxicated with voluptuousness and wine, sent up loud shouts of joy; Mhen, at a given signal, the con- spirators drew their daggers, and laid the tyrants at their feet. Charon and Mello had been tlie chief actors in this scene ; but an important part of the work remained behind ; to dispatch Leontiades, and the other suppoi ters of the usurpation. Conducted by Ph)l]idas, who was still unsuspected, the con- spirators foimd the hduses of the magistrates open to receive them. Leontiades, who was asleep, awaked at the tumult, and, arming himself with his sword, boldly fought in his own defence; it was reserved to Pelopidas to rid the earth of this early contriver and chief abettor of the Theban calamities and disgrace. His associates fell by tlie hands of the other conspi- rators. The tyrannicide being thus accomplished, with equal celerity aiid success, couriers were sent to the Thracian plain, to inform the Theban exiles, Avho immediately set out for the scene of action. The conspirators next opened the different prisons, which were filled with the unhappy victims of tyrannical oppression. Five hundred captives were released, who formed a considerable accession of strength to their deliverers. They furnished themselves with arms fiom the arsenals, which they broke open. The 280 . A VIEW or The whole city was now in a state of agitation, un- certainty, and terror. The houses, though at mid- night, were illuminated ^^ ith torches ; the streets were crowded with multitudes passing and repassing, without knowing whither they went ; and all longed, with impatience and anxiety, for the return of the dawn, that they might learn the cause of these dis- orders, and know what destiny awaited them. In the midst of this tumult, a herald announced, with a loud voice, the death of the tyrants, and invited the friends of freedom to arm in the glorious cause. Among the first who obeyed ihis summons to liberty was the celebrated Epaminondas, the son of Polym- nis. The philosophy of Pythagoras, which he had studied, forbade him to take an active part in the conspiracy, lest he might pollute his hands with the blood of his fellow-citizens. But, after the revolu- tion in favour of liberty was accom.piished, he armed with alacrity in the cause of his country ; and his example gave new animation to the Theban youth, who, like him, had borne, with indignant reluc- tance, the oppressive yoke of the Spartan govern- ment. Next morning the exiles arrived from the Thracian plain, and the people were summoned to assemble. Surrounded with a numerous band of adherents, which continued to increase from all quarters, Pelo- pidas and his friends went to the market-place ; ex- plained to the people the necessity of the revolution ; and, with the unanimous consent of their fellow-citi- zens, restored the antient and republican form of go- vernment. At the same time, a solemn sacrifice was offered to the gods, by the sacred ministers of reli- gion, for the restoration of the public liberty. At the close of the solemnity, the people rose up with loud acclamations, and received the confederated pa- triots ANTIENT HISTORY. 281 tiiots as the avengers and deliverers of their country. Pelopidas, Mello, and Charon, were then elected boeotarchs, or chief magistrates. On the night of the conspiracy, the Laceditmoniaii garrison, which held possession of the citadel, by un- accountable negligence, cowardice, or infatuation, beheld the scene of tumult and disorder, without in- terposing to prevent the revolution from taking place. Three thousand lliebans had taken refuge in the Cadma?a, which was garrisoned by fifteen hundred Lacediemonians ; yet they made no efforts to defend tlie Spartan governors or government ; but only dis- patched couriers to the capital, to relate the news of the conspiracy, and to demand an immediate rein- forcement. Very different was the conduct of Pelopidas and his associates, on the same memorable occasion ; not blinded by success, they neglected no precaution that could ensure the accomplishment of their measures, and the re-establishment of the commonwealth. They ordered the messengers, whom they had sent to ac- quaint the Theban exiles with the destruction of their oppressors, to proceed with all expedition to Athens, to communicate the tidings of the revolution, and to implore the immediate aid of the Athenians. This request was instantly complied with ; the Athenians embraced the precious opportunity of depressing their enemies and elevating their friends. A consi- derable army was ordered to the relief of the The- bans, which arrived at Thebes the day after Pelo- pidas had completed the revolution. Animated by this reinforcement, the Thebans re- solved to attack the Cadmasa with the combined army. According to Xenophon, whose narrative appears the most authentic, the garrison surrendered in the course of a few days, on condition of being- permitted to retire in safety, and to retain their arms. But, 282 A VIEW OF But, while they provided for their own security, agreeably to that strong and unconquerable barbarity which marked the character of their countrymen, tl*y totally abandoned to the resentment of the con- querors, those wretched Thebans who had devoted themselves to the interest of Sparta, and taken refuge in the citadel. Many of them fell victims to the vengeance of the opposite faction ; a few only were saved by the intercession of the Athenians,* the only nation of antient Europe, except the Sicilians, who seem to have had anv feelinos of pitv, or tincture of humanity. When the garrison marched from the Cadmaea, and arrived at Megara, they found Cleombrotus coming to their assistance, at the head of a powerful army. If he had arrived a day earlier, he might have preserved the citadel ; but the tardy measures of the Lacedemonians frequently defeated their en- terprizes. The three commanders who had surren- dered the citadel were brought to trial ; two of them were condemned to death, and so great a fine imposed upon the third, that, unable to pay it, he went into voluntary banishment. Pelopidas obtained the honour of this revolution, which, for the wisdom and magnanimity with which it was concerted, the admirable, though simple ad- dress, by which it was conducted, and the intrepid courage by which it was accomplished, is scarcely to be paralleled in the annals of the Grecian republics. It gave a new political existence to the Thebans, led them to a train of heroic atchievements, and rendered their history as illustrious as it had formerly been ob- scure. The rebellion of the Thebans, as it was called at Sparta, wounded the pride, and provoked the resent- * Xenoph. meut ANTIENT HISTORY. 293 ment of that tyrannical republic. The Ephori and the senate immediately resolved to punish their re- volted subjects uith exemplary severity, ^gcsilaus, under pretence of his great age, declined the com- mand, which was confcrretl on Cleombrotus, who had lately succeeded to king Agesipolis. In the midst of winter he entered Boeotia, at the head of a strong army ; but his operations were neither vigo- rous nor decisive. Nothing was performed worthy of the Spartan name. At the end of the campaign he returned to Sparta, having sent a considerable detachment of his army to the garrison at Thespiie^ w hich was commanded by Sphodrias. Meanwhile, the Athenians, partly from their natu- ral fickleness, partly from their dread of the Spartans, against whose forces they thought themselves unable to take the field, renounced their alliance with the lliebans, and punished, by imprisonment or exile, such of the citizens as had favoured their cause. The Theban chiefs, who foresaw the ruinous effects of this desertion, contrived, according to Xenophon, a singular stratagem to recover the Athenian alliance. They sent emissaries to Sphodrias, who commanded the garrison at Thespiie, ^^ to propose to him, as an exploit that would aggrandise his name, to seize the Piraeus by surprize, the principal ornament and de- fence of Athens ; an action which would transmit his memory to future times, and raise his fame above the glory of Phoebidas, who became so illustrious aiKl renowned at Sparta, by surprizing, in a similar man- ner, the citadel of Thebes." Sphodrias, whose vanity and ambition prompted him to wish for an opportunity of performing a splendid action, undertook the enterpiize with alacrity and confidence. He set out from Thespiae early in the morning, in expectation to reach the Fir^us be- fore the dawn of the next day. But, as the distance between ft94 A VIEW OF between Thespiae and Athens exceeded forty miles^ the morning overtook him in the Thracian plain neai' !EIeusis, whose astonished inhabitants conveyed the in- telligence to Athens. Finding his plan discovered, he made a shamefnl retreat, after having ravaged tlie country. This perfidious design, and the atrocious conduct of Sphodrias in plundering the peaceful vil- lages, enraged the Athenians ; who immediately sent ambassadors to Sparta, loudly complaining of the injustice and the insult. The Spartans, according to custom, disavowed the conduct of Sphodrias. He was summoned before the council, and tried ; but was preserved from death by the influence of Agesi- laus. A tender friendship, we are told, had long joined, in the most cordial union, Archidamus, the son of the Spartan king, and Cleonymus, the son of Sphodrias ; and, that the intercession and tears of the former, for the father of his friend, induced Agesilaus to interpose with his authority in his be~ half. Such is the account of Xenophon, who has too often employed the artful and eloquent simplicity of his style to disguise and embellish some of the most criminal transactions of the Lacedaemonians. From the conduct of Agesilaus, it is evident, that the un- just and perfidious plan of Sphodrias proceeded upon, his authority, or at least with his knowledge ; and the absurdity of the tale, related by Xenophon, to account for the acquittal of the criminal commander, is so gross and glaring, that one is ania/ed to think how it could impose even on the credulity of the Greeks. The Athenians beheld it in its true light ; and, considering the acquittal of Sphodrias as a par- ticipation of his crime, resolved immediately to re- new their alliance with Thebes, and made the most vigorous preparations for war. Agesilaus now assumed the command of the army against ANTIENT IIISTOHY. 285 against Thebes, ^vhich amounted to eighteen thousand foot, and fifteen hundred horse. He engaged in fre- quent skirmishes widi the enemy, but performed no- thing important, or adequate to his former reputa- tion, JBy these frequent, undecisive hostihties, he instructed tiie Thebans in the art of war, and dis- -ciplincd them for greater services, Chabrias, the ce- lebrated Athenian general, offered him battle near Thebes ; but such was the advantageous position of his Xroops, ^nd the excellent order in which they were drawn up, that the Spartan king, notwith- standing his superiority of numbers, cTeclined the combat, and retreated with his army from Thebes. After his retreat, the Thebans proved victorious in every encounter with the enemy. When he returned to Sparta to be cured of his wounds, Antalcidas said to him in raillery, " These are the rewards you have obtained for teaching the Thebans to conquer." The other Spartan generals were equally unfortunate : Phoebidas, who had succeeded to the command of Thespiae, w as totally defeated and slain ; and the La- cedaemonian commander fell by the hand of Pelo- pidas, in the battle of Tanagra. \\ hile hostilities w ere thus carried on successfully tit land, the Athenians again proved victorious at sea. Chabrias, w ho w as equally qualified to discharge the duties of admiral and general, attacked the Lacedse- monian fleet, commanded by Poliis, near the isle of Naxos, and, notwithstanding their superiority of numbers, gave them a total defeat. Timotheus, the son of Conon, and who sustahied, by his fateur and exploits, the fame of his illustrious father, com- manded the largest division of the fleet in tlie Ionian sea. After having destroyed the cliief naval arma- ment of the Spartans, he ravaged the coasts of La- conia, and laid the islands of Corcyra, Zacinthus, and Leucadia, under heavy contributions. A gene- ral 286 A %'IEW OF ral desertion prevailed among the Lacedaemonian de- pendencies : Cliios and Bizantiuni, m ith many other slates, abandoned the Spartan connexion, and once more placed themselves under the protection of Athens. Lycurgns, in one of the three Lnvs which he called FJuetro.', forbade the Lacedaemonians to make M?ar frequently on the same enemy, lest, by compell- ing them to defend themselves, they should teach them to be expert soldiers. It was by this war of skirmishes, in frequent, though undecisive campaigns, that Pelopidas trained his soldiers to the use of arms, and taught them to front the Spartans in the field without terror or dismay. The action at Tegyra was of a more important nature, and served as a prelude to the battle at Leuctra. The Theban army were returning froni Archomenos, they found the Lacedaemonians posted to intercept them near Tegyra. One of the soldiers ran with trepidation to Pelopidas, calling out, *' We have fallen into the hands of the enemy." " Say, rather," replied the general, ^' that the enemy have fallen into oars.'' Lnmediately he ordered his ca^ valry to advance to the front, and begin the combat. He knew that the sacred battalion, which was all his infantry, would break through the enemy, though much superior in number. After a iierce and vio- lent onset, the two generals of the Lacedaemonians were killed, and their troops were dispersed, and fled in disorder. Trais little encounter was, m some measure, the source of the great events w-hicli followed. It had never been known in any former engagement, either against tire Persians or Greeks, that the Lacedaemo- nians were defeated with the superiority of numbers on their side. They now lost that honourable dis- tinction, and the Tliebans, in their turn, struck terror into those who had intimidated all Greece. Before ANTIENT HISTORY. C87 Before this period, the Thebans had been consi- dered in an inferior and conleni))tible Hght, and were held in detestation by the Greeks on aceonnt of their former alliance with Xerxes. While the other states of Greece struagled for pre-eminence, or contended for glory, the Thebans devoted themselves to their interest. 7^he appearance of two extraordinary men, Pelopidas and Epaminondas, is supposed to have given an elevation to their natural character, and to have rendered them as ambitious of conquest and re- nown as they had formerly been for quiet and pre- servation. But although the imcommon abilities and virtues of two great men, and the still more un- common union and friendship which prevailed be- tween those who were naturally rivals, might be of considerable consequence in rousing tho spirit of their countrymen, yet it does not seem reasonable to con- cur w'ith the general opinion in ascribing to this cir- cumstance alone the ascendancy which Thebes had acquired over republics, which had formerly beheld her with contempt. An accidental cause seems in- adequate to produce permanent eifects. Victory iii ^n engagement may be owing to the superior skill and activity cf the commander ; a system of public measures, highly beneticial to a nation, may be adopted and carried into execution by one illustrious man ; but to ensure a continued course of success during a war which lasted for severaLyears ; to be- stow resources on a people who were totally deprived of them; to elevate a republic above rivals as supe- rior to her in courage as in power ; are operations far beyond the abilities and int^uence of single men. If we examine philosophically the revolutions of Greece, other causes will appear to account for the elevation which Thebes now assumed above the neighbouring republics. The calamities which the Athenians and Spartans occasioned 288 A VIEW OF occasioned to one another, as well as to their neigh- bours, by their ambitious struggles for pre-eminence ; the perpetual contests ^^hicll, for more than half a centur}', had been exhausting the strength of these republics, augmented the relative importance of the surrounding states, some of whom, by a felicity rare in that age, were so fortunate as to enjoy long in- tervals of tranquillity. Thebes, in particular, had, by sure but silent steps, arrived at power, and gradually extended her autho- rity over the smaller communities in Boeotia.* Nei- ther Athens nor Sparta had been alarmed by her pro- gress, and, vigilant to check the encroachments of each other, they had neglected to prevent the in- crease of a republic, whose reputation and lustre long continued inferior to her real power. When the Spartans at length became sensible of their error, they acted with such injustice, violence, and op- pression, as drove the Thebans to despair ; and, having spurned an odious and ignominious yoke, they threw it off for ever. The Thebans were more remarkable for strength of body than ingenuity of mind; and though, Pindar excepted, they were little addicted to the pursuit of intellectual excellence or literary fame, yet they cul- tivated with peculiar care, the gymnastic exercises, which gave the address and dexterity of art to the strength of their gigantic members. The tyranny and oppression of Sparta first roused their passions and their feelings, and the collision of opposing bodies kindled that spark which animated them with a new existence, and inspired them with the love of freedom and of fame. They pursued every method to render * By the peace of Antalcidas, the Boeotian cities were declared independent ; but in two campaigns after the war of tlie allies com- menced, Pelopidas recovered them all to the dominion of Thebes. their ANTIENT HISTORY. '289 their ambition successful. They had introduced a rigid system of niiiitaiy discipline ; had made consi- derable iniprovcnients ni the exercise of cavalry, and in the general arrangement and manoeuvres of an army. Personal friendship, enudation, and tliat spirit of association ol'ten in.^pn'ed by the necessity of sell -de- fence, produced a combmation, where each came under the most sacred engagements to defend his companions to his last breath. This combhiation, which was called " tlie sacred band," consisted ori- ginally of three hundred men, in the prime of life, and of tried lidelitv, and was long conspicuous m the annals of Greece. At this critical time two illustrious men started up to improve the favourable incidents of the times, and give a direction to the affairs of their country. These v.ere Pelopidas and Epaminondas. A se- vere persecution, to which the disciples of Pytha- goras had been exposed in Italy, compelled the few, who could escape from the barbarity of their ene- mies, to take shelter in Cneece. In this native soil of science they found protection and respect, and were employed to instruct youth in the tenets of their philosophy. Hence the Theban pair, as these heroes have been called, found preceptors, who pointed out the path which leads to virtue and to glory. Pelo- pidas was descended from one of the chief families of Thebes, and educated in the git^atest aflluence ; but even in early yr3 siiuill aiRl i^reat ; but its real object is, that Thobcs shoukl (liiiiinisli her own strength by giving freeilom to the Jkeotian states, while Spartu retainetl in sub- jection its numerous allies, whose services she w ould dt uiand on the first occasion. If you now consent to the destruction of the Theban power, while that of Sparta remains unimpaired, you destroy your sole defence against Lacedaemonian tyranny, and place the yoke of subjection upon your own necks. But if any portion of Grecian spirit remains, if the memory of your ancestors still lives within you, you w ill pro- tect rather than destroy this new temple to liberty, and will follow the auspicious example of its votaries, who have nobly asserted their freedom, and confirmed it by their swords." This firm and animated discourse, founded on prin- ciples of truth and justice, sunk deep into the hearts of the deputies. Though they appeared to be con- vinced by the long and laboured reply * of Agcsilaus, and were really intimidated by the power of Sparta, yet they carried with them from the assembly the sentiments of the patriotic Epaminondas, and disseminated them in Greece. Thebes, now excluded from the treaty of peace, was exposed to all the vengeance of the Spartans^ and, without friend or ally, had, to all appearance, armed against itself the general confederacy of Greece. But Epaminondas and the Ihebans well knew, that this confederacy w as more nominal than real. The Spartan allies were by no means cordial in their cause ; and the Athenians, although they might endeavour to depress the pre-emhience, would not desert the distresses of Thebes. The Spartans too had degenerated from their antient character; and * It was on this occasion that Epaminondas said, " I have com- pelled the Spartans to lengthen their monosyllables." o 3 the 594 A VIEW OF • the strength of the state was impaired by their fre^- quent and ahiiost uninterruptfd hostihties. Ilie laws of Lycurgus had, in a great measme, ceased to govern them ; wealth and luxury had been intro- duced, and become general ; and such of the antient institutions as stili remained in force, tended, upon a change of circumstances, to produce pernicious in- stead of beneficial effects. While the Spartans re- mained satisfied with their simplicity of manners, poverty, and heroic virtue, the law which discouraged all intercourse with strangers, and prohibited them from being admitted to the rank of citizens, was in strict conformity to the peculiar spirit and character of the Lacedaemonian constitution. But when they departed from their antient maxims, became ambi- tious, opulent, victorious, almost always engaged in war, not for defence, but for conquest and dominion, the idea of preserving the citizens a body separate and detached from the rest of mankind, was absurd and impolitic. As they never thought of incorpo- rating the conquered nations, or associating their allies with their citizens, it was impossible for them to continue constantly employed in v> ar, without be- ing at length exposed to inevitable destruction. Not only the defeat, but even the victory, which deprived them of their valuable citizens, was a pul)lic cala- mity ; every loss was irreparable ; and, notwithstand- ing their expedients to prevent this effect, the num- bers of the Spartans gradually decreased. A long course of hostilities had deprived them of the best half of their citizens ; their antient renown was tarnished in the battle of Tegyra ; and neither their allies, whom they oppressed, nor their subjects, whom they enslaved, were likely to be formidable antagonists in the field. This great contest, which involved the fate of two powetful republics, was soon brought to the decision of ANTIENT HISTORY. C9^ of tlie sword. It was determined in llic Spartan senate to invade Boeotia widiout delay. 7\gesilaus was prevented by sickness from taking the command, which, by his advice, was entrusted to his colleague Cleombrotus, who marched without delay into the enemies country, with an army of twelve thousand men, levied chieHy from the Lacediemonian allies, who followed him with reluctance. They penetrated into Beeotia, by the way of Phc^is, and encamped near the village of Leuctra. Their numbers were greatly increased by the arrival of Archidamus with a strong reinforcement. The united forces now amounted to twenty-four thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse. The Theban cavalry were nearly as numerous, and far superior in valour and in disci- pline ; but their infantry, we are told, scarcely ex- ceeded six thousand. The Thebans, ^ho were encamped on the moun- tains which overlooked the plain, were seized with terror when they beheld the prodigious extent of tlie Spartan camp. Of the six generals who shared with Epaminondas in the command, several strongly op- posed engaging an enemy so superior in number, and endeavoured to intimidate the troops by the arts of superstition : all the omens, they declared, were in- auspicious. The philosophical and high-mhided commander replied by a verse of Homer : Without a sign, his sword the brave man draws, And asks no omen but his country's cause. At the same time, to revive the courage of the sol- diers, he opposed superstition to superstition. Mes- sengers were said to have come from Thebes, report- ing omens and auguries of a m.ore fortunate kind : the former impression was effaced, and an ardour for battle, and the hopes of victory, succeeded to panic and despondency. o 4 Before ^q6 a view or Before the engagement, Epaminondas gave per- mission to all those who preferred ignoble safety to the cause of Thebes, to retire from the field. The Thespians availed themselves of this permission, to- gether with that herd of attendants which always follow an army. The Lacedaemonians, deceived by the appearance of an army, exhibited by these fugi- tives, opposed them with a numerous body of forces, and obhged them to return to the Thebans. Their return had at leuit the appearance of a reinforce- ment, and gave additional confidence to the Boeotian troops. 1 he Lacedaemonian army was disposed, as usual, in the form of a crescent. Cleorabrotus placed him- self at the head of the native troops of Sparta, in the right Aving of ihe army, in the front of w hich he had posted his cavalry. The alhes formed the left wing, led on by Archidamus. Epaminondas, having atten- tively considered the arrangement of the enemy, wisely determined to point his warmest attack against the Spartans and their king, knowing that success in that quarter would probably insure victory to the Thebans. As the event of the battle was therefore to be decided by tlie exertions of his left wing, he formed it into a battalion of fifty deep, that it might bear down all opposition by the weight of its charge, and placed in it the flower of his heavy-armed troops. The sa- red battalion, commanded by Pelopidas, was upon his left, and flanked the whole. The cavalry were placed in the van, to oppose the Spartan horse. To pi event the Theban army from being surrounded by the enemy, he extended his right wing. The cavalry on both sides first rushed to the engage- ment ; but those of the Lacediemonians were soon re- pulsed, and in their precipitate retreat disordered the foremost ranks of their own army. Thrown into con- fusion by tlieir own cavalry, and at the same time at- tacked ANTIENT HISTORY. 297 tacked by tlie sacred band, a temporary route took place. In tins critical moment the Theban general formed the division, ^vhich he commanded, into a wedge-like i)halanx, for the purpose of piercinj; the Lacediemonian battalions, as soon as they sliould charge, as he expected they would, his right wing, which, from its extension, and consequent thinness of the ranks, he imagined would invite their attack. The Lacedtemonians, as he had expected, attacked his right uing, and were, in their turn, charged iu flank by the massy body under the command of Epaminondas, which pierced with irresistible im- petuosity to the place where Cleombrotus fought in person with his Spartans. The occasion demanded the utmost exertions of their valour. Nor did they, in this instance, dishonour the Spartan name : they surrounded him on every side, and opposed their bucklers, their swords, their breasts in his defence. For awhile they resisted all the weight of the Theban phalanx, and at last fell with their king, covered with honourable wounds. AW that the Spartans could now do was to pre- serve the corse of their monarch from falling into the hands of the Thebans. After the utmost efforts of valour, they kept possession of the body ; but were obliged to yield the glory of the day to the in- trepid coolness and consummate skill of Epa- minondas. The allies, apprised of the defeat of the Lacedse- monians, and the death of the king, betook them- selves to flight, were pursued with considerable slaughter, and the bravery of the Thebans, under the guidance of Epaminondas, obtained a complete victory. Their loss in this battle amounted only to three hundred men. Of seven hundred Spartans who fought in the engagement, four hundred fell in the o 5 field ; 293 A VIEW OF field ; the Lacedaemonians lost one thousand, and the allies two thousand six hundred men. As soon as the Lacedaemonians had reached their camp, they began to be astonished at their over- throw. Sparta had never received such a blow. The defeat was disgrace, and the loss of the battle was the loss of all they held dear, of a character for pre-eminent bravery, which they had acquired, and hitherto supported. A council ot war was called to deliberate whether they should permit the Thebans to erect a tiophy, or, returaing to the field, should venture a second engasfement. Revolving the losses which they had sustained, and distrusting their allies, who followed them only through fear, and \\hose ill- concealed joy at the defeat gave them little confi- dence in their assistance, they at last reluctantly sent a herald to request leave to bury their dead, ar.d to acknowledge the right of the Thebans to erect a trophy of their victory. When the messenger of these Unfortunate events reached Sparta., and had acquainted the Ephori with the unexpected public calamity, true to the iron in- stitutes of Lycurgus, they ordered the public games, which the inhabitants w ere then celebrating, to go on without interruption ; and the individuals, not to de- viate from the Spartan character, received the news of the death of fathers, brothers, sons, and kinsmenj with every outsvard mark of joy and exultation, while the relations of those who had fled, either concealed themselves from public view, or appeared as the only real mourners. "^The institutions of Lycurgus tended chiefly to in- spire military courage. The I^acedasmonian who fled in battle was commanded either to retire into perpetual banishment, or, if he could bear the alter- native, might remain despicable at home. There he was excluded for ever from the public assembles, was rendered ANTIENT HISTORY. 299 rendered inciipable of all offices, was unprotected by the laws, disavowed by his country, being ojually solitary and contemptible, and noticed only for his infamy. On occasion of the calamitous overthrow at Leuctra, t\ie stern severity of Sparta yielded to expediency; Agesilaus was invested with full powers to carry the laws into execution; but the vast num- bers of valuable citizens, who would thus be lost to the state, obliged him to sacrifice the letter of the laws to the benefit of the republic. ^* We must suppose," said he "■ our revered institutions to have slept for one day, henceforth to resume their former power and energy ;" a sentence vvhicli appeared to secure the authority of the laws, while it preserved the lives of the 'citizens. The overthrow at Leuctra instantly produced the most important consequences. The Eleans, Arca- dians, and Argives, almost every state which had been oppressed by the tyranny of Sparta, rejoiced at the misfortune of their tyrant, and prepared to profit by the present weakness of the Lacedae- monians. Athens alone displayed an unusual and unexpected example of moderation : but it was only an apparent moderation. The Athenians, indeed, publicly founded their conduct on the former merits of the Spartans ; and asserted, that the noble defenders of Greece, against the Persian invasion, were not to be extirpated ; but the real cause may be attributed to more selfish considerations. Sparta, in her present state of humiliation, was no longer an object of jea- lousy or dread ; Thebes, now in the zenith of her power, and still more formidable by her vicinity to Atliens, was considered as a most dangerous rival, against whom &i)me balance was to be preserved. From these motives, the Theban herald, who came 06 to 300 A viE\y ot to announce the victory at Leuctra, and to invite the Athenians to join in totally crushing the Lacedaemo- nians, Nvas received vvilh coolness, and even with dis- respect. Perceiving that the defeat of the Spartans had placed the balance of power in their hands, they determined, if possible, to preserve it. For this pur- pose, the states of Peloponnesus were detached from the Lacedaemonian confederacy ; and, to prevent any people from again acquiring a dangerous ascendancy in Greece, war was denounced against all who w ould not promise strictly to adhere to the peace of Antalcidas. Two years had not elapsed since the defeat at Leuctra, till the Spartan confederacy in Pelopon- nesus was entirely dissolved ; w hile the alliance of the Thebans extended on all sides. They were joined by the Eleans, Argives, and Arcadians, and even some of the inhabitants of Laconia : and their authority and influence were soon augmented by the accession of the Acarnanians, Locrians, Phocians, and the inhabitants of Euboea. 1 he Peloponnesians, after being emancijjated from the Spartan yoke, seem not to have kn wn how to enjoy or preserve their liberty. The most cruel and sanguinary factions pre- vailed in every city, that, alterniitely, as they obtained power, expelled or butchered each other. From this general censure we must except the Mantinteans, who, wisely profiting by the occasion, rebuilt their walls with all expedition, and unanimously concurred in re-establishmg their republican form of govern- ment. Several circumstances prevented the Thebans from immediately pursuing the bh)w which they had given to Sparta in the field of Leuctra ; but, after some time, having collected the flower of their own forces and those of the allies, they entered Laconia at the liead ANTIENT HISTOKY. ^"301 head of sixty or seventy thousand men.* So great ail army hail never been assembled in Greece imder one standard. IJesentment against Sparta, and the high reputation of Pelopidas and Epaminondas, in- duced the allies, >vithout any public order or decree, to obey their summons with alacrity, and follow their standard with contidence. Six hundred years had elapsed since the Dorians had taken possession of La- cedaemon, and, in all that time, no enemy had ever invaded their territories, nor attacked their city, which, though without walls or fortifications, had been defended by the valour of the citizens. But now they had to repel the enemy from the banks of the Eurotas, and to defend their capital from hostile assailants. To oppose the numerous forces of Thebes, they employed the aged and infirm ; and armed six thou- sand of their helots, promising to emancipate them at the close of the war. The factious adherents to aristocratical government, from Achaia, Argolis, and Arcadia, at this critical period, took lefuge in Sparta, and afforded a powerful and seasonable reinforce- ment. In approaching towards tlie Lacedaemonian terri- tories, the Theban army marched in four divisions, which were to unite at Sellasia, and thence to proceed to Sparta. The Boeotians, Argives, and Elians, reached the place appointed without difficulty or op- position. But when the fourth division of the army, consisting of the Arcadians, attempted to traverse Sciritis, Ischolaus, \\ho commanded at an important pass in tiiat district, formed the resolution, in imita- tion of Leonidas, of devoting himself and his party for the good of his country. 1 his heroic band, after * The Greek historians, Xcnophon, DiodoruSj Plvitarch, diflcr with regard to ihc numbers in the Thcbuu iinny. having 302 A VIEW OF having made a dreadful slaughter of the enemy, at last yielded to superior numbers, but not till the last Spai tan had expired. Ihe army having assembled at Sellasia, marched foiward to Sparta, ravaging the country, and setting fire to the towns and villages as they advanced. A mixture of astonishment, alarm, and mdignation, pre- vailed in that city, when they beheld, for the first time, an enemy before their wails. The women were terrified at the unusual spectacle, while the men glowed with rage and resentment at the sight ; and desired to be led instantly against the invaders, in order to repulse them, or to die on the spot. It was with the utmost difficulty that their eager trans- ports could be restrained, even by the authority of Agesilaus ; w ho, amidst these calamities that threat- ened his country with ruin, resolved to avoid a ge- neral engagement, and confine his preparations to the defence of the capital. He acted, in this emer- gency, w ith that coolness and decision which distin- guish the truly great man. He considered this irrup- tion of the enemy as an impetuous torrent, which it was equally vain and dangerous to oppose ; whose rapid course .w ould be but of short duration ; and after some ravages, subside of itself. He was deter- mined not to quit the city, nor to hazard a battle ; and persisted in that determination, notwithstanding the insults and menaces of the Thebans, who called upon him to come forth and defend his country, which he alone had involved in all the calamities of war. Epaminondas finding it impossible to draw Agesilaus from the city, retired with his army. It would have been difficult, if not impossible, for Sparta, unwalled and uufortified, to have defended itself long against his victorious arms : but the The- ban general apprehended that he should arm against him the confederacy of Peloponnesus, and excite the jealousy ANTIENT HISTORY. 303 jealou«le determined no longer to exist, unless they could exterminate the other. This fatal event happened to the Messe- nians ; their city was demoli-hed by the Spartans, and the inhabitants who escaped from the sword, were obliged to wander as fugitives over Pelopon- nesus. Some of them sought refuge in Sicily, where they founded the city Messina, which still retains the name of iheir antient metropolis. The remainder, who continued in Greece, had still kept themselves distinct from every other community, and after more than three centuries, spoke their antient Doric dia- lect ; retained all the piejudices of their nation ; de- tested the name of Sparta, and still expected to avenge themselves of lier cruelties. It is probable that the scattered Messenians would fiock spontane- ously from eveiy quarter to tlie standard of Epami- nondas, and embrace the favourable opportunity of retaliating the cruelties of the S[ artans, and inflicting the injuries which they had sustained. Epaminondas encouraged their ardour, rebuilt their city, and re- established, thein in their possessions. Ihis act of humanity and liberal policy, inflicted a stroke equally un( xpt cted and severe on the Spartans. They be- held their antient foe, whom they had considered as prostrate for ever, rise into consequence under the fostering AN TIE NT HISTORY. 305 foshu iug proli'ctioii ol" Thebes ; and ready on every oecasion to take vengeance for llie numberless inju- ries she had ri ceived. After having given tliis fatal blow to the power and ambition of Sparta, Epaminondas turned his attention towards the Athenian army. Their ge- neral, Ipliicrates, from what motive cannot now be ascertained, instead of yielding to the ardour of his soldiers, who demanded to be led to action, avoided every occasion of encountering an enemy. Perhaps he thought, that every purpose of the expedition might be answered w ithout an engagement ; and that the news of the march of the Athenians into Arcadia, would recal the Thebans and their allies from the Laceditmonian territories. If such were his expectations, they were gratified. Epaminondas, abandoned by the Arcadians, who had returned to defend their own country, perceiving that the other allies wished also to retire, saw that he could no longer expect to make himself master of the Laced'jemonian capital. The conduct too of the Athenians, who, though the jealous rivals of the Spartans, yet had armed in their defence, taught him that Greece in general would never permit the total overthrow of Sparta. He therefore evacuated La- conia, after having made it feel to the uttermost all the horrors of war. The Athenian army at the same time quitted Arcadia, and both returned home with- out any hostile attempt, neither general seeming to wish for an enji;ao;ement. Pelopidas and Epaminondas, on their return to Thebes, instead of receiving the applauses and ho- nours which they had merited from their country, were summoned to appear before the assembly of the people, for having retained the command of the army four months beyond the term limited by law. The vigilant and jealous spirit of freedom produced similar S06 A VIEW OF similar regulatioiis in ail the larger republics, lest ge- nerals invested with authority might be tempted to employ it in subvertiiiplauses of his countrymen, and the resolution was instantly formed, not only to keep possession of the cities they had taken, but to extend their conquests in Elis, xVchaia, and the ad- jacent provinces. In the commencement of the following year, the Spartans being reinforced from Sicily, and having obtained a subsidy, with a body of Grecian mercena- ries ANTIE^T HISTORY. oijij rios from Persia, ventured to take the field to oppose the Aicadians. The advanced age of Agesilaus pre- vented him from assumhig the command, which was conferred on his son Archidanms; a prince of whom Sparta formed the highest expectations. From the remarivable success which attended liis arms, lie seemed destined to restore the failing fortunes of h.is country. Having expelled the enemy from the La- cedaemonian territories, he entered the southern fron- tier of Arcadia, and was making j)reparations to at- tack the city of Parrhasia, when the Arcadians rein- forced by the Argives, marched to oppose him. After an interval of some days, the hostile armies prepared to enoage. On this occasion Archidainus exhorted his troops to emulate the glory of their fathers, and once more to re-establish the antient renown of Sparta. In the midst of this exhortation, a peal of thun- der burst from the right, and the soldiers at the same time discovered an altar and statue of Hercules, the illustrious ancestor of the Spartan kings. Elevated to an enthusiasm of courage by this assemblage of happy omens, they marched with ardour and confi- dence to the attack. The Arcadians, who had counted upon a bloodless victory, when they discerned the in- trepidity and valour of their opponents, being seized w ith a panic before a sword was drawn, fled in con- fusion, and were slaughtered with impunity by the pursuers. This engagement is called by the antient historians, the battle without tears, as the Spartans, it is said, lost not a man.* For some time past the Lacedaemonians had been 30 much accustomed to disasters and defeats, that when the tidings of this battle arrived, and they saw Archidamus return victorious from the field, they * Xeaoph. lib. vii. p. 650. Diodorous. could 310 A VIEM' OF coulfl not contain their joy, nor keep within the bounds of their city. His aged father and the se- nators went out to meet him, shedding tears of ten- derness and joy ; and the nmltitude lifting up their hands to heaven, joined in acc'am-itions and prai&es to the gods, as if this event had cancelled the igno- miny of years, and they had heheld the arrival of those happy days when Sparta gave law to Greece.''^ The fame of the victory at Leuctra, and the rise of a new power in Greece, had, by this time, reached the extremities of Asia, and attracted the attention of Artaxerxes, the Persian monarch. The Lacedsemo- nians had sent deputies, among whom \a as Antalcidas, to the Great King, to accelerate the supplies which Mere expected from Persia. The I'liebans too thought it necessary to appoint Pelopidas on their side, in order to counteract the hostile negociations of their enemies. Ambas.^adors were likewise sent from Argos, Arcadia, and Elis ; nor did Athens her- self disdahi to appear, by deputy, at the foot of the Persian throne. Upon their arrival, Artaxerxes and his court could not conceal their admiration of Pelopidas, who, in conjunction with Epaminondas, had deprived the La- cedai'monians of their empire hi Greece, and liad compelled that republic to confine itself between the Eurotas and the Taygetus, which, a few years be- fore had threatened, under its king i^gesilaus, to carry its conquering arms to Upper Asi-a, and besiege the capital of the Persian empire. TheTheban ambassador represented, that it was the interest of the Great King to protect an infant povi er which had never borne arms against Persia; that in all * The rlf^feat at Leuctra, we are told, had affected the Lacedaemo- nians so much, that the men weie ashamed to look the women in the the ANTIRNT HISTOUY, 311 tliewars between tlie Greeks and Persians, tlieTliebaDs h;id uniformly supported the interests of the latter ; that their patriotic opposition to Spartan tyranny had drawn upon them tlie present war : that tlie Liicedue- monians had attacked them with the grosse.^t injustice, but that they had reaped the truiLs of their perfidy ; and that the iield of Leuclra would be a permanent monument of Theban valour, and Spurt ni degenera- cy. Timagoras the Athenian, nexi addressing the king, to the astonishment of his c )liengue Leon, and the other deputies, spoke with the uUn ost warmth in favour of the Thebans. Artaxerxes, without paying attention to the confusion and altercation that arose from this circumstance, desired the Theban deputy to communicate the propositions he had to offer as the ambassador from Tliebes. Pclopidas then pro- posed, " that Messene should continue independent, and exempted from the yoke of Sparta ; that the Athenian tJeet which had sailed to ini'est the coast of Boeotia should be recalled, and if opposition was made to tlie treaty by these states or their allies, they should be compelled to submit to it by the united force of Persia and Thebes."' The court of Persia appears to have been pre-determined in favour of the Thebans; their propositions met with the approba- tion of the king, and the treaty was sanctioned without delav by the royal signet. Leon, the Athenian am- bassador, is said, on this occasion, to have exclaimed with the true spirit of his country, *' Weil, we must find another ally, for the king of Persia is no longer our friend." On the return of Pclopidas to Thebes, the public assembly w'as convened, and his successful negocia- tion was rewarded by the thanks and applause of his countr3mcn. A convention of the Grecian states* ♦ No representatives were sent either from Spuria or Athens. met 312 A VIEW or met at Thebes, the articles of the treaty were read, and the representatives of the dift'erent states were required to raiity and coniirm it with the usual so- lemnities. The greater number of the deputies refused to ra- tify the treaty, till the different articles had been pre- viously discussed in the assembly of each state. Ly- comedcs and Antiochus, the representatives from Ar- cadia, went still lartlier ; they expressed their dislike to the treaty in the language of indignation and dis- dain. The latter, who had been ambassador at the court of Persia, blended, with his reprobation of the treaty, tlie highest contempt for the riches and power of the Great King, and the most galling sar- casms against Asiatic luxury and effeminacy. Such being the general temper of the assembly, nothing propitious to the views of Thebes was to be expected, and she beheld the dissolution of the con- v-ention with disappointment and regret. But eagerly solicitous to accomplish a scheme which tended to her own aggrandisement, she next endeavoured by secret machinations in each particular state, to pro- cure that compliance from them singly, which she had in vain attempted from the whole. Here too disappointment followed all her endeavours. Co- rinth, which she first attempted to influence, as one of the weakest and most corrupt of the Grecian confederacy, spurned at the Persian alliance, and the example was uniformly followed by the other states. Meanwhile a formidable power started up inThes- saly, of which Alexander of Pherae had made himself master, by assassinating Polyphron, the brother of Jason, who was commander of the Thessalians. Alexander, with an army of twenty thousand men, made war on the states around him with astonisliing success, and subjected most of them to his dominion. The Thessalians took arms against their tyrant, and implored AMIENT HISTORY. 31.3 'iniploird the assistance of the Thebans, ^^ho sent them an niiny \nider Uie conduct of Pelopidas, as Epaminondas was employed in Peloponnesus. I'lie arrival of the Thcban forces struck terror into the breast of the tyrant ; Pelopidas soon made himself master of Larissa, and compelled Alexander to sue for peace. The Theban general attempted to inspire this ferocious prince w itii sentiments of justice and humanity ; but finding him incorrigible, and hearing every day new complaints of his cruelty, avarice, and debauchery, he threatened him with his resentment. The tyrant alarmed, withdrew in secret ; and Pelopi- das, leaving the Thessalians in security from his future attempts, set out by invitation for Macedon, Vvhere Ptolemy, the natural sonof Amintasll. had usurped the regal power, in defiance of the rights of his legi- timate children. Alexander, the eldest of these chil- dren, dying, after a short reign of one year, Ptolemy assumed at first the government of the country under the modest title of guardian to Perdiccas, the second son, but soon after, tired of subordinate authority, he threw off all disguise, and seized the throne. The supporters of the legal heir implored the assistance of Pelopidas, who, entering Macedon with an army, replaced the sceptre in the hands of Perdiccas, and restored the tranquillity of the kingdom. On his re- turn to Thebes, he carried with him thirty children, sprung from the noblest families of JMacedon, to shew the Greeks how far the authority of the Thebans ex- tended, from their reputation for justice and fidelity, as w-ell as valour. Among these was Philip, the younger brother of Perdiccas, who afterwards suc- ceeded to the throne of Macedon, and laid the foun- dation of a new empire in Greece, which his son Alexander the Great extended to the remote regions of Asia. In his march homewards, Pelopidas imprudently VOL II. P divided 314* A VIEW OF divided his army. The Macedonian hostages were escorted by a strong detachment, which was sent on before the division he led in person. AMiile he was pursuing his route through Thessaly with tliis remain- der of his forces, he received information, that Alex- ander of Pherae \\as at hand to oppose him. Not- withstanding every hostile appearance, Pelopidas could not be persuaded that the tyrant had any inten- tions but to apologize for his conduct, to reply be- fore him as a judge to the numerous complaints which were brought against him IVom every quarter. Under this impression, he went to meet the tyrant^ accompanied only by Ismenias ; both were immedi- ately seized, and carried prisoners to Pherae. AVhen the Thebans were informed of this perfidious transaction, incensed at such an indignity offered to one of their generals, they immediately sent an army into Thessaly. The command was not given to Epa- minondas, as the Thebans had not yet forgiven him for his retreat from Chabrias the Athenian. But the love of his country, and affection to his friend, the two noblest passions that belong to human nature, extin- guished all resentment in the heart of that great man ; and Epaminondas, tliough excluded from the chief command, served in the ranks as a private soldier. The new generals from Thebes, who had entered Thessaly, did nothing but discover their ignorance of military affairs, and their incapacity for command. The victorious army of Alexander soon discerned that their enemies were no longer conducted by Epa- minondas or Pelopidas. The Theban soldiers, be- holding themselves robbed of all their former military glory by an enemy which they despised, openly ac- cused the conduct of their comn^.anders, and, with one consent, elected Epaminondas their general. No sooner had he assumed the command, than the The- bans were every where victorious, the tyrant was de- feated ANTIENT HISTORY. 315 fcatcd in every engagement, and was obliged at last to purchase a short truce, by delivering up Pelopidas and Isnienias. But the restless ambition of Alexander would not suffer him to remain long at peace ; for soon after, with a numerous body of mercenaries, he broke into Thessaly, and made almost a total conquest of the country. Under the yoke of oppression, the Thes- salians again imph)red the protection of Thebes. The Thebans, whose interest they had always pur- sued with fidelity and alacrity, resolved to assist them with a poM erful army, and invested Pelopidas with the command. On the day appointed for his march, there happened a sudden eclipse of the sun, when the city of 'JHiebes was darkened at noofi-day. Among a people ignorant and superstitious, the dread and consternation were general. -Unwilling to exact the reluctant obedience of men dispirited by religious terrors, Pelopidas departed with three hun- dred horse, and such Thebans and strangers as chose to follow him. He was incited to this enterprize by personal resentment against Alexander, who had per- fidiously seized his person, and cruelly detained him in captivity. But he was chieliy influenced by a su- perior motive, the propriety and dignity of the action itself. He was prompted by a laudable ambition to display to all Greece, that while the Lacedaemonians were paying court to Dionysius the tyrant, and the Athenians were in the pay of Alexander, to whom they had erected a statue of brass, the Thebans were the only people who asserted the general liberty of the Greeks, and declared open war against tyranny and tyrants. Pelopidas and his Theban detachment being joined bv seven thousand Thessalians, marched to Cynoce- pnalus, a place surrounded with high hills, and there pitched his camp. The tyrant advanced with an army p 2 of Si6 A VIEW o? of twenty thousand men, and trusting to his numbers, courted an engagement. The impetuous attack of the Tliti}an cavahy was irresistible at the first onset ; but the infantry of Alexander, which were posted upon the heights, pouring down upon the Thebans and Thessalians, compelled them to give ground. Pelopidas than advanced with a detachment of his cavalry, and rallying the troops, so animated them by his voice and example, that the enemy, believing they were attacked by fresh fojces, were intimidated, and retreated in disorder. In this engagement Pelopidas seems to have sacrihced his life to the blind pursuit of personal vengeance. Enraged by the remembrance of indignities offered to him by the tyrant, he sought for Alexander in every quarter of the field. Having at last descried his adversary, he called aloud to him by name, now to meet bravely with his sword the man he had basely injured. But Alexander pru- dently withdrew behind the ranks of his guards. Thiiher, burning with all the fury of revenge, did PeL>pidas, at the head of a small party of horse, -pursue him, and fell, oppressed by number, rather like a brave soldier, than a prudent commander. The Thessalian horsemen rushed to the assistance of their expiring general, and dispersed tlie guards of the tyrant : the Thebans, rouzed to fury, fell with impetuosity on the main body of the enemy, put them to flight, and pursued them with great slaugh- ter. The plain was covered with carcases, and niore than three thousand of Alexander's mercenaries fell on the held of battle, or in the piuGuit. No general ever met with more sincere and uni- versal lamentation and regret than Pelopidas. The victory seemed to be turned into a defeat ; a deep silence and general grief prevailed through the army. According to the expressions of sorrow in antient times, the soldiers cut off their locks, the manes of their ANTIENT IIISTOKY. 31? ihoir horses, and shut themselves iij) in then- tents, abstaining from every kind of nourishment. When Ills body was carried to Tliebes, it was attended by a train of real mourners ; and in every town through vvhicli it ])assed, the magistrates and priests came to meet the procession, bringing crowns and trophies. The Thessalians and Thebans contended for the ho- nour of celebrating his fimeral ; but at last, the zea- lous ojratitude of the former was indulged with the mournfid office of performmg the obsequies of a connnander who had devoted himself to their protec- tion from danger, and preservation from slavery. The people, recollecting the eclipse which took place on the day which was a})pointed for his depar- ture, and which, according to their superstitious creed, predicted his calamities, exclaimed " that the sun of Thebes was set." The Tliebans were not satisfied with lamenting the death of their hero, but determined to revenge it. An army, consisting of seven thousand foot, and seven hvmdred horse, was sent to Thessaly, under the command of Malcitas and Diogeston. Alexan- der, who had not recovered from tlie terror of his defeat, was stripped of all his conquests, compelled to restore to the Thessalians the cities he had taken from them, to give liberty to the Magnesians, Acha^- ans, and Phthians, and to bind himself by a solemn oath to follow die standard of the Thebans against all their enemies. While the Thebans were employed in these foreign expeditions, or in civil dissensions, the Arcadians, confident in their strength and numbers, as well as in their new allies the Athenians, formed the most am- bitious projects. They began by attacking their neighbours the Elians, who were repeatedly de- feated, though assisted by the Spartans and Acliieans ; and were at last obliged to yield the sacred city of P 3 Olyinpia 318 A VIEW OF Olympia to the rapacious invaders. The time for the cele))ratioii of the hundred and fourth olympiad now drew near ; and, notwithstanding the late revo- lution in Elis, Greece assembled from every quarter. A suspension of animosities took place, and all par- ties united in celebrating the religious ceremonies, and the accustomed games. During the celebration of the games, the Eiians attempted to recover pos- session of the city, but were repulsed by the Arca- dians and Argives, and forced to leave their enemies still masters of the place. The Arcadians, finding themselves in possession of the temple of the Olympian Jove, and of the ac- cumulated treasures of past ages, were not deterred, either by religion or justice, from employing the sa^ cred deposit to pay their mercenary troops. The Mantin^sans alone remonstrated against the sacrile- gious robbery, and raised a tax upon themselves ta defray their proportion of the expences of the war. This event gave rise to much internal connnotion. The ten thousand, or general assembly of Arcadia, highly disapproved of the seizure; while the Ar- chons, and all who had shared in the Olympic spoils, dreading the being obliged to refund, form.eda strong party in defence of the measure. The ten thousand restored Olym.pia to the Eiians, and concluded a peace with that state. The deputies from Eiis and the cities of Arcadia, being assembled at Tegea, for the ratification of this treaty, were seized and impri- soned by the opposite faction, assisted by the Beeotian garrison ; and, though afterwards released, yet the violation of their representatives by the Theban sol- diery, highly irritated the minds of the Arcadians, al- ready sufficiently disposed to suspect and counteract tlie am! itious views of Ihtbes. Epaminondas hav- ing deckirtd to their ambassadors, that the Thebans were determined to march into Arcadia, to the assist- ance AXTIENT HISTORY. ^{10 ancc of their tVlonds and iillies, tliey prepared uitli the utmost expedition for a vigorous resistance, and h(>sought the Athenians and Spartans to hasten to their aid, that with tlieir united forces they might at once crush the oppressors of Greece. So formidable a combination against a single state, seemed to threaten its innnediate destruction ; but the Thebans met the gathering storm widi intrepidity, and marched, under the conduct of Epaminondas, into the Peloponnesus. In this concUuhng scene of his life, the Theban hero disphiyed all the address of the most consummate general ; and, though a com- bination of circumstances equally unexpected, and impossible to have been foreseen, robbed him, in some measure, of the fruits of his skill ; yet his mas- terly arrangements, his numerous expedients, his bravery and unw earied perseverance, appear to have deserved the most brilliant success. His lirst object was to prevent the junction of the Athenian forces with the Spartans and Arcadians ; for this purpose he pitched his camp near Neniea, situated on the road from Attica to Arcadia; but the Athenians wisely avoided an engagement with a superior enemy, by embarking their troops, and landing in the territory of Lacedcemon. Having failed in this, he next formed the design of surprising Sparta a second time. He knew that Agesilaus, with the Lacediiemonians, had already reached the frontiers of Arcadia, and that the city w as not in a state to resist an unexpected attack ; he therefore made a forced march of thirty miles in the night, and the capital of Lacedaemon \; oidd probably have fallen into his hands, had not Agesilaus been ap- prized of the design by the treachery of a deserter. By this means a detachment, under the command of Archidarnus, entered the city before the arrival of the Thebans ; and Epaminondas beheld, with sur- prize 520 A VIEW OF prize and disappointment, instead of the confusion^ alarm, and terror of a defenceless city, every prepa- ration for a vigorous resistance. Yet, trusting to the superior number and tried bra\ery of his troops, he still hoped to carry the place by storm. But in diis too his expectations were frustrated ; the Thebans, who had so often before foiled the Spartans, did not on this critical occasion support their former martial fame; they permitted tliein selves to be shamefully repulsed by Archidamus, at the head of only one hundred Spartans. The fertile mind of the Theban general next pro- jected the surprisal of Mantin&a ; riglitly supposing that the general alarm for Sparta, and not ex- pecthig him in Arcadia, would draw the whole strength of the enemy towards the Lacedaemonian territories. He therefore made a rapid march to Tegea, and from thence detached his cavalry to take possession of the town. The unexpected arrival of the Athenian horse, under the command of Hegelo- chus, defeated this well concerted measure ; the Thebans were repulsed, and Mantineea saved. Baffled in every attempt to make an impression on the confederates by superior address, nothing now remained to Epaminondas but to decide the fate of the war by a general engagement. Marching his troops from Tegea along the range of liills \\hich run from that city to MantinoBa, he so perplexed the enemy by his various evolutions, that they found themselves forced to engage, at the time they least expected an attack. He charged the Spartans and Mantinteans at the head of his left wing, which he had arranged as at Leuctra, in the form of a wedge, and ^vhich was composed of chosen veteians. The conflict Mas obstinate and bloody ; the Spartans were determined to regain the honour they had lost in their late defeats, and the Thebans to preserve their supe- ^^ riority. ANTIENT HISTORY. 32'^ xioiity. The m eight and impetuosity of the Theban battalion, under tlie eonnnand of Epamiuondas, at length bore dow n all rejsi'stance, and tlie enemy's ca- valry being at the same lime dispersed, victory de- clared for the Thebans. In this important moment, Epaminondas was mortally \\ounded by a javelin, and removed from the lield. An miiversal conster- nation seized the Boeotians ; it appeared as if all had depended upon the general. Having lost their ani- mating and directing mind, they stopi)ed short in the career of conquest ; they knew not what to do ; they looked on with a stupid languor and imbecility, while the enemy was rallying in different quarters, and routing in detail their broken forces. After some time this tumultuary engagement ceased, each party retreated, claiming the victory, and each acting us if it had been conquered. The last moments of the Theban general did not obscure the splendor of a life which had been spent in the acquisition of knowledge, in acts of benefi- cence, and in the aggrandisement of his country. Amidst the agonies of dissolution, his only solicitude was for his own military glory, and the prosperity of Thebes. " Is my shield safe ? Are the '1 hebans victorious ?" were questions he repeated with the utmost anxiety. Viewing his shield, which was brought to him, and being informed that the Lace- daemonians were defeated, a gleam of joy prevailed for a moment over the languor of death : " Mine,'*^ said he, " is a glorious departure ; 1 die in the arms of victory ; tell me not that I am childless, for Leuctra and Mantina^a are immortal children." He then commanded the javelin to be extracted, which he knew^ was to occasion immediate death, and ex- pired in the arms, and amidst the groans of his sut - rounding friends. His body was deposited m the field 3S2 A VIEW OF field of battle, where a monument to his memory remained to the time of Pausanias. With Epaminondas expiied the splendor of the Theban name. To him, and to Pelopidas, the The- bans owed that pre-eminence they had acquired in Greece ; and for a time they did not entirely lose the consequence they enjoyed while their affairs were directed by these great men ; but it was a conse- quence derived from their former exploits, rather than from their after exertions. The vital spark was gone which had roused their latent energy, and an universal languor seems henceforward to have per- vaded all their transactions. After the battle of Mantina^a, the exhausted state of all the hostile powers produced a temporary peace, under the mediation of Artaxerxes. Sparta would not accede to this treaty, because it was stipulated that each state should retain its possessions and in- dependence ; and the Spartans wanted to recover the sovereignty of ^lessenia. But, unable to succeed without the assistance of their allies, who had signed the treaty, they did not venture to disturb the peace of Greece ; yet, irritated against the Persian king, they embarked a large force under the conduct of Agesilaus, to iissist his rebellious subjects in Egypt. That aged monarch, now on the verge of the grave, scrupled not to become the mercenary of rebels, and placed first Taches, and then Nectanebus on the Egyptian throne. He did not live to revisit his na- tive land : after a life of eighty-four years, and a reign of forty-one, he died on the coast of Africa, whither lie had been driven by a storm ; leaving Sparta, which he had found powerful and triumphant, in a state of weakness and degradation, notwithstanding all his talents, and indefatigable activity. At this period, the states of Greece, debilitated by their ANTIENT HISTORY. 325 their civil wars, conupttd by riches, and enervated by luxury, exhibited a melancholy reverse of what they were in the age of Thermopylae^ and Marathon. Disunited, without public spirit, without sound po- litical views, without vntue, the good of the whole \vas totally neglected : each state beheld its neigh- bour with eyes of envy or rapacity ; the bosom of each, from Athens, Sparta and Thebes, to tlie most insigniticant republic, was torn by dissension and cabal, where the contending parties, as they tri- umphed in their turn, expelled or murdered their op- ponents. In the meanwhile, Philip of Macedon was rising into consequence, and watching every opportunity to avail himself of their weakness and disunion ; while Greece slumbered in security, while it entered not into the mind of an Athenian or a Spartan, that the conquerors of the Great King could ever wear the chains of one whom they considered as only the petty chief of a barbarian tribe. F I N I S Printed by C. Rowortb, Bell Yard, Teraple Bar, London. This book is due two weeks from the last date stamped below, and if not returned at or before that time a fine of five cents a day will be incurred. ■,()l LJMHIA l)NIV[ 0315024440 3^o R^3 Zl^T'