MASTER NEGATIVE NO. 93-81597- MICROFILMED 1993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the nfiaking of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified In the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions Is that the photocopy or other reproduction Is not to be "used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research.'* If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes In excess of "fair use," that user may be liable for copyright Infringement. This Institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order If, In Its judgement, fulfillment of the order would Involve violation of the copyright law. A UTHOR: FARMER, JAMES EUGENE TITLE: ESSAYS ON FRENCH HISTORY: THE RISE OF PLACE: NEW YORK DA TE: 1897 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIHS PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT RTBl.TOGRAPHTr MICROFO IIM TARGET Master Negative # Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 944 F22 Varmet. James Eugene, 1867-1915. ranner, j»iu o ...„__. The rise of the reformation in . New York tetc., G. P. Putnam's sons, n897. ip. L. 120p. 211-. "Authorities conaulted" : p. 2, 56. Restrictions on Use: 1. Reformation-Prance. 2^Jacobliis. Library of Congress n I)O0.r28 co28fl) &-«S808 TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA FILM SIZE: 3^^ ^^ REDUCTION RATIO:_. IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA Wi JB UB DATE FILMED:___Ji.wrzl3 INITIALS__^1__;^ /KU FILMED / 1 r Association for information and Image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1100 Silver Spring. Maryland 20910 / 301/587-8202 Centimeter 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 mm iiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiliiiiliiMliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiil^^ 111 Inches J|ml[mjij 1 I I II I I 2 3 1.0 TTT I.I 1.25 m — 1^ ■ 7J HO 3.2 ■ 4.0 Eibu. 1.4 2.5 2.2 2.0 1.8 1.6 n I I 1 I I I I I I T 5 MfiNUFflCTURED TO flllM STRNDRRDS BY RPPLIED IMRGE, INC. ^^. >^ Columbia (HnitJf m'tp LIBRARY * « • • • • ' It • ''. • » • » 1 ESSAYS ON FRENCH HIS THE RISE OF THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE THE CLUB OF THE JACOBINS BY JAMES EUGENE FARMER, M.A. Master in History and English, St. Paul's Schodl Concord, N. H. V G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK 27 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET LONDON 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND 9;^e f ntchnbocher ^ttan 1897 4 Copyright, 1897 BY JAMES EUGENE FARMER THE RISE OF THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE AND ITS RELATION TO MARTIN LUTHER. Zbe Itniclietboclicc tteu, Dew Uocit 2 ^ BQm AUTHORITIES CONSULTED. Merle d'Aubigne, History of the ReformaHon. New York, 1853. Henry M. Baird, Rise of the Huguenots in France. New York 1879. Theod. de B^ze, Histoire EccUsiasHque des £glises RSformies au Royaume de France. Anvers, 1580. Biographic Gin^ale, articles : "Lefevred'lfitaples," *'Farel,"etc. Alexander Budinszky, Die Universitdt Paris, Creighton, History of the Papacy. Cyclopadia of Biblical and Theological Literature, article : *' Jaco- bus Faber Stapulensis." ^Gieseler, Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. New York, 1876. Charles Henri Graf, Essai sur la Vie et les Ecrits de Jacques Le^ fhnre d' Staples. (Th^se presentee i la Faculte de Theologie Protes- tante de Strasbourg, le Mardi 7 Juin 1842.) Strasbourg, 1842. lA. Herminjard, Correspondance des Rtfformateurs, tome i. Jervis, Galilean Church of France. Niedner's Zeitschrift fur die Hist. Theologie, 1852 (K. H. Graf *• Jacobus Faber Stapulensis "). ~ Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France. ^ Ranke, History of the Reformation. Sismondi, Histoire de France. Bruxelles, 1844. Von Polenz, Geschichte des franzosischen Calvinismus, in saner Bluthe bis zum Auf stands von Amboise. 1560. 0LU1V16IA UNIVERSITY U6RARV THE RISE OF THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE AND ITS RELATION TO MARTIN LUTHER. AT the beginning of the sixteenth cen- tury, the University of Paris was the in- stitution of learning /^r excellence in Europe. Its origin, lost in the mists of past ages, was attributed by popular legend, though on very doubtful authority, to the Emperor Charle- magne. With its many buildings, covering the greater part of the present Quartier Latin, its learned and zealous, though poorly paid, pro- fessors, its twenty odd thousand students, divided (according to their nationality) into the *' nations" of France, England, Picardy, and Normandy, and its famous theological school, the Sorbonne (founded in 1250 by Robert of that name), the University of Paris had become the Mecca toward which men eager for learn- ing were wont to wend their way. • « l« « 'c .» • • • • • « • • • « 4 \: \: :\ ^s^^J^^ dn French History. • ••• ♦»»♦ • I « • , « ~ In 1493, the faculty of this Paris University numbered among its members a certain Picard professor, Jacques Leffevre d'Etaples, or, as he is better known, Jacobus Faber Stapulensis. He was, at this period, about thirty-eight years of age, having been born in 1455 at the village of Etaples in Picardy. "It is impossible to determine," says Henri Graf,^ ** what were his first studies, or in what year he first arrived in Paris. He appears to have possessed ecclesiastical dignities and bene- fices but he renounced them later, and, giv- ing to his family the property which he had at Etaples, devoted himself entirely to the study of letters and of philosophy." He had travelled much in Europe and in Asia — for the considerable fortune^ which he possessed enabled him to do so, — and though he had received a "barbarous education," as Theodore Beza ^ calls it, yet genius supplied in him the want of better instruction and, confin- ing his attention to no single branch of learn- ing, he had acquired proficiency in mathematics, in biblical literature, and in astronomy. Among ' Charles Henri Graf, Essai sur la Vie de Jacques Lefhfre, p. 5. */^V., p. 5. » Theod. de Beze, Histoire EccUsiastique des Eglises Riformies. Rise of the Reformation in France, 5 his numerous scientific works, he has left us an astronomical treatise and an introduction and commentary on the arithmetic of Boethius.^ *' He lived ordinarily at Paris, and acquired a great reputation by his lessons Mn mathematics and especially by those in astronomy. The most distinguished men of the period were his pupils, and the friends of letters honored him, * Ouvrages publiees par Lef^vre avant 15 17 (after Henri Graf, pp. 14-20) : (i) Aristotelis philosophies naturalis Paraphrases et InlroducHo in sex primos libros metaphysicos ^ etc. (1501, 1504, 1521). (2) Aristotelis Opus metaphysicum Bessarione Card, interprete XIV, libris distinctum^ cum commentariis Argyropyli Byzant, in XII. primos ( 1 5 1 5). (3) Meteorologia Aristotelis cum J. Fabri St. paraphrasi et com^ mentar (15 12). (4) Artijicialis Introductio per modum Epitomatis in decern libros Ethicorum Aristotelis cum Comment. (1502, 1506, 15 12). (5) Decem libri Ethic, Arist. ex trad, Argyropylium Fabri com- ment. (15 14, 1522). (6) Epitome compendiosaqiu Introductio in libros arithmeticos D, Severini Boetii cum Clictovei commentario Astronomicon^ alia opusca (1503, 1510, 1522, 1549). (7) Arithmetica Jordani Nemorarii^ M'usica IV. libris demon- strata^ Epitome in Arith, Boetii^ Rhythmimachice ludus qui etpugna numerorum appellatur (15 14). (8) Proverbia Raymundi Lulli ejd, philosophia amoris, Jod. Bad, Ascens. (1516). (9) Richardi quondam devoti CaenobitcB S, Victoris de Trinitate Opus theologicum cum comment. (15 10). (The foregoing list does not include all the works published by Le- f^vre prior to 1517.) «Read "lectures." 6 Essays on French History. regarding him as the restorer of the true philo- sophy of Aristotle. Louis XII. esteemed him, and the great nobles also, who, in imitation of the Italian princes, had begun to favor letters and protect scholars."^ Enjoying thus in France and abroad a repu- tation for profound learning second to no man of his time (Erasmus himself places him first),'^ Lef&vre had collected about him a num- ber of the more studious members of the Uni- versity of Paris who were his devoted followers. There was nothing pleasing in his small, meagre person, but those with whom he came in con- tact soon lost sight of the unattractiveness of the outward man in contemplating the bril- liancy of his wonderfully active mind. In the year 1489, near the town of Gap in Dauphine, was born in the family of Farel a son whom they named Guillaume. His parents, well-to- do and very pious people, were devout servants of the papacy and the young Guillaume and his brothers and sisters were brought up in " all the observances of Romish devotion." ^ Young Farel possessed a penetrating mind and a lively * Graf, £ssai, etc., pp. 9-1 1. * Merle d'Aubigne, History of the Reformation^ p. 334. ' Guillaume Farel, Du Vray Usage de la Croix (after D'Aubigne). Rise of the Reformation in France, 7 imagination and early evinced a desire for knowledge — to know something beyond his rosary and his sword, then considered sufficient education for the young provincial noblesse of his class. He asked permission to devote him- self to study. This plan did not agree at all with the course his father desired to mark out for him. He would have had his son follow in the footsteps of his fellow-countryman, the Dauphinese Du Terrail, who had just then, at the battle of the Tar, given a signal display of that courage which was in after years to win him the proud title of Bayardy le chevalier sans peur et sans reproche. Young Farel, however, persevered in his entreaties. His father's ob- jections finally gave way and, in 1 5 10, Guillaume set out for the University of Paris. There he applied himself diligently to study and was constantly to be seen in the churches praying to some saint, chanting the mass, or devoutly repeating his hours. Among those who, like himself, were engaged in these pious duties, Farel soon noticed an aged man who, more than all others, struck him by the '* great reverence with which he sang the mass." He became anxious to meet this reverent pil- grim and, upon learning that he was no other 8 Essays on French History, than the celebrated professor of the Paris Uni- versity, Jacques Lefevre, his desire to know him increased the more. Great was his joy therefore when he was cordially received by Lefevre and allowed to join the number of those favored ones who were wont to gather knowledge from his teachings. It seemed very unlikely at that time that these two men, Jacques Lef&vre and Guillaume Farel, were to be ere long the beginners of the Reformation in France. Lefevre was scrupulous in the performance of his religious duties, especially devout in his attendance at mass, assiduous in his devotion to the Virgin Mary, and, in his zeal for the Church, had undertaken to compile the lives of the saints whose names appear in the Roman calendar. Farel, brought up in the strictest teachings of Romish belief, was so im- pregnated with its doctrines that, as he him- self tells us, " Pope and papal Church were not so papal as he." " In truth the papacy was not and is not so papal as my heart has been," he says, '' for so effectually had it blinded my eyes and per- verted my being, that if any person had been approved by the Pope he appeared to me like a God, and if any one said or did Rise of the Reformation in France, 9 anything against the Pope, or his authority, I would have wished such an one to be ruined and destroyed." ^ It was some time before either he or Lefevre arrived at any clear understanding of the truth. A closer study of the Scriptures had, however, somewhat shaken Lefevre*s devotion to the teachings of the Romish Church and, laying aside the collection of the legends of the saints and martyrs, upon which he had been engaged, he turned eagerly to the study of the Bible and, in 1508, completed a Latin commentary upon the Psalms.*^ Farel too had begun to study the Old and the New Testaments and his belief was much shaken at seeing the scriptural doctrines so different from those' in which he had been taught to have faith. " Alas," said he, fearing to read more,^ " I do not well under- stand these things. I must give a very dif- ferent meaning to the Scriptures from that which they seem to have. I must keep to the interpretation of the Church and indeed of the ' Farel, J^pistre h tons Seigneurs etPeuples, p. 164 (after Baird, p. 70). ^ ** Le premier travail que Lefevre entreprit sur la Bible fut une edition comparative des diflferentes versions latines des Psaumes avec un commentaire, qu' il acheva k Saint-Germain-des-Pres, en 1508." Graf, JSssai, etc., p. 22. ^ Oculos demittens visis non credebam, — Farellus Natali Galeoto. lO Essays on French History. Pope," and he turned again with greater fer- vor to his Romish devotion. But light was now coming to Lefevre, and by means of Lefevre it was ere long to come to Farel. In 1 5 12, Lefevre published his famous Com- mentary upon the Epistles of St, Paul^ con- " " Opinions de Lefevre sur les Dogmes et les Pratiques de I'Eglise dans son Commentaire sur les £pitres de St. PauU'—Qxzi.Essai^ etc., pp. 61-80. " It is interesting to examine," he says, " what his opinions were upon some of the principal points which were shortly to cause such profound schism between the Catholic and Protestant churches, before the time when Luther put his hand to that reformatory movement of which men had for so long felt the need. We find these opinions in his Commentary upon the Epistles of St. Paul, where, without ever passing the bounds of mildness and moderation, he does not fear to openly express the sentiments which the study of the Apostolic writ- ings suggests to him. He is far from having a doctrine developed after a rigorous manner upon the reports of free will and of grace, of faith and of works, but in following the precepts of Paul he does not at all lose sight of those of John and of the Evangelists. ' As Adam, by the sin which he committed, brought death upon himself and thus gave death entrance into the world, thus all those who have sinned —in eo in quo peccaverunt.—xh.'ax is to say by their own sin or by the cause of their own sin, have brought death upon themselves. And thus the Apostle does not appear to wish to say that all have sinned, since he adds that death has reigned from the time of Adam to Moses upon those who have not sinned. Thus they who have not sinned at all are dead also, not on account of sin but from likeness to the dis- obedience of Adam. Christ is the source of all justification, Adam the covering of all disobedience. The likeness of Christ is life, the likeness of Adam, death. The works of faith are the signs of faith, of a living faith which gives justification. There are here two parts; one confines itself to works, the other to faith regardless of works. John refutes one, Paul the other. And you, if you have honesty of Rise of the Reformation in France. 1 1 cerning which he wrote to Bri^onnet,^ Bishop of Meaux, on the 15th of December of that year, as follows ; ^ '' When we read these commentaries we should the less regard the men who have composed them, in order that we may the more find in them signs of spirit- ual life and true nourishment for the soul. On the contrary, it is then that we should recognize the divine virtue that descends from on high and Him from whom it truly proceeds, and, having recognized it, we should struggle with heart, will have confidence neither in faith nor works, but in God. Seek first to obtain the salvation of God by faith after Paul and then add works to faith after John, since they are the signs of a living faith.' •> ^"Guillaume Bri9onnet etait issu dune famille dont plusieurs membres s'etaient illustres dans des dignites ecclesiastiques et secu- liers ; il etait fils de Guillaume Bri9onnet, cardinal, eveque de Saint- Malo, qui, devenu ensuite archeveque de Rheims, sacra Louis XII. en 1498, et mourut comme archeveque de Narbonne en 15 14. II fut eleve de Lefevre ainsi que son cousin Fran5ois Bri9onnet, maitre de la chambre aux deniers du roi. Comme eveque de Lodeve il s'enfermait souvent des journees enti^res dans son cabinet avec Clitou, pour goiiter a loisir les plaisirs de Tetude. En 1507 son pere en passant de I'archeveche de Rheims i celui de Narbonne, lui ceda I'abbaye de Saint-Germain-des-Pres. Bri^onnet offrit alors a Lefevre un asile sur et tranquille dans son abbaye, et lui fournit tout ce dont il pouvait avoir besoin pour s'occuper uniquement de ses etudes et de ses travaux literaires. C'est 14 que Lefevre ecrivit son ouvrage le plus impor- tant, son Commentaire sur les J^pUres de Saint-Paul, ainsi que son Psautier quintuple." — Graf, Essai, etc., pp. 11, 12. • Herminjard, Correspondance des Riformateurs^ i., pp. 2-9. '41 12 Essays on French History, ifii ourselves that we may follow it with all purity of heart and with all the piety of which we are capable, since that is the only means of ap- proaching Him who does all in all. The world will be cursed for its work ; it will never yield anything but thorns and thistles ; consequently what we may do as the result of our new birth is not at all our work but that of a divine bene- diction. Those who shall comprehend that these Epistles are a gift from God will make real progress. Since Paul is but an instrument — ' You seek in me/ he says himself, ' the proof that Christ speaks in me.' It is here in fact that Christ's doctrine appears and not that of any other. It follows therefore that those who shall study it will drink with joy, as the divine oracle says, of the water at the fountain- head of salvation. Those therefore who shall undertake this study with devout sentiments will make progress in piety, not through Paul, or any other man, but through Christ and His divine Spirit." "^ Simon, in his Observations o?i the New Tes- tament, remarks that ''Jacques Lef^vre de- serves to be ranked among the most skilful commentators of the age," ^ and Merle d'Au- * D'Aubigne, iii., p. 339 (note). -^A Rise of the Reformation in France, \ 3 bigne is disposed to give him even greater praise. But, however worthy of commenda- tion he may have been as a commentator, it is certain that in his writings upon the Pauline epistles he clearly announces, five years prior to the publication of Luther's theses, the doc- trine of justification by faith, — the cardinal doctrine of the Reformation. Lefevre's writings, however, were addressed to scholars and to men of letters and created no such loud-sounding stir as did Luther's bold action at Wittenberg, and Lefevre himself was a man of a quiet and retiring frame of mind, who, at this time and for several years after- ward, was zealous in the performance of the duties demanded of him by the Romish Church. The idea of engaging in any open contest with that Church would have filled him with no little alarm. His work was to prepare the ground and sow the seed ; it was in his ardent and courageous pupil, Guillaume Farel, that France was to find her Luther. But the aged Lefevre, though he but faintly perceived how the light just then breaking was to in- crease, illuminating the darkness of superstition and ignorance, yet felt that a change was at hand, and Farel was much impressed by the H Essays on French History, earnestness with which he one day took him by the hand, saying, **Guillaume, the world is going to be renewed, and you will see it ! " ^ What was the condition of this *' world" whose regeneration was thus so solemnly predicted ? In Rome, Giovanni de' Medici, under his title of Leo X., had succeeded the Borgia and Julius II. upon the papal throne, and while Michael Angelo reared the great dome of Saint Peter's and adorned the Sistine Chapel with its glories, and Raphael traced his fres- cos on the walls of the Vatican, Leo, the profligate patron of the arts, proceeded to carry out his maxim, uttered in 15 13 when he received the news of his election, " Since God has given us the papacy, let us enjoy it ! " In Germany, Maximilian, King of the Romans, was still hoping to get himself crowned, and so change his title of Imperator-Electus into Imperator; in Spain, Ferdinand the Catholic had united in his person the crowns of Aragon and Castile ; in England, Henrj^ VIII. had succeeded his father upon the throne of the Tudors ; and in France. Louis XII., dying on the ist of January, 15 15, had left his crown— » Herminjard, i., p. 481 ; Farel to PeUican (1556). Rise of the Reformation in France, 15 a splendid New Year's gift — to his son-in-law, Francis of Valois, the young and dashing Count of Angoul6me. Superstition, idolatry, ignorance, and misery darkened all these lands. In France, the belief in astrology was almost universal, and Nostradamus and like pretend- ers gained wealth and honor. Sorcery, by means of waxen images, and the pernicious credit enjoyed by charms and incantations were not confined to the poor and ignorant, but found favor with the bourgeois and haute noblesse. Throughout the length and breadth of the land, in more than three thousand bishoprics, thirty thousand abbeys, and forty thousand convents were heaped up the pictures, images, and relics of the saints. In one church, the hair of the blessed Virgin received humble adoration ; in another, the sword of the arch- angel Michael was reverently regarded. The cathedral of St. Denis gloried in the posses- sion of the entire body of St. Dionysius, and it would have gone hard with any unbeliever who should have ventured to call attention to the fact that, more than a hundred years pre- viously, the Pope had solemnly declared that t X. KJpf i6 Essays on French History, the good town of Ratisbon possessed the only true entire body of this holy saint. Dionysius at Ratisbon received no greater homage than Dionysius at St. Denis. The arm of St. Anthony (which unfortu- nately turned out later to be the bone of a deer) was highly regarded at Geneva, and at Aries the people rejoiced in the possession of the very stones that killed St. Stephen. Lyons, however, surpassed all competitors and presented to her faithful flocks no less a rarity than the twelve combs of the Apostles, which became the objects of special veneration. Nails and pieces of the true cross abounded everywhere, and numberless miracles stimu- lated the popular faith. Even superstitions of heathen origin remained undisturbed, for homage was paid to Isis, and an '' Apollo re- ceived worship at Polignac."^ The Church possessed immense riches, and the Venetian Ambassador, Michel Surriano, has estimated that out of the total revenue of France, then amounting to fifteen million golden crowns, six millions went to the Church. Non-residence was a standing reproach to all the clergy, and of the thirteen French cardi- * Farel, Du Vray Usage, etc. Rise of the Reformation in France, 1 7 nals in the papal consistory some were the incumbents of as many as ten bishoprics and abbeys. The archbishops, bishops, and cardinals lived at Court ; the abbots and priors, in the larger cities, and busy in the pursuit of pleasure and self-aggrandizement they cared nothing for the welfare of the peoples committed to their charge. The typical clergyman of that day was a high liver ; in the sumptuousness of his table and the brilliancy of his hunting equipage he frequently surpassed the grand seigneur, and with his horses, his hounds, his wine, and his mistresses, his one object was to make life pass merrily. All matters of faith were discussed in Latin, as this language alone was deemed worthy of such honor. French, which the common people could understand, was gen- erally condemned, and to the reformers be- longs the honor of having elevated it to the highest literary uses. Such was the state of religion in the France of 15 15 — the France of Jacques Lefevre and of Guillaume Farel. '* It is sufficient to say," says M. Hermin- jard, in his Correspondence of the Reformers, i8 Essays on French History, " that, with the exception of the first symptoms, we can hardly place at least the decisive begin- nings of the French Reformation prior to the year 1520. Until about that period Lefevre was still only the fore-runner. The sentiments and convictions manifested in his Commentary of 15 1 2, disclosed without doubt a spirit much attracted to the Gospel, but the influence of that writing was very restricted, and the Sorbonne, far from condemning the doctrines that would infallibly cause the book to produce some fer- mentation in public opinion, contented them- selves by denouncing that portion of the Com- mentary in which the author maintains that the Latin translation of the New Testament was the work of St. Jerome. The Commefiiary of 1 5 1 2 was but the very imperfect prelude to the Manifestation of the Gospels ^ Although Lefevre had, in his Commentary, clearly stated a cardinal point of the Protest- ant doctrine, yet he was by no means reJady to break away entirely from his Romish beliefs and light came to him only by degrees. In 15 14, he was still steadfast in his devotion to images and pictures; in 15 16, Luther, in a letter to Spalatin, ^ stated that although he con- ' Herminjard, i. , p. 239 (note). * Ibid,, i., p. 26 (Luther to Spalatin, Oct. 19, 15 16). Rise of the Reformation in France, 19 sidered Lefevre a very sincere and pious man, yet he thought him deficient in apprehending spiritual truth ; and as late as 15 19, Glareanus, writing on the 13th of January to Zwingli at Zurich, informed him that Lefevre had begun a legend of the saints. Farel on the other hand, owing to the light given him by Lefevre, had begun to study the Bible earnestly again, had undertaken as well the study of Greek and Hebrew, and was now making rapid progress. He had been much impressed in 15 1 2 when the young Allmain, doctor in the Paris University, had, in a brilliant speech and amid much ap- plause, refuted the assertions of the Cardinal Thomas de Vio, who had written a book to prove that the Pope was the absolute monarch of the Church. '' It was necessary," says Farel, *' that popery should have fallen little by little from my heart, for it did not tumble down at the first shock.'' ^ It was by means of Farel's arguments that, in 1 5 19, Lefevre was finally induced to abandon saint-worship and the prayers for the dead.^ The Picard professor, however, soon found him- self in difificulty with the Sorbonne. In the * Farel, A tons Seigneurs, etc. * Herminjard, i., p. 41. 20 Essays on French History. year 1 5 1 8, he had published a treatise entitled The Three Marys, in which he sought to prove that Mary the sister of Lazarus, Mary Mag- dalene, and " the woman which was a sinner," were not one and the same person, as people then commonly believed them to be. But the Sorbonne were little disposed to tolerate this innovation. On the 31st of October, 151 7> Luther had nailed his ninety-five theses to the church door at Wittenberg and the effect of that bold act had been to shake into vigorous activity all the theologians of Christendom, and on the 15th of April, 1521, the Sorbonne had solemnly declared Luther's writings to be seductive, contrary to Scripture, a denial of the first principles of faith, and had condemned them to be burned. They had compared his last work, De Captivitate Babylonicaj to the Alcoran, and announced that it was prepos- terous to suppose that God had, after so many centuries, destined Martin Luther to discover the only means of salvation, and that, in oppos- ing a heresy so arrogant and impious, discus- sion was useless ; it could be refuted only by the ultima ratio, — chains, torture, and the stake. The Sorbonne, therefore, were not in a frame of mind to countenance any departure from es- Rise of the Reformation in France. 2 1 tablished doctrine, however slight, and, more- over, it was an unpardonable offence in their eyes that Jacques Lefevre, " a simple Master of Arts, should presume to investigate matters that they considered fell to the province of Doctors of Theology alone." ^ Consequently on the 9th of November, 152 1, they declared that whoever should maintain the truth of Lef^vre's proposition was a heretic, and it might have gone hard with Lefevre himself had not Guil- laume Petit, the King's confessor, induced royalty to interfere in his behalf. In the year 1521, the diocese of Meaux, a little over twenty miles from Paris, had as its bishop a certain Guillaume Bri9onnet, son of the old Cardinal of St. Malo who had been Archbishop of Rheims and, in virtue of that dignity, had anointed King Louis XIL at his coronation. The Cardinal was now dead, but his son had inherited a good measure of the royal favor his father had enjoyed and, having been created Archdeacon of Rheims and Abbot of St. Germain-des-Pr^s, he had been appointed, ' Herminjard, i., p. 51 ( H. C. Agrippa, 1519). As it clearly appears that Lefevre was not a doctor of the Sorbonne, Professor Soldan is mistaken in saying: *' Seit i^gj Ubte er als Doctor der Theologie zu Paris." "The error is of long standing." — Baird, i., p. 72 (note). V 22 Essays on French History, in March, 15 16, Bishop of Meaux by King Francis I. Shortly after, he had been sent as special French envoy to the Court of Rome, and a close aquaintance with the papal Church had revealed to him many things in which he thought there was urgent need of reform. Upon returning to his diocese he determined to begin there his work of reformation. Who, among his friends, could better assist him in his task, than the learned Jacques Lef^vre d'Etaples, whose zeal he well knew, and with whose writings he was well acquainted ? He therefore sent an invitation to Lefevre to come to Meaux and aid him in his work, and Lefevre, who was weary of the denunciations of the Sorbonne and of the outcry against Luther and his doctrines with which Paris was filled,^ was glad to accept his offer. In the summer of 152 1 he went, therefore, to Meaux, and was soon joined there by Farel, Michel d'Arande, Gerard Roussel, and some of his other pupils. From the time when the reformers made their appearance in Meaux new activity was awakened in the religious life of the diocese. ^ Herminjard, i., p. 71 (Glareanus to Zwingli, July 4, 1521). Rise of the Reformation in France, 23 The pulpits were now no longer filled, as for- merly, with mendicant monks, begging con- tributions and relating stories from the Golden Legefidy but with zealous preachers who ex- plained the Gospel. The new-born zeal of Bishop Bri9onnet, too, had received much encouragement from the fact that since Le- fdvre's arrival he had been visited, in October, 1 52 1, by Louisa of Savoy and her daughter, the Princess Margaret of Angouldme, the mother and sister of King Francis, who had confirmed him in his projected reforms and promised him their support. In confirmation of this promise, Margaret had written him in November as follows : " Be assured that the King and Madame have fully decided to let it be understood that the truth of God is not at all heresy," ^ and, in December, she had written again : '' Your pious wishes for the reforma- tion of the Church are more than ever desired by Madame and the King."* And now let us leave the reformers to begin their work at Meaux under the powerful pat- ronage of Bishop Brigonnet, who was delight- ing in his sunshine of royal approval, while we ^ Herminjard, i., pp. 78, 84 (Margaret to Bri9onnet, Nov., Dec, 1521). 24 Essays on French History. glance for a moment at the writer of these letters, and at " Madame and the King " Margaret of Valois, born at Angoul^me on the nth of April, 1492, had passed her child- hood m the city of her birth. Her mother, Louisa of Savoy, a woman of vigorous tempera- ment, was possessed with great desire for power, and smce, in her opinion, Louis XII., in his pliability toward his Parliament, had resigned too many of the rights of the Crown, she had during the latter years of his reign, been in open opposition to the Court. Margaret if her portraits speak truly, was not handsome • her features were large, and her nose almost as conspicuous as the one which gained her brother Francis his famous sobriquet of le roi au long; nez, but the good qualities of her heart gave to her countenance a sweetness of expression that might sometimes take the place of beauty. She had early applied herself to study, had become proficient in German and in Latin, and knew something of Greek and Hebrew. She was somewhat of a poet, too, and her intercourse with the greatest living literary lights of her day had made her a writer of no mean preten- sions, as she was one day to give proof in her Heptameron, that compendium of vice and vir- Rise of the Reformation in France. 25 tue, of religious exhortation and of tap-room stories, in the combination of which the author's purpose still remains a riddle.' She had been married, in 1509, to the Due d'Alen9on, who was ere long to prove himself a coward on the battle-field of Pavia and die disgraced at Lyons, and then she was to wed King Henri d'Albret and, in her little kingdom near the Pyrenees, offer Lef^vre a refuge in his old age, rear her daughter, Jeanne d'Albret, to womanhood, and have one day a grandson who would prove himself a gallant soldier, find " Paris worth a mass," set up a Bourbon dynasty, and become the white-plumed knight of Ivry, King Henry of Navarre. Her brother Francis, Count of Angoul6me, had been born at Cognac on the 12th of Sep- tember, 1494, and was, therefore, in his twenty- first year when he succeeded Louis XII. on the French throne. His tall figure, broad shoulders, long brown hair, ruddy complexion, and princely bearing, all betokened health, en- joyment of life, and consciousness of his royal position. He delighted in the chase, and none, save perhaps his friend La Marck, ** the ' See remarks of Mr. Baird on the Heptameron in his Rise of the Huguenots, pp. 119-121 (note). 26 Essays on French History. Boar of the Ardennes," followed it more fear- lessly. He excelled, too, in knightly feats of arms and could break a lance with the most skilful of his Court. To his valor he added a taste for letters, patronized artists and scholars declared Leonardo da Vinci to be the most learned man he knew, had Serlio and Rosso rear and adorn his palaces, and, in his castles of Chambord, Fontainebleau, and Amboise, collected about him a brilliant Court which displayed much of that splendor which was to become so marked a feature of the French nobility, one hundred and fifty years later, in the reign of the Grand Monarque, It was a great blow to Francis's pride when he lost the election to the Holy Roman Empire in 1 5 19, and, although he told Charles V/s ambassadors that Charles and he were ** like two friends in love with the same lady, and that whichever one she accepted, the other must submit and not feel hurt,"^ he was far from acquiescing thus in his defeat. From that time a struggle for supremacy began be- tween them— a struggle in which the cool, calculating Charles, and not the bold, im^ petuous Francis, reaped the solid fruits of ' Sismondi, Histoire de France, tome xi., p. 218. Rise of the Reformation in France, 27 victory. As may be imagined, Francis had no very deep religious convictions. He was not particularly attached to the Romish Church or to the Pope, and he looked with contempt upon the ignorant monks. The new doctrines appeared, at first, somewhat attractive to him from the fact that they were generally pre- sented by men of learning, but circumstances soon tended to destroy this favorable im- pression. He was constantly reminded, by those whose interest it was to do so, that "a change of religion necessarily involved a change of prince" — a false political maxim made much of in that century. The papal Nuncio, too, — when Francis, in a fit of anger against the Pope, one day told him that he might follow Henry VHI.'s example and permit the spread of the new doctrines in France, — answered craftily : ** Sire, to speak with all frankness, you would be the first to repent your rash step. Your loss would be greater than the Pope's, for a new religion, established in the midst of a people, involves nothing short of a change of prince." This reasoning had much weight with Francis, who meant to have no change of prince while he lived, and whose theory of 28 Essays on French History. absolute government was summed up in the reply he made to Charles V. who, when in France, asked him what revenue he de- rived from certain towns and received the prompt answer, Ce que je veux /—(What I please).^ But though Francis had no great regard for the Romish Church he was anxious to take advantage of the influence that the Pope exerted on European politics, and, moreover, the strict code of morals established by the reformers was not pleasing to a mon- arch who was accustomed openly to neglect his wife and bow at the shrine of Madame la Duchesse d'Etampes, of Diane de Poitiers, or of some other fair lady of his Court. Thus these various influences combined to cause a prince, who had many good qualities— who, according to even the biographer ^ of his im- perial rival, was - humane, beneficent, gener- ous, and possessed dignity without pride, affability free from meanness, and courtesy exempt from deceit "—to become, against his better inclinations and sometimes his own ad- vantage, the persecutor and enemy of the re- ' Cayet, Histoire de la Guerre sous Henri IV. (after Baird) - Robertson. Charles F.. iii.. p. 396, (after Baird, p. loi). ' Rise of the Reformation in France. 29 formed faith which he had at first seemed much disposed to favor. Shortly after his arrival at Meaux, Lefevre, who had relinquished to his friends and fol- lowers the more active work of preaching, began the task of translating the Bible from the Latin Vulgate into the French language. ^ In that day scholars only could gain a know- ledge of the Bible by reading the Latin Vulgate, and the common people, who understood French alone, had at their disposal nothing but an incomplete version in which text and gloss were badly mixed. On the 8th of June, 1523,^ Lefevre published a translation of the four Gospels, and later in the same year the remainder of the New Testament, and five years after, in 1528, he added a translation of the Old Testament. ^ '* The only printed work in favor of which the claim of Lef^vre's translation to be the oldest in the French language could be disputed is ih^ Bible of Guyarsdes Moulins, finished in 1297, and printed by order of Charles VIII., in 1487 ; but the greater part of this is a free transla- tion, not of the Scriptures themselves, but of a summary — the His- toria Scholastica of Pierre le Mengeur (latinized Comestor) — and is consequently no Bible at all. See M. Chas. Read, in Bulletin^ i., 76, who remarks that * everything considered, it may therefore be asserted that the translations of Lefevre d' Staples and of Olivetanus are the first versions without embellishment or gloss {non historie'es et non glossies).* " — Baird, p. 78, (note), ' Brunet's Manuel, vol. v., p. 747. 30 Assays on French History. ■tit " It was a magnificent undertaking," savs Baxrd -and prompted by a fervent desire fo promote the spiritual interests of his fellow- countrymen. In its execution, the inaccura- c^s mcdent to so novel an enterprise, and readily be forgiven. For, aside from its own merits, the version of Lef^vre d'fitaples formed the basis for the subsequent version of Robert Ohvetanus." ■ This publication of the Scr^ -^>"r^f ^ir rss'/?; ^.?tf '''"'"'" ^'- lowing facts reeardin^ f],// '^f^'. PP' 215-221), gives us the fol- ^. **^'=» regarding the translation of Olivetanu*; Tk^ French tra„:, a' V^h;^^^ »' ^-nburg a seve.. Gree. .-.aUons' ul i^nf :,J:e'i;:rr " lafons. two Italian translations, and severaro; ^T , '"""'^ is curious that, amoneall these n7„ T • ^ P'°P'^' *»" " in French. OHvetan^ptrertrhr trste^'H;™"^"'- Upon comparing it with LeKvre's Bible Jlfi f^ I one year, arrangement of the books. iHhe O^ T , ' '*'""^* '" *« Apocrypha is arranged as in the Vu^le ST"' \^''^' *"« Olivetanusthe ApoJypha U s^lTa^d ; flft^/^t r'°" 1 books. In the translation of the New T,!, 7 f i Canonical 6nd only that of Faber (Lefr'r ipanlv „nch, H °"™'^"'" "* (after Erasmus)-(Z).V ^. W ^i ' 2 "^"';' ' """^ ™P™-<' thnls «a 1790.' These objects were primarily three in number : ist, to discuss in advance all questions that were to be decided in the Na- tional Assembly; 2d, to labor for the estab- lishment and support of the Constitution ; 3d, to correspond with the other societies of the same class {societes afiliees) that were to be formed in the kingdom. The admission of persons desiring to join the Society was voted upon orally and not by ballot. It was neces- sary that five members of the Club should propose their names, unless they chanced to be members of the National Assembly, in which case two members were sufficient. Their names were then posted during two meetings, * F. A. Aulard, La Societi des Jacobins (organisation interieure). The Club of the Jacobins, 65 upon a card prepared for that purpose, to- gether with the names of the members who proposed them and those who approved them. During this time any one could make objec- tions to them, and finally their admission was decided by an oral vote. Persons living out of Paris were admitted as non-resident mem- bers, and other clubs of the same nature that were formed throughout France were, upon the demand of some of their members, ad- mitted as affiliated societies, provided that the persons who made the proposition guaranteed that their spirit was in harmony with that of the Mother Society, and with these affiliated societies the Jacobins entered at once into active correspondence. The officers of the Society consisted of a president, four secretaries, and a treasurer. There was no vice-president, and in the ab- sence of the president his place was filled by the last of his predecessors who happened to be present. The president and two of the secretaries were elected every month by ballot, and the treasurer could be displaced at will. The Club met regularly at six o'clock in the evening on all days not entirely occupied by the National Assembly, with the exception of (jl ill 66 Essays on French History. (if vi Sundays and fdte-days. In their order of de- bate they followed the rules governing the National Assembly. The initiation fee was fixed at twelve livres and the annual dues at twenty-four livres, payable on the first days of January, April, July, and October. The meetings of the Society, while they continued in the library, were not open to the public, but when they moved into the chapel in May, 1791, the tribune of the choir was reserved for ladies, and in October of the same year the general public were admitted. On the 2ist of December, 1790, the Jacobins numbered 1102 members, and a year later their membership had increased to 121 1. Among their supporters were found lawyers, ph iloso phers, members of the French Acad- emy, men of the robe, ci-devant nobles, bour- geois, and satisctilottes. There was the Due d'Aiguillon, of the old Duplessis-Richelieu family, who, though his father had been Minis- ter of Foreign Affairs under Louis XV., em- braced eagerly the cause of the Revolution ; likewise Bailly, the mathematician and mem- ber of the French Academy, he who, as Mayor of Paris, addressed King Louis at the barriers, on that July morning, 1789, when his Majesty ! 1 The Club of the jacobins, 67 was brought to Paris to grace the triumph of the Bastile conquerors, — ** Sire, Henry IV. had conquered his people, and here it is the people who have reconquered their King !"; and Barere, the young lawyer of Tarbes, who was to be President of the Convention and Mem- ber of the Committee of Public Safety, and, in September, 1793, to request of the Conven- tion that "^ La Terretir be the order of the day " ^ ; and Barnave, the enthusiastic young avocat from Grenoble, who loved the Revolu- tion but abhorred its crimes ; and Beauhar- nais, the Viscount from Martinique, who died upon the scaffold, and whose widow was to join her lot to the fortunes of the young Gen- eral Bonaparte and become world-famous as the Empress Josephine ; and Billaud-Varenne, the avocat from Rochelle, one of the most vio- lent and blood-thirsty of all the revolutionary leaders ; and Brune, the journalist, the future conqueror of Belgium and Marshal of the Empire ; and Cloots, who styled himself *' Anacharsis," and, not content with attacking kings, attacked God himself, calling him " I'en- * ** Pla9ons la terreur i I'ordre du jour," The words were first used by a deputation from the Jacobin Club. Barere quoted them and the Convention did not decree them (as commonly thought). See Moniteur, No. 250, vol. xvii., p. 526. \ r' 68 Essays on French History, nemi personnel " ; and CoUot d' Herbois, the actor of the Rue du Mail, a worthy colleague of Billaud-Varenne ; and the Abb6 Gr^goire, who wrote his MemoireSy and, among other works, the Histoire des Confesseurs des Empe- reurs et des Rots ; and Charles and Alexander, the brothers Lameth,' who fought bravely " under Rochambeau in America, one being wounded at Yorktown ; and Lavalette, who fought at the Tuileries on August loth, who became a Count of the Empire and had strange adventures during the " Hundred Days " ; and Legendre, the Paris butcher, who headed the '' Necker-d' Orleans bust proces- sion " on the 13th of July, 1789, and led the attack on the Bastile the day following ; and NwMirabeau, the ** son of thunder," the greatest orator in revolutionary France; and Potion, the Mayor of Paris ; and Desmoulins, the editor of the Vzeux Cordelier, and friend of Danton ; and the young Due de Chartres — Louis Philippe d'Orl^ans— who, after innumer- able adventures, was one day to become King J ' The character of the Jacobin Club changed greatly after 1791,'^ and men like the Lameths, Bailly, Barnave, and all the more moderate members entirely disapproved the violent actions of the Mountain party. It is too often supposed that the Jacobin Club was composed of only the most violent republicans. Such was not the case. V \ N^ The Club of the Jacobins. 69 of the French under the title of Louis Philippe the First ; and Rabaut Saint-Etienne, the Con- stituant of Nimes, who wrote an Almanach Historique de la Revolution Franfaise ; and David, the great painter, who, after participat- . ing in all the crimes of Robespierre and CoUot d' Herbois, was to turn imperialist, and portray upon canvas, in his " Coronation of Jose- phine," the triumphs of the Age Napoleon ; and Rdal the constant orator of the Jacobins, the future public accuser and Count of the Empire, who was to play a part in the Due d'Enghien business at Vincennes in 1804 ; and Robespierre, the *' incorruptible " Maxi- milien, too well known to need comment, and his brother, Robespierre the younger, who died with him on the scaffold ; and Tallien, the hero of the *' Ninth Thermidor," who lived to see himself forgotten ; and Talma, the great actor of the Comedie Fran^aise, who was to teach Napoleon how to wear his robes of state ; and Carle Vernet, whose paintings adorn the Louvre and Luxembourg ; and, finally, Phil- ippe-Joseph, Due d'Orleans (Egalit^), Prince of the Blood, and the fourth personage in the kingdom. Such were some of the more prominent V V 'l li!' \ \* 70 Essays on French History. The Club of the yacobins. 71 If. members who composed the Jacobin Soci- ety, and thus, from its foundation, with its many great names and high prestige, the Paris Club enjoyed an exceptional position, and one which it soon strengthened immensely by es- tablishing its branclf societies {societes affiliees) throughout Franc'e. By the summer of 1790/ these branch societies numbered one hundred and fifty-two ; in May, 1 791, they had increased to four hundred and six ; and in the spring of 1 794, the time of the greatest Jacobin influence, their number was somewhat over one thou- sand.* This completeness of party organization — none of their opponents had anything that could compare to it — is a most noticeable feature in the history of the Jacobins. By, means of it, they attained to supreme power, and it is all the more noteworthy as being the first modern example of what organization in politics can accomplish. At the beginning of 1791, the revolutionary movement, begun by the States-General in 1789, was losing force, for the Revolution seemed to have accomplished all that its most * There are many statements as to the number of Jacobin Clubs in the Year Two. The figures given above are on the authority of M. Aulard, tome i., pp. 80-89. ardent supporters had primarily hoped it might attain. The Old Regime, with its despotism, privileged noblesse, feudal laws, and antiquated system of taxation, had disappeared, and free- dom had been established in politics, in indus- try, and in trade. The men of law and order, the patriots of 1789, at the head of whom were Lafayette, Mirabeau,^ Barnave,^ and the Lameths,^ saw that the time had come to stop, and men in general, after the stormy excite- ments of the past two years, had begun to long for a period of rest. They were anxious to be busy again about their private affairs, for politics, with the many duties and burdens imposed by the Constitution, had become laborious. But there was a dissatisfied minority to whom the Revolution seemed to have brought little. They had fondly imagined that by revolution they were to get everything, and not having attained the summit of their desires, they were not willing that any one should talk of the Revolution as '* accomplished," as some of the Assembly leaders were beginning to do. Many people were out of employment, and ^ Though they were Jacobins they disapproved of the violent course taken by the more radical members of their party. There were Jacojjin* and Jacobins. Not all were extreme revolutionists. I t !: "I ill ii / 72 Essays on French History, in Paris the difficulty had been especially in- creased by the number of those who flocked there from the provinces. In nearly all trades that minister to luxury and refinement there was stagnation, and carriage-builders, wig- makers, perfumers, and all the dealers in the thousand and one costly fabrics which then formed so large a part of the trade of Paris, were crying out loudly at the general depres- sion. The improvement in trade, stimulated by the issue of assignats, had been only temporary, and the common people who, owing to the scarcity of grain, were again experiencing the pangs of hunger, felt that they were still a long way off from Henry IV.'s millennium of "the chicken in the pot," which they had been so sure the Revolution was to bring. The Constitutional party, pledged to support the King and the Constitution, had been busy for the past two years in proclaiming the abso- lute equality of man and stripping the Crown of its prerogatives, and now in their endeavor to stop and to insist upon the maintenance of the monarchial system, they showed plainly' that it was not their intention to admit the poorest class to power. The Club of the Jacobins, n That class, consequently, began immediately to echo those theories of absolute equality which for the past two years had been so loudly proclaimed. Thus amid all these con- flicting passions and theories it was left for the professional politicians, — the Jacobins, — to take advantage of all these circumstances and begin the second revolutionary movement, and from 1791 to 1794 the Revolution be- comes, as M. Taine has aptly expressed it, *' The Jacobin Conquest." To meet the wishes of all the dissatisfied ones, and, by removing the causes of their trouble, make of them fairly contented citizens, was a task in which the greatest statesman might well have failed. And the greatest statesman of that day — the only man perhaps who might, by his genius and his popularity, have avoided Scylla and escaped Charybdis in reconciling the Revolution to the Crown, and so made good his promise to the Queen a short time previous in the garden of Saint Cloud, (" Madame, the Monarchy is saved ! ") ^ — had lain down to die. On the 2d of April, 1791, Mirabeau, worn out by work and sickness, breathed his last. ^ Madame Campan, Mimoires de Marie Antoinette^ p. 283. X \ V 74 Essays on French History, The Club of the jacobins. 75 On the 3d of April, the Jacobins passed the following decree : " 1st — The members of the Society shall in a body accompany the funeral procession. 2d — The Society shall wear mourning for eight days. 3d — The anniversary of the death of Mirabeau shall be perpetually a day of mourning for the Friends of the Constitu- tion. 4th — The Society shall order made a marble bust of Mirabeau beneath which shall be engraved these words, which he addressed at the time of the seance royale to M. de Breze, who came to order the members of the Na- tional Assembly to separate, 'Go tell those who sent you that we are here by the will of the people and that we shall not go hence except by the power of the bayonet ! ' 5th — This bust shall be placed perpetually in the meeting-hall of the Society of the Friends of the Constitution." ^ Mirabeau's day was over ; the morrow was to see the rise of a new apostle of liberty — Maximilien Robespierre. The elections of 1791 furnish a significant example of the growing power of the Jacobins. ' Aulard, tome ii., p. 288, aprh le Journal des Amis de la Constitu- tion. At each election since 1 789 they had gradually crept into power, but now they entered in large numbers. Petion became Mayor of Paris, Manuel, procureur-syfidzc with Danton as his deputy, and Robespierre, procureur-du-roi. One hundred and thirty-six of the new deputies to the National Assembly entered their names on the Jacobin Club register within the first week after their arrival, thus swelling the number of deputies among its members to two hundred and fifty. The Abbe Gregoire, in his Memoires, has left us an interesting de- scription of the manner in which the Jacobins influenced the action of the Assembly. '' Our tactics," he says, ''were very simple. It was understood that one of us should take advan- tage of the first favorable opportunity to pro- pose some measure in the National Assembly that was sure to be applauded by a small minority and cried down by the majority, but that made no difference. The proposer de- manded, which was granted, that the measure should be referred to a committee in which its opponents hoped to see it buried. Then the Paris Jacobins took hold of it. A circular was issued, after which an article on the measure was printed in their journal and discussed in '"""V (i! ;i' liiiiii 76 Essays on French History. The Club of the Jacobins. n three or four hundred clubs that were leagued together. Three weeks after this, the As- sembly was flooded with petitions from every quarter demanding a decree, of which the first proposal had been rejected and which it now passed by a great majority because a discussion of it had ripened public opinion." ^ Such was the working of the Jacobin political machine. The death of Mirabeau had put an end to the hope of firmly establishing the Monarchy in its Constitutional form, and, though the Queen and the Court party were not sorry to be freed from one whom they both feared and distrusted, Louis XVI. seemed to have real- ized the greatness of the statesman he had lost. *' Do not rejoice over the death of Mirabeau," he said to the Queen, "we have suffered a greater loss than you imagine."^ There is no more pitiable figure in the great drama of the Revolution than King Louis XVI. himself. He was a thoroughly good and hon- est man ; he sincerely desired the welfare of his people, but the great weakness of his char- acter made it impossible for him either to enforce measures that his better sense told * Minwires de VAbb^ Grdgoire^ tome i., p. 387. ' Mimoires de la Duchesse de Tourzel^ edited by the Due des Cars, Paris, 1883, tome i., p. 247. him were wise and prudent, or to refrain from following advice, forced upon him, which he was often equally sure was harmful to his best interests. In important affairs of state, al- though amid various counsels he often knew which was best, he never had the resolution to say, ** I prefer the opinion of such a one." ^ Minus his blue ribbon and his star of the Order of the Holy Ghost he appeared, as he in truth was, a fat, honest bourgeois,— xki^ good father of a family. He would have made a capital locksmith, for his greatest delight was to go up into his forge at the top of the palace of Versailles, take off his coat, and file away at his locks with the sieur Gamain, and the specimens of his handiwork, which the curious may see to-day in the Mus^e des Souveraines at Paris, prove that he was no indifferent workman.^ Fate played him a sorry trick in placing him upon a throne and his crown which he had said **hurt \i\m'' {Elle me gene!) when they crowned him in the grand old cathedral at Rheims, he was destined to find " hurtful " in every sense. > M^moires de Soulavie (after Madame Campan). 9 See article, '* Le Roi Artisan," par M. Henri Bouchot, in LArtet Lettres, 1889. i't 8 Essays on French History, The Club of the Jacobins. 79 His badly planned and worse-executed flight in June, 1791, which ended in his arrest at Varennes and ignominious return to Paris, de- stroyed almost entirely the personal respect which he had hitherto inspired and, by causing him to be generally distrusted, sealed his fate. This event, which greatly increased the diffi- culties of the moderate party who desired to keep Louis on his throne, furnished a weapon to the Jacobins which they were not slow to use, but in the method to be followed the party was divided. Danton and Desmoulins at the Cordelier ClubToudTy demanded a re- public ; Marat wanted a dictator who should put all enemiesTd' death, while the adherents of the Dug d'Orleans desired the King s down- fall that they might have Philippe Egalite set ^up in his place. The Jacobin Club as a whole, however, were not ready for such extreme measures. At the meeting of July i. 1791, Billaud-Varenne at- tempted to speak in favor of a republic. *' To-day," said heT ''when the throne has been almost overturned by the flight of the King, I am still more surprised that means have not been taken to demolish it. I now propose to discuss this question. Which will suit us the better— a monarchy or a republic? " ' Here, interrupted by hisses and loud shouts, he warnot allowed to continue, for the Jacob- ins, though they demanded Louis s deposition, slill hesitated to approve the abolition of the throne. At the meeting of July nth, M. Carra, hav- ing discussed the inviolability of the King, concluded by proposing that ^' Louis XVL be deposed and his son be elected to the throne and that a council of regency be appointed,'' '' and, at the_same meeting, M. Chenaux dis- cussed, at great "length, the following question, '' What ought the legislators to do in the cir- cumstances in which they find themselves?" In the course of his speech he said : '* What ought we to do? Is it necessary to change our Constitution and pass from a monarchy to a republic? I do not think so. Is it neces- sary to punish the King as an individual and compel him to undergo the burden and rigor of a trial ? I do not adopt that opinion. I desire that we shall not waver for an instant, that we shall not deviate in the least degree from our Constitution. We have decreed that ' Aulard, tome ii., p. 574. 2 Ibid.^ tome iii., p. 2. m :, |l / 80 Assays on French History, ifi i\\ the person of the King was inviolable. I de- sire to give that decree the widest interpreta- tion. I am not ignorant of the thousand and one reasons that present themselves to explain and comment upon it, but I do not wish to stop there ; I fear that we make assumptions, that we determine too much by circumstances. Without doubt Louis XVI. has committed an atrocious crime, but he was King, and it is very rarely that virtue goes to dwell in the palace of kings in order to punish them for not having known her. Let the National As- sembly, by the same power by which it has for. merly made Louis XVL the first of men, now cover him with the ignominy due the weakest and most traitorous and declare authentically his incapacity to bear the honorable sceptre of the first king of liberty ; let it place that scep- tre in the hands of his son, the hope of the French, and let it not fear contradiction. . . . Give to Louis XVL the right to retire under a good and sure guard into whatever place he may wish to make his residence, always within the limits of the kingdom ; prohibit him from interfering with the exercise of the executive power, and order that an action be commenced and carried out against all those The Club of the Jacobins. 81 who, by advice or personal aid, were the abet- tors of his escape."^ On the 13th of July, Danton cried out at the Jacobins: "Kings have never treated in good faith with peoples who wished to re- cover their liberty. Let the National As- sembly tremble ; the nation, regenerated by liberty, has become a Hercules who will crush the serpents which seek to devour it. It will achieve its twelve labors in exterminating all its enemies ! " ^ Finally, on Friday, the 15th of July, the As- sembly refused to take any action tending to bring the King to trial, and on Saturday, the 1 6th, the Constitutional-Royalist party tri- umphed, and, on the motion of M. Desmeu- niers, secured the passage of a decree by which the Assembly declared that, "The effect of the decree of the 25th of June, which suspended the execution of the royal functions and the executive power in the hands of the King, should remain in force until the Constitution should be presented to the King and accepted by him." ^ This action, which showed plainly that the Assembly intended to keep Louis on * Aulard, tome iii. , pp. 3-10. 2 Ibid., p. 13 (note). ^ Buchez et Roux, Histoire Parlementaire, etc., tome xi., p. 97. 6 \.KJ^ (U IYtA-C4, X'^VVLi \ \f- . ^M#* W. l^etkjj IKI M tL '•*)] \. ^ ■ 1^ ■ i 82 Essays on French History. . The Club of the Jacobins. 83 -«-/-. \ V his throne, aroused determined opposition among the more radical republicans, and they planned a great demonstration to take place on Sunday, the 17th of July, at the Champ-de- Mars, when the people of Paris should sign a petition demanding the King's deposition. By this means they hoped to force the Assembly to carry out their wishes. The demonstration took place and the signing of the petition went on quietly enough until the crowd discovered two men who had concealed themselves under the great altar which had been erected in the centre of the place. Some one cried out that they had gunpowder and intended to blow up the altar and all the people who were on it. They were dragged out at once and, not being able to satisfactorily explain their presence, their heads were cut off and paraded about on pikes amid great excitement. When the news of this outrage reached the H6tel-de-Ville the Municipality ordered the proclamation of martial law, and, about half-past seven in the evening, Lafayette and Bailly, Mayor of Paris, with some companies of the National Guard appeared on the Champ-de-Mars to put down the disturbance. Bailly ordered the crowd to disperse, but they simply hooted him, and then Lafayette ordered his men to fire. About twelve people were killed, and the remainder took to their heels. On the 1 8th of July, the day following this affair of the Champ-de-Mars, Lord Gower, then English Ambassador at Paris, wrote as follows to his Government : "■ The proceedings of the National Assembly on Friday last with regard to the King having occasioned much fermentation, and the next morning a crowd of people assembled around the Autel de la Patrie being harangued by deputations from the Club of the Jacobins, who not only spoke of the King and the royal family in the most opprobrious terms, but reviled the Assembly, they gave directions to the ministers, the de- partment, and the municipality to use every possible exertion in order to maintain peace and enforce the laws. Yesterday morning two unfor- tunate men were discovered concealed under the Autel de la Patrie, it is supposed out of a mere frolic, for which they paid dear. It was spread about that they were concealed there with a design to blow up the altar, and summary jus- tice was executed upon them ; their heads, being severed from their bodies, were carried on pikes, and the mangled bodies dragged .ii 84 Essays on French History. r in a horrid manner along the streets ; a troop of cavalry, to the amount of some hundreds, and infantry arrived time enough to prevent this horrid spectacle from being exhibited in the midst of Paris ; but as soon as they were departed the crowd reassembled in the Champ-de-Mars, and it was judged expedient that M. de Lafayette and the Mayor of Paris should go there with a considerable force and proclaim martial law. Being not only insulted, but pelted with stones, the Guards were at length obliged to fire ; ten or twelve men are said to be killed, about as many wounded, and some are carried to prison. Paris is at present perfectly quiet." On July 2 2d he wrote again : " As long as the red flag continues to be displayed at the Hotel-de-Ville, we may expect to feel the effects of that energy which military law has given to Government. A wonderful change has taken place since the disturbances of the 17th compelled the ma- jority of the Assembly to be sensible of its power. It is calculated that two hundred people have been imprisoned since that event, upon suspicion of fomenting sedition by writing or by other means. Danton is fled, and M. Robespierre, the great Dinonciateur and, by ( TT-, The Club of the Jacobins, 85 office, Accusateur publiqu(\ is about to be di- nonce himself." ^ It is now necessary to see what part the Jacobin Club actually took in this affair of the Champ-de-Mars of which they are commonly supposed to have been the instigators. Le Babillard of July i8th contains the fol- lowing account of the events of Jual y^jft t b , the day before the great demonstration : ** At noon, four commissioners from the Jacobins arrived carrying copies of the petition which was to be addressed to the legislative body. It was read : on one side by an Englishman, a small man, with light curiy hair ; on the other side by a somewhat taller man, with red hair, who wore a red coat. The sieur Danton, mounted on one of the angles of the altar, delivered an animated speech ; the crowd, collected around this virtuous tribune, made it impossible for us to hear him." But the most detailed state- ment concerning the action of the Jacobins on the 1 6th and 17th of July is that drawn up by the Society itself on July 20, 1 791, and which is given by M. Aulard in his collection of the Jacobin documents.^ » Dispatches of Lord Gower (179^1792). PP- 106-108. ' Aulard, tome iii., p. 42. 86 Essays on French History. " The petition," it says, *' was not drawn up in a meeting of the Society of the Friends of the Constitution, because the law declared that petitions were to be made individually and not collectively. The meeting of Friday evening (the 1 5th) had adjourned, when a num- ber of citizens, not members of the Society, came suddenly into its place of meeting. It was then declared that the meeting they held was not that of the Society but a gathering of citizens acting as individuals, and, having consulted regarding a petition and upon the form of drawing it up, they agreed upon its object and named two persons among them as com- missioners to draw it up. The following morning (the i6th) these same citizens met in the Convent of the Jacobins, all doors being open, listened to the reading of the petition, approved it, named commissioners to carry copies to the Champ-de-Mars to the citizens who were to assemble there. They consulted the members of the Society upon this proceed- ing. The members called their attention to Article 62 of the Municipal Regulations which ordered the Municipality to prevent all gather- ings. They named twelve commissioners; their powers were not given in the name of \ \ I!I1> The Club of the Jacobins. 87 the Society but in the name o: the citizens in- tending to make the petition, and they were to give notice of the terms of the law when they had assembled about the Autel de la Patrie, T\iQ procureur-syndic of the commune gave to the commissioners the act of this noti- fication. The commissioners arrived on the field of the Federation. There, certain spirits, imbued with pernicious ideas of bad repub- licanism, had drawn up petitions of which the commissioners knew nothing. Their petition was generally criticised from the fact that it contained the words, ' and to take measures to replace him by all constitutional means.' ^ They were not willing to sign with these limit- ations. Some took the liberty to add, after the words, * Louis XVI. for their king,' these words, ' nor any other.' The commissioners were not able to persuade them to make no change, and it was agreed to consult the So- ciety of the Friends of the Constitution upon 1 The last clause of the petition was as follows : '* They demand formally and specially that the National Assembly agree to receive, in the name of the nation, the abdication made the 2ist of June by Louis XVI. of the Crown which had been delegated to him, and to take measures to replace him by all constitutional means ; the under- signed declare that they will never recognize Louis XVI. for their king, unless tne majority of the nation express a wish contrary to that of the present petition. "—Aulard, tome iii., p. 20. ill I',,]: I tifli l!|!)!fc 88 Essays on French History, the matter. A large deputation arrived in the Jacobin Convent. The citizens who were there heard the speaker who, in a clever speech, advanced the most severely constitutional prin- ciples, and concluded by declaring that the peti- tion ought neither to receive subtraction nor ad- dition. This was received with great applause, and after it had been declared that the citizens assembled there were not holding a meeting of the Friends of the Constitution, but that that Society would hold its meeting in the evening, further discussion was postponed until that time. *' On Saturday evening, the Society met and a very numerous deputation was admitted into a reserved portion of the hall. The citizens who composed it, about two hundred in num- ber, took no part in the deliberations of the Society. Their demand was discussed and after four hours of most thorough discussion, the Society, always mindful of its principles, declared that every citizen who was a Friend of the Constitution ought not to sign the peti- tion presented by the deputation, since in it the words 'and to take measures to replace him by all constitutional means ' were omitted. The deputation was entirely dissuaded, and the The Club of the Jacobins, 89 li reply which it addressed contained the recom- mendation to the citizens to conform to the Constitution. *' At this time a deputy from the National Assembly came suddenly in who gave to the President the text of a decree ' by which the Assembly had at that instant decided the fate of the King. The decree was read and it was declared that the petition had no longer any place. On Sunday morning, the citizen who had presided (a member of the Society) went to suppress the edition of the petition, while others who had assembled declared that they would go to the Champ-de-Mars in order to in- form the citizens who had assembled there of the decree of the previous evening, and of the necessity that now existed of stopping the signing. '' These facts clearly prove that the Society of the Friends of the Constitution has neither proposed, nor drawn up, nor adopted the peti- tion ; that it has simply been consulted upon the suppression of a phrase ; that its decision has been entirely in conformity with its principles ; that it has solemnly and according to its con- viction defended the decrees ; that its members have stopped the signing ; and that all the rest » This is the decree given on page 81. .^^^^ 90 Essays on French History, Jl i * is the work of citizens who used the meeting- place of the Society to carry out their right of petition ; that their manifest intentions were right ; that they were legally prevented by the Municipality ; that the atrocious crimes com- mitted at the Gros-Caillou ^ are not to be laid to the charge of the citizens who made tl)e petition ; and that all good citizens ought to defend, by the most pronounced testimony of their esteem, a Society all of whose efforts have constantly been directed to establish the Constitution, and whose vigilance has so fre- quently denounced to the Committees of the National Assembly the enemies of the French People, who are the only ones to be feared and calumniated." Although in the above statement there is an evident attempt on the part of the Jacobins to shift all responsibility in the affair of the Champ-de-Mars upon other shoulders than their own, yet it is probable that the Club as a whole did not approve of the course taken by the more radical members of their party, and the famous split in the Society, which was the immediate result of this affair, confirms the statement. The real instigators of the affair ' Gros-Caillou was an entrance to the Champ-de-Mars. "Vli The Club of the Jacobins. 91 were undoubtedly Marat, Danton, Desmoulins, and the more radical republicans who had never ceased to cry out, since the King's return from Varennes, that the throne must be abolished. The so-called " massacre " of the Champ-de- Mars, however, is instructive, since it is the one occasion in the course of the Revolution when the law-and-order party firmly asserted themselves, and, for the moment, their victory was complete. Danton retired to his home at Arcis-sur-Aube, Marat concealed himself, in- tending to escape to England, Camille Des- moulins suspended the issue of his journal. Had the Constitutionalists known how to fol- low up their victory they might perhaps have firmly re-established Louis on his throne. The schism in th.e„. Jacobin Club, which was the ;^it of'this affair, caused the more moderate members to withdraw from the Mother Society and form a new Club, which held its meetings in the Convent of the Feuillants and took the name of the " Society of the Friends of the Constitution Meeting aUhg-Fguillants." The only Jacobins of note who remained at the club in the Rue Saint-Honore were Robes- pierre, Buzot, Potion, and CorroUer. V/ _« :i 92 Essays on French History, The Club of the Jacobins. 93 The new club soon numbered seven hundred and ninety-eight members, the most prominent among them being Barere, Boissy d'Anglas, Chateauneuf-Randon, Cochon, Dubois-Crance, Gobel, the Due d'Orleans, Prieur (de la Marne), Rabaut Saint-Etienne, Sieyes, and Talleyrand. In Le Babillard of July 19th we find the follow- ing : " Club of the Jacobins. — All the deputies who were members of it, with the exception of Messieurs Robespierre, Buzot, Petion, Gr^- goire, and Prieur, have left this Society, which is no longer that of the Friends of the Con- stitution. They have formed a new one, which holds its meetings at the Feuillants. It is there that the true friends of the Constitution, who have sworn to live to support it and die to defend it, should rally. It is evident that this title does not belong to the factious who have been protesting against the decrees dic- tated by the constitutional law of the state." The Constitutional party, however, owing to Its want of union and lack of practical ability, failed to reap the fruits of its victory. Many of those who had joined the new club soon left it and returned to the club in the Rue Saint- Hi onore. The Jacobin leaders reappeared in public life, and slowly but surely regained their influence. And the radical republicans never forgot or forgave the "massacre" of the Champ-de-Mars. When their day of triumph came, in '93, it was made the basis of many an accusation ; notably in the case of poor old Bailly, whom they guillotined upon the very spot where he had displayed the Drapeau Rouge. On the 20th of April, 1792, King Louis XVI., accompanied by his ministers, appeared in the Assembly, and, having heard a report of General Dumouriez advising the commence- ment of war with Austria, his Majesty formally proposed that war be declared against the King of Hungary and Bohemia. Thus began that ten years struggle which was largely instru- mental in the final overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy, made possible the Reign of Terror, and ended by placing a " Soldier of Fortune" upon the throne of France. It is interesting to note the circumstances which led to this memorable declaration of war, and the part taken in regard to it by the Jacobins. The war agitation was a manoeuvre on the pait of the Girondins, and especially of Brissot, Guadet, and Gensonne, who had conceived the idea that a war would be the most effectual 94 Essays on French History, means of overthrowing the monarchy and estab- lishing a republic. They vigorously attacked the Queen's circle, which they called **the Aus- trian Committee," and also the Emperor Leo- pold, the brother of Marie Antoinette, and, by their clamor and their eloquence, soon had a large part of the people of Paris and of France, whose love of military glory has always been easily aroused, loudly demanding war. A portion of the Court party, too, were secretly in sympathy with the Girondin move- ment, although from a very different motive, since they hoped that by means of a war the King might recover some of his lost au- thority. ^ On the 7th of December, 1791, Duportail resigned his position as War Minister and, through the efforts of Madame de StaeV was succeeded by the gay and dashing diplomat. Count Louis de Narbonne. The new Minister of War, though he may have lacked perhaps Segur's ability, was still a very clever man — as he was to prove, in later years, under the Empire — and now felt that he had an oppor- ' " Le Comte Louis de Narbonne est enfin ministre de la guerre. Quelle gloire pour Madame de Stael et quel plaisir pour elle d'avoir toute I'armee 4 elle."—" Marie Antoinette." Albert Sorel, L Europe €t la Revolution Fran^aise^ tome ii., p. 328. ( The Cltib of the Jacobins. 95 tunity to distinguish himself. He determined to take advantage of the great enthusiasm aroused by the idea of war and, by becoming its champion, draw upon the King and himself the popularity of its promotion. Let it once be thought that the King had become the soul of the war party and perhaps that unfortunate flight to Varennes would be forgotten, and should the war turn out victorious, and Louis the King and Louis Count Narbonne become laurel-crowned heroes, might he not prove himself the '' great minister " even as Richelieu and Mazarin had done? But these brilliant dreams were to have a sudden ending for M. de Narbonne. The Emperor Leopold died on the ist of March, 1792, and on the 9th, as the result of pressure brought to bear upon the King, and largely through the Queen's influence, Narbonne was summarily dismissed from his office. With him went any hope that may have existed of the Kings being able to rally the warlike spirits in France about him. Dumouriez became Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Girondins, who had cried so loudly for war, soon had a larger and more serious war on their hands than they could well man- age. The Jacobins, however, from the first, 96 Essays on French History, resolutely and systematically opposed the wan' " They knew that a warTir^suiccessful, would stren^tjien eit her its promoters or the execu- tij^epower, the Girondins or the King, and that, iF tlie strengthening of either of these powers should lead to their own overthrow, there would be immense bloodshed in the attempt. Robespierre, Danton, Collot d*Her- bois, Marat, Carra,^ Dubois-Cranc^, all opposed war vigorously, and the debates upon this sub- ject in the Jacobin Club during the winter of 1 791-2, are both interesting and instructive. On the 1 6th of December, Brissot, who was the main defender of the war measure, made a speech in its behalf, and Danton refuted his arguments in a powerful reply. On the 19th of December, Billaud-Varenne, that Jacobin of Jacobins, opposed the war, and on the 2d of January, Robespierre, in a lengthy speech and amid great applause, disproved the assertions contained in Brissot's second speech of the 30th of December, in which he had advocated ** the necessity of making war against the princes of Germany."^ ^ " La guerre selon les girondins assurera le succes de la revolu- tion, selon les jacobins elle le compromettra." — Sorel. tom e ii ., p . IIA— ' Carra, though a Girondin, opposed the war. ' Aulard, tome iii., p. 309. \ The Club of the Jacobins. 97 '* These sentiments of the extreme Jacobins," says Morse Stephens, *' it is most important to notice, for it is generally believed and has often been declared that they were the real authors of the great war which was to change the whole face of Europe." ^ ^""^ It is impossible within the limits of this paper to dwell upon the affair of the 20th of June, 1792, when the mob, for the first time, invaded the palace of the Tuileries. A most detailed account of the events of that day may be found in M. Mortimer-Ternaux s elaborate Histoire de la Terreuri^ The King, in the ex- ercise of the right given him by the Constitu- tion, had vetoed two decrees passed by the Assembly, one of wjiich called for the forma- tion of a camp of twenty thoussind federes out- side Paris, the other for the exile of all priests who had not taken the constitutional oath, and on the 1 2th of June he had dismissed the Girondin Ministry. These acts caused great commotion, and had much the same effect upon the people of Paris that Necker's dis- missal had had in 1 789, although Roland was far from having Necker's popularity, and the * Morse ^ephens, French Revolutioti^ ii., p. 46. ^ Tome i., pp. 115-296. 98 Essays on French History. The Club of the Jacobins. 99 insurrection of June 20th had been, for some time, premeditated, and, in that respect, dif- fered entirely from the spontaneous rising which, in 1789, led to the fall of the Bastile. Though the Jacobin leaders, Dan ton and Robespierre, feeling that the time for decisive action against the monarchy had not yet come, discouraged any demonstration, still the events of June 20th, which were mainly planned and carried out by subaltern actors, are significant of the power of the Jacobin party. As a recent English authority upon the Revolution has truly said : *' Without the success of the 20th of June it may be* doubted at what particular period the actual capture of the Tuileries, which took place on August loth, would have occurred." ^ Not the least dramatic incident of that day— when the mob, having presented their petition to the Assembly and filed through its hall, finally forced their way into the palace, and for two hours insulted the King and the royal family— was the appearance of the descendant of the ^Grand Monarque upon the Tuileries balcony with the bo7tnet rouge upon his head. ^' On what precise day, during the interval of > Morse Stephens, ii., p. 82. the fifty days between June 20 and Augus.t- jp^_jL7.g2, the Jacobins decided that an attack should be made on the Tuileries and the royal family finally overthrown, it is impossible to discover, but the first meeting of the Secret Directory of Insurrection, in which the meas- ures to be adopted were discussed, did not take place till July 26th." ' On the 25th of July, Prussia joined Austria in declaring war, and the Duke of Bruaswick issued his famous proclamation, in which he declared that " the inhabitants of cities, towns, or villages, who should defend themselves against the troops of their Imperial and Royal Majesties,^ should be punished instantly with all the rigor of the laws of war, and if the palace of the Tuileries were forced or the least insult offered to their Majesties, the King and Queen, the city of Paris should be given up to military execution and total destruction."^ This untimely proclamation defeated its own ends, and, far from terrifying the people of Paris into submission, only roused them to * Morse Stephens, ii., p. 107. « The King of Prussia and the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. Francis did not take the title of " Emperor of Austria" until 1804. 3 This proclamation (dated at Coblentz, July 25th) is given in full by Mortimer-Ternaux, tome ii., pp. 160, 161. , ^ I lOO Essays on French History. greater fury. It was to no purpose that Louis XVI., on the 3d of August, sent a message to the Assembly disavowing any participation in the Brunswick manifesto ; — the fate of the monarchy was sealed. *' I have given to the secretary," said M. Merlin, at the meeting of the Jacobins on July 27th, **the counter-dec- laration of King Francis to the declaration of war of the King of the French. We can per- ceive from that document that it is Louis XVI., alone, who is the author of all our mis- fortunes ; that it is for Louis XVI., alone, and the honor of crowned heads, that the allied powers are armed against us."^ At the meet- ing of the Jacobins on the ^Sit-^i J"'y> the speech of M. Anthoine, in which he demanded the King's dethronement and expressed his views regarding the results which, he hoped^ that event would bring about, called forth great applause. '* As long as we do not demand the dethronement of Louis XVI.," he said, ** we do nothing for liberty. With the dethronement of the King, therefore, I demand that of his family, in short a reformation of the executive power ; and my demand is constitutional. The unity of that power is constitutional. Dethrone- ^ Aulard, tome iv., p. 146. The Club of the Jacobins, lOI tnent is urgent., and then the safety of the people will be established. The Austrians and Prussians will return to the Elbe ; when we shall no longer have a king, they will no longer make war on us ; they will abandon the cause of the nobles, who will, one by one, return, or, do what would be vastly better, re- main in eternal exile." ^ On the 30th of July, the battalion of the Marseillais, five hundred strong, who had left Marseilles on July 2d, marched into Paris sing- ing Rouget de Lisle s immortal song — soon to become the battle-hymn of the new French Republic — ''A lions, enfant s de lapatrie, lejour du gloire est arrive ! " They were soon in- volved in a contest with the National Guards ^ which might have resulted in an attack on the Tuileries, but order was restored, and though the Kings downfall did not immediately fol- low the first singing of the Marseillaise in Paris, yet that downfall was fully decided upon. It was simply a question of organizing a sufficiently thorough insurrection to make success certain, and to that end the Jacobin > Aulard, tomeiv., pp. 156-158. « " Les Marseillais arrivent dans la capitale (30 Juillet), ils entrent i une heure et ^ cinq heures le sang des gardes nationaux a coule."— Montgaillard, Histoire de France, tome iv., p. 137. I02 Essays on French History, The Club of the Jacobins. 103 leaders applied themselves with vigor. It was at the instigation of Danton that the Paris sections voted the dethronement of the King.^ On the Aist of July, the section MauconseiP drew up the fQlJi>wing petition, which was pre- sented to, the Assembly : ** Considering that it Is impossible to save liberty by the Constitu- tion^ that we cannot recognTze the Constitution as an expression of the general will, and that Louis XVI. has lost the confidence of the nation, we consequently declare in the most authentic and solemn manner, to all our brothers, that we will no longer recognize Louis XVI. as King of the French."^ Although M. Carra declared that this petition had received the approval of a majority of the sections of Paris, such was not the case. Out of the forty- eight Paris sections, only fourteen signed the petition, sixteen rejected it, ten passed it by in silence, and for the remaining eight, documents > " La Gironde avait prepare le terrain du combat, la declaration de Brunswick ofifrit le pretexte de I'agression. Aussitot sous I'impul- sion de Danton les sections de Paris voterent la decheance du Roi." — Sorel, tome ii., p. 513. * " Cette section, qui se tenait, en 1792, dans I'eglise Saint-Jacques- I'Hopital, comprenait 1700 citoyens actifs."— Mortimer-Temaux, tome ii., p. 423 (note). ^ Ibid,y tome ii., p. I74» are wanting to prove their action.' It was publicly declared, by the sections Quinze- Vingts' and Mauconseil, that, if the Assembly did not adopt the petition by the night of August 9th, the petitioners would appear on August \o^\\,en7nasse, and back their demands by force of arms. Some of the more violent republicans attempted to declare the insurrec- tion on the 8th of August at the meeting of the Jacobins,' but more prudent members prevented the project, believing that it was better to wait until the day which the sections Quinze-Vingts and Mauconseil had pompously fixed as the *' ex- treme limit of popular patience" {terme ex- treme de patience populaire).' The day of ;the 9th of August, therefore, was entirely taken up by preparations for attack, and, the Assem- bly having adjourned the question of dethrone- ment, the armed sections prepared to carry out their plans. Danton and Desmoulins were occupied during a great part of the night in haranguing the Marseillais and the inhab- 1 Mortimer-Temaux, tome ii., p. 443 (note). 2 "Cette section se tenait, en 1792, dans I'eglise des Enfants- Trouves et comprenait 2000 citoyens actifs. "-/^/oT., tome 11., p. 427. ^ Stt Seance du Mercredi 8 Aoiit, 1792.— Aulard, tome iv., pp. 186-191. * Mortimer-Temaux, tome ii., p. 216. / I04 Essays on French History. ,4» itants of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine. The Revolutionary Commune, the enfant terrible of the Jacobin Society, as M. Schmidt ^ calls it, established itself at the H6tel-de-Ville, and de- clared the Paris Municipality suspended from its powers. At midnight the tocsin was sounded, and at eight o'clock on the morning of the loth of August, Westermann prepared to lead his forces against the palace of the Tuileries. What means of resistance had royalty, in its last struggle for existence, against the ever-growing insurrection ? The defence of the Tuileries had been in- trusted to M. Mandat, who had, as his assist- ants, the Baron de Viomenil and M. d'Her- villy. It was Mandat's special purpose to gather about the palace those battalions of the National Guard — about two thousand strong — upon whose loyalty to the monarchy he thought he could rely, but he placed his confi- dence chiefly in the faithful Swiss Guards of the King, for although by the decree of July 17th they had been ordered to leave Paris, they had gone only as far as their barracks at Courbevoie, and hence were recalled, on the 8th of August, by the Minister of War. With * A. Schmidt, Tableaux de la Revolution Fran^aise^ p. 83. t The Club of the Jacobins. 105 the National battalions in the garden of the Tuileries, the Swiss Guards in the Place du Carrousel and in the interior of the palace, and his reserve of gunners on the bridges and at the Pont Neuf, M. Mandat, therefore, felt confident in his ability to hold his own. At half-past six in the morning he received an order from Petion, Mayor of Paris, to present himself at the Hotel-de-Ville,— an order which, unfortunately for himself and his cause, he obeyed, only to meet a swift death at the hands of exasperated insurgents on the Place de Greve. Thus royalty, deprived of its last able man, had to prepare as best it could to face the coming storm. But had French royalty, now at its last gasp, no other defenders than the foreign mer- cenaries in the Place du Carrousel and the lukewarm National Guards in the Tuileries' gardens? Yes, a few, and as M. d'Hervilly ordered the usher to open the door of the council-chamber to the " French nobility," they entered— to attend royalty's last levee. " Two hundred persons entered the room nearest to that in which the royal family were," says Madame Campan. '' I saw few people be- longing to the court, many whose features t io6 Essays on French History, were unknown to me, and some who figured technically without right among what was called the noblesse, but whose self-devotion en- nobled them at once. They were all so badly armed that, even in that situation, the in- domitable French liveliness indulged in jests." ^ A very different assemblage truly, from the glittering crowd that, in the old days at Ver- sailles, filled the CEtl-de-Boeuf'^ to overflowing when De Breze,^ throwing open the doors of the royal bedchamber, was wont to announce in pompous tones, ** Messieurs, le Roi vous accorde les grandes entrees^ (Gentlemen, the King grants you the grand entrance.) Where were the de Brissacs, de Besenvals, de Polignacs, d'Adhemars, de Coignys, de Vaudreuils,^ and all the rest who, in the heyday of the monarchy, had drawn so freely from its favors ? — Gone. Some were with d'Artois at Coblentz, some at Vienna, and some following at the heels of Brunswick's ' Madame Campan, M^oires de Marie Antoinette, p. 371. « The (Eil'de-Bceuf was an antechamber in which the nobility awaited the King at Versailles. 3 M. de Breze was Grand Master of Ceremonies before the Revo- lution. * See article, " Le Petit Trianon." by Pierre de Nolhac, in LArtet Lettres, 1889, for the French nobles who figured most prominently in the society of Trianon. The Club of the Jacobins. 107 army hoping, by means of foreign bayonets, to regain positions which they might never have lost had they known how to remain and defend them.^ About half-past seven the advance guard of the sections began to fill the Place du Carrousel and, though they made some tumult and cried loudly ** Down with M. Veto !" they were not, strictly speaking, the insurrectionary army which was then forming at the H6tel- de-Ville. It was shortly after eight o^clock when the King, after some hesitation, decided to follow the advice given him by M. Roederer, ^ -Who reasoned out the emigration? It has oftentimes been asked how so extraordinary a resolution came to be taken ; how it had entered the minds of men gifted with a certain amount of sense that there was any advantage to be derived from abandonmg all the posts where they could still exercise power ; of giving over to the enemy the regiments they commanded, the localities over which they had control ; of delivering up completely to the teachings of the opposite party the peasantry, over whom, in a goodly number of provinces, a valuable influence might be exerted, and among whom they still had many friends,-and all this, to return for the purpose of conquering, at the sword's point, positions, a number of which at least could be held without a fight. The voluntary going mto exile of nearly the whole nobility of France, of many magistrates, of a large number of women and children, -this resolve, without a pre- cedent in history, was not conceived and determined upon as a state measure ; chance brought it about. A few, in the first instance, f o - lowed the princes who had been obliged, on the 14th of July, to seek safety out of France, and others followed them."-iJ/m<^W of Chan, cellar Pasquier, i., p. 64. io8 Essays on French History. The Club of the Jacobins, 109 the procureur-general'SyndiCy and seek a refuge in the Assembly. The royal family, there- fore, escorted by three hundred of the Na- tional Guards, crossed the Tuileries' garden and entered the Assembly-hall, where the King informed the members that he had come there to *' avoid a great crime," ^ and the President assured him that he could rely upon the firm- ness of the Assembly. The insurrectionary army arrived on the Place du Carrousel and, about half-past ten,^ opened fire upon the Chateau. The Swiss Guards answered prompt- ly, and after the combat had lasted some three quarters of an hour, M. d'Hervilly arrived bringing an order from the King to the Swiss to cease firing and withdraw. In obedience to this command, therefore, the Swiss evacuated the palace and, under a heavy fire, crossed the Tuileries* garden, few, however, escaping the mounted gendarmes who charged them and cut them to pieces on the Place Louis Quinze. They were royalty's best defenders, and a young Corsican lieutenant, who had watched the fight from a window in the house of the ' ** Le Roi — ^Je suis venu ici pour eviter un grand crime. *• M. le President — ^Vous pouvez, sire, compter sur la fermete de I'Assemblee." — Le Moniteur t/wiWrj^/ (reimpression), No. 225. ' Mortimer-Temaux, tome ii., p. 322 (note). sieur de Bourrienne/ on the Place du Car- rousel, gave it as his opinion that the Swiss, if properly commanded, would have won. The mob advanced slowly as the Swiss Guards retired, and entered the palace five minutes after ^ the last companies had abandoned it, so that, upon this memorable loth of August, " the palace of the Tuileries," as M. Mortimer- Temaux says, *'was not captured by armed force, but abandoned by order of Louis XVL"^ The insurgents proceeded at once to celebrate their triumph. They rushed through the pal- ace, breaking and throwing out of the windows all objects that reminded them of a detested royalty. Even the mirrors did not escape their fury, for, said they, '*the Medici-Antoinette* has too long studied in them the hypocritical air which she displayed in public." The dead bodies of the Swiss, cut and dragged about the Tuileries* garden, were treated with every in- dignity, and the mob finished their high car- * Bourrienne, i., p. 17. « Mortimer-Temaux, tome ii., p. 325. -3/^jV/;, ii.,p. 325. . *" Medici- Antoinette y avait etudie trop longtemps lair hypo- crite qu'elle montrait en public."— Prudhomme, Revolutions de Paris, tome xiii., p. 236. fl I lo Essays on French History, nival by setting fire to a portion of the palace/ Over at the Assembly, the King listened to the decree which suspended him from his functions, — a decree which, curiously enough, was signed by his own Minister of Justice (Dejoly), who affixed to it the seal of state.^ So ended the loth of August, and with it the monarchy of the Bourbons. The crown of France lay tram- pled on the ground, and there it was to lie until the day when the young Corsican lieu- tenant, having added to his name the brilliant synonyms of Areola, Rivoli, and Marengo, and become Bonaparte, First Consul, should *' pick it up with the point of his sword." ^ The weeks which immediately followed the victory of August loth were full of excitement. Girondins and Jacobins divided the spoils. Roland and his friends returned to office, and Danton became Minister of Justice and, for a time, the most important man in France. But these two rival powers could not long continue ^ '* Le chateau des Tuileries etait a la disposition des citoyens, dej4 les batiments qui separent les Tuileries de la place du Carrousel sont en feu, I'indignation s'achame aveuglement sur tous les meubles renverses dans le chateau." — Le Mofiiteur Universel, No. 225. ' Mortimer-Temaux, tome ii., p. 344. * •* J'ai trouve la couronne de France par terre, et Je I'ai ramassee avec la pointe de mon epee." — Napoleon, in Mimoires de Madame de R^musat^ tome i., p. 380. The Club of the Jacobins, III » I side by side, and the warfare which soon began between the Girondins and the Jacobins ended, in 1793, with the Coup d'etat of June 2d and the fall of the Gironde. The triumphant Jacobins, through the great Committee of Public Safety,^ which was established in April, iTgj, became the masters of France. The struggle for supremacy now became an internal strife in the Jacobin party itself, — a strife in which the lifibertists, who represented the more radical and violent spjxits, and the Dan tpnists^ w^ more moderate mem- bers (at the period of the Terror), were crushed, each in turn ; leaving the supreme power in the hands of the middle party, the RobespierristSj^ and the spring of 1794 — the period of the greatest Jacobin influence — was also the period which marked the height of power attained by the most conspicuous Jacobin leader, Maxi- milien Robespierre. From the 20th Prairial ' "Apresle vote de ce decret, la Convention procedaimmediatement k la nomination des neuf membres du Comite. Bar^re obtient 360 voix, Delmas 347, Breard 325, Cambon 278, Danton 233, Jean de Bry 227, Guyton-Morveau 202, Treilhard 167, Delacroix (d'Eure-et-Loir) 151. La premiere seance du Comite de Salut Public eut lieu le 7 avril (1793) ; quelques heures apres la nomination de ses membres. Tous, sauf Treilhard, y assistaient. Guyton-Morveau fut nomme president, sans doute en qualite de doyen d'age ; Breard vice-president, Barere et Lindet secretaires." — Gros, Le Comiti de Salut Public ^ pp. 31 and 39. The Club of the Jacobins, 113 112 Essays on French History, ' (June 8th), 1794, the day of Robespierre's greatest triumph, when, with a docile conven- tion at his heels, he inaugurated the /He of his "Supreme Being," in the Tuileries garden, there were some fifty days until the wheel of fortune had brought about the " Thermidor," * and he lay, crushed and bleeding, upon a table in the Hotel-de-Ville, within a few hours of his scaf- fold, an object of derision to a mob that had long been his worshippers.^ ** If the life of Robespierre in the Year Two," says d*Hericault, '' demonstrates that he did not wish to end the Terror (to the proofs found on every page of this book [his Revolution de Thermidor^ we can add a hun- dred others, and his speech of the 8th Thermi- dor does not leave the least doubt on the subject), on the other hand, in that very speech we notice traces of a less violent tone, we find ourselves lost in the midst of contrary affirmations — the words of Freron, of Billaud, of Allonville, of Beaulieu — which are truly in favor of the avocat of Arras. What are we to 1 July 27-28, 1794. * ** On le trouva etendu dans une salle voisine du lieu des seances. On dit qu'en I'apercevant, un des patriotes s'approcha vivement, le regarda fixement et s'ecria : * Oui, Robespierre, il est un Etre supreme.' " — D'Hericault, La Revolution de Thermidor, p. 500. conclude from these contradictory statements, all authentic ? We can only infer, as we have shown, that Robespierre desired to mitigate the Terror somewhat at the same time pre- serving it,— in short, that Robespierre wished to regulate the Terror. This is the key to the history of Robespierre and of the revolution of Thermidor ; it explains all apparent contradic- tions, it conciliates opposing theories, and with- out it nothing can be rightly comprehended."^ ' It may have been as d'Hericault has stated ; it may have been, on the other hand, that he was hoping by a swift removal of his enemies to end the Terror and that, by a curious combination of events, his own downfall ended that which he was seeking to overthrow. What his real pur- pose was, what plans were revolving in his mind during the last weeks of his life, history will probably never know. One thing is certain : La Terreur was ended by the *' Thermidor." The first blows of the Thermidorian reaction fell naturally upon the Jacobins. On the nth of November, 1 794, the Committees of Govern- ment closed their Club, and on the following day the Convention approved that action in the decree here given : *' The National Con- » D'Hericault, La Revolution de Thermidor, pp. 367, 368. 8 IM mir 114 Essays on French History, The Club of the Jacobins. 1 1 5 vention, having heard the report which has been made in the name of the Committees of Public Safety, General Security, War, and Legislation, upon the Society of the Jacobins, decides that it approves the measures taken by the four united Committees as contained in the following decree : 21st Brumaire, Year III., of the French Republic, one and indivisible ; the Committees of General Security, Public Safety, Legislation, and War, united, decree : ist. The meetings of the Society of the Jacobins of Paris are suspended. 2d. In consequence, the meet- ing-hall of that Society shall be instantly closed and the keys deposited at the secretary's office of the Committee of General Security. 3d. The commission of administrative police is charged with the execution of the present decree. 4th. They will, to-morrow, render an account of the present decree to the National Convention."^ Thus after an existence of nearly four years the famous Jacobin Club of the Rue Saint- Honore came to an end. According to the Jacobin doctrine, ^I power 'was vested in the sovereign people, who, in theory, like the king of England, '* could do no wrong." Hence popular movements, though * Aulard, tome i., p. 51. ^ 4\ \ often resulting in violence and bloodshed, must not be interfered with because they were but the will of the sovereign people in " sacred right of insurrection." Naturally such theories appealed strongly to the common people of that day. They had long been regarded as of no consequence in the state,— useful only to pay taxes, to which end they had had to direct all their energies. When one day, therefore, they were told that they were sovereigns in whom all power was vested, that they had a " sacred right of insurrection," that those who opposed any expression of their will were traitors, and that it was their business to watch, with a suspicious eye, over their agents who governed for them, they eagerly embraced these doctrines which seemed to promise them so much and, in their wild desire for liberty, rushed headlong into anarchy. ^^^ There were some few attempts on the part of the Jacobins to rally after their overthrow. In 1798, some of the old members of the Club, together with some of the members of the Club of the Pantheon, attempted to form a political club which met, for a few weeks, in the Rue du Bac.^ The Directory, however, speedily closed 1 Aulard, tomei., p. 53* / \ Ii6 Essays on French History, it and ordered the preparation of a law regard- ing political societies, — a law which was still unfinished when the Coup cT^tat of the i8th Brumaire gave to France a master and one who did not permit any political society to re- vive. For Frenchmen, then, the days of clubs and debates were over. Henceforth they were to march, at the command of an imperious captain, straight forward, under the mysteri- ous spell of that which was, in a sense, their watchword, and, in the end, alone remained to them for all their blood and triumphs, — Glory. INDEX. Aiguillon, Due d', 60, 66. Allmain, doctor in the Paris University, 19. Amaury, Nicholas, 59. Anthoine, his speech, 100. Bailly, 66, 82, 93. Barere, 67, 92. Bamave, 60, 67, 71. Beauhamais, 67. Billaud-Varenne, 67 ; his speech, 78 ; 96. Boissy d'Anglas, 92. Bonaparte, Napoleon, 67, 108, no, 116. Breton Club, 58 ; its members, 60. Bri^onnet, Guillaume, bishop of Meaux, 21-23, 33» 35- Brune, 67. Brunswick, Duke of, his proclamation, 99. CafeAmaury, 59. Carra, 79, 96, 102. Champ-de-Mars, aflfair of the, 82-84, Qi* Charles V. of Spain, 26, 28, 36. Chenaux, his speech, 79, 80. Clement VII., pope, 38. Cloots, 67. Collot d'Herbois, 68, 96. CorroUer, 61. Danton, 75, 78, 81, 84, 85, 91, 96, 98, 103, no. 117 /J^- V ii8 Index, Index. 119 David, painter, 69. De Roma, Dominican monk, 32. Desmeuniers, 81. Desmoulins, 68, 78, 91, 103. Du Bellay, Guillaume, 41. Du Bourg, Jean, 46. Dnmouriez, 93, 95. Duportail, 94. Expiatory procession, 47, 48. Farel, Guillaume, his birth and family, 6 ; meets Lef^vre, 8 ; the Luther of France, 13 ; causes Lefevre to abandon saint- worship, 19 ; 22 ; goes to Switzerland, 36 ; his character, 51. Ferdinand the Catholic, 14. Francis I., 15, 22 ; his birth and character, 25-28 ; 36, 40, 41. 44 ; his speech, 48, 49. Girondins, their attitude toward the war, 93, 94 ; their fall, in. Gower, Lord, English Ambassador, his letter concerning affair of Champ-de-Mars, 83, 84. Gregoire, Abbe, 60, 68, 75, 92. Henry IV. of France, 25, 57. 72. Henry VIII. of England, 14, 27. Jacobins, Club of the, origin, 58 ; place of meeting, 62, 63 ; its ob- jects and purposes, 64 ; its officers and rules, 65, 66 ; branch so- cieties of, 70 ; begins the second revolutionary movement, 73 ; passes decree concerning Mirabeau, 74 *, growth of power of, 75 ; its part in the affair of the Champ-de-Mars, 85-90 ; the schism in the club, 91, 92 ; its attitude toward the war, 96, 97 ; divides the spoils after August loth, no ; internal strife in, in ; closed by the Committees of Government, 113 ; its doctrines, 114, 115 ; its attempt to rally, 115. Julius II., pope, 14. La Chapelier, 60. Lacoste, Marquis de, 60. Lafayette, 7i» 82. Lameth, Charles and Alexander, 60, 68, 71. La Revelli^re-Lepeaux, 60. Lavalette, 68. Lefevre, Jacques, his birth and education, 4 ; his works, 5 ; his ap- pearance, 6 ; completes Latin commentary upon the Psalms, 9 ; publishes commentary upon the Epistles of St. Paul, 10 ; an- nounces cardinal doctrine of the Reformation, 13 ; condemned by the Sorbonne, 21 ; goes to Meaux. 22 ; translates the Bible, 29 ; writes to Farel, 31 ; becomes intimidated, 36 ; his lack of courage, 39 ; his death, 40 ; his character, 51, 52. Legendre, 68. Leo X. (Giovanni de' Medici), 14. Louis XII., 6, 14, 24. Louis XIV. (Le Grand Monarque), 50, 98. Louis XVI., his character, 76, 77 ; liis flight to Varennes, 78 ; de- clares war against Austria, 93 ; dismisses the Girondin Minis- try, 97 ; leaves the Tuileries, 107. Louisa of Savoy, 23, 37. Luther, Martin, 13, 18 ; posts his ninety-five theses, 20 ; at Diet of Worms, 34 ; 51 ; his influence on the French Reformation, 52, 53- Maintenon, Madame de, 50. Mandat, his defence of the Tuileries, 104, 105. Marat, 78, 91, 96. Margaret of Angouleme, 23 ; her birth and education, 24, 25 ; 40. Marseillais, battalion of the, loi. Mauconseil, section, their petition, 102, 103. Maximilian, King of the Romans, 14. Melanchthon, Philip, 41. Merlin, his speech, 100. Michael Angelo, 14. Milon, Barthelemi, 45. Mirabeau. 60, 68, 71 ; his death, 73 ; Louis XVI. 's opinion of him, 76. JJarbonne, Louis de, 94, 95. I^ecker, 61, 97. > . I. f Nostradamus, J 5. l ; ; I ' 1 1' . » • ' • " ' t t • » c * ' • I J : :> t, , » ' i c t » • i I ■^mmt ^ 120 Index. Olivetanus, Robert, Bible of, 30. Orleans, Due d', 61, 69, 78, 92. Orleans, Louis Philippe d', 68. Paul III., pope, 49- Pavia, battle of, 36. Petion, 60, 68, 75* Qi' 92- Placards, Year of the, 41* Rabaut Saint-fetienne, 69, 92. Raphael, 14. Sspierre. Maximflien. 60, 69, 74. 84, 9i. 92. 96. 98 ; h^ n^e »» power, III ; comment of d' Hericaolt upon him, 112, 113. i' p ; lortnnt foundation of, 3; condemns ^^^^^^^^^^ demns Lefevre, 21 ; causes Francis to prohibit printing, 44- St. Anthony, arm of, 16. St. Bartholomew, massacre of, 50. St. Bionysius, body of, I5- St. Stephen, stones that killed, 16. States-General of France, opening of, 57- Surriano, Michel, Venetian Ambassador, 16. \\\ Talleyrand, 92. Tallien, 69. Talma, actor, 69. University of Paris, its origin, 3. Vemet, Carle, 69. Vio, Thomas de, cardinal, 19. Volney, 60. ft > • • t • » « • V • » a • I » • « > • • • • • • * » - • I > • < > ' « . i » I • i J * • « t ' » • f • y I COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 0032147783 ♦ • . m 94^4- \ F22 fO C30 m IT T fVI . O 0^ _, O UJ o a. •-♦ uo o > • < >t rvj -0 4- rg uO C^ u. UJ G ?^ 53 O 1 I, I JMi 24 1940