/ . \ \ International Conciliation Published monthly by the American Association for International Conciliation Entered as second class matter at New York, N. Y. Postoffice, February 23, 1909, under act of July 16,1891 THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO BY JAMES DOUGLAS MAY. 1910, No. 30 American Association for International Conciliation Sub-station 84 (501 West 116th Street) New York City The Executive Committee of the Association for International Conciliation wish to arouse the interest of the American people in the progress of the movement for promoting international peace and relations of comity and good fellowship between nations. To this end they print and circulate documents giving information as to the progress of these movements, in order that individual citizens, the newspaper press, and organizations of various kinds may have readily available accurate information on these subjects. For the information of those who are not familiar with the work of the Association for International Conciliation, a list of its publications will be found on page 23. THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO Its mines were the bait which first tempted foreign capital to enter Mexico, but neither foreigners them¬ selves nor their capital were welcome while Mexico was under Spanish rule. English commercial agents were allowed to reside in Vera Cruz. Their ostensible duty was to manage the African Slave trade, which was exclusively in English hands. But as Spain made no iron or steel or woolen goods, these merchants carried on a profitable business in these commodities. Pablo Macedo 'in La Evolution Mercantil (Page 35), estimates that in the last period of Spanish rule from 1796 to 1820 there were imported into Vera Cruz: Spanish and colonial goods im¬ ported from other Spanish colonies $35,000,000 or 13.50% Spanish goods imported direct.. .$i 12,400,000 or 43.40% Foreign goods .$111,800,000 or 43.10% Total . . . .$259,200,000 or 100.00% But Spain carefully guarded her mines from all foreign intrusion. They belonged to the Crown, but the King (by Section 2 of Chapter V of the Royal 3 Ordinance of the Mines), “without separating them from the royal patrimony,” grants them “to subjects in property and possessions,” under certain conditions. The possessor could dispose of his mine by will or legacy or sale, but only to Spanish subjects. (Charles Thomson’s The Ordinances of the Mines, Page 55.) The Spanish republics of the West Hemisphere have all without exception adopted the policy of dis¬ tinguishing between the ownership of the surface lands, which the State disposes of absolutely, and the ownership of the minerals, of which the State retains possession. All likewise continue, as did old Spain, to levy a percentage on the precious metals extracted. But all Spanish America has abandoned old Spain’s selfish desire to reserve the enjoyment of her mines to Spanish subjects. The first step towards revising in the direction of greater liberality, the old Spanish code was the passage by the Mexican Congress of the mining law of 1823. The new statute enacted that “The repeal shall extend only so as to enable foreign¬ ers to contract with mine owners for supplying them with capital in all the modes which are usual in such contracts, upon the terms that shall be most con¬ venient to both parties, so that they may even acquire in property shares in the concern to which they supply capital.” The famous mines of Mexico had yielded up to the beginning of the last century $1,500,000,000. But they had almost without exception been closed when the revolution broke out in 1810. In the interval be- 4 tween i8io and the passage of the first enabling act of 1823 they had become flooded, the primitive machin¬ ery with which they had been operated had decayed, and the mine owners had been impoverished by their struggle with Spain and by perpetual internal strife. The Permission to enlist foreign capital was re¬ sponded to in 1824 by three English associations, “The United Mexican Association'’ with a capital of £240,000, to build a custom smelter as well as to pur¬ chase mines (See Taylor’s Selections, Page XI), the “Anglo-Mexican Associates,” with a capital of £1,000,000, to work mines in the Guanajuato District, including the celebrated Valenciana, and the Purris- sima in the Real de Catorce, and the company of the “Adventurers in the Mines of Real del Monte.” Thus commenced, as soon as even partial political stability was secured, the influx of capital into Mex¬ ico. Since then the mining laws have been made so liberal that they hardly discriminate between foreign¬ ers and natives. But they are based on the funda¬ mental Spanish principle already referred to, that the State maintains perpetual ownership of the minerals. Under Mexican law the Federal Government leases the mineral ground but the tenant’s occupancy is se¬ cure as long as he pays the rent and observes the other conditions imposed. The common law, which we derive from England, vests in the owner of the surface the ownership of all beneath the surface. But it is a debatable question whether our system or the Spanish conserves best the mineral resources, and 5 makes the fairer return to the people at large for the enormous values they give away for an insigni¬ ficant price, when they sell outright their mineral lands. The Mexican government, following Spanish prece¬ dent, derives additional revenue by taxing the output. That being the law and custom in Mexico, the State has every motive for encouraging the development of the country’s mines and enlisting the assistance of foreign capital. The invitation has been accepted, and foreign corporations have discovered that, besides yielding what alone the conquerors valued—silver and gold—Mexico is rich in copper and lead, and will some day, when other sources of iron ore are becoming ex¬ hausted, supply us with what we now sell her—iron and steel. The number of foreign mining companies in Mexico is i,ii6. Of these, about 57 per cent, are con¬ trolled by citizens of the United States. It is not possible to segregate the production of foreign mining companies from the total, which has steadily grown till Mexico leads the world in the production of sil¬ ver, with 61,147,203 ounces in 1907—ranks fifth in the production of gold, which until recently was a neg¬ lected branch of mining, and has rapidly risen to second place in the production of copper, that for 1907 having been 61,127 tons. She is only exceeded in the production of lead by the United States, Spain, Germany and Australia. The French Company at Boleo, from its mines in Lower California, took the lead in copper mining, but American companies now 6 make about 75 per cent, of Mexico’s total. And lead smelting is almost entirely in American hands. John Taylor, in introducing Mexican mining to the British public, said in 1824; “The Mexican people will eventually be much benefited by the application and use of our steam engines, and probably by some other improvements we may carry with them. They invite our assistance in a friendly manner, and there is no doubt that the enlightened part of the nation will re¬ gard us favorably. We ought to do our part to de¬ serve their confidence and support. A connection may thus be established which may be beneficial to the present and future generations of both countries.” (John Taylor’s Selections from the works of Baron de Humboldt, 1824, page 419.) Mr. Taylor’s anticipations have been fulfilled so far as they refer to reciprocal material benefits, and his hopes have not been contradicted that besides financial gain international amity has in the long run accrued through the commercial intercourse of foreign in¬ vestors and the people of Mexico. It was chiefly English capital that in those early days embarked in Mexican mines or furnished ma¬ chinery to native mining companies. There was not then money in the United States available for foreign investment. In the next decade the Texas question was settled adversely to Mexico, and in the fourth decade of the century the Mexican War broke out, resulting in the loss of California by Mexico. The neighboring republics were not drawn together by 7 these successive conflicts, but it was another war which obliterated the rancour and distrust on the part of the Mexicans against the United States. When Mexico was invaded by the French, and Maximilian endeav¬ ored to found a Mexican Empire, though the United States were involved in their own terrible internal struggle, sympathy went forth abundantly to Mexico, and it was perfectly understood that this fraternal feeling would find expression in acts conformably to the Monroe Doctrine, if necessity required. From the date of the Maximilian invasion, Mexico has recog¬ nized the United States as an ally and not as an enemy, and therefore the current of American money commenced to flow southward across the international boundary. Since then the financial rivulet has be¬ come a flood of such volume as not unnaturally to ex¬ cite some uneasiness in the Alexican mind. American money is now building most of the Mexican railroads and working not only old gold and silver mines, but proving that the rocks of the Republic are rich in the inferior metals, which in the past were neglected, partly because they could not have been profitably recovered on a large scale without the aid of railroad transportation. From Dr. Pehafiel’s Statistical Tables of the Move¬ ment of Alining Companies, we gather that the aver¬ age annual investment in mines during the sixteen years between 1892-1907 has been, reduced to gold, $7,000,000, of which Mexico contributed about 51 per cent, and the United States 34 per cent. But dur- 8 ing that period substantially all the large metallurgical establishments have been built by American capital, and are managed by Americans. United States Con¬ sul General Barlow estimated in 1902 that there was then $80,000,000 of American capital invested in mines. That figure is under the mark to-day. The impression made by the heavy American investment must be measured not only by dollars and cents, but by the scale on which the American mining and smelt¬ ing operations are conducted. This involves the con¬ centration of population at certain centers under dis¬ tinctly American influences, which at times creates dis¬ quietude in the public mind. But the investments made by the United States in klexican mines are insignificant as compared with the money which this country has contributed to the build¬ ing of Mexican railroads. Looking backward to the progress of railroad building in the Republic, we find that the first railroad, that from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, owed its existence to English enter¬ prise ; and though in the interval between that date and to-day most of the railroad work has been done by Americans, the latest completed road, that across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, with its well equipped termini on the Atlantic and Pacific, has been built for and leased from the Mexican Government by an Eng¬ lish firm. As soon, however, as the Santa Fe Rail¬ road reached El Paso, the Alexican Central was com¬ menced as a road, allied to the Santa Fe, and built from El PasQ to the City of Mexico between 1882 9 and 1884. And the Santa Fe Railroad itself subse¬ quently reached the Gulf of California at Guaymas by the Sonora Railroad. This branch of the Santa Fe, however, terminated at Benson, on the Southern Pacific, in Arizona, and has since been secured by the Southern Pacific in exchange for a California con¬ nection. It thus has become the nucleus of the ex¬ tensive system which the Southern Pacific is building along the West Coast of Mexico, with the object not only of traversing the deltas of the Yaqui, Mayo and Fuerte Rivers, and reaching their boundless agricul¬ tural possibilities, and of developing the mineral wealth of Sonora and Sinaloa, but of linking the Capi¬ tal and the Plateau States with the Western States. It will thus afiford to the Republic the same political and industrial unity which the trans-continental roads have given to the United States. In the eighties, while the Mexican Central was building, Gen. Palmer pro¬ posed to connect the Denver & Rio Grande with a sys¬ tem of 36-inch roads from Laredo southward into Mexico, then called the Mexican National. It was designed to perform the same service for mines in the mountain districts of northeastern Mexico as his roads were giving to Colorado miners. His complete pro¬ gramme was never carried out, and the Mexican Na¬ tional has since been converted into a broad gauge and become government property. Another railroad crossingthe frontier into Mexico was built in that same early period by Mr. Huntington to connect his South¬ ern Pacific at Eagle Pass with the coal mines of 10 Coahuila. This has been extended to Torreon, the City of Durango, and the City of Mesris, and now forms one of the members of the combination of rail¬ roads controlled and operated by the Government as the National Railways of Mexico. At present, besides the Southern Pacific system, Stillwell's Orient Road is designed to connect Kansas City, through Chihuahua, with Topolobampo, on the Pacific, and meanwhile a company is, with America, Canadian and English capi¬ tal, carrying out Mr. Greene’s railroad and lumbering schemes in the Sierra Madre on a most extensive scale. Of the 24,142 kilometers of steam railroad already constructed in Mexico, not including private roads, only 2,800 kilometers have been built by European capital, 1,530 kilometers by the Mexican Government or native corporations, and the balance, say 19,000 kilo¬ meters, have been built by American capital. But though the Government built less than 2,000 kilo¬ meters, they now control no less than 11,828 kilo¬ meters, or nearly one-half of the total mileage, and operate all the roads they control, with slight excep¬ tions. Like the Government of Belgium and some other European states, the Mexican Government grants to the concessionaire simply a lease of their own road for one hundred years. The road bed and all im¬ movable property then passes into the possession of the Government, the rolling stock alone to be paid for on a valuation. Now, the policy of the Government seems to be to obtain control of all the principal rail- II road thoroughfares in advance of the expiry of the concessions, and as the terms they have offered to the security holders of such roads as have already been acquired are fair and even liberal, not only has the transfer been made, without exciting friction or dis¬ content, but the transaction has accentuated the con¬ fidence of foreign capitalists in the good faith of the Government and the security of their investments. Under the terms of the merger, arrangement has been made by which the bonds will be redeemed be¬ fore the expiration of the concession, through a sink¬ ing fund. But the value of the stock expires with the concession, when in any case the stock would be almost worthless. According to the IMexican Journal of Commerce, the foreign capital invested in Mexican railroads up to the end of 1903 was $767,151,848, Mexican currency. Although at present this must be divided nearly by half, owing to the depreciation in silver, much of the money was expended when silver was $1.29. Of that large total, 80 per cent, is assumed to have been con¬ tributed by the United States. Since that date the Southern Pacific of Mexico has embarked on its vast scheme of railroad construction, which it is estimated will cost $70,000,000 in gold. The South American Journal, published in London, states that the investments of British capital have reached £139,247,661, or, say, $690,000,000, of which, however, about one-half is in Government Bonds. Mexican railroads owned by British companies have 12 issued £17,308,000 of securities, and on railroads owned and controlled by the Mexican Government over £37,000,000 have been expended. Of British and Canadian capital, there is said to have been invested in street railroads, power plants, ranches, and other industrial enterprises, £14,510,741, and it is proposed to invest not less than £10,000,000 in Chihuahua lum¬ ber and railroad schemes. The advantages of the freest interchange of capital between countries in return for national products, and for providing means for industrial development, are generally admitted, and most communities, if they have neither the money nor the skill to utilize their re¬ sources, rejoice if foreigners enter and aid them, pro¬ vided the foreigners, in so doing, obey the law. But there are national susceptibilities as well as statutory laws, which must be observed if foreign money and foreign skill and influence are to be welcomed in a foreign country. If we compare the conditions of industrial life in the United States and in Mexico, we will recognize striking differences which may require special treatment. The investment of foreign capital in national com¬ panies under the management of natives and employ¬ ing native labor can be regarded only as beneficial to the country receiving it. Nor need it give rise to jealousy. Enormous amounts of money are sought for and transmitted from England, Erance and Ger¬ many, to be employed in building railroads and in conducting industrial enterprises in the United States. 13 But with few exceptions the management is exclu¬ sively in American hands, and the law forbids the im¬ portation of contract labor. In Mexico the conditions are the reverse. Until recently the railroads were owned by foreign corporations—their boards were composed of foreigners and the best paid posts both in the administrative and the operating departments were filled by foreigners. Under such circumstances —if from no other consideration—it was a wise meas¬ ure of Senor Limantour to acquire the North and South trunk roads and to control most of the other principal highways of traffic. In a prospectus of the “National Railways of Mexico,” Mr. Bennett, the Vice-Presi¬ dent, says that “the Company now owns by direct ownership the properties formerly known as the Mexi¬ can Central Railway Company, Ltd., National Rail¬ road Company of Mexico, and Hidalgo and North- Eastern Railroad Company, Limited; and controls through stock ownership the Mexican International Railroad Company, the Interoceanic Railway of Mexico (Acapulco to Vera Cruz), Ltd., the Texas- Mexican Railway and the Mexican Pacific Railway Company, and the total mileage is 6,987 miles.” The action of the Federal administration and the National Congress, in forestalling the acquisition of the railroads by the country in advance of the ter¬ mination of their franchises, is in response to a pro¬ nounced national movement which is not anti-foreign, but pro patria. The Government does not wish to arrest the flow of foreign capital into the country, 14 but desires to secure Mexican co-operation in the de¬ velopment not only of the means of transportation but of the nation’s natural resources. There is no reason why Alexican mining companies, for instance—not foreign companies, with a protocolized dummy Mexi¬ can corporation, but actual Mexican companies, with Mexicans as well as foreigners on the boards—should not in time be organized and operated. Mexican methods would naturally have to be brought into closer harmony with foreign methods than they are to-day before that consummation is reached, but it would be desirable, when mining properties are sold by Mexicans to foreigners, that the value of the mines should be taken in stock by the owners. Thus native knowledge of the laws and habits of the country in which the property exists would supplement in the general management the business methods and techni¬ cal skill provided by the stock owned by the foreign capital. Meanwhile, however, both on the railroads and in the mines and smelting works, preference should al¬ ways be given to native labor. There is a dearth of technical skill in ^Mexico, but Mexican youths can be rapidly trained into good technical workers. As little foreign labor as possible, either manual, techni¬ cal or clerical, should be employed. Foreign labor al¬ ways commands a higher wage than is paid for simi¬ lar work done by Mexicans, and till the Mexican is trained to the level of imported workmen, the Mexi¬ can deserves less. But it is an invidious distinction, 15 however real; and it inevitably creates heartburning and discontent. On railroads, native employees can fill a much wider sphere than they generally do. As train hands they are apt, and obedient to orders, and as locomotive engineers and firemen ttiey show dis¬ tinct mechanical instincts. They are fearless and brave. On a narrow gauge line between tbe Pilares Mine and the works at Placerita, in Sonora, a Mexican engineer, Jesus Garcia, with a Mexican crew, in the employ of the Moc- tezuma Copper Co., was hauling open cars loaded with dynamite. When on a grade near the town of Nacozari, boxes containing the dynamite were dis¬ covered to be on fire. Anxious to pull the train to a safe distance from the town, he turned on steam. Not a man left his post till Garcia, seeing that the brakesmen could not avert the catastrophe, ordered them to jump. He, however, remained on the loco¬ motive, and with his hand on the throttle was blown into atoms, meeting a fate he knew to be inevitable, but which he was willing to suffer in order to save others. He was only a Mexican peon, but he repre¬ sented the stolid bravery of the race, which, more¬ over, is not lacking in intelligence, and which, under just and firm guidance, can be educated to occupy any position which men of other nationalities of the same training can fill. As a miner the Mexican possesses manual dexterity of a high order, but it requires time to eradicate the old habits of mine working, which he and his forebears have acquired through i6 generations of practice. Around a furnace he is at home. Like all dwellers in a tropical or semi-tropical clime, he has never felt the necessity of steady work, and therefore has never habituated himself to it; but he rapidly learns to discard sandals and wear shoes, and to imitate the higher standards of living of his northern fellow-workers. He soon learns that to main¬ tain that position he must make money and work steadily. He therefore abandons his erratic habits. If the managers of foreign companies would tempor¬ arily submit to some inconvenience and annoyance, in¬ volved in employing more Mexicans and fewer foreign workmen, they would before long not only find it to be to their profit, but they would help to alleviate the smouldering feeling of jealousy and dread which can be used so widely and successfully by such agitators as wish to use the pro patria movement for political purposes. There is no denying that a dread of the overwhelm¬ ing strength of the United States has always pos¬ sessed the Mexican mind. Don Pablo Macedo, in his chapter on Railroads, tells us of the conferences which preceded the adoption of the railroad policy in Mexico. He says: “In deciding on the gauge the truth is that the question was discussed, whether or not they should accept the gauge adopted by their neighbours of the Northern Republic. It was a con¬ sideration of the gravest moment, and transcended all others. No one, and still less statesmen of the status of Senor Lerdo de Tejada, has ever been blind 17 to the danger that we run from the nearness of our colossal neighbors on the north. In comparison with the United States—more’s the pity—we must confess that we then figured, and we still do, as a mere pigmy. Besides this the sad memory of the iniquitous war of 1847, which cost us the half of our territory, is more than enough cause to excite uneasiness and even dread. Such apprehension is certainly not unreasonable or groundless. As a consequence, the distinct object of our international policy has necessarily always been, in the first place, to grow by natural expansion, to for¬ tify our national organisms, and then to seek from the other side of the Atlantic a support which alone can be efficacious by creating, acclimatizing and strength¬ ening European interests and elements. Unfortun¬ ately, the unjustifiable French interventions, obliging us to sustain a war a routrance in order to preserve our very existence as a nation, interrupted our organic development, and not only weakened our position phy¬ sically, through the material sacrifices which we had to make, but morally, by creating divisions greater than had previously existed. The blood of Maxi¬ milian created an abyss between Europe and Mexico. His death, though it may have been the only means, sad as it was, of securing internal peace, estranged the sympathies of those nations which then exercised preponderating influence in Europe.” (La Evolucion Mercantil por Pablo Macedo, page 199.) The above extract probably expresses correctly the prevalent feeling among the educated classes in the 18 past and in the present. And it is they alone who can exert political power; for though the franchise is universal, under the Constitution of 1857 the elec¬ toral law of 1901, the vote is really cast by an electoral college, composed of one elector for each 500 inhabi¬ tants, and the members cannot be supposed to know the wishes of their constituents as distinctly as those who meet to vote for the President of this country. Universal suffrage, therefore, in Mexico does not voice the popular will as distinctly as it does in this country; but from one motive or another there is an almost universal and reasonable dread of offending this country, under the belief that the consequences might be disagreeable and fall with lightning speed. For every citizen of the United States who enters the Republic for the transaction of business or to engage in industrial pursuits, through some indiscretion of his own or through some arbitrary act of an over-zealous Alexican official, may give rise to international com¬ plications. These risks are greater by far in a sparsely settled country like Mexico than in a land where the provincial government is thoroughly organized and under strict control of the central power; and it is difficult to maintain perfect order and to mete out perfect justice where the officials cannot possibly be men trained for their posts. In this rapid influx of foreign capital, under foreign management, the Mexican sees therefore cause for anxiety which is in itself a source of danger; and it cannot be wondered at if tbeir sensitiveness is in- 19 creased by the memory of the original Texas diffi¬ culty, and the fact that till recently the border popu¬ lation from the Atlantic to the Pacific, possessed of irresistible energy, found vent for it sometimes in eccentric enterprises which were not suggested by the State Department. Most wars have originated in trade disputes or commercial jealousy; and so ready are our frontiersmen to avenge any injury or insult that they have not waited for declarations of war be¬ fore taking the law into their own hands. There have been instances even recently where armed bands have crossed the line to forcibly maintain what they conceived or at any rate claimed to be their rights. Besides which, there are people—presumably well in- tentioned—north of the line, who, comparing political conditions in their own country with those prevailing in Mexico, consider that interference in favor of their neighbours is a duty. They do not always weigh the difference in the habits and education of the voters, which this arbitrary boundary divides; and that truer liberty may coincide with limited rather than with un¬ limited franchise during a certain stage of a people’s social and political development. It must be admitted that life and property are safe in Mexico to an eminent degree, considering the diffi¬ culty of policing such a rugged country, inhabited by a scanty and scattered population. Foreigners have certainly had no reason to complain of ill-treatment, nor of such arbitrary methods being practised against them as it is deemed necessary to the public safety 20 whether, wisely or not, to inflict on natives who break or are suspected of breaking the law. The greatest reserve, therefore, in speech and action should, as a matter of courtesy, be maintained by those who enjoy the privilege and hospitality, so liberally extended to strangers and to their capital. Moreover, the resident from abroad in a foreign land, who imports, together with his capital and skill, his native prejudices and points of view, is often ill-fitted to be a just judge of the virtues and defects of the strange people and their stranger customs, into contact with which he is thus temporarily and seldom intimately thrown JAMES DOUGLAS. 21 COUNCIL OF DIRECTION OF THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION Lyman Abbott, New York. Charles Francis Adams, Boston. Edwin A. Alderman, Charlottesville, Va. Charles H. Ames, Boston, Mass. Richard Bartholdt, M. C., St. Louis, Mo. George Blumenthal, New York. Clifton R. Breckenridge, Fort Smith, Arkansas. William J. Bryan, Lincoln, Neb. T. E. Burton, Cleveland, Ohio. Nicholas Murray Butler, New York. Andrew Carnegie, New York. Edward Cary, New York. Joseph H. Choate, New York. Richard H. Dana, Boston, Mass. Arthur L. Dasher, Macon, Ga. Horace E. Deming, New York. Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass. John W. Foster, Washington, D. C. Robert A. Franks, Orange, N. J. John Arthur Greene, New York. James M. Greenwood, Kansas City, Mo. Franklin H. Head, Chicago, III. William J. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pa. Hamilton Holt, New York. James L. Houghteling, Chicago, III. David Starr Jordan, Stanford University, Cal. J. H. Kirkland, Nashville, Tenn. Adolph Lewlsohn, New York. Seth Low, New York. Clarence H. Mackay, New York. Theodore Marburg, Baltimore, Md. Brander Matthews, New York. Silas McBee, New York. George B. McClellan, New York. W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, Cal. Paul Morton, New York. Levi P. Morton, New York. Stephen H. Olin, New York. A. V. V. Raymond, Buffalo, N. Y. Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Md. James Ford Rhodes, Boston, Ma.ss. Howard J. Rogers, Albany, N. Y. Elihu Root, Washington, D. C. J. G. Schurman, Ithaca, N. Y. Isaac N. Sei.igman, New York. F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, III. William M. Sloane, New York. Albert K. Smiley, Lake Mohonk, N. Y. James Speyer, New York. Oscar S. Straus, Washington, D. C. Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, Berkeley, Cal. George W. Taylor, M. C. Demopolis, Ala, O. H. Tittman, Washington, D. C. W. H. Tolman, New York. Benjamin Trueblood, Boston, Ma.ss. Edward Tuck, Paris, France. William D. Wheelwright, Portland, Ore. CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE iig Rue de la Tour, Paris, France President Fondateur, Baron D’Estournelles de Constant Member Hague Court, Senator Honorary Presidents : Berthelot and Leon Bourgeois, Senators Secretaries General : A. Metin and Jules Rais Treasurer: Albert Kahn PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION 1. Program of the Association, by Baron d’Estournelles de Constant. April, 1907. 2. Results of the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, by Andrew Car¬ negie. April, 1907. 3. A League of Peace, by Andrew Carnegie. November, 1907. 4. The results of the Second Hague Conference, by Baron d’Estournelles de Constant and Hon. David Jayne Hill. December, 1907. 5. The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by James Brown Scott. Jan¬ uary, 1908. 6. Possibilities of Intellectual Co-operation Between North and South America, by L. S. Rowe. April, 1908. 7. America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd. June, 1908. 8. The Sanction of International Law, by Elihu Root. July, igo8. 9. The United States and France, by Barrett Wendell. August, 1908. 10. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaquim Nabuco. September, 1908. 11. The United States and Canada, by J. S. Willison. October, 1908. 12. The Policy of the United States and Japan in the Far East. November, 1908. 13. European Sobriety in the Presence of the Balkan Crisis, by Charles Austin Beard. December, 1908. 14. The Logic of International Co-operation, by F. W. Hirst. January, igog. 15. American Ignorance of Oriental Languages, by J. H. DeForest. Feb¬ ruary, 1909. 16. America and the New Diplomacy, by James Brown Scott. March, 1909. 17. The Delusion of Militarism, by Charles E. Jefferson. April, igog. 18. The Causes of War, by Elihu Root. May, 1909. 19. The United States and China, by Wei-ching Yen. June, 1909. 20. Opening Address at the Lake Mohonk Conference on International Arbi¬ tration, by Nicholas Murray Butler. July, 1909. 21. Journalism and International Affairs, by Edward Cary. August, 1909. 22. Influence of Commerce in the Promotion of International Peace, by John Ball Osborne. September, igog. 23. The United States and Spain, by Martin Hume. October, igoq. 24. The American Public School as a Factor in International Conciliation, by Myra Kelly. November, 1909. 25. Cecil Rhodes and His Scholars as Factors in International Conciliation, by F. J. Wylie. December, 1909. 26. The East and the West, by Seth Low. January, 1910. 27. The Moral Equivalent of War, by William James. February, 1910. 28. International Unity, by Philander C. Knox. March, 1910. The United States and Australia, by Percival R. Cole. March, 1910. 29. The United States and Germany, by Karl Von Lewinski. April, 1910. 30. The United States and Mexico, by James Douglas. May, igto. A small edition of a monthly bibliography of articles having to do with international matters is also published and distributed to libraries, magazines and newspapers. Up to the limit of the editions printed, any one of the above will be sent postpaid upon receipt of a request addressed to the Secretary of the American Association for International Conciliation, Post Office Sub-Station 84, New York, N. Y. Exf.cutive Committee Nicholas Murray Butler Richard Bartholdt Lyman Abbott James Speyer Stephen Henry Olin Seth Low Robert A. Franks Paul Morton George Blumenthal ,• ■■>;'-;: 7 v^ 4 »^-v.-^r 7 • rt-'.>».t ' ■ . 7 ^. ic. '- ”*""* ""i WLl. ' 4C^ A'v.jtj-r^ -CT^^ir 0»^'’' i rt t- ^ -JtlUt t-W- r \^/.- ~ - I