PRISON LABOR -A.3ST ARGUMENT, MADE BEFORE THE SENATE COMMITTEE, AND ALSO BEFORE THE ASSEMBLY COMMITTEE, OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK, ON PRISONS. MARCH 22, 1882. By JOHN S. PERRY. SECOND EDITION. ALBANY, N. Y.: WEED, PARSONS AND COMPANY, PRINTERS. 1882. NAMES AND RESIDENCES OF THE COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED BY THE LEG¬ ISLATURES OF MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT AND NEW JERSEY IN 1880, TO INVESTIGATE AND REPORT IN REGARD TO PRISON LABOR, TO WHICH REPORTS FREQUENT REFERENCE IS MADE IN THE FOLLOWING PAGES. MASSACHUSETTS. Asa P. Morse, ------- Cambridge. William Taylor, ------ Boston. Charles H. Litchman, ----- Marblehead. Hamilton A. Hill, - Boston. John H. M ellen, ______ Worcester. William Reed, Jr., _____ Taunton. Edwin A. Marsh, - - - - - - Quincy. CONNECTICUT. Lucius P. Deming, ------ New Haven. Washington F. Willcox, ----- Deep River. Edmund Tweedy, ------ Danbury. Jeremiah Tierney, Norwalk. Merrick A. Marcy, - NEW JERSEY. Edward Bettle, - - - . - _ _ Camden. W. R. Murphy, ------ Bordentown. A. S. Meyrick, ------- Kingston. Samuel Allinson, - - - - _ _ Yardville. Sanford B. Hunt, - - - - ^ _ _ Newark. ARGUMENT BY JOHN S. PERRY. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee : The best mode of utilizing the labor in our Prisons is a question of such magnitude, that it cannot be properly disposed of in a few brief sentences. I must therefore crave your patience for a somewhat lengthy considera¬ tion of a subject, so important that it has engaged the attention of noble and learned statesmen and political economists in all civilized nations. It is a question from which all passion and prejudice should be excluded, and which should be viewed solely with regard to the best interest of the prisoner, the State, and the greatest number of its citizens. In this spirit I desire to appear before you, and to state the facts as I find them in history and in experience. The present age is pre-eminent for its attention to those great social problems which enter into a wise system of political economy, seeking for the best methods of making good citizens. The people, as well as states- 4 Prison Labor. men, are beginning to take an active interest in all the questions which lie at the foundation of good govern¬ ment, and a sound philanthropy, and of these Prison Labor is one. There can be no doubt that the obligation of every citizen to support himself is not cancelled by his commit¬ ting a crime, and so far as convicted prisoners can, by their personal service, contribute toward their own sup¬ port, and toward the expense they have caused the State, it is clearly the right of the tax payers, and the duty of the State, to exact and utilize that service. In 1880 the Legislatures of Massachusetts, Connecti¬ cut and New Jersey, each appointed a special commis¬ sion, composed of several gentlemen of the highest char¬ acter and ability, in the words of the New Jersey Legis¬ lature, “ to make careful inquiry into the subject of Prison Labor, and whether it comes in competition with free labor; and if so, in what manner, and to what extent, and what in their opinion is the best means of preventing such competition, and at the same time of providing main¬ tenance for the prisoners." After spending several months in taking testimony and making personal investigations, these commissioners made their reports, to which I shall have frequent occa¬ sion to refer. The New Jersey commissioners wisely remark : “ A State Prison is not a public charity ; it is not a hospital nor an alms-house. It is an institution to which persons, generally able-bodied adults, are sent by Prison Labor. 5 the courts, to be kept at hard labor for* the punish¬ ment of crime. Their labor, such as it was, is taken from the trade or profession they have followed before conviction, thus giving room for the employment of an equal number of other persons in those pursuits. They are indebted to society for the damages inflicted upon it by their crimes, and the consequences flowing from them ; for the cost of trial and transportation to prison, and of safe-keeping, food and clothing during their imprison¬ ment. To add these latter expenses to the injury their offenses have inflicted upon the community, is to heap one wrong upon another, to punish the innocent for the fault of the guilty.” It is evident that if prisoners do not support themselves by their own labor, they must be supported by the labor of others. After our citizens have been preyed upon by rogues, it is not just that they should be further burdened for their support, Herbert Spencer, one of the most eminent of living investigators of the Science of Society, writes — “ On this self-maintenance (by prisoners) equity sternly insists. The reasons which justify his imprisonment, equally justify the refusal to let him have any other sustenance than that he earns. “ He is confined that he may not further interfere with the complete living of his fellow-citizens, that he may not again intercept any of those benefits which the order of nature has conferred on them, or any of those pro¬ cured by their exertions and careful conduct. And he is 6 Prison Labor. required to support himself for exactly the same reasons — that he may not interfere with others complete living ; that he may not intercept the benefits they earn. For if otherwise, whence must come his food and clothing ? Directly from the public stores, and indirectly from the pockets of all tax payers. And what is the property thus abstracted from tax payers ? It is the equivalent of so much property earned by labor. It is so much means to complete living. And when this property is taken away, when the toil has been gone through, and the produce it should have brought is interrupted by the tax- gatherer on behalf of the convict, the conditions of com¬ plete life are broken ; the convict commits, by deputy, a further aggression on his fellow-citizens.” Without labor, whether inside or outside of prison walls, there can be no sound discipline, nor sound bodily or mental health, and as a reformatory agent it is recog¬ nized by the civilized world as of the first importance. No truth can be more evident than that “ Idleness is the Mother of Crime.” Take a retrospect of the past forty or fifty years in the history of the young men of any city in the land. The almost universal rule has been, that the industrious have become respected members of society, and, at least, moderately prosperous,while the idle, what¬ ever their social position and wealth may have been, have shortened their lives by excesses, and left no names to be remembered with honor. If such is the effect of idleness upon citizens, and upon those who enjoy the advantages of wealth and educa¬ tion, what must be its effect upon convicts, confined Prison Labor. 7 within prison walls, with few resources for pleasure in retrospection, or for hope in anticipation. If to idleness is added solitary confinement, the work of rendering the convict utterly unfitted for assuming the duties of citizenship upon his discharge is most com¬ plete. That convicts dread idleness and confinement in a cell has frequently been made plain to me by the request of those acting for Perry & Co., as engineers and machin¬ ists, that permission might be obtained for them to make certain repairs on Sunday; for, said they, “we greatly prefer to work than to be idle in our cell.” And for the same reason holidays are not anticipated by convicts with pleasure, otherwise than as bringing with them more delicacies for the table. If to avoid some of the injurious effects of idleness and confinement, convicts are allowed to spend more or less of the day in the yard of the prison, there must be much indiscriminate intercourse, contaminating those who are not wholly depraved, and giving opportunity for con¬ cocting schemes for mutiny, for escape, and for crime after their discharge. A very large majority of convicts when they enter the prison are destitute of any mechanical training. This is largely due to the iron rule of Trades Unions, which, by forbidding the employment of boys in mechan¬ ical work, except in a small proportion to the number of journeymen, say from three to twelve in one hundred, condemns a large number to enforced idleness. The result is seen in the numerous arrests of children and Prison Labor. youth for heinous crimes, which the bench in New York city, at the present time, is taking special notice of. Young convicts have frequently said to me in sub¬ stance, “ I never did an honest day’s work until I came here; I dreaded labor, but I now find it better than idleness.” That large numbers of these young fellows do abandon the paths of crime and engage in some honest labor, appears to be proved by the fact, unprofitable though it may be to the contractor, that of the several thousand men employed on our contract, in mechanical trades, who have during the past five years been discharged, not three per cent have been returned. This has been an equal surprise both to Mr. Superintendent Pilsbury and our¬ selves, as he informed us, when we took the contract, that he believed more than one-half of those discharged would be returned. A return of discharged convicts of less than three per cent effectually answers the charge, that under the contract system there is no reformation. Can more convincing proof be offered, that the present system of labor and discipline in the State Prisons of New York is conducive to the best reformatory influences ? There is little reason to expect reformation in old thieves and burglars, but for the young, who are in a large majority in our prisons, there is much ground for hope. The State is bound to have these men trained in such kind of work as is most likely to be in demand when they resume their citizenship. If they leave the prison with¬ out this knowledge, and without the practice of regular Prison Labor. 9 and systematic labor, enforced idleness will be pretty sure to float them again into crime. It was a favorite maxim with Howard, “ Make men diligent and they will be honest.” Work is the only sure basis of reformatory discipline. “Unless prisoners acquire habits of industry, and a lik¬ ing for some kind of labor,” observes Mr. Frederick Hill, in his Work on Crime, “ little hope can be entertained of their conduct after liberation.” “ The acquisition of a full trade during the convict’s in¬ carceration is a valuable aid in effecting this reform.” “The ranks of criminals are recruited chiefly from the class of persons who have no regular business, and espe¬ cially from those who have never learned a trade. More than eighty per cent of our imprisoned criminals belong to this class, which shows to what extent the want of a trade is an occasion of crime.” “ Mr. Rice,” former warden of the State Prison of Maine, says, “ that he gives a full trade to every convict who stays long enough to acquire one, and has the requisite capacity. That of two hundred convicts discharged during his incumbency, only seven (three and one-half per cent) had been reconvicted.” The late Dr. Wines, in his discourse, pronounced at the opening of the International Prison Congress of Stockholm, said, “There can be no doubt that, other things being equal, prisoners who maintain themselves by their labor during their incarceration, are more susceptible to reformatory influences, and to the same 2 IO Prison Labor. degree more likely to reform, than those who come short of that result; for this, among other reasons, that they have constantly before their eyes a visible demonstration of their ability to maintain themselves by the labor of their own hands.” Col. Carroll D. Wright, Chief of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor and a noted authority, in his report to the Legislature, in 1879, on this subject says : “ The proposition to abolish all labor in penal insti¬ tutions presents a complete remedy for competition ; but it is as insane as the convicts would become if it should be carried into effect. Every man is the competi¬ tor of another ; and the only way to avoid competition resulting from convict labor, is to hang the convict or keep him in idleness. While the State policy is, and always should be, to send a man out of prison better than he came in, this proposition cannot be adopted ; nor would it be wise, industrially, for crime begets crime, and the chief source of trouble from prisons to the work ing man is the expense of crime now. The abolition of labor would increase the expense in every direction, not only in the punishment, but in the care of criminals. The labor of convicts does not so much harm the inter¬ ests of working men, as does the short sentence for some petty crime. The interest of the working man would be much better subserved by doubling the terms of sen¬ tence.” * :Tf the intention of the law was simply to punish , soli¬ tary confinement, with its attendant evils, .would be the Prison Labor. 11 simplest plan ; but as I think it must be conceded, that making the convict support himself by his own labor, is best for both himself as a reformatory measure, and the State in ^every aspect of the subject, the inquiry then arises, what kind of labor and by whom conducted is the best for both, and the least injurious to any class of citi¬ zens ? I shall consider as briefly as possible : First—Unproductive labor. Second — Unskilled labor. Third — The lessee system. Fourth—The public account system. Fifth—The contract system. The employment of convicts at unproductive labor, like the crank or the tread-mill, cannot in this enlightened age be, for a moment, favorably considered. It would simply be a return to barbarism. Could any thing be more destructive to the intellect, more debasing to mor¬ als, and more certain to defeat any efforts at reformation, than the compulsion of prisoners to toil day after day at useless labor, a labor which they would consider only as a mode of vindictive punishment? Such treatment could not fail to have the effect of sending men out into the world more hardened than when they entered the prison. When convicts are employed in some useful occupa¬ tion, they generally become interested in the progress of the work, and many of them show a laudable ambition, both for their employers and for themselves. Convicts are men who are not materially different from ordinary citizens, except in their crimes. They are amenable to 12 Prison Labor. the same considerations that affect others, and these con¬ siderations should inspire in them the desire and the hope to lead better lives. Under the second head I will consider — The employment of convicts in unskilled labor. It is a favorite theory with some mechanics, that con¬ victs should only be employed at that work which de¬ mands the most muscle and the least amount of brain, such as breaking stone, building roads, and other com¬ mon labor. Aside from the immoral effect upon both citizens and convicts by the necessary exposure that would be thus entailed, the effect upon the tax payers from the increased cost for guarding the prisoners, the increased danger of escapes, and the reduced amount of income from such labor, it will readily be seen that most of the burden of prison competition would simply be transferred to that portion of our population which is the least able to bear it. But were the question free from this objection, the method is wholly impracticable except in special cases, where some great public work is conveniently situated. While there is probably no class of citizens more dependent or less able to meet competition than those engaged in common labor, there is no class more inde¬ pendent than skilled mechanics. The latter are strong, well organized, and able to make their influence felt when they desire to do so, while the former can bring no united influence to bear upon public questions. The New Jersey Commission, in referring to this sub ject, says (Report 1880. page 231): Prison Labor. 13 “ Stone breaking is already one of the industries in which a numerous class of laborers find a part, or the whole of their support, and it has been seriously objected to the employment of prisoners in our jails in this man¬ ner, that the product of their labor would be more than counter-balanced by the cost of maintaining the poor, who, by being thus deprived of their usual business, would become a public charge. This has been the case in Essex county already. Besides this, it would be utterly impossible, in either of these ways, to provide a proper maintenance for the prisoners.” Col. Wright further says (1879, page 33) : “ It has been suggested that the State might engage in some work that might not be performed unless by con¬ victs, such as macadamizing the roads of the whole State. This would necessitate one of two things : either the preparation of stone at the prison, involving the transpor¬ tation to the prison from the source of supply, and from the prison to the place for use or the mobilization of the convicts to the points, not only of supply but of con¬ sumption, involving a heavy expense for guard duty and temporary confinement.” Mr. Tallack of London, a high authority on the sub¬ ject of Prison reform, in 1872, prepared a paper on the “ Defects of the criminal administration of Great Britain and Ireland,” in which he says : “That at the public works at Chatham, Portland and Portsmouth an immense amount of excavation, quarrying and masonry is every year achieved, the estimated value Prison Labor. H of which is immense ; but in reality there is reason to doubt whether many at least of these so-called public works are more profitable to the Nation, than if the same labor was devoted to building a huge pyramid on Salis¬ bury Plain, or transferring Scawfelt to the top of Helvellyn.” The Connecticut Commissioners say (1880, page 20i)> “Work to be honorable must first be profitable. Use¬ less labor is degrading, and there can be no element of reform in labor that excites disgust or hate. There are many kinds of labor honorable to an honest man which are degrading to a convict. A gang of laborers may work day after day on the public road and still stand erect, in all the dignity of American citizenship, proud that by honest industry, they eat honest bread. But at¬ tach these men together by chain and collar, strip them of the clothing of honest laborers, and clothe them instead with striped garments, the badge of crime, and say if it would then be honorable work or industry tending to reformation? All labor done by convicts under the public gaze, all labor that brings pain instead of pleasure, all work that is penal instead of industrial, degrades the con¬ vict in his own estimation, kindles more intensely the fire of hate against society, makes stronger the natural dis¬ like for work, and renders reform almost if not quite im¬ possible.” The employment of convicts upon public works, except in rare cases, is wholly impracticable. What would have been thought of the project of introducing a horde of convicts into the city of Albany to build the New Capitol? Prison Labor. 15 Even if it could have been done with any success, the in¬ jury to the mechanical trades and to common labor would have been direct , while as I hope to be able to show be¬ fore closing, the contract system as now in force has, at the most, but an indirect effect upon citizen labor. The Lessee System. — This system, in vogue in some of the southern States, is barbarous and inhuman to the last degree. The reformation of the criminal is not consid¬ ered, and the fatality existing among them by reason of their brutal treatment is appalling. The citizens of the south are said to be clamoring for the introduction into their prisons of the contract system. The third point to be considered is: The Public Account System — i. c., when the State it¬ self becomes the manufacturer. Whatever may be said of the dignity or justice of such a proceeding, a sufficient objection to it may be found in the archives of our State. These will show that millions of public money have been wasted in abortive attempts to carry out this system. On State account the convicts have been employed in mining, in the manufacture of iron and nails, in quarrying and working marble, in burning lime, in manufacturing burr millstones, tools and brushes, in laundrying shirts, etc. It is fair to assume that these operations were all unprofit¬ able, as they have been abandoned, notwithstanding the large outlay made from time to time by the State for mines, quarries, woodland, machinery and other facilities for conducting these respective industries. In regard to the manufacture of iron and nails, it is well known that millions were sunk at Clinton Prison i6 Prison Labor. from 1844 to 1877 in the attempt to conduct this work. The State was fleeced at every step, from the conception of the enterprise down to the sale of the product. So with the burning of lime. The State paid $125,000 for the quarries and kilns, it being many times their value. These thousands and millions came out of the tax payers, and who was honestly benefited ? A slight investigation will show to your honorable committee that it has been the exception, when business carried on in any of the prisons in this country by the re¬ spective States has been successful. In no instance, as far as I can learn, has this been the case in New York State. Even the Elmira Reformatory, from which great results were expected, and which claimed for the year 1880 an income of sixty cents per day for the labor of its inmates, has proved as unprofit¬ able as its predecessors. The Legislature of 1881, after an investigation of its affairs, voted the sum of $50,000 for the purpose of paying its outstanding indebtedness. In the report of the managers to the Legislature, De¬ cember 31, 1881, it is stated : “ The loss sustained since the 30th of September through the forced sale of goods and material, valued then on a basis of cost at $112,700.57, is $35> 2 73- 2 3- We have assets consisting of the present inventory, $10,287.39, and bills and accounts receivable, $39,488.72.” I will not undertake to predict what portion of this will be realised, but upon the general principle that the State is a proper subject to be plucked, particularly in a bank¬ rupt business, it may safely be assumed that a consider¬ able discount from these assets should be made. Prison Labor. 1 7 The very short time in which this prison was run on public account satisfied the Legislature of 1881 that it was a mere repetition of Clinton and Sing Sing under that system, and, therefore, a bill was passed with the follow¬ ing mandatory clause: “ It shall be the duty of the managers to seek an op¬ portunity to let the labor of the inmates of the Re¬ formatory by contract, upon terms which shall be as advantageous to the State as possible, without injury to the system of discipline now in operation in the institu¬ tion.” The State Prison in Maine had long been held up as a model of success under the Public-Account system, but subsequent investigations showed that this claim rested solely upon a skillful mode of book-keeping. The special commissioners for the State of Connecticut report (page 16) : “ The great industry at Thomaston, Maine, has been wagon-making, and when this committee visited the prison, many were stored in the lofts where they had lain for years, doing duty only in the annual inventory. Warden Rice had been removed and Warden Tolman occupied his place. An investigating committee had pricked the bubble and shown that the boasted financial success was but an arrangement of figures without founda¬ tion in fact, that instead of a reported yearly profit, the State was a loser to the amount of nearly $100,000.” The report from the Wisconsin State Prison is but little better. Mr. Cordier, when warden in 1878, reported that the convicts were earning under this system $1.36 3 i8 Prison Labor. per day. His successor, Mr. Smith, says: “To our minds, the manufacturing business of the prison has proved a failure, and the State would have been $13,565 better off financially, had the shops in the prison been closed and the prisoners confined in idleness.” The following extract from the report of the officers of the Virginia Penitentiary, January 19, 1881 (page 7), will show how glad they were to substitute contract labor for the Public Account system : “ The directors have for some years past been im¬ pressed with the idea that the State, not having the funds to make cash purchases of raw materials in large quan¬ tities at suitable times, and placed under disadvantages in effecting sales, could not compete successfully with private enterprise in the manufacture and sale of goods, and as early as 1875, indicated their opinion that the interests of the State would be promoted by hiring out the convicts to responsible contractors. Existing legislation had partially provided for this. Gradually the institution increased its manufacturing operations till the advent of the present Superintendent, who fortunately fully concurred with the views of the Board, and at once took the necessary steps to hire out under contract all of the convicts possible, and to the same extent, curtail the manufacturing operations of the institution. The results so far have fully confirmed the opinion of the Board on the subject. Soon all the shops in the Penitentiary will cease to be operated by the State, and all the convicts will be hired at remunerative In all cases so far as known to the wages. * -x- Prison Labor . 19 Board, where the contract system has prevailed, it has, with few exceptions, proved successful, while on the other hand the system of leasing as a whole, even when pe¬ cuniarily successful, has not given satisfaction in other respects.” The Superintendent of this Penitentiary reports : “At the commencement of my administration I found four separate branches of manufacture were being con¬ ducted on State account, and I directed my attention as soon as practicable to the details of the operations and the financial exhibits of each industry, and the result enabled me to demonstrate that the nominal profits arising from these departments as shown in the published reports were pitrely fictitious , and that the Common¬ wealth had annually been subjected to serious loss thereby. * * * * The shoe department, the cooper shop, the weaving department, had all been sources of heavy loss, and the blacksmith and wheelwright shops had not been sources of profit.” The Commissioners of the Illinois State Penitentiary state, on page 5 : “ On the 1st of August, 1879, we m ade a contract with E. R. Brainard, of Chicago, for the labor of 150 convicts for the term of eight years from that date, at the rate of 51 cents per man per day, and sold to him the stock and fixtures then on hand in the stone department at a proper valuation. We are thus relieved from the responsibility and the demand for necessary working capital which that department has imposed upon us, and are now in receipt of a large monthly revenue from the labor of the con¬ victs assigned thereto.” 20 Prison Labor. Many other examples of like character could be quoted if time permitted. The only successful example that I am able to men¬ tion is that of the prison at East Cambridge, Mass., car¬ ried on by the county of Middlesex. I again quote from Colonel Wright’s report of 1879 (p a g e l 7 ) : “At Cambridge 180 men are employed upon brushes. The raw material is purchased, made up and sold on account of the institution. The brushmakers enter no complaint against the prison contract, but their principal complaint is of the injurious competition of the county of Middlesex. Here they allege is a large corporation with unlimited means, paying neither rent nor taxes, and not even obliged to make a profit, and they find it impossible to compete with it.” On this subject the Massachusetts Commissioners report (1880, page 21) : “The manufacture of goods on Public Account, with a view to profit, has been tried, and it is in vogue to-day in some prisons in the Commonwealth. In a large prison that system requires a heavy plant, and a large yearly outlay, and the result will be that the State comes directly in competition with its own citizens. Of course the presence of outside agents in a prison is not necessary under such a system, but prison officials must be business men of experience and skill, and as alert as outside man¬ ufacturers with whom they come in competition, to insure any degree of profit for their products.* The history of * Note. — The writer is in error. The same character of men, with precisely the same duties and relations to the prisoners must be employed as instructors and managers in each industry under the “ Public Account ” as under the Contract system. — P. Prison Labor. 21 the Public Account system has usually been that of pecu¬ niary loss in the end, perhaps held off for a time by a system of doubtful book-keeping, which never tells its correct story until death or a removal from office changes the prison administration.” In conducting a manufacturing business by the State there must always be a loss, either from incapacity on the part of the officials, or from negligence, or dishon¬ esty. It cannot be expected that a man who has special fitness for the duties of a warden should have either the skill or the time to make a success of manufacturing, which requires great experience and undivided thought and attention, with the inspiration of hope for personal profit. The Massachusetts Commissioners say (page 21) : “ Prison sentences order labor, and labor is recognized as a reformatory agent ; but without the contract system there would be but two courses open for the State, to employ convicts in making goods for the State to sell in open market, or to keep them in idleness, with an assur¬ ance of its evil results. Also, on page 22 : “ In a small prison, with honest officials over long-term men, it is possible that the manufacture of certain lines of goods on public account might be as profitable to the State, as a simple sale of convict labor ; but in a large prison the difficulty of securing a competent manufacturer and disciplinarian combined, and a certain clashing of au¬ thority if a double-headed system prevailed, must always militate against any move in that direction. Tempta- 22 Prison Labor. tions, too, are great ; and the history of such under¬ takings the country through, although there are shining exceptions, pointedly proclaims that human frailty is never so apparent as when the public service is involved. With the same temptations to overwork, and make a good exhibit for the State existing, there are no grounds for belief that a Public Account system, managed with a view to profit, would exert any more powerful reforma¬ tory influence than that which now prevails.” The Connecticut Commissioners say (page 24) : “ In isolated instances the State may succeed under the Public Account system, but as has been too often illus¬ trated, success depends upon the life of one man, or is entirely a fiction. And with hardly an exception, where the experiment has been tried, official corruption, pecun¬ iary loss and general prison demoralization have followed. New York, Maine and Wisconsin are recent examples. In striving after financial success, reform was entirely lost sight of, and instead of teaching lessons of virtue and morality, prisoners were, in New York especially, used as instruments for the promotion of fraud.” Again, on page 34 : “ A successful manufacturing business is of slow growth, the result of business ability and well-matured plans, carried on with great perseverance through years of trial, to ultimate success. Prison wardens, especially if they are partisan politicians, are not, as a rule, first-class business men. And if they are, their tenure of office is too short and uncertain to admit of a development of plans, or a display of business faculties.” Prison Labor. 23 The New Jersey Commissioners say (1880, page 21) : “ If the trades complain now of the competition of contractors, who are of themselves subject to the same circumstances financially and commercially as other manu¬ facturers, what would be their complaints against the gigantic power of the State? The immense soulless cor¬ poration, with resources beyond those of any individual ; with power to hold enormous quantities of goods, and throw them upon the market at pleasure, without risk to the manager ; with all the credit of a great common¬ wealth as a basis of operation, entering into competition with its citizens.” Further: “The American people have a wholesome and well-grounded distrust of commercial operations car¬ ried on by the State. Systems of public works of great apparent promise have been undertaken by several of our States, and in every one of them the failure has been conspicuous. In no case has it been possible to secure for the State the zeal and the comprehensive grasp of situations and opportunities, necessary for the successful conduct of such operations.” The Connecticut Commissioners say (page 25) : “ While it is true that individual interests must be protected, it is also true that the State has some rights — and when it is asked that one system of labor shall be abolished and another adopted — on the naked assertion that one does harm, and the other does not, the State has a right to ask for proof to sustain the assertion, and to warrant the change ; and if this proof is not furnished, the State has a right to believe that no proof exists, 2Af Prison Labor. and that the complainants have mistaken the cause of their trouble.” It is urged that under the Public Account system the prisoners would be more removed from the influences of citizen instructors and overseers, than under the Contract system. How can this be ? The business would not run of itself. It would require even a larger number of in¬ structors and overseers, and they would be precisely of the same character as those now employed, with this striking difference, that they would be less careful and at¬ tentive in conducting the business of the State, than if under the eye of a contractor, whose financial success or ruin depended upon a thorough and economical manage¬ ment. Col. Wright says (page 21) : “ Under a well-regulated warden system, where the State-retains the full control of all matters of discipline, the change (to the contract system) would not be felt. Upon this point the writer made special inquiry of many wardens, and the unanimous testimony was that the pres¬ ence of the employes of the contractor, so long as the warden had the power to remove summarily any such em¬ ploye, did not have any more injurious effect upon the discipline of the prison, than would the presence of the same number of officials which would be necessary under the Public Account system, and especially as under the latter the warden would not, as a rule, have the power to remove summarily the government officials.” Again (page 22) : “ Wherever this system (Public Account) has prevailed, Prison Labor. 25 it has caused more slaughtering of prices than any other, yet the parties who demand it find no fault. They can see the most unjust results from contracting for the labor of convicts, but can see no harm in contracting for the products of the same labor.” Again (page 4) : “ The general introduction of the Public Account sys¬ tem, as a rule, simply aggravates the grievances arising from whatever competition may result from the contract system.” Again (page 22) : “ The testimony of wardens everywhere, and almost without exception, is against the claims of those who favor the Public Account system. They assert, and with reason it seems, that under such a system the prison becomes a vast shelving-place for appointees : and that all the objections which can possibly be made against the contract system, on account of the presence of contractors and their men, apply with double force against the Public Account system ; and, further, that unless the productive labor of a prison is confined to one or two branches, it is impossible, as a rule, to find a man well versed in all, and a good executive officer besides.” The New Jersey Commissioners say (page 20) : “ The commission is unable to see how the complain¬ ants would be benefited by a change from the Contract to the Public Account system. The same number of con¬ victs at least would be employed. In fact, the probabili¬ ties are that a greater number would be. Fully ten thou¬ sand of them' are employed as common laborers, many of 4 26 Prison Labor. whom could be turned into mechanics very easily if the State found it profitable to do so. If the officers of our prisons are capable of managing such operations, they would have to display the same zeal and energy which the contractors find necessary. If the State is not to lose by the change, as many or more goods must be put upon the market — the same advantages and manipulations brought to bear upon it as now, and the effect upon it will be precisely the same. “ If the officers are unfit the business will be a loss to the State, and the tax payers will have to make up the deficiency.” Whatever system may be finally adopted for the prisons it may be assumed as certain, that the Public Account system always has, and always will be a financial failure, and more prejudicial to the interest of citizen mechanics than any other. I will now more fully consider the fifth and last point, viz. : The Contract System , Toward which, the opposition of the workingmen of the State appears to be mainly directed. The inquiry is then pertinent, is this opposition well-founded ? We learn from statistics gathered and formulated with great care by Colonel Wright, before mentioned, that there are in the United States 129 penal institutions, in which convicts are employed in labor of any kind, viz.: State Prisons. 48 Jails and Penitentiaries.... 4 ° Prison Labor. 2 7 Work-houses and Houses of Correction. 25 Houses of Refuge and Reform Schools. 16 129 That in these institutions there are 47,769 inmates — 44,084 males, and 3,685 females.* Of these, 37,245 males, and 2,877 females, amounting to 40,122, are en¬ gaged in labor, in all the penal institutions of this country. In skilled labor. 23, 524 In unskilled labor. n, 688 In prison duties. 4 > 93 ° 40,12 2 That thirty-six different industries are practiced in these prisons. That the whole number of citizens employed in these industries in the United States is 1, 743,120. That the whole number of convicts , male and female, employed in these industries is 23,524 or 1 4-10 per cent of the number of citizens so employed. Among these thirty-six industries I note the percent¬ age of the following: Iron goods of every description. 1 8-10 Hats.. . 3 Boots and shoes. 3 5-10 Brushes. 30 8-10 * Note.— Adults and children. Prison Labor. With a percentage of i 8-10 in the manufacture of iron goods of every description in prisons, I think there need be little concern for the welfare of citizens engaged in the same industry. But with a percentage of 30 8-10 in the manufacture of brushes, a business conducted in the East Cambridge Penitentiary and the Elmira Re¬ formatory under the Public Account system, there might well be some reason for complaint, though I do not remember of hearing from any citizen brushmaker on this subject. In the foregoing statement I have included all the convicts, male and female, engaged in skilled labor, in all the penal institutions in this country, the num¬ ber being. . 23 ,524 From this number should be deducted those employed in city and county jails, work-houses and houses of correction, houses of refuge and reform schools, the number being. 11,341: Leaving the number employed in the State prisons and penitentiaries. 12, 183 The product of manufactured goods in the minor insti¬ tutions named, made to a great extent by children, is in amount and character unworthy of notice. But admitting the whole number of 23,524, it is less than one per cent of the entire number of citizens employed in mechanical pursuits in the United States, the same having been on the 1st of January, 1880, 2,732,595, and producing goods to the value of $5,369,579,191. Prison Labor. 2 9 The opponents of convict labor appear to lose sight of the fact that most of the prisoners were employed at some kind of labor when free, and, therefore, that just so much was withdrawn from the market when they were arrested. Taking into account the time lost in idleness before conviction, the small production by those employed in mechanical labor, compared with that of citizen mechan¬ ics, the large number of citizens that are necessarily employed on Prison contracts, and the still larger num¬ ber required to produce the material used and consumed under the same, we must conclude that the system has the effect to reduce the general competition in the labor market, instead of increasing it. Perry & Co. directly employ in connection with their contract at Sing Sing, inside and outside the walls, 262 citizen mechanics, foremen, instructors and clerks, who otherwise would not be employed by them, and indirectly more than double that number. The labor reformer wants the contractor abolished because he increases competition in trade. But he has never yet shown how this increase is brought about. Every new manufactory that is established somewhat in¬ creases such competition, but no more under a Prison contract than any other, and the establishment of a new manufactory is not generally considered a calamity. So far as relates to the manufacture of stoves in Prison, we sell them no cheaper than those made wholly by citizens ; our price lists are prepared irrespective of where the goods are made. In regard to Prison labor producing an unhealthy com- Prison Labor. 30 petition, the testimony before the commissions relating to the manufacture of boots and shoes, was conflicting. A shoemaker in Burlington, N. J., testified before the New Jersey Commissioners (page 66) : “In all my business experience I have never found State Prison labor interfering with outside labor in the manufacture of shoes to any extent. It is too small a drop in the bucket. I have been making boots and shoes since 1833, an d this m Y experience of the trade.” The New Jersey Commissioners say (page 19) : “Were shoemaking stricken entirely from the list of Prison industries in the United States, it is very much to be doubted if the most delicate machinery of trade would be able to gauge the effect upon the market. A few more shops, a few more sets of McKay machines, or the immigration of a few years would fill the void so silently, that not one person in ten thousand would ever know of its existence.” Col. Wright says (1879, P a g e I2 ) : “ Parties who write or speak upon convict labor are apt to take it for granted that the product per man is the same for the prisoner as for the outside worker. In this they err. The product of each person employed in the manufacture of boots and shoes in Massachusetts is, $1,858 per year, that is 48,090 operatives employed in 1875 produced $89,375,792 worth of goods. The product of prison work per man is $1,142 per annum. The 200 workmen employed on boots and shoes at Concord, pro¬ duce $228,575 worth of goods per year on an average. The same number outside would make $371,600 worth of goods.” * ' x * * * * * * Prison Labor. 3i “ A manufacturer remarked that he did not see how prison labor in Massachusetts could much affect the shoe business one way or the other. If all the convicts at Concord were put to making shoes, he would not care. It would only amount to one more large factory, and the shoe business of the State could stand that, in his opin¬ ion. In answer to the question, “ Do you know of any in¬ stance where your own business has been affected by prison labor ? ” both partners answered, “No,” and to the question, “ Has it ever caused you to reduce the pay of your employes ? ” they answered, “ Never.” “ Another large dealer and manufacturer said, ‘ That he knew of no injurious effects to his business from prison labor ; was very glad the subject was being inves¬ tigated, as he was satisfied that most erroneous ideas were entertained in regard to it by many who ought to know better ; in his opinion it had been too much of a handle for small politicians to use for their own advantage ; and that so many preposterous and ridiculous statements had been made, it was time that real facts were known.” The Connecticut Commissioners say (page 30): “ Mr. Marcy, a member of this commission and a con¬ tractor at Wethersfield, says, ‘The convicts in our em¬ ploy do not average more than half as much work as free men. There is very little profit in our contract. The large manufactories of Massachusetts can produce a shoe at less cost than we can. If we did not have a contract we would not take one.’ ” Mr. Clark says : “ Free manufactories have advantages Prison Labor. we do not, and can produce a shoe of the same character as ours at a cost of several cents per pair less.” Mr. Bigelow, President of the Bay State and Leather Co., a contractor, and having a free manufactory at Wor¬ cester, Mass., testifying before the commission, said: “ The cost of labor upon a pair of shoes of the same kind is less in my free shop than in prison.” It is estimated that 5,688 foreign shoemakers, all grown men, have landed at the port of New York, dur¬ ing the past six years, while the whole number of convict shoemakers employed in this country is but 6,530. If such a force, which really represents but little over 3,000 citizen shoemakers, is so alarming, how frightful must be the effect of the hordes of foreign workmen who are daily flocking to our shores. The introduction of one important piece of improved machinery in the manufacture of boots and shoes would affect the citizen mechanics more directly than all the convict workers on these goods, and no one thinks of asking the government to regulate the use of machinery. The census of 1880 shows that the annual product of the boot and shoe manufacture of the United States is $207,387,903, while the product of prison labor in this branch is less than $4,000,000, or less than two per cent. With all these figures on record, petitions are made from time to time, asking that the number of convicts upon this, as well as other kinds of labor, should not exceed ten per cejit. It is evident there is a great want of definite knowledge on this subject, which a study of statistics Prison Labor . 33 would readily supply. As the New Jersey Commissioners truthfully say : “ The amount of goods produced in prisons by convict labor is too small at present to exert any serious injury upon the trade outside.” “ The evils for the redress of which the commission was created are, at this time, in its opinion, more imaginary than real.” Eliminate from this question the imaginary troubles, and the opposition of the Trades Unions to every thing which interferes with their supreme control , and there will be nothing left of it. The agitation is mostly confined to the leaders of these unions, who already rule the manu¬ facturers with a despotism worthy of the dark ages. Col. Wright (page 16) says : “Furniture is not now made in our prisons, but has been very extensively in the past, yet no manufacturer or dealer was found who could say that prison labor had injured his business in the least, and some were not aware that furniture had ever been made in the prison. The man who held the contract for furniture until the prison was moved to Concord did not care to move with it, but hired of the State the machinery and shops at Charles¬ town, and with outside labor continues the business of cabinet-making, and his customers testify that they can purchase goods of him now as low as when he held the contract.” In 1880 there were employed in the New Jersey State Prison, 368 convicts on boots and shoes. In re- 34 Prison Labor. sponse to the clamor of the Trades Unions, a law was passed a year ago limiting the number to ioo to be employed at anyone branch of industry. What is the result ? The burden, if any, that rested upon wealthy shoe manulacturers and well-paid union shoemakers is transferred to the backs of poor women and children, to the extent of the labor of 180 of the convicts now being employed in making shirts and collars and washing and ironing — woman’s work. The poor women have no votes. Another result of this foolish law is the transferring of a yearly surplus of $18,437.36 to a loss of $660.16. The Superintendent reports to the Legislature as follows : “ The law passed last winter, limiting the number of convicts to be employed in any one industry to one hun¬ dred, has driven away from us the large contractors for prison labor, who would pay the best price for the labor, and obliges us to accept the proposals of those who operate on a smaller scale.” “The loss to the prison from this source alone may be estimated from the fact, that a proposal was made to me to employ all the able-bodied men in the prison on the expiration of the contract in June last, at prices which would have made their labor net $110,000 (instead of $51,362.90 as in the past ), for the ensuing year.” Under this law the Trades Unions are placated and the State and the women and children are made to suffer. I will briefly refer to the manufacture of hats by con¬ vict labor. The New Jersey Commissioners say (page 26): Prison Labor. 35 “ The Legislature of 1876 prohibited the manufacture of hats in our State prison in the hope of benefiting New Jersey hatters. But New York and Massachusetts kept on making hats by convict labor, and sent them to New Jersey to compete with the work of our hatters, already taxed to pay for the support of two hundred convicts, who might have been employed but for the passage of the law, and who have nearly all been idle up to this time. The next Legislature might forbid the manufacture of shoes in our prison, throwing three hundred and sixty- eight more men out of work, and the shoemakers of Newark and other places in New Jersey would be obliged to help pay for their support while confronted with the convict-made shoes of New York, Maryland and Massa¬ chusetts.” Col. Wright says (page 4, 1879): “ It is necessary to treat this whole subject nationally, because of the interweaving of the industrial interests of one State with those of another, and of the apparent, if not real, difficulty in the way of one State making any regulation whatever, for its own relief, or that of its own industries, while other States did or did not conform to the like regulations.” Again (page 41): “That with the present policy of prison administration in Massachusetts, the Contract system of labor, either by the day or by the piece, is the wisest, as a rule, but that the administration should have power to adopt the Public Account system if for the interest of the State.” |6 Prison Labor. Dr. Wines testified before the joint commissions (Con¬ necticut report, page 131): “If the prisons were conducted on State account, I don’t think the tendency to competition, or the tendency of the State to undersell the manufacturers, would be any less than it is on the contract system.” * “ I say decidedly, that under existing circumstances the contract system should be retained in our prisons.” Again (page 126): “ Well, now, Mr. Chairman, in regard to the broad question of competition of prison labor with free labor, I hold a very decided opinion, and that is, that really there is nothing of it. I do not think that the amount of prison labor, take the whole country together, is more than a drop in the bucket. I do not think it can possibly come into competition appreciably with free labor.” Dr. Harris testified (page 154): “Until public opinion can be educated up to the re¬ quired standard I would certainly maintain the contract system, with limitations.” The Connecticut Commissioners report (page 35): “ By far the most thorough and searching investigation into the subject of convict labor, and its influence upon free labor, so far as this Commission can discover, was made in 1877-8 by a joint commission, consisting of offi¬ cers of the government of Prussia and committees repre¬ senting the various Trades Unions of the Kingdom. Perfect harmony prevailed among the members of the Commission, and entire agreement as to the result. Every phase of the question was examined, and the unanimous Prison Labor. 37 report made to the government by its officers and to the trades by their committee, was, that a great deal of the complaint was without foundation, and that the evils which did exist were the result, not of the “ contract system,” but of concentration, by which small industries, in a few instances, were greatly injured.” Again (page 23) : “ The effect of the contract system is no worse for the convict in the matter of work, than under the ‘ Public Account,’ so long as thorough business men and thoroughly honest men are at the head. So far as the question relates to discipline, the weight of evidence is in favor of the contractor. Deputy Warden Biglin, of Sing Sing, said the convict did not know any difference between the State officers and those employed by con¬ tractors.” The inspectors of the Michigan State Prison, in their report of 1879, sa Y (Connecticut report, page 23) : “ We are satisfied from long observation, that the ‘ contract system ’ does not interfere with the discipline and good order of the prison. The contractor has no control over the convict. He is as much under the charge of the officers of the prison when at work as when not. The contractor furnishes work to do, and he expects the State to see that it is done if reasonable in amount. He cannot over-work the convict without being discovered, nor can he in any case inflict punishment.” “ The testimony of convicts in the Connecticut State Prison was, that it made no difference to them for whom they worked.” Prison Labor. In 1878 the Directors of the Wisconsin Prison say : “ We are gratified to report that our most sanguine anticipations in relation to the results of the experiment of leasing the convict labor have been fully realized, if not exceeded. The system has been found to very much simplify the management of the institution ; has obviated the necessary risks attending manufacturing conducted by the State, and has enabled us to rely with certainty upon an assured income.” The Warden in the same report (1878) says : “ In my last report (1877) I expressed the opinion that no appropriation would be required for the then ensuing year (from September, 1878, to September, 1879). The result of last year’s business (under the contract system) has proved the correctness of that conclusion, the prison now being o,ut of debt with a balance of $11,654.45 in cash on hand. The earnings for nine months, ending September 30, 1878, from the leased labor, being $22,- 879.58. This, together with the improved discipline, has demonstrated the wisdom of leasing (contracting) the labor, instead of manufacturing by the State. The con¬ dition and treatment of the convicts has in no sense been made worse by the change.” The Connecticut Commissioners say (page 9) : “ As the Legislature in providing for the appointment of this Commission did not give them power of sum¬ moning witnesses, it was decided to issue a series of questions to manufacturers and artisans throughout the State, asking for such information as would materially assist the Commission in forming a just estimate of the Prison Labor. 39 extent of the injury complained of. These circulars were accordingly prepared and sent out by mail to the number of more than 2.000. But few replies were re¬ ceived, and those which were, came from parties who must have been entirely uninformed upon the subject of prison labor, and who could never by any possibility have been injured by it. These replies were absolutely worth¬ less as furnishing information. An important paper was read from the manufacturing hatters, and another paper from the working hatters, each claiming that the industry of hat manufacturing was seriously injured by the manu¬ facture of hats in prison.” “Disappointed at not receiving more information, or even complaint, either, from the signers of the petitions, or from others in reply to our circulars, and remem¬ bering that the petitioners say that grievous evil is worked to us and our business, and being anxious if possible to rightly answer the question, does convict labor interfere with the free labor of the State, the Commissioners gave notice of a public meeting to be held in Hartford on the 5th day of November.” “ The meeting was extensively advertised, but not a person appeared before them to represent either corpora¬ tion, manufacturer or individual. No artisan appeared in person or by proxy, thus indicating that the grievous evils had no existence.” The Massachusetts Commissioners say (page 15) : “ The hat manufacturers and brush-makers whose testi¬ mony could be secured, did not, in the opinion of your committee, show that their business was injured by prison 40 Prison Labor . labor in this State to an extent that would call for legis¬ lative interference. The number of convicts employed by contractors is so small, in comparison with outside workers, that it does not appear that these trades are called upon to bear more than their share in the general contribution for the protection of society and the de¬ mands of the reformatory part of prison discipline.” I find that the whole number of citizens employed in the United States in making hats is 22,710. Whole number of convicts employed in this industry 593, or less than one per cent.* Not ten per cent, your honors, will please to note, the maximum limit required by the opponents of prison labor. The whole number of persons employed in the States in which hat making is carried on in the prisons is 9,021, number of convicts, 593, or about five per cent. The whole number of citizens employed in the State of New York in the manufacture of hats is 7,320. The whole number of convicts employed under the hat contract in the State is 320, or less than five per cent.f Deduct the number employed by the contractor in other kinds of labor, and also the less amount of work produced by convicts, and it will be found that not over three per cent in this State is due to prison labor. A large percentage of the hats sold here is made in New Jersey and Connecticut; not ten percent is made in New York, and not half of one per cent is made in prison. Note. — Not half this number in 1883. f None in 1883. Prison Labor. 4 i Col. Wright says (1879, P a g e 26): “The convention of hatters, at Orange, N. J., Septem¬ ber, 1878, passed, among others, the following resolution: “ Resolved\ That while we hardly indorse any system calculated to restore criminals to respectability and self- respect, yet we do not consider it necessary to make me¬ chanics of them, nor feel it incumbent upon us to pay for their moral reformation with the loss of our labor and wages. If convicts must be kept employed, this can readily be done, as it is in all other civilized countries, at other than skilled labor, and without making them direct competitors at industrial pursuits.” That is, to transfer the burden, if any, to common labor, less able to bear it. Hon. James Bishop, Chief of the Bureau of Statistics of Labor and Industries of New Jersey, 1881, reports : “ Some of the manufacturers of cheap goods complain of the competition of convict labor; a prisoner being paid but forty cents per day, while free labor is worth two dol¬ lars for the same class of work. Other manufacturers, on the contrary, say that the general prosperity of all classes of people has created a demand for a better grade of goods than can be manufactured in the State Prison. One of the largest manufacturers of the cheap grade of hats asserts, that he can compete successfully with con¬ vict labor, as he uses the latest improved machinery, and never offers poor goods to the regular trade, such stock being disposed of at the auction sales. “The contractor of convict labor in one of the Eastern States desired this gentleman to make hats for him, as he 6 42 Prison Labor. could not compete in some of the grades, since one free laborer will accomplish as much as three convicts, taking into consideration the fact that, in addition to the forty cents pay (generally fifty to sixty), and ten cents allow¬ ance for tobacco, daily, a great percentage of goods is damaged by the latter.” In proof that convict labor on hats does not reduce the price of free labor, Mr. Bishop quotes the wages paid in New Jersey, as follows : “ In 1879 the amount paid per dozen for hats was $4.54 ; in 1880, $5.21; in 1881, $5.28.” L\\.t journeymen hatters, in their communication to the Connecticut Commissioners, state “that fully 25 per cent of the trade is now done in prisons.”—a striking ex¬ ample of the lack of definite knowledge on the subject, and of the untruthfulness of most of the statements made by the opponents of prison labor. The hat manufacturers, with more enlightened liberal- ify, say to the committee : “We appreciate the difficulties which surround this whole question. We do notask for special legislation on our own behalf, only such general regulation as shall bear upon all alike. We do not desire that the burden shall be lifted from our shoulders to be placed upon others who would find it as hard to bear. We are willing to share with the other industries of the country to our full proportion or more, the tax imposed by convict labor upon honest industry. We do not ask for the abolition of the contract system if it shall prove to be the best for the Prison Labor. 43 State and the prisoners, but that it shall be so restricted and guarded as to do equal or nearly equal justice to all, and remove a dangerous power from the hands of an irre¬ sponsible few.” If these gentlemen had been aware that less than half of one per cent was the extent of the manufacture of hats in this country by convicts, they probably would not have appeared before the Commissioners. At the hearing before the Senate committee it was stated by one of the members that 42 per cent of a cer¬ tain kind of hats (understood to be fur hats) is made by convict labor. Subsequent inquiries enable me to state and to prove, that not more than five per cent of this work is thus made.* I have the best reason to believe that the hat con¬ tractor at Clinton finds no profit in the work, and does not care to continue it.f From this it is evident that hat manufacturers and journeymen may safely dismiss their fears of any danger to their trade from prison labor. I confidently assert, without fear of contradicti on, that the employment of convicts in the manufacture of boots and shoes, hats and stoves has no more effect on citizen manu¬ facturers than the establishing of new works here and there, which is being done all over the country, and as a rule no more rapidly than the increase in our population requires. There would be just as much sense and reason in attempt- ting to limit this increase as in attempting to abolish con¬ vict labor on the ground of its interference with free labor. * Note —Not one per cent is made in 1883. f He since declined to renew it. 44 Prison Labor. It is the view of some theorists that the alleged injury of convict labor to citizen labor would be avoided by in¬ troducing a diversity of industries in our penal institu¬ tions. This would at once drive from them every busi¬ ness of any magnitude, for in this day no manufacturing business can be conducted with profit, except on a large scale. The business in the prisons would then be confined to small, weak industries that might be less able to bear the competition than the great interests of the country which are carried on by individuals and corporations upon a large scale and with unlimited capital and credit. I cannot understand why so many intelligent men who have given thought to the subject should appear to favor diversified industries in prisons. They must of necessity be small industries and therefore comparatively weak, and requiring but few citizen workers outside. Training prisoners to such industries will be far more likely to overstock the labor market in those directions, than if trained to such as employ large numbers of men, and for which there is an ever-growing demand. In this latter case no one feels the burden, and the liberated prisoner will be able to readily secure remunerative labor. The Massachusetts Commissioners wisely remark on this point (page 14): “ Furthermore, if it be at all desirable that a discharged prisoner shall be able to become a bread earner by a handi¬ craft, there is certainly but little hope for him, if he is to look for employment at a trade where the whole number employed in the country at large can be gathered into one small factory without crowding.” Prison Labor. 45 Colonel Wright says (1880, page 14) : “If prison contracts have any effect upon free labor, they bear the most heavily upon small industries, like the gilt moulding trade, which has provoked so much discus¬ sion in this Commonwealth. This industry employs but a small number of workmen, and has been liable at all times to be swamped by the addition of a small number of laborers like women and children, willing to work for cheap wages. The introduction into a prison of a contract for labor in a special industry which gives employment to but few people outside , is open to objection on many grounds." Again (1879, page 29) : “The manufacturers and operatives engaged in a weak industry — one not thoroughly established, or turning out but a small annual product — insist that the industries of the prisons should be those of the greatest magnitude in the State ; the shoe business, for instance, because, to carry on an industry insignificant in itself, like the gilt¬ moulding business in the prisons, is to crush the industry outside, while the great industry would feel prison com¬ petition the least. On the other hand, the men engaged in the great and leading industries claim that only the weak ones should be carried on by prison labor, because the injury arising from such labor, if any, strikes but few people ; if the great industries are carried on, a greater number of people are injured.” The joint Commissions of the States of Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Jersey, were composed of seven¬ teen prominent gentlemen of the highest respectability ; representing manufactures, trades unions, and profes- 46 Prison Labor. sions. Persons from almost every class appeared before them, and stated their views, their theories and their grievances, real or imaginary. The sittings of the Com¬ missioners were continued from time to time during sev¬ eral months, and every one who desired had an opportu¬ nity of being heard. The Massachusetts Commissioners report (page 13) : “ A large amount of testimony was secured, all of which came on special invitation, save that of five per¬ sons who could alone be found interested enough to ap¬ pear, after a public hearing was advertised three days, in three newspapers of the largest circulation in the State. The testimony of manufacturers and contractors, work¬ men and philosophers, stripped of its verbiage, and re¬ duced to the level of plain fact, coupled with a thorough weighing of advantages and disadvantages of prison con¬ tracts, has brought your committee to the opinion, that the effect of prison contracts upon the combined interest of the State is not appreciable.” The Connecticut Commissioners report (pages 40, 41): “Every ( avenue of information at home and abroad has been carefully searched, months have been devoted to the inquiry, reports of similar investigations in the United States, Canada and Europe have been read and considered, the written opinions of men who have made the science of penology a careful study have been ob¬ tained ; all who have complaints to make have been heard, and as a result, the Commission has failed to dis¬ cover any ground for the complaints made against the Connecticut State Prison or the Contract system. They sum up the matter in the following words : Prison Labor. 47 “That there is great difficulty in finding responsible parties to take prison labor. “That the price paid for it is not greatly below its value. “That as a rule convicts do not accomplish more than half as much work as free men. “That the profit of contractors as a rule is not larger than that of ordinary manufacturers, and that as many of the former fail as the latter. “That prison-made goods as a rule do not undersell free manufactures. “That it would not be just to the State or the prisoner to abolish machinery from the prisons, or to prohibit convicts from being employed at skilled industry. “ That the Public Account system is not practicable under ordinary circumstances, because wardens are very seldom good managers of convicts and also good manag¬ ers of manufacturing industries. “ That workmen as individuals are not unreasonable. They admit that convicts should work; they are willing that trades should be taught them ; they disclaim any aversion to working in the shop or at the bench with an ex-convict, or that such associations would be a disgrace; they ask that greater effort should be made toward reform. “ That it is only when met in convention that imagin¬ ary evils are magnified into real wrongs. It is only in convention that they demand the enactment of such laws as would prevent reform, would increase crime by enforcing degrading labor or idleness, would abolish machinery, and prohibit skilled labor.” 4 8 Prison Labor. After an experience of forty years in the employment of large numbers of workmen, I can cordially indorse the statement, that as individuals they are not unrea¬ sonable, but quite the reverse ; that it is only when banded together under leaders who have their own special interests to serve, that they are disposed to make unjust demands. I now respectfully ask your attention to the relations which convicts employed in Sing Sing Prison in the manufacture of stoves, bear to citizen mechanics and laborers engaged in the same industry. It is popularly said that 900 convicts are employed under the contract of Perry & Co. in the manufacture of stoves. There never was a greater mistake. The men thus employed may be classed as follows : Moulders. Mounters. Pattern-fitters.. . . Carpenters .... Machinists. Blacksmiths. Engineers. Tinsmiths. Japanners. Clerks. Common laborers 377 196 19 11 5 6 6 13 9 13 240 Total. 895 Here are nine distinct trades ; only three of them, num¬ bering 592 men, have any special relations to stove making, Prison Labor. 49 and of these, 215 can readily turn their hands to other departments of iron work; so that in reality there are but 377 out of the 895 whose work must be strictly confined to making stoves. The alarming number of Sing Sing stovemakers is thus materially reduced. As moulders, mounters and pattern-fitters are the only mechanics, who by any possibility, can be affected by the prison contract, I shall confine my comparisons to them. I may be allowed to say here, that for nearly forty years I have made annual statements and close esti¬ mates of the details connected with the manufacture and sale of stoves, and therefore respectfully claim that what I may present is entitled to confidence. I estimate the annual production of stoves in the United States at 364,160 tons. The production of stoves by convict labor in the United States, at 6,427 tons, or 1 8-10 per cent. The production of stoves in the State of New York, at 95,700 tons. The production of stoves by convict labor in the State of New York, at 6,424 tons, or 6 7-10 per cent. The number of stove plate moulders employed in the United States, at 24,710. The number of convict stove plate moulders in the United States, at 473, or 1 9-10 per cent. The number of stove plate moulders employed in the State of New York, at 3,485. The number of convict stove plate moulders in the State of New York, at 377, or 10 8-10 per cent. 7 50 Prison Labor. The number of stove plate mounters and pattern- fitters in the United States, at 7,848. The number of convict stove plate mounters and pattern-fitters, at 254, or 3 2-10 per cent. The number of stove plate mounters and pattern- fitters in the State of New York, at 1,872. The number of convict stove plate mounters and pattern-fitters in the State of New York, at 196, or 10 5-10 per cent. But the real question is not how many convicts are employed in a certain branch of manufacture, but rather what number of citizen mechanics does their work represent. As I shall have occasion to show more in detail further on, a convict moulder produces of merchantable castings but 47 per cent of the amount produced by a citizen moulder, therefore in the State of New York, instead of a percentage of 10 8-10 so far as affects the citizen moulders of that State, the percentage is but 5 1-10. In the employment of convict moulders in the United States, I estimate that twenty citizen moulders employed as instructors of the former are withdrawn from outside competition, and in the State of New York I know that fourteen are thus withdrawn. And in regard to convict mounters and pattern-fitters I shall also show you that each one produces but 44 per cent as much work as a citizen of the same craft; there¬ fore, instead of a percentage of 3 2-10 produced by the former in the United States, so far as affects the latter, the percentage is but 1 4-10. Prison Labor. 5i And so in the State of New York, instead of a per¬ centage of 10 5-10, so far as affects the citizen mounters and pattern-fitters of that State, the percentage is but 3 7-io- In employing convict mounters in the United States I estimate that fifty citizen mounters, necessarily em¬ ployed with them, are withdrawn from outside competi¬ tion, and in the State of New York I know that thirty- five are thus withdrawn. The business of mounting stoves require men who are skilled in the use of tools and in working in metals. But very few of this character are found among the convicts in our State prisons. This work, unlike mould¬ ing, requires some years of training; we are, therefore, compelled to provide a shop, manned by citizen mechan¬ ics, who revise and perfect every stove after it has passed from the convict shops. We have thus seen that the percentage of convict labor in the manufacture of stoves, against which there is such an outcry, is as follows: In the United States, stove plate moulders, 1 8-10 per cent. Stove plate mounters and pattern-fitters, 1 4-10 per cent. In the State of New York, stove plate moulders, 5 1-10 per cent. Stove plate mounters, 3 7-10 per cent-—amounts too insignificant to be worthy of a moment’s notice. The increase of two new foundries of moderate size would 5 2 Prison Labor. give a product equal to all that are made in the prisons of the United States. New foundries are being constantly established in all parts of the country. Ten years ago there were but few stoves made in the State of Michigan. Now, the annual product in the city of Detroit is double that made in all the prisons. There has been no material increase in the prison product during the past five years, while the population of the United States has increased during that time about six millions, forming twelve hundred thousand families, and requiring the product of eighteen large foundries to furnish these new families one stove each every three years. There is reason to believe that, with the prospective immigration, one million and a half will be added to our population during the year 1882. This increase will form 300,000 families, requiring a year’s product of thir¬ teen large foundries to furnish them each with a stove. The entire product of the prisons could only furnish 8,000 of these 300,000 families. In view of such figures, and they could be extended in other directions if time permitted, how utterly trifling are the complaints we hear from the moulders about the effect of convict labor. But, as State lines in business, like State rights in poli¬ tics, have long since been wiped out, there is little signifi¬ cance in the statement, that the percentage of convict moulders to citizens in the State of New York is 5 1-10 Prison Labor. 53 per cent, for the simple reason that our business is cosmo¬ politan. In 1881 the percentage of our sales in different parts of the country was as follows: New England. 5 3-10 New York. 25 2-10 The Middle States .. 7 6-10 The Southern States. 9 8-10 The Western States. 51 8-10 Foreign countries. 3-10 100 It is also to be considered, that as the prison product is mainly composed of the cheapest grade of stoves, a lar¬ ger proportion of it even than 75 per cent goes to distant States. If we did not make these goods in the prison, they would mostly be made outside of the State of New York, as every foundry that I know of within this State is already fully occupied. In such a case the State would lose a large income. About 260 citizens now employed by us in connection with the prison contract would be discharged, and thus increase the labor supply outside ; while the vast amount of material and supplies now required at the prison would be compelled to seek another market. Investigation shows that the proportion of mechanics in the population of the United States is 5 4-10 per cent. That the proportion of mechanics among the immigrants that reach our shores is 13 per cent. In 1877, our first year at the prison, the immigration was 130,503. In 1881, 720,045. 54 Prison Labor. During the five years’ existence of the present contract system under the new Constitution, 1,848,083 immigrants have been added to our population, and of this number it is estimated that 240,251 were mechanics. If the small number of 23,851 male and female convicts, children and adults, employed upon mechanical work in our State prisons, penitentiaries and other penal institu¬ tions, taking the place of less than half that number of citizens, are capable of producing such dire effects upon honest labor, as claimed by the leaders of trades unions, how dreadful must be the effect of the advent of some 50,000 foreign mechanics, who every year come to this so-called land of liberty. And speaking of liberty, I have before adverted to the fact that the chief opponents to our contract, fearing there might be too much work done, and too many boys instructed, by an iron rule forbid the thousands of jour¬ neymen moulders under their control, who work by the piece, from commencing labor before seven o’clock in the morning, and by the same rule restrict the employment of boys in any shop to twelve per cent of the number of journeymen. I have no objections to trades unions. Mechanics have an equal right with the rest of the world to form and maintain protective and benevolent associations. I would cheerfully do my share in promoting their inter¬ est. But when they trespass upon the rights of others, and attempt to control by force the business of employers their action becomes illegal and unjust. Col. Wright, in his report of 1882 (page 361), quotes Prison Labor. 55 the words of a Fall River operative on this subject, as follows : “ I have long since given up all connection with the Spinners’ Union, having become disgusted with the way things are being conducted in Fall River, where the ignorant and shiftless can hold full sway, to the utter annihilation of the intelligent.” In former days when mechanics were allowed the usual rights of freemen, moulders found it for their com¬ fort and profit, particularly during the warm season, to get up their work during the cool of the morning, and those who had the ambition were thus able to increase their daily wages. Article 8, section i, of by-laws of the Moulders’ Union reads as follows : “ Any journeyman moulder commencing work in any foundry under the jurisdiction of this association previ¬ ous to seven o'clock, a. m., shall be fined two dollars for the first offense , and not less than five dollars for each offense thereafter." It was also the universal custom for every moulder to employ a helper, frequently a son or relative. It was not unusual for two, three and even four boys to be thus employed by one moulder, who found his profit in it, and at the same time trained his own sons or other relatives to regular and systematic work, and fitted them to become respectable and self-supporting members of society. The moulders are now deprived of this liberty and the boys are to a great extent on the street. Rule 38 of the Moulders’ Union of North America recites : 56 Prison Labor. “ A member cannot take his own son on the floor with him for the purpose of learning the trade." These rules can be for no other purpose than to re¬ strict the amount of work produced by a given number of moulders, and also the number of skilled mechanics. How futile this appears in view of the number of foreign moulders who are annually reaching our shores. They are taking the place of our own boys. This rule in regard to the training of boys, which is also applied in most other trades, is the cause of far greater injury to business and to the people generally, than ail convict labor ten times repeated. This unjust, unpatriotic and arbitrary rule exerts a mighty influence in filling our streets with idle boys, and our prisons with young men, more than half of whom are under twenty-six years of age. I will now refer to some of the injuries which con¬ tractors experience in the use of convict labor, and of these there are many. I will premise by saying that the chief benefit derived, is from the absence of strikes and the certainty of having regular work performed. The Massachusetts Commissioners say (page 12) : “ The disadvantages urged by advocates of the contract system are, short hours for work, interruptions by prison officials for reformatory or other purposes, ignorance, indifference and malice on the part of prisoners, the cost of foremen or instructors, the impossibility of curtailing the working-force during dull seasons, the custom which compels them to take the men as they run, and gives no Prison Labor. 57 opportunity for selecting the best workmen, the expense of tobacco which their contract compels them to furnish, the dependence of the contractor on the good-will of the warden, who can remove his best help at any time, and fill their places with the last recruits from the criminal courts ; the necessity of carrying a large stock and large interest account, waste of material and poor work. Summing up all these disadvantages, a contractor claims that it is not possible for him to produce goods more advantageously than he can with free labor, and that the same energy which secures success in prison would be as well, if not better, rewarded outside.” The Connecticut Commissioners corroborate these views (page 29) : “Convicts are constantly changing; those who have become proficient, by care on the part of the instructor and effort on their own, are going out and unskilled men coming in. Many convicts are in prison for short terms, and almost as soon as they become proficient in work, are discharged. The contractor is taking for workmen the worn-out and unskilled, the vicious, and those with little ability and no inclination, and the question is, ‘ What is the labor worth ? ’ The value of any kind of labor de¬ pends upon the quality and quantity, and the rule is that any marketable commodity will bring what it is worth.” Again (page 32) : “The State of Connecticut has received an income from the prison* every year, but six, since its erection. During that time, out of fifteen contractors whose names appear in this report, twelve have either failed or retired 5 ^ Prison Labor. from the business because it did not pay. In Maine the contractor failed while paying the State only 46 1-2 cents per day, and space would not suffice to tell of the con¬ tractors who have failed in New York and other States. Mr. P. Hayden, who has been a contractor since 1832, says, ‘ more contractors have failed during my time, than in the same time outside,’ and this statement is fully cor¬ roborated by many other witnesses.” The New Jersey Commissioners say (page 18) : “ The commission ordered by the province of Ontario to inquire into the subject of convict labor, after hearing experts and managers of prisons in large numbers, came to the conclusion that convict labor was not worth on the average more than one-third the value of free labor. * * * Taking the commercial value of it as determined by the contracts now in force in twenty-one States, it is found to range between thirty-five and fifty-five cents per day.” * “ I will now present some figures which will indicate the effect, if any, of our contract at Sing Sing prison upon the 7 noulders of this State ; and I will premise by saying that there is no trade in the whole category which requires less time to acquire , and less ability to practice. In 1877 the moulders of Perry & Co. in Albany earned a daily average of... $2.10 In 1878. 2.14 In 1879. 2.19 In 1880. 2.36 In 1881. 2.85 At the present time (1882). 2.98 *Note. — Twenty-five to sixty-five in 1883. Prison Labor. 59 The individual wages earned have ranged from two to six dollars per day, and in some cases even more according to the amount of skill and industry exercised. Our number includes 88 journeymen and 12 apprentices. These averages include the old and the young, the skilled and the unskilled, the industrious and the idle, and the 12 apprentices ; and they have been earned after seven o’clock in the morning. Our shops, and I believe the shops in the State gener¬ ally, are open for their work about 300 days yearly, and the men are paid in full, in cash, every Saturday night. It may be proper to mention here, that the moulders in Troy, at the present time, are on a strike to compel the manufacturers to allow a committee of the union from outside to enter their shops at their pleasure, for the purpose of canvassing their goods and their prices. At a meeting of the Troy Moulders’ Union, held on the 15th inst., it was agreed, “that business was never so brisk, nor labor so scarce, and that the capitulation of the employers was only a question of time,” a con¬ dition of things occurring when the moulders were receiving the highest wages of any mechanics in the country. And as an evidence of the scarcity of moulders, we are to-day, and have been all this year, in want of twenty, whom we have been unable to procure. I challenge any moulder in the State of New York to come before this honorable Committee and prove that his wages have been reduced, or his work shortened by reason of labor in the prison. And I also challenge any manufacturer to prove, that 6o Prison Labor. the general prices of stoves in the market during the past five years have been affected by our contract. Contract¬ ors, like other men, desire to get good prices for their products, and they are not likely to undersell, unless compelled to do so by reason of imperfect goods. The quality of the work produced in our Sing Sing shops is equal to that made by any citizens in the land; a proof that the convicts are well trained in mechanical work. In regard to the wide margin of profits on prison-made goods as popularly claimed, I will state that there are stoves made by citizens in some parts of the country, with which we cannot profitably compete, and never attempt to. If prison labor is as profitable as claimed by some, why are there so many idle convicts on the market? There are now 250 unemployed in the New Jersey State Prison that can be had for’the asking. I neglected under the proper head to answer the charge frequently made, that under the contract system convicts are not taught complete trades ; the case of a man who was employed in boring holes through the handle of a shoe brush being a standing example. It is observed that people employed both outside and inside of prison walls generally find their level, and fall into the places for which they are best fitted. It is further observed that those who evince marked ability in any walk of life are largely in the minority, and that such people are being constantly sought for. The same gen¬ eral principles apply in prisons. For a low grade of work, a low grade of man is selected ; as vacancies occur the best available convict is selected to fill the place. If Prison Labor. 61 the typical “ shoe-brush man ” has shown himself worthy of advancement, he gets it, as there are always plenty just adapted to fill his place. It is well known that nearly all manufacturing is now carried on under a division of labor. No business of any magnitude could live under any other system. This is strikingly illustrated in the manufacture of boots and shoes, and, I believe, also in hats, and precisely the same system is carried on in prisons as in citizen shops. In the manufacture of stoves every branch stands by itself, and is taught complete. No citizen moulder ever thinks of turning his hand to mounting stoves, nor to making tin pans. Every convict, who is employed under our contract in a mechanical industry, has the opportu¬ nity, if he remains a sufficient time, to acquire a trade that will enable him to lead an honest life, and to com¬ fortably provide for himself and family. The Connecticut Commissioners say (page 21): “ If the State should not receive a cent from the con¬ vict during his incarceration, but had taught him to love labor as a means of earning an honest livelihood, had taught him to abandon vicious habits and adopt virtuous ones, had in fact given society an honest man for a rogue, it would have made a substantial profit.” It is frequently claimed that the mechanical training of convicts works an injustice to citizen mechanics. Are not convicts men like ourselves, with bodies to be fed and clothed, and souls to be saved ? When they have paid the penalty of their crimes and come forth to free¬ dom, they stand in respect to equal rights, upon a level 62 Prison Labor. with the rest of mankind. Shall a little clique of union moulders or union mechanics of any kind, or any class of manufacturers, deny the right to these unfortunate men to practice trades, or to gain a livelihood in any other honest and lawful manner, and thus remand them back to crime, and to its penalties? No set of men in this free country has any indefeasible right to the monopoly of a trade, and it is presumption for them to attempt to maintain it. Charges against contractors. I feel that we, as a firm, are entitled to an opportunity to answer before this honorable Committee to the charges that have been made public against the con¬ tractors for convict labor in this State, and particularly against ourselves. These charges, so far as they relate to our firm, or to any member thereof, are unwarranted and utterly desti¬ tute of truth, and I hope to be able to make this plain. I desire to have the Committee distinctly understand that my statements will generally be made from personal knowledge, and that I shall hold myself responsible for their accuracy. It is charged “ that the present system of convict labor has been prostituted from its legitimate object, into a money making concern for the enriching of a few favored contractors, regardless of the dictates of humanity and common decency in the treatment of State prisoners.” The complainant inquires : “ Is there any justice in tor¬ turing them, outcasts and pariahs though they be, for the benefit of a few ' individuals ? ” Prison Labor. 63 It is further charged that “ Sing Sing is a moral leper house, and the prison officials know it ; yet no effort is made to arrest the evil, because to do so might reduce the gains of the contractors.” That “the contractors, when accused of controlling the prisons, claim that they pay the State for the labor of the convicts, and have a right to use them as they see fit.” That “ many prisoners are compelled to work in the shops on Sunday in the interest of the contractors.” That “ the chaplain tried to introduce a system of night classes in the chapel, but the contractors had it broken up. It interfered with their interests, and con¬ victs who were being worked to death in the day time, needed all the rest they could get at night.” That “charges have been made from time to time in a general way, of cruelties practiced toward the convicts when sick, maimed or disabled, and who were unable to perform the task required by the contractors.” That “day after day in order to satisfy the lust for gain of a few greedy contractors, who run the prison as they see fit, the convicts are abandoned to the tender mercies of their ‘ task masters.’ ” That “ when they find themselves unable to perform their ‘ task,’ they are either ‘ done to death ’ slowly, or they seek relief in suicide, or by maiming or crippling themselves, as so many have done.” That “ the shops of Perry & Co. are filled with dust and smut from the iron and the emery wheels, and an un¬ pleasant odor permeates the atmosphere.” 64 Prison Labor. That “ in the stove polishing shops the work is of the most laborious kind.” That “ in this shop forty men are employed and that it is the terror of the prison, few men being physically able to perform the work.” That “ the convicts compelled to labor in the foundry rapidly decline in health, and either die in prison or go out total wrecks, physically and mentally. That the work is also laborious, dangerous, disgusting and filthy, the men frequently burning their legs and feet with the molten iron, and meeting with other accidents of a pain¬ ful nature.” That “ the stove mounters also have a laborious task ; most of the mounting requiring heavy lifting.” That “ the men are kept two in a cell, all for the benefit of Perry & Co.” These charges may be briefly stated as follows : First. That the prisons are run to enrich a few favorite contractors, and convicts are overworked. Second. That the character of the work is objection¬ able. Third. That the convicts are compelled to work when unable. Fourth. That they are tortured in the interest of the contractors. Fifth. That they are made to work on Sunday. Sixth. That night schools are forbidden by the con¬ tractors. Seventh. That the operations of the prison are con¬ trolled by the contractors. Prison Labor. 65 Eighth. That the men are kept two in a cell, for the benefit of Perry & Co. At the time we took the contract in 1877 the condition of the prison at Sing Sing was unsatisfactory. Most of the contractors had failed, voluntarily surrendered their contracts, or declined to renew them. But few of the prisoners had been employed in any systematic labor, and a lax discipline reigned. The entering into this contract was a most hazardous proceeding on our part, and one we could not have been led into, had we foreseen the sea of trouble that was to follow. The labor, and anxiety attendant upon converting several hundred raw and untrained convicts into tractable and profitable mechanics, was of a character that no words can fitly describe. For two years the results were, most unsatis¬ factory, and it was only by the greatest persistence and determination that the venture was made a success. Having thus hinted at some of our early troubles, I will proceed to consider the charge, That the prisoners are being overworked. At the commencement of our work in the prison we inaugurated a system of daily reports, both there and in our foundry at Albany; these reports embodied the minutest details of the operations, which from that time have been daily recorded in books in my private office, and under my own eye, and will at any time be freely opened to the inspection of this honorable Com¬ mittee. From these reports we are able to contrast the average amount of work daily produced during any year 9 66 Prison Labor. of the existence of the contract by our citizen, and by our convict moulders and other mechanics. In 1881 in our Grand street foundry, Albany, ioo citizen moulders, 12 of whom were apprentices, pro¬ duced a daily average of 226 pounds of merchantable castings. In 1881, 377 convict moulders in our Sing Sing foundry produced a daily average of 106 pounds of merchantable castings, thus making 113 per cent in favor of the citizens. In addition to this daily deficiency of work in the prison, we were compelled to employ there, as instructors, a daily average of fourteen citizen moulders. In the same year 66 citizen mounters of stoves in our Grand street shops, Albany, completed a daily average of 310 pounds. One hundred and ninety-six convict mounters in our Sing Sing shops produced a daily average of 175 pounds, thus making 77 per cent in favor of the citizens. I say pro¬ duced, not completed, for in the work of mounting stoves, but few convicts are competent to complete them. We therefore employed for that purpose, and as instructors, a daily average of 29 citizen mounters. It is further to be considered, that the work done in Albany was nearly all upon first-class stoves, while that done in Sing Sing was generally upon those requiring less skill and labor. Take another view as applied to common labor, of which a large amount is used in foundries. In the production of 3,022 tons of stoves in Albany, a daily average of 89 men employed in the various depart- Prison Labor. 67 ments of common labor represented an average of 225 pounds of castings. In the production of 5,717 tons of stoves in Sing Sing, a daily average of 263 convicts employed in the various departments of common labor represented an average of but 144. pounds of castings, being 56 per cent in favor of the citizens. In addition to this, we were compelled to employ with these 263 convicts, a daily average of 25 citizens to superintend the various departments of work. In further proof that our convict moulders are not over¬ worked, I have caused a count to be made showing the average of the different hours at which they commence and complete their tasks, viz.: 247 moulders commenced work at 7:15 a. m. 33 “ “ “ 7:20 “ 49 “ “ “ 7:25 “ 47 “ “ “ 7:30 “ 376 29 moulders completed their tasks at II A. M. 5 Ii:l5 A. M. 34 Ii :30 97 12 M. 83 “ “ “ “ I P. M. 76 “ “ “ “ 1:30 P. M. 37b These men rest until their turns come for “pouring off,” which occupies an hour to an hour and a half. Six 68 Prison Labor. to seven hours of work is all that these men average, and eight hours is all the whole number of convicts employed under our contract average. Enough has been said to show that these men are not required to perform one-half the labor that citizens volun¬ tarily assume, and that statements made in regard to the amount of work performed, and the effect of the same upon the men, are utterly without foundation. To carry on this contract a very expensive plant has been provided, and we are compelled to use it, or suffer heavy loss. We have paid the State more than half a million dollars. We have sent out thousands of skilled me¬ chanics, who had no trade when they entered the prison. From the very small number (less than three per cent) that have been returned, it is fair to assume that many have been reformed by virtue of regular and systematic labor, without which there can be no permanent reformation. In further proof, if any is required, that the convicts in Sing Sing prison during the past five years have been properly treated and not overworked, I will refer the committee to the average number that have been under treatment in the hospital, and to the number of deaths that have taken place : Average No. of Average No. in Number of Number of Heaths convicts. hospital. deaths. per 1.000 of pop¬ ulation . 1877 . 1,448 15 15 IO 1878 . 1,629 13 7 4 1879 . E 660 15 19 II 1880 . I, 580 17 II 7 1881 . 1,547 10 17 II Average. 1, 573 14 M- 9 Prison Labor. 69 The respective diseases, twenty-four in number, which proved fatal in these sixty-nine cases were as follows : Consumption, thirty; heart disease, five; scrofula, three ; gunshot wound, two ; pneumonia, two ; inflamma¬ tion of the bowels, two ; inflammation of the liver, two ; congestion of the lungs, two ; congestion of the brain, two ; bleeding at the lungs, two ; suicide, two ; unknown, two ; rupture, one ; apoplexy, one ; rheumatism, one ; poison, one; accident, one; fever, one ; malaria, one; paralysis, one; marasmus, one; bright’s disease, one ; secret vice, one ; dropsy, one ; bilious cholic, one ; total, sixty-nine.* The average physical condition of convicts when enter¬ ing the prison is found considerably below that of the average citizen. This result is mainly due to intemper¬ ance and other vices, and to a general irregularity of life. In making a comparison this element must be considered. In regard to the death rate among citizens, I find on page 229 in Walford’s Cyclopedia, a report of the number per thousand of population, in four cities to have been as follows : In Philadelphia. 26 In Brooklyn . . . .. 28 In Boston. 30 In New York. 32 In contrast to this table I ask the committee to ponder the death rate per thousand of population in Sing Sing prison during the past five years : *Note.— Census report of 1880 gives the rate of mortality as follows : United States.... . 18.2 per thousand. England . 20.5 “ “ Scotland. 21.3 “ “ 70 Prison Labor. Nine in 1,000 of convicts; twenty-nine in 1,000 of citi¬ zens in four cities ; also the low average of fourteen con¬ victs under treatment in the hospital, in an average pop¬ ulation of 1,572. Does . this showing give any indication of poor food , harsh treatment and overwork ? I believe that so small a percentage of sickness and of mortality cannot be found in any community in this country outside of a prison. These statements cannot be refuted, and they should forever set at rest the baseless and wicked charges that have been so industriously cir¬ culated by those who desire to bring our prison system into disrepute. I will go further and contrast with Sing Sing the mortality in other well regulated prisons. Albany Penitentiary, 1878, 20 in 1,000 of population. Missouri “ 1879- 00 00 0 Illinois “ 1880, 13 Virginia “ 1880, 20 New Jersey State Prison, 1881, 29 “ “ Connecticut “ 1881, 21 “ “ California “ 1881, 19 “ “ Massachusetts “ 1881, 16 “ “ Ontario, Canada, “ 1881, 20 “ “ I have taken these figures from the official reports and they comprise all that I have at hand. It will be observed that all but one of these are below the rate of mortality in the four cities named. The average rate of mortality in these nine prisons is Prison Labor . 7 1 20 in 1,000 population as against 9 in 1,000 in Sing Sing prison. In regard to the character of our work , The thousands of citizen moulders employed in this country will be surprised to learn that their occupation is either “dangerous, disgusting or filthy;” and the mount¬ ers will be equally surprised to learn that much of their work is heavy lifting. As to the work at polishing, it is now mainly carried on outside the walls, and the respectable citizens of Sing Sing who voluntarily perform it, do not appear to view it as a “terror.” These charges are not worthy of a moment’s notice. The third count is— compelling convicts to work when they are unable. If a prisoner claims to be sick he informs the guard, and is sent to the doctor. This official decides whether the sickness is real or feigned, and acts accordingly. Neither the contractor nor any of his employes are al¬ lowed to interfere. If the man is returned to the shop he resumes his work. This is the ordinary course. Investigation would show that Mr. Dickey has in hun¬ dreds of cases reduced the task or remitted it altogether in cases where he believed men were suffering, though every such case was a loss to the firm, for when the doctor returns a man to his work, the day is charged. I challenge every physician who has practiced in Sing Sing Prison during the existence of our contract, to name one case in which we have tried to influence him, or 7 2 Prison Labor. sought to have the convict continued at work when un¬ able. The terrible charges that are brought against us under this head, and also under the fourth count of— Having men tortured in our interests , are too mon¬ strous for belief. Gentlemen, do you credit it, that any member of our firm or responsible representative ever advised or consented to such atrocities as are charged? You cannot believe it. Nor can you be¬ lieve that any such have been perpetrated in the prison by its officers. That desperate men have been punished severely is doubtless true, and they will continue to be in that, and every other prison, or anarchy will reign. What would you do with a prisoner who would strike another, or an officer, a deadly blow upon the head with a hammer ? Such things frequently happen in prisons. Much has been said about showering prisoners from a hose ; the impression is given that it is a common occurrence. I doubt if this thing has been done at Sing Sing three times in five years. In one case that I have heard about, an infuriated prisoner in his cell, armed with a knife, threatened death to any one that should approach him. Which was the part of wisdom, to bring him to terms with cold water, or to allow an innocent citizen to be fearfully injured or perhaps murdered ? There is a great deal of cheap and sickly sentimentality on this subject indulged in by people who have had no experience in the management of convicts, and who perhaps were never inside of a prison. It must be re- Prison Labor. 73 membered that there are but a score or two of citizens in the Sing Sing prison to manage some 1,600 men, more or less desperate. Let those who think they can be controlled with soft words try the experiment. Soft words are used there when the convicts are orderly and obedient, but when they rebel other means must be resorted to. The charge under the fifth head that — Convicts arc compelled to work in the shops on Sunday in the interest of the contractors , is equally baseless as the others. The impression is thus given that manufacturing is carried on in the shops on Sun¬ day. The informer well knew this was untrue. In our Sing Sing works as in those in Albany, if an engine or any other machinery requires repairs that cannot be made when the works are in operation, in rare cases it has been done on Sunday. We think it better to do this than to cause several hundred men to loose a day’s wages. So far as relates to the convicts, I have reason to believe that most of them would choose to work on Sunday, rather than be locked in their cells; at any rate they say so. It is charged that — The chaplain tried to introduce a system of night classes in the chapel , but the contractors broke it up. I challenge the informer to give the name of this chaplain, and of those contractors, or else acknowledge that there is not a shadow of truth in this statement, io 74 Prison Labor. We have never heard of any such proposition. It will be foupd that this charge against the contractors of preventing the establishing of night schools is as unwarranted as most of the others. It is also charged — “ That the contractors control the operations of the prison .” The absurdity of this must be apparent to those who are familiar with the temper and character of Mr. Super¬ intendent Pilsbury,* and of the several wardens who have held rule under him, viz.: Messrs. Clark, Davis and Brush. These officers have ever been jealous of their authority, and I do not know the contractor who would dare to trespass upon it. The rules of the prison at Sing Sing are rigid. Neither the going out nor the coming in of the convicts is ever influenced by the contractors in the slightest degree. The general arrangement of the tasks is submitted to the warden, or his deputy, and cannot be increased with¬ out their approval. They place the convicts, on entering the prison, on such contract as they may think best, and withdraw them from the same upon the advice of the phy¬ sician, or upon their own judgment. I believe that no contractor would for a moment presume to trench upon the prerogative of these officers. I come now to the last point, viz.: That men are “doubled upl' or kept two in a cell , all for the benefit of Perry & Co. Note —Nor of Mr.Superintendent Baker. Prison Labor. 75 It is true that a portion of the cells are occupied by two convicts, and I am told that this has always been the case. It is not done for the benefit of the contractors, but, to a great extent, out of regard to the feelings of the pris¬ oners and their friends. A portion of the men beg for a companion, and care is taken to associate those who naturally desire it. Who of us, under such painful circumstances, would not desire a companion with whom to while away the Sundays and long evenings, to say nothing of the dreary nights ? But a stronger reason than this appeals to our humanity. Nearly all the convicts confined in Sing Sing prison are from the city of New York and vicinity. At stated inter¬ vals they are visited by their parents, their wives, children and other relatives, and there is no more painful sight to be witnessed than the lines of tearful and despairing faces in the reception room on those occasions. Most of these unhappy people are poor, and could ill afford a journey to Auburn or to Clinton. To put it out of their power to make even such painful visits to their unfortunate relatives, and to send them deli¬ cacies from time to time, would indeed be an evidence of “ Man’s inhumanity toman.” No one with a kinder heart has ever ruled Sing Sing prison than the present warden, Mr. A. A. Brush, and, to be the means of trans¬ ferring some hundreds of these men beyond the reach of their friends, would be to him a most painful trial. If keeping two in a cell be objectionable, additional cells should be provided at Sing Sing—but never should 7 6 Prison Labor. convicts from that vicinity be sent beyond the reach of their friends. If abuses exist in Sing Sing prison, the facts can easily be proved. If men are being worked and tortured, as stated, the evidence can be procured from living wit¬ nesses. Their physical condition will prove or disprove the truth of their statements. Most of the cases of cruelty cited by the informer are dead , and from them there is no danger of contradiction. If such cruelties have been practiced, it is reasonable to suppose that some of the victims are yet alive. The 900 men now on our contract are in the same physical condi¬ tion as when the statements were made, and any one of them can be examined and questioned to the fullest ex¬ tent, at any time as to their truth or falsity. The informer calls on the dead as witnesses. We offer the living to prove that the charges are malicious and untrue. I trust that the honorable committee having in charge the investigation of alleged grievances in Sing Sing prison will make it thorough to the last degree. I believe that each and every one of these complaints is without any basis in truth. If found so, the report should be of a character to forever silence the slanders of those whose aim is not to build up, but to destroy. In conclusion, allow me to thank this honorable com¬ mittee for their patient attention, and to say that I have aimed, so far as time has permitted, to make a truthful Prison Labor . 77 presentment of some of the points that bear upon the question of convict labor in general, and convict contract labor, and Perry & Co.’s relation to it, in particular. I trust that I have succeeded in proving that, all things considered, the contract system is best adapted to the present circumstances ; that the manufacture of stoves in Sing Sing prison works no hardship upon either manu¬ facturers or their employes ; and that no charge can be justly made against Perry & Co., for cruelty or injustice toward any convict who has been, or now is, employed under their contract. We court the most rigid investigation from friends or foes. Albany, March 28, 1882. Respectfully submitted, JOHN S. PERRY.