Columbia Sanibersittp 
 in tfje Citp of iSehj gorfe 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 GIVEN BY 
 

HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 INQUISITION. 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 INQUISITION, 
 
 AS IT HAS SUBSISTED IN 
 
 FRANCE, ITALY, SPAIN, PORTUGAL, VENICE, SICILY, 
 SARDINIA, MILAN, POLAND, FLANDERS, &c. &c. 
 
 With a particular Description of its 
 
 Secret ^ti^on&y 
 
 MODES OF TORTUPF, STYLE OF aCLVSATION, TRIAL, 
 
 Abridged 
 FROM THE r,''.lBO::JATE WOKK OF 
 
 PHILIP LIMB OUCH, 
 
 Professor of Divinity at Amsterdam. 
 INTRODUCED BY AN HISTORICAL SURVEY OF THE 
 
 And illustrated by Extracts from various Writers, and original Manuscript. 
 
 Tnteresting Particulars of 
 
 PERSONS WHO HAVE SUFFERED 
 
 THE TERRORS OF THAT DARK AND SANGUINARY TRIBUNAL, 
 
 And 
 
 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS ON ITS REVIVAL IN SPAIN, 
 
 By the Decree of Fer dinand VII. 
 
 LONDOS: 
 PRINTED FOR W. SIMPKIN AND R. MARSHALL, 
 
 STATIONERS'-COUKT, LUDGATE-STREET. 
 
 1816. 
 
y-^^ 
 
 .r^\r^^ y 
 
 3 
 
 :)2> 
 
 Plummer and Brewis, Printers, Love-Lane, Eastcheap, Lmdon. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 ■•.*/V^*'»'W*/W* 
 
 THE learned author of the following work, 
 Philip Limborch, was born at Amsterdam in 1633, 
 where he studied with great success, and at the 
 age of twenty-two entered on the public work of 
 the ministry, at Haerlem ; his sermons had in them 
 no affected eloquence, but were peculiarly solid, 
 methodical and edifying. He was first chosen 
 minister of Goudja, and afterwards called to 
 Amsterdam, where he had the professorship of 
 divinity, in which he acquitted himself with great 
 reputation, throughout the remainder of a long 
 andtranquil life; he died in 1712, aged seventy- 
 nine years. 
 
 A 3 
 
Yl PREFACE. 
 
 This venerable man, possessed all the qualifi- 
 cations and virtues, which belong to the character 
 of a sincere minister, an admirable genius, and a 
 tenacious memory. He enjoyed the particular inti- 
 macy of many distinguished individuals, in his own 
 and in foreign countries, among whom was Mr. 
 Locke, in whose works some 'of his letters are 
 preserved. He wrote, " A Complete Body of Di- 
 vinity, according to the opinions and doctrines of 
 the Remonstrants," and several smaller works, be- 
 sides publishing those of Episcopius, who was his 
 relative. 
 
 His greatest undertaking was, " The History of 
 the Inquisition," in which, with vast labour, he 
 availed himself of his talents and peculiar local situ- 
 ation, in gaining access to, and combining the testi- 
 monies of, numerous authors. The general plan 
 pursued in the formation of this work, he thus 
 describes : " I have not through an attachment to 
 any party, written any thing contrary to truth, 
 I have made use of Popish authors,* yea, In- 
 
 * With the exception of archbishop Usher and R. Gonsalvius. 
 
PREFACE. vil 
 
 quisitors themselves, and counsellors of the 
 Inquisition, who are so far from having written 
 any thing untrue, out of hatred to the Inquisition, 
 that they every where extol its sanctity and advan- 
 tages ; and therefore whatever they write, I assured 
 myself I might safely relate, without charge of 
 calumny. The reader niay perhaps wonder at one 
 thing, that I have always called those who differ 
 from the church of Rome, Heretics-, he will remem- 
 ber that is not my sense, and I speak chiefly the 
 language of Popish writers; but I sincerely believe, 
 that those whom the church of Rome has con- 
 demned for Heresy, have died and gloriously en- 
 dured the punishment of fire, for the testimony 
 of Jesus Christ, and the maintaining a good con- 
 science," 
 
 When this work first appeared, it excited great 
 attention, and had the honour of being condemned 
 and prohibited by an edict of the cardinals inqui- 
 sitors at Rome, who forbad the reading of it under 
 
 Montanus a protestant, who gathered a church at Seville, about 
 the death of the Emperor Charles V. which was scattered and de- 
 stroyed by the Inquisition. 
 
 A 4 
 
viii , PREFACE. 
 
 the severest penalties. It received however, the 
 far more positive distinction of John Locke's par- 
 ticular approbation, " that incomparable judge of 
 men and books, who gives it the highest character, 
 commends it for its method and perspicuity, and 
 pronounces it a work in its kind absolutely perfect. 
 In a letter addressed to Mr. Limborch, he tells 
 him, that he had so fully exposed their secret arts 
 of wickedness and cruelty, that if they had any 
 remains of humanity in them, they must be asham- 
 ed of that horrid tribunal, in which every thing 
 that was just and righteous was so monstrously 
 perverted ; and that it was fit to be translated into 
 the vulgar language of every nation, that all 
 might understand the Ante-Christian practices of 
 that execrable court."* 
 
 , If any apology could be necessary for presenting 
 a work of this kind (for a long time contemplated) to 
 the public, at the present moment, it might be found 
 in the aspect of the times, in which Popery so entirely 
 
 * Vide Preface by the translator. Dr. Chandler, who published 
 this work in English, 2 vols. 4to. 1732, with a long and highly 
 respectable list of subscribers. 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 overwhelmed in the apprehension of many, is again 
 lifting up its head, and resorting to its usual means 
 of supplying deficiency of argument by force and 
 violence. 
 
 In forming this abridgment of Mr. Limborch's 
 valuable work, the editor has used his best judg- 
 ment, in preserving what he considered as most 
 interesting. The Edicts which are in the original 
 printed at length and which occupy much space, 
 he has generally omitted, retaining their spirit; 
 Wherever it could be done, he has preferred the 
 language of the author ; but if he has found 
 it necessary to lessen the number of words, which 
 relate a circumstance, he has still endeavoured 
 carefully to preserve the references, which are so 
 indispensable in the pages of authenticated history. 
 
 It appears somewhat remarkable, that few modern 
 writers have regarded the Inquisition, with that 
 pointed attention which its magnitude deserves ; the 
 reader of its history will find it no mean object of 
 contemplation. The design of affording an authentic 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 view of this powerful coadjutor of Romish doc- 
 trine, in a portable form, suggested the idea of the 
 present volume. For the selection of notes, (with 
 a trifling exception,) the Introductory Survey of the 
 Christian Church and the two concluding Chapters 
 the editor is responsible ; and if the combined 
 effect of his labours should be, that of promoting 
 just views, respecting the proper boundaries of 
 civil and ecclesiastical authority, and of inducing 
 any to believe, from the dire consequences of bigotry 
 and intolerance, that difference of religious opinion 
 is not a proper ground for personal hatred, and that 
 in promoting the happiness of others by every 
 suitable means, w^e really advance our own ; he 
 will feel that peculiar pleasure which arises from 
 the contemplation of exertions, successfully em- 
 ployed, and in this hope the work is now presented 
 to the attention of a candid and discerning public. 
 
THE CONTENTS. 
 
 HISTORICAL Survey of the Christian Church Page 1 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Chap. Page. 
 I The Doctrine of Jesus Christ forbids Persecution on the ac- 
 count of Religion *.. 59 
 
 II. . . » . . . The opinion of the primitive Christians concerning persecu- 
 tion CI 
 
 III The Laws of the Emperors, after the Nicene couuril against 
 
 the Arians and other heretics 64 
 
 IV The Arian persecutions of the Orthodox 70 
 
 V The opinion of some of the Fathers concerning the persecu- 
 tion of Dissenters 72 
 
 VI St. Aiigustine^s opinion concerning the persecution of heretics 75 
 
 VII .... The persecutions of the Popes against heretics 79 
 
 VIII.. .. Of the Albigcnses and Waldenses *.. . . 81 ' 
 
 IX Of the persecutions against the Albigenses and Waldenses.. 88 
 
 X Of Dorainicus, and the first rise of the Tholouse Inquisition . 92 
 
 XI Of tlie wars against Raymond, father and son/ Earls of 
 
 Tholouse 98 
 
 XII Several councils held, and the Laws of the Emperor Frederic 
 
 II., by which the office of the inquisition was greatly pro- 
 moted ... 107 
 
 XIII.... The Inquisition introduced into Arragon, France,>Tholouse, 
 
 and Italy 110 - 
 
 XIV.. . . Of the first hindrances to the progress of the Inquisition .... 115 *" 
 
 XV The more speedy progress of the Inquisition 118 >■ 
 
 XVI.. .. The Inquisition introduced into several places 124** 
 
 XVII... Of the Inquisition at Venice 126 
 
 XVIII.. The Inquisition against the Apostolics, Templars, and others. 130 
 
 XIX. . . . The Inquisition against the Beguins 133 
 
 XX The process against Mathew Galeacius, Viscoimt Milan, and 
 
 others 187 
 
 XXI. . . . The inquisition introduced into Poland, and restored in France 139 
 
 -xXXII. . . Of Wickliff, Huss, and the Inquisition against the Htissites. . 141 
 
 ■ «XXIII.. Of the Inquisition in Valence, Flanders, and Artois 14S 
 
CONTENTS. 
 Chap. P^o^' 
 
 XXIV.. Of the Spanish Inquisition l^*"** 
 
 XXV... Of the Inquisition in Portugal 154 
 
 XXVI.. Of the attempt to bring the Inquisition into the kingdom of 
 
 Naples 158 
 
 XXVII.. Of the Inquisition in Sicily, Sardinia, and Milan 160 
 
 XXVllI. The return of the Inquisition into Germany and France at the 
 
 time of the Reformation *61 
 
 XXIX. . Six Cardinals appointed at Rome Inquisitors General 164 
 
 XXX... Of the Inquisition in Spain against heretics 165 
 
 XXXI . Of the Inquisition in the Low Countries 172 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 OF THE MINISTERS OF THE OFFICE OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 Cmap. Pace. 
 
 I O F the Ministers of the Inquisition in general 17^1* 
 
 II. Of the Inquisitors. 177H 
 
 III ... . Of the Vicars and Assistants of the Inquisition 186 
 
 IV Of Assessors and Counsellors necessary to the office of the In- 
 quisition 9 1*^ 
 
 V Of the Promoter Fiscal 191 
 
 VI ... . Of the Notaries of the Inquisition 19* 
 
 VII. . . Of the Judge and Receiver of the confiscated effects 196 
 
 VIII. . Of the Executor and Official of the Inquisition 199 
 
 IX. . . . Of the Familiars or Attendants 202 
 
 X Of the Cross Bearers 204 
 
 X.I Of the Visitors of the Inquisitors 207 
 
 XII ... Of the duty or power of every Magistrate 208 
 
 XIII.. Of the privileges of the Inquisitors c 21K 
 
 XIV. . . Of the amplitude of the Jurisdiction of the Inquisitors 218 
 
 XV.... Of the power of the Inquisitors 224\ 
 
 XVI. . . Of the povver of the Inquisitors in prohibiting books ; 22»\ 
 
 XVII.. What the Inquisitors can do themselves, and what in conjunc 
 
 tion with the Ordinaries > • • • • • • 23^ 
 
 XVIIl . Of the jail of the Inquisitors, and Keepers of the jail 236 
 
 XIX.. . Of the expences requisite in the administration of the Inquisi- 
 tion, and confiscation of effects applied to this use 259^ 
 
 XX. ... Of the salaries of the Inquisitors and other officers 264\ 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CRIMES BELONGING TO THE TRIBUNAL OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 Chap. Vkgz, 
 
 I OF Heretics, and their ecclesiastical puaishraents. • • • • • 26»n^ 
 
 II Of thecivil punishments of Heretics ••• . 279»-^ 
 
CONTENTS. 
 Chap. Page. 
 
 Ill Of epen and secret Heretics >. 293** 
 
 IV. . . . Of affirmative and negative Heretics 294^ 
 
 V Of Heretics impenitent and penitent SOCT* 
 
 VI.... Of Arch Heretics 30S 
 
 VH. . . Of the Believers of Heretics, and of Schismatics 304 
 
 VHI.. Of the Receivers and Defenders of Heretics 306**** 
 
 IX.... Of the Favourers of Heretics 307 * 
 
 X Of the Hinderers of the Office of the Inquisition 310 
 
 XI.. .. Of Persons suspected of Heresy 314'** 
 
 XII... Of Persons defamed for Heresy 3lf^ 
 
 XIII.. Of Persons relapsed 318 
 
 XIV. . Of such who read and keep prohibited Books 319* 
 
 XV. . . Of Polygamists 322 
 
 XVI.. Of those who celebrate and administer the Sacrament of Pe- 
 nance, not being priests 32ft 
 
 XVII.. Of soliciting Confessors 327 
 
 XVIII. Of one that is insordescent in Excommunication 331 
 
 XIX.. Of Blaspliemers 33S 
 
 XX. . . Of Diviners, Fortune-Tellers, and Astrologers 335 
 
 XXI.. OfWilches > 337 
 
 XXII . Of Jews, and such as return to Jewish rites 341 # 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 OF THE MANNER OF PROCEEDING BEFORE THE TRIBUNAL 
 OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Chap. Page. 
 
 I HOW the Inquisitor begins his office 349*^ 
 
 II Of the promulgation of an Edict of Faith 353 
 
 III Of the obligation to denounce every Heretic to the Inqui- 
 sition 355 
 
 IV Of such who voluntarily appear, and the grace shewn them 358 
 
 V Of the three methods of beginning the process before th« 
 
 Tribunal of the Inquisition 359 
 
 VI How the Process begins by way of Inquisition 361 
 
 VII. How the process begins by accusation 364 
 
 VIII How the process begins by denunciation ... 366 
 
 IX Of the witnesses, and who are admitted as witnesses before 
 
 the Tribunal of the Inquisition 368 
 
 X Of the number of the witnesses » 370 
 
 XI Of the examination of the witnesses 372 
 
 XII How the criminals when informed against are sent to jail 374 ^ 
 
 XIII Of the exammatiou of the prisoners 377 
 
 XIV What arts the Inquisitors iise to draw a confession from the 
 
 prisoners 379 
 
 XV.,.*t«» How the prisunera are allowed an advocate^ procurator 
 
 and guardian «.»•# t •# f t i.t t •••• 38t *" 
 
CONTENTS. 
 Chap, Page. 
 
 XVI How the prisoners are interrogated by the Inquisitor, whe- 
 
 » tlier they allow the witnesses to be rightly examined^and 
 
 re heard 384 
 
 XVII .... How the piomoUr Fiscal txhibits tlic Bill of accusation.. 386 
 XVIlf.... How the interrogatories t?iveii in by the Ciiniinals are 
 
 torraed and exhibited 387 
 
 XIX Of the re-examining the Witritsses, and the pnni.>hiuent of 
 
 false Witnesses 389 
 
 XX How the Prisoner hath a copy of the evidence, withunt the 
 
 names of the "'^'itnesses 390 
 
 XXI How the articUs and witnesses for the Criminal are pro- 
 duced and examined 394 
 
 XX J I .... Cf the defence of the Criminals , 395 
 
 XXI f I.... How the Inquisitor may be rejected 396 
 
 XX » v.... Or the appeal from the Inquisitor •• 397 
 
 XXV How they pro<'eed ugainst such wJ.o make their escape. . . 399 
 
 XXVI.. . . How the p)ocess is ended in the lnquJs.Uion 400 
 
 XXVIl How the process is ended by absolution •• 403 
 
 XXVIII. .. How the process against a person defamed for heresy is 
 
 ei-ded by canonical pixgation 405 
 
 XXIX • • . . How the process is ended by torture 407 
 
 XXX How the process is ei.dcd agf.inst a person of heresy, as 
 
 also against one both suspected and defamed i..<> 426 
 
 XXXI- . . . How the process against an licretic confessed and penitent 
 
 endii, and first of abjuration 431 
 
 XXXII... Of the punishment and wholesome penances injoined such 
 
 as abjure 433 
 
 XXXIII.. When and how far any one is to be admitted to penance.. . 439 
 
 XXXIV •• How the process ends against a relapsed penitent 443 
 
 ^XXV... How the process ends against an impenitent Heretic and 
 
 impenitent relapse • 446 
 
 XXXVI... How the process ends against a negative Heretic convicted 450 
 XXXVII. . How the process ends against a fugitive Heretic 452 
 
 XXX VIII. Of the method of proceeding against the dead***. 455 
 
 XXXIX.. . Of the manner of proceeding against houses 457 
 
 XL How the sentences are pronoimced, and the condemned 
 
 persons delivered over to the secular arm 458 
 
 XLI Of an act of Faith. 463 
 
 XLII. . • . Memoirs of Persons who have suffered the terrors of Inqui- 
 sitorial Persecution 493 
 
 XLIII.... On the re-establishment of the Inquisition in Spain, by the 
 
 decree of Ferdinand VII . • • • • 630 
 
 %/W%V%'V«.X^^/«. 
 
 Directions to the Binder. 
 
 The Standard of the Inquisition to face the Title. 
 
 The Table of the Inquisition to face Page 246. 
 
 The Procession of the Inquisition for the burning of Heretics to face Page 472. 
 
J Catalogue of the Axdliors out of whose writings the history 
 of the INQUISITION is principally drawn. 
 
 DIRECTORIUM Inquisitorum Fr. Nicolai Eymerici Ord- Praed. 
 cum Commenlariis Francisci Pcgnae J V. D. Romance in aedibus populi 
 Romani, 1535, fol. Eymericus was born at Girona in Catalonia, was a 
 Predicant Monk, and flourished in the papacy of Urban V and Gregory 
 XL and in the reign of Peter IV. King of Aragon. He was made In- 
 quisitor General about the year 1358, and succeeded Nicholas Rosell^ 
 He was made a Cardinal, An. 1356- He died Jan. 4, 1393, having 
 executed the ofiice of the Holy Inquisition for forty-four years 
 together. 
 
 Pegna was a Spaniard, of the Kingdom of Aragon, made Auditor of 
 the Roman Rota, in the room of Christopher Robusterius,Oct 14, 1588. 
 He was advanced to the Deanery of the same court, June 9, 1604, in 
 the room of Cardinal Jerom Pamphilii, and died in that Deanery, Aag. 
 21, 1612. 
 
 Francisci Pegnae Instructio, seu Praxis Inquisitorum, cum annotatio- 
 nibus Caesaris Carense. Lugduni 1669, post Carenas tractatum de Offi- 
 cio SS- Inquisitionis. fol. 
 
 Guidonis Fulcodii, qucestiones quindecim ad Inquisitores; cum anno* 
 tationibus Caesaris Carens, ibid. Fulcodius was a Cardinal, and after- 
 wards Pope, by the name of Clement IV. 
 
 Lucerna Inpuisitorum Fr. Bernardi Comensis, cum annot. Francisci 
 Pegnae, impressa Romas cum licentia Superiorum, ex officina Bartholo- 
 maei Grassi, 158 1, 
 
 Jacobus Simancas de Catholicis Inslitutionibus. Simancas was Bishop 
 of Badajoz in the kingdom of Portugal, and province of Estremadura. 
 
 Joannes a Royas, de haereticis corumque impia intentione et credu- 
 litate. Royas was a Licentiate of the Canon and Civil Law, Inquisitor 
 of heretical pravity at.Valence in Spain. 
 
 Zenchini Ugolini tractatus de haereticis : cum additionibus Fr. Gamilli 
 Campegii. Z. Ugolinus was a law) er of Rimini in Italy. 
 
 C. Campegius was a Predicant Friar, and Inquisitor General in all 
 the territories of Ferrara. 
 
 ConradusBrunus de haereticis and schismaticis, lib. 6. 
 
 Forma procedendi contra haereticos, seu inquisitor de haeresi, ct in 
 causa hajresis. Autor crcditur Joannes Calderinus. 
 
 Hi quinque autores exstant in Parte IL Tom. XI. tractatum ill ustrium 
 Juris consuUorum, quaeagit, de judiciis criminalibus S. Inquisitionis. 
 
Xvi A CATALOGUE OF AUTHORS, &C. 
 
 Ludovicus a Paramo, de Origine et Progressu Officii Sanctas Inqui- 
 sitionis, ej usque dignilate et utilitate. Madriti,ex Typographia Regia, 
 CIO ID xciix. fol. Ludovicus a Paramo was archdeacon and canon of 
 Leon, a city in Spain, and inquisitor of the kingdom of Sicily. 
 
 Antonii de Sousa, Aphorismi Inquisitorum. Lugduni, apud Anisson. 
 1069, 8vo. Sousa was a Portuguese of Lisbon, a Predicant Friar, Mas- 
 ter of Divinity, and counsellor to the King and the tribunal of the su- 
 preme Inquisition. 
 
 Caesaris Carenae, tractatus de Office Sanctissimae Inquisitionis, etmodo 
 procedendi in causis fidei. Lugdoni apud Anisson, 1669, fol. Carena, 
 D. D. was auditor of Cardinal Comporeus, Judge Conservator, Counsel- 
 lor, and Advocate Fiscal of the Holy Office. 
 
 Reignaldi Gonsalvi Montani Sanctas Inquisitionis Hispanicae artes 
 aliquot detectae ac palam traductae. Heidelbergae 1597, 8vo. 
 
 Pauli Servitae Historia Inquisitionis, prassertim prout in Dominio 
 Veneto observatur. 
 
 Relation de I'lnquisition de Goa, 12mo. a Paris, 1687. 
 I Memoires de la Cour d'Espagne, 12mo. a la Haye, 1691. 
 
 Abraham! Bzovii Annalium Ecclesiasticorum Baronii Continuatio, 
 Antwerpiae, 1617. 
 
 Annales Ecclesia^tici ex Tomis octo ad unum pluribus auctum rc- 
 dacti; Autore Odorico Raynaldo. Romae ex Typographia Varesii, 
 1657. Raynaldus was of Treviso, Presbyter of the Congregation of the 
 Oratory. 
 
 Compendium Bullarii Flavii Cherubini. Lugdini apud Laurentium 
 Durand, 1624, 4to. 
 
 Lucae Wadding! Annales Miaorum, in quibus res onines trium Ordi- 
 num Franciscanorum tractanur. Lugduni, 1625, fol. 
 
 Jacobi Augusti Thuani Historia sui temporis. 
 
 Jacobus Usserius Archiepiscopus Armachanus de Successione Eccle- 
 siarum in Occidentis praesertim partibus- 
 
 Giber Sententiarum InpuisitionisTholosana. 
 
 Liber Catenatus, MS. inter archiva Capituli S. Salvatoris, Trajecti 
 ad Rhenum. 
 
 Glossariura ad Scriptores mediae et insimse Latinitatis Carol! du 
 Fresne Domini du Cange. Lutet. Paris, 1678, fol. 
 
 Domini Maori Hierolexicon. Romac, 1677, fol. 
 
HISTORICAL SURVEY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, 
 
 The history of that Ecclesiastical Court, denominated by a 
 strange and imposing perversion, The Holy Inquisition, the 
 very name of which has excited the terror of thousands and tens 
 of thousands, and whose existence leaves a lasting stain upon the 
 annals of mankind, so naturally connects itself with the history 
 of the church, from whose corruptions this prodigious evil 
 grew, that it may be proper to take a rapid survey of the progress 
 and corruption of Christian doctrine during the early ages, in 
 order more correctly to exhibit the gradual advances of that 
 ecclesiastical domination, which at length assumed an universal 
 sway ; impiouslv affecting to dispose of heaven and earth, and 
 in its rage and cruelty adopting, in the most sanguinary of 
 tribunals, a system of despotism, the most horrible that has 
 ever afflicted the imagination or wrung the hearts of human 
 kind — whose records ought never to be forgotten, but be trans- 
 mitted from generation to generation, as a perpetual warning 
 to governments and people, when surrendering those rights 
 which are inseparable from the well-being of man, either as an 
 individual, or as connected in the bonds of friendship and 
 society. 
 
 That gracious dispensation of mercy wliich the sacred scrip- 
 tures have denominated " The glorious gospel of the blessed 
 God,"* whilst it has claims of eternal obhgation upon tlie mind 
 
 ■ 1 Tim. i, 11. 
 
5 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 of man, being accompanied by an evidence and influence pecu- 
 liarly its own, having been prefigured by ancient ceremonies, 
 foretold by prophets, introduced by miracles, sealed by sacred 
 blood, and secured by the oath of an unchanging God — has 
 by its promulgation, gathered in the present world a church out 
 of every nation, " kindred, tongue, and people," ^ against 
 which " the gates of hell shall not prevail;"' a church which 
 has continued, and will continue, to the end of time, under the 
 guardian eye of him who will at length "present it to himself 
 a glorious church, not having spot, or wrinkle, or any such 
 thing,''** to abide in his presence and go no more out for ever.<= 
 This gospel of the grace of God, so universal in its applica- 
 tion, commanding, yea, entreating " all men every where to 
 repent"^ and "be reconciled to God,"? is in its preaching 
 compared unto a net cast into the sea, •» and gathering 
 thereout a promiscuous multitude of every sort both bad and 
 good. The church of Christ, therefore, in an extended sense, 
 comprehends all those who are thus gathered from the world, 
 to an external profession of its doctrines — in a restricted import 
 it admits only those who appear to be influenced by divine 
 precepts. The term is here employed in its greatest latitude, 
 whilst the History of the Christian Church, according to ex- 
 ternal profession, is briefly considered. 
 
 The history of the Christian church during the apostolic age 
 is happily so much within the reach of every reader, as to ren- 
 der it unnecessary to advert to its infant state, or to dwell at 
 - large upon its most early progress ; a remark or two will there- 
 fore suffice in rapidly passing over that instructive period which 
 is embraced by the sacred records. 
 
 When the divine Author of the Christian faith had accom- 
 plished the gracious designs of his mission on the earth, and 
 was about to ascend up into heaven, he commanded his disci- 
 ples to promulgate his doctrine in the following words : " Go 
 ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creok- 
 iurer^ 
 
 ,* Rev. V, 0. ^ Matt, xvi, 18. * Ephes. ▼, 27. « Rev. iii, 12. 
 
 ' Act* xvii, 20. 6 2 Cor. v, 20. "» Matt, xiii, 47, 
 
 ' Mark xvi, 15. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 8 
 
 Before, however, they proceeded to the execution of this 
 high command, the Saviour instructed his disciples to wait 
 certain days at Jerusalem, that they might receive the commu- 
 nication of "power from on high;"^ and when the day of 
 Penteco§t was fully come, he displayed upon them that trans- 
 cendant miracle The Gift of Tongues, a gift which, whilst 
 it filled the gazing multitude with wonder, enabled " Par- 
 thians and Medes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopo- 
 tamia, and in Judea and Cappadocia, in Pontus and Asia, 
 Phrygia and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and in the parts of Lybia, 
 about Cyrene, and strangers at Rome, Jews and proselytes, 
 Cretes and Arabians, to hear them speak, in their own tongue, 
 the wonderful works of God." ^ 
 
 This gift of the Holy Spirit, besides the communication of 
 language, was also productive of other great effects on the 
 minds of the disciples. 
 
 In consequence of that darkness which sin has introduced 
 into the moral world, they were Hable to mistake the nature 
 of their embassy, and even did enquire of the Messiah after he 
 had risen, if he would now restore again the Jewish poHty; " 
 but his answer referred them to this great event, the enlighten- 
 ing of this Holy Spirit — the promise of the Father — the Guide 
 into all Truth. 
 
 The disciples of Jesus Christ, after he had accomplished the 
 period of his ministry on earth, were to be deprived of his 
 personal protection, of his counsels, and his visible presence; 
 and in the view of this he consoled them in the most tender 
 language," whilst he assured them they should receive this 
 sacred Spirit, the comforter to abide with them for ever. The 
 disciples were also subject lo human fears, and often felt a dis- 
 position to compromise somewhat for their personal safety. 
 Hence, when the Saviour spake of his death, Peter replied," Be 
 it far from thee. Lord."" ° When his enemies actually laid their 
 hands on him, notwithstanding they had seen him walk upon 
 the sea, still with a word the raging storm, and raise the dead, 
 we behold them deserting him in his greatest danger; and 
 
 * Luke xxiv, 49, ' Acts ii. 9. "* Acts i, 6. " John xiv. 
 
 • Matt, xvi, 22. 
 B g 
 
4 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 Peter, regardless of the strong assurances he had given to his 
 divine Master of attachment, even thrice denied the knowledge 
 of his person. ? But what a change is observable in their his- 
 tory when they are influenced by the Holy Spirit. Now, in- 
 stead of flying from personal danger, they can use this language 
 to a threatening judicature, " Whether it be right in the sight 
 of God to hearken unto you more than unto God judge ye : 
 for we cannot but speak the things which we have seen and 
 heard." ^ Now they rejoice when counted worthy to sufi*er 
 for his name who endured for them the "contradiction of 
 sinners against himself" ■■ No longer expecting an earthly 
 kingdom, and a heaven below, they glory in tribulation, and 
 fix their eyes on an immortal crown. 
 
 As there may probably be occasion to advert to such a topic, 
 it may not be amiss here to enquire a httle into the manner 
 in which the Redeemer qualified his disciples for the exercise 
 of the ministry ; because it is fairly to be presumed, that only 
 those who follow in their footsteps can lay claim to a similarity 
 of character, for " by their fruits ye shall know them." In 
 their conduct before the world then the Saviour appears in the 
 whole tenour of his doctrine, as well as by his own bright ex- 
 ample, to have taught them to be inoffensive ; — this appears to 
 have been his greatest lesson — to suffer, but to do no wrong, 
 *« Love," said he " your enemies, bless them that curse you, 
 do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which des- 
 pitefully use you and persecute you."* " Behold I send you 
 forth as sheep in the midst of wolves ; be ye, therefore, wise as 
 serpents, and harmless as doves." * Far from being authorised 
 to make use of fleshly weapons in their spiritual warfare, they 
 were for warned " that all they that take the sword shall 
 perish with the sword," " and instead of indulging in furi- 
 ous anger against those who did not receive the doctrines they 
 advanced, the most serious step enjoined was, an act of the 
 most significant yet affectionate separation, " Go your ways 
 out into the streets and say. Even the very dust of your city, 
 which cleaveth on us, we do wipe off against you ; notwith- 
 
 • Luke xxii, 57. ^ Acts iv, 19. ' Heb. xii, .3. • Mat. v, 44. 
 
 * Mat. X, 16. • Mat. xxTJ, 62. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 5 
 
 Standing, be ye sure of this, that the kingdom of God is come 
 nigh unto you"' 
 
 If these then were the instructions which proceeded from the 
 lips of Jesus Christ, relative to the spirit and temper in which 
 he would have the ministry of his word exercised ; by what 
 strange concurrence and perversion could it arise, that persecU" 
 tion should be adopted in the propagation of the gospel. To 
 employ external violence, in order to produce conviction of die 
 mind, must be considered an absurdity of the grossest kind : and 
 to assert that a religion introduced to the world by the angehc 
 song of, " peace on earth, good-will towards men," sanctions 
 the use of fire and sword for its promotion, involves a contradic- 
 tion as glaring as to affirm, that the sun can cause darkness, or 
 the showers of heaven drought : it cannot be — it is not in the 
 gospel of Christ, that a sanction can be found for such a prac- 
 tice. Every species of persecution, as well as " all the wars and 
 massacres, which have usually been styled religious, and with 
 the entire guilt of which Christianity has been very unjustly 
 loaded, have been altogether owing to causesof a very different 
 nature — to the ambition, the resentment, the avarice, the rapa- 
 city of princes and conquerors (or of lesser tyrants) who assum- 
 ed the mask of religion, in order to veil then* real purposes, and 
 who pretended to fight (or persecute) in the cause of God and his 
 church, when they had in reahty, nothing else in view, than to 
 advance their power and authority, or extend their dominion." ^ 
 But to return. 
 
 The scriptures take up the history of the church and carry 
 it on directly or indirectly, to about the year QQ^ at which pe- 
 riod the doctrines of the gospel had been taught and received in 
 a large portion of the then known world : according to credible 
 records, it appears to have been preached in Idumea, Syria, 
 and Mesopotamia, by Jude ; in Egypt, Mamorica, Mauritania, 
 and other parts of Africa, by Mark, Simeon and Jude; in 
 Ethiopia, by the Eunuch and Matthias ; in Pontus, Galatia, 
 and the neighbouring parts of Asia, by Peter ; in the territories 
 of the seven Asiatic Churches, by John ; in Parthia, by Mat- 
 thew ; in Scy thia, by Philip and Andrew ; in the northern 
 
 " Luke X. 11. f Poiteus' Lectures, vol. 1. 375. 
 
6 HISTORICAL SPRVEY OF 
 
 and western parts of Asia, by Bartholomew ; in Persia, bj 
 Simeon and Jude; in Media, Carmania, &c. by Thomas; 
 from Jerusalem and round about unto Illyricum, by Paul ; as 
 also in Italy, and probably in Spain, Gaul, and Britain, and we 
 are told, that the disciples, upon the persecution which arose 
 about Stephen were scattered abroad, and " went every where 
 preaching the word/'* 
 
 This extension of doctrine, however, was unattended by 
 •popularity, by the applause, or even the approbation of the 
 world ; the profession of Christianity, at this early period, being 
 pure and scriptural, caused, as it will ever do, offence; the 
 Christians were, in consequence, a sect every where spoken 
 against, and the time also soon arrived, when, according to their 
 Lord's prediction, those who killed them thought that they did 
 God service*. The Apostle Paul viewed the approach of this 
 event, in reference to hunself, with that steady confidence which 
 truth alone can inspire, when, addressing his son Timothy, he 
 said, " I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my 
 departure is at hand ; I have fought a good fight, I have finish- 
 ed my course, I have kept the faith ; henceforth there is laid up 
 for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous 
 judge shall give me at that day, and not to me only, but unto 
 all them also that love his appearing^. The apostle's death 
 took place, according to the most credible records, shortly after; 
 he having been condemned in the 12th year of the reign of 
 Nero, the same year in which Peter, according to Jerome, 
 was sacrificed. 
 
 In the year 64, Nero, whose infamous conduct was too gross 
 here to admit of a description, and who had exhausted all 
 the sources of criminal pleasure, at length sought his gratifi- 
 cation in the sufferings of others, and let loose his fury upon 
 the Christians. Tacitus acquaints us with the pretended causes 
 of the hatred which he displayed against them, and which 
 produced the first general persecution. — That inhuman empe- 
 ror, having, as was supposed, set fire to the city of Rome ; to 
 avoid the imputation of this wickedness, transferred it to the 
 
 ' AcU viii, 4. * John xvi, 2. ► 2 Tim. iv, 6. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ( 
 
 Ciiristians ; and after informing us that they were ah-eady and 
 justly abhorred on account of their " many and enormous 
 crimes,'' «= Tacitus thus proceeds. " The author of this name 
 (Christians) was Christ, who in the reign of Tiberius, was exe- 
 cuted under Pontius Pilate procurator of Judea. The pestilent 
 superstition was for a while suppressed, but it revived again and 
 spread not only over Judea, where this evil was first broached, but 
 reached Rome, whither from every quarter of the earth is con- 
 stantly flowing whatever is hideous and abominable amongst 
 men, which is there readily embraced ^nd practised. First, there- 
 fore, Mere apprehended such as openly avowed themselves to be 
 of that sect; then by themAvere discovered an immense multitude, 
 and all were convicted, not of the crime of burning Rome, but 
 of hatred and enmity to mankind. Their death and tortures 
 were aggravated by cruel derision and sport ; for they were 
 either covered with the skins of wild beasts, and torn in pieces 
 by devouring dogs, or fastened to crosses, or wrapped up in 
 combustible garments, that when the day light failed, they 
 might, hke torches, serve to dispel the darkness of the night. 
 Hence towards the miserable sufferers, however guilty and 
 deserving the most exemplary punishment, compassion arose, 
 seeing they were doomed to perish, not with a view to the pub- 
 lic good, but to gratify the cruelty of one man."'^ Shortly 
 after, however, the period we are now contemplating, the wretch- 
 ed emperor Nero, unable to bear the load of disgrace which 
 popular opinion heaped on his existence, destroyed himself, 
 
 * How frequently has this early pattern of ignorant intolerance, been 
 imitated by those who sustain a far different character, and how often has 
 an nndiscriminating zeal represented as odious those opinions which a 
 little attention would have shewn in a very different point of light ; 
 enquiring a little further into these heavy charges, we find these " many and 
 enormous crimes," consisted in their being called Christians and refusing to 
 offer sacrifice to idols. 
 
 * Learned men are not altogether agreed concerning the persecution of 
 Nero, some confining it to the city of Rome, while others represent it as hav- 
 ing raged throughout the whole empire. The latter opinion, which is also 
 the most ancient, is undoubtedly to be preferred, as it is certain that the 
 laws enacted against the Christians, were enacted against the whole body, 
 and not against particular churches 
 
 B 4 
 
S HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 A. D. 68, — which put an . end to this horrid and destructive 
 butchery. 
 
 In the mean time, the Jews at Jerusalem were filling up the 
 measure of their iniquities, and preparing themselves for that 
 heavy vengeance which fell on them, in the utter destruction of 
 their city and temple, and the slaughter and dispersion of their 
 nation, described at large, by Josephus, when nearly one million 
 and a half of that devoted people, perished by famine and the 
 sword. 
 
 The persecution of Nero was succeeded by another under 
 Domitian, when the apostle John was banished to Patmos, 
 where he wrote the book called his Revelation, A. D. 96. 
 During this century of the church, though doubtless the most 
 pure, several corruptions of doctrine were introduced, the 
 principal of which was that of those Judaising teachers, who, 
 desirous of uniting the Jewish with the Christian dispensation, 
 asserted that unless the believers in Jesus were circumcised, 
 and observed the law of Moses, they could not be saved. These 
 notions, so entirely subversive of the very basis of the Gospel, 
 received the pointed attention of the apostles, and on another 
 occasion drew forth the invaluable epistle of Paul to the 
 Galatian churches. Some misguided persons also were desirous 
 of uniting the eastern philosophy with the gospel; whilst 
 many, in a spirit of pride and vain glory, endeavoured to ele- 
 vate themselves even above the apostles^ as alluded to in the 
 epistles of Paul and of John; and from hence arose the 
 several sects of the Gnostics, Cerinthians, Nicolaitans, Naza- 
 renes, Ebeonites, &c. to the disturbance of the church and its 
 unity. With regard to modes of worship and ceremonies, 
 during this century, it is impossible to speak with certainty : 
 the Scriptures alone are the authentic record. 
 
 The second century commences with the third year of the 
 emperor Trajan. He ascended the throne of the Caesars in 
 the year 98, and conferred the government of the province of 
 Bithynia upon Pliny, whose character has been styled one of 
 the most amiable in all pagan antiquity. The persecuting 
 laws against the Christians were still in force ; but Phny hesi- 
 tated in applying them, until he had consulted Trajan on the 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 9 
 
 subject, which he did by a letter' written about the year 
 106 or 107. This letter, is a very valuable fragment of anti- 
 quity, because it affords authentic information respecting the 
 conduct of the early Chiistians and their judges. It is as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 C Pliny to the Emperor Trajan, wishes health. 
 
 Sire, It is customary with me to consult you upon 
 every doubtful occasion; for where my own judgment hesitates, 
 who is more competent to direct me than yourself, or to in- 
 struct me where uninformed? I never had occasion to be 
 present at any examination of the Christians before I came 
 into this province : I am therefore ignorant to what extent it 
 is usual to inflict punishment, or urge prosecution. I have 
 also hesitated whether there should not be some distinction 
 made between the young and the old, the tender and the 
 robust; whether pardon should not be offered to penitence, or 
 whether the guilt of an avowed profession of Christianity can 
 be expiated by the most unequivocal retraction; whether the 
 profession itself is to be regarded as a crime, however innocent in 
 other respects the professor may be ; or whether the crimes 
 attached to name must be proved, before they are made liable 
 to punishment. 
 
 In the mean tmie, the method I have hitherto observed with 
 the Christians, who have been accused as such, has been as 
 follows. I interrogated them — Are you Christians.-^ If they 
 avowed it, I put the same question a second and a third time, 
 threatening them with the punishment decreed by the law ; 
 if they stiU persisted, / ordered them to be immediately exe- 
 cuted; for of this I had no doubt, whatever was the nature 
 of their religion, that such perverseness and inflexible obsti- 
 nacy certainly deserved punishment. Some that were infected 
 with this madness, on account of their privilege as Roman 
 citizens, I reserved to be sent to Rome, to be referred to your 
 tribunal. 
 
 In the discussioa*? of this matter, accusations multiplying, a 
 diversity of cases occurred. A schedule of names was sent 
 
10 ^ HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 me, by an unknown accuser ; but when I cited the persons 
 before me, many denied the fact, that they were or ever had 
 been Christians, and they repeated after me an invocation of 
 the Gods, and of your image, which for this purpose 1 had 
 ordered to be brought, with the statues of the other deities. 
 They performed sacred rites with wine and frankincense, and 
 execrated Christ; none of which things, I am assured, a real 
 Christian can ever be compelled to do. These, therefore, I 
 thought proper to discharge. Others named by an informer, at 
 first acknowledged themselves Christians, and then denied ic ; 
 declaring that though they had been Christians, they had re- 
 nounced their profession, some years ago, others still longer, 
 and some even twenty years ago- All these worshipped your 
 imao-e, and the statues of the Gods, and at the same time 
 execrated Christ. 
 
 And this was the account which they gave me of the na- 
 ture of the religion they once had professed, whether it 
 deserves the name of crime or error ; namely, that they were 
 accustomed, on a stated day, to assemble before sun-rise, and 
 to join together in singing hymns to Christ as to a Deity, 
 binding themselves as v/ith a solemn oath, not to commit any 
 kind of wickedness, to be guilty neither of theft, robbery, nor 
 adultery ; never to break a promise, or to keep back a deposit 
 when called upon. Their ^ worship being concluded, it was 
 their custom to separate, and meet together again for a repast, 
 promiscuous indeed, mthout any distinction of rank or sex, 
 but perfectly harmless ; and even from this they desisted, since 
 the publication of my edict, in which, agreeably to your orders, 
 I forbad any societies of that sort. 
 
 For further information, I diought it necessary, in order to 
 come at the truth, to put to the torture two females who were 
 called deaconesses. But 1 could extort from them nothing, 
 except the acknowledgement of an excessive and depraved 
 superstition, and therefore, desisting from further investigation, 
 I determined to consult you, for the number of culprits is so 
 great, as to call for the most serious deliberation. Informations 
 are pouring in against multitudes of every age, of all orders, 
 and of both sexes ; and more will be impeached, for the con- 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 11 
 
 tagion of this superstition hath spread, not only through cities, 
 but villao-es also, and even reached the farm-houses. 
 
 I am of opinion, nevertheless, that it may be checked, and 
 the success of my endeavours hitherto forbids despondency ; 
 for the temples, once almost desolate, begin to be again fre- 
 quented; the sacred solemnities, which had for some time 
 been intermitted, are now attended afresh ; and the sacrificial 
 victims, which once could scarcely find a purchaser, now ob- 
 tain a brisk sale. Whence I infer, that many might be re- 
 claimed, were the hope of pardon on their repentance abso- 
 lutely confirmed." 
 
 Trajan to Pliny. 
 
 " My dear Pliny, 
 
 " You have done perfectly right in managing as you 
 have the matters which relate to the impeachment of the 
 Christians. No one general rule can be laid down, which will 
 apply to all cases; these people are not to be hunted up by 
 informers; but if accused and convicted let them be exe- 
 cuted: yet with this restriction, that if any renounce the pro- 
 fession of Christianity, and give proof of it, by offering sup- 
 phcations to our Gods, however suspicious their past conduct 
 may have been, they shall be pardoned on their repentance. 
 \But anonymous accusations should never be attended to, 
 since it would be establishing a precedent of the worst kind, 
 and altogether inconsistent with the maxims of mj govern- 
 
 These letters, whilst they afford a very pleasing view of 
 the exemplary conduct displayed by the first Christians, at the 
 same time shew the futihty of mere human accomplishments, 
 when a chief magistrate, an emperor, of a refined people, could 
 establish, as an act of justice, the taking away of hfe 
 for the profession of a name unconnected with any personal 
 impropriety. 
 
 Before proceeding further in this part of the subject, a 
 rery ivatursj curiosity demands, how it happened that the 
 
12 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 Romans, who were troublesome to no nation on account of 
 their rrligion, and who suffered even the Jews to hve un- 
 der their own method of worship, treated the Christians alone 
 with such severity? This important question seems still more 
 difficult to be solved when re is considered, that the excel- 
 lent nature of the Christian religion, and its admirable 
 tendency to promote the public welfare of the state, from the 
 private fehcity of the individual, entitled it in a singular man- 
 ner to the favour and protection of the reigning powers. One of 
 the principal reasons of the severity with which the Romans 
 persecuted the Christians, notwithstanding these considerations, 
 seems to have been the abhorrence and contempt with which 
 the latter regarded the religion of the empire; which was so 
 intimately connected with the form, and indeed with the very 
 essence of its political constitution. For though the Romans 
 gave an unlimited toleration to all religions, which had nothing 
 in their tenets dangerous to the commonwealth, yet they 
 would not permit that of their ancestors, which was estabhshed 
 by the laws of the state, to be turned into derision, nor the 
 people to be drawn away from their attachment to it. ® In 
 the doctrines of the gospel, the axe was laid to the root of 
 the tree, and the» destruction of every false way was both 
 unavoidably and intentionally the consequence. Besides, 
 whilst the introduction of the Gospel had this effect, it supplied 
 no gaudy objects in the service it enjoined ; its followers were 
 instructed to worship the one supreme God of heaven, distin- 
 guished from idols, in spirit and in truth; to be ready to the 
 endurance of any temporal evil; to maintain a constant war- 
 fare with unholy and corrupt propensities; and to fix their 
 final hopes in steady confidence beyond the grave. Such a 
 religion was as httle attractive to the hcentious Roman as it 
 was to the Jew, involved in misunderstood ceremonies, and 
 therefore both its professors and its teachers were alike the 
 objects of disgust to each; and hence it is no wonder that 
 they loaded them with the grossest imputations, which 
 were too readily received by the unthinking multitude. They 
 
 .* Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. vol. i. 74. ' 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 1$ 
 
 even ciiarged them with Atheism, and asserted that all the 
 wars, tempests, and diseases which the nation suffered, were 
 judgments from the angry Gods upon them, because they 
 permitted the Christians to live. Hence under one reign, 
 upon being proved Christians, or confessing themselves such, 
 they were immediately dragged away to execution; unless 
 they gave up their profession, execrated the sacred name of 
 Chi'ist, and fell down to stocks and stones, to which they 
 were also instigated by inliuman tortures. 
 
 Among the persons who suffered under Trajan, was Igna- 
 tius, pastor of the church at Antioch. Trajan, making a short 
 stay at that place, and about to enter on the Parthian war, 
 the occurrence of an earthquake, which then took place, and 
 which was very destructive in its consequences, appears to have 
 roused his hatred against the Christians, and he ordered Igna- 
 tius to be seized, and sent to Rome, where he was exposed in 
 the theatre, and devoured by mid beasts. 
 
 The persecution under Trajan, commonly called the third, 
 appears to have continued during his whole reign, and to have 
 been temiinated only by his death, an event which took 
 place, A. D. 117. 
 
 Adrian, who succeeded Trajan, manifested a degree of 
 mildness compared with what his predecessors had done ; and, 
 in consequence, the church enjoyed a sort of interval in suffer- 
 ing: yet, notwithstanding, there did continue a persecution 
 denominated the fourth. After a reign of twenty-one years, 
 Adi-ian was succeeded by x\ntoninus Pius and Marcus Aurehus 
 Antoninus; the former of whom denounced capital punish- 
 raent against those who should in future accuse the Christians 
 without being able to prove them guilty of any crime; but 
 the latter issued edicts, in consequence of which the vilest 
 rabble were allowed to be adduced as evidence against the 
 followers of Jesus ; and the Christians were put to the most 
 barbarous tortures, and condemned to meet death in the most 
 cruel forms, notwithstanding their perfect innocence and per- 
 severing solenm denial of those horrid crimes laid to their 
 chai'ge. ' This, which is called the fifth persecution, induced 
 
 f Mosheim Ecc. Hist. vol.«i. ICO-l. 
 
14 HISTORrcAL SURVEY 6T 
 
 Justin Martyr to write his first Apology, which he presented 
 to the emperor. 
 
 That distinguished man, Poly carp, bishop of Smyrna, whom 
 Usher has laboured to shew, was the angel of the church of 
 Smyrna, addressed by Jesus Christ, Rev. ii. 8. was martyred 
 in, or about the year 167. The account of his death is pre- 
 served by Eusebius, and, omitting some extravagancies, is in 
 substance as follows. The popular fury which never stays to en- 
 quire or to discriminate, imputed to the Christians the crime of 
 Atheism, because they refused to worship and sacrifice to idols. 
 Hence the usual cry among the disorderly multitude became, 
 " take away the Atheists," and after the destruction of many 
 lesser persons, to this was joined, *' let Polycarp be sought 
 for." Polycarp, far from imitating the rashness of those who 
 threw themselves into the hands of their persecutors, took every 
 lawful means for his personal safety, and retired, first to one 
 village, and from thence unto another ; but the place of his 
 retreat having been obtained by torture, from one of his 
 domestics, he was taken. Eusebius relates that he might even 
 then have escaped but he would not, saying, " the will of the 
 Lord be done." Hearing that the officers were come to seize 
 him, he came down from his chamber and conversed w^ith them, 
 and all present admired his firmness, some saying, " is it worth 
 while to apprehend so aged a person .?" Polycarp immediately 
 ordered meat and drink to be set before the officers, as much as 
 they pleased,. and having obtained one uninterrupted hour for 
 prayer ; he mentioned and commended all whom he had ever 
 known to God ; he was then set on an ass and led unto the 
 City.— The Irenarch Herod and his father Nifcetes, meeting him, 
 took him up into their chariot, and began to advise him, saying, 
 " what harm is it to cry. Lord Caesar ! and to sacrifice and be 
 safe ?" Polycarp was at first silent, but when they pressed him, 
 he said, "I v'ill not follow your advice .?" finding, therefore, 
 that they could not persuade him, they abused him, and thrust 
 him out of the chariot, so that in faUing he bruised his thigh. 
 But he still unmoved, went on cheerfully under the conduct of 
 his guards to the stadium. 
 
 When he was brought to the tribunal there was a great 
 
THE CHRISTIAK CHURCH. 15 
 
 tumult, as soon as it was generally understood that Polycarp 
 was apprehended. The proconsul asked hhn if lie was Poly- 
 cai-p, to which he assented. The former then began to exhort 
 him. " Have pity on thy own great age !— Swear by the 
 fortune of Caesar !— repent!— say. Take away the Atheists !" — 
 Polycarp, with a grave aspect, beholding all the multitude, 
 waving his hands to them, and looking up to heaven, said, 
 " Take away the Atheists.'' The proconsul urging him, and 
 saying, " Swear, and I will release thee J'— reproach Christ!" 
 Polyciu-p said, *' Eighty and six years have I served him, and 
 he hath never wronged me ; and how can I blaspheme my king 
 who hath saved me? The proconsul still urging him, he 
 declared himself a Christian, and ready to instruct the pro- 
 consul, if he would hear. The proconsul then said, " I have 
 wild beasts, and will expose you to them, unless you repent.*" 
 " Call them !" said Polycarp, " our minds are not to be 
 changed." " I will tame your spirit by fire," said the former, 
 " since you despise the fury of beasts.'' Polycarp rephed, 
 " you threaten me Avith fire, which burns but for a moment, 
 but are ignorant of that eternal fire which is reserved for the 
 ungodly. But why do you delay .? — Do what you please." 
 The proconsul was visibly embarrassed ; he sent, however, 
 the herald to proclaim thrice in the vast assembly, " Polycarp 
 hath professed himself a Christian!" upon which all the multi- 
 tude, both Jews and Gentiles, demanded his blood. They im- 
 mediately gathered fuel from the workshops and baths, and 
 the fire being prepared, Polycarp laid aside his clothes, and 
 said to those who would have secured him in the usual 
 manner, " Let me remain as I am ; for he who giveth me 
 strength to sustain the fire, will enable me to remain unmoved." 
 After this, being put in the place appointed, he uttered a 
 prayer, and remaining sometime alive in the midst of tlie 
 flames, the confector was ordered to approach, and plunge 
 his sword through his body. « 
 
 The year 180 closed this persecution; for in the reign 
 of Commodus, who succeeded, and of Pertinax, who fol- 
 
 '« Blilner's Cli. Hist. vol. i. 209. 
 
16 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 lowed in the government, a considerable degree of mildness 
 prevailed. Pertinax, however, having been basely assassinated, 
 was succeeded by Severus, who soon pursued the Christians 
 with the same malignity as some of his predecessors had done, 
 which caused great bloodshed in Asia, Eg)rpt, and the other 
 provinces, as related by TertuUian and others, to the close of 
 this century. 
 
 The corruption introduced in the first, continued and in- 
 creased during the second century. A great and unwarranta- 
 ble stress was laid on ceremonies, in order to gratify the mul- 
 titude; but as in every age, to the injury of truth, by with- 
 drawing the mind from an attentive observance of the pre- 
 cepts of the Gospel, under a vain idea, that the observance of 
 the former could supply the place of the latter. In addition to 
 this, there appears to have been a great account of mysteries; by 
 which it was insinuated, that the forms of worship had a hidden 
 and peculiar power, considered in themselves, and apart from 
 their apparent meaning ; a doctrine well calculated to inspire an 
 ignorant veneration for forms as well as ministers, and which evi- 
 dently might contribute to render Christianity, if not accepta- 
 ble, at least not so disgusting, to the heathen, whose religion, 
 if it may be so called, consisted in a multitude of mysterious 
 observances. By means such as these, the Christian Pastors 
 gradually obtained a power, which, as it may be supposed, 
 they did not always rightly employ: hence arose dictation 
 of creeds on one hand, and blind obedience on the other. 
 While some, who acted in the character of ministers, suc- 
 ceeded in persuading the people that the Christians had suc- 
 ceeded to the rights and immunities of the Jewish priesthood, 
 and that Christian bishops should be regarded as the high 
 priests of that dispensation, as well as others in inferior grada- 
 tions of authority ; a notion which produced for them both ho- 
 nour and profit. 
 
 In this century also, the form of church government was 
 adopted, which appeared to give a regularity and dependance 
 to the whole body. Before this period, every church had its 
 officers, and considered itself bound to no other, except by the 
 ties of aifection ; but it was now established, that distinction 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 17 
 
 in dignity and authority was to be maintained ; and all the 
 churches in a district or province, were to be confederated and 
 assembled at intenals, to discuss the concerns of the whole; 
 an arrangement which conveyed a large increase of power to 
 the clergy, which, although it did not instantly, yet finally, 
 produced immense mischiefs ; as in process of time, they lost 
 sight of their original designation, and no longer considering 
 themselves the delegates of the churches, asserted an authority 
 to prescribe laws and issue commands. Ecclesiastical councils 
 had, besides, the effect of destroying the equality of the 
 churches, and their Bishops or Pastors ; and whilst in these 
 public assemblies, degrees in dignity began to be observed, 
 a spirit of domination was gradually introduced; a new order 
 of Ecclesiastics, invented under the title of Patriarchs ; and 
 finally, when ambition and the love of power had gained its 
 height, the catalogue was rendered complete, by investing the 
 bishop of Rome with supreme dignity, in the denomination of 
 the Prince of the Patriarchs. 
 
 Of the peculiarities of doctrine in the second century, 
 the tenets of the Ascetics form the distinguishing feature. — 
 The doctrines of this sect consisted principally in austerities, 
 which, in some cases, went near to the extinction of life ; for 
 they considered themselves bound to practise fastings, watch- 
 ings, labour, and self-denial, even to the exclusion of the most 
 necessary comforts, and, by a perv^ersion the most destructive, 
 sought happiness in solitary meditation, which, if it promoted 
 in them the love of God, and that may be fairly doubted, 
 can hardly be supposed conducive to the love of man, which 
 is only to be expressed in a state of society, not of solitude. 
 
 Hence arose, in after times, a multitude of puerile observ- 
 ances, which first beclouded, and afterwards almost extin- 
 guished, every Christian doctrine, among the diversified orders 
 of Monks, Nuns, &c. &c. 
 
 The reign of Severus terminated in the early part of the 
 third century. He was succeeded by his son Caracalla ; who, 
 during his government, which lasted six years, exercised great 
 lenity towards the Christians: a feeling which appears to have 
 existed until the government devolved on Maximin, who 
 
18 ^HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 commenced the seventh persecution, and whose cruelty was of 
 the darkest land. But he reigned only three years, and from 
 h\s death to the succession of Decius, the church enjoyed com- 
 parative quietness ; though in that outward peace she lost much 
 of her internal purity, and exhibited tokens of degeneracy both 
 in faith and practice. No sooner, however, had Decius as- 
 cended the throne, than he caused persecution to fall on them 
 with redoubled fury. He issued edicts, commanding the prae- 
 tors, on pain of death, either to extirpate the whole of the 
 Christians, or to compel them, by torment, to renounce their 
 rehgion, and return to the pagan worship; and, in consequence, 
 during the space of two years, multitudes of Christians were 
 put to death in all the provinces. The eighth and ninth per- 
 secutions bring down the history of the church to the close of 
 the third century ; during which many of its brightest oma- 
 naments sealed its doctrines with their blood. 
 
 In those intervals of peace which the church enjoyed in the 
 course of this centmy, large additions were made to the number 
 of converts, though, as has been already hinted with little ad- 
 vantage to her purity, for an increase of ceremonies prevailed ; 
 alterations were made in the manner of celebrating the Lord's 
 Supper, by the introduction of a great degree of external ap- 
 pearance and of splendour. Vessels of gold and of silver being 
 used, whilst it was in itself considered so essential to salvation 
 as even to be administered to infants. The doctrine of posses- 
 sion by evil spirits was also maintained, and they were supposed 
 to be expelled by baptism, on which account persons baptized 
 were arrayed in white. Fasting also attained a particular credit 
 in this period, and the sign of the cross in token of protection. 
 
 At the commencement of the fourth century, the church en- 
 joyed toleration, but the Pagan priests, foreseeing probably the 
 destruction of their emoluments, instigated Dioclesian and Ga- 
 lerius Cassar, by whom a sanguinary persecution was begun in 
 303, which lasted eight years ; at length, however, Galerius 
 being afflicted with a di'eadful disease, ordered these severities 
 to cease, which closed the tenth persecution. The period now 
 approaches when the civil authority united with the church 
 under Constantine, and when matters of faith became the object 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 19 
 
 of civil government ; how far such an alliance comports with 
 the declaration of Jesus Christ, respecting the nature of his 
 kingdom,'' the reader may determine for himself; but its ill 
 effects on the rights and habits of men, will, be amply apparent 
 in the following pages. 
 
 When Constantine ascended the throne, he not only relieved 
 the Christians from the anxieties of suffering, but he afterwards 
 turned the stream of persecution, and issued edicts, forbidding 
 every religion but the Christian. 
 
 - The first effect, resulting from the union of the church and 
 the state under Constantine, appears to have been, that of 
 producing a great degree of pride among the Clergy, who 
 noAV knew no bounds to theii' ambition. Thus exhibiting the 
 striking difference Avhich exists between a rehgion every where 
 spoken against ; a profession of which must be made at the 
 hazard of hfe, and one patronised by the civil power, and con- 
 nected wdth fixed emoluments and splendid dignity. For ex- 
 perience ever shews, that Christians become corrupt, in pro- 
 portion as they become secular, and wherever the apostohcal 
 inj unction i is exceeded, and the spirit of the world admitted in 
 an eager pursuit of present objects, all the graces which adorn 
 the Christian character become proportionally sullied. 
 
 The bishop of Rome, the superior city, soon began, by a 
 very natural consequence, to claim ecclesiastical pre-eminence, 
 and, as external authority had now become the adjunct of 
 spiritual power, he exceeded all others in the splendour of the 
 church over which he presided ; in the riches of his revenue and 
 possessions ; in the number and variety of his ministers ; in 
 his credit with the people, and in his sumptuous and splendid 
 manner of living; and therefore when a vacancy occurred in this 
 office it became the object of contention, and frequently of dis- 
 turbance, in the city of Rome; a remarkable instance of which 
 occurred in the year 366, when upon the death of Liberius, 
 an election took place, and when two persons were chosen by 
 opposite parties to the same office, a choice which each endea- 
 voured to enforce by open violence, and the most hateful 
 means. The splendour, which at this period attended the 
 
 * John x\iii. 36. ' I Tim. vi. 8 
 
 c a 
 
20 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 bishop of Rome, therefore, was considerable, though nothing 
 in compai'ison of that which belonged to the office in after times; 
 for though they claimed, they liad not actually attained, supre- 
 macy. 
 
 The arrangements made by Constantine respecting the civil 
 and ecclesiastical government were of the following kind. To 
 the four bishops of Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alex- 
 andria was given a pre-eminence, probably under the title 'patri- 
 arch ; answering to these in the civil government, he created 
 four praetorian prefects ; next to these in dignity were the exarchs; 
 then followed the metropolitans, having authority over a single 
 province, after these were the archbishops, and beneath these 
 the bishops : to these latter were at first added the cJiorepiscopi, 
 or superintendants of country churches, an order however, soon 
 after discontinued by the bishops, who found it to infringe on 
 their power and authority. Constantine divided the adminis- 
 tration into external and internal, — the internal relating to 
 the forms of worship, the offices of priests, the conduct of the 
 ecclesiastics, &c. he committed to the esclesiastical officers be- 
 fore enumerated, and the decision of counsels, — the external 
 administration embracing whatever related to the outward state 
 of the church, he reserved to himself — In consequence of this 
 arrangem-ent Constantine and his successors, convened councils 
 in which they presided, appointed the judges in religious contro- 
 versies, decided on the differences which arose between ministers 
 and people, arranged the extent of ecclesiastical possessions, and 
 punished crimes against the civil laws, by the ordinary judges. 
 
 It is not intended here to enter on the wide question of 
 national estabhshments ; if it were, the present period would 
 afford a powerful argument, on the impolicy and impiety of at- 
 tempting to blend those things, which are ordained to be kept 
 asunder; iron and clay, though they may be mingled, they can- 
 not be united. Every thing is beautiful in its own order. If 
 the civil magistrate bear rule without intrusion, he will protect 
 those whom he governs, 'n\ the quiet enjoyment of then- rights, 
 as men ; taking proper care for the punishment of such " evil 
 doers" as infringe on those rights, according to the provisions of 
 civil law. Like a wise physician, he will consider at large tlie 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 21 
 
 political body, and from time to time, apply those remedies which 
 incidental derangements require. If he be himself a Christian, 
 lie will rejoice in the privilege, and exhibit as an individual in 
 his exalted station, the influence of Christian principles ; in the 
 wisdom of his decisions, and the brightness of his example. 
 From consistent views, studiously avoiding the assumption of 
 an authority not his own, he will fear to touch the conscience, 
 knowing that it is sacred, and accountable to one Being only 
 in the universe, whose prerogative alone it is, " to search the 
 heart and ti-y the reins of the children of men." 
 
 Constantine who probably had no apprehension of the irre- 
 concileable nature of spiritual and temporal power, found how- 
 ever the difficulty of drawing the line of separation, so that 
 both in the fourth and fifth centuries, there are frequent instances 
 of the emperors determining matters purely ecclesiastical, and 
 likewise of bishops and councils, determining matters which re- 
 late to civil government. 
 
 The emperor having now established his mixed government, 
 soon felt his own dignity connected with that of the superior 
 ecclesiastical officers, and having removed the seat of empire to 
 Constantinople, a city which he had named after himself, and 
 which he intended should become a second Rome ; permitted 
 the bishop of Constantinople to advance in precedence, and in a 
 council held at that city in 381, his pretensions were estabhshed, 
 and he was placed by the third canon of that council, in the first 
 rank after the bishop of Rome, a preference which not only 
 occasioned the bitter hatred of the bishops of Alexandria, but at 
 length produced those contentions between the bishops of Rome 
 and Constantinople, which being carried on for many ages, 
 ended at length in the separation of the Greek and Latin 
 churches. 
 
 Wealth and power present the same strong temptations in 
 every age. — If the way to these at one period lie through the 
 field of war, we read of heroes and conquerors. If at another, 
 through the shady paths of intellect, scholastic speculations 
 become the subject of history ; but if only through the sacred 
 portal of religion, the most disgusting objects are presented to 
 our view, the pure principles of truth, are either distorted or 
 
22 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 suppressed, and the temple of God becomes a den of thieves. 
 As long, indeed, as man continues what he is, a compound of 
 flesh and spirit, lie will always be subject to an overweening at- 
 tachment to the things of the present life ; this is an infirmity 
 which attends the Christian in every age. But there is a 
 striking difference between a man who, from the operation of 
 heavenly principles, keeps the world beneath him, using but not 
 abusing it, and he who makes it the object of his worship. 
 When by the union now contemplated, religion became the high 
 road to state favour and worldly grandeur; the votaries of 
 these began to crowd the court, and to study, with all their 
 efforts, the external appearances of sanctity. Religion be- 
 came the fashionable pursuit ; and all the powers of invention 
 were soon pressed into service. Hence under one period one, 
 and under another, a new species of puerility became substituted 
 in the room of solid virtue : not indeed entirely to the exclusion 
 of every good, because under the most utter wretchedness and 
 debasiement God hath ever taken care to preserve unto him- 
 self a seed to serve him. 
 
 After Constantine had arranged his state officers and church 
 officers, a task of easy accomplishment among men accustomed 
 to feel the terrors of heathen government, and who were elated 
 with the hope of better times, he soon found a difficulty arise, 
 for v/hich he had omitted to provide, and which has attended 
 every similar institution; namely, that of producing Uniform- 
 ity of Faith. "In an assembly of the Presbyters of Alex- 
 andria, the bishop of that city, whose name was Alexander, 
 expressing his sentiments respecting the nature of Jesus Christ, 
 maintained, among other things, that he was not only of the 
 same nature and dignity, but also of the same essence with 
 the Father. This assertion was opposed by Arius, one of 
 the Presbyters, a man of a subtle turn, and remarkable for 
 his eloquence ; whether his zeal for his own opinions, or per- 
 sonal resentment against his bishop, was the motive that influ- 
 enced him is not very certain ; be this as it will, he first treated 
 as false the assertion of Alexander, on account of its affinity 
 to the Sabellian errors which had been condemned by the churchy 
 and then running himself into the opposite extreme, he main- 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 23 
 
 tained that the Son was totally and essentially distinct from 
 the Fatlier, — that he was the first and noblest of these beings, 
 whom God the Father had created out of nothing, the instru- 
 ment by whose subordinate operation the Almighty Father 
 formed the universe, and therefore inferior to the Father both in 
 nature aud dignity.''"^ These opinions, by the talent with 
 which their author supported them, soon gained a number of 
 adherents and produced a separation between Arius and Alex- 
 ander. Constantine, who beheld the growing evil with anxious 
 solicitude, finding the breach become wider and wider, he himself 
 interposed, in the hope of re-uniting the dispXitants, and addres- 
 sed letters to them at Alexaudria, exhorting them to lay aside 
 their differences and be reconciled to each other; he declared, 
 that after having examined the rise and progress of the dispute, 
 he found that the differences between them, were not by any 
 means such, as to justify furious contention ; he tells Alexander, 
 that he had required a declaration of their sentiments respecting 
 a silly empty question; — and Arius, that he had imprudently 
 uttered what he should not even have thought of, or what at 
 least, he should have kept secret in his own bosom, — that 
 questions about such things ought not to have been asked ; if 
 asked, should not have been answered: that they proceeded 
 from an idle fondness for disputation, and were in themselves of 
 so high and difficult a nature as that they could not be exactly 
 comprehended, or suitably explained : and that to insist on such 
 points before the people, could produce no other effect, than to 
 make some of them talk blasphemy, and others turn schismatics. 
 These efforts of the Emperor, however prudently directed, fail- 
 ed of their desired effect; he found the evil too deeply rooted 
 to be eradicated, and therefore, determined on calling in the 
 assistance of the bishops in assembly ; — accordingly he issued 
 letters to the bishops of all the provinces, and assembled the 
 first general council of Nice, in Bithynia, A. D. 325 ; ' the 
 total number of persons who sat in this council was about two 
 thousand and fifty, tluree hundred and eighteen of whom were 
 bishops ; — on the day appointed, this assembly met in a large 
 
 ^ Mosheira Ecc. Hist. vol. i. 412. 
 ' Euscbius Life of Con»tantiue, B. i. Ch 63. in Jones's Walden»e». 
 
^M HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 room of the palace. The bishops ai\d clergy having taken then 
 places, they remained standing, waiting the arrival of the em- 
 peror. At length Constantine appeared, surrounded by his 
 friends, (says Eusebius), like an angel of God, exceeding all 
 his attendants, in size, gracefulness, and strength, dazzling all 
 eyes with the splendour of his dress, but shewing the greatest 
 humility in his manner of walking, gesture and behaviour, and 
 having placed himself in the midst of the upper part of the 
 loom near a low chair, covered with gold, did not sit down, till 
 desired to do so by the fatliers. — When the assembly had taken 
 their seats, Eustathius, patriarch of Antioch, rose and addres- 
 sed the emperor, giving thanks to God on his account, and 
 congratulating the church, on the prosperity brought about 
 through him, and particularly on the subversion of the heathen 
 worship. — The emperor then rose, and addressed the assembly 
 in Latin, expressing his happiness at seeing them all met on so 
 glorious an occasion, as that of amicably settHng their differences, 
 which he said, had given him more concern than all his wars ; 
 but having ended these, he desired nothing more than the 
 setthng the peace of the church, and concluded, by recommend- 
 ing it to them, to remove every cause of future distention. 
 
 That which now followed, however, could not have been 
 very consonant to the pacific views of Constantine, for some of 
 the bishops present, thinking this a favourable opportunity for 
 promoting their separate interests, delivered into his hands 
 letters of complaint against each other ; — these complaints were 
 at first made by word, personally : but Constantine, requested 
 they would put them into writing, and when they delivered 
 them to him, he put the whole of them unopened into the fire, 
 telling them, that it did not belong to him to decide on the dif- 
 ferences of Christian bishops, and that the hearing of them, 
 must be deferred until the day of judgment. Having thus 
 been softened, in regard to their personal animosities, the 
 assembly began to turn their attention to the object of their 
 meeting together, and after a deliberation of more than two 
 months, agreed upon a summary of matters to be believed, and 
 which was thence denominated the Nicene Creed. As soon as 
 this formulary had been assented to, it was transmitted to Rome, 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 25 
 
 >vhere it was confirmed in a council of two hundred and seventy- 
 five bishops, in these words : "We confirm with oui* mouth, that 
 whicli has been decreed at Nice, a city of Bithynia, by the 
 three hundred and eighteen holy bishops, for tlie good of the , 
 CuthoUc and Apostolic church, mother of the faithful; we 
 anathematize all those, who shall dare to contradict the 
 decrees of the great and holy council, which was assembled at 
 Nice, in the presence of that most pious and venerable prince, 
 the emperor Constantine :"" — to this all the bishops answered, 
 " We consent to it." Thus was the authority of councils 
 exalted above that of him from whom it was profissedly 
 derived, a foundation laid for the unbounded influence of the 
 clergy, the riglit of private judgment violated, and the world 
 at large commanded to believe any thing, and at any time 
 which the church ordained should be believed, a doctrine, it is 
 true, without which no union of spiritual and temporal power 
 can be supposed to exist, but which, when once established 
 and FULLY acted upon, could not possibly fail to produce all 
 that superstition, idolatry, grossness of mind, and cruelty, 
 which characterizes so large a portion of ecclesiastical history, 
 until the man of sin became fully revealed, exalting himself 
 above all that is called God, or that is worshipped, so that at 
 length he, as God, sat in the temple of God. ^ 
 
 When Constantine and his clergy had, according to their 
 own ideas, overcome this radical difficulty in their mixed go- 
 vernment, by the formation of a creed, which should produce 
 unifonnity in this new and complex body, the next step before 
 them was to procure its universal reception, and as argument 
 cannot be supposed to have any place with dictation, the most 
 obvious, and indeed the only method by which this end could 
 be obtained was that of civil penalty, that those who refused 
 to believe might be compelled to suffer. Constantine at first 
 wrote letters enjoining the people to believe the creed now 
 established, which he asserted was by the command of God, 
 and framed by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. These let- 
 ters were mild and gentle at the first ; but he was soon per- 
 suaded by the bishops to exhibit great zeal for the extinction 
 
 •• 2 Tim. iii. 
 
Og HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 of heresy, and issued edicts against those whom they repre- 
 sented as its abettors, denominating them " enemies of truth, 
 destructive counsellors, Sec." forbidding their public meetmgs, 
 and giving their places of assembly to the church. He banished 
 Arius, and decreed that his books should be burnt; and that if 
 any should dare to keep any one of them, as soon as this was 
 proved he should suifer death ! 
 
 Such were the difficulties, and such the conduct, of the first 
 ruler who governed under the profession of Christianity, 
 Constantine the Great ; " "a prince, whose character,'' says Gib- 
 bon, " has fixed the attention and divided the opinions of 
 mankind : his person as well as mind had been enriched by 
 nature with her choicest endowments. His stature was lofty, 
 his countenance majestic, his deportment graceful: in the 
 dispatch of business his diligence was indefatigable ; and the 
 active powers of liis mind were almost continually exercised in 
 reading, writing, or meditating, in giving audience to ambassa- 
 dors, or in examining the complaints of his subjects. The 
 general peace which he maintained during the last foui'teen 
 years of his life, was a period of apparent splendour rather 
 than of real prosperity, and the old age of Constantine was 
 sullied by the opposite yet reconcileable vices of rapaciousness 
 and prodigality."^ 
 
 l^he History of what is called the Chiistian Church from this 
 time forward becomes a pretty uniform record of superstition, 
 ambition, and fanaticism. After the time of Constantine many 
 additions were made by the emperors and others, to the wealth 
 and honours of the clergy ; and these additions were followed 
 by a proportional increase of their vices and luxury, particu- 
 larly among those who lived in great and opulent cities. The 
 bishops opposing each other in the most disgraceful manner re- 
 
 " Constantine was chosen to the government, whilst in England with the 
 Roman army. — It appears, he entertained a favourable opinion of Christia- 
 nity, whether from a sincere conviction of its truth, or from political motives 
 is doubtful. 
 
 The authenticity of the story of his conversion, by the vision of a lumi- 
 nous cross appearing in the firmament bearing the inscription, *' In this 
 conquer," has been much controverted and much doubted. 
 * Gibbon's Rome, chap, xviii. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 27 
 
 specting the extent of their jurisdictions ; at the same time dis- 
 regarding the rights of their inferiors, and imitating, in their 
 manners and luxurious mode of hfe, the quahty of magistrates 
 and princes. This conduct of the higher clergy soon infected 
 the inferior classes ; and the ^mters of this period repeatedly 
 censure and complain of the effeminacy of the deacons. The 
 Presbyters and Deacons of the first orders began to aim at 
 superior honours, and were offended at being on a level with 
 others ; hence arose the invention of the titles Arch-Preshyter 
 and Arch-Deacon. 
 
 The rivalry introduced between the bishops of Rome and 
 Constantinople, in consequence of the attachment of the Emperor 
 Constantine to the latter, has been before alluded to. In the 
 5th century the bishops of Constantinople having extended 
 their authority over all the provinces of Asia, endeavoured to 
 obtain still further dignities ; and in the council held at Chal- 
 cedon, a. d. 451, it was resolved. That the same rights and 
 honours conferred on the bishop of Rome were due to the 
 bishop of Constantinople, on account of the equal dignity of 
 the cities in which they presided ; and at the same time they con- 
 firmed to the bishop of Constantinople the j urisdiction of the 
 Asiatic provinces which he had assumed. These decisions 
 considerably alarmed the bishop of Rome, who used every 
 effort to establish his supremacy. The royal influence, how- 
 ever, preponderated against him, and the bishops of Rome and 
 Constantinople were declared equals. 
 
 Whilst the principal persons among the clergy were thus 
 contending in the spirit of proud ambition, veiled indeed by the 
 appearances of sanctity, the inferior orders did not fail to follow 
 their example; and as religion now became the popular pursuit, 
 a spirit of envy and emulation soon prevailed, which incUned 
 men to endeavour to outrun each other in zeal and pious prac- 
 tices ; hence inventions and austerities were introduced, which 
 were well calculated to excite that vacant feeling in all ages, 
 predominating in the multitude, which produces veneration 
 in proportion as it ridicules the intellect. The most striking 
 and the most lasting of these, or rather the vortex of all others. 
 
28 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 is that which, about this period, made rapid progress in tlic 
 monastic life, a style of existence disgraceful to religion and 
 destructive to man. 
 
 " In the reign of Constantine, the Ascetics fled from a profana 
 and degenerate world, to perpetual solitude or religious society, 
 they resigned the use or the property of their temporal pos- 
 sessions, established regular communities of the same sex and 
 a similar disposition, and assumed the names of Hermits, 
 Monhs, and Jfwhorites, expressive of their lonely retreat in a 
 natural or artificial desert. They soon acquired the respect 
 of the world which they despised, and the loudest applause was 
 bestowed on this Divine Philosophy, which surpassed, with- 
 out the aid of science or reason, the laborious virtues of the 
 Grecian schools. The monks might indeed contend with the 
 Stoics, in the contempt of fortune, of pain, and of death. The 
 Pythagorean silence and submission were revived in their ser- 
 vile discipline, and they disdained, as firmly as the Cynics 
 themselves, all the forms and. decencies of civil society. The 
 lives of the primitive monks were consumed in penance and 
 solitude, undisturbed by the various occupations which fill the 
 time, and exercise the faculties of reasonable, active, and social 
 beings ; whenever they were permitted to step beyond the pre- 
 cincts of the monastery, two jealous companions were the mutual 
 guards and spies of each other's actions ; and after their return 
 they were condemned to forget, or at least to suppress whatever 
 they had seen or heard in the world : strangers who professed 
 the orthodox faith were hospitably entertained in a separate 
 apartment; but their dangerous conversation was restricted 
 to some chosen elders of approved discretion and fidelity. 
 Except in their presence the monastic slave might not receive 
 the visits of his friends or kindred ; and it was deemed highly 
 meritorious if he afflicted a tender sister by the obstinate refu- 
 sal of a word or look. The monks themselves passed their 
 lives without personal attachments, among a crowd which had 
 been formed by accident, and was detained in the same prison 
 by force or prejudice : a special licence of the abbot regulated 
 the time and duration of their familiar visits ; and at their 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 39 
 
 silent meals they were enveloped in their cowls, inaccessible and 
 almost invisible to each other. According to their faith and zeal 
 they might employ the day which they passed in their cells, 
 either in vocal or mental prayer , they assembled in the evening, 
 and they were awakened in the night for the public worship of 
 the monastery : the precise moment was determined by the 
 stars, which are seldom clouded in the serene sky of Egypt, 
 and a rustic horn or trumpet the signal of devotion, twice in- 
 terrupted the vast silence of the desert. 
 
 The most devout or the most ambitious of the spiritual bre- 
 thren renounced the convent as they had renounced the world. 
 The fervent monasteries of Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, were sur- 
 rounded by a Laura^ a distant circle of solitary cells ; and the 
 extravagant penance of the Hermits was stimulated by applause 
 and emulation. They sunk under the painful weight of crosses 
 and chains, and their emaciated hmbs were confined by collars, 
 bracelets, gauntlets, and greaves, of massy and rigid iron : all 
 superfluous encumbrance of dress they contemptuously cast 
 away, and some savage saints of both sexes have been admired, 
 whose naked bodies were only covered by their long hair. 
 Tliey aspired to reduce themselves to the rude and miserable 
 state in which the human brute is scarcely distingi'fshed above 
 his kindred animals, and a numerous sect of Anchorites, 
 derived their name from their humble practice of grazing in 
 the fields of Mesopotamia with the common herd. They often 
 usurped the den of some wild beasts, whom they aifected to 
 resemble; they buried themselves in some gloomy cavern, 
 which ai't or nature had scooped out of the rock, and the 
 marble quarries of Thebais are still inscribed with the monu- 
 ments of their penance. The mostjperfect hermits are supposed 
 to have passed many days without food, many nights without 
 sleep, and many years without speaking ; and glorious was he 
 who contrived any cell or seat of a pecuhar construction which 
 might expose him in the most inconvenient posture to the 
 inclemency of the seasons. Among these heroes of the mo- 
 nastic life the name and genius of Simeon Stylites have been 
 immortalized by the singular invention of an aerial penance. 
 
30 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 At the age of thirteen the young Syrian deserted the profes- 
 sion of a shepherd, and threw himself into an austere monas- 
 tery. After a long and painful noviciate, in which Simeon was 
 repeatedly saved from pious suicide, he established his residence 
 on a mountain, about thirty or forty miles to the east of 
 Antioch. Within the space of a mandin or circle of stones, to 
 which he had attached himself by a ponderous cliain, he 
 ascended a column, which was successively raised from the 
 height of nine to that of sixty feet from the ground. In this 
 last and lofty station the Syrian anchorite resisted the heat of 
 thirty summers, and the cold of as many winters. Habit and 
 exercise instructed him to maintain his dangerous situation 
 without fear or giddiness, and successively to assume the dif- 
 ferent postures of devotion. He sometimes prayed in an erect 
 attitude, with his outstretched arms in the figure of a cross, 
 but his most familiar practice was, that of bending his meagre 
 skeleton from the forehead to the feet; and a curious spectator 
 after numbering twelve hundred and forty-four repetitions at 
 length desisted from the endless count. The progress of an 
 ulcer in his thigh might shorten, but it could not disturb, this 
 celestial life ; and the patient hermit expired without descend- 
 ing froiTi 1 's column. 
 
 A prince who should capriciously inflict such tortures would 
 be deemed a tyrant ; but it would surpass the power of a tyrant 
 to impose a long and miserable existence on the reluctant 
 victims of his cruelty. This voluntary martyrdom must have 
 gradually destroyed the sensibihty, both of mind and body; 
 nor can it be presumed, that the fanatics who torment them- 
 selves are sensible of any lively affection for the rest of man- 
 kind. A cruel unfeeling temper has distinguished the monks 
 of every age and country ; their stern indifference, which is 
 seldom mollified by personal friendship, is inflamed by reli- 
 gious hatred and their merciless zeal, has strenuously admi- 
 nistered the Holy Office of the Inquisition. 
 
 The monastic saints were respected and ahnost adored by 
 the pnnce and people. Successive crowds of pilgrims from 
 Gaul and India saluted the divine pillar of Simeon : the tribes 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 31 
 
 of Sai-acens disputed in arms the honour of his benediction ; 
 the queens of Arabia and Persia confessed his supernatural 
 virtue, and the angchc hermit was consulted by the younger 
 Theodosius in the most miportant concerns of the church and 
 state. His remains were transported from the mountain of 
 Telenissa, by a solemn procession of the patriarch, the master- 
 general of the east, six bishops, twenty- one counts or tribunes, 
 and six thousand soldiers ; and Antioch revered his bones as 
 her glorious ornament and impregnable defence. The fame of 
 the apostles and martyrs was gradually eclipsed by these recent 
 and popular anchorites. The Christian world fell prostrate 
 before their shrines, and the miracles ascribed to their relics 
 exceeded, at least in number and duration, the spiritual ex- 
 ploits of their lives. But the golden legend of their lives was 
 embellished by the artful credulity of their interested brethren, 
 and a believing age was easily persuaded, that the slightest 
 caprice of an Egyptian or a Syrian monk had been sufficient to 
 interrupt the eternal laws of the universe. The favourites of 
 heaven were accustomed to cure inveterate diseases with a 
 touch, a word, or a distant message, and to expel the most 
 obstinate daemons from the souls or bodies which tliey possessed. 
 They familiarly accosted oj: imperiously commanded the . Jons 
 and serpents of the desert, infused vegetation into a sapless 
 trunk, suspended iron on the surface of the water, passed the 
 Nile on the back of a crocodile, and refreshed themselves in a 
 fiery furnace. These extravagant tales which display the 
 faction without the genius of poetry, seriously affected the 
 reason, the faith, and the morals of the people. Their credu- 
 lity debased and vitiated the faculties of the mind, they cor- 
 rupted the evidence of history and superstition, gradually ex- 
 tinguished the hostile light of philosophy and science, p 
 
 The increase of the monks soon became prodigions to the 
 south of Alexandria; the mountain and adjacent desert of 
 Nitria were peopled by five thousand anchorites, and the tra- 
 veller may still investigate the ruins of fifty monasteries, which 
 were planted in that barren soil. In the Upper Theba is the 
 
 * Gibbon's Decline and Fall, chap. 27. 
 
32 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 vacant island of Tabenne was occupied by Pachomius and four- 
 teen hundred of liis brethren. That holy abbot successively 
 founded nine monasteries of men, and one of women, and the 
 festival of Easter sometimes collected fifty thousand religious 
 persons, who followed his angelic rule of discipline. The 
 stately and populous city of Oxyrinchus, the seat of Christian 
 orthodoxy had devoted the temples, the public edifices, and 
 even the ramparts, to pious and charitable uses, and the 
 bishop who might preach in twelve churches, computed ten 
 thousand females and twenty thousand males of the monastic 
 profcssicni. 
 
 The Egyptians who gloried in this marvellous revolution, 
 were disposed to hope and to believe, that the number of the 
 monks was equal to the remainder of the people. Athanasius^ 
 introduced into Rome, the knowledge and practice of the mo- 
 nastic life, and a school of this new philosophy, was opened by 
 the disciples of Antony, a Syrian youth, whose name was Hila- 
 rion, and who fixed his dreary abode on a sandy beach, bet wen 
 the sea and a morass, about seven miles from Gaza. The 
 austere penance, in which he persisted forty eight years, diffused 
 a similar enthusiasm, and he was followed by a train of two or 
 \hrnQ thousand Anchorets, whenever he visited the innumer- 
 able monasteries of Palestine. The fame of Basil was celebrated 
 in the East, and of Martin of Tours, in the West ; the former, 
 having estabhshed monasteries along the borders of the black 
 sea, and the latter in Gaul, two thousand of whose followers, 
 attended his body to the grave. Every province, and at last 
 every city,*^ was filled by these ignorant devotees, whose 
 absurdities are scarcely to be equalled in the records of the 
 grossest idolaters. — The admiration v/hich attended these de 
 luded and deluding misanthropes, ended not with their extenu- 
 ated existence ; — the multitude who gazed in silent wonder at 
 their federal automaton, whilst in motion, felt this awe increased 
 toward^t, when it had ceased to act; and hence, by means of 
 the infatuated, or the designing, the relics of the saints attained 
 enormous popularity. 
 
 Hence daily miracles were attributed to these Jioly reliqueSy 
 
 •J Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch, 37. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 33 
 
 and all the powers of eloquence resorted to, to shew the vast 
 advantages of attending at their sepulchres. " With ardour," 
 says Chrysostom, " let us fall down before their rehques, let 
 us embrace their coffins — for these may have some power, 
 since their bones have so great an one : and not only on their 
 festivals, but on other days also, let us fix ourselves, as it were, 
 to them, and intreat them to be our patrons.'' Again, " Let 
 us dwell in their sepulchres, and fix ourselves to their coffins ; 
 for not only their bones, but theii* tombs and their urns overflow 
 with blessings." Basil also asserts, " That all who were 
 pressed with any difficulty or distress, were wont to fly to the 
 tombs of the martyrs, and whosoever did but touch their re- 
 liques, acquii'ed some share of their sanctity." The connection 
 between this veneration of sainted dust, and the emoluments 
 of the church, was too obvious to escape regard. One hun- 
 dred and fifty years after the glorious deaths of St. Peter and 
 St. Paul, the Vatican and the Ostian road were distinguished by 
 their tombs, or rather by their trophies. 
 
 In the age which followed the conversion of Constantine, the 
 emperor, the consuls and the generals of armies, devoutly 
 visited the sepulchres of a tent-maker and a fisherman, and 
 their venerable bones were deposited under the altars of 
 Christ, on which the bishops of the royal city continually of- 
 fered the unbloody sacrifice. The new capital of the eastern 
 world, unable to produce any ancient and domestic trophies, 
 was enriched by the spoils of dependent provinces. The bodies 
 of St. Andrew, St. Luke, and St. Timothy, had reposed near 
 three hundred years, in the obscure graves from whence they 
 were transported, in solemn pomp, to the church of the apostles, 
 which the magnificence of Constantine had founded on the 
 banks of the Thracian Bosphorus. About fifty years after- 
 wards, the same banks \tere honoured by the presence of 
 Samuel, the judge and prophet of the people of Israel. His 
 ashes, deposited in a golden vase, and covered with a silken 
 veil, were delivered by the bishops into each others hands. The 
 reliques of Samuel were received by the people, with the 
 same joy and reverence which they would have shewn to the 
 living prophet. The highways from Palestine to the gates of 
 
 o 
 
54 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 Constantinople, were filled with an uninterrupted procession, 
 and tlie emperor Arcadius himself, at the head of the most il- 
 lustrious members of the clergy and senate, advanced to meet 
 his extraordinary guest, who had always deserved and claimed 
 the homage of kings. The example of Rome and Constanti- 
 nople confirmed the faith and discipline of the catholic world. 
 The honours of the saints and martyrs, after a feeble and inef- 
 fectual murmur of profane reason, were universally established ; 
 and in the age of Ambrose and Jerome, something was still 
 deemed wanting to the sanctity of a Christian church, till it 
 had been consecrated by some portion of holy reliques, which 
 fixed and inflamed the devotion of the faithful. 
 
 In the long period of twelve hundred years, which elapsed 
 
 between the reign of Constantine and the reformation of Lu- 
 es 
 
 ther, the worship of saints and reliques corrupted the pure 
 and perfect simphcity of the Christian model, and some symp- 
 toms of degeneracy may be observed even in the first genera- 
 tion, which adopted and cherished this pernicious innovation. '' 
 
 In external government, Rome, who had sat mistress of the 
 world, at length exhibited the symptoms of decay. Her em- 
 perors had degenerated ; and the event declared, that a domi- 
 nion obtained by the cruelties of the sword, was not to be upheld 
 among a warlike people, by the trifling puerilities of superstition. 
 An inscrutable Providence had permitted a few victorious men 
 to satiate their ambition by the conquest of the world ; an event 
 by which the whole was, in some degree, reduced to an ac- 
 quaintance with the Greek and Roman tongues, and so pre- 
 pared to understand a revelation, which was not to be made 
 known by immediate communications among the separate na- 
 tions severally, but through one people, by the ordinary mode 
 of human language. Hence the decline of the Roman em- 
 pire has been dated from the introduction of Christianity; 
 for thus it was, and ever will be, that men, whether in 
 defiance of the natural laws of society, by invasion and 
 slaughter, or by the guileful insinuations of superstitious trea- 
 chery, they depopulate the world, they are still subject to the 
 
 ' Gibbon's Decliue and Fall, 27 Ch. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 35 
 
 controul of him wlio wliilst lie preserveth, in every nation, those 
 who are actuated by his fear, causeth the wrath of man to 
 praise him. 
 
 In the beginning of the fifth century, Rome was itself be- 
 sieged by the Goths, who obtained possession of that centre of 
 refinement ; overthrowing its stately edifices, and with a savage 
 fury destroying those monuments of genius, the very wreck of 
 which has been the admiration of posterity. This event took 
 place during the reign of Honorius, who governed, at that time, 
 the western part of the divided empire, and whose subjects, after 
 a series of ineffectual contests, had the mortification to see 
 nearly stript of his territories, and continuing the title, without 
 the power of royalty. The capital was taken by the Goths. — 
 The Huns were possessed of Pannonia ; the Alamani, Suevi, 
 and Vandals were established in Spain ; and the Burgundians 
 settled in Gaul. The feeble powers of Valentinian the Third, 
 the successor of Honorius, were not calculated to restore to the 
 Roman monarchs the empire they had lost. Eudocia, his wi- 
 dow, and the daughter of Theodosius, married Maximus, 
 and soon discovered that the present partner of her throne and 
 bed, was the brutal murderer of the last. Incensed at his per- 
 fidy, and resolved to revenge the death of Valentinian and lier 
 own dishonour, she implored assistance from Genseric, king of 
 the Vandals in Africa, who entered Rome, and plundered the 
 whole of the city, except three churches. After the rapid 
 and turbulent reigns of several of the emperors of the West, 
 that part of the empire was finally subjugated in the year 476, by 
 the abdication of Augustulus. The name of emperor sunk 
 with the ruin of the em.pire; for the conquering Odoacer, 
 general of the Heruli, assumed only the title of king of Italy. 
 
 The calamities, which in this century arose from the intolerant 
 zeal of ecclesiastics were not less severe than the persecuting 
 terrors of heathen idolaters ; and the sincere professors of the 
 gospel were hence induced to look back, almost with regret, to 
 a season, which, however unfavourable and perilous, found 
 them united in one common cause, generally understood, in- 
 stead of being divided into factions, disagreeing about points 
 
36 HISTORICAL SUETEr OF 
 
 difficult to be conceived, and respecting which the difference 
 frequently consisted not in the circumstance itseli', but in the 
 terms used to define it. Alarmed at the ecclesiastical censure? 
 which assailed all that presumed to differ in opinion, or even 
 in expression, from the leaders of the church, the timid Christ- 
 iaT» must have been afraid of conversing upon the subject of 
 his faith; and the edict obtained from Honorius, by four bi- 
 shops, deputed from Carthage, in 410, which doomed to death 
 whoever differed from the Catholic faith, must have closed, in 
 terror and silence, the trembling hps. During this century, the 
 authority of the bishops of Rome made some remarkable pro- 
 gress, and tlie appointment of their legates doubtless originated 
 from motives extremely opposite from those wliich were avowed, 
 the faith and peace of the church.* 
 
 An increasing reneration for the Virgin Mary, had taken 
 place in the preceding century, and very early in this, an 
 opinion was industriously propagated, that she had mani- 
 fested herself to several persons, and had wrought consider- 
 able miracles. Images, bearing her name, holding in her arms 
 another, denominated the Infant Jesus, together with many 
 others, were placed in a distinguished situation in the church, 
 and, in many places, invoked with a pecuhar species of wor- 
 ship, which was supposed to draw down into the images, 
 the propitious presence of the persons whom they were de- 
 signed to represent. A superstitious respect began also to 
 take place, with respect to the bread consecrated at the Lord's 
 Supper. Its efficacy was supposed to extend to the body, as 
 well as to the soul; and it was apphed as a medicine in sick- 
 ness, and as a preservative against every danger in travelling, 
 either 1^ land or by sea. Private confession to a priest alone, 
 was substituted in the room of pubhc penance. The method 
 of singing anthems, one part of which was performed by the 
 clergy, and the other by the congregation, which had been in- 
 troduced into the churches of Antioch in the preceding century, 
 was in this practised at Rome ; and in many churches it was 
 the custom to perform these responses night and day, with- 
 
 • Gregory's Ch. Hist. toI. i. 2S4, 236,251. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN' CHTECH. 37 
 
 out any interruption: different choirs of singers continually 
 relieving each other. 
 
 Every splendid appendage, which had graced the heathen 
 ceremonies, was now interwoven into the fabric of public wcx-- 
 ship. During the extended period of Paganism, superstition 
 had entirely exhausted her talents for invention ; so that, when 
 the same spirit pervaded the minds of Christian professtM^ 
 they were necessarily compelled to adopt the practices of theai 
 predecessors, and to imitate their idolatry. That which had 
 been formerly the test of Christianity, and the practice of 
 which, when avoided, exposed the primitive believer to the 
 utmost vengeance of his enemies, was now imposed as a 
 Christian rite; and incense, no longer considered an abomi- 
 nation, smoked upon every altar. The services of religkai 
 were even in the day-time, performed by the light of tapers 
 and flambeaux, and the most eminent fathers of the church, 
 were not ashamed to propagate anv idle miraculous story, in 
 their endeavours to estabhsh the faith of the multitude. 
 
 During the sixth century, the bishops of Rome, who had 
 so often used the most strenuous efforts for pre-eminence, be- 
 gan boldly to advance the claim of supremacy. They now 
 insisted upon superiority, as a divine right attached to their 
 see, which had been founded by St. Peter; and this doctrine, 
 which had appeared to influence the conduct of some of the 
 Romish bishops of the preceding century, was no longer con- 
 cealed, or cautiously promulgated by those who possessed the 
 see during the present period; and such was the extensive 
 influence of their intrigues, that there were few among the 
 potentates of the western empire, who were not, before the close 
 of the succeeding centurv, subjected to the authority of the 
 bishops of Rome. 
 
 The corrupted doctrines of religion received, if no improve- 
 ment, no very considerable alteration in the sixth century.— 
 The torments of an intermediate state were, indeed, loudly in- 
 sisted on, to the ignorant multitude at this time, by the su- 
 perstitious Gregorv, whom the Romish church has chosen to 
 distinguish bv the appellation of Great. This prelate is sup- 
 posed by some to have laid the foundation of the modem doc- 
 
 D 8 
 
58 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 trine of purgatory. The folly and fanaticism of Monkeiy 
 reigned unabated ; the account of which would be tedious and 
 unprofitable. A monk, in imitation of Symeon Stylites, lived 
 sixty -eight years upon different pillars; and a number of the 
 austere penitents, whose madness had probably occasioned their 
 severities, and whose fanaticism in return heightened their men- 
 tal imbecility, obtained a safe retreat from the world, in an hos- 
 pital, estabhshed in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, for the 
 reception of those monks who Avere supposed to have lost their 
 reason in the pursuit, of this pharisaical frenzy. 
 
 The Roman Mass-book, or Missal, was composed by Gre- 
 gory the Great, the steady friend and patron of superstition; 
 he strongl}^ insisted on the efficacy of relics, and encouraged the 
 use of pictures and images in the churches. Vigilius ordered 
 that those who celebrated mass, should direct their faces to 
 the east. The Lord's Supper was also at this period held in 
 such dread and reverence, as to be in danger of total disconti- 
 nuance. The use of salt and water for sprinkhng those who 
 entered or departed from the church, was established by an 
 edict of Vigilius, in 538; a custom, hke many others, adopted 
 from the heathen worship. 
 
 When once men lose sight of the principal end and design of 
 sacred truth, there is no folly too gross for them to adopt. In 
 this century violent disputes took place among the priests, re- 
 lative to the shaving of the head; and the question agitated 
 was, whether the hair of the priests and monks should be sha- 
 ven on the fore part of the head, from ear to ear, or on the top 
 of the head, in the form of a circle, as an emblem of the crown 
 of thorns, worn by Jesus Christ. In the serAaces of the church 
 a greater degree of splendour was continually introduced; and 
 as this increased, men wandered farther and farther from the 
 semblance of Christianity. The dreary night of ignorance began 
 to gloom, and the road to truth, no longer pleasant and cheerful, 
 was pursued only thi'ough dismal and inextricable labyrinths." 
 
 In the seventh century, the bishops of Rome succeeded in 
 greatly extending their authority. *' The most learned writers, 
 
 " Gregory's Ch, Hist. vol. i. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 89 
 
 and those who are most remarkable for their knowledge of an- 
 tiquity, are generally agreed thai Boniface III. engaged Pho- 
 cas, that abominable tyrant, who waded to the imperial crown, 
 through the blood of the emperor Mauritius, to take from the 
 bishop of Constantinople, the title o^ (Ecumenical^ or Universal 
 Bishop, and to confer it upon the Roman pontiff;^ and the title 
 of Pope, by way of eminence, was first also in this century, 
 appUed to the bishop of Rome ; a title which, meaning merely 
 Father, had been hitherto used to the principal bishops in 
 common. The bishops of Rome, having obtained the long 
 contested pre-eminence, and having set their eyes on no- 
 thing short of universal sway, now laid claim to infallibility, 
 and accordingly Agatho asserted, that the church of Rome 
 never had erred, nor could err, in any point; and that all its 
 constitutions ought to be as implicitly received, as if they had 
 been delivered by the divine voice of St. Peter.* 
 
 The progress of vice among the subordinate rulers and mi- 
 nisters of the church, was, at this time, truly deplorable; dis- 
 sensions, fraud, pride, and domination, appeared on every 
 hand; and it is highl)^ probable, that the Waldenses, or Vaudois, 
 had already, in this century, retired into the vallies of Piedmont, 
 that they might be more at liberty to oppose the tyranny of 
 imperious prelates. The monks were held in great estimation ; 
 and by making common cause with the bishops of Rome, the 
 hands of each were materially strengthened. The bishops of 
 Rome commended the rules of monastic life; and the monks, 
 in their turn, extolled the Pope of Rome, whom they repre- 
 sented as a sort of Deity. Hence it became common for the 
 heads of families to dedicate their children to the monastic life, 
 by shutting them up in convents ; devoting them to a sohtary 
 life, which they looked upon as the highest felicity : at the 
 same time conveying to the convents large portions of worldly 
 treasure. And numerous are the instances in which the most 
 profligate and abandoned persons were comforted, in the pros- 
 pect of death, by the delusive hope, that in bequeathing a 
 
 w Moslieim's Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. 
 
 " Hist, of Popery, vol. ii. p. 5. 
 
 D 4 
 
40 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 large portion of property to some monastic order, they should 
 make atonement for a mis-spent hfe. 
 
 If the inhabitants of the western world were thus miserably 
 ingulphed in ignorance, it can scarcely be a matter of surprise, 
 that those of the eastern world, under very inferior circumstances, 
 should become the easy prey of imposture, and the dupes of 
 creduhty. 
 
 In every age, such is the hbel we are compelled to suffer 
 on our species, the applauses and concurrence of the multitude 
 are more certainly obtained by audacity than by prudence ; and 
 those notions which possess no title to respect, unless it be for 
 their absurdity , have ever succeeded in proportion to the impunity 
 by which they have been advanced and defended. The present 
 century gave birth to those doctrines of Mahomet, which have 
 since become the faith of so large a portion of the eastern world. 
 Descended from the most illustrious tribe of the Arabians, 
 and from the most illustrious family of that tribe, Mahomet was, 
 notwithstanding, reduced, by the early death of his father, to 
 the poor inheritance of five camels, and an Ethiopian maid ser- 
 vant. In his 25th year, he entered into the service of Cadijah, 
 an opulent widow of Mecca, his native city. By selling her 
 merchandise in the countries of Syria, Egypt, and Palestine, 
 Mahomet acquired a considerable part of that knowledge of 
 the world, which facihtated his imposture and his conquests, 
 and at length the gratitude or affection of Cadijah, which re- 
 stored him to the station of his ancestors, by bestowing upon 
 him her hand and her fortune. Having thus acquired advan- 
 tages unkno^vn to his early years, in the spirit of that ambition 
 which filled the western world, he resolved to become a public 
 teacher; and to this end gave out, that he had been visited by 
 the angel Gabriel, and was appointed the Prophet and Apostle of 
 God. In a cave, to which he was accustomed to retire, he pro- 
 fessed to have received, at successive intei-vals, the doctrines 
 which he taught ; the nature of which were always suited to 
 the convenience of his own conduct, and had this accommodating 
 authority, that no present revelation could be affected by those 
 which were previous : and hence, when he chose to transgress, 
 he soon after asserted, he had received a revelation, which 
 sanctioned the practice himself had adopted. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 41 
 
 The progress of die doctrines of Mahomet were at the first 
 slow. Cadi) ah was the first whom he entrusted with the secret 
 of liis mission, who received tlie intelhgence with great joy, 
 and expressed her expectation, that he would become the pro- 
 phet of his nation. After this he resorted to other branches of 
 his family, and his friends, from whom also he met a favourable 
 reception. These first steps were taken in his fortieth year. — 
 The sun had, nevertheless, thrice performed liis annual circuit, 
 without material addition to the followers of iVIahomet. At 
 length, however, he determined to become the public champion 
 of his doctrines, and "began to try the strength of his adhe- 
 rents; and having endured many difficulties, and surmounted 
 many obstacles, he succeeded, at the point of the sword, in es- 
 tabHshing his doctrines throughout the greater part of Arabia ; 
 and dying at the age of sixty- three^ was interred in that simple 
 tomb, which misguided multitudes still continue to visit with 
 profound reverence. 
 
 In the formation of his doctrines, he is supposed to have been 
 assisted by the Jew, the Persian, and the Syrian monks, who 
 are said to have lent secret aid to the composition of the Koran; 
 An opinion, which the heterogeneous contents of that volume 
 appears to justify. The faith which, under the name of Islaiiiy 
 he preached to his family and nation, is compounded of an 
 eternal truth, and a necessary fiction. That there is only one 
 God^ and that Mahomet is the Apostle of God J 
 
 The doctrines of Mahomet were artfully adapted to the 
 prejudices of the Jew^s, the several heresies of the eastern 
 church, and the pagan rites of the Arabs. To a large pro- 
 portion of mankind, also, they were rendered still more agreea- 
 ble, by the full permission of sensual gratifications, both in this 
 life and in that of the paradise he describes. Of the issue of 
 his twelve wives, one daughter alone survived; and his sceptre 
 was transferred to the hand of his friend Abubekir. 
 
 During this century, but few alterations were made in the 
 doctrines of the church. In the fourth council of Toledo, held 
 in the year 633, an alteration was made in the creed, asserting 
 tliat the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father and the Son ; 
 
 ' Gibbon's' l^ecline and Fall. 
 
42 IIISTOillCAL SURVEY OF 
 
 an opinion long maintained by the Qreeks, and during this 
 age introduced into the West. This Creed which has been 
 distinguished by the appellation of the Nicene, is that which is 
 used in the English Liturgy, but is in fact, the confession of 
 faith drawn up at Constantinople. ^ 
 
 In the eighth century, the power of the bishop of Rome and 
 the clergy was much increased, either by secret intrigue, or 
 open violence ; for though the persons who succeeded to that 
 office differed in name, they were animated by one spirit, and 
 therefore, each adopted the conduct of his predecessor in the 
 one design of obtaining, under the specious garb of Christian 
 professions, a larger extension of temporal authority. A very 
 principal occurrence, which now favoiu'ed them in their views 
 of advancement, arose from the dissentions which subsisted 
 between the European princes, together with the blind submis- 
 sion of the barbarous nations, who had assumed the profession 
 of Christianity. — The sovereigns of Europe, had introduced 
 the practice of distributing large possessions to those persons, 
 who, from their talents or situation, might contribute to the 
 stability of the empire, and as the clergy had attained, by the 
 seductive arts of superstitious folly, a great degree of rever- 
 ence among the people, the princes bestowed on them those 
 honours and rewards, which had usually devolved on the mi- 
 htary ; — this no doubt might be considered an act of temporary 
 prudence, but it was unaccompanied by judicious foresight, 
 for in the end, the power, thus conferred on the ecclesiastical au- 
 thorities, was turned against that from whence it had originated. 
 
 The barbarous 'nations, who embraced the profession of the 
 reigning faith, which had now become so transformed by human 
 inventions, as to have nearly lost all resemblance to that whose 
 name it bore ; dazzled by the splendour of its services, and the 
 apparent sanctity of its ministers, very naturally transferred the 
 veneration they had been accustomed to feel for their native in- 
 stitutions, to those of the Roman church ; and filled with the 
 most profound reverence, they considered the bishops of Rome 
 in the same light in which they had been accustomed to view 
 their dxuidical high priest ; — ^lience they had a supreme dread 
 
 * Bingham Ecc. Aiitiq, B. x. C. 4. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 43 
 
 of their displeasure, and reckoned excommunication the greatest 
 evil that could befal them. — The bishops of Rome, who assidu- 
 ously embraced every means in their power for aggrandizement, 
 soon seized those which the present opportunity afforded : and 
 hence they propagated the adopted opinion, that excommunica- 
 tion not only deprived the individual of his claims, and advan- 
 tages in the church, but also of his civil rights, and even of the 
 common benefits of humanity ; a doctrine the most horrible in 
 its consequences, and well calculated to introduce tliat pre- 
 ponderance which soon arose, between the prostituted spiritual, 
 and the temporal authority. Persons excommunicated, were 
 henceforward considered the most miserable of men ; their con 
 nections were released from the obligations of humanity towards 
 them; and those unhappy individuals, were regarded only, 
 as objects of the hatred, both of God and man. 
 
 The history of France, at this period, furnishes a remarkable 
 example of the power of the Roman pontiff. Pepin, who was 
 mayor of the palace to Childeric III. king of France, and who 
 in the exercise of that high office, really possessed the royal 
 authority, aspired also to the titles of the sovereign, and having 
 ascertained the friendship of the states, he assembled them in 
 751, for the advancement of his views of dethroning the sove- 
 reign. — The states delivered the opinion, that it should be 
 enquired at the Roman see if such a deed would receive its sanc- 
 tion, and ambassadors were in consequence dispatched by Pepin 
 to Zachary the reigning pontiff, with the following question, 
 " whether the divine law did not permit a valiant and warlike 
 people, to dethrone a pusillanimous and indolent prince, who 
 was incapable of discharging any of the functions of royalty, 
 and to substitute in his place, one more worthy to rule, and who 
 had already rendered most important services to the state?*" 
 Zachary, who wanted the assistance of France, against the 
 Greeks and Lombards, gladly availed himself of the opportunity, 
 and returned a reply, confirming the validity of such a proceed- 
 ing. — The pontifical decision removed every difficulty, and the 
 unhappy Childeric was compelled to yield, without resistance, 
 liis throne and government. 
 
 In those days of vassalage, the custom of kissing the feet of 
 tlie popc; was quite established ; a practice derived from the 
 
44 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 sovereigns of Rome, in whose dignities they claimed a succesiion, 
 which practice appears to have been first introduced by the 
 emperor CaUgula, from the vanity of exhibiting his golden 
 slipper studded with precious stones; — in addition to this, the 
 bishop of Rome Avas to be approached only, with the reverence 
 and adulation common to the most potent monarchs. 
 
 Looking around at this period, what a mass of confusion 
 does the world appear ; from the effects of the spirit 
 of antichrist, all things seem out of place, and the va- 
 pours of desolation darken and confound every object; — 
 doctrines take the place of duties, and duties that of doctrines : 
 here appears nothing but aspiring ambition, deprived by a 
 superstitious alliance of its natural grandeur, and there nothing 
 but tame obedience, rendered worthless by a gross ignorance. 
 In the gloom of this cloudy day, religion and absui'dity, truth 
 and falsehood, became entirely amalgamated ; and such was the 
 triumph of monastic folly, over the plainest dictates of the 
 understanding, that it was found necessary, in the council of 
 Frankfort, to restrain the exercise of cruelty in the guardians 
 of those miserable devotees, who had embraced that order, and 
 the abbots were prohibited from putting out the eyes, or cutting 
 off the limbs of their inferior brethren. 
 
 The nintfi century, presents a continuation of the efforts used 
 by the bishops of Rome, for establishing their dominion. 
 Having obtained in the last the grant of the Grecian territories 
 in Italy, as their patrimony ,'^they had the audacity to assert, that 
 the bishop of Rome was constituted and appointed by Jesus 
 Christ, supreme legislator and judge of the universal church, 
 and that, therefore, the bishops derived all their authority from 
 the Roman pontiff; nor could the councils determine any thing 
 without his permission and consent. These pretensions were 
 not without their effect, for if it was not at this period thought 
 absolutely necessary, it was considered extremely proper, that 
 the acts of bishops and councils, should be confirmed by the 
 Roman pontiff. In this century, the question of authority, 
 between tlie bishops of Rome and Constantinople, was finally 
 decided, after a furious contest, by a separation. — The worship 
 of images, and the doctrine of the real presence in the eucharist, 
 now also obtained gTeat attention. The worship of saints 
 
THE CHUISTIAN CHURCH. 45 
 
 acquired considerable popularity, and such was the rage among 
 the vulgar for this delusion, that it was found necessary to limit 
 their number, by ordaining, that no departed Christian should be 
 considered as a member of the order of Saints^ until the bishop 
 had, in a provincial council, and in presence of the people, 
 pronounce J. him worthy of that distinguished honour. 
 
 The impiety and licentiousness of the greatest part of the 
 clergy arose, at this time, to an enormous height, and stand 
 upvin record in the unanimous complaints of the most candid 
 and impartial writers of this century. In the east, tumult, dis- 
 cord, conspiracies, and treason, reigned uncontrolled, and all 
 things were carried by violence and force. These abuses ap- 
 peared in many things, but particularly in the election of the 
 patriarchs of Constantinople. The favour of the court was be- 
 come the only step to that high and important situation, and, as 
 the patriarch's continuance, in that eminent post, depended upon 
 such an uncertain and precarious foundation, nothing was 
 more usual than to see a prelate pulled down, from his episcopal 
 throne, by an imperial decree. In the western provinces the 
 bishops were become voluptuous, and effeminate, to a very high 
 degree ; they passed their lives amidst the splendour of courts, 
 and the pleasures of a luxurious indolence, which corrupted their 
 taste, extinguished their zeal, and rendered them incapable of 
 performing the solemn duties of their function; while the in- 
 ferior clergy, who were sunk in licentiousness, minded nothing 
 but sensual gratifications, and infected with the most heinous 
 vices, the flock whom it was the very business of their ministry 
 to preserve, or to deliver from the contagion of iniquity. Be- 
 sides, the ignorance of the sacred order was in many places so 
 deplorable, that few of them could either read or write ! and 
 still fewer were capable of expressing their wretched notions, 
 with any degree of method or perspicuity. Hence it happened, 
 that when letters were to be penned, or any matter of conse- 
 quence was to be committed to writing, they had commonly 
 recourse to some person who was supposed to be endowed with 
 superior abihties. * 
 
 • Mosheini Ecc. Hist. Cent. 9. p. J. 
 
46 HISTOmCAL SURVEY OF 
 
 In the tenth century, the night of ignorance, wliich had been 
 so long advancing, totally enveloped mankind. The only 
 emulation which appears to have existed, was that of increasing 
 members to the Catholic faith, and the work of conversion, such 
 as it was, brought into that profession the Norwegians, Poles, 
 Russians, Hungarians, Danes, Swedes, and Normans, some of 
 whom, so very imperfectly understood the nature of their pro- 
 fession, that they continued to sacrifice according to their 
 ancient idolatry. 
 
 The conduct of the clergy at this period became grossly vile. 
 We may form some idea of the Grecian patriarchs, from the 
 single example of Theophylact, who, according to the testimony 
 of the most respectable writers, made the most impious traffic of 
 ecclesiastical promotions ; and expressed no sort of care about 
 any thing, but his dogs and horses. Degenerate and licen- 
 tious, however, as these patriarchs might be, they were, ge- 
 nerally speaking, less profligate and indecent than the Roman 
 pontiffs. 
 
 The history of the Roman pontiffs, (says Dr. Mosheim,) in 
 this century, is a history of so many monsters, and not of men ; 
 and exhibits a most horrible series of the most flagitious,'^tremen- 
 dous, and complicated crimes, as all writers, even those of the 
 Romish communion, unanimously confess. A slight glance at 
 some of the characters who now filled that office, will amply 
 prove, that intrigue and villainy, were the surest requisites for 
 attaining that appointment.— In the year 903, Benedict IV. 
 was raised to the pontificate, which he enjoyed no longer than 
 forty days, being dethroned by Christopher, and cast into 
 prison ; Christopher, in his turn, was deprived of the pontifical 
 dignity the year following, by Sergius III., a Roman Presbyter, 
 seconded by the protection and influence of Adalbert, a most 
 powerful Tuscan prince, who had a supreme and unlimited 
 direction, in all the affairs that were transacted at Rome. 
 Anastatius III. and Lando, who upon the death of Sargius m 
 the year 911, were raised successively to the papal dignity, 
 enjoyed it but for a short time; after the death of Lando 914, 
 Alberic, marquis, or count of Tuscany, whose opulence was 
 prodigious, and whose authority in Rome was despotic and 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 47 
 
 unlimited, obtained the pontificate for John X., archbishop of 
 Ilavenna, in comphance with the sohcitation of Theodora, his 
 mother-in-law, whose licentiousness was the principle that 
 interested her in this promotion. The laws of Rome were at 
 this time absolutely silent. — The dictates of justice and equity 
 were overpowered and suspended, and all things were carried 
 on by interest or corruption, by violence or fraud. ^ 
 
 Pope John X., though in other respects a scandalous example 
 of iniquity and licentiousness, acquired a certain degree of 
 reputation, by his campaign against the Saracens, whom he 
 expelled from their settlements upon the banks of the Garig- 
 nialo; he did not, however, long enjoy his elevation, the enmity 
 of Marozia, daughter of Theodora, and wife of Albert, proved 
 fatal to him. That intriguing woman, having espoused Guy, 
 Marquis of Tuscany, engaged him to seize the licentious pon- 
 tiff, who was her mother's lover, and to put him to death. To 
 John X. succeeded Leo VI. who presided but seven months in 
 the apostolic chair, which was filled after him by Stephen VII. 
 The death of the latter -(931) presented, to the ambition of 
 Marozia, an object worthy of its attention ; and accordingly 
 she raised to the papal dignity, John XI. who was the fruit 
 of her lawless amours, with one of the pretended successors of 
 St. Peter, Sergius III. whose adulterous commerce with that 
 infamous woman, gave an infallible guide to the Roman church. 
 John XT. who was placed at the head of the church, by the 
 credit and influence of his mother, was precipitated from the 
 summit of spiritual grandeur 933, by Alberic, his half brother, 
 who had conceived the utmost aversion against him. Upon 
 the death of her husband, Marozia, by her splendid offers, 
 induced Hugo, king of Italy, to accept her hand. But the 
 unhappy monarch did not long enjoy the promised honour of 
 being made master of Rome ; Alberic, his son-in-law, stimulat- 
 ed by an affront which he had received from him, excited the 
 Romans to revolt, and expelled from the city, not only the 
 offending king, but his mother Marozia, and her son, the reign- 
 ing pontiff, all of whom he confined in prison, where John 
 
 * Mosheim Ecc. Hist. Cent. 10. 
 
48 - HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 ended his days 936. — The four pontiffs who succeeded, were 
 somewhat superior, at least their government was not attended 
 with those tumults, which had become so frequent, from con- 
 tention for the priestly dignity. Upon the death of Agupet the 
 last of these, Alberic II. who to the dignity of Roman consul, 
 joined a degree of authority and opulence which nothing 
 could resist, raised to the pontificate Octavius, who was yet in 
 the early bloom of youth, and destitute of every quality which 
 might be supposed requisite for the discharge of that office. 
 This pontiff* took the name of John XII. and thus introduced 
 the custom, which has since been adopted by all his successors, 
 of assuming a new appellation upon their accession to the pon- 
 tificate. 
 
 The death of John XII. was as unhappy as his promotion 
 had been scandalous. Unable to bear the oppressive yoke of 
 Berenger II. king of Italy, he betrayed the city of Rome to 
 Otho, to whom he also* swore allegiance ; he soon, however, 
 repented of the step he had taken, and, revolting from him, 
 joined Adelbert. This revolt was not left unpunished, for 
 Otho returned to Rome, charging him with his flagitious 
 crimes, and degraded him from his office. As soon as Otho 
 had again quitted Rome, John returned, and soon after died, 
 in consequence of a blow on the temples. Inflicted hy the hand 
 of a gentleman whose wife he had seduced. Of the manners 
 of this age it is difficult to form a competent idea ; they appear 
 to have been a compound of the grossest . voluptuousness, and 
 the most abject superstition. The power which the clergy 
 had attained was prodigious ; they were considered as possess- 
 ing the keys of purgatory at least, if not of hell — the dying 
 profligate considered no price too dear for the redemption of his 
 soul ; and thus to use the expression of an ingenious writer — 
 " having found what Archimedes wanted, another world to 
 rest on, they moved this world as they pleased.'' « 
 
 The eleventh century witnessed the continued increase of 
 Papal power. All the records of this century loudly complain 
 of the vices that reigned among the rulers of the church, and 
 
 * Gregory's Ch. Hist. Cent. x. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 49 
 
 in general among all the clergy. No sooner had the western 
 bishops obtained elevation than they gave themselves up en- 
 tirely to the dominion of pleasure and ambition. The inferior 
 orders of the clergy were also licentious in their own way ; few 
 among them preserved any remains of piety and virtue, or 
 even of decency and discretion. While their rulers were wal- 
 lowing in luxury, and basking in the beams of worldly pomp 
 and splendour, they were indulging themselves, without the 
 least sense of shame, in fraudulent practices, in impure and 
 lascivious gratifications, and even in the commission of the 
 most flagitious crimes. 
 
 The authority and lustre of the Latin church, or to speak 
 more properly, the power and dominion of the Roman pontiffs, 
 arose in this century to the highest pitch, though they arose 
 by degrees, and had much opposition and many difficulties 
 to conquer. In the preceding age the pontiffs had acquired a 
 great degree of authority in religious matters, and in every 
 thing that related to the government of the church; and 
 then- credit and influence increased prodigiously towards the 
 commencement of this century. For then they received the 
 pompous titles q£ Masters of the World and Popes^ i. e. UnU 
 versal Fathers^ Hitherto the struggle between temporal and 
 the prostituted spiritual power had been clandestine. The 
 popes indeed had often shewn their inclination to seize the reigns 
 of civil government, a disposition which roused the opposition 
 of princes, and particularly of WiUiam the Conqueror, now 
 seated on the throne of England, the boldest assertor of the 
 rights of royalty against the popish claims. The contentions 
 and tumults also, which Avere usual in obtaining the papal 
 chair were continued in a manner equally remarkable and 
 disgi-acefid ; and at this period the world witnessed two popes 
 elected by opposite factions, contending for the mastery. — 
 Hence an alteration was effected, confining the election for the 
 papal dignity to the Cardinals, a title conferred on a number 
 of the superior clergy. 
 
 The popes now not only aspired td the character of supreme 
 legislators in the church, to an unlimited jurisdiction over all 
 
 " Moshcim Ecc. Hist. Cent, xi, 
 
 E 
 
50 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 synods and councils, and to the sole distribution of all ecclesias- 
 tical honours, as divinely authorised and appointed for that pur- 
 pose, but they carried their pretensions so far as to give themselves 
 out for lords of the universe, arbiters of the fate of kingdoms and 
 empires, and supreme rulers over the kings and princes of the 
 earth. Nothing can be more insolent than the language in which 
 Hildibrand, Pope Gregory VII. addressed himself to Philip I. 
 kino- of France, to whom he recommends an humble and 
 obHging carriage, from this consideration, that hoth his Jcing- 
 dam and Ids soul were under the dominion of St. Peter (i. e. 
 his vicar, the Roman pontiiF) who had the 'power to hind and 
 to loose him, hoth in heaven and upon earth. Nothing escaped 
 the all-grasping ambition of Gregory, — he pretended that 
 Saxony was a feudal tenure, held in subjection to the see of 
 Rome, to which it had been formerly yielded by Charlemagne, 
 as a pious oiTering to St. Peter. He extended also his preten- 
 sions to the kingdom of Spain, maintaining that it was the 
 'property of the apostolic see from the earhest times of the 
 church ; these usurping assertions prevailed so far in Spain as 
 to procure for the pope the acknowledgment of an annual 
 tribute ; but in England, when Gregory wrote to William the 
 Conqueror, demanaing the an-ears of the Peter Pence (a penny 
 from every house) and requiring him to do homage for the 
 kingdom of England, as a fiief of the apostolic see, William 
 granted the former, but refused the latter, with a noble obsti- 
 nacy, declaring, that lie held the kingdom from God only, 
 and by his own sword.* 
 
 Gregory, hov/ever, succeeded by his familiarity with Ma- 
 tilda, the daughter of Boniface, duke of Tuscany, and the 
 most powerful and opulent princess in that country, who 
 settled all her possessions in Italy and elsewhere upon the 
 church of Rome, and the successors of St. Peter. 
 
 In the year 1074, it was decreed in a council held at' Rome, 
 that the sacerdotal order should abstain from njarriage, and 
 that such of them as had already wives or concubines should 
 immediately dismiss them, or quit the priestly office, a decree 
 which was enforced in the most rigid manner. 
 
 The eleventh century, although remarkable for the exten- 
 
 • Moshcim Ecc. Hist. Cent, xi. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 51 
 
 sion of pontifical authority, is also more nobly so on account 
 of the dawnings of truth, and the revival of learning. The 
 close of this century witnessed the novelty of an army march- 
 mg under the banner of the cross, in a war against the Holy 
 Land, thence denominated the first Crusade. The land of 
 Palestine had become the object of veneration, both to the Ma- 
 hometan and Christian professors. The popes had for a long 
 time viewed it with an anxious eye ; and Gregory VII. actu- 
 ally resolved to undertake in person a holy war, and instigated 
 upwards of fifty thousand men to embark in the design, but 
 his quarrels and other occurrences frustrated his views. 
 The project, however, was renewed towards tlie close of tliis 
 century, by the enthusiastic zeal of an inhabitant of Amiens, 
 called Peter the Hermit, who having visited Palestine, displayed, 
 in the most affecting manner, the sufferings of the natives and 
 pilgi'ims. — Peter supphed the deficiency of reason by loud and 
 frequent appeals to Christ and his mother, to the saints and 
 angels of paradise, with whom he had personally conversed, 
 and, it is said, carried about with him a letter which, he 
 affirmed, was written in heaven, addressed to all true Chris- 
 tians, to animate their zeal for the dehverance of their brethren, 
 who groaned under the burthen of a Mahometan yoke.^ So 
 flattering an opportunity as this for exhibiting the pious zeal 
 of the faithful was not to be lightly regarded, and therefore 
 Pope Urban assembled a council at Placentia and at Cler- 
 mont ; at the latter of which his eloquence prevailed ; and an 
 incredible number devoted themselves to the service of the 
 cross, which was made the symbol of the expedition, and 
 which, worked in red worsted, was worn on the breasts or 
 shoulders of the adventurers. The court of Rome used every 
 exertion to encrease the number of these devotees, and pro- 
 claimed a plenaiy indulgence to those who should enlist under 
 the cross, and a full absolution of all their sins. 
 
 The 15th of August, 1096, had been fixed in the council of 
 Clermont, for the departure of the pilgrims, but tlie day was 
 anticipated by a thoughtless and needy crowd of ]>Iebeians. 
 Early in the spring, from tlie confines of France and Lor- 
 
 * Gibbon's Decline and Fall, cLap. 27, 
 E 9, 
 
52 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 raine, above sixty tliousand of the populace of both sexeS 
 flocked round the missionary of the crusade, and pressed him 
 with clamorous importunity to lead them to the holy sepulchre. 
 The Hermit obeyed, and led forward the motley group, which 
 was soon followed by fifteen or twenty thousand from Germany, 
 whose rear was again pressed by an herd of two hundred thou- 
 sand, the most stupid and savage refuse of the people, who 
 mingled with their de^'otion a brutal licence of rapine, prosti- 
 tution, and ch'unkenness. Some counts and gentlemen, at the 
 head of three thousand horse, attended the motions of the 
 multitude to partake in the spoil, but their genuine leaders 
 (may we credit such folly ?) were a goose and a goat, who 
 were carried in the front, and to whom was ascribed, by the 
 ignorant multitude, an infusion of the Divine Spirit.? This 
 rabble, after being wasted by the Hungarians, and the natural 
 evils attending their disorderly progress, were overwhelmed in 
 the plains of Nice, by the Turkish arrows ; and from the be- 
 ginning to the end of this expedition 300,000 perished before a 
 single city was rescued from the infidels, and before their 
 graver and more noble brethren had completed their prepara- 
 tions. The regular armies which embarked in this undertaking 
 proceeded in due order: that commanded by Godfrey of 
 Bouillon, Duke of Lorraine, was composed of eighty thousand 
 well chosen troops, horse and foot, and directed its march 
 through Germany and Hungary. Another which was headed 
 by Raymond, Earl of Toulouse, passed through the Sclavonian 
 territories. Robert, Earl of Flanders, Robert, Duke of Nor- 
 mandy, Hugo, brother to Philip I., King of France, embarked 
 their respective forces in a fleet ; and these armies were follow- 
 ed by Boemond, Duke of Apulia and Calabria, at the head of a 
 chosen and numerous body of valiant Normans. 
 
 This army was the greatest, and, in outward appearance, the 
 most formidable that had been known in the memory of man. 
 It obtained the possession of the city of Nice, in Bithynia, 1097, 
 and after a siege of five weeks, that of Jerusalem, the cro^v^l- 
 ing point of their ambition; at the head of which was placed the 
 celebrated Godfrey, whom the army saluted King of Jerusa- 
 
 s Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch. 37. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 lem, with an unanimous voice, and leaving a small foiv 
 his support, returned each to his njitive territory. 
 
 This lioli) war, as it was stiled, proved highly productive to 
 the Romish church, since those who embarked in it disposed 
 of their property as if they had died, and made large donations 
 to the papal power ; and this circumstance, with those before 
 enumerated, gave to the church a title to earthly possessions 
 and temporal government. 
 
 In the commencement of the twelfth century, Boleslaus, 
 Duke of Poland, having conquered the Pomeranians, offered 
 them peace upon condition that they would receive the Chris- 
 tian teachers, and permit them to exercise their ministry among 
 them, a condition which they accepted, and by which the pro- 
 fession of Christianity was established among them. Hence 
 it became allowable to make war on nations, for no other reason 
 than because they adhered to their antient superstitions in 
 preference to those of the Romish people ; and the most horri- 
 ble scenes of cruelty and bloodshed were carried on against 
 the Livonians in a holy war, for then* conversion. 
 
 In 1146, a second crusade was undertaken, rendered necessary 
 by the hostile measures adopted by the Mahometans, who obtain- 
 ed possession of Edessa, and threatened Antioch. The second 
 crusade was followed by a third, which obtained support from 
 Richard I. King of England, and which exhausted the armies 
 of England, France, and Germany. At this period were in- 
 troduced several orders, designed to confer honour on the 
 adventurers — as the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, the 
 Knights of Malta, and the Knights Templars, from a palace 
 appropriated to them adjoining the temple at Jerusalem. 
 
 This century also witnessed a contention between Pope Pascal 
 and Henry IV., in which the former, after exhausting the 
 force of excommunications, finally obtained victory through the 
 rebellion of an unnatural son, afterwards Henry V., who seized 
 upon his father, and compelled him to abdicate his throne. 
 
 The dormant struggle for power between the popes and 
 emperors, was revived diu'ing the pontificate of Alexander III, 
 who attained the papal chair 1169. The elevation of this 
 prelate was warmly opposed by several of the cardinals, who 
 
 E 3 
 
illSTORICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 ^^idther of their body, under the name of Victor III., 
 ^k^c\\ they obtained the sanction and assistance of the Em- 
 peror Frederick I. The terrified pontiff fled precipitately into 
 Sicily, whence he procured a passage into France ; and such 
 was the pitch which superstitious folly had attained, that the 
 Kings of France and England, led the horse of this pretended 
 successor of St. Peter, themselves on foot holding his horse''s 
 bridle. After a series of contentions during eighteen years, 
 tranquillity was once more restored by the submission of the 
 emperor, who condescended to prostrate himself at the feet 
 of the haughty pontiff, in the great church of St. Mark, at 
 Venice, and to receive from him the Kiss of Peace. 
 
 In this century also the celebrated Thomas a Becket, of 
 sainted memory, was assassinated. This haughty prelate, 
 who was Archbishop of Canterbury, by his zeal in behalf of 
 the court of Rome, gave great offence to his sovereign, 
 Hem-y II. of England, the consequences of which at length 
 proved fatal. After repeated affronts, the king one day, in 
 an unguarded moment, when particularly exasperated, ex- 
 pressed himself thus ; " Am I not unhappy, that among the 
 numbers who are attached to my interests, and employed 
 in my service, there is none possessed of spirit enough to 
 resent the 'affronts, which I am constantly receiving from a 
 miserable priest .^" These words were indeed not pronounced 
 in vain— four gentlemen of the court immediately set forward 
 to Canterbury, where they found Becket in his chapel, per- 
 forming the evening service, and slew him. Henry reflecting 
 on his words, and having reason to suspect their design, dis- 
 patched a messenger after them, charging them to attempt no- 
 thing against the person of the primate. But these orders 
 arrived too late> Such, however, was the power of the reign- 
 ing superstition, that the reluctant Henry was compelled to do 
 severe penance, as the instigator, whilst the prelate was enrolled 
 among the saints and martyrs, and such miracles attributed to 
 his bones as obtained whole hosts of pilgrims from most parts 
 of the world, and a shrine of immense value. 
 
 Pope Alexander III., who, hke most of his predecessors, 
 
 *• Hume's England, Vol. I. 394. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 
 
 55 
 
 knew much more of secular policy than of religion, enacted, in 
 tlie third council of the Lateran, tliat the persson, in whose 
 favour two-thirds of the college of cardinals voted, should be 
 the duly elected pope ; a law which will probably last as long 
 as popery, because it excludes the people, and even the inferior 
 clergy, from any share in the choice of their holy father. In 
 this council also a spiritual war was declared against heretics. 
 The appearance of some champions of truth in the last century 
 has been before alluded to, and if great attention has not been 
 paid to them, it is because the subject leads m the rugged 
 steps of haughty prelates and aspiring pontiffs, gradually 
 ascending to the very pinnacle of power, until the deluded 
 world fell down beneath them, a mighty ruin. In this place, 
 however, let those exalted worthies receive homage, who, 
 from age to age, kept up the dying embers of expiring truth, 
 until at length it poured its sacred rays in a full tide on the 
 benighted world. 
 
 The increase of opposition which the Popish faith expe- 
 rienced, and the fact that some were to be found who would 
 dare to think, though it should cost their blood, determined 
 the project of a spiritual war; a very natural precursor to 
 that crying abomination, the Holy Liquisitio7i, at once the 
 scourge, disgrace, and terror, of the human race. 
 
 This century is also remarkable for the sale of indulgences, 
 by which the church was supposed to forego its power of 
 punishing offenders, in consequence of a certain fine. In 
 these times of dotage every sort of mummery was accounted 
 holy, and the monks introduced the practice of carrying the 
 dead bodies of their saints in solemn procession through the 
 land, which the abject multitude were permitted to approach, 
 to touch, or to embrace, at certain established prices. The 
 inferior clergy had accustomed the people to the purchasing 
 of pardons, and the popes, considering the value of the appen- 
 dage, laid claim to the benefit, and annexed the sale of indul- 
 gences to the prerogatives of the holy see. It is not, how- 
 ever, designed to extend this rapid Survey of Ecclesiasti- 
 cal History beyond the close of this twelfth century. The 
 
 E-4 
 
56 HISTOEICAL SURVEY OF 
 
 History of the Inquisition naturally, in some degree resuming, 
 or alluding to that subject. 
 
 In conclusion, therefore, what an argument does the vast 
 period, now hastily glanced over, afford, on the mischievous ef- 
 fects of error and of superstition. The world has been con- 
 quered by force of arms, but her inhabitants were held in sub- 
 jection, by the continued efforts of that power, which first re- 
 duced them. Superstition obtains a victory, and maintains a 
 conquest, by a far different operation — she gains possession of 
 the heart. Warriors have indeed prevailed over physical force, 
 but they could never controul the will. Superstition has done 
 this; — she has seated herself in the throne of judgment, and 
 commanded all human affections. Reviewing the past, may it 
 not then be said, what a deadly poison is that which she instills ! 
 Sufficiently allied to truth to obtain its sacred sanction, and yet 
 so contaminated by error, as wholly to destroy the efficacy of 
 that alliance ; her influence descends upon the mind of man like 
 an overshadowing cloud, which, from a transparent vapour, 
 becomes a solid gloom, leaving the wretched wanderer in the 
 mazes of the grossest darkness. Superstition, indeed, appears to 
 be the human mind^s most natural disease, in its present fallen 
 state; cut off by transgression from that love and contempla- 
 iton of the Divine excellency, for which it was originally 
 created, the soul betrays its sacred instinct, by an awful and 
 perverted action ; for when men knew God from the displays 
 of his eternal power in the visible world, they glorified him 
 not as God, but became vain in their imagination, and their 
 foolish hearts were darkened. Hence the histories of all na- 
 tions abound with the records of idol worship, but whilst the 
 abominations of a system professedly established on Christian 
 principles are in view, it is unnecessary to turn for scenes of 
 horror to the plains of Juggernaut. 
 
 It is truth, scriptural truth alone which can emancipate the 
 soul — not by assisting men''s natural notions, but by dictating 
 evejy idea, which is proper or even allowable in the service of 
 God : where this is the case, there the kingdom of God is 
 estabhshed in the heart of man ; where it is not, but where 
 the scriptures are either partially or wholly laid aside— where 
 
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 57 
 
 men reject the commandments of God, that they may keep 
 their own traditions, all things are out of place, there is con- 
 fusion, and more or less every evil work. Hence the great 
 enemy of man and his emissaries, have either forbad the read- 
 ing of the scriptures, or sophistically perverted their ail-iiupor- 
 tant declarations. They have however been confounded 
 whenever and by whomsoever the sacred volume has been 
 duly honoured — taught by its prophetic voice, and assured of 
 final victory. Christians have in every age been animated to use 
 this weapon alone, in the face of every danger, whilst in the 
 same loving spirit which it breathes— (not by fire and sword) 
 they have endeavoured to persuade all human kind to love the 
 sacred Author of their being in the way his wisdom and 
 mercy have appointed. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Itnt^tl^lMuM^ 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 The Doctrine of Jesus Christ forbids Persecution on the 
 Account of Religion. 
 
 Although the inquisition was not so much as 
 heard of m the Christian church before the thirteenth cen- 
 tury, yet since it has spread itself ahnost throughout the whole 
 world and become every where notorious, it is not to be won- 
 dered at, that there should be a general curiosity in marikind 
 of more thoroughly understanding it, and knowing by what 
 laws it is conducted, and what are the methods of proceeding 
 therein. The doctors of the Romish church give it the highest 
 commendations, as the only and most certain means of extir- 
 pating heresies, and an impregnable support of the faith ; not 
 invented by human wisdom and council, but given to men by 
 the immediate influence of heaven, whose tribunal breathes 
 nothing but holiness, and to which they give such titles, as 
 denote the most perfect sanctity. The Inquisition itself is called 
 the Holy Office, the prison of the Inquisition the Holy House; 
 so that the very name confers upon it respect and veneration: yea, 
 they go so far as to compare it with the sun, and affirm, that 
 as it would be accounted ridiculous to commend and extol the 
 sun, it would be equally so to pretend to praise the Inquisition. 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOy. 
 
 The Protestants, on the other hand, represent it, not only as 
 a cruel and bloody, but most unjust tribunal ; where, as the 
 laws by which other tribunals are governed are disregarded, so 
 many things which every where else would be esteemed un- 
 righteous, are commended as holy. And they are so far from 
 thinking that it is a proper means of restraining or punishing 
 the guilty (which is the principal thing to be aimed at by every 
 tribunal) that, on the contrary, they believe it was invented for 
 the oppression of truth, and the defence of superstition and 
 tyranny : where persons, let their innocency appear as bright as 
 the sun at noon-day, are treated as the most vile and perfidious 
 wretches, and cruelly put to death by the severest tortures. 
 I therefore thought it might be of service to the world, to de- 
 scribe the origin of this tribunal; and against whom, and by 
 what methods, they generally proceed in it. In order to this, 
 it is necessary to look back, and deduce this whole affair from 
 its very origin. 
 
 The Christian religion, taught by the Apostles, made its 
 progress in the world, and shewed itself to be of divine original, 
 by the holiness of its precepts, the exceeding gi'eatness of its 
 promises, and the many miracles, wrought in confirmation of 
 it ; and, at last, brought the whole world into its obedience, 
 without the assistance of carnal weapons, or temporal power. 
 
 Our Saviour sent his disciples into the world, as a blessing : 
 they were to preach the Gospel to every creature — to publish 
 those glad tidings of gTeat joy, which concern all people— to 
 proclaim his character and office, according to that prophecy, 
 which he himself adopted as his own, in the synagogue at 
 Nazareth, and by which he is declared, anointed to preach 
 the gospel to the poor — sent to heal the broken-hearted — 
 to preach dehverance to the captives — recovering of sight to 
 the bhnd — and to set at hberty the bruised. 
 
 A character like this, stands at an infinite distance from 
 cruelty of every kind. Its perfection consists in being Iholy^ 
 harmless^ and undefiled ; it never sanctioned the doing of evil 
 that good may come. Nor will any act of such a kind fail to 
 meet with disapproval in that day, when God shall judge the 
 secrets of men by his well-beloved Son, the Author and the Fi- 
 nisher of Faith. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IN^QUISITION. 61 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 The opinion of the Primitive Christians concerning Perse- 
 
 cution. 
 
 THE primitive Christians opposed with the greatest vigour, 
 all cruelty and persecution for the sake of religion. It is true, 
 indeed, that^they condemned the Heathen for their barbarities; 
 and argued wholly for this, that Christians should have the free 
 exercise of their rehgion granted them; but they used such 
 arguments, and topics of reasoning, and even sometimes when 
 treating of different subjects, expressed themselves in such a 
 manner, as plainly declares that they do equally condemn all 
 sort of violence for the sake of rehgion, against all persons what- 
 soever. Thus Tertullian, in his Apology, * says : " Take 
 heed that this be not made use of to the praise of impiety, viz. 
 to take away from men the liberty of religion, and forbid them 
 the choice of their deity ; so that it should be criminal for them 
 to worship whom they would, and they should be compelled to 
 worship whom they would not ; no one would accept of an 
 involuntary service, no not a man.*" And again, J " It 
 plainly appears unjust, that men possessed of liberty and 
 choice, should be compelled against their will to sacrifice. For 
 in other cases a willing mind is required in the performance of 
 divine worship; and it may justly be accounted ridiculous to 
 force any person to honour the Gods, whom he ought wiUingly 
 for his own sake to endeavour to appease." And again, in his 
 book to Scapula. ^ " Every one hath a natural right and 
 power to worship according to his persuasion, for no man's reli- 
 gion can be either hurtful or profitable to his neighbour : nor 
 can it be a part of religion to compel men to religion, which 
 ought to be voluntarily embraced, and not through constraint ; 
 since 'tis expected, that even your sacrifices should be offered 
 with a willing mind ; so that if you compel us to sacrifice, think 
 not to please your Gods ; for unless they dehght in strife, they 
 will not desire unwilling sacrifices: but God is not a lover of 
 contention."" Cyprian also agrees with Tertullian his master, 
 in liis 62d letter to Pomponius, concerning virgins, where, 
 
 ! Cap. 21. j Cap. 28. ^ Cap, 2. 
 
(Ja HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 treating of the excommunication of offenders, he thus speaks : 
 *' God commanded, that those who would not obey his priests, 
 and those judges, which time after time he appointed, should be 
 slain. Such were cut off with the sword during the dispensa- 
 tion of the circumcision in the flesh. But now, since the spiritual 
 circumcision takes place in all the faithful servants of God, the 
 proud and obstinate are to be slain with the sphitual sword, by 
 being cast out of the church.'' The Apostle, in his Epistle to 
 the Corintliians, says. That in a large house there are not only 
 vessels of gold and silver, but of wood and earth, some to honour, 
 and some to dishonour. '' Let us endeavour, as much as we 
 can, to be found amongst those of gold and silver. 'Tis the 
 sole prerogative of the Lord to break the earthen ones, to whom 
 the iron rod is committed. The servant cannot be greater than 
 his Lord ; nor should any one arrogate to himself what the 
 Father hath committed to the Son only, viz. to winnow and 
 purge the flour, and separate, by any human judgment, the 
 chaff from the wheat." And in his 55th to Cornelius : " Nor 
 let any one wonder that some should forsake tlie serv^ant ap- 
 pointed over them, when the disciples left the Lord himself, 
 though he wrought the greatest signs and wonders ; and proved 
 by the testimony of his works, that he acted by the power of his 
 Father. And yet he did not reproach or grievously threaten 
 them when they forsook him, but gently turned to his A|X)stles 
 and said, What, will you forsake me also ? Observing that 
 sacred law, of every one's being left to his own liberty and will, 
 and making for himself his own choice, whether of life or death."' 
 Now since from these passages, it plainly appears, that Cyprian 
 taught, that all force in matters of religion, is contrary to the 
 nature of Christianity, I cannot but take notice of the disho- 
 nesty of Bellarmine,^ who in his 3d book of Controversies,*" 
 brings in Cyprian as a defender of the murder of Heretics ; 
 who having in his book concerning martyrdom, cited that 
 passage out of Deut. xiii. " That the false prophet shall be 
 slain, adds. If this was to be done under the Old Testament, 
 much more under the New." But if we look to the words 
 immediately following, we shall find that Cyprian's opinion was 
 
 1 De Laicig. "" cap. 21. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 6S 
 
 quite the reverse : for these are the words of Cyprian : "If 
 before the coming of Christ, the commands of worshipping God, 
 and forsaking idols, were to be observed, how much rather are 
 they to be observed since his appearance ? who not only exhort- 
 ed us by words, but by his own actions ; and who, after having 
 endured all manner of injuries and reproaches, was crucified, 
 that he might leave us an example how to suffer and die. So 
 that he hath no excuse who will not suffer on his own account ; 
 for as he suffered for the sins of all, how much more ought 
 every one to suffer for his own sins ?" If this passage be read 
 entire, it will appear, how^ very falsly Bellarmine hath applied it 
 to the defence of the murder of Heretics, which was only 
 intended as an exhortation to the patient suffering of mar- 
 tyrdom. 
 
 Lactantius defends the same doctrine in a nobler and plainer 
 manner," " There is no need of compulsion and violence, 
 because religion cannot be forced, and men must be made 
 ■willing, not by stripes, but arguments. Let them draw 
 the sword of their reason ; if their reasons are good, let them 
 produce them ; we are ready to hear, if they can teach ; if they 
 are silent, we cannot believe them : if they pretend to force us, 
 we cannot yield to them: let them imitate us, or fairly debate 
 the case with us. It is not our manner, as they object, to entice 
 men; we teach, prove, and demonstrate; no one is kept 
 amongst us against his will ; and he must be unacceptable to 
 God, who wants devotion and faith ; and yet none forsake us, 
 being preserved by the sole evidence and force of truth." And 
 a little after : " Let them leai'n from this what difference there 
 is between truth and falsehood ; in that they, though boasting 
 of their eloquence, cannot persuade; yet Christians, though 
 unskilful and ignorant, can ; for the thing itself, and truth 
 pleads in their behalf To what purpose then is their rage, 
 but to expose more that folly which they strive to conceal ? 
 Slaughter and piety ai'e quite opposite to each other; nor can 
 truth consist witli violence, or justice Avith cruelty." And a 
 httle after: " They are convinced that there is nothing more 
 excellent than religion, and therefore think that it ought to be 
 defended with force ; but they are mistaken both in the nature 
 
 ° Lib. 5. c. 20. 
 
64 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 of religion, and in the proper methods to support it; for 
 rehgion is to be defended, not by murder, but persuasion ; not 
 by cruelty, but patience; not by wickedness, but faith. 
 Those are the metliods of bad men, these of good ; and 'tis 
 necessary that a religious man should be good, and not evil ; 
 for if 3^ou attempt to defend religion by blood, and torments, 
 and evil, this is not to defend but to violate and pollute it: 
 for there is nothing should be more free than the choice of our 
 religion, in which, if the consent of the worshipper be wanting, 
 it becomes entirely void and ineffectual. The true way there- 
 fore of defending religion is by faith, a patient suffering, and 
 dying for it : this renders it acceptable to God, and strengthens 
 its authority and influence." This was that most harmless 
 persuasion of the Primitive Chi'istians, before the world had 
 yet entered into the church, and by its pomp and pride had 
 perverted the minds, and corrupted the manners of professors. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 The Laws of the Emperors, after the Nicene Council, against 
 the Arians and other Heretics. 
 
 AFTER the conversion of Constantine to the Christian 
 religion, the civil power became vested in the hands of Chris- 
 tians. This change in their circumstances produced as great a 
 change in their doctrine and manners ; and they introduced 
 into the church methods of cruelty, not only equal to those of 
 the Heathen, but even greater than were ever practised by 
 them. What gave thc^ first rise to it was, the dispute between 
 Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, and Arius, a Presbyter of 
 the same cliurch : when the news of this was brought to Con- 
 stantine, he first by letter sharply reproved them. But after- 
 wards, witli the persuasion of the bisliops, or out of some 
 political view, he called the Nicene coic7icil, that by their 
 authority the opinions of Arius might be condemned. Euse- 
 bius, who was present at that council, was able to give the 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 65 
 
 best account of it; but he chose rather that their actions 
 should be for ever forgotten, and contented himself in a very 
 few words to declare the issue of it: and if we add to the 
 account given by him, the somewhat larger one given by 
 Socrates, it appears plain, that all who would not subscribe to 
 their decrees, were condemned to banishment, and there is no 
 room to doubt, such are the frailties of human nature, but that 
 many through fear were compelled to subscribe. Some few 
 indeed there were, who not at all terrified with the fear of 
 banishment, went into exile with Arius, whom the Synod had 
 condemned, because they would not consent to his condemna- 
 tion. The emperor himself put forth an edict, by which he 
 ordained, that all the books written by Arius should be burnt, 
 " condemning to death every one that should conceal any of 
 Arius's books, and not commit them to the flames.'' » He 
 afterwards put forth a fresh law against the Recusants, by 
 wliich he took from them their places of worship, and prohi- 
 bited their meeting not only in public, but even in any private 
 houses whatsoever.'' 
 
 After they had thus proceeded to methods of severity, and 
 civil punishments were decreed against those, whose opinions 
 the council were pleased to condemn, whom they exposed 
 under the infamous name of Heretics, and rendered odious to 
 the people, their cruelty was not satisfied with one degree of 
 punishment only ; they went from one to another, that so the 
 doctrine condemned by the council might find none that should 
 dare to defend it, and might at last be totally extirpated. 
 From pecuniary mulcts, they proceeded to the forfeiture of 
 goods, banishment, and at length to slaughter and blood; 
 for such is the nature of cruelty, that it seldom confines itself 
 to the first beginnings, but when it is once let loose, like an 
 impetuous torrent, it spreads itself every where, and from every 
 occasion grows more outrageous and furious. This will 
 appear most plainly in the account I am now giving of the 
 methods for the restraining and punishment of Heretics. 
 
 For in the first place, laws were made against Heretics, 
 whereby they were prohibited from having churches, holding 
 
 * Socrat. 1, I. r. 9. ♦• Eiiseb. Life of Coustan. I. 3. c 65. 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 assemblies, the enjoying any ecclesiastical preferments, the 
 consecration of bishops, the ordination of priests, the making 
 of wills, the succeeding to inheritances, the sharing in any 
 charities, the advancement to public offices, and ordaining 
 severe punishments against those who did not observe these 
 prescriptions. 
 
 And first, it was determined who should be accounted 
 Heretics. " They are comprehended under the name of 
 Heretics, and are adjudged to the punishments pronounced 
 against such, who shall be discovered to differ, even in the 
 least point, from the judgment and practice of the Catholic 
 rehgion."^ By the same law it is ordained, " That no one 
 should dare, either to teach or learn those things that shall 
 have been decreed to be profane.""'* By the law following, 
 their churches are taken from them, and they are prohibited 
 from performing holy offices, either in private houses or churches, 
 under the forfeiture of one hundred pounds of gold upon 
 all contraveners. '^ The following law is yet more severe, 
 which takes from them the power of giving, buying, selling, 
 making contracts or wills, or inheriting their parents estates, 
 unless they renounce their heretical pravity. There are many 
 laws extant concerning the banishment of Heretics. Theodo- 
 sius II. and Valentinian III. counting up thirty-two sects, and 
 their followers, decree, " let not these and the Manicheans, 
 who are arisen to the height of impiety, have the hberty of 
 dwelling any where within the dominions of the Roman empire : 
 let the Manicheans be expelled from every city, and punished 
 ^vith death; for they are not to be suffered to have any dwelling 
 on the earth, lest they should infect the very elements them- 
 selves.'' '^ 
 
 See also L. Quicunque, where -the foremen tioned penalties 
 are not only repeated, but other kinds of punishments ordained 
 against them ; which are all extant in the law of the emperor 
 Martian, who renews the punishments ordained by the preced- 
 ing emperors, against the Eutichians, and which is recorded at 
 the end of the council of Chalcedon, and which will suffice in- 
 
 * L. Omnes, c. de Hafriet. *> Cuncti. ^ Manichaeoi. 
 
 J L. Ariani, c. de Haeret. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 67 
 
 Stead of all other instances. By this law the emperor ordained, 
 " That they should not have power of disposing of their estates, 
 and making a will, nor of inheriting what others should leave 
 them by will. Neither let them receive advantage by any deed 
 of gift, but let whatsoever is given them, either by the bounty 
 of the living, or the will of the dead, be immediately forfeited 
 to our treasury ; nor let them have the power, by any title or 
 deed of gift, to transfer any part of their own estates to others. 
 Neither shall it be lawful for them to have or ordain bishops or 
 presbyters, or any other of the clergy whatsoever ; as knowing 
 that the Eutichians and Apolhnarists, who shall presume to confer 
 the names of bishop or presbyter, or any other sacred office upon 
 any one, as well as those who shall dare to retain them, shall be 
 condemned to banishment, and the forfeiture of theu' goods. 
 And as to those who have been formerly ministers in the Catho- 
 lic church, or monks of the orthodox faith, and forsaking the 
 true and orthodox worship of the Almighty God, have, or shall 
 embrace, the heresies and abominable opinions of ApoUinarius, 
 or Eutyches^ let them be subject to all the penalties ordained 
 by this, or any foregoing laws whatsoever, against hereticks, and 
 banished from the Roman dominions, according as former laws 
 have decreed against the Manicheans. Farther, let not any of 
 the Apolhnarists, or Eutychians, build churches or monasteries, 
 or have assemblies and conventicles, either by day or night ; 
 nor let the followers of this accursed sect meet in any one's 
 house or tenement, or in a monastery, nor in any other place 
 whatsoever : but if they do, and it shall appear to be with the 
 consent of the owners of such places, after a due examination, 
 let such place or tenement in which they meet, be immediately 
 forfeited to us ; or if it be a monastery, let it be given to the 
 orthodox church of that city in whose territory it is. But if 
 so be, they hold these unlawful assemblies and conventicles, 
 without the knowledge 6f the owner, but with the privity of 
 him who receives the rents of it, the tenant, agent, or steward 
 of the estate, let such tenant, agent, or steward, or whoever 
 shall receive them into any house or tenement, or monastery, 
 and suffer them to hold such unlawful assemblies and conven- 
 ticles, if he be of low and mean condition, be publicly bastina- 
 
 F 2 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 doed, as a punishment to himself, and as a warning to others; 
 but if they are persons of repute, let them forfeit ten pounds 
 of gold to our treasury. Farther, let no ApolUnarist or Euty- 
 chian ever hope for any miUtary preferment, except to be listed 
 in the foot soldiers, or garrisons : but if any of them shall be 
 found in any other military service, let them be immediately 
 broke, and forbid all access to the palace, and not suffered to 
 dwell in any other city, town, or country, but that wherein they 
 were born. 
 
 " But if any of them are born in this august city, let them be 
 banished from this most sacred society, and from every metro- 
 politan city of our provinces. Farther, let no ApoUinarist. or 
 Eutychian, have the power of calling assembhes, public or pri- 
 vate, or gathering together any companies, or disputing in any 
 heretical manner; or of defending their perverse aud wicked 
 opinions ; nor let it be lawful for any one to speak or write, 
 or pubhsh any thing of their own, or the writings of any others, 
 contrary to the decrees of the venerable synod of Chalcedon. — 
 Let no one have any such books, nor dare to keep any of the 
 impious performances of such writers. And if any are found 
 guilty of these crimes, let them be condemned to perpetual ba- 
 nishment ; and as for those, who, through a desire of learning, 
 shall hear others disputing of this wi'etched heresy, it is our 
 pleasure, that they forfeit ten pounds of gold to our treasury, 
 and let the teacher of these unlawful tenets be punished with 
 death. Let all such books and papers, as contain any of the 
 damnable opinions of Eutyches or Apollinarius, be burnt, that 
 all the remains of their impious perverseness may perish with 
 the flames ; for it is but just, that there should be a proportion- 
 able punishment, to deter men from these most outrageous im- 
 pieties. And let all the governors of our provinces, and their 
 deputies, and the magistrates of our cities, know, that if, through 
 neglect or presumption, they shall suffer any part of this most 
 religious edict to be violated, they shall be condemned to a fine 
 of ten pounds of gold, to be paid into our treasury ; and shall 
 incur the further penalty of being declared infamous. 
 " Given at Constantinople, in the Ides 
 " of August, and the Consulate of 
 " Constantius and Rufus." 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 69 
 
 At the same time that they pubhshed these cruel laws, the 
 authors of them would fain be thought, to offer no violence to 
 conscience. This same emperor Martian, in another epistle to 
 the Archimandrites of Jerusalem, at the end of the acts of the 
 synod of Chalcedon, says, " Such, therefore, is our clemency, 
 that we use no force with any one, to compel him to subscribe 
 or agree with us, if he be unwilling : for we would not, by 
 terrors and violence, drive men even into the paths of truth." 
 Who would not wonder that they should thus seek to colour 
 over their cruelties ? A doctrine is forbidden to be learnt or 
 taught, under the severest penalties, which those ought to think 
 themselves obliged to profess, who are persuaded of the truth 
 of it ; and those who do profess it, are, for that reason, exposed 
 to many punishments ; and yet the authors of such punish- 
 ments would still be thought to offer no violence to conscience. 
 But I would • fain know, for what end are all these penalties 
 against heretics ordained ? For no other surely, but that men 
 may be deterred, by the fear of them, from meeting together, 
 and openly professing themselves, or teaching others those doc- 
 trines, which they think themselves obliged, in conscience, both 
 to profess and propagate; and that, being at length quite 
 tired out by these evils, they may join themselves to the esta- 
 blished churches, and at least profess to believe their received 
 opinions. But this is to offer violence to conscience, or to force 
 men, by the fear of punishments, not to profess what they be- 
 lieve, or to pretend to belieye what they do not; neither of which 
 can be done, but in opposition to the voice and dictates of 
 conscience. 
 
 r The constitution of Theodosius was in rnuch severer terms, 
 which is extant in the code of Theodosius,* in which we 
 read thus: " Farther, we ordain, that whosoever shall 
 persuade or force a slave, or freeman, to forsake the 
 worship of the Christian religion, and join himself to 
 any accursed sect or rite, let him. be punished with loss 
 of fortune and life." And a little after, " Let him first 
 incur the forfeiture of his goods, and afterwards be condemned 
 
 * Tit. de Judaeis, 1. 1. and lib. 16. tit. 6. 1. 75. 
 
70 HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITIOX. 
 
 to the loss of life, who, by false doctrine, shall pervert any one 
 from the faith/'^ 
 
 This law so pleases Simanca, that he congratulates himself 
 on its being made by an emperor that was a Spaniard ; for, 
 after having recited it, he adds : " A law truly worthy of an 
 emperor that was a Spaniard V as though it was the glory of 
 Spain to exceed all nations in cruelty; audits honour, even in 
 former ages, to have been as remarkable for using severer me- 
 thods of punishments in this world to miserable heretics than 
 others, as they have been since for the barbarities practiced by ^ 
 the bloody tribunal of the Inquisition. The emperors Honorius 
 and Theodosius also,^ '' If any one shall be discovered to have 
 rebaptized any of the ministers of the Catholic party, let him 
 be put to death ; both the person guilty of this execrable im- 
 piety, (if he be of an age capable of guilt) and the party se- 
 duced by liim."" 
 
 It is true, these were laws made by the civil magistrate, but 
 that they were pubhshed with the approbation, and at the insti- 
 gation of the bishops, no one can doubt, who compares our 
 times with the ancient. The bishops could not bear that their 
 decrees and anathemas should be slighted as insignificant and 
 harmless flashes. They would fain have all condemned by 
 their sentence, appear to be justly condemned ; and ea'gerly 
 thirsted after the mitres and churches of those whose doctrines 
 they were pleased to anathematize. 
 
 •V«%/WVV^V%'V«> 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The AniAN Persecutions of the Orthodox. 
 
 BUT neither did the Arians, when they had an emperor of 
 their own party, refrain from any sort of cruelty, but persecuted 
 
 * Simanc. Tit. 46, $ 48. ^ Cod. de Sanct. Baptisma iteratur, 1. 2. 
 
HISTOKY OF THE INQUISITION. 71 
 
 those, by whom they had been deprived, with a more implaca- 
 ble and bloody hatred. The persecutions against Athanasius, 
 their principal adversary, are notorious to all. Athanasius him- 
 self, in his letter to the hermits, gives us many instances of their 
 cruelty, wliich is the burthen of his epistle; and aggravated, 
 as far as words can do it, viz. that they scourged the bishops 
 in Egypt, and bound them \nth cruel chains ; that they sent 
 Sarapammo into banishment, and beat Potammo in so barba- 
 rous a manner on his back, that he was left for dead, and died 
 soon after of his bruises and pain;* that they would not suflPer 
 a dead woman to be buried;^ that they ejected many bishops 
 from their sees, and sent them into banishment ; and that they 
 obtained an edict from the emperor, that the bishops should 
 not only be banished from the cities and churches, but even 
 punished wdth death wherever they could be found. And he 
 adds: " That so dreadfully were men terrified by them, that 
 some pretended to beUeve their heresies; and others, t|irough 
 fear, chose rather to fly into de^i'ts than fall into their hands.''^ 
 In another place he says : " How many bishops were brought 
 before governors and kings, and heard this sentence from their 
 judges, ' Either subscribe, or depart from your churches ^ — 
 for the emperor hath commanded you shall be banished from 
 your churches.' How many, in every city, scattered themselves 
 up and down, for fear of being accused as the bishop's friends/ 
 For the magistrates were written to, and commanded, upon 
 penalty of a fine, to compel the bishops of their respective cities 
 to subscribe. In fine, all places and cities were filled with ter- 
 rors and tumults; for violence was offered to the bishops, and 
 the judges saw the mournings and sighs of the people." And 
 at length, after a tragical account of the various cruelties and 
 persecutions of the Arians, he adds: " That they would not 
 suffer the friends of those they had slain, to bury their dead 
 bodies, but hid them in private places, that thereby they might 
 conceal their murders.''^ There are other passages to the same 
 purpose, in the same epistle. 
 
 « Simanca, tit. 49. $ 14- p. 814. " Ibid, p. 821. ^ Ibid, p. 829. 
 
 " Ibid, p. 859. 
 
 F 4 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Victor also relates several kinds of cruelty practised by Hu- 
 nerick, the Arian king of the Vandals, in Africa ; but it would 
 be too tedious to recount them all. It is enough to add, that 
 some had their tongues cut out, others their hands, others their 
 feet chopt off, others their eyes dug out, and others were mise- 
 rably slain through the extremity of their tortures ;» and Am- 
 mianus MarcelHnus, an heathen writer, describing those times, 
 relates of Juhan the emperor,^ " That he ordered the Christian 
 bishops and people that were at variance with each other, to 
 come into his palace, and there admonished them, that they 
 should every one profess his own religion, without hindrance or 
 fear, whilst they did not disturb the public peace by their di- 
 visions; which he did for this reason, because as he knew their 
 liberty would increase their divisions, he might now have 
 nothing to fear from their being an united people; having 
 found by experience, that even beasts are not so cruel to men, 
 as the generality of Cliristians are to each other. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Tlie Opinion of some of the Fathers concerning the Persecu- 
 tion o^ Dissenters. 
 
 WHAT the opinions of those ancient doctors of the church, 
 called Fathers, was, we may learn from their writings. 
 Athanasius, in his epistle to the hermits, speaks in this manner 
 of the Arians, and thus points out their persecutions against 
 the orthodox -." " That Jewish heresy hath not only learnt to 
 deny Christ, but also to dehght in slaughters. But even this 
 was not sufficient to satisfy them. For as the father of their 
 heresy goes about as a roaring hon, seeking whom to devour, 
 so these, having liberty to go up and down, run about, and 
 whomsoever they happen to meet with, who either blame their 
 
 • See also Hist. Tripart. b. 6. c 32, and b. 4. c. 39. 
 b B. 22. *= Hist. Eccles. 1. 7. c 2. p. 821. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 73 
 
 flight, or abhor their heresy, inhumanly tear them with scourges, 
 or bind them with chains, or banish them from their native 
 country."" 
 
 In this and the Uke manner, Athanasius, whilst persecuted 
 by the Arians, largely and pathetically argues, condemning 
 persecution of every sort, upon the score of religion, and freely 
 pronouncing it the invention of the devil. And yet we do not 
 find, that this same Athanasius made the least intercession with 
 the emperor Con stan tine, when the Nicene Synod was ended, to 
 prevent the banishment of Arius and his followers; no, nor one 
 single word to shew that he even disapproved of Arius's banish- 
 ment; through a too common weakness of mind, whereby men ai*e 
 apt to think, that the same thing done to them by others would 
 be most unjust, that would not be unjust in them to do to 
 others. 
 
 Hilarius, against Auxentius the Arian, shews, with equal 
 eloquence, his detestation of cruelty towards men differing in 
 their religious sentiments. " And first, I cannot help pitying 
 the misfortune of our age, and lamenting the absurd opinions 
 of the present times ; according to which, human arts must 
 support the cause of God, and the church of Christ be defended 
 by methods of secular ambition. I beseech you, O ye bishops, 
 who believe yourselves to be such, what helps did the apostles 
 make use of in propagating the gospel ? What powers assisted 
 them ir preaching Christ, and converting all nations from idols 
 to Goc,!.^ Had they any of the nobles from the palaces joined 
 \rith jthem, when they sang hymns to God in prison and in 
 chain^u and after they had been cruelly scourged.? Did Paul 
 gathe I the church of Christ by virtue of the royal edict, when 
 he [. Ipself was made a spectacle in the public theatre ? Was 
 the;f i^jlcaching of the divine truth protected by Nero, Vespa- 
 ^He lab* Decius, which flourished by means of their very hatred 
 t*favoi^"S.?^' 
 
 not ho\^^^^^ ^^s^ taught the same doctrine. " The apostles are 
 nations ^^^^^^^<^ to take rods in their hands, as Matthew writes, 
 atrainst^ a rod', but an ensign of power, and an instrument of 
 the inwH^ ^^ instrument of vengeance, to inflict pain ? And, 
 t, the disciples of an humble master, I say of an humble 
 [for in his humility/ his Judgment was taken from him^ 
 
74 HISTORY OF THE INaUlSITION. 
 
 can only perform the duty he hath enjoined them by offices of 
 humility : for he sent persons forth to sow the faith, who should 
 not force men but teach them; not exercise power, but exalt 
 the doctrine of humility.""^ And a little after he adds : " When 
 the apostles would have had fire from heaven, to consume the 
 Samaritans, who would not receive our Lord Jesus into their 
 city, he turned about and rebuked them, saying, ' Ye know 
 not what spirit ye are of; for the son of man is not come to 
 destroy men's hves, but to save them.' " 
 
 Gregory Narianzen evidently shews himself to be of the same 
 sentiment, although he hath not handled this argument pro- 
 fessedly : for having observed, that men were not easily and at 
 once, but slowly and gradually, brought off from idolatry to the 
 law, and from the law to the gospel ; and having considered 
 the reason of it, he thus speaks : " And why is it thus ? Be- 
 cause we are to know, that men are not to be driven by force, but 
 to be drawn by persuasion. For that which is forced is not last- 
 ing; this even the waves teach us, when they are repelled by vio- 
 lence; and the very plants, when bent contrary to their na- 
 ture. That which is voluntary is both more lasting and safe. 
 This is agreeable to the divine equity ; the other an in&tance of 
 tyranny." So that he did not think it just even to do good to 
 men against their will, or without their consent. 
 
 Optatus Milevitanus, writing against Parmenianus, th»e Dona- 
 tist, vindicates the church from the charge of persecut/ing dis- 
 senters from it. \ 
 
 What was Chrysostom's sentiment in this affair, he iVimself 
 sufficiently declares in his sermon about excommunicatiorJSvhere 
 he thus inveighs against those, who pronounced otg^^^s ac- 
 cursed : — " I see men, who understand not the geni^j^^^ense, 
 nor indeed any thing of the sacred writings, who,, p/^^ by 
 other things, I am not ashamed to own, are furi^^ ^i^ ^"^:;rs, 
 quarrelsome, who know not what they say, nor ;ward ^^"^y 
 affirm; bold and peremptory in this one thing, ev Am^ ^"^'"^^ 
 articles of faith, and declaring accursed, diings inot coj^' ^". ^ 
 not. Upon this account we have become the What ij ^ 
 mies of our faith, who look upon us as perso power, J 
 regard to virtue, and never learnt to do good tlierefoj 
 
 * Comment, in Luc. 1. 7^ in c. 10 ^^^ 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 75 
 
 flicted and grieved for these things!" And afterwards, citing 
 that place of St. Paul, *' The servant of the Lord must not strive, 
 but be gentle,"'' &c. he goes on : " Entice him with the bait of 
 compassion, and thus endeavour to draw him out from destruc- 
 tion, that being thus delivered from the infection of his former 
 eiTor, he may live, and thou mayest delivei' thy soul. But if 
 he obstinately refuses to hear, witness against him, lest thou be- 
 come guilty; only let it be with long-suffering and gentleness, 
 lest the Judge require his soul at thy hand. Let him not be 
 hated, shunned, or persecuted, but exercise towards him a 
 sincere and fervent cliarity." 
 
 St Jerome is of the same mind, who, in his sixty-second letter 
 to Theophilus, against John of Jerusalem, thus speaks :— " The 
 church of Christ was founded on the bloody sufferings and pa- 
 tience of its first professors, and not on their abusing and injur- 
 ing others ; it grew by persecutions, and triumphed by martyr- 
 doms." 
 
 ■v^w^^^^-wv^ 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 St. Augustine's Opinion concerning the Persecution of 
 Heretics. 
 
 AUGUSTINE, in his former writings, condemned all vio- 
 lence upon the account of rehgion; for, writing against the 
 fundamental epistle of Manichaeus, he begins with this address 
 to the Manichaeans: — " The servant of the Lord ought not to 
 strive, &c. It is, therefore, our business willingly to act this 
 part. God gives that which is good to those who willingly ask 
 it of him. They only rage against you, who know nothing of 
 the labour that is necessary to find out truth, or the difficulty 
 of avoiding errors. It is they who rage against you, whg know 
 not how uncommon and difficult it is to overcome carnal imagi- 
 nations by the calmness of a pious mind. It is they who rage 
 against you, who are ignorant hoAv liard it is to heal the eye of 
 the inward man, so that it can behold its Sun ; not that sun whose 
 
 a 2 Tim. it. 24,25, 20. 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 celestial body you Avorship, and which iiTadiates the fleshly 
 eyes of men and beasts, but that of which the prophet writes, 
 * The sun of righteousness is risen on me ;' and of which we 
 read in the Evangehst, * He was the true light which enlightens 
 every man that cometh into the world.' Th.ey rage against 
 you, who know not that it is by many sighs and groans we must 
 attain to a small portion of the knowledge of God. Lastly, 
 they rage against you, who are not deceived with that error, 
 into which they see you are fallen. But as for myself, I, who 
 after long and great fluctuation, can at last perceive, what is 
 that sincerity which is free from all mixture of vain fable, 
 cannot by any means rage against you, whom I ought to bear 
 with, as I was once borne with myself, and to treat you with 
 the same patience that my friends exercised tow^ards me, when 
 I was a zealous and bhnd espouser of your error. 
 
 But afterwards, upon his sharp and long disputes with the 
 Donatists; such is the fluctuation of the human mind, and 
 with so much inconstancy, sometimes have the best feelings 
 been associated, that he &o far altered his opinion, as that he 
 did not disapprove of, but was actually for inflicting all punish- 
 ments, which did not cut off the hopes of repentance, i. e. all 
 manner, death only excepted; that being terrified by them, 
 they mjght be compelled to embrace the orthodox faith ; which 
 he hath shewn in a few words, in his second book of Retrac- 
 tations.^ " I have two books entitled, Against the Donatists : 
 In the first I declared, that I did not approve that schismatical 
 persons should be compelled to communion by any secular 
 power. The reason was, because I had not then experienced 
 what great mischief would ai'ise from their impunity, or how 
 much good disciphne would conduce to their conversion. 
 
 From some further passages it appears clear, that Austin 
 approved of the punishment ordained by civil laws against the 
 erroneous, as that they ought not to make wills, nor buy and 
 seE, nor receive legacies, but that they should be sent into 
 banishment. And to shew that he thought this punishment 
 just upon the Donatists and Rogatians, he adds : " The terror 
 of temporal powers, when it opposes the truth, is a glorious 
 
 » Cap. 5. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 77 
 
 trial to the good and resolute, but a dangerous temptation to 
 the weak. But when it inculcates tlie truth upon the errone- 
 ous and schismatical, to ingenuous minds it is an useful admo- 
 nition, but to the foolish it proves an unprofitable affliction." 
 There is no power but what is of God, and he that resisteHi 
 the power, resisteth the ordinance of God : for princes are not 
 a terror to them that do well, but to those who do ill. Wilt 
 thou not therefore fear the power ? Do well, and thou shalt 
 have praise from it, " For if the power favouring the truth 
 corrects any one, he w^ho is made better by it hath praise 
 from it: or if, in opposition to the truth, it rages against 
 any one, he who is crowned conqueror hath praise from it. 
 But as for thee, thou dost not well that thou shouldest not fear 
 the power." And to make this appear, he largely refutes theii* 
 opinions, and then thinks he hath evinced the justice of the per- 
 secution raised against them. 
 
 The only punishment he would have Heretics exempted 
 from is death. Hence in his epistle to Cresconius the Gram- 
 marian,^ he saith: '' No good men in the Catholic church are 
 pleased, that any one, even an Heretic, should be punished 
 with death." But as to all other methods of persecution, 
 Austin is so far from being against them, that he recommends 
 them, as a remedy proper for the extirpation of Heresies, 
 Hence in his first book agahist Gaudentius,^ he says : " G^ for- 
 bid that this should be called persecuting men, when it is only 
 a persecuting their vices, in order to dehver them from the power 
 of them; just as the physician treats his distempered patient. 
 
 This then is the so much admired clemency of Austin, that 
 he interceded with the proconsuls, that the Donatists should 
 not be punished with death ; whilst at the same time he not 
 only approved of all other penalties except deatli, such as 
 banishment, the denying them power to make wills, to in- 
 herit their patrimony, or to receive what was left them by 
 others, of making contracts, buyhig and seUing, and the 
 like ; but he himself accused them to the proconsuls, that if 
 they persisted in these opinions, they might suffer these pu- 
 nishments. 
 
 • B. 3 cap. 50. *• Cup. s. 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 If any one will compare these things with the former opinion 
 of Austin, he may justly cry out, Oh how much is Austin 
 changed from himself, who mindful of his own former error, 
 from which he was not recovered, but by the great patience of 
 his friends, was against using methods of cruelty, even towards 
 the Manichaeans. But now he approves of all punishments 
 against the Donatists, death only excepted, that they may be 
 compelled into the Catholic church, even against their wills, 
 under a pretence that at last they may voluntarily remain in 
 her communion. 
 
 And indeed, all who since Austin have taught that Heretics 
 are to be persecuted, and even punished with death, have made 
 use of no authority more than Austin's; and to shew how 
 highly they esteem his authority, they use his argmnents as 
 the very strongest, though in themselves absurd, and mani- 
 festly contrary to Scripture, to defend a doctrine so absolutely 
 repugnant to the nature of Christianitv\ From him they have 
 borrowed the distinction, that it is unlawful for Heretics to 
 persecute the church, but the duty of the church to persecute 
 Heretics. This is now become the common exception of all 
 the murderers of Heretics, with which every one armed with 
 the secular power, under a specious pretence, persecutes and 
 oppresses those who differ from him: this is the principal 
 argument by which the Papists defend themselves, when they 
 would justify their own persecution of Heretics, and condemn 
 all others that persecute them. 
 
 Thus we see, that Christians by this idle doctrine, have 
 departed from their original simplicity and meekness ; and that 
 in the room of mutual love, by which all the faithful were of 
 one heart and one soul, there have succeeded in the church of 
 Christ, not only discords, contentions, hatreds and enmities, but 
 slaughters, and the worst of cruel butcheries. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 79 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The Persecutions of the Popes against Heretics. 
 
 IN the following ages the affairs of the church were so 
 managed under the government of the Popes, and all persons 
 so strictly curbed by the severity of the laws, that they durst 
 not even so much as whisper against the received opinions of 
 the church. Besides this, so deep was the ignorance that 
 had spread itself over the world, that men, Avithout the least 
 regard to knowledge and learning, received with a blind obe- 
 dience every thing that the ecclesiastics ordered them, however 
 stupid and superstitious, without any examination ; and if any 
 one dared in the least to contradict them, he was sure immedi- 
 ately to be punished ; whereby the most absurd opinions came 
 to be established by the violence of the Popes. It was at this 
 time that the doctrine of transubstantiation was introduced into 
 the church, now, in every thmg, subject to the Pope's controul ; 
 and how dangerous it was to oppose it, we may learn from the 
 instance of Berengarius of Tours, archdeacon of Angiers, who, 
 teaching that the bread and wine in the supper, was only the 
 figure of the body and blood of the Lord, was condemned as an 
 Heretic, by Leo IX. in a synod at Rome and Vercellae, in the 
 year 1050, and five years after, viz. 1055, was forced to recant, 
 and to subscribe with his own hand to the faith of the Roman 
 church, and confirm it with an oath, by Victor II. in the council 
 of Tours. But as Berengarius's recantation was forced ; and 
 as he afterwards defended that opinion, which in his heart he 
 believed, Nicolaus II. called a council at the Lateran, A. D. 
 1059, and there again condemned Berengarius, and compelled 
 him to make "a solemn abjuration, which Berengarius publicly 
 read, and signed with his own hand. This was the famous ab- 
 juration, which begins, " Ego Berengarius.'" Thus was the 
 truth suppressed by the papal violence. In the East also, A. D. 
 1118, one Basilius, the author of the sect of the Bongomili, was 
 publicly burnt for Heresy by the command of Alexius Com- 
 tienus the emperor, as Baronius relates, A. D. 1118.=' 
 
 * Sec. 27. 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 In the mean time the power of the Roman pontiff grew to a 
 prodigious height, and began to be very troublesome, even to 
 the emperors themselves , for not content with the ecclesiastical 
 power, they clai)ned also the subjection of the seculai'. But in 
 the midst of this thick darkness, some glimmerings of light 
 broke forth through the great mercy of God. 
 
 For after the year of Christ, 1100, there arose various dis- 
 putes between the emperors and popes, about the Papal power 
 in secular affairs, which, as they were managed with great 
 warmth, gave occasion to many more strictly to examine that 
 unbounded power which the popes of Rome claimed to them- 
 selves. Some of the emperors bravely maintained their rights 
 against the Papal encroachments, and were supported, not 
 only by the arms and forces of generals and princes, but by 
 bishops and divines, who strenuously wrote in their defence. 
 This encouraged many others to oppose that unbounded au- 
 thority, which the popes assumed in matters of faith, who not 
 only argued that they were capable of erring, as well as the 
 other bishops, but actually pointed out and censured their 
 many errors and abuses of their unhmited power: all these 
 the court of Rome branded with the infamous name of Here- 
 tics, and would have sacrificed to the public hatred. 
 
 They appeared first in some parts of Italy, but principally 
 in Milan and Lombardy: and because they dwelt in dif- 
 ferent cities, and had their particular instructors, the Papists, 
 to render them the more odious, have represented them as 
 different sects, and ascribed to them as different opinions, 
 though others affirm they all held the same opinions, and were 
 entirely of the same sect. The truth is, that from the oldest 
 accounts of them we shall find, that they did not all hold the 
 same tenets, and were not of the same sect ; though neither 
 their opinions nor sects were so many and different as the 
 Papists represent. The principal of them were Tanchelinus, 
 Petrus de Bruis, Petrus Abailardus, Amaldus Brixianus, 
 whose opinion Earonius calls the heresy of the pohticians, Hen- 
 dricus, and others, who preached partly in Italy, and partly in 
 France, about the country of Thoulouse ; and because after- 
 Wards the greater number of them propagated their opinions 
 
HISTORY OF TIJE INQUISITION. 81 
 
 in the province of Albigeois, in Langiiedoc, and gathered 
 there large and numerous churches, who openly professed their 
 faith ; they were stiled Albigenses. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Of the Albigenses and Waldenses. 
 
 ABOUT the same time the Waldenses,^ or the poor men 
 of Lyons,^ appeared at Lyons, whose original hath been 
 largely shewn by the most reverend and learned Usher, 
 Archbishop of Armagh, in his book De Successione, &c. I 
 shall therefore only enquire, whether the Waldenses and Al- 
 bigenses were the same people, according to the common 
 opinion of Protestants, or different from one another. It can- 
 not be doubted but that they had some opinions in common. 
 But there is nothing more evident, than that there was amongst 
 them a great variety of doctrines, and difference of rites and 
 customs, as appears from the book of the sentences of the In- 
 quisition at Tholouse, which I have published, in which are 
 to be found many of the sentences pronounced against the 
 Albigenses and Waldenses, which discover some very curious 
 and uncommon things, concerning their doctrines and rites ; 
 and which are such evident proofs of their difference in opi- 
 nions and customs, that from the reading of a few lines, one 
 may easily know whether the sentence pronounced was against 
 the Albigenses or Waldenses ; which manifest difference hath 
 induced me to believe that they were two distinct sects ; though 
 I have hitherto been in the common opinion, that they were 
 but one. 
 
 However, it is not to be doubted, but that oftentimes then- 
 enemies gave very vile and odious accounts of the doctrines 
 they held; as will appear by comparing the several places in 
 
 a An ecclesiastical term, signifying the iohabitants of the vallies. 
 b Being stripped of all their property, and reduced by persecution, to ex- 
 treme poverty. 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 wliicli they describe them. For the same opinion, which in 
 one place appears extremely erroneous ; in another, when it is 
 more fully explained, and Avithout spite, is harmless enough ; 
 of which the single instance of the resurrection of the dead is 
 full proof For sometimes the Albigenses are accused, that 
 " they deny the resurrection of human bodies ;" as though they 
 quite denied the resurrection of the dead ; which yet in another 
 place is more distinctly explained thus, that " the dead shall 
 rise with spiritual bodies.'' And that their opinions have 
 been misrepresented elsewhere, there can be no doubt, and it 
 will appear upon a comparison of the several places, wherein 
 they are recorded. But that the opinions of the Albigenses 
 and Waldenses were very different, cannot be denied. For if 
 they had held the same, no reason can be assigned, why differ- 
 ent ones should have been ascribed to them. One would 
 rather be inchned to believe, that as their persecutors greedily 
 sought after every occasion to punish them, they would have 
 fastened on every one of them all the heretical opinions of the 
 Waldenses and Albigenses; that so, being burdened with 
 numerous crimes, the inquisitors might seem to have the more 
 just pretence for condemning them. 
 
 The popish writers, indeed, charge these people with many 
 of the grossest crimes. It may however, be justly con- 
 cluded, that many of those impious tenets that are ascribed 
 by Baronius, Bzovius, and others, to the Albigenses and 
 Waldenses, were invented out of mere hatred to them, and 
 to render them detestable to the people; especially that im- 
 pious opinion, which Eymericus^ imputes to the Waldenses : 
 " That it is better to satisfy a man's lust by any act of 
 uncleanness whatsoever, than to be perpetually burning; 
 and that (as they say and practice) it is lawful in the 
 dark for men and women to lie promiscuously with one an- 
 other, whensoever, and as often as they have the inclination 
 and desire." ^ For if this had been their tenet, would there 
 
 * Direct. Inqnis. par. 2 quaes. 14. 
 
 b The extreme injustice of this imputation is evident from the apology of 
 
 those oppressed people, in which they deliver their sentiments on this subject 
 
 in the following striking words : " It was this vice that led David to procure the 
 
 death of his faithful servant, that he might enjoy his wife j — and Amnon to 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 83 
 
 not have been one of that vast number of prisoners, that they 
 condemned to such various punishments, to be found, that 
 was infected with it ? Or, if it could have been proved upon 
 them, was the equity, Iiumanity, and compassion of the inqui- 
 sitors so very great, as to have concealed a crime, that would 
 have been condemned by the common voice of mankind, and 
 exposed those that were guilty of it to the most severe punish- 
 ment and death ? Would they, by such a method of acting, 
 have given the world occasion to censure them for persecuting, 
 and cruelly punishing men merely for the sake of holding 
 opinions different from the Roman faith, though consistent with 
 a due regard to a good conscience, when at the same time they 
 might have accused them of so horrid an impiety ? If they had 
 been really such execrable persons, their crimes ought to have 
 been publicly exposed ; and thus they themselves would have 
 sunk under the weight of infamy, and their prosecutors would 
 liave been so far from being charged as bloody inquisitors, that 
 they would have deserved universal applause. 
 
 Hence we may learn what credit is to be given to popish 
 writers, when they give us an account of the opinions and 
 practices of those they call Heretics. It is then- way to charge 
 all that separate from their communion with impurity and lust, 
 as though the only cause of their leaving the communion of the 
 church of Rome, \)vas a dishonourable and vile love of women ; 
 and they have most impudently dared to reproach with this vice, 
 persons who have been remarkable for their chastity and conti- 
 nence. In the mean while, nothing is more notorious, than that 
 their monks and priests, who are forjbid the remedy of a chaste 
 and honourable matrimony, abandon themselves without shame 
 to the most impure embraces, and infamously wallow in carnal 
 
 defile his sister Tamar. This vice consumes the estates of many, as it is 
 said of the prodigal son, \vho wasted his substance in riotous living. Balaam 
 made choice of this vice to provoke the children of Israel tosiu, which occa- 
 sioned the death of twenty-four thousand persons. This sin was the occasion 
 of Samson's losing his sight — it perverted Solomon, — and many havr pewshed 
 through tlio beauty of a woman. The remedies for tliis sin are fasting, 
 prayer, and keeping at a distance from it; otlier vices may be subdued by 
 fighting, in this we conquer by flight, of wiiicli vre have an example in Jo- 
 seph.— Perrins Hist. Ch. IV. in Jones's Waldcnscs. 
 
 Q 2 
 
84 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 pleasures. Erasmus,* says ; " There is a certain German 
 bishop, who declared publicly at a feast, that in one year he 
 had brought to him 11000 priests that openly kept women:" 
 for they pay annually a certain sum to the bishop. This was 
 one of the hundred grievances that the German nation proposed 
 to the Pope's nuncio at the convention at Nuremberg, in the 
 years 15^2 and 1523. Grievance 91. " That the bishops in 
 most places, and their officials, not only suffer the priests to 
 keep women, so they pay a certain sum of money, but even 
 force the chaster priests, who live without women, to pay the 
 price of those that keep them; alledging, that the bishop wants 
 money, and that those priests who pay it may either remain 
 single, or keep women as they please. How wicked a thing 
 this is, every one understands."/ The same Erasmus, in his 
 account of the errors of Bedda, ^ hath the following passage ; 
 " What wonder if some nuns in the age of St. Austin are said 
 to have married, when in this age, there are said to be so many 
 monasteries that are nothing better than public stews, and more 
 that are private ones. Even in those where the rules are more 
 strict, there are many instances of impurity. This I re- 
 late with grief, and I wish it was not true." And a Httle 
 after; " I know some, that have buried in the monasteries 
 the girls they have seduced, that the affair might be 
 hushed up. And= Bedda," says he, " cries out gloriously, 
 God forbid, God forbid, that any man should be admitted to 
 the dignity of the priesthood, who doth not wholly deny him- 
 self carnal embraces, though at this day there are some to be 
 found who keep fifty women, not to add any thing worse." 
 And** concerning the prohibition of flesh: " amongst the priests, 
 how scarce is the number that live chaste ? I speak of those 
 who keep pubhcly at home their women, instead of wives ; for 
 I will not mention the mysteries of their more secret crimes: I 
 speak of those things only that are well known to every one." 
 But the instance he gives,"^ is yet more execrable : That a cer- 
 tain Dominican professor of divinity, whose name was John, 
 
 * Tom. 9. page 401. 
 •^^Toni. 9. page 484. " Page 569. " Page 985. ' Page 1380. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 85 
 
 mentioned to him at Antwerp, in the house of Nicholas of 
 Middlebourge, a physician, a divine of Lovain, who told him, 
 that he refused to give absolution to a certain confessor of the 
 Nuns, because he had acknowledged he had had criminal 
 famiharity with 200 of them. But what need is there of pro- . 
 ducing testimonies out of particular authors ? The very laws 
 of the Inquisition, which ordain punishments for those priests, 
 who solicit not only women, but, what is much more horrid 
 ble, even boys, in the sacrament of confession, are an unc deni- 
 able proof that these crimes are too frequent and common in 
 that state of impure celibacy.^ So that, having theii' own 
 minds insnared with the lusts of the flesh, and their eyes, 
 
 a If those who prescribe celibacy mean to consider that as chastity which 
 consists merely in not supporting a wife, and not contributing to the popula- 
 tion of the state, by becoming fathers and instructors of children; if they 
 call that chastity, which has prescribed celibacy to them, in order that they 
 may be free from the troubles and cares of a family, which impel most men 
 to greater assiduity and economy in their domestic affairs, and, of course, 
 constitntes a kind of life more active, regular, and virtuous, we may, in 
 these cases, certainly allow that they practise chastity. But if we are to 
 understand the word chastity in the same sense as the ecclesiastics consider 
 it in their pulpits, then the justice of their claim to chastity may very easily 
 be decided, by the experience and knowledge almost every one must have of 
 ecclesiastical virtues. I should be ashamed to relate the proofs which I could 
 produce from history, on this point, without going further than the lives of 
 the popes, who, it might be presumed, should have been equally exalted in 
 virtue as in dignity. Alexander VI. alone would furnihh me with supera- 
 bundant particulars. 
 
 But least it might be said, that the corruption of the ecclesiastics in our 
 
 times has nothing to do with the purity of those fathers who established the 
 celibacy of the clergy, it will be proper to observe, that when the general 
 council of Constance was celebrated, in 1444, no picture of the virtuous pa- 
 radise of Jesus Christ was to be observed in that city ; on the contrary, the 
 city of Constance presented a perfect image of Mahomet's paradise. Spa- 
 nenberg says,* that the city of Constance was then honoured by the presence 
 of 34^ aichbishops and bishops, 564 abbots and doctors, and 7000 prosti- 
 tutes ! who followed the fathers of the council ; without reckoning the con- 
 cubines, whom the same holy fathers had about their persons. It is clear, 
 that if these tenacious defenders of celibacy had been married, these prosti- 
 tutes would not have followed them. But— oh inconsistency '.—in this very 
 council the cehbacy of the clergy was definitively decreed. 
 
 Da Costa's Narrative, v. i. 116. 
 ♦ Epist. ad. Cor. p. 252. 
 
 «3 
 
86 HISTORY 6r THE INaUISITION. 
 
 as the scripture expresses it, fidl of adultery^ like the gene- 
 rality of mankind, they judge of others by tliemselves, and 
 insinuate that the only, at least the chief cause of forsak- 
 ing the church of Rome, is the immoderate love of women : 
 whereas, if they were not actuated by the principles of a good 
 conscience, but from impure inclination, they might with much 
 more safety abide in the communion of the church of Rome, 
 where they have daily occasions offered to them of fulfilling 
 the lusts of the flesh : and where they have nothing to fear, 
 even from the bloody tribunals of the Inquisition. This 
 for once to refute the calumnies of the Papists, who, when- 
 ever they are giving an account of the rise of any of those they 
 call Heretics, are perpetually repeating this chai-ge against 
 them. But to return to our purpose : 
 
 As to the question whether the Albigenses and Waldenses, 
 were one or two different sects. To speak my own mind 
 freely, they appear to me to have been two distinct ones ; 
 and that they were entirely ignorant of many tenets, that are 
 now ascribed to them. Particularly the Waldenses* seem to 
 
 * Omitting the fables of the Popish writers respecting this, persecuted 
 people, it may be acceptable to extract a confession of their faith, from a 
 late publication, intitled, " The History of the Waldenses," by W. Jones, — a 
 work of much curious research, and well worthy the attention of the reader. — 
 This confession is better than a thousand arguments, and whilst it proves 
 that God has his jewels in every age of the world, shews, with the evidence 
 of a sun beam, that the Inquisition, whatever its pretences, persecuted 
 nothing so cruelly, as that which most resembled true religion ; it reads 
 thus: 
 
 1. We believe and firmly maintain all that is contained in the twelve 
 articles of the symbol, commonly called the apostles' creed, and we regard 
 as heretical whatever is inconsistent with the said twelve articles. 
 
 2. We believe that there is one God,— Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. 
 
 3 We acknowledge for sacred canonical scriptures the books of the holy 
 Bible. QHere follows the title of each, exactly conformable to onr received 
 canon, but which it is deemed, on that account, unnecessary to parti- 
 cularize.) 
 
 4. The books above mentioned teach us— That there is one God, almighty, 
 unbounded in wisdom, and infiuite in goodness, and who, in his goodness, 
 has made all things. For he created Adam after his own image and 
 likeness. But through the enmity of the devil and his own disobedience, 
 Adam fell, sin entered into the world, and we became transgressors in and 
 by Adam. ^ 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 87 
 
 have been plain men, of mean capacities, unskilful and unex- 
 perienced; and if their opinions and customs were to be 
 examined without prejudice, it would appear, that amongst all 
 
 5. That Christ had been promised to the fathers who received the law, 
 to the end, that, knowing their sin by the law, and their nnrigliteousness, 
 and insufficiency, they might desire the coming of Christ to make satisfac- 
 tion for their sins, and to accomplish the law by himself. 
 
 C. That at the time appointed of the Father, Christ was born — a time 
 when iniquity every where abounded, to make it manifest that it was not for 
 the sake of any good in ourselves, for all were sinners, but that He, who is 
 true, might display his grace and mercy towards us. 
 
 7. That Christ is our life, and truth, and peace, and righteousness — our 
 shepherd and advocate, our sacrifice and priest, who died for the salvation 
 of all who should believe, and rose again for our justification. 
 
 8. And we also firmly believe, that there is no other mediator, or advo- 
 cate with God the Father, but Jesus Christ. And as to the virgin Mary, 
 she was holy, humble, and full of grace ; and this we also believe concern- 
 ing all other saints, namely, that they are waiting in heaven for the resur- 
 rection of their bodies at the day of judgment, 
 
 9. We also believe, that, after this life, there are but two places — one for 
 those that are saved, the other for the damned, which [two] we call paradise 
 and hell, wholly denying that imaginary purgatory o/" antichrist, invented in 
 opposition to the truth. 
 
 10. iMoreover, we have ever regarded all the inventions of men (in the 
 affairs of religion) as an unspeakable abomination before God; such a« the 
 festival days and vigils of saints, and what is called holy-water, the abstain- 
 ing from flesh on certain days, and such like things, but above all, the 
 masses. 
 
 11 • We hold in abhorrence all human inventions as proceeding from 
 antichrist, which produce distress,* and are prejudicial to the liberty of the 
 mind. 
 
 12. We consider the sacraments as signs of holy tilings, or as the visible 
 emblems of invisible blessings. We regard it as proper and even necessary 
 that believers use these symbols or visible forms when it can be done 
 Notwithstanding which, we maintain that believers may be saved without 
 these signs, when they have neither place nor opportunity of observing 
 them. 
 
 13. We acknowledge no sacraments (as of divuie appointment) but 
 baptism and the Lord's supper. 
 
 14|. We honour the secular powers, with subjection, obedience, prompti- 
 tude, and payment, t 
 
 ' Alluding probably to the voluntary penances and mortifications imposed 
 by the catholics on themselves. 
 
 t Perrin, Hist, des Vaudois, chap. xii. in Jones's Waldenses, second edit. 
 V. 2. 46. 
 
 C4 • 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 the modern sects of Christians, they bare the greatest resem 
 blance to that of the Memnonites. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Persecutions against the Albigenses ^wcZWaldenses. 
 
 IT was the entire study and endeavour of the popes, to crush, 
 in its infancy, every doctrine that any way opposed their exor- 
 bitant power." In the year 1163, at the synod of Tours, all 
 the bishops and priests in the country of Tholouse, were com- 
 manded " to take care, and to forbid, under the pain of excom- 
 munication, every person from presuming to give reception, or 
 the least assistance to the followers of this heresy, which first 
 began in the country of Tholouse^ whenever they shall be dis- 
 covered. Neither were they to have any dealings with them in 
 buying or selling ; that by being thus deprived of the common 
 assistances of life, they might be compelled to repent of the 
 evil of their way. Whosoever shall dare to contravene this 
 order, let them be excommunicated, as a partner with them in 
 their guilt. As many of them as can be found, let them be im- 
 prisoned by the Catholic princes, and punished with the forfei- 
 ture of all their substance."" 
 
 Some of the Waldenses, coming into the neighbouring king- 
 dom of Arragon, king Ildefonsus, in the year 1194, put forth, 
 against them, a very severe and bloody edict, by which " he ba- 
 nished them from his kingdom, and all his dominions, as ene- 
 mies of the cross of Christ, prophaners of the Christian religion, 
 and pubhc enemies to himself and kingdom.'"* He adds : " if 
 any, from this day forwards, shall presume to receive into their 
 houses, the aforesaid Waldenses and Inzabbatati, or other here- 
 tics, of whatsoever profession they be, or to hear, in any place, 
 their abominable preachings, or to give them food, or to do 
 
 » Baron, sec. 18. N. 4. 
 * PegDa iu Eymeric. p. 2. com. 39. Bzovius, a. 1199. sec* 38. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 89 
 
 them any kind office wliatsoever; let him know, that he shall 
 incur the indignation of Almighty God and ours ; that he shall 
 forfeit all his goods, without the benefit of appeal, and be 
 pun?.shed as though guilty of high treason, &c. Let it be 
 farther observed, that if any person, of high or low condition, 
 shall find any of the before-mentioned accursed wretches, in 
 any part of our dominions, who hath had three days notice of 
 this our edict, and who either intends not to depart at all, or 
 not immediately, but who contumaciously stays, or travels 
 about ; every evil, disgrace, and suffering that he shall inflict 
 on such person, except death or maiming, will be very grateful 
 and acceptable to us; and he shall be so far from incurring any 
 punishment upon this account, that he shall be rather entitled 
 to our favour. However, we give these wicked wretches hberty 
 till the day after All Saints (though it may seem contrary to 
 justice and reason) by which they must be either gone from our 
 dominions, or upon their depariure out of them : but afterwards 
 they shall be plundered, whipped, and beat, and treated with 
 all manner of disgrace and severity.'" 
 
 Nor did they act with less severity against heretics in Orvieto. 
 Peter Parentius, the prefect, declared, and that pubhcly, to a 
 large assembly,^ " That whosoever, within an appointed day, 
 would come back to the church, which never shuts her bosom 
 to those Avho return, and obey the commands of the bishops, 
 should obtain pardon and favour ; but that whosoever should 
 refuse to return by the appointed day, should be subject to the 
 punishment enacted by the laws and canons." But what 
 this favour was, is described in the pubhc records of that 
 church, in these words : *' But the bishop, inflamed against 
 the Manichaeans, received, with a pastoral concern, the confes- 
 sion of the heretics, returning from their heresy to the Catho- 
 lic unity, and presented them to the praefect. Some of these 
 he bound in ii-on chains, others he caused to be publicly whip- 
 ped, others he miserably banished out of the city, others he 
 fined, who were true penitents on account of the money they 
 lost ; from others he took large securities, and pulled down the 
 
 ' Raynald. a. 1199, sec, 23. 24. 
 
90 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 houses of many more : so that the governor of the city, walking 
 after the royal pattern, turned aside neither to the left hand 
 nor to the right." To this account Raynaldus adds : " These 
 things did this new Phineas, burning with an holy zeal, for the ' 
 Catholic faith, this year in the time of Lent."^ But he was 
 a little after killed by the heretics. 
 
 About the year ISOO, Pope Innocent III. wrote to several 
 archbishops and bishops in Guienne, and other provinces of 
 France, that they should banish the Waldenses, Puritans, and 
 Paterines,'' from their territories ; and sent thither the friars 
 Reyner and Guido, the founder of the order of Hospitallers, to 
 convert heretics; commanding the bishops, that those who 
 would not be converted, should be banished ; that they should 
 humbly receive, and inviolably observe, whatever friar Reyner 
 should ordain against hereticks, their favourers and defenders.'^ 
 He commanded also the princes, earls, &c. that those heretics, 
 who should be excommunicated as impenitent, by friar Reyner, 
 should be adjudged to forfeiture of their estates, and banish- 
 ment ; that if, after this interdict, they should be found in 
 their dominions, they should proceed more severely against 
 them, as became Christian princes. He gave, moreover, full 
 power to Reyner, to compel the princes to this work, under 
 pain of excommunication, and interdict of their dominions, 
 without appeal; and commanded him not to delay to publish the 
 sentence of excommunication against the receivers of excommu- 
 nicated heretics. And to conclude, he exhorts the people to 
 give all assistance, when required, against heretics, to the friars 
 Reyner and Guido, and grants to all who should stand by 
 them faithfully and zealously, the same indulgence of sins, 
 which is used to be granted to those who visited the threshold 
 of St. Peter or St. James. The next year following, he com- 
 manded the archbishops of Aix and Metz, and others, with some 
 abbots, that they should examine the poor men of Lyons, and 
 
 a Raynald. a. 1199, sec. 23. 
 * Some of the sectaries of the Waldenses ; they called themselves PaterineSf 
 after the example of the martyrs, who suffered martyrdom for the Catholic . 
 Faitb J because they, like them, were expositos passionibus, exposed to suifer- 
 ings. Du Fresne Glossar. Med. ct inf. Lat, in voce. 
 
 « Bzovius, a, 1198. sec. 6. Raynald. sec. 37. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 91 
 
 others, concerning the orthodox faith ;' and as they found the 
 matter, should give him full information by messenger or let- 
 ters, that being thus more fully informed by them, he might 
 know the better how to proceed against them. He made also 
 the most severe laws for the extirpation of heresy,^ which are 
 contained in his letters to the citizens of Viterbo, some of whom 
 had been infected with heresy.*^ 
 
 a Bzovius, 1199, sec. 21. b Raynald. a. 1199, sec. 27. 
 
 This oppressed and iinofFending people were continually the objects of 
 papal cruelty, The following affecting account of the persecution in 1655, is 
 one out of many instances which might be adduced j it is from the pen of 
 the sufferers, addressed to their Christian friends. 
 
 Brethren and Fathers, 
 
 OUR tears are no more tears of water but of blood, which not only 
 obscure our sight, but oppress our very hearts. Our pen is guided by a 
 trembling hand, and our minds distracted by such unexpected alarms, that 
 we are incapable of framing a letter which shall correspond with our wishes, 
 or the strangeness of our desolations. In this respect, therefore, we plead 
 your excuse, and that you would endeavour to collect our meaning from what 
 we would impart to you. 
 
 Whatever reports may have been circulated concerning our obstinacy, in 
 refusing to have recourse to his royal highness for a redress of our heavy 
 grievances and molestations, you cannot but know that we have never de- 
 sisted from writing supplicatory letters, or presenting our humble requests, 
 by the hands of our deputies, and that they were sent and referred, some- 
 times to the council de propaganda fide^ at other times to the Marquis de Pio- 
 nessa; and that the three last times they were positively rejected, and re- 
 fused so much as an audience, under the pretext, that they had no creden- 
 tials nor instructions which should authorise them to promise or accept, on 
 the behalf of their respective churches, whatever it might please his highness 
 to grant or bestow upon them. And by the instigation and contrivance of 
 the Roman clergy, there was secretly placed in ambush an army of six thou- 
 sand men, who, animated and encouraged thereto, by the personal presence 
 and active exertions of the IMarquis of Pionessa, fell suddenly, and in the 
 most violent manner, upon the inhabitants of S. Giovanni and La Torre. 
 
 This army having once entered and got a footing, was soon augmented by 
 a multitude of the neighbouring inhabitants throughout all Piedmont, who, 
 hearing that we were given up as a prey to the plunderers, fell upon the poor 
 people with impetuous fury. To all those were added, an incalculable num- 
 ber of persons that bad been outlawed, prisoners, and other oflfenders, who 
 expected thereby to have saved their souls and filled their purses. And the 
 better to effect their purposes, the inhabitants were compelled to receive^re 
 •r six regiments of the French armyy besides some Irish, to whom, it is reported, 
 
92 HISTORY OF THfi INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 (yDoMiNicus, ajid the first Rise of the Thoulouse iNauisiTiON. 
 
 THE office of proceeding against heretics, was at first 
 committed to the bishops, to whom the government and 
 care of the chiu'ches was entrusted, according to the received 
 
 our country was promised, with several troops of vagabond persons, under 
 the pretext of coming into the vallies for fresh quarters. 
 
 The great multitude, by virtue of a license from the Marquis of Pionessa, 
 instigated by the monks, and enticed and conducted by our wicked and un- 
 natural neighbours, attacked us with such violence on every side, especially 
 in Angrofrne, Villaro, and Bobio ; and in a manner so horribly treacherous, 
 that in an instant all was one entire scene of confusion, and the inhabitants, 
 after a fruitless skirmish to defend themselves, were compelled to fl«-e for 
 their lives, with their wives and children ; and that not merely the inhabi- 
 tants of the plain, but those of the mountains also. Nor was all their dili- 
 gence sufficient to prevent the destruction of a very considerable number of 
 them. For, in many places, such as Villaro and Bobio, they were so hemmed 
 in on every side, the army having seized on the fort of Mareburg, and by 
 that means blocked up the avenue, that there remained no possibility of es- 
 cape, and nothing remained for them but to be massacred and put to death. 
 In one place, they mercilessly tortured not less than an hundred and fifty 
 women and their children, chopping off the heads of some, and dashing the 
 brains of others against the rocks. And in regard to those whom they took 
 prisoners, from fifteen years old and upwards, who refused to go to mass, 
 they hanged some, and nailed others to the trees by the feet, with their heads 
 downwards. It is reported, that they carried some persons of note prisoners 
 to Turin, viz. our poor brother and pastor, Mr. Gros, with some part of his 
 family. In short, there is neither cattle nor provisions of any kind left in 
 the valley of Lucerne \ — it is but too evident that all is lost, since there are 
 some whole districts, especially S. Giovanni and La Torre, where the busi- 
 ness of setting fire to our houses and churches was so dexterously managed, 
 by a Franciscan friar and a certain priest, that they left not so much as 
 one of either unburnt. In these desolations, the mother has been bereft of 
 her dear child — the husband of his affectionate wife ! Those who were once 
 the richest amongst us, are reduced to the necessity of begging their bread ; 
 while others still remain weltering in their own blood, and deprived of all the 
 comforts of life. And as to the churches of S. Martino and other places 
 who, on all foimer occasions, have been a sanctuary to the persecuted, they 
 have thtmselves now been summoned to quit their dwellings, and every soul 
 of them to depart, and that instantaneously, and without respite, under pain 
 of being put to death. Nor is there any mercy to be expected by any of 
 them, who are found wlthiu the dominions of his royal highness. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOIN. 93 
 
 decrees of the church of Rome. But inasmuch as their 
 number did not seem sufficient to that court, or because 
 they were too neghgent in the affair, and did not proceed 
 with that fury against heretics as the pope would have had 
 them; therefore, that he might put a stop to the increasing 
 progress of heresies, and more effectually extinguish them, about 
 the year of our Lord, 1200, he founded the order of the Domi- 
 nicans and Franciscans, that they might preach against heresies. 
 Dominic and his followers were to this end sent into the country 
 of Tholouse, where he preached, with great vehemence, against 
 the heretics that were arisen there ; from whence his order hath 
 obtained the name of preachers, or predicants. Father Francis, 
 with his disciples, battled it with the heretics of Italy. They 
 were both commanded by the pope, to excite the Catholic 
 princes and people to extirpate heretics ; and in all places to 
 inquire out their number and quality, and also the zeal of the 
 Catholics and bishops in their extirpation ; and to transmit a 
 
 The pretext which is alleged for justifying these horrid proceedings is, 
 that we are rebels against the orders of his highness, for not having brought 
 the whole city of Geneva within the walls of Mary Magdalene church ; or 
 in plainer terms, for not having performed an utter impovssibility, in depart- 
 ing, in a moment, from our houses and homes in Bubbiana, Lucerne, Fenile, 
 Bricheras, La Torre, S- Giovanni, and S Seeondo j and also, for having re- 
 newed our repeated supplications to his royal highness, to coramisserate our 
 situation, who, while on the one hand he promised us permission to depart 
 peaceably out of his dominions, which we have often entreated him for, in 
 case he would not allow us to continue and enjoy the liberty of our con- 
 sciences, as his predecessors had always done. True it is, that the Marquis 
 of Pionessa adduced another reason, and we have the original copy of his 
 writing in our possession, which is, that it was his royal highness's pleasure 
 to abase us and humble our pride, for endeavouring to shroud ourselves, 
 and take sanctuary, under the protection of foreign princes and states. 
 
 To conclude, our beautiful and flourishing churches are utterly lost, and 
 that without remedy, unless our God work miracles for us. Their time is 
 come, and our measure is full ? O have pity upon the desolations of Jerusa- 
 lem, and be grieved for the afflictions of Joseph! Shew forth your compas- 
 sions, and let your bowels yearn in behalf of so many thousands of poor 
 souls, who are reduced to a morsel of bread, for following the Lamb whi- 
 thersoever be goeth. We recommend our pastors, with their scattered and 
 dispersed flocks, to your fervent christian prayers, and rest in haste, 
 
 Your brethreo in the Lord. 
 Jpril 27, 1655. • 
 
 Jonea's Waldenses, vol. 2. 127. 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 faithful account to Rome. Hence they were called Inqui 
 sitors. 
 
 It is evident that the first Inquisitors were Dominican friars, 
 or of the order of Predicants ; but it is not so certain what 
 year the Inquisition itself was first introduced. Dominic, as 
 hath been said, was sent into the country of Tholouse, or 
 Gallia Narbonensis;^ he, as Bertrand relates,^ in his account 
 of the affairs of Tholouse, whom Usher cites, first lodged in the 
 house of a certain nobleman, to whom belonged the house of 
 the Inquisition at Tholouse, near the castle of Narbonne ; and 
 finding him sadly infested with heresy. Father Dominic, In- 
 quisitor of the Faith, reduced him to the path of truth ; upon 
 which, he devoted himself and his house, to St Dominic and 
 his order : which house hath ever since belonged to the In- 
 quisition, md the Dominican order. From hence we may ga 
 ther, that Dominic was the first Inquisitor; and that the 
 Inquisition was first introduced into Tholouse: but as to the 
 year when, writers differ; some referring it to the year of 
 Christ, 1212, others to 1208, and others to 1215. This is 
 certain, and agreed to by all, that it began under the papacy of 
 Innocent III. and that Dominic was appointed the first In- 
 quisitor in Gallia Narbonensis : but whether he received his 
 office of Inquisitor from Arnaldus, abbot of Cisteaux, legate 
 of the apostolic see, in France, or immediately from the pope, 
 is disputed by the popish writers. Those who endeavour to 
 reconcile the difference say, that Dominic was first appointed 
 Inquisitor by the legate, and afterwards confirmed by the pope 
 himself Ludovicus a Paramo*^ seems to be of the same opinion ; 
 for he says, that father Dominic first discoursed of his design, 
 to introduce the Inquisition, to the abbot of Cisteaux, at that 
 time apostohc legate in France ; and that the abbot appointed 
 him Inquisitor, at the same time referring the affair to the pope. 
 After this he was confirmed in the office by a cardinal legate in 
 
 * De Sncces. Eccles. in Occidente, cap. 9. sec 9. 
 to That part of France, which anciently contained the provinces of Savoy, 
 Dauphine, Province, and Languedoc. 
 
 «= De Succes. Ecclee. in Occidente, lib. 2. tit. 1. cap. 1, n. 13. 
 
\ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 95 
 
 that kingdom ; and at length, after the conclusion of the Late- 
 ran council, Ann. 1216, he was made Inquisitor by authority 
 of the pope's letters, a copy of which some authors affirm they 
 have actually seen. 
 
 " When Dominic had received these letters,* upon a certain 
 day, in the midst of a great concourse of people, he declared 
 openly in his sermon, in the church of St. Prullian, that he 
 was raised to a new office by the pope ; adding, that he was 
 resolved to defend, with his utmost vigour, the doctrines of the 
 faith ; and that if the spiritual and ecclesiastical arms were not 
 sufficient for this end, it was his fixed purpose to call in the 
 assistance of the secular arm, to excite and compel the catholic 
 princes to take arms against heretics, that the very memory of 
 them might be entirely destroyed." It evidently appears that 
 Dominic was a bloody and cruel man. This is more than 
 obscurely intimated by the Dominican, Camillus Campegius, 
 Inquisitor General of Ferrara, who, after having recited the 
 letters of Dominic, in which he declares the penances he en- 
 joined to Pontius Rogerii, adds : " I have the more willingly 
 annexed to this treatise of punishments these letters of St. 
 Dominic our father, who first exercised the office of inquisitor, 
 that all may be able to make a comparison between the ancient 
 severity made use of to stop the progress of these crimes, and 
 the present moderation and tenderness of this holy tribunal." 
 These letters he wrote, as Ludovicus a Paramo observes, whea 
 as yet he acted as inquisitor only by the authority of the abbot 
 of Cisteaux, and these letters Paramus produces to prove, 
 that Dominic assumed this office, from a resolution to punish 
 heretics with such severity, as that, by the fear of punishment, 
 he might deter others from the like wickedness. He was 
 born in Spain in the village Calaroga, in the diocese of Osma. 
 His mother, before she conceived him, is said to have dreamed, 
 that she was with child of a whelp, carrying in his mouth a 
 lighted torch ; and that after he was bom, he put the world 
 in an uproar by his fierce barkings, and set it on fire by the 
 
 b Ibid. cap. 2. n. 4. 
 a De Succes. Eccles. in Occidente, lib. lib. 2. tit. 1. cap. 2w. 
 *> Zanchini. « Ibid. lib. 2. tit. 1. cap. 2. n, 5. 
 
96 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 torch that he carried in his mouth. His followers interpret 
 this dream of his doctrine, by which he enhghtened the whole 
 world; whereas others, if dreams presage any thing, think 
 that the torch was an emblem of that fire and faggot, by 
 which an infinite multitude of men were burnt to ashes. 
 
 In the beginning the inquisitors had no proper tribunal ; 
 they only enquired after heretics, theii* number, strength, and 
 riches. After they had detected them, they informed the 
 bishops, who then had the sole power of judging in ecclesias- 
 tical affairs, and sometimes urged them, that they should 
 anathematize, and otherwise punish the heretics they had 
 discovered to them. Sometimes they stirred up princes to 
 take arms against heretics; sometimes the people. Such of 
 them as engaged in this work they signed with the cross, and 
 encouraged them in their expeditions against heretics. Far- 
 ther than this, Dominic, who was of a bloody fierce temper, 
 that he might the more effectually extirpate all heresy, invent- 
 ed a method, how, under the appearance of mercy and ten- 
 derness, he might exercise the most outrageous cruelty, viz. 
 the laying some certain punishments, by way of wholesome 
 penance, upon such as were converted to the Roman faith, 
 that being thus converted, they might be freed from excom- 
 munication.* For what could carry a greater appearance of 
 
 a The following is a curious specimen of this priestly domination. 
 
 Brothei- Doiiiii.ic, the least cf preaohers to nil Christ's faithful people, 
 to whom these presents shall come, f.reeting, in the Lord : 
 
 By the authority of the Cistertian abbot, who liath appointed us this 
 office, vre have reconcilod the bearer of these presents, Pontius Rogerius, 
 conrerted by God's blessing from his heretical sect, charging and requiring 
 him, by the cat)» which he hath taken, that three Sundays, or three festival 
 days, he be led by a priest, naked from his shoulders down to his drawers, 
 from the coming into the town unto the church doors, being whipt all the 
 way. We iiiso enjoin him, that he abstain at all times from meat, eggs, 
 cheese, and all things that proceed from flesh, except on the days of Easter, 
 Whitsuntide, and Christmas, on which days we command him t© eat flesh 
 for a denial of his foimev error. We will thai he keep three lents in one 
 year, abstaining even from fibh : and that he fast hree days every week 
 always, refraining from fish, oil, and wine, except bodily infirmity, or hard 
 labour in harvest time require a dispensation. We will have him wear 
 friar's coats, with two small crosses sewn on his two breasts. Let him 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 97 
 
 mercy, than to absolve and receive into communion, those 
 heretics that returned to the church, and voluntarily subjected 
 themselves to a wholesome penance ? But the truth is, that 
 this was the height of cruelty: for they submitted to such 
 penances, not from, conviction and choice, but for fear of 
 a more terrible punishment. For the fire and faggot and 
 other punishments were ready prepared for such as were not 
 converted ; and all that refused to submit to these penances, 
 were pronounced excommunicate, convict, and obstinate he- 
 retics, and as such turned over to be punished by the secular 
 court. Besides, these wholesome penances were attended with 
 the greatest miseries to the penitents ; for either they were 
 condemned to perpetual imprisonment, there to wear out a 
 wretched life with the bread and water of affliction, or were 
 marked on theu- back and breast with crosses, that by these 
 signs of infamy, they might be exposed to the reproaches and 
 abuses c»f all men ; and were withal pubhcly whipped before 
 the people, either in the open street, or in the church, and 
 commanded many other things, under the specious name of 
 penance ; that by this severity, which the penitents were 
 forced voluntarily to submit to, there might be an appearance 
 of mercy in their case, and that all others might be deterred 
 from heresy. 
 
 every day hear mass if opportuuity may serve, and on all holidays let him 
 go to vespers to church. He shall observe all the other canoDical hours by 
 day and by night, wherever he be, and shall then say his orisons, that is, 
 seven times a day he shall say ten paternosters together, and twenty at 
 midnight. Let him altogether abstain from bis wife, and every first day of 
 the month let liim shew these our letters to the curate of the town of Cer- 
 vium, whom we command diligently to observe what kind of life this bearer 
 leads; whom, if he should neglect to observe these our injunctions, we 
 declare to be perjured and cxcommuoicaited, and w^l have him taken for 
 such. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IlNaUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the Wars against the Raymonds, Father and Son^ Earls of 
 Tholouse. 
 
 IN the mean while the pope, being intent on the extirpation 
 of heretics, excited all the princes, that they should not yield 
 them any refuge in their dominions, but oppress them with all 
 their force. His principal care was to expel them from the 
 country of Tholouse, where the Albigenses were very numer- 
 ous. He was perpetually pressing Raymond, Earl of Tholouse, 
 to banish them from his dominions ; and when he could not 
 prevail with him, either to drive out so large a number of men, 
 or to persecute them, he ordered him to be excommunicated 
 as a favourer of heretics. He also sent his legate, with letters 
 to many of the prelates, commanding them to make inquisi- 
 tion against the heretical Albigenses in France, and to destroy 
 them, and convert their favourers. He also wrote to Philip, 
 king of France, commanding him to take arms against them, 
 and use his utmost efforts to suppi-ess them, that by his obe- 
 dience he might prove, that he himself was not l^inted by 
 their errors. 
 
 With the pope^s legate there came also twelve abbots of the 
 Cistercean order, preaching the cross against the Albigenses, 
 and promising, by the authority of Innocent, a plenary re- 
 mission of all sins, to those who took on them the crusade. 
 These abbots were joined by Dominic. 
 
 But because even these cross-bearers did not fight against 
 the heretics with that continued zeal and fury, that the pope 
 and Dominic woidd have had them, the Dominicans excited 
 larger numbers to engage in this warfare, by the hopes of a 
 plenary indulgence. The text which their preachers used to 
 choose for this purpose, was from Psal. xciv. 16.* " Who 
 will rise up for me against the evil doers.? Or, who will stand 
 up for me against the workers of iniquity ?" And as they 
 
 * Usser. de Sue. cap. 9, § 5. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 99 
 
 directed their whole sermons to their own cruel purpose, they 
 generally thus concluded : " You see, most dear brethren, 
 how great the wickedness of the heretics is, and how much 
 mischief they do in the world. You see also how tenderly, 
 and hy how many pious methods the church labours to reclaim 
 them. But with them they all prove ineffectual, and they fly 
 to the secular power for their defence. Therefore our holy 
 mother the church, though with reluctance and grief, calls 
 together against them the Christian army. If then you have 
 any zeal for the faith, if you are touched with any concern for 
 the honour of God, if you would reap the benefit of this great 
 indulgence, come and receive the sign of the cross, and join 
 yourselves to the army of 'the crucified Saviour." There was 
 indeed this difference between those who took up the cross 
 against the Saracens, and those who did it against the heretics, 
 that the former wore it on their backs, and the latter on their 
 breasts. And that their zeal might by no means grow cool, 
 there were certain Synodical decrees made by the authority 
 of the pope, by which the presbyters were enjoined continually 
 to excite and warm it.^ " Let the presbyters continually and 
 affectionately exhort their parishioners that they arm them- 
 selves against the heretical Albigenses. Let them also enjoin, 
 under the pain of excommunication, those who have taken the 
 cross, and not prosecuted their vow, that they retake the cross 
 and wear it." 
 
 Raymond, Earl of Tholouse,^ not being in the least diverted 
 from his purpose by the sentence of the legate, who having 
 consulted ^vith Dominic, had forbid him," as a favourer of 
 heretics, the communion of holy things, and of the faithful, 
 was excommunicated by a bull of Innocent himself, as a de- 
 fender of heretics, and all his subjects absolved from their 
 oath of allegiance ; "and power was given to any catholic man, 
 though without prejudice to the right of the supreme lord, 
 not only to act against his person, but to seize and detain his 
 country ; under this pretence chiefly, that it might be effec- 
 tually purged from heresy by the prudence of the one, as it 
 
 i* Usser. ibid. cap. 10. § 23- 
 b Raynold, A. 1208. § 15, itc. c Bzovius, A. 1208. ^ », 4 
 
 H 2 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 had been grievously wounded and defiled by the wickedness 
 of the other. 
 
 The earlj'J frightened by this sentence, and especially by the 
 terrible expedition of the cross bearers against him, promised 
 obedience, and sought to be reconciled to the church ; but 
 could not obtain it without delivering up to the legate seven 
 castles in his territories for security of performance, and unless 
 the magistrates of Avignon, Nismes, and Agde, had interceded 
 for him, and bound themselves by an oath, that if the earl 
 should disobey the commands of the legate, they would re- 
 nounce their allegiance to him. It was farther added, that 
 the country ot Venaiscin should return to the obedience of the 
 church of Rome.^ The manner of the reconciliation of the 
 Earl of Tholouse, was, according to Bzovius, thus: ''The 
 earl was brought before the gates of the church of St. Agde, 
 m the town of that name. There were present more than 
 twenty archbishops and bishops, who were met for this pur- 
 pose. The earl swore upon the holy body of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, and the relics of the saints, which were exposed with 
 great reverence before the gates of the church, and held by 
 several prelates, that he would obey the commands of the holy 
 Roman church. When he had thus bound himself by an 
 oath, the legate ordered one of the sacred vestments to be 
 thrown over his neck, and drawing him thereby, brought him 
 into the church, and having scourged him with a whip, ab- 
 solved him. Nor must it be omitted, that when the said earl 
 was brought into the church, and received his absolution as he 
 was scourging, he was so grievously torn by the stripes, that 
 he could not go out by the same place through which he en- 
 tered, but was forced to pass quite naked as he was through 
 the lower gate of the church. He was also served in the 
 same manner at the sepulchre of Peter the martyr at New 
 Castres, whom the earl had caused to be slain." 
 
 However, the vast army of the cross-bearers was not idle 
 after the reconciliation of the Earl of Tholouse, but every 
 where attacked the Heretics, took their cities, filled all places 
 with slaughter and blood, and burnt many whom they had 
 
 * Bzovius, A. 1208. § 95. ^ Ibid. § 6. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 101 
 
 taken captives. For in the year 1209-^ Biterre was taken by 
 them, and all, without any regard uF age, cruelly put to the 
 sword, and the city itself destroyed by the flames. ^ Caesarius 
 tells us, that when the city was taken, the cross-bearers knew 
 there were several Catholics mixed with the Heretics; and 
 when they were in doubt how to act, lest the Catholics should 
 be slain, or the Heretics feign themselves Catliolics, Arnold 
 Abbot of Cisteaux made answer, " slay them all, for the Lord 
 knows who are his;'"* whereupon the soldiers slew them all 
 without exception. 
 
 Carcassone also was destroyed, and by the common consent 
 of the prelates and barons,' Simon Earl of Montfort, of the 
 bastard race of Robert king of France, (whom Petavius in his 
 Ration. Temp, calls a man as truly religious as valiant,) was 
 made governor of the whole country, both of what was already 
 conquered, and what was to be conquered for the future. The 
 same year he took several cities, and reduced them to his own 
 obedience. He cruelly treated his captive Heretics, and put 
 them to death by the most horrible punishments.** " In the 
 city Castres two were condemned to the flames, and when a 
 certain person declared he would abjure his heresy, the cross- 
 bearers were divided amongst themselves. Some contended 
 that he ought not to be put to death ; others said it was plain 
 he had been an Heretic, and that his abjuration was not sincere, 
 but proceeded only from his fear of immediate death. Earl 
 Montfort, however, consented that he should be burnt ; alledging, 
 that if his conversion was real, the fire would expiate his sins ; if 
 otherwise, that he would receive a just reward of his perfidious- 
 ness. " ^ In other places also they raged with the like cruelty. One 
 Robert, who had been of the sect of the Albigenses, and after- 
 wards joined himself to the Dominicans, supported by the 
 authority of the princes and magistrates, burnt all who persist- 
 ed in their heresy; so that within two or three months he 
 caused fifty persons, without distinction of sex, either to be 
 buried alive or burnt ; from whence he gained the name of the 
 
 * Bzovius, A. 1209. sect. 1. '' Kaynaldus, A. 120U. sect, 22. 
 
 \ Ibid. seel. 23, 24. - Ibid, sect, 25. 
 
 ' Ibid. A. 1207. sect. 3. 
 
 u 3 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE IVaUlSITION. 
 
 hammer of the Heretics. Raynold affirms, that it ought not to 
 be doubted but that Pope Innocent appointed him to this 
 officee.^ At Paris, one Bernard, with nine others, of whom 
 four were priests, the followers of Almeric, were apprehended ; ^ 
 and being all had into a field, were degraded before the 
 whole clergy and people, and burnt in the presence of the 
 king.*^ 
 
 The year following there was undertaken a new expedition 
 of the cross-bearers against the Albigenses. They seized on 
 Alby, and there put many to death. They took la Vaur by 
 force, and burnt in it great numbers of the Albigenses. They 
 hanged Aymeric the governor of the city, who was of a very 
 noble family. They beheaded eighty of lesser degree, and did 
 not spare the very women. They threw Girarda, Aymeric's 
 sister, and the chief lady of that people, into an open pit, and 
 covered her with stones. Afterv/ards they conquered Carcum, 
 and put to death sixty men. They also seized on Pulchra 
 ValHs, a large city near Tholouse, and burnt in it 400 Albi- 
 genses, and hanged 50 more. They took Castris de Termis, 
 and in it Raymond de Termis, whom they put in prison, where 
 he died, and burnt in one large fire his wife, sister, and virgin 
 daughter, with some other noble ladies, when they could not 
 persuade them, by promises or threats, to embrace the faith of 
 the church of Rome. 
 
 The Earl of Tholouse, terrified with these successes of Simon 
 Montfort, and fearing for himself and country, raised a great 
 army, and had forces sent him from the kings of England and 
 Aragon, to whom he was related. For he married Joan, sister 
 of the king of England, who had been formerly queen of Sicily, 
 and had by her a son nsumed Raymond. After her death he 
 married Eleanor, the sister of Peter king of Aragon. But this 
 army was defeated with a great slaughter by the cross-bearers 
 under the command of Earl Montfort, and the Earl of Tho- 
 louse driven from his dominions. About the beginning of the 
 year 1215, in a council of certain archbishops and bishops near 
 Montpellier, held by the Pope's legate, Montfort was declared 
 
 » Raynaldus, A. 1210. sect. 10. *> Bzovius, A. 1209. sect. 11. 
 
 ' Ibid. A. 1211. sect. 9. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 103 
 
 lord of all the countries he had conquered, and the archbishop of 
 Ambrun was sent to the Pope, to get him to ratify the council's 
 sentence, and Lewis, eldest son of Philip the French king, con- 
 firmed him in the loossession. 
 
 During these transactions Pope Innocent III. in the year of 
 our Lord 1215, called the famous Lateran council, where Do- 
 minic was present, in which there were many decrees against 
 Heretics, which were afterwards inserted in the decretals of 
 Gregory.* To this council fled the Earl of Tholouse, with his 
 son Raymond, being dispossessed of his dominions by Montfort. 
 Guido, the brother of Earl Montfort, appeared against him, 
 and after many debates, Earl Raymond was declared, " to be 
 for ever excluded from his dominions, which he had governed 
 ill, and commanded to remain in some convenient place out of his 
 own lands, in order to his giving suitable proofs of his repent- 
 ance. Four hundred marks of silver were assigned him yearly 
 out of his revenues, as long as he behaved himself with an hum- 
 ble obedience. But as all bore testimony to his wife, that she 
 was a good CathoHc lady, she was left in possession of the lands 
 of her dowry, provided she caused the commands of the church 
 to be observed, and suffered none to disturb the affairs of peace 
 or faith." However, all that the cross-bearers had taken was 
 adjudged to Montfort; "and as to the rest, which they had 
 not seized on, the church decreed it should be kept by proper 
 persons, to preserve the peace, and the faith, that there might 
 be some provision for the only son of the Earl of Tholouse, 
 according as he should deserve it in part or whole, after his 
 coming to age. 
 
 Upon this decree of the synod Raymond went into Spain, 
 and his son Raymond into Provence, where, with the help of 
 many auxiliary forces, he made war on Montfort. He recover- 
 ed some part of his dominions, and even the city of Tholouse 
 itself. Whilst Montfort was endeavouring to retake it with a 
 large army, he was killed by the blow of a stone, and thereby 
 the city delivered from the siege. Thus Raymond recovered 
 by arms his father's Earldom, who died in the year 1221, and 
 
 » Tit. de Haeret. cap. 13. 
 H 4 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 was succeeded by this his son, who could not obtain, with all 
 his endeavours, a Christian burial for his father. 
 
 As things thus took a different turn, sometimes according to 
 the Pope'*s wish, at other times contrary to it, he pressed the 
 Inquisition as the most effectual remedy for the extirpation of 
 Heretics. Bzovius* relates, that at this time many Heretics 
 were burnt in Germany, France, and Italy, and that in this 
 year no less than 80 persons were apprehended at once in the 
 city of Strasbourg, of whom but a very few were declared inno- 
 cent. " If any of these denied their heresy, Friar Conrade of 
 Marpug, an Apostolical Inquisitor of the order of Predicants, 
 put them to the trial of the Fire Ordeal, and as many of them 
 as were burnt by the iron, he delivered over to the secular 
 power to be burnt as Heretics ; so that all who were accused, 
 and put to this trial, a few excepted, were condemned to the 
 flames. 
 
 About that time Pope Honorius sent a rescript to the bishop 
 of Boulogne,^ anathematizing all Heretics, and violaters of the 
 ecclesiastical immunity, in these words : " we excommunicate 
 all Heretics of both sexes, of whatsoever sect, with their 
 favourers, receivers, and defenders ; and moreover, all those 
 who cause any edicts or customs, contrary to the liberty of the 
 church, to be observed, unless they remove them from their 
 public records within two months after the publication of this 
 sentence. Also we excommunicate the makers, and the writers 
 of those statutes, and moreover all governors, consuls, rulers, 
 and counsellors of places, where such statutes and customs shall 
 be published or kept, and all those who shall presume to pass 
 judgment, or to publish such judgments, as shall be made ac- 
 cording to them.*= 
 
 In the mean while, after Raymond had recovered his father's 
 dominions, the Inquisition was banished from the country of 
 Tholouse. But Pope Honorius III. left no stone unturned to 
 render the Earl obnoxious. He took care to let him know by 
 his legate, that he should be stripped of his dominions as his 
 father was, unless he returned to his duty ; and by letters 
 
 a Bzovius, A. 1215. sect. 7. ^ Ibid. A. 1218. sect. 11. 
 
 « Raynald. A. 1221. sect. 41. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 105 
 
 bearing date the 8th of the calends of November, he confirmed 
 the sentence of the Ic^i^ate, by wliich lie deprived him of all his 
 right in every country that had ever been subject to his father ;■ 
 and to give this sentence its full force, he commanded the Do- 
 minicans, and gave them full power to proclaim an holy war, to 
 be called thc^ Penance war, against the Heretics. A vast 
 number met together at the sound of this horrid trumpet, and 
 entered into this holy society, as they believed it, wearing over 
 a white garment a black cloak, and receiving the sacrament for 
 the defence of the Cathohc faith. 
 
 And that tlie Pope might more efTectually subdue the Earl 
 of Tholouse, he sent his letters to king Louis, who had suc- 
 ceeded his father Philip, in which he exhorts him to take arms 
 against the Albigenses in this manner.*^ " It is the command 
 of God, ' If thou shall hear say in one of thy cities, which the 
 Lord thy God hath given thee to dwell there, saying. Let us 
 go and serve other Gods, which ye have not known, thou shalt 
 smite the inhabitants of that city with the edge of the sword, 
 and shalt burn with fire the city.' Although you are under 
 many obligations already to God, for the great benefits received 
 from him, from whom comes every good gift, and every perfect 
 gift, yet you ought to reckon yourself more especially obHged 
 courageously to exert yourself for him against the subverters of 
 the faith, by whom he is blasphemed, and manfully to defend 
 the Catholic puritv, which many in those parts, adliering to the 
 doctrine of devils, are known to have thrown out.*^ 
 
 The affairs of the Albigenses also engaged the attention of 
 a synod, which was held at Paris, by the Pope's command, where 
 Amalric son of Simon Montfort, demanded the restitution of 
 the lands of Raymond. Raymond endeavoured to defend 
 himself against the threatening danger, by declaring the purity 
 of his faith, and offering to yield to any enquiry, for the satisfac- 
 tion of the holy church. 
 
 But this the legate contemned, nor could the Catholic Earl 
 (they are the words of IVIatthew Paris) find any favour, unless 
 he would abjure his patrimony, and renounce it for himself and 
 
 a Bzovius, A. 1221. sect. 8. b De pocuitentia. c Raynald. A. 1223. sect. 41. 
 d Usser. de succes. c. 10. sect. 46. and seq. 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 his heirs. So that anoJier oxpedi'iDn of tiie cross-bearers was 
 resolved on against Ectri Ra3-Tjond. 
 
 In pursuance of this resciji ion, the Pope sent to the king of 
 England, commanding him not to saccour Raymond, and to 
 the king of France, requiving ihe assistance of his forces. 
 Louis accordingly uViderrook the ia.>.k of subduing Raymond, 
 and with a large army sat down first bciore Avi.rnon. — The 
 city was valiantly defended, by which the besiegers suffered 
 gi-eat losses ; but the greatest disaster the French encountered 
 was the Dysentery^, a disease which prevailed so far as to 
 destroy a considerable part of tlie ai-my, as well as the king 
 himself. This together with the determined br?very of the 
 besieged, alarmed the Popes legate, who, finding '^orce of so 
 little avail, and dreading the disgrace of abandoning the design, 
 scrupled not to adopt the vilest treachery and to practice the 
 basest hypocrisy. — He offered to suspend hostilities, and to 
 pave the way for peace, if the besieged would admit a few 
 priests, only to enquire concerning the faith of the inhabitants: 
 and these tenns being agreed upon and sealed by mutual oaths; 
 the priests entered, but in direct violation of their solemn en- 
 gagement, brought the French army with them, who thus 
 fraudulently triumphed over the unexpecting citizens; they 
 plundered the city, killed or bound in chains the inhabitants, 
 and overthrowing the towers and walls, passed on to the siege 
 of Tholouse. 
 
 The city of Tholouse^ sustained a long siege, and Raymond 
 omitted no means of defence ; he was at length, however, over- 
 come, and compelled, in order to reconciliation with the church, 
 to resign the far greater part of his dominions : and in the pre- 
 sence of two cardinals of the church of Rome, was led to the 
 high altar in a linen garment, with naked feet, and absolved 
 from the sentence of excommunication. 
 
 ' Raynald. A. 1228. sect. 3. Bzovius, sect. 28. 
 
HISTOKY OF THE INatTISITION. 107 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Several Councils held, and Laws enacted hy the Empei'or 
 Frederick II. bi/ which the Office of the Inquisition was 
 greatly promoted, 
 
 THE Earl of Tholouse being thus subdued, severer laws were 
 enacted against heretics.^ Raymond himself made many laws 
 against them ; ordered all the heretics in his country to be ap- 
 prehended ; and that the inhabitants of every city or castle 
 should pay one mark for every heretic, to the person who took 
 him. Louis also, the Erench king, put forth a constitution 
 against heretics, in which he commands the immediate punish- 
 ment of all who should be adjudged heretics by the bishop, or 
 any other ecclesiastical person. He deprives all their favourers 
 of the benefit of the laws; commands their goods to be con- 
 fiscated, and never to be restored to them or their posterity ; 
 and that the Ballive should pay two marks of silver to any one 
 that apprehended an heretic. 
 
 And now the pope laboured, with all his might, to confer a 
 greater power on the inquisitors, and to estabhsh for them a 
 tribunal, in which they might sit, and pronounce sentence of 
 heresy and heretics, as judges delegated from himself, and re- 
 presenting his person. But to this there were in the begin- 
 ning great obstacles, the people not easily admitting that new 
 tribunal, rightly judging that great numbers would be destroyed 
 by the informations of the inquisitors. So that they were very 
 ill looked on by all, even before they had obtained the power 
 of judging: for the magistrates and wiser part of the people, 
 foresaw wliat must happen, upon their being invested with 
 such an authority ; and were far from thinking it safe, that 
 then- fortunes and lives, and those of their fellow citizens, should 
 be exposed to the pleasure of the pope's emissaries, and that 
 tiiey should be made entirely obnoxious to their tyranny. 
 
 * Bzovius, a, 1228, sec. 6. 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 But upon the conquest of the Albigenses, and the taking their 
 countries and cities, the pope caused the inquisition to proceed 
 with greater success. For in France, as Pegna observes, in 
 John Calderin's treatise about the form of proceeding against 
 heretics — " There were held several councils, at divers times 
 and places, of the French archbishops, about the method of 
 proceeding against and punishing heretics. In the year of our 
 Lord, 1229, there was a council at T'holouse, where many sta- 
 tutes were made; which were published there by Romanus, 
 cardinal deacon of St. Angelus, legate of the apostolic see. In 
 the year 1235, another council was held at Narbonne, of the 
 French prelates, in which this affair was more fully discussed 
 than at Tholouse. Afterwards* there was another provincial 
 council at Biterre, when these things were more particularly 
 settled than in the two former. The acts of these councils 
 were not discovered for a long while, but found, some time 
 since, in the Vatican Library, and in an old MSS. parchment, 
 which was brought to Rome from the inquisition of Florence.*' 
 Pegna adds, that he would soon pubhsh these councils, with his 
 comments on them ; and says they are very useful, and suited 
 to the office of the inquisitors of heretical pravity. But I could 
 never yet learn whether they have seen the light. 
 
 These were the transactions in France. In Rome, about 
 the year 1230, Raymand of Pegnaforte, who was a Dominican, 
 compiled, by the command of Pope Gregory IX. the books of 
 Decretals, into which he collected all the laws of the councils 
 and popes against heretics. Afterwards Boniface VIII. ordered 
 a sixth book of the Decretals to be wrote. After this were 
 added the Clementines and the Extravagantes, made on various 
 occasions, that the inquisitors might want nothing for the full 
 exercise of their office : and as the Waldenses had -stolen into 
 Arragon and Navarre, chiefly from the neighbouring Langue- 
 doc, there was a synod held at Tarracona, about the year 1240^^ 
 in which there Avere many things enacted concerning heretics, 
 and their punishments. 
 
 Even the emperor Frederick II. himself, put forth many 
 laws against heretics, their accompKces and favourers, at Padua, 
 
 a Anno. 1246. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 109 
 
 by which he greatly promoted the inquisition. In the first, 
 which begins Commissi nobis, he ordains, that those heretics, 
 who were committed by the church to the secular court, should 
 be put to death without mercy : that converts through fear of 
 death, should be imprisoned : that heretics, with their abettors, 
 wherever they were found, should be kept in custody till they 
 were punished according to the sentence of the church: that 
 persons convicted of heresy, who had fled to other places, 
 should be taken up ; that such as were relapsed, should be 
 punished with death: that heretics and their favourers, 
 should be deprived of the benefit of appeal ; that their poste- 
 rity, to the second generations, should be incapable of all bene- 
 fices and offices ; but that their heirs should be indemnified if 
 they discovered their parent's wickedness. And lastly, he takes 
 under his imperial and special protection, the predicant friars, 
 deputed for the faith against heretics, in all the parts of the 
 empire, and all others who were sent for, and should come for 
 the judgment of heretics, commanding the magistrates severely 
 to punish all convicted heretics, after condemnation, by the 
 ecclesiastical sentence. In his second edict, which begins. In- 
 consutilem tunicam, after expressing great abhorrence of the 
 crime of heresy, he commands all impenitent heretics to be 
 burned with fire, and the favourers of the Paterenes to be ba- 
 nished. In his third, beginning Patarenorum receptatores, he 
 deprives the children of heretics of their honours, unless any 
 of them should discover one of tlie sect of the Paterenes ; and 
 put heretics themselves under the ban, confiscating their estates. 
 In his fourth, beginning Catharos, he condemns all suspected 
 persons as heretics, if they do not purge themselves within a 
 year; commands his officials to exterminate heretics from all 
 places subject to them; orders that the lands of the barons shall 
 be seized by the Catholics, if they do not purge them from hej 
 retics, within a year after proper admonition, and ordains many 
 punishments against the favourers of heretics, and the most se- 
 vere ones against all who apostatise from the faith. 
 
 Paulus Servita teUs us, in his history of the Venetian Inqui- 
 sition, that these laws were made in the year of our Lord 1244, 
 Bzovious and Raynald refer them to the year 1225. But 
 
110 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 whatever was the year of their publication, it is certain that 
 the Inquisition was greatly promoted by them ; and that they 
 were approved and confirmed by some of the pope's bulls, in 
 which they were inserted. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 The iNaursiTioN introduced into Arragon, France, Tholouse, 
 
 and Italy. 
 
 IN the year of our Lord 1231/ in the month of February, 
 some of the Paterenes were discovered in the city of Rome : 
 some of them who were impenitent were burnt alive ; others 
 were sent to the church of Monte Casino, and to Cava, to be 
 there kept till they recanted. The pope and Roman senate 
 made also severe laws against heretics ; and because the Mi- 
 laneze were most infected with heresy, Frederick, by an impe- 
 rial edict, commanded " all convicted of that crime to be deli- 
 vered over to the flames, or their blasphemous tongues to be 
 cutout, if the keeping them alive would prove a terror to 
 others;'' which Raynald affirms '' tobe a severe, but most just 
 edict." 
 
 This very year Pope Gregory IX. gave a famous instance 
 of his tyranny and injustice. Ezehnus, Lord of Padua, and 
 vassal of the emperor Frederick, constantly adhered to his mas- 
 ter, and faithfully took the emperor's part against the faction of 
 the pope. On this the pope endeavoured to render him infa- 
 mous by the charge of heresy; that under this specious pre- 
 tence he might expel him his dominions : but as he failed in 
 this, he stirred up his children against him this very year, that 
 being delivered by them into his poAver, he might punish him 
 as he pleased. In order to this, he sent letters to Ezeline, be- 
 seeching him to take better measures, and admonished him to 
 renounce his errors.^ A copy of these letters he sent to his two 
 
 » Raynald, a. 1231, sec. 13, 14, 15, 16. 
 »> Ibid. sec. 20, &c. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. Ill 
 
 sons, young Ezeline and Alteric, who pretended to abhor their 
 father's wickedness, and promised Gregory, of their own ac- 
 cord, as, RaynakI relates, that they would deliver their mise- 
 rable father into the hands of the censors of the faith, if he per- 
 sisted obstinately in his wickedness, that they might not lose 
 the inheritance of their ancestors. Upon this, the pope gave 
 them to understand, that he had deferred coming to extremities 
 against their father for their sake, whom he believed still to 
 continue in the true worship of God, that they might not be 
 involved in his misfortune ; " for,'" says he, " the crime of he- 
 resy, like that of high treason, disinherits the children." Then 
 he beseeches and commands them, that they would use all pos- 
 sible means to deter their father from heresy, and the protection 
 of heretics, and that if he despised their admonitions, they 
 would consult their own safety, by sending him, as they had 
 promised, before the pope's tribunal. " Nor is it to be won- 
 dered at,"" adds Raynald, " that this advice should be given 
 to the sons against their own father, since the cause of the di- 
 vine Being, of whom all paternity is named, is to be preferred 
 to all human affections." 
 
 The year following, 1232, the Inquisition was brought into 
 Aragon.^ The bishop of Hyesca, in Aragon, was reported to 
 err in matters of faith. Upon this Gregory committed the of- 
 fice of making Inquisition against him to friar Peter Caderite, 
 of tlie Predicant order, and commanded James, king of the 
 Aragons, that he should not suffer him, or those whose advice 
 or counsel he should think fit to make use of, to be injured by 
 any means whatsoever. And that he might entirely extirpate 
 heresy out of the province of Tarracon, he gave commission, 
 by a bull, to the archbishop of Tarracon and his suffragans, to 
 constitute inquisitors against heretical pravity, of the order of 
 Predicants.^ 
 
 a Bzovius, a. 1232, sect. 8, 9. 
 b The bulls read thus:—" Since the evening of the world is now declining, 
 &c. we admonish and beseech your brotherhood, and strictly command you 
 by our written apostolic words, as you regard the divine judgment, that with 
 diligent care you make enquiry against heretics, and render tliem infamous, 
 by the assistance of the friars Predicants, and others, whom you shall judge 
 At for this business ; aod that you proceed against all who are culpable and 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Amongst the inquisitors appointed by them, friar Raymond 
 Peciafortius Barninonensis was particularly famous ; who wrote 
 a formulary of the manner of proceeding against heretics, be- 
 ginning, " I believe that heretics,*' &c. which was of so great 
 authority, that Gregory enjoined William, archbishop elect of 
 Tarracon, to follow it in every thing. Bzovius gives us this 
 formulary entire, in his annals, under the year 1235, sec. 5. 
 
 In France there was not wanting some, who stirred up the 
 remains of the Albigenscs;' " so that,"' as Bzovius says, ^' they 
 very grievously oppressed the inquisitors and other persons, 
 appointed by the apostolic see, for the direction and defence of 
 the Catholic faith.*"^ Gregory IX. excited Louis, the king, 
 against them, and advised him to join with the archbishop of 
 Vienne, some person famous for his wisdom and justice, who 
 might know what pertained to the ecclesiastical right, what to 
 the royal, and what to the rights of others. He also exhorted 
 Blanche, the queen, to persuade her son to perfect so righteous 
 a work. The same author tells us,*^ that the same year, after 
 great struggling, the Inquisition was brought into Tholouse, 
 upon the first day of the festival of Dominic, but not without a 
 great tumult of the people, raised by a seditious sermon of a 
 silly monk, upon occasion of the death of a certain matron of 
 Tholouse, who lived near the convent of the Predicants, and 
 had been hereticated before she died. *^ 
 
 infamons, according to our statutes lately published, against heretics, unless 
 they will from the heart absolutely obey the commands of the church ; which 
 Statutes we send you inclosed in our bull; and that ye also proceed against 
 the receivers, abettors, and favourers of heretics, according to the same sta- 
 tutes. But if any will quite abjure the heretical plague, aud return to th« 
 ecclesiastical unity, grant them the benefit of absolution, according to the 
 form of the church, and enjoin thera the usual penance." 
 ^ Bzovius, a. 1234, sect 8. 
 
 to i. e. Perhaps they strove to prevent so intolerable a yoke being put on 
 
 their necks. 
 
 c Bzovius, a. 1234, sect. 24. 
 
 «* ** When this came to be public, friar William Arnaldi, an inquisitor, con- 
 demned her for an heretic, and left her to the secular court. After this, the 
 prior of the friars Predicants, Fu Pontus, of Agde, explaining those words 
 of Ecclesiastic, xlviii, * Elias the prophet rose as fire, and his sword burnt 
 like a torch," to a vast company that had met together about nine, and, 
 adapting his words to the festival and the present business, turned himself 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 113 
 
 However, the inquisitors were the year following ejected 
 from Tholouse. But that they were restored there again, we 
 learn from Luke Wadding,* who, in his History of the Friars 
 Minors, relates, tliat in the year 1238, there were at Tholouse, 
 Friar William Arnaldi, of the Predicant Order, and Seraphinus 
 de S. Tiberio, of the Minors, inquisitors of heretics. The 
 same author gives us also the Epistle of Gregory IX. to the 
 Deacon of the Order of Friars Minors, in Navarre, and to 
 Master Peter de Leedegaria, a predicant friar, living at Pam- 
 pilona.^ 
 
 It cannot be doubted that the office of the delegated inqui- 
 sition was in these times introduced into Italy,<= because the 
 inhabitants of Placentia drove out from their city Friar Row- 
 land,'* the inquisitor, in the year 1234. The year following the 
 pope committed the office of the inquisition to the prior of 
 St. Mary ad Gradus, and to Friar Radulph, a predicant at 
 
 s 
 
 to the east and west, to the north and south, and cried out towards every 
 
 part iu as loud a voice as he could, repeating it oftentimes, * In the name of 
 God, and his servant St. Dominic, I do from tliis hour renounce all faith 
 with heretics, their favourers, and believers.' Then be bawled out again,— 
 * I adjure the Catholics, in the name of God, that laying aside all fear, they 
 would give their testimony to the truth :' and thus left off. About seven 
 days after this meeting many came in, by whose means the inquisitors found 
 out a way to the recesses of darkness. Many of them abjured their heresy, 
 some discovered others, and promised that, at a proper opportunity, they 
 would detect more. 
 
 * Bzovius, A. 1235. § 4. 
 b It begins Rumor, Ac. in which, amongst other things, there is this : " Since 
 therefore, according to the office enjoined us, we are bound to root out all 
 ofFencea from the khigdom of God, and as much as in us lies to oppose auch 
 beasts, we deliver into your hands the sword of the word of God, which, ac- 
 cording to the words of the prophet,' ye ought not to keep back from 
 blood ; but, inspired with a zeal for the Catholic faith, IHte Phineas.f make 
 diligent inquisition concerning these pestilent wretches, their believers, re- 
 ceivers, and abettors, and proceed against those who, by such inquisition, 
 shall be found guilty, according to the canonical sanctions, and our statutes, 
 which we have lately published to confound heretical pravity, calling in 
 against them, if need be, the assistance of the secular arm. — Given at the 
 Lateran, 8 Cal. Maii, An. 12. 
 
 ' Ibid. A. 1234. §25. " Ibid. 1285. § 2 
 
 * Jer. xlviii. 10. f Exod. xxxii. 33. 
 
114 HISTOllY OF THE INaUISITIOK. 
 
 Viterbo, commissioning them to enquire out all heretics com- 
 ing from other cities, and to absolve from censures such who 
 abjured their heresy, and reconciled themselves to the church. 
 Upon this affair iie gave letters to both of them at Perouse, 
 the second of the ides of August, and ninth year of his pontifi- 
 cate. But two years after,* and the eleventh of his pontificate, 
 at Viterbo, he sent letters to the provincial of Lombardy, a 
 predicant, by which he invested him with the power of making 
 inquisitors. The letters begin thus: Ille humani, &c. and 
 very distinctly represent the office given to the inquisitors.'* 
 
 s 13 Cal. of June. 
 •» After the nsual complaint of the rise of heresy, he enjoins the inquisitors 
 their office in these words : *' Wc, therefore, being willing to prevent the dan- 
 ger of so many souls, entreat, admonish, and beseech your wisdom, and strictly 
 command you by these apostolic writings, us you have any regard for the 
 Divine judgment, that you appoint some of the brethren committed to your 
 care, men learned in the law of the Lord, and such as you know to be fit 
 for this purpose, according to the limitations of your order, to be preachers 
 general to the clergy and people assembled, where they can conveniently 
 do it 5 and in order the more effectually to execute their office, let them take 
 into their assistance some discreet person?, and carefully enquire out here- 
 tics, and such as are defamed for heresy. And if they find out either any 
 really culpable, or such who are defamed, let them proceed against them ac- 
 cording to our statutes, lately published against heretics, unless upon exami- 
 nation they will absolutely obey the commands of the church. Let them 
 also proceed against the receivers, defenders, and abettors of heretics, ac- 
 cording to the same statutes. But if any will abjure their heretical defile- 
 ment, and return to the ecclesiastical unity, let them have the favour of 
 absolution according to the form of the church, and be enjoined the usual pe- 
 nance. But let them be more especially careful, that such who appear to 
 return, do not commit impiety under the specious pretence of piety, and the 
 angel of Satan thus transform himself into an angel of Light. Therefore let 
 them peruse the statutes which we have thought fit to publish concerning 
 this affair, that they may beware of their subtlety, according to the discre- 
 tion given them of the Lord. And that they may more freely and effectually 
 execute the office committed to them in all the premises, we, confiding in 
 the mercy of Almighty God, and the authority of the blessed apostles, Peter 
 and Paul, remit for three years the penance enjoined them, to all who shall 
 attend their preaching for twenty days in their several stations, and likewise 
 to those who shall give them assistance, counsel or favour, in their endea- 
 vours to subdue heretics, their abettors, receivers, and defenders, in their 
 fortified places and castles. And as for those who shall happen to die in the 
 prosecution of this affair, wc grant a plenary pardon of all their sins for 
 which they are contrite in their hearts, and which they confess with their 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 115 
 
 In the same year 1235,* Pope Gregory commanded the 
 bishop of Huesca, the prior of Barcelona, and Friar WiUiam 
 Barbarano, a predicant, that they should not suffer the office 
 by any means to relax, but should make inquisition against 
 heretics in the province of Tarracon, and proceed according to 
 the canons. He also appointed Friar Robert, a predicant, 
 inquisitor-general against heretics in the whole kingdom of 
 France, and commanded him so to proceed in the causes com- 
 mitted to liim, as that the innocent should not perish, and 
 that iniquity should not remain unpunished. The bull of this 
 commission is extant, dated at Perousc,^ and ninth year of his 
 pontificate; in which he prescribed the form of penance to 
 such as abjured their heresy, and ordained many other things 
 against heretics, and commanded the provincial of the Teuto- 
 nic Order of Predicants, that he should chuse fit persons out 
 of all Germany, to preach in every place the word of the cross 
 against the heretics and Saracens. 
 
 ■V«.*^'V\-V^'WV^ 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Concerning the first Hindrances to the Progress of the 
 IxauisiTioN. 
 
 ALTHOUGH the pope perpetually pressed the inquisition 
 it was not every where received, the struggles and jealousies 
 which are always apparent between civil and ecclesiastical au- 
 
 moBths. And that nothing may be wanting to the said friars in their pro- 
 secutLng the foresaid business, we grant them, by the tenour of these pie 
 sents, full power of involving, under the ecclesiastical censure, all who con- 
 tradict and rebel against them. We also grant them the power to restrain, 
 under the same censure, from the office of preaching, which by uo means 
 belong to them, the questuary predicants, whose busijicss it is simply to ask 
 only charitable supports, and to sell an indulgence, if they should happ^-n to 
 have one." • 
 
 - 17 Cal. of June. b 10 Cal. of September 
 
 • Bzovius, A. 1235. sect. 8. 
 1 ^ 
 
116 HISTOUY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 thority engendered animosities ; nor could the former permit 
 the latter so far to domineer as to extinguish its most essential 
 functions. 
 
 Among others Louis, king of France, made a law, for- 
 bidding the appearance of his subjects before the ecclesiastica> 
 tribunals, and inflicting punishment on those who should com- 
 pel them. This law drew forth the remonstrances of the pope, 
 who endeavoured to win over the king, by the splendid and 
 pious examples of Charles the Great, Theodosius and Valen- 
 tine, nor did he fail to hint at anathemas as the reward of ob- 
 stinacy. Louis, who was then soliciting the title of the obe- 
 dient son of the church, thought it prudent to yield to the 
 papal severity ; he was also entreated by Gregory to compel 
 Earl Raymond to perform his vows made on his reconciliation, 
 namely, to destroy all heretics, and lead an army into the Holy 
 Land ; this request was made in consequence of a tumult 
 among the people, at Tholouse, opposing the inquisitors. 
 
 The inquisition was indeed not only hateful to the people 
 on account of its novelty, but from its excessive cruelty. The 
 conduct of the inquisitors was of the most sanguinary kind. 
 Among these one Friar Robert was not the least ; he was sur- 
 named Bulgarius, because he had cruelly persecuted and deli- 
 vered over to the flames the Waldenses, then called Bulgarians, 
 or according to others because he himself had formerly pro- 
 fessed himself to be one of their sect. This man's furious and 
 bloody conduct was so terrific that even the pope could not 
 sanction his injustice, but was compelled to deprive him of his 
 office, and shut him up in perpetual imprisonment. 
 
 The excesses of Robert and of Fulio, who scattered death 
 and terror in Languedoc, induced in 1301 an inquiry into 
 abuses, when it was ordered, that in future persons charged 
 with heresy should not be detained by a single inquisitor, but 
 be transferred to the royal prisons at Tholouse ; and to mo- 
 derate the fury of the Dominicans, in order to preserve appear- 
 ances with the exasperated people, some friars minors were 
 added to the predicants, whose gentleness might be supposed 
 to check their ardour. 
 
 The tribunal of the inquisition was found a very convenient 
 
HIStORY OF THE INQUISITIOlSl. 117 
 
 mode of revenging any real or supposed injury, since it was 
 only necessary to the destruction of an individual, that he 
 should be charged with heresy : it is not surprising, tlierefore, 
 that ihii Emperor Frederic urged by personal hatred procured 
 the death of a great number of individuals, who were notwith- 
 standing known to be rigid catholics. Gregory admonished 
 Frederic on this subject, thougli no conduct of Frederic's 
 could equal that of the Roman pontiff's, either for ambition or 
 cruelty. For although Frederic had materially assisted the 
 inquisition, made very severe laws against heresy, and branded 
 several on the face with red hot irons, yet he could not escape 
 tlie papal thunder ; for, in the year 1239, Pope Gregory ex- 
 communicated him, and absolved his subjects from their oaths 
 of allegiance. Frederic gave an abundant answer, and cleared 
 himself of the crimes charged upon him ; but the pope sent 
 letters to all the prelates, Christian kings, and princes, charging 
 him with heresy, and with having asserted, that the power of 
 binding and loosing was not in the church deUvered by our 
 Lord to Peter and his successors. Formally deprived by Inno- 
 cent of his empire, Frederic was compelled to take arms ; but 
 the papal power prevailed, by its instigation of others, and 
 Frederic, as a last resort, was compelled to seek reconciliation 
 with the church, which he was required to do without the 
 noise and terror of arms — attended only by a small retinue, 
 under the promise, that proper security should be given, that 
 no injury should be done to him or his. 
 
 After the imperial power had been thus insulted, it is no 
 wonder that the same process should be carried on against 
 Ezeline, Lord of Padua, who was zealously attached to the 
 emperor. Ezeline was accordingly charged with heresy : and 
 a day being appointed for him to clear himself, and he not 
 appearing, the pope, in 1251, appointed the bishop of Treviso 
 to let him know, that unless he came forward it should be pub 
 hcly declared, that he was infected with heresy— to be avoided 
 of all, that his body might be seized on, his goods plundered, 
 and that an army of cross-bearers should be sent against him 
 and his adherents. In the year 1254, these sentences were, 
 
 I 3 
 
118 HISTORY or THE INQUISITION. 
 
 after long delay, published against Ezeline, whereby he is 
 charged with the most horrid crimes. 
 
 Raymond also, Earl of Tholouse, oppressed by the dis- 
 asters already related, submitted his neck to the papal yoke ; 
 and signified to the pope, that he desired that heretical pravity 
 might be wholly extirpated out of his dominions, upon which 
 the pope, to oblige him, as he says, and in approbation of his 
 pious zeal, sent the bishop of Agen, to make inquisition in 
 Tholouse ; and Raymond- ordered eighty persons to be burnt 
 with fire in the city of Agen, who either confessed or were 
 convicted. But he did not himself long survive — dying in the 
 year 1249, and was the last Earl of Tholouse in that line, 
 that earldom devolving to the Earl of Poictiers, his son-in-law, 
 and from him to the kings of France. 
 
 The office of the inquisition was introduced into Burgundy 
 1223— into Aragon 1232 — into ?Lombardy 1247, chiefly on 
 account of the spreading of the Waldensian doctrines, whose 
 poor faithful professors sustained tremendous cruelties. 
 
 <*'W%*%-»/WV»'«. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 The more speedy Progress of the Inquisition, 
 
 THUS far the pope had laboured hard in promoting the 
 aifair of the inquisition. But as there were perpetual quarrels 
 between the popes and the emperor, the pope's success was 
 not answerable to his wishes, as being more intent upon pro- 
 moting war, than enquiring into, and judging of heresies. 
 But after the death of the Emperor Frederic, the affairs of 
 Germany being in great disorder, and Italy without any prince ; 
 Pope Innocent IV. seeing all things become subject to his 
 power, in Milan and other parts of Italy, determined to 
 extirpate all heresies, which had greatly increased in the pre- 
 ceding w ar : and because the Dominican and Franciscan friars 
 had greatly assisted the pope against heretics, and were aui- 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 119 
 
 mated with a iiery zeal, he committed this affair to them, 
 rather than to any others whatsoever. He therefore erected a 
 tribunal, solely for the business of the faith ; and gave to the 
 inquisitors perpetual power to administer judgment in his 
 name in this cause. 
 
 His first and principal care was to purge Italy from heresy, 
 which was nearest to himself, and mostly subject^ to his power ; 
 and therefore he erected several tribunals of the inquisition 
 therein. In the year 1251, he created Vivianus Bergomensis, 
 and Peter of Verona, both friars predicant, inquisitors of the 
 faith in Milan, and gave them letters, in which he taxes even 
 the Emperor Frederic as a favourer of heresy.* 
 
 This Peter of Verona appointed, that amongst other statutes 
 of the republic of Milan,'' many also should be made and ob- 
 served against heretical pravity. But as he was going from 
 Como to Milan, A. D. 1252, to extirpate heresy, a certain 
 believer of heretics attacked him in his journey, and dis- 
 patched him with many wounds. He was canonized after his 
 death by Alexander IV., and is worshipped as a martyr by 
 
 * " Innocent, &c. Whilst that perfidious tyrant lived, we could not so freely 
 proceed against this plague, especially in Italy, through his opposition; wlio, 
 instead of putting any check to it, rather encouraged it. When he became 
 evidently suspected of this, he was condemned by us in the council of Lyons, 
 as well as on account of his many other enormous excesses : and, therefore, 
 we strictly commaMd and enjoin your discretion, by these our apostolic writ- 
 ings, as you expect the remission of your sins, that ye prosecute this affair 
 of the faith, which lies principally upon our heart, with all your powers and 
 with fervent minds; and that ye go personally to Cremona ; since we have 
 thought proper to depute for the same business other discreet persons in the 
 other cities and places of Lombardy j and that after having called a council 
 in that diocese, ye do carefully and effectually labour to extirpate heretical 
 pravity out of that city and its district; and that if you find any persons 
 culpable upon this account, or infected, or defamed, unless upon exaraina' 
 tion they will absolutely obey the commands of the church, yo proceed 
 against them, their receivers, abettors and favourers, by the apostolic au- 
 thority, according to the canonical sanctions, laying aside all fear of men; 
 and that if tliere be need, ye call into your assistance the secular arm." * — 
 Dated the Ides of June, and 8th Year ot our Pontificate. 
 
 b Pegna in Eymeric. p. 2. com. 38. 
 
 • Raynald. A. 1251. sect. 34, S.-j. 
 
 I 4 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 the Dominicans, whom, next to Dominic, they esteem as the 
 patron dnd prince of the holy office of the inquisition ; since 
 he was the first who consecrated it by his biood. The minis- 
 ters also of the inquisition, which they call in Italy, Cross- 
 Bearers, are from him called Co-Brothers of Peter the Martyr ; 
 and in the very ensigns of this office he is painted as a martyr, 
 and protector ©f this sacred tribunal, with a silken cross, of a 
 red colour, interwoven with gold, as the emblem of his mar- 
 tyrdom. 
 
 But le^st the pope should seem wholly to deprive the bishops 
 of the power of judging, concerning the faith^ which hitherto 
 had been wholly lodged with them, he appointed that a bishop, 
 with the inquisitor, should be judges in this tribunal : but the 
 bishop was admitted only for form's sake. The whole power 
 of judging lay wholly in the inquisitor. And that there might 
 be some shew of authority left to the civil magistrates, who, 
 by the last laws of Frederic, had the power of pronouncing 
 sentence upon heretics, he allowed them to appoint ministers 
 of the inquisition, but such only as were nominated by the 
 inquisitors; and to depute one of their number, nominated 
 also by the inquisitor, to visit with him the territory commit- 
 ted to him ; and of claiming the third part of the confiscated 
 goods ; together witb some other things of the like nature, by 
 which the secular magistrate seemed indeed to be admitted as 
 a companion of the inquisitors, but was in reality rendered 
 their slave and tool : for he was obhged, at the command of 
 the inquisitor, to apprehend any one, and to imprison him, 
 wherever the inquisitors pleased. He was also under an oath 
 to expel from his family, and not to admit into any office, any 
 that should be adjudged heretics by the inquisitor's sentence; 
 and if any of his number assisted the inquisitors, they were 
 put under an oath of secrecy. From all which it is manifest, 
 that the magistrates were not the companions of the inquisitors 
 in that tribunal, but only their slaves and tools. The pope also 
 ordained, that all persons should pay towards the charges of 
 the goals, imprisonments, and support of those who were 
 confined. 
 
 By this means the office of making inquisition against here- 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 121 
 
 tics,* was in divers places of Italy committed both to the minors 
 and predicant friars. But lefst their mutual power, and the 
 neighbouring jurisdiction of the places should create confusion, 
 or raise disputes about their respective bounds, the pope re- 
 called all the commissions that liad bean granted in the affair 
 of the faith ; and divided, in an exact proportion, to each order, 
 the several parts of Italy. The friars minors he appointed in 
 the city of Rome, throughout Tuscany, in the patrimony of 
 St. Peter, the duchy of Spoletto, Campania, -Maretamo and 
 Romania. To the predicants he assigned Lombardy, Roma- 
 niola, the marquisate of Tarvisino, and Genova. The bull in 
 which he commits the office of the inquisition to the predicants, 
 is in Bzovius, A. D. 1254,^ and that to the minors, in Luke 
 Wadding, A. D. 1254.'^ After this, the pope prescribed thirty- 
 one articles to the magistrates, judges, and people of the three 
 countries, which he had subjected to the jurisdiction of the 
 predicants, which he commanded to be exactly observed, and 
 registered amongst the public records ; and gave power to the 
 inquisitors to put under excommunication and interdict, all 
 who refused to observe them. Armed with this power, they 
 sometimes very insolently abused it, and attempted to intro- 
 duce into other countries what the pope had ordered only for 
 those that he had put under their pai'ticular jurisdiction. 
 Upon this account, in the year 1255,** there was a great quarrel 
 between Anselm, a predicant friar in Milan and the ma- 
 gistrate of Genova. The friar endeavoured, that some con- 
 stitutions made against heretics, both by the apostolic see, and 
 the imperial power, should be published, and reposited amongst 
 the laws of the city. But Philip Turrianus, prefect of the 
 city, refused it, either because he favoured heretics, or despised 
 the commands of the inquisitor. Upon this the friar, support- 
 ed by the apostolic authority, proceeded against Philip as sus- 
 pected of heresy ; and because he refused to obey and appeal', 
 excommunicated him, and all his companions in the government, 
 as accomplices in the crime ; and interdicted the city from all 
 holy services. Phihp, under that censure, appealed to the 
 
 « Wadding, A. 1254. sect. 7. 
 * Sect. 4. c Sect. 7. " Bzoviiis, A. 1256. sect. 7. 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 apostolic see ; and sent ambassadors to the pope, to entreat a 
 suspension of the censures, and lb wait for the determination 
 of the whole affair. The pope suspended the curses Anselm 
 had pronounced to a certain day ; * but before that day came, 
 Philip obeyed the commands of Anselm, registered according 
 to his order all those constitutions amongst the city laws, and 
 proceeded as they directed against all contraveners. 
 
 Thus the civil magistrate was sometime forced to yield to 
 the papal authority : and this undoubtedly was the reason, that 
 the laws of Frederic against heretics, were, as friar Bernard of 
 Como relates, in his Light-of the Inquisitors, printed at Rome, 
 A. D. 1584, registered in the records of the city Como, and 
 accepted by the whole council of that city.^ Nevertheless, 
 upon account of the excessive Cruelty of the inquisitors, and 
 the greatness of the expence, the people were violently set 
 against this tribunal ; and some of the popes could scarce ex- 
 tricate themselves out of these difficulties, till at length the 
 people admitted it more easily, being eased of the expenses 
 they had born^ to support the inquisition, and because the epis- 
 copal authority in that tribunal was greatly enlarged. 
 
 Sometimes however they broke out into open violence, which 
 was with great difficulty appeased. Thus it happened in the 
 country of Parma, as Honorius IV.*^ relates it, in his letter to 
 the bishop of that city,"^ extant in Bzovius. These difficulties 
 were indeed overcome by the authority of the pope, and rigour 
 of punishments; but contrary to the inclinations and endea- 
 vours of the people, who cursed the cruelty of the inquisitors. 
 From some countries where the inquisition had been brought 
 in, it was driven out again ; ^ because it assumed the cognizance 
 of those affairs which did not belong to it ; so that the people 
 could no longer bear the intolerable yoke. In these latter 
 ages, viz. A. D. 1518, the most violent tumvilts were raised in 
 Brescia, against the inquisitors, who exercised the most outra- 
 geous cruelties against some persons accused of magic, which 
 were with great difficulty appeased, and not till the ecclesiastical 
 tribunal and processes were abolished, and other judges ap- 
 
 * Hist. Concil. Trid. p. 485. 
 
 b Sept. 10, 1255. *= Hist. Concil. Trid. A. 1285. sect. 12. 
 
 * See Hist. Inquisit. book iii, cap. 10. * Ibid. Venet. cap. 8. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 123 
 
 pointed in their room. Upon the death of Paul IV. the prisons 
 of the inquisition were broke open by the mob at Rome ; and 
 the whole building, with all its records, burnt to the ground. 
 At Mantua, A. D. 1568, there was, on the same account, a 
 violent sedition, which brought the city itself into the greatest 
 danger. 
 
 As there occurred to these new judges man 3^ cases, not de- 
 termined by the laws, so that sometimes they were in doubt 
 how to proceed ; they referred them to the pope, by whom 
 they were deputed, who by his rescripts, gave them proper di- 
 rections, and declared how they were to pronounce in like 
 cases. There are extant many such answers of Innocent IV., 
 Alexander IV., Urban IV., and Clement IV., to the inquisi- 
 tors, instructing them in the affair of their office against here- 
 tics. And although these rescripts were sent only to the Ita- 
 lian inquisitors, yet we must not think, as Pegna remarks, 
 that these decrees were to be observed in Italy only : * " For the 
 Roman pontiffs transmitted their rescripts to the inquisitors of 
 Italy ; because at that time there were many of them against 
 the prevailing heresies of the Patarenes, Puritans, Leonists, 
 and other heretics, who chiefly infected the parts of Italy ; the 
 heresies of the Waldenses, or poor men of Lyons, being almost 
 buried and extinguished, the apostolic see having a little before 
 suppressed them in Languedoc, Dauphiny, and Provence, by 
 the preaching of many famous men, and especially of St. Do- 
 minic. And therefore the rescripts sent by the popes to those 
 inquisitors, they ordered to be observed by the inquisitors of 
 other provinces, where there were any. They were sent first 
 to those of Italy, because they especially needed that provision, 
 and those constitutions."" One may also read in the bulls the 
 same laws often repeated, ^vithout any alteration, by different 
 popes. For, as the same Pegna observes,** " it seems to have 
 been an nntient custom, when the matter required it, that every 
 pope, in the beginning of his pontificate, should publish laws re- 
 lating to heretics, and rebels against the church, to deter them 
 from sogi-eat a crime by the severity of punishments and penalties, 
 
 ^ In Eymer. Direct. Inq. p. 3. com. 158. 
 ^ Direct. In^uii. Par. 2. Comment. 22. 
 
124 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 and thus reduce them to the bosom of the church. Some- 
 times they published the laws received by their predecessors, 
 without altering a word, unless the occasion required other- 
 wise.'"' 
 
 This tribunal was purely ecclesiastical, the civil magistrate 
 having no share in the judgment. The inquisitor, with the 
 bishop, pronounced sentence of heresy against the person appre- 
 hended. They appointed wholesome penances to the penitent, 
 and delivered over the impenitent and obstinate to the secular 
 court, who without any farther deliberation condemned them to 
 the fire. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 The Inquisition introduced into several Places, 
 
 AFTER this manner, tribunals of the Inquisition were 
 erected in other places besides Itctly. First in the country 
 of Tholouse.'* For Innocent IV. commanded the provincial of 
 the Predicant order in Provence, to endeavour, with all his 
 might, to extirpate heretics from that country, and the country 
 of Poicteau, and gave him plenary power to excommunicate, 
 absolve, and reconcile. 
 
 In the year 1255, Alexander IV, at the request of Louis, 
 appointed inquisitors of the faith in France,'' and constituted 
 the prior of the Predicant friars at Paris, inquisitor over all 
 that kingdom, and county of Tholouse, with the most ample 
 powers, and exhorted him to advise with grave and prudent 
 men in pronouncing sentences. 
 
 When the Inquisition was once brought into France, the 
 pope carefully endeavoured to cherish and enlarge it, and 
 many, who had excited the fury of the inquisitiors, having fled 
 to the churches, for the benefit of ecclesiastical immunity. The 
 
 a Bzovius, a. 1251, sect. 8. n. 9. 
 ^ Raynald. a. 1255, sect. 33. 34. Bzovius, a. 1255, sect. 8. n. 15. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 125 
 
 pope abolished that privilege; and as the increase of the Wal- 
 dehses became alarming, he republished the seven laws of the 
 emperor Frederick, empowering the magistrates and prefects 
 to proceed against heretics. 
 
 About this time, also, the office of the Inquisition was 
 brought into the kingdoms of Castile and Leon. 
 
 The pope also commanded,^ that the minister of Provence 
 should, by the apostolic authority, appoint one of his brethren, 
 a wise and learned man, inquisitor in the county of Vespasin, 
 in Dauphiny. 
 
 In the year 1290, the Inquisition was erected in Syria and 
 Palestine ; because some heretics and Jews had crept in there, 
 promising themselves security on account of the wars. 
 
 In the year 1291, the Inquisition was brought into Servia, 
 when the pope wrote letters to Stephen, king of that country. 
 
 The following year, 1292, the Inquisition was erected in the 
 cities of Vienne and Albona,"^ after the same manner as it had 
 been appointed in those of Aries, Aix, and Ambrun. The same 
 year, James, king of Aragon, greatly promoted the Inquisition 
 in all his kingdoms. For by a law, made the 10th of the 
 cal. of May, he commands all the officials of all his kingdoms, 
 already made, or hereafter to be made, that at the notification 
 of or injunction of the friars Predicants, who now are, or here- 
 after shall be, inquisitors of heretical pravity, they do fulfil, 
 and execute, whatsoever they shall command to be done, by 
 themselves or their deputies, on the part of the pope, or the 
 king himself, whether it be to apprehend, or imprison men's 
 persons, or any other thing relating to the affair of the Inqui- 
 sition. And he commands them to do this as often as, 
 and wheresoever they shall be, required by them, or any one 
 of them. 
 
 And that there might be no place of refuge left for here- 
 tics, tribunals of the Inquisition were erected up and down in 
 various countries; in Germany, Austria, Hungary, Poland, 
 Dalmatia, Bosnia, Ragusia, Croatia, Istria, Walachia in Lower 
 Germany, and other places, to which the power of the pope 
 
 . An. 1288. 
 ^ Wadding, a. 1292, sect. 3. Bzovins, a. 1292, sect. 5. 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 could extend itself. The Austrian Inquisition was at first very 
 terrible; for Paramus relates from Trithernius, that in the city 
 of Crema, many thousand heretics were apprehended and 
 burnt by the inquisitors.' 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of the Inquisition at Venice. 
 
 THE Inquisition at Venice was under a different manage- 
 ment. The greatest part of the Christian world being in arms, 
 upon account of the fierce contentions between the pope and 
 Frederick the emperor, Lombardy being torn in pieces by its 
 own quarrels, and the marquisate of Treviso and Romaniola 
 divided between the followers of the pope and emperor, there 
 arose amongst them various opinions, different from the Roman 
 faith. And because ^nany persons had fled to Venice, to live 
 there securely and quietly, the magistrates of that city, to pre- 
 vent it from being polluted with foreign doctrines, as many 
 cities of Italy were, chose certain men, honest, prudent, and 
 zealous for the Catholic faith, who should observe and enquire 
 out heretics. FuU power was also given to the patriarch of 
 Grado, and other Venetian bishops, to judge of those opinions; 
 and it was decreed, that whosoever was pronounced an heretic, 
 by any one of the bishops, should be condemned to the fire, 
 by the duke and senators, or at least the major part of them.** 
 And leS^st there should be any hindrance to this affair, by the 
 death of a single bishop, it was afterwards decreed, that such 
 also should be condemned to the fire, who were pronounced 
 heretics by the bishop's vicars, upon the decease of the bishop. *= 
 In this process, the secular judges, appointed by the common - 
 .wealth, made Inquisition against heretics. The bishop judged 
 concerning their faith, whether it was agreeable to the Roman 
 
 a Bzovins, a, 1292. sect. 5. 1. 2. t. 3. c. 4. n. 17. 
 
 b This happened A. D. 1249, Father Paul Hist. Inqais. 
 
 «= A. D. 1275. Ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOX. 127 
 
 faith, or heretical. Then the duke and senators pronounced 
 sentence, not as mere executors of the bishop's, but as judges, 
 properly so called : but Nicholas IV. a minor friar, being ex- 
 alted to the pontificate, in order to execute the purposes of his 
 predecessors, and exalt the friars of his own order, did not 
 ceast his endeavours, till he got the office of tlie Inquisition re- 
 ceived by a public decree at Venice ; but under this limita- 
 tion, to prevent scandal, that the Duke alone should have 
 power to assist the inquisitors in the execution of their office ; 
 that a treasury should be appointed, and an administrator set 
 over it, who should disburse the necessary sums for the office, 
 and should receive and keep all the profits accruing from it, 
 to the treasury. This was done in the year 1289. The pope 
 acquiesced in this decree; and thus the office of the Inquisition 
 at Venice consisted of secular and ecclesiastical persons, and 
 doth to* this day; three inquisitors assisting at it in the name 
 of the prince. The ecclesiastics have been, indeed, endeavour- 
 ing to bring it entirely into their own hands, but could never 
 prevail with the Venetian senate to agree to it. In the year 
 1301, friar Anthony, an inquisitor, would fain have persuaded 
 duke Peter Gradengo, to have bound himself by an oath, to 
 observe the pontifical and imperial laws against heretics. But 
 the Duke answered, by a public rescript, that he was no ways 
 obliged to take a new oath ; because, when he was raised to the 
 high office of Duke, he confirmed, by an oath, the Concordate 
 with Nicholas IV. and therefore insisted that he was no ways 
 bound, by any pontifical, or imperial laws, not agreeing \nth 
 this concordate. Upon this answer, the inquisitor desisted from 
 his attempt. 
 
 From these things, it is evident, that the Venetian Inquisition 
 is very different from what it is in other countries, where eccle- 
 siastics, entirely devoted to the pope at Rome, have the whole 
 management of it. For whereas, in other places, the cogni- 
 zance of heresy belongs only to the ecclesiastics; and whereas, 
 all who bear any part in that judgment, as assessors, counsel- 
 lors, notaries, or witnesses, take an oath of secrecy to the in- 
 quisitors, whereby the magistrate is no more than the bhnd ex- 
 ecutor of the inquisitor's sentence ; the Venetian senate, by a 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 wise distinction, considers three things separately in this affair : 
 — the judgment concerning the doctrine for which any person 
 is to be pronounced an heretic ; — the judgment of the fact, 
 viz. who embraces and professes the doctrine ! — and, lastly, 
 the pronouncing that sentence. The first is acknowledged to be- 
 long to the ecclesiastical court; the two latter, they contend, 
 belong to the secular, and was always formerly administered by- 
 seculars, during the Roman empire. And though sometimes, 
 by the indulgence of princes, the two last were allowed to the 
 ecclesiastics, yet the senate of Venice never gave up that autho- 
 rity, but always ordered their deputies, and in other cities of 
 their territories, the magistrate, to be present at all actions of 
 the inquisitors. And so great is their caution, that if any one 
 hath any commerce with the court of Rome, he cannot assist at 
 forming the processes. The proper business of these assistants 
 is, only to be present; and if any thing doubtful occurs, to in- 
 form the prince ; and therefore they make no promise of secrecy 
 to the inquisitors, but are obliged to let the prince know what 
 is done in the Inquisition. Yea, although one of the clergy, 
 of the same order with the inquisitor himself, be accused before 
 the inquisition, the civil magistrate must be present, nor suffer 
 the inquisitor to proceed, unless he be with him, even after the 
 injunction made. And although the inquisitor will communi- 
 cate the ^hole process to him, he must nevertheless be present 
 at it: and if the ecclesiastics should form the process whilst the 
 civil magistrate is absent, he will command it to be resumed 
 before him, even although the process be carried on without 
 the Venetian territories. The senate hath especially taken care 
 that neither the process, nor the persons taken up, shall be sent 
 out of their dominions, unless by the advice and consent of 
 the prince. That this method is observed in the Inquisition at 
 Venice, Father Paul proves, by a plain example, in his history 
 of the Venetian Inquisition, A. D. 1596. One Lewis Petruccius 
 Senensis, was thrown into prison at Padua. And whereas, ac- 
 cording to the usual custom of the Inquisition, the Roman in- 
 quisitor ought to have sent to Padua, the facts and proofs which 
 he had against him, he, on the contrary, demanded that the pri- 
 soner should be sent to him, and urged this matter at Rome to the 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 129 
 
 Venetian ambassador, and at Venice to the pope's nuncio : but 
 the senate made answer, that it was not proper that that lauda- 
 ble institution of the republic should be altered, which orders 
 the prisoners to be tried in those places where they are taken 
 up and confined; but that it was just, and agreeable to the 
 received custom, that whatever crimes the prisoner was accused 
 of, should be transmitted to the inquisitor at Padua, that so he 
 might suffer the just punishment of his crime. And they 
 thought this so evident and manifest a piece of justice, that no 
 body could oppose it. This affair was controverted on both 
 sides, by many, letters, for five whole years, Petruccius being all 
 the while kept in prison. But at length the Romans, finding 
 they could not get the prisoner into their possession, wrote 
 (A. D. 1601,) to the inquisitor at Padua, to dismiss his prisoner 
 Petruccius; which created no small suspicion what sort of 
 crime it must be, which they had rather should go unpunished 
 than discover it to the inquisitor at Padua. 
 
 The Venetian senate hath also been particularly careful that 
 the Inquisitors shall not have the power of prohibiting books, 
 because they may easily abuse it to the detriment of the com- 
 monwealth ; for they oftentimes forbid, or adulterate good 
 books, and useful to the public ; sometimes they prohibit books 
 which have no relation to their affairs; and sometimes because 
 they arrogate to themselves the censure of all books, they hin- 
 der the civil magistrate from prohibiting and condemning books 
 highly injurious to the government. 
 
 From these things and others, which might be mentioned 
 from father Paul, but which for brevity I omit, it is evident 
 that the Venetian Inquisition is not so absolutely subject to the 
 Pope as the other Itahan Inquisitions are ; and that it is not 
 entirely committed to ecclesiastics, but that the civil magistrate 
 hath a principal share in the management of it. 
 
130 HISTOEY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Tlic iNauisiTioN against the Apostolics, Templars, and 
 
 others, ^-c. 
 
 ABOUT the year of our Lord 1300, there was great cruelty 
 exercised upon certain persons called apostolics, in Italy. They 
 seem to have been the offspring of the Albigenses : their rise is 
 thus described by Eymericus.^ In the times of Honorius IV. 
 Boniface VIII. Nicholas IV. and Clement V. about the year of 
 our Lord 1260, there appeared Geraldus Sagarelli, in the 
 bishopric of Parma, and Dulcinus in that of Novara. They 
 gathered a congregration, which they called apostles, who lived 
 in subjection to none ; but affirmed that they pecuharly imitat 
 ed the apostles, and took on them a certain new habit of reli- 
 gion, A. D. 1285,^ they were condemned by the letters patent 
 of Honorius IV. beginning, " Olim felicis recordationis," and 
 afterwards by Nicholas IV. A. D. 1290. 
 
 At length, after their doctrine had prevailed near forty years 
 in Lombardy, Sagarelli was condemned as an arch-heretic by 
 the bishop of Parma, and Friar Manfred the Inquisitor, a 
 predicant, in the time of Boniface VIII. and burnt July the 
 18th, A. D. 1300. Dulcinus, with six thousand of his fol- 
 lowers of both sexes, inhabited the Alps, w ho run into all man- 
 ner of luxury, as Pegna sa}^,*^ and gained many proselytes for 
 the space of two or three 3'ears ; and that with such success, as 
 determined Clement V. to send amongst them inquisitors of the 
 predicant order, to put a stop to so great an evil, either by 
 recovering Dulcinus and his accomplices from their error, or by 
 acquainting liim whether these things were so or not, as he had 
 been credibly informed, after they had made a strict and 
 dUigent enquiry. Upon their return they reported to the 
 pontiff what they had seen and heard, who upon being acquaint- 
 ed with their horrid wickednesses and impurities, pubhshed a 
 
 '=* Direct. Inqiiis. p. 2, qu. 12. ^ March, Ides. 5. 
 
 c Direct, p. 2. Comm. 37. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 131 
 
 crusado against so heinous an impiety, and promised large and 
 liberal indulgences to all who should engage in so pious a war 
 against such wicked men. An army was accordingly gathered, 
 and sent against them with an apostolic legate ; who coming 
 into the places where these false apostles dwelt, and unexpect- 
 edly attacking them, they were wholly oppressed by this 
 Catholic army of cross-bearers, partly by hunger and cold, and 
 partly by arms. Dulcinus himself was taken, and eight years 
 after the punishment of Geraldus, was, as an arch-heretic, with 
 Margaret his heretical wife, his partner in wickedness and 
 error, publicly torn in pieces, and afterwards burnt. The 
 opinions which Eymeric attributes to them agree for the most 
 part with those which are ascribed to Peter Lucensis, a 
 Spaniard, excepting that abominable principle of promiscuous 
 lust, of which there is not the least mention in the sentence of 
 the said Peter. From whence we may certainly conclude, that 
 this is a mere calumny upon these apostolics, as well as upon 
 the Waldenses. 
 
 In the mean while, the Inquisition raged with no less cruelty 
 against the Albigenses and Waldenses, in France, especially in 
 the county of Tholouse. The most severe methods were 
 employed, in order to bring them back into the church of Rome, 
 those who were not to be prevailed upon, by suifering to 
 renounce their tenets, were burnt without mercy, — and those 
 who from the extremity of torture, were induced to yield, were 
 condemned either to wear crosses, or to perpetual imprison- 
 ment. 
 
 At the same time the order of the templars was suppressed, 
 by the command of Clement V. 
 
 Philip of France, had accused the order of heresies and 
 wickedness, whether on sufficient grounds, or because he envied 
 them their immense riches, it may not be easy to determine. 
 After several councils held on the subject, they were formally 
 condemned in that at Vienna, for their abominable crimes, and 
 all who were in France of that order were seized, as it were by 
 one signal. Most of them either from a love of life, or con- 
 sciousness of guilt, confessed the crimes they were charged 
 with. Many were condemned and burnt alive, among whom 
 
 K 2 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 was John Mola, a Burgundian, chief master of the order, who 
 was barbarously executed, notwithstanding the most pathetic 
 declaration of his own and his order's innocence. 
 
 The fury of the Inquisition against the templars, beginning 
 in France, was afterwards extended to all Christian provinces, 
 and after much debate, they were finally condemned, suppres- 
 sed and dissolved, by an apostohc ordination, and the disposal 
 of their whole property vested in the Roman see. — In conse- 
 quence of this decree, their effects were every where seized, and 
 they themselves severely punished. 
 
 In the same council large power was given to the inquisitors 
 of heretical pravity and the bishops, of proceeding against 
 heretics.* One Walter, a Lollard in the city of Crema, and 
 dutchy of Austria, had many followers, who, according to some, 
 had their rise from Dulcinus, who at the command of pope 
 Clement were burnt by the inquisitors, in that city and other 
 places. Their number was large in Bohemia, Austria, and the 
 neighbouring countries. Some affirm they were 80,000. Many 
 of them were burnt in several places of Austria, who all of 
 them persevered in their opinions with great cheerfulness to 
 their death. And therefore, to extinguish both the old here- 
 tics, and the new ones that might possibly arise, ample power 
 was given by the Vienna council to the inquisitors and bishops, 
 to proceed against those who were defiled with that impu- 
 rity, and prisons were ordered to be built to secure them in 
 chains.'' 
 
 In Bohemia the office of the Inquisition was committed to 
 Peregrine Oppohensis and Nicholas Hippodines, predicants ; 
 and to Coldas and Herman, minorites; who were commanded 
 to manifest an holy ardour against the guilty. The pope 
 exhorted John king of Bohemia, Uladislaus duke of Cracow, 
 Boleslaus duke of Wratislaw, and the marquis of 'Misnia, that 
 they should not suffer reUgion to decay and be obscured by new 
 errors, but that they should assist the censors of the holy faith. 
 Fourteen men and women were burnt in Bohemia. Walter, 
 
 a Raynald. A. 1812, sect. 21. Bzoviui, A. 1307, sect. 9. A. 1315. sect. 11 
 •• Raynald. A. 131». seel. 43. Bzovius, A. 1317. sect. 37. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 133 
 
 the principal of the sect of the Lollards, was burnt at Colonne, 
 A. D. 1322.^ 
 
 About the same time Pope John, by a letter, No. 190, 
 renewed the constitutions of Clement IV. and other his prede- 
 cessors, against the Jews, and confirmed by several laws the 
 power given to the inquisitors against them, and commanded 
 the book of the Talmud to be burnt, and such who were con- 
 victed of their execrable blasphemies to be punished.'' 
 
 Nor did he shew less severity against the Waldenses, reviving 
 about that time in France : for he ordered that many of them, 
 who were convicted of errors by the inquisitors, who were pre- 
 dicant friars, should be delivered to the princes to be punished 
 according to the ecclesiastical law. There is extant in the 
 Vatican library a large volume of the transactions of these pre- 
 dicant friars against heretics in the kingdom of France, this 
 year of our Lord 1319. 
 
 ■V-W%V^'V^-fc-»-W 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 The Inquisition against ^^^.Beguin^. 
 
 THE same John XXII. condemned the Beguins of heresy, 
 and commanded the inquisitors of heretical pravity to proceed 
 against them, and to deliver over to the secular court all who 
 continued obstinate in their error, to be punished with death. 
 
 These Beguins were monks of the order of St. Francis. They 
 are several times called of the thii'd rule of St. Francis. His 
 rule was, that the friars of his order should have no particular 
 property erf their own, neither house, nor place, nor any thing, 
 but should live by begging : this he called evangelic poverty. 
 I'his rule was confirmed and approved by several popes. But 
 as many believed the obseiTance of it to be above all human 
 strength, many doubts arose concerning it ; some contending 
 that they were to renounce the property of all things in particu- 
 lar, but not in common, and that it was no ways contrary to the 
 
 » Bzovius, A. 1319, sect. 9. " Ibid. sect. 10. 
 
 K 3 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE INQ,UISITION. 
 
 Franciscan poverty to have the possession of things in common, 
 so that they possessed nothing in particular. But Nicholas III. 
 condemned this opinion by a constitution, beginning, " Exiit 
 qui seminat.^'* However, though all property was taken from 
 these friars, as well in common as in special, yet were they not 
 deprived of the use of what they had. For Martin IV. pub- 
 lished a bull,^ by which he ordained that the property, the right 
 and dominion of every thing which the friars had by donation 
 or legacy, should be in the church of Rome ; but that the friars 
 should have the use. He also allowed the ministers and keepers 
 of the order, the faculty of naming administrators, stewards, 
 syndics, who in the name of the church of RomCj and for the 
 advantage of the friars, may receive and demand aims and 
 legacies, and sue for the recovery and preservation of them. 
 Clement V. confirmed the same in the council of Vienna, by a 
 constitution, beginning, " Exivi de paradizo,"' extant among 
 the Clementines. However, Clement allowed, that when it 
 appeared very likely, even from experience, that they could 
 not otherwise secure the necessaries of life, they might have 
 granaries or storehouses, in which they might reposit and keep 
 whatever they could get by begging. He left, indeed, the 
 ministers and keepers to judge of such necessity, and gave it in 
 special charge to their consciences. 
 
 Against this, those who were called Beguins protested, 
 declaring they were of the third rule of St. Francis. They 
 contended that the Franciscans ought in no case to have grana- 
 ries or storehouses, because this was contrary to the perfection 
 of the Franciscan poverty ; that the Pope had not authority to 
 dispense with the rule of Francis, and that if he did, his decrees 
 were of no force, and might justly be disregarded. One of 
 them who lived at this time, Peter John Olivus, who wrote a 
 postill on the Apocalypse, applied to the Pope and church of 
 Rome the things spoken of the beast, and the whore of Ba- 
 bylon, of which frequent mention is made in the collection of 
 the sentences of the Tholouse Inquisition. 
 
 John XXII. succeeded Clement, who, by several constitu- 
 tions, condemned the tenet of the Beguins, and allowed the 
 
 » Sext. Decrel. de verb. sign. cap. 3. »• Feb. Cal. 10. 1282. 
 
HISTOllY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 135 
 
 Franciscans, that by the judgment of the heads of the order 
 they might lay up and preserve corn, bread and wine in grana- 
 ries and storehouses. The Beguins beheved that such a con- 
 cession derogated from the subhmity and perfection of their 
 rule and poverty, and therefore warmly opposed it; and in 
 order to defend their own rule, dared to deny the authority of 
 the Pope : upon this account they were declared heretics, and 
 commanthiient was given to the inquisitors of heretical pravity, 
 to bring them before their tribunal, and to proceed against 
 them as heretics. 
 
 This decree was dated from Avignon.^ Soon after four 
 friars minors,'' about the year 1318, were condemned and burnt 
 as heretics at Marseilles by the inquisitor of heretical pravity, 
 who was himself a friar minor, because, as they say, they werfe 
 resolved to adhere and keep to the purity, truth and poverty 
 of the rule of St. Francis, and because they would not consent 
 to make the rule less strict, nor receive the dispensation of the 
 lord Pope John XXII. made concerning it, nor obey him nor 
 others in this affair. Others of the same order assert, that these 
 four were unjustly condemned, and affirm them to be glorious 
 martyrs, and that the Pope, if he consented to their condemna- 
 tion, was an heretic, and forfeited his power. Upon this, the 
 three next years, viz. from the year 1318, or thereabouts, they 
 were all condemned for heretics by the judgment of the prelates 
 and inquisitors of heretical pravity in the province of Narbonne, 
 Beziers, Lodun in the diocese of Agde, and at Lunelle, and 
 the diocese of Magalone, who believed that the aforesaid four 
 friars minors were holy martyrs, and who believed and held 
 and thought as they did concerning evangelical poverty, and 
 the power of the Pope, viz. that he l9st it, aiid was become an 
 heretic. Many however privately gathered up the burnt 
 bones and ashes of these four friars, who had been condemned 
 as heretics, and kept them for reliques, and kissed and wor- 
 shipped them as the reliques of saints; yea, some marked 
 their names and the days in which they suffered in the ca- 
 lendars. 
 
 a Feb. Cal. 10. 1318. ^ Eymer. Direct. Iiiq. Par. 2. Qiiffist. 15. 
 
 k4 
 
136 HISTORY or THE INaUlSITtOK. 
 
 Thus, from a controversy originally of no moment, rose up 
 at length, through the warmth of men's minds, a dismal tra- 
 gedy ; and after the Pope's authority began to be called in 
 question, a severe persecution was raised against the Beguins. 
 In the book of sentences of the Tholouse Inquisition there are 
 several sentences pronounced against the Beguins, by wliich 
 they are declared heretics, and delivered over as such to the 
 secular court. 
 
 But the affair did not end here, friar Berengarius, in a coun- 
 cil of many divines and lawyers, summoned by the bishops and 
 inquisitors of Narbonne, defended the cause of the Beguins. — 
 This conduct of Berengarius was considered heretical, and 
 occasioned a controversy, in which all the academies and 
 learned men throughout the world, were commanded to take 
 part, in the discussion of this question. — Whether it was not to 
 be esteemed heretical to affirm, that our Lord Jesus Christ and 
 Tiis Apostles, had nothing in special or in common. — At 
 Perouse this was declared to be lawful and not heretical. 
 
 When this opinion was given, the Pope published an edict 
 concerning the use of things distinct from property ; — but 
 when the procurator of the order, dissatisfied with this edict, 
 protested against it. — They were pronounced heretical, and 
 some of their favourers, among whom was William Ockam an 
 Englishman, were in the year 1329 pronounced heretics, arch- 
 heretics and schismatics, incapable of any ecclesiastical office or 
 privilege, and subject to all the punishments, spiritual and 
 temporal which are due to such. 
 
 Cassenas, general of the order, was not however, terrified by 
 these denunciations : he hved in safety under the protection of 
 Louis of Bavaria, — upon which the Pope renewed the curses 
 he had pronounced against them, and enjoined that his sen- 
 tences against them should be repeated, every week, in every 
 convent on pain of excommunication. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 187 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 The Process against Matthew Galeacius, Viscount Milan, and 
 
 others. 
 
 ■ DURING this quarrel with the Beguins, sentence of excom- 
 munication was pronounced against Matthew Galeacius, vis- 
 count Milan, and against his sons and followers.^ Hereby all 
 the cities and lands, subject to their government (as is declared 
 in the sentence against Castruccius Gerius) and of his party 
 were put under an ecclesiastical interdict,^ and many heavy 
 sentences published against all persons who adhered to them, 
 favoured, obeyed or assisted them ; and that solemn indulgence, 
 which was always granted to those who assisted in the recovery 
 of the holy land, was openly preached against them. The city 
 itself was deprived of its charter and all its privileges and 
 immunities whatsoever; and all the citizens and inhabitants 
 favouring the said condemned Matthew, given up to be seized 
 by the faithful, to be made their slaves by full right, their 
 effects granted to any one that could lay hold of them, and 
 their debtors upon any account freed from all their debts, 
 whatever instrument or oath they were bound by. Farther, 
 all who sent or bought, or carried provisions, or any other 
 things useful in life, to the city of Milan, or who received pay 
 from them, were sententially excommunicated. Matthew de- 
 spised these papal censures, and continued more than three 
 years under excommunication. To revenge this contempt of 
 his censures, John XXII. prosecuted him for heresy, as con- 
 temning the audiority of the church, and her sacred rites ; and 
 commanded Aycard, archbishop of Milan, and the inquisitors 
 of heretical pravity in Lombardy, to proceed with all vigour 
 upon the said crime of heresy ; who after several citations, at 
 last pronounced the definitive sentence against him. 
 
 The Pope also commanded the archbishop and inquisitors, 
 
 a Raynald, A. 1320. sect. 13.-«-A 1322. sect. 5, &c. 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 that they should proceed against all who adhered to viscount 
 Matthew and his sons, as against favourers of heretics con- 
 demned by the church, and punish according to the ecclesiasti- 
 cal law, all who were convicted of being of his party, and of 
 the other crimes. The bishop of Parma and two abbots 
 published these sentences, and commanded the Anathemas to 
 be every where proclaimed ; and ordered Raymond Cardonus 
 to gather an army to chastise the rebels. Several cities were 
 taken, and the viscount routed. The senate and people of 
 Milan not enduring thus every day to be condemned, and 
 forbid divine services, sent twelve men to the legate, to beg 
 peace and absolution. Matthew quite broke by these evils 
 and others that threatened him, resigned the principality to his 
 son Galeacius, and ordered himself to be carried into the prin- 
 cipal church, where he complained that he v/as unjustly 
 accused of heresy; and protesting by an oath that he was 
 without any crime deprived of divine services, he appealed to 
 God, the righteous judge, that he was condemned most 
 unrighteously by the factious legate, and forced to abandon his 
 country. Thus departing from the city, and making the same 
 profession the day after in the church of St. John Baptist at 
 Monza, he fell into a fever, and died some days after with grief 
 and sorrow. His sons buried him in a private mean place, 
 conceahng for some time his death, least his body should have 
 been burned, according to the order of the cardinal legate and 
 inquisitors, October 30. ' They used the most exquisite dili- 
 gence to find it out, but could not discover it, though they 
 pronounced many anathemas against those who knew where it 
 was laid, and would not reveal it.^ 
 
 The like sentence was pronounced not many years after by 
 the same Pope, against Marsilius Paduanus, and John Jandu- 
 nus, assertors of the imperial authority against the unjust 
 usurpations of the Pope, who pronounced them heretics, and 
 manifest arch-heretics, and commanded all who followed their 
 doctrine, to be universally accounted as heretics. He farther 
 enjoined all the faithful that they should not presume to 
 
 a Bzovius, A. 1327. sect. 7. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 139 
 
 receive, defend, maintain, or afford, by themselves, or any 
 other or others, publicly or privately, directly or indirectly, 
 any assistance, counsel or favour to them, or any of them, but 
 that they should rather avoid them as manifest heretics. 
 Finally, he orders the, faithful to seize on them, that they 
 might prosecute them with a zeal becoming the faith ; and to 
 take them wherever they could find them; and when taken, to 
 dehver them to the church, that they might undergo the 
 deserved punishment. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 The Inquisition introduced into Poland, and restored in 
 
 France. 
 
 AS nothing was more serviceable to enlarge the papal 
 jurisdiction than the office of the Inquisition, the popes were 
 continually endeavouring to promote it ; and to estabhsh it in 
 those kingdoms and countries, that hitherto had been free from 
 so grievous a yoke, that there miglit not be any place of shelter 
 or refuge in the whole Christian world to such as should in the 
 least contradict their decrees.^ A. D. 1327. Pope John XXII. 
 by letters to the king and prelates of Poland, and to the pro\dn- 
 cial of the predicant friars of the same kingdom, appointed the 
 Inquisition in Poland, which in the year following, 1436, 
 Uladislaus Jagello, king of Poland, confirmed and enlarged, by 
 a royal edict, granting them the most ample power, and com- 
 manding all tlie magistrates to give them all manner of assistance 
 in the execution of their office.^ 
 
 At this time the Inquisition began to decline in France; 
 but as there was a pretty large number of the Waldenses 
 remaining in Dauphiny, and their religion began to spread 
 wider, Gregory applied himself to Charles king of France, 
 
 * Bzoviiis, A. 1327. sect. 18, &c. 
 b Raynald, A. 1375. sect. 2G, 27. 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 
 
 He put him in mind of the examples of his predecessors in de* 
 stroying heretics, and admonished him to suppress the nobles 
 of Dauphiny, who took the heretics under their protection ; 
 and that he should support the authority of the inquisitors, not 
 only by severe edicts, but by sending some royal officer to their 
 assistance. King Charles yielded to the Pope's desires ; and 
 after the manner of his ancestors, by a royal edict, commanded 
 that heretics should suffer the severest punishments ; and that 
 the magistrates in Dauphiny should assist and aid the officers 
 of the Holy Inquisition. Antonius Massanus, apostolic inter- 
 nuncio, acted in this affair with such zeal, that the prisons were 
 scarce sufficient to hold the criminals ; nor was their provision 
 enough for their support. Gregory having been consulted in 
 this matter, ordered, that as the great number of heretics was 
 owing to the negligence of the prelates, the revenues of the 
 churches should be applied to that use ; and commanded new 
 and stronger jails to be built at Aries, Ambrune, Vienne, and 
 Avignon, and granted indulgences to the faithful who should 
 contribute to the work. 
 
 From France, those who were called^ Turelupini, weilt into 
 Savoy : and therefore the Pope commanded Amedaeus, count 
 of Savoy, to condemn them to the flames, and assist the inquisi- 
 tors. Bzovius adds,^ " It came to pass, that this savage and 
 brutal sect was condemned, burned, and wholly extirpated this 
 year." And again : " many of these heretics were burned in 
 France at the Pope's command. ' But this horrid cruelty could 
 not last long, and proved at last fatal to the judges themselves. 
 For in Savoy the inquisitors were killed, by those unquestion- 
 ably who were afraid that the like cruelty would be practised 
 towards themselves; which when the Pope heard of, he endea- 
 voured to render the murderers hateful to count Amedaeus, 
 putting him in mind, that he had given a most excellent example 
 of defending the faith by his victories over the Turks, and 
 recovering Callipoli from them ; and that therefore he hoped 
 
 ' Some of the followers of the Waldenses ; so called, according to Popish 
 writers, because they inhabited only those places which were exposed to 
 wolves. Da Fresne in Voce. 
 
 b Bzovius, A. 1372. sect. 7. Raynald. A. 1375. sect. 27. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 141 
 
 he would not suffer the blood of those orthodox prelates, who 
 were slain out of a real hatred to piety, to be shed with 
 impunity. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Qf WiCKLiFF, Huss, and the iNauisiTiON against the 
 Hussites. 
 
 ABOUT this time John Wickhff arose in England, and 
 not only opposed the eiTors but the power of the Roman 
 pontiffs. 
 
 His conduct aroused the Papal anger, and the Pope addres- 
 sed letters to the university of Oxford, requiring them to 
 suppress his doctrines, and send him in custody to the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury or bishop of London. — He then addres- 
 sed those prelates, requiring them to have Wickliff apprehended 
 and put in irons till they received his further orders. — The 
 Pope also wrote to Edward king of England, requiring him to 
 aid the bishops in the execution of his commands. 
 
 After the death of Wickliff, king Richard commanded all 
 his writings to be burned, and urged on by the Pope, sanction- 
 ed the proceedings of a synod, held in London by the Pope's 
 legate, in which were condemned eighteen articles from his 
 writings, and by which many were condemned to the flames.— 
 The archbishop of Canterbury also appointed this penance to 
 those who abjured. That in the time of public prayer in the 
 open market, they should go in procession only with their 
 shoes on them, carrying in one hand a burning taper, and in 
 the other a crucifix, and that they should fall thrice on their 
 knees, and each time devoutly kiss it. 
 
 Soon after arose John Huss, in Bohemia, and began pub- 
 licly to reprove the dissolute lives of all the orders. 
 
 Whilst he enveighed only against the seculars, all the divines 
 applauded him ; but when once he began openly to reproach 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 them for their corrupt manners and vices, they abhorred and 
 detested him, and used their utmost endeavours to destroy 
 him. 
 
 At that time, A. D. 1400, Jerome of Prague returned from 
 England, and brought with him WickhfF's writings, which 
 Huss approved. Hence the articles of WicklifF found many 
 adlierents, and were again examined and condemned by the 
 papal partizans, and above ^00 volumes fairly written out and 
 adorned in curious bindings were burned. 
 
 Not long after this, Huss offered certain things to be disput- 
 ed publicly, in which he opposed the granting of indulgences. — 
 Jerome of Prague also shewed their vanity. — At length after 
 many processes, the council of Constance was assembled, at 
 which Huss was ordered to appear and give account of his 
 doctrines ; and that Huss might not be in fear for his personal 
 safety, the emperor Sigismund pledged himself for his protec- 
 tion. The result of the deliberations in this council, was 
 that 45 articles in AVicklifF, and 30 in Huss, were declared 
 heretical. The books of Wickliff were condemned, and his 
 bones if they could be found, were ordered to be burnt. 
 
 But this holy synod did not stop here, for notwithstanding 
 the safe conduct of Sigismund, they violated that solemn 
 pledge to John Huss ; and not satisfied with condemning his 
 doctrines, they laid their hands upon his person and burned 
 him ahve; an act, which the wretched emperor Sigismund 
 could sanction^ on the plea that he had promised, what it was 
 not in his power to perform, because as dutiful children of the 
 church, emperors and kings must give way to her authority, 
 and because it is unlawful to maintain, good faith with 
 heretics. 
 
 Afterwards Jerome of Prague, terrified with the dreadful 
 fate of Huss, renounced through human infirmity these doc- 
 trines; but soon recovering his courage, he boldly asserted 
 and defended them before the whole council, and was in con- 
 sequence condemned as a relapsed heretic and burned. 
 
 Wickhff, Huss, and Jerome, with their doctrines, being 
 thus condemned, the same punishments were, by the Ltters of 
 Martin V., extended to all their followers; by these letters it 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 143 
 
 was enjoined, that aH wlio approved their doctrines, and were 
 their abettors, should be' deHvered over to the secular power ; 
 by his decrees the inquisition was restored and established in 
 the kingdom of Bohemia, whereby many were condemned of 
 heresy and put to death, by various punishments some being 
 burned alive, others thrown into the river tied hands and feet 
 and so drowned, and others destroyed by different methods of 
 cruelty. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Of the iNauisiTiON in Valence, Flandeks, and Artois. 
 
 HITHERTO the kingdom of Valence had no particular 
 inquisitor of the faith.'* The inquisitor at Roses in Catalonia 
 exercised the holy office in that kingdom by his vicars and 
 commissaries, so that they could not make so large a progress 
 in converting the Jews and Moors, of whom great numbers 
 li\'ed there. And therefore Pope Martin, at the request of 
 King Alphonsus, by letters dated at Florence,^ decreed, that 
 the office of the inquisition in the kingdom of Valence, should, 
 for the future, be governed and administered, without any 
 impediment, not by commissaries and vicars, but by an inqui- 
 sitor deputed by the prior, to whom that affair belongs, who is 
 to reside there personally himself, and act as principal. 
 
 About the year 1460, the inquisition raged cruelly in Flan- 
 ders and Artois,^ against certain persons, who were falsely ac- 
 cused of magic, and being in league with the devil, who, to 
 render the \^^aldenses odious, were called Waldenses, and the 
 place in which they were said to have their nightly meetings, 
 AValdesia. At Do way. Arras, and other places, many of them 
 were thrown into prison at several times, at the demand of 
 Peter Brussard, inquisitor, where being overcome with tor- 
 
 * Bzovius, A. 1419. sect. 20. b April Cal. C, 1419. 
 
 <• Boxhorm. Hist. Bcls:. p. 42, Ac. J. Le (it re Dom. de Beauvoir, 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOX. 
 
 ments, they confessed every thing they were charged with, and, 
 amongst other things, that they had given themselves to the 
 devil, adored him, and known him carnally, and other incredi- 
 ble things of the same kind. When they were condemned to 
 the fire, they protested themselves innocent, and publicly de- 
 clared with a loud voice that they never were in Waldesia, as 
 they called the place of this nightly meeting of witches and 
 devils ; but that they were deceived by their judges, who by 
 fair promises of saving their lives and estates, if they would 
 confess the crimes objected to them, drew from them a false 
 confession of crimes they were never guilty of Others said, 
 that they extorted a false confession from them by torments, 
 finally beseeching the by-standers to pray for them to God, to 
 whom they committed their souls in the midst of the flames. 
 But their innocence afterwards appeared ; for in the year 1491, 
 these miserable creatures, with others thrown into prison on 
 the same account, were declared innocent by the sentence of 
 the parliament of Paris, and had their effects restored to them, 
 and their unrighteous judges were severely fined. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Of the Spanish Inquisition. 
 
 IN the preceding chapters we have seen how the inquisition 
 was brought into several parts of Spain, but as yet it had not 
 been estabhshed in Castile and Leon. But after Ferdinand 
 and Isabel had united their several kingdoms by their mar- 
 riage, and had subjected the Moors, they ordered tribunals of 
 the inquisition to be erected throughout their dominions. 
 
 The motives which they avowed for these measures were, 
 that the promiscuous intercourse of Moors, Jews, and Chris- 
 tians, rendered it needful to watch over the faith.* It is highly 
 probable, however, that they were not ignorant of the support 
 
 a Bzovius, A. 14T8. sect. 14. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUTSITION. 145 
 
 which their government might derive from this court, besides 
 which they had views towards obtaining the sovereignty of 
 Europe, which rendered the favour of the popes very im- 
 portant. 
 
 Seville obtained the credit of being most infected with heresy, 
 and here many were tortured and destroyed. A maa named 
 Gusman,^ who had imbibed the spirit of Hojeda, prior of the 
 convent of St. Paul, and a furious zealot, contrived to secrete 
 himself in the house of a Jew, where several Jews had accus- 
 tomed themselves to assemble for the practice of religious 
 ceremonies; Gusman having placed himself so as to be an 
 eye-witness of these things, immediately communicated the 
 account to the prior, who represented it to the king and queen, 
 and having obtained command to proceed against them, put 
 six persons in irons ; and afterwards added many more, some 
 of whom, after long imprisonment and torture, were con- 
 demned to the flames; others had their estates confiscated, 
 and were condemned to eternal darkness and chains, while 
 the families of others were branded with infemy. Human 
 nature could not but revolt a httle, notwithstanding the 
 power of superstition, at such outrages. Many of the pro- 
 vincials were staggered when they saw children suffering for 
 the crimes of the parents, and the accused condemned at the 
 suggestion of any private enemy, without being confronted with 
 the accuser. 
 
 But most of all the inquisition was feared on account of its 
 spies, who were scattered in all the cities, towns, and villages, 
 and thus created perpetual alarm. However, the iron hand of 
 power soon silenced all objections, and the tribunal of the 
 inquisition obtained a most complete establishment all over 
 Spain. 
 
 Ferdinand and Elizabeth, out of their pious zeal, besought 
 the pope to confer on them the power of creating inquisitors 
 in the kingdom of Castile and Leon, a favour which the pope 
 granted, as applied to Seville, and by which vigorous mea- 
 sures were adopted. 
 
 « Piram. 1. 2. ti c. 3. n> 2. 
 
^4^6 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Within the time limited for persons voluntarily to confess 
 their sins, with the hope of pardon, about 17,000 of both 
 sexes appeared. Many who refused were afterwards compelled, 
 by the violence of their torments, to confess, and were thrown 
 into the iire. Some were condemned to perpetual imprison- 
 ment, some to wear crosses ; the bones of others were taken 
 from the graves— burnt to ashes, their property confiscated, 
 and their children deprived of their honours and offices. In 
 consequence of these proceedings an immense spoil fell into 
 the hands of the persecutors ; for most of the Jews fled, upon 
 the whole of whose property their Catholic majesties laid 
 hands, and employed it for the purposes of the war against 
 the Moors. 
 
 In Andalusia and Granada alone, those who fled with their 
 wives and children, left five thousand empty houses : and in 
 the city and diocese of Seville, there were above one hundred 
 thousand persons, alive or dead, present or absent, who were 
 either condemned or reconciled to the church. 
 
 Different opinions have existed respecting the time when 
 the inquisition was introduced into Spain; the most agreed 
 place this event in the year 1483 or 1484, when the supreme 
 council was arranged, and the first inquisitor-general chosen. 
 
 The mode of proceeding, with regard to the Spanish inqui- 
 sition, is as follows : the King, chooses the first, or Supreme 
 Inquisitor, whom the pope confirms ; this inquisitor is invested 
 with full power in all cases of heresy, and is chief of the inqui- 
 sition in the whole kingdom. He appoints the subordinate 
 inquisitors (subject to the king's approval) deputes visitors to 
 the different provinces, and grants dispensations to penitents. 
 
 In the royal city the king appoints the supreme council of 
 the inquisition, over which the supreme inquisitor of the king- 
 dom presides. He hath joined with him five counsellors, who 
 have the title of Apostolical Inquisitors, who are chosen by the 
 inquisitor-general upon the king'*s nomination. One of these 
 must always be a Dominican,* according to the constitution of 
 
 * Carena, tit. 3. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 147 
 
 Philip III.* Besides these, there is an advocate fiscal, two 
 secretaries, and one of the king's, one receiver, two relators, 
 several qualificators, and counsellors. There are also officials 
 deputed by the president, with the king's advice. The su- 
 preme authority is in this council of the inquisition. They 
 deliberate upon all affairs w^th the inquisitor-general, deter- 
 mine the greater cases, make new laws according to the exi- 
 gency of affairs, determine differences amongst particular in- 
 quisitors, punish the offences of the servants, receive appeals 
 from inferior tribunals, and from them there is no appeal but 
 to the king. In other tribunals there are two or three inquisi- 
 tors : they have particular places assigned them, Toledo, Cu- 
 enca, Valladolid, Calahorre, Seville, Cordoue, Granada, 
 EUerena, and in the Aragons, Valencia, Saragossa, and Bar- 
 celona. 
 
 These are called Provincial Inquisitors.'' They cannot im- 
 prison any priest, knight, or nobleman, nor hold any public 
 acts of faith, without consulting the supreme council of the in- 
 quisition. Sometimes this supreme council deputes one of 
 their own counsellors to them, in order to give the greater 
 solemnity to the acts of faith. 
 
 These provincial inquisitors give all of them an account of 
 their provincial tribunal, once every year, to the supreme 
 council ; and especially of the causes that have been determined 
 within that year, and of the state and number of their prisoners 
 in actual custod}^ They give also, every month, an account 
 of all monies which they have received, either from the reve- 
 nues of the holy office, or pecuniary punishments and fines. 
 
 This council meets every day, except holy days, in the palace 
 royal, on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, in the morning, 
 and on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, after vespers : in 
 these three last days, two counsellors of the supreme council of 
 Castile meet with them, who are also counsellors of the supreme 
 council of the Inquisition. 
 
 This tribunal is now arisen to such a height in Spain,^ that 
 
 » Dated Dec. 16, 1C18. ^ Caiena, tit. 3. sect. 8, &c. 
 
 = Carena, tit. 3. sect. 12. 
 
 L 2 
 
14S HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 the king of Castile, before his coronation, subjects himself and 
 all his dominions, by a special oath, to the most holy tribunal 
 of this most severe Inquisition. 
 
 This office is not, as formerly, committed to the Predicant or 
 ' Dominican friars.* They began to employ in it the secular 
 clergy, who were skilful in the decrees and laws, till at last the 
 whole power gradually devolved on them, so that now the Do- 
 minican friars have no part in it; though the inquisitors often- 
 times use their assistance, in judging of propositions, and they 
 are employed as counsellors in the holy office. 
 
 The first inquisitor general in the kingdoms of Spain, was 
 friar Thomas Turrecremata, a Predicant, prior of the monastery 
 of the Holy Cross at Segovia, who was in high esteem with 
 their majesties, as having often expiated their sins by penance. 
 Paramus relates, that he was created inquisitor general of the 
 kingdoms of Castile and Leon, by Sixtus IV> A.D, 1483, and 
 that the pope gave him power, by his letters, of making such 
 inquisitors as he thought proper, and of recalling those who 
 had been inquisitors there before ; and ordered him to make 
 use of the new method appointed in managing causes of the 
 faith, which was much more proper than the old one. After- 
 wards, the same pope made the provinces of Aragon, Valencia, 
 Catalonia, and Sicily, subject to the supreme inquisitor of Cas- 
 tile and Leon, by his bull, expedited the same year, 148S.— 
 This bull Innocent VIII. who succeeded Sixtus in the pontifi- 
 cate, confirmed, as far as it related to Castile and Leon, A. D. 
 1485, and the next year, as it related to Aragon, Valencia, and 
 Catalonia. Alexander VI. did the same. 
 
 In the year 1485, the Inquisitors acted with great seve- 
 rity in the town of Guadaloupe. They held several acts 
 in a pulpit, and on a scaffiold erected in the church-yard. Here 
 friar Dedachus Marchena, an heretical monk, and fifty -two for 
 judaizing, of both sexes, were delivered over to the fire ; forty- 
 six bodies of heretics were dug out of their graves, and ad- 
 judged to the flames ; the images of twenty-five absent persons 
 
 * Pegna in Direct, par. 3. coram. 32. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IINQUISITION. 149 
 
 burnt; sixteen condemned to perpetual punishment; besides 
 an immense number sentenced to the gaUies, and others con- 
 demned to wear consecrated coarse garments, as a mark of per- 
 petual penance and infamy. And when the Fathers, inquisi- 
 tors, were leaving Guadaloupe, they published an order, re- 
 quiring, that all Jews, of every age, should quit that place 
 within one month, on pain of death. 
 
 Though many miracles were reported to have been wrought 
 by the Virgin IVIary, in confirmation of the holy office, such 
 were its tremendous effects, tliat the people dreaded its intro- 
 duction; and upon its extension to Castile, Aragon, Catalonia, 
 Valencia, and Sicily, it experienced great opposition. In Ara- 
 gon, powerful arguments were employed, in addition to which, 
 large sums of money were sent to the pope, and to the king ; 
 which producing nothing, the people broke into open tumult," 
 and killed Peter Arbuesius, the inquisitor at Saragossa, as he 
 was saying his prayers, before the high altar. The principal 
 persons, however, were soon taken, and suffered the most dread- 
 ful punishments; whilst the Inquisition triumphed under the 
 fostering care of Ferdinand and Isabel, who gave the royal 
 palace at Saragossa to the judges of the faith. 
 
 The Inquisition had always a firm friend in Ferdinand, who, 
 after he had conquered the Moors,^ introduced this tribunal 
 into the city of Granada, for the purpose of exterminating the 
 Jews. 
 
 These unhappy persons were allowed four years, within 
 which they were either to embrace the Catholic faith, or de- 
 part the kingdom ; and after that time, all others were forbid 
 intercourse with them^ or to afford them any assistance or pro- 
 visions, under a severe penalty. 
 
 Thus circumstanced, the oppressed Jews sought, by the pay- 
 ment of a large sum, to avert the pending calauiity ; but being 
 defeated in their object, by the zeal of Thomas Turrecremata,^ 
 the inquisitor general, who rudely entered the presence of the 
 king and queen, and compared such a deed to that of Judas. 
 The laws were enforced, and the Jews expelled. 
 
 * Rayualdus, A. 1485. sect. 21. 22. " Sinianc. tit. 35, sect. 7. 
 
 •^ Bzovius, A. 1494. sect. 39. 
 L 3 
 
15$ HISTORY OF THE INatJISITION. 
 
 The number of those who were banished from Spain were, 
 according to some, four hundred thousand. Mariana says, it 
 is not easy to reduce them to any certain number : but most 
 writers affirm, there were 170,000 famiHes^ that departed, and 
 a few who staid behind were sold for slaves; it was further 
 also provided, that in future, no Jew should ever again enter 
 Spain, on pain of death and confiscation. 
 
 The Jews being thus driven from Spain,^ fled into Portu- 
 gal, and obtained from king John, under certain conditions, 
 that they might live there for a season. The conditions were 
 chiefly, that every one should pay to the king, eight pieces of 
 gold, and leave Portugal within a limited time ; forfeiting their 
 liberty if they exceeded it ; they were promised free liberty to 
 sail away ; but the extortion and horrible abuses, which they 
 experienced from the captains and others of the ships, struck 
 them with such terror, that they preferred incurring the pe- 
 nalty of over-staying their time, to getting into their power. 
 Thus they lost their liberty ; and it became usual for any who 
 wanted a Jew servant, to beg him of the king. On the death 
 of king John, however, his successor, Emanuel,^ granted them 
 their liberty ; but was some time after advised, by the king 
 and queen of Castile, not to suffer that wicked nation, hated of 
 God and man, to abide in Portugal. After mature delibera- 
 tion, he commanded all the Jews and Moors in Portugal, who 
 would not profess the Cathohc faith, to depart by a certain 
 day, or lose theu- liberty.'' 
 
 The Moors immediately obeyed the king's decree, and passed 
 over into Africa.^ But as the Jews were preparing to do so, 
 the king commanded, that all their children, who were not 
 more than fourteen years old, should be taken from their pa- 
 rents, and educated in the Christian religion. It was a most 
 afflicting thing to see children snatched from the embraces of 
 their mothers, and fathers embracing their children, torn 
 from them, and even beat with clubs ; to hear the dreadful 
 cries they made, and every place filled with the lamentations 
 
 » Raynaldus, A. 1492. sect. 7. 8. '' Bzovius, A. 1496. sect. 15. 16. 
 
 « Raynald. A. 1496. sect. 26, &c. * Ibid. 
 
 ^ Brovius, A. 1497, sect. 27. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 151 
 
 and yells of women. INlany, through indignation, threw their 
 sons into pits, and others killed them with their own hands. — 
 Oppressed in this way on one hand, and by the difficulty of ob- 
 taining shipping on the other, many cliose rather to make pro- 
 fession of Christianity, than live in such misery, and being bap- 
 tized, recovered their rights and privileges. 
 
 In the year 1500, Francis Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo,^ 
 by the pope's persuasion, took great pains to convert the Moors- 
 of Granada to the Christian faith. He first of all gained over 
 their chief priests, which they call Alfaquins, by gifts and fa- 
 vours. A great number followed their example. However, 
 others vigorously opposed Ximenes, and endeavoured to deter 
 the Moors from Christianity. Ximenes ordered these to be 
 put in irons in prison, and to be very cruelly used. Of this 
 number was one Zegri, who was the most powerful amongst 
 them, upon account of the nobility of his birth, and his excel- 
 lent qualifications of mind and body. Ximenes, laying aside 
 almost all humanity, determined to punish him most severely. 
 He dehvered him to one Peter Lyon, his chaplain, a man of a 
 truly lionJike mind, who soon brought him to Ximenes's 
 beck, and made him in a few days desire to be carried before 
 the Alfaquin of the Christians. Bound and dirty as he was, 
 he came before Ximenes, and declared he would be a Christian, 
 for that he had had a vision from Ala (as the Moors caU God) 
 that night, admonishing him to it. " But truly," says he, laugh- 
 ing, " I am a fool to seek for arguments any where- else, but 
 from thy fierce Lyon, to whose keeping, if any of us are com- 
 mitted, they will immediately become Christians." Upon this 
 he declared himself a Christian, and was baptized, and expe- 
 rienced Ximene's bounty. He was afterwards of great service, 
 not only in promoting Christianity amongst his countrymen, but 
 to the commonwealth. Ximenes, glorying in this success, com- 
 manded all the'Alcorans, and all other books whatsoever, that 
 had any thing in them of the Mahometan superstition, to be 
 brought publicly together. There were about 5000 volumes, 
 which were all openly burnt in one heap to a single book, ex- 
 
 » Bzovius, A, 1600, sect. 16. 
 L 4 
 
15^ HISTORY OP THE INaUISITIOK. 
 
 cept some few relating to medicine, which, for the honour of 
 SO useful an art, were saved from the flames, and laid up in 
 the Complutensian library.^ 
 
 One of Ximenes''s family, called Salzedus, came with two 
 servants to the Albaizinum. This is a place in the city of 
 Granada, craggy, and hanging over the rest of the city, and 
 separated from it by its own walls. When they were come 
 here, first there arose reproachful words between them and the 
 inhabitants, at last they came to blows, and the two companions 
 of Salzedus were killed by the multitude. Salzedus fled for 
 it, and with great difficulty escaped. However, the tumult in- 
 creased, so that the whole city was in an uproar. Their design 
 was to pull down the house of Ximenes. The tumult lasted 
 ten days, and was at last suppressed by the garrison. The 
 Albaizinenses were condemned for high treason, and had the 
 choice given them of death or baptism, upon which, to a man, 
 they embraced Christianity. The Archbishop of Granada took 
 care to have them daily instructed in the Christian mysteries. 
 He also ordered some lessons out of the Old and New Testa- 
 ment to be read to the new converts, in the Moorish language, 
 a^ad permitted the printing of some books, in which some^parts 
 of the service of the mass, and some passages of the gospel, 
 were translated into Arabic. But Ximenes would not suffer 
 it, saying, " it was a sin to throw pearl before swine." He al- 
 lowed, indeed, the use of some books written by pious men in 
 the vulgar tongue ; but said, " That the Old and New Testa- 
 ment, in which there were many things that required a learned 
 
 * Bzovius adds :—" There were, however, many who thought it unjust, 
 and altogether contrary to the nature of Christianity, to compel any one by 
 force, and suchlike arts, to profess the faith of Christ, the entire tendency of 
 which is gentleness, and which requires especially a ready and sincere mind. - 
 Besides that in the councils of Toledo, which are reckoned sacred by all 
 Christians, it is determined, in the most solemn manner, that no one should 
 be forced to believe in Christ. But he followed his own judgment, and in 
 the midst of danger, shewed the constancy of his mind, and declared in this 
 important case the invincible resolution of his soul. For in all human affairs 
 every great undertaking is sure to raise envy, which oftentimes overthrows 
 the noblest designs, and, by a thousand difficulties, renders them impractica- 
 ble." 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION- 158 
 
 and attentive reader, and a chaste and pious mind, should be 
 kept in those three languages only, which God, not without 
 the greatest mystery, ordered to be placed over his dear Son's 
 head, when he suffered the death of the cross ;" and affirm- 
 ed, " That then Christianity would suffer the greatest mis- 
 chief, when the Bible should be translated into the vulgar 
 tongues/'' 
 
 This tumult spread beyond the kingdom of Granada. Xi- 
 menes, by the permission of the inquisitors, endeavoured to 
 force certain Moors, called Elches, who had embraced Christ- 
 ianity, and afterwards rejected it, to become Chnstians again, 
 and commanded their children to be violently taken from them, 
 and baptized. This was the beginning of troubles, which af- 
 terwards grew to such an height, that the Moors formed a con- 
 spiracy, and rebelled in many places. But as their forces were 
 inferior to the Spaniards, they were subdued, and compelled to 
 turn Christians. The king granted, that as many as would, 
 should go over to Africa, and provided them with ships to 
 transport them at the port of Astopa, demanding from every 
 one that went over, ten pieces of gold only, as the price of 
 their liberty. They who would not leave their country, he 
 ordered to become sincere Christians. 1 his agreement being 
 made, many went into Africa, though most of them remained 
 in Spain, pretending themselves to be Christians, but not a jot 
 the better than those who left it, being of a very obstinate and 
 wicked disposition. 
 
 A. D. 1501, Ferdinand, king of Castile, at the instigation of 
 Pope Alexander, took great pains in catechising the IMoors, 
 and preventing their apostacy. He published an edict in Cas- 
 tile, against the Moors in that province, and especially against 
 those of Andalusia, Granada, and Aragon, commonly called 
 Mudegiares, who lived and traded promiscuously with the 
 pious,°that unless they would become Christians, they should 
 depart his dominions within a certain day. 
 
 Upon the death of Ferdinand, Charles succeeded him.^ The 
 new converts offered him 800,000 pieces of gold, if he would 
 
 a Bzovius, A. 1501, sect. 13. 
 
154 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 command, that the witnesses at tlie tribunal of the inquisition 
 should be always made pubhc. The young king, who was 
 about eighteen yeais old, had a great mind to the money. 
 But Cardinal Ximenes, inquisitor-general, shewed Jiim the 
 great danger of such a method, and that the church would re- 
 ceive great injury by it, and by putting him in mind of his 
 grandfather Ferdinand, prevailed with the king to refuse the 
 offer. 
 
 •V».'»'».*^'V«-»/*%^ 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 Of the Inquisition m Portugal. 
 
 WE have related in the former chapter, how that the Jews 
 being driven out of Spain, were received under certain condi- 
 tions by the king of Portugal. However, not many years 
 after, he erected the tribunal of the inquisition in his kingdom, 
 after the model of that in Spain. Bzovius speaks of this affair, 
 describing the death of King John 1 11.^ "How great his 
 zeal was to maintain the faith in its ancient splendour, his in- 
 troducing the sacred tribunal of the inquivsitors of heresy into 
 Portugal, is an abundant proof, bravely overcoming those dif- 
 ficulties and obstructions, which the devil had cunningly raised 
 in the city, to prevent or retard his majesty"'s endeavours. 
 For he learned experience from others, and grew wise by the 
 misfortunes of many kingdoms, which, from the most flourish- 
 ing state, were brought to ruin and destruction by monstrous 
 and deadly heresies. And it is very worthy observation, that 
 the year in which the tribunal of the holy inquisition against 
 heretical pravity was brought into Portugal, the kingdom la- 
 boured under the most dreadful barrenness and famine. But 
 when the tribunal was once erected, the follov/ing year was re- 
 
 *Ibid. A. 1557. sect. 56,57. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 155 
 
 markable for an incredible plenty, conimonly called The Year 
 of St. Blase, because, before his festival, which was on the 
 3d of the Nones of February, the seed could not be sown in 
 the ground for want of rain, whereas afterwards provision was 
 so very cheap, that a bushel of corn sold for two- pence." 
 
 Tribunals of the inquisition were erected in the several cities 
 of the kingdom of Portugal. The inquisition at Evora was 
 erected by Didacus de Silva, first inquisitor general, A. D. 1537, 
 of which the first inquisitor was John de Mello, doctor of the 
 Papal law, and afterwards bishop of Algarva, and at last arch- 
 bishop of Evora, appointed by Didacus, the former year one 
 of the four counsellors of the supreme general inquisition. 
 The Lisbon inquisition was erected by Cardinal Henry, second 
 inquisitor-general, A. D. 1539, over which he appointed for 
 first inquisitor, John de Mello, who had been made first in- 
 quisitor at Evora, by Didacus de Sylva. The same cardinal 
 also fixed the inquisition at Coimbra, A. D 1541, and placed 
 in it two commissary inquisitors, viz. Friar Bernard of the 
 cross, a predicant, bishop of St. Thomas, and rector of the 
 university of Coimbra, and Gomezius Alphonsus, batchelor of 
 the canon law, and prior of the collegiate church of Aveiro. 
 And finally, the inquisition was set up at Goa, in the Indies. 
 Francis Xaverius, signified by letters to King John III.* 
 " That the Jewish wickedness spread every day more and 
 more in the parts of the East Indies, subject to the kingdom 
 of Portugal; and therefore he earnestly besought the said 
 king, that to cure so great an evil he would take care to send 
 the office of the inquisition into those countries. Upon this 
 Cardinal Henry, then inquisitor-general in the kingdom of 
 Portugal, erected the tribunal of the holy inquisition in the 
 city of Goa, the metropolis of that province, and sent into 
 those parts inquisitors, officials, and other necessary ministers, 
 who should take diligent care of the affairs of the faith. The 
 first inquisitor was Alexius Diaz Falcano, sent by Cardinal 
 Henry,^ who came to Goa the end of that year, and began to 
 execute the office of inquisitor.'^ 
 
 a November 10, 1545. ^ March 15, A. 1560. 
 
 ' [John Peter Maffeius, Hist, Indie. I. 10. p. 758, 759, gives a more dis- 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE INGIUISITIOX. 
 
 After the inquisition had been introduced into Portugal,* 
 three general indulgences were granted to the whole nation of 
 the descendants from the Hebrew converts, in the whole 
 kingdom and dominions, subject to it, and which were pub- 
 lished all over the kingdom. The first was granted by Cle- 
 ment VII.,^ by a bull, which had not its effect. Afterwards 
 Paul III., who succeeded Clement in the popedom, confirmed 
 the general indulgence which he had given, and granted it 
 anew,= and afterwards, A. D. 1536, sent letters to erect the 
 holy tribunal of the inquisition. The second was given by 
 the same Paul III.'* For whereas the inquisitors, as they 
 say, had before proceeded with great moderation in favour of 
 the new converts, the good of the church required that they 
 should proceed against Judaisers, according to the rigour of 
 the law. And therefore the pope reduced the method of pro- 
 cess in the inquisition, according to the form of law. But 
 least the new converts and their children should become sub- 
 . ject to a rigorous inquisition for their past errors, he granted a 
 
 tinct account of the original of tlse inquisition at Goa. About the same time 
 there was an horrible wickedness committed at Lorinum. In the principal 
 church of that city, there was put up a chest, to receive the charity of pious 
 persons: they who had the keeping of it, found in it some vile papers, con- 
 taining horrible curses aud reproaches against Christ, the Author of the sal- 
 vation of mankind. Besides, Consalvus Sylveria, a Jesuit, a man noble by 
 his birth, but much nobler for his virtue and learning, who then preached 
 in the same city, and afterwards was slain for the cause of Christ, at Mono- 
 motapa in jEthiopia, was reviled. This most impious, wicked, and auda- 
 cious crime was suspected by many plain tokens, to be committed by the 
 false brethren of the circumcision, of which dregs several from Europe were 
 by stealth admitted for money, by the wardens of the ports, or masters of 
 ships, and brought into the Indies, under the disguise of merchants. There 
 they conspired the prejudice and destruction of the Christian name, with the 
 Jigyptians who were generally Jews^ and of whom there was a great num- 
 ber in those places, and with persons of other nations and sects. Upon this 
 occasion tlie king began to introduce the sacred inquisition into those coun- 
 tries, which is there exercised to this day at Goa, by proper and approved 
 persons, skilful in the Divine law, to the great advantage of the Christian 
 religion. All these things are taken word for word out of Maffeius, by 
 Paramus, 1. 2. t. 2. c. xviii.] 
 * Sousa, Aphor. Inquis. I. 4. cap. 16. *• Expedited April 7, A. 1533. 
 
 ^ October 12, 1535. > ^ May 11, 1547. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 157 
 
 general pardon.^ The third was granted by Clement VIII.'* 
 The causes of it, as we may gather from the bull itself, were 
 three. First, That the inquisitors ordered the punishments 
 against heretics to be executed without remission. Secondly, 
 Least the descendants of the Hebrews, finding themselves pre- 
 cluded from obtaining pardon, should grow worse, and add sins 
 to sins. Thirdly, Because upon the grant of such a general par- 
 don, it was undoubtedly to be hoped, that in a little while, 
 they who had departed the kingdom, would return to it, and 
 retain the Cathohc worship and faith under obedience to King 
 Philip, who, as Sousa says, greatly desu-es it, and earnestly 
 seeks it. 
 
 Besides these three, no other indulgences have been granted 
 to the Jewish converts, or new Christians in Portugal, and the 
 Portuguese divines use many arguments to prove that no other 
 ought liereafter to be given them. 
 
 Sebastian, king of Portugal,'^ upon occasion of his unfortu- 
 nate and fatal expedition into Africa, granted to the descen- 
 dants of the Jews, for a large sum of money, that theii' 
 effects should not be confiscated for ten years, much against 
 the advice of his uncle, Philip II. king of Spain : this in- 
 dulgence he granted them by the authority of Gregory 
 XI 11.'^ But afterwards upon the rout of the king's army 
 by the Saracens, Cardinal Henry, the king's great uncle, suc- 
 ceeded him in the royal dignity, who immediately,* in the 
 same year, recalled the said grant, with the pope's consent, 
 alledging this reason in the decree of revocation, " That after 
 the most mature consultation of learned men, they all agreed 
 that he was bound to make such revocation, because the good 
 of the faith greatly required it." After Philip, king of Portu- 
 gal, obtained the crown, the new Christians offered him a large 
 sum of money, and besought him, that he would procure in 
 their favour a general indulgence from the pope. But he con- 
 demned their prayers, though he was at that time at war with 
 
 a This was published June 10, 1518. 
 
 »> Aaguat 23, 1C04. and published in Fortugul Jan. 16, 1605, 
 
 c Aphor. Inquis. cap. 22. n. 4, 5. 
 
 i By hii bull expedited October 6, 1579. * December Itt. 
 
158 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 France and England, his divines suggesting to him, " That 
 God was greatly offended with such money, and that he could 
 expect no prosperous success from it." 
 
 The following years the new Christians in Portugal endea- 
 voured by many entreaties to procure the abolition, or a't least 
 mitigation of the inquisition. 
 
 But they were only deluded with empty words and flattering 
 promises : for they still groan as before, under the cruel yoke 
 of the inquisition, without any mitigation of their punishments ; 
 and to this day are liable to all the penalties ordained against 
 heretics. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 Of the Attempt to bring the Inquisition into the Kingdom 
 of Naples. 
 
 AFTER Ferdinand and Elizabeth had brought the inqui- 
 sition into all the kingdoms of Spain,* they would fain have 
 introduced it into others, that were under their dominion. 
 For as many of the Jewish race had fled out of Spain for fear 
 of the inquisition, into the kingdom of Naples, and as that 
 kingdom had been again brought into subjection to Ferdinand, 
 Didacus Deza, at that time general-inquisitor of Spain, sent 
 thither in the year 1504, Peter Balforatus, archbishop of 
 Messina, v/ith the power of inquisitor. Ferdinand gave him 
 letters to the governor, nobles, and university of Naples, that 
 they should give him all assistance and favour. He tells them 
 that a great number of heretics, having fled from the kingdoms 
 of Spain, through fear of the holy oflSce of the inquisition, had 
 sheltered themselves there as in a place of safety, who had been 
 burned in effigy because of their absence ; and that therefore, 
 to purge that kingdom from the crime of heresy, he had ap- 
 pointed Peter Balforatus, inquisitor of heretical pravity: he 
 
 » Param. 1. 2. tit. 2, cap. 10. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITIOX. 159 
 
 therefore commands them to receive him as such, to give him 
 in all things the assistance of the secular arm, and not to suffer 
 him, or any of his family to be molested. But as there arose 
 many difficulties and discouragements, he could not finish 
 his undertaking. 
 
 In the year 1547, Charles V., being emperor, Peter of To- 
 ledo, viceroy of Naples, endeavoured to introduce the inquisi- 
 tion there, by the command of Cliarles. But as he apprehend- 
 ed this would be a difficult thing, he put those into the pubhc 
 offices, who he thought would be most forward to promote it. 
 After this he publicly declared,* that it would greatly tend to 
 the establishment of divine worship, would be serviceable to 
 the commonwealth, and be highly grateful to the en:peror ; if 
 after the example of the Spaniards and Sicilians they would 
 receive the holy office.*' But the Neapolitans were so moved 
 with the novelty of the thing, that they publicly declared that 
 they would rather lose their lives than submit to the Inquisi- 
 tion ; and cried out, that the extirpation of heresies belonged 
 to the pope and the ecclesiastical judges, and not to the tem- 
 poral prince. When Pope Paul III. understood this, he 
 declared by his apostolic bull, that the Inquisition against 
 heretics belonged to him and his judges, and not to any other. 
 The king indeed would have had the Inquisition at Naples 
 to be subject to the supreme council of the Spanish In- 
 quisition, as were those of Sicily, Sardinia, and the Indies ; 
 whereas the court of Rome would have had it subject to them, 
 because not only the ecclesiastical but secular government of 
 the kingdom of Naples is under the Pope. However the 
 Viceroy, that he might not seem to yield to popular fury, 
 appointed inquisitors and officials of the holy office; with 
 which the Neapolitans were so enraged, that on a certain day, 
 when two persons were leading to prison, and crying out they 
 were taken up by the Inquisition, they broke into open sedi- 
 tion, ran immediately to arms, and bound themselves by 
 mutual oaths, insomuch that there was a civil war, between the 
 citizens of Naples, and the Spanish garrison, in which many on 
 
 * Hist. Cod. Trid. 1. 3, p. .113, 314. »> Thuan. Hist, lib. J. 
 
160 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 both sides were slain. At length the Spaniards, who held the 
 fortresses, prevaihng, and beating down their houses with their 
 great guns, the tumult was appeased, and the principal were 
 punished, part ^vith death, and part with banishment. How- 
 ever,* the Viceroy gave over the attempt of introducing the 
 Inquisition, not so much for fear of a new tumult, as at the 
 intercession of the Pope and Cardinals, who opposed the In- 
 quisition, as not being subject to their court. And because the 
 Spaniards have been determined to bring in the Inquisition to 
 Naples subject to their supreme council, and the court of Rome 
 equally determined to oppose these attempts of the Spaniards; 
 hence it is that the kingdom of Naples is to this day free from 
 this intolerable yoke : and therefore, if any matters of faith are 
 to be judged there, it is done either by the bishop, or some 
 other prelate appointed by the court of Rome, who neverthe- 
 less dares not begin the affair without leave first obtained from 
 the Viceroy. 
 
 ^-^V^V^'WW^^ 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 Of the Inciuisition in Sicily, Sardinia and Milan. 
 
 THE Inquisition had been long before brought into Sicily.* 
 Paramus gives us a privilege of king Alphonsus, in the year 
 1452, in which mention is made of Friar Henry Lugardi, a 
 predicant of Palermo, and inquisitor of heretical pravity in 
 that kingdom ; by which he confirmed the privilege given to 
 him by the aforesaid inquisitor, which Frederic the emperor had 
 granted to the Inquisition in Sicily, at Palermo, in the year 
 1224. By this privilege Frederic is said to have ordained, 
 '' That one third part only of the confiscated goods should be 
 appropriated to the treasury ; a third part reserved to the 
 apostolic see, and the other third, without any contradiction, 
 assigned to the inquisitors, that the spiritual husbandman may 
 
 * Paulus Serv. de Inquis. Venet. '' Lib. 2. t. 2. cap. 11. n= 8 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 161 
 
 not be defrauded of his reward, nor so wholesome an Inquisi-' 
 tion come to nothing through want of necessaries to support it. 
 This privilege v.as afterwards confirmed by Ferdinand and 
 Elizabeth, A. D. 1477, at Seville, wlio took the title of king 
 and queen of Sicily, though John, king of Aragon, and father 
 of Ferdinand, was yet alive. This Inquisition the emperor 
 Charles V. favoured with many privileges; the patents for 
 which, Paramus gives us in a long catalogue. 
 
 The Inquisition was much opposed in its first introduction, 
 as at the town of St. Mark, and at Palermo, where it was 
 resisted by force and tumult. At length however, it prevailed 
 so far, that the most noble persons considered it an honour 
 to execute its office ; and it was introduced into Majorca, Mi- 
 norca, Sardinia, and Milan, where its power surmounted the 
 strenuous opposition of the oppressed inhabitants. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. 
 
 The return of the Inquisition into Germany and France, at the 
 time of the Reformation. 
 
 WHEN Luther courageously attempted the reformation of 
 the church, and severely censured the various and intolerable 
 abuses of the church of Rome, persevering with great constancy 
 in the work he had undertaken, in spite of threatnings, anathe- 
 ma''s, and the papal thunders ; and when Zuinglius Oecolam- 
 padius, and others in Switserland, and elsewhere, opposed the 
 growing superstition, and propagated the reformation with 
 great success in many places and countries ; the Pope, to put a 
 stop to the course of their preaching did not only continually 
 stir up the emperor, the kings and princes against Luther, and 
 all who opposed the doctrines of the church of Rome, but 
 restored also the Inquisition in many places, which had grown 
 into decay in several countries, either through the cruelty of 
 the inquisitors, or the want of heretics to proceed against, and 
 commanded it to proceed with great severity and rigour against 
 
162 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 what they called the new heresies. So that now the authority 
 of the inquisitors was increased in Germany, and many were 
 condemned for heresy by the sentence of that holy tribunal, 
 and being delivered over to the secular magistrate, were burned 
 to death.* 
 
 From Germany that bloody tribunal was soon brought into 
 the neighbouring kingdom of France, where it had dropped of 
 itself, for want of heresies to proceed against. Antonius a 
 Prato, Presbyter cardinal, by the title of St. Anastasia, arch- 
 bishop of Sens, primate and chancellor of France, held a pro- 
 vincial council,'' in which, after he had condemned the doctrine 
 of Luther, Melancthon, Zuinglius, Oecolampadius and their 
 followers, he published a general decree, by which he declares 
 and renews all the ancient canons of the Lateran council 
 against heretics, their favourers and defenders, persons sus- 
 pected of heresy, and relapsed, as they are extant in the 
 decretals, and sometimes guards them by annexing a punish- 
 ment. 
 
 The laws used in the tribunal of the Inquisition were now 
 renewed ; and it appears that about this time the Inquisition was 
 again brought into France. For Francis I. chose inquisitors 
 of the faith from the Predicant friars. For in the orders of 
 that prince, *= there is a writ bearing date May 30, 1536, by 
 which he appoints Matthew Orry, D. D. a Predicant friar, 
 inquisitor of the faith.*^ Ribadineira also relates in the Hfe of 
 Ignatius Loyola,* and John Peter Maffeius, in his hfe of the 
 same Loyola, ^ that about this time he was accused before 
 
 a The emperor Charles V. pablished an edict, in which all the penalties of 
 high treason were pronounced against those, who should be found guilty of 
 holding any of Luther's tenets, or of republishing, or vending any books 
 written by him or his followers. In the execution of this edict, which 
 Charles from time to time renewed, all the fury of persecution was exercised, 
 and it is affirmed by several contemporary historians, that during the reign 
 of Charles, fifty thousand persons were put to death on account of their reli- 
 gious principles j these principles however, far from being extirpated, were 
 more and more diffused, in the midst of those severities which were employ- 
 ed to suppress them. — Watson's Philip ii. v. i. 101. 
 
 ^ February, 1528. Bzovius, A. 1528. sect. 41. « Fol. 408. 
 
 * Du Caoge in voce Inquisitio. * Book ii. chap. ii. and xiv- 
 
 ' L. 1. cap. 20. p. 315. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 168 
 
 Michael Orry, a Dominican divine, and inquisitor of the faith at 
 Paris, and by him acquitted. There is also extant in the second 
 volume a like writ of king Francis,^ by which authority is granted 
 to Josepli Corregie, a doctor of the same order, to execute the 
 office of inquisitor of the faith throughout the whole kingdom. 
 In the third volume,*" there is a royal statute, bearing date July 
 23, 1543, by which power is granted to the ecclesiastical judges 
 and inquisitors of the faith, to make Inquisition against luthe- 
 rans and heretics, provided that Laics, and such who had not 
 received holy orders, should be referred to the ordinary judges. 
 There is also another statute of Henry II. dated at St. Ger- 
 main en Laye,*= by which the edict of Francis I. is recalled, and 
 Matthew Orry, inquisitor of the faith, delivered from the trou- 
 ble of communicating to the supreme courts, the Baillives and 
 Seneschals, such actions as he brought against heretics, provided 
 he communicated them to the ordinary diocesans or their vicars. 
 At the same time that power was confirmed to him, by which 
 he was authorised to recover to a sound mind, either by instruc- 
 tion or admonition, such as erred from the faith, of granting 
 pardon and mercy to the penitent, and of punishing and cor- 
 recting the obstinate. This statute was inserted into the acts 
 of parliament, with this condition added, that the said Inquisi- 
 tors, in all privileged cases, should share the process with the 
 royal judges. (Father Paul, in his history of the council of 
 Trent,'' mentions Anthony Demohares, inquisitor of the faith ;* 
 speaks of other inquisitors in France. And Thuanus, in his 
 history,^ says, that in the year 1551,^ there was a royal law 
 rehearsed in the senate, concerning the power and office of 
 Matthew Orry, inquisitor of heretical pravity.) 
 
 How long the Inquisition continued in France, and how and 
 when it ended, I cannot exactly affirm. I am apt to think, 
 that when liberty of religion was granted by the royal edicts to 
 dissenters from the church of Rome, that tribunal immediately 
 ceased of itself. 
 
 * Fol. 247. dated April 10, 1540. ^ tol 482. -^ June 22, 1550. 
 
 • B. 5. p. 484, and 487. * And p. 494. * B. 8. p. 377 
 
 « 19ih Cal. Fcbr. 
 
 M ^ 
 
164 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 Six Cardinals appointed at Rome Inquisitors GeneraL 
 
 IN the early periods of the Inquisition it had been usual to 
 refer difficulties to the Pope himself; in order to avoid the 
 inconvenience resulting from this, Urban IV. in the year 1265, 
 created Ursarius inquisitor general ; this office was continued 
 with some accidental intermission, till the ever memorable days 
 of Luther. 
 
 The doctrines taught by that enlightened man, were so 
 rapidly disseminated in Italy, as well as Germany, as to cause 
 considerable alarm at Rome. Clement VII. ordered that the 
 utmost rigour should be used against persons who professed 
 those doctrines ; but as their numbers continued to increase, 
 and as the conduct of the Lutherans exhibited a remarkable 
 degree of constancy, of patience and of determined courage, 
 Paul III. was prevailed on in 1542, to appoint six cardinals, 
 with full powers, inquisitors general. 
 
 Pius V. in order to establish the power of these inquisitors 
 general, and that neither prince nor people might be able to 
 resist their authority, commanded in a constitution 1566, that 
 the princes, judges, and ministers of justice, should at all times 
 submit and yield obedience to their commands. 
 
 To these cardinals, for the furtherance of their office, was 
 added a commissary general, who must always be a Dominican 
 and an assessor general, besides whom the master of the sacred 
 palace attends their dehberations. 
 
 This officer has the power of prohibiting books, and posses- 
 ses the following privileges ; to reside in the apostolic palace 
 on a salary from the pope ; to sit in the chapel near his holi- 
 ness* feet ; to examine, prohibit, or approve all books intended 
 to be printed ; or sermons to be preached before the Pope ; to 
 attend aU the sittings of the cardinals inquisitors;* to pronounce 
 a sentence from which there shall be no appeal, and to receive 
 the title of most reverend. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 165 
 
 The supreme inquisitors are also attended by an advocate, 
 Fiscal and several counsellors, prelates and regulars. 
 
 There are three congregations of these inquisitors general 
 of the holy office in every week. The first on Monday at the 
 Inquisition house, which is attended by all the officers, who 
 take their places with scrupulous attention to precedency. 
 The second congregation on Wednesday, and the third on 
 Thursday, in the presence of the Pope, when he decides on, or 
 confirms the votes of the counsellors or cardinals. It is 
 customary for the pope to use a prayer at this assembly, a ser- 
 vice performed at the ordinary congregations by the oldest 
 inquisitor, and during the stay of his holiness, none are per- 
 mitted to it beside the cardinals. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 Of the Inquisition in Spain against Heretics. 
 
 THE tribunal of the Inquisition in Spain, at first erected to 
 discover Jews and Moors, now began to proceed against heretics, 
 and exercised the same cruelty against these, as they had 
 hitherto against the others. Charles V. ^ king of Spain, who with 
 
 * Worn out by the cares, the activity, and the turbulence of an aspiring 
 reign, Charles resigned in 1555-6 his crown to Philip, and sought, in the se- 
 clusion of a monastry, that happiness, which, if his pursuits had ever afford- 
 ed, they had nov/ ceased to yield. In his retirement, however, it was not 
 his to enjoy tlie tender reciprocities of filial and parental ati'ection, for he was 
 stung by the ingratitude of the son, on whom he had bestowed his possessions 
 and his government, v\ho treated liim with cold neglect, and even suffered 
 the payment of his pension to be interrupted. This, together with the 
 infirmities of a worn out body, contributed to heighten the natural antipathies 
 of age, and if the recollection of the sufferings he had causf d on the score of 
 religion did ^?ot embitter his declining hours, he was at least compelled to 
 acknowledge the impolicy of his former actions. Having amused himself 
 with the construction of clocks and watches, he thence remarked how impos- 
 sible it was, that he, who never could frame two machines that would go 
 exactly alike, could ever be able to make all mankind concur in the same 
 belief and opinion. Having buried in the seclusion of this convent all his 
 
 m3 
 
166 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 great difficulty had brought the Inquisition into the Nether- 
 lands against the Lutherans and Reformed, recommended it to 
 liis son Philip in his will. We have the clause of the will given 
 us by Caesar Carena, from Lewis Paramus, in his treatise of the 
 
 schemes of glory and ambition, he seldom enquired, or even snfFered his do- 
 mestics to inform him, concerning what was passing in the world. In this 
 retreat his occupations were wholly of a domestic kind, wliilst disencumbered 
 of the weight, as well as of the ceremonies of royalty, he endeavoured to 
 taste the sweets of social iuterconrse. Here it was, that he who through 
 life had exhibited his fondness for superstitious follies, performed an act 
 which justly claims pre-eminence. ** He resolved to celoijiate his own 
 obsequies before his death. He ordered his tomb to be erected in the chapel 
 of the monastery; his domestics marched thither in funeral procession, with 
 black tapers in their hands; he himself followed in his shroud; he was laid 
 in his coffin with much solemnity ; the service for the dead was chanted, and 
 Charles joined in the prayers that were offered up for the rest of his soul, 
 mingling his tears with those which his attendants shed, as if they had been 
 celebrating a real funeral; the ceremony closed with sprinkling holy water 
 on the coffin in the usual form, and all the assistants retiring, the doors of the 
 chapel were shut. Then Charles rose out of the coffin, and withdrew to his 
 apartment, full of those awful sentiments, which such a singular solemnity 
 was calculated to inspire -, but either the fatiguing length of the ceremony, 
 or the impression which the image of death left on his mind, affected him so 
 much, that next day he was seized with a fever ; his feeble frame could not 
 long resist its violence, and he expired on the twenty first of September, after 
 a life of fifty eight year, six months and twenty five days." " Charles had, 
 very early in the beginning of his reign, found the difficulty of governing 
 such distant dominions, and he had made his brother Ferdinand be elected 
 king of the Romans, with a view to his inheriting the imperial dignity, as 
 well as his German dominions. Bat having afterwards enlarged his scheme!), 
 and formed plans of aggrandizing his family, he regretted that he must dis- 
 member such considerable states, and he endeavoured to engage Ferdinand 
 by the most tempting offers and most earnest solicitations, to yield up his 
 pretensions in favour of Philip. Finding his attempts fruitless, he had 
 resigned the imperial crown with his other dignities, and Ferdinand accord- 
 ing to common form, applied to the Pope for his coronation. The arrogant 
 pontiff refused the demand and pretended, that though on the death of an 
 emperor he was obliged to crown the prince elected, yet, in the case of a re- 
 signation the right devolved to the holy see, and it belonged to the Pope 
 alone to appoint an emperor. The conduct of Paul was in every thing con- 
 formable to these lofty pretensions. He thundered always in the ears of all 
 ambassadors, that he stood in no need of the assistance of any prince, that he 
 Vf&s above all potentates of the earth, that he>ould not accustom monarchs 
 to pretend to a familiarity, or equality with him, that it belonged to him to 
 •Iter and regulate kingdoms, that he was successor of those who had deposed 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 167 
 
 office of the most holy Inquisition,* in which the emperor thus 
 speaks : " Out of regard to my duty to Almighty God, and 
 from my great affection to the most serene prince Phihp II. my 
 dearest son, and from the strong and earnest desire I have, that 
 he may be safe under the protection of virtue, rather than the 
 greatness of his riches, I charge him with the greatest affection 
 of soul, that he take especial care of all things relating to the 
 honour and glory of God, as becomes the most Cartholic king, 
 and a prince zealous for the divine commands ; and that he be 
 always obedient to the commands of our holy mother the 
 church. And, amongst other things, this 1 principally and 
 most ardently recommend to him, highly to honour and con- 
 stantly support the office of the holy Inquisition, as constituted 
 by God against heretical pravity, with its ministers and officials, 
 because by this single remedy the most grievous offences against 
 God can be remedied. Also I command him, that he would 
 be careful to preserve to all churches and ecclesiastical persons 
 their immunities.*' And again in his codicil to his will he thus 
 enjoins his son. "I ardently desire, and with the greatest pos- 
 sible earnestness beseech him, and command him by his regards 
 to me his most affectionate father, that in this matter, in which 
 the welfare of all Spain is concerned, he be most zealously care- 
 ful, to punish all infected with heresy with the severity due to 
 their crimes, and that to this intent, he confer the greatest ho- 
 nours on the office of the holy Inquisition, by the care of which 
 the Catholic faith will be encreased in his kingdoms, and the 
 Christian religion preserved." 
 
 Philip gave full proof of his zeal to execute his father's 
 commands. •» For as Famianus Strada testifies of him, when he 
 
 kini^s and emperors, and that rather than suhniit to any thing ijelow his dig- 
 nity, he wonld set fire to the four corners of the world ; he went so far, as at 
 table in the presence of many persons, and even openly, in a public consis- 
 tory to say, that he would not admit any kings for his companions, they were 
 all his subjects, and he wonld hold them tinder tliese feet, so savin;;:, he stamp- 
 ed on the ground with his old and infirm limbs, for he was now past fourscore 
 years of age."— Vide Watson's Philip II. vol. i. 24 aiid 101. Robertson'* 
 Charles V. vol. iv. 254. Hume's England, vol. iv. 426. 
 
 a Praelud. sect. 62. , b De Bel. Dec. 1. 1. 3. 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 was solicited to grant religious liberty to the low countries, he' 
 prostrated himself before a crucifix, and uttered these words : 
 " I beseech the Divine Majesty, that I may never suffer myself 
 to be, or to be called, the lord of those any where who deny 
 thee the Lord !" 
 
 In pursuance of these pious intentions, he gave some horrid 
 specimens of cruelty, in the year 1559. Before this it had been 
 usual, as Thaunus relates, to dehver one or more convicted of 
 heresy to death, but now a collection was made of those unhappy 
 persons, when they were brought forth before Philip in great 
 pomp for punishment. 
 
 The first act of faith was at Seville, on the 8th of October; in 
 which John Pontius of Leon, son of Roderic Pontius, Earl of 
 Villalon, was led before the others, as in triumph, and burned 
 for an obstinate heretical Lutheran. John Consalvus, a 
 preacher, as he had been his companion in life, was forced to 
 bear him company in his death ; after whom followed Isabella 
 Vaenia, Maria Viroesia, Cornelia, and Bohorquia ; a spectacle 
 full of pity and indignation, which was increased, because Bo- 
 horquia, the youngest of all of them, being scarce twenty, suf- 
 fered death with the greatest constancy. And because the he- 
 retical assemblies had prayed in the house of Vaenia, it was in- 
 cluded in her sentence, and ordered to be levelled with the 
 ground. After these came forth Ferdinand a Fano Johannis, 
 and Julian Ferdinand, commonly called the Little, from his 
 small stature, and John of Leon, who had been a shoemaker at 
 Mexico, in New Spain, and was afterwards admitted into the 
 college of St. Isadore, in which his companions studied, as they 
 boasted, the > purer doctrine privately. Their number was in- 
 creased by Frances Chavesia, a nun of the convent of St. Eliza- 
 beth, who had been instructed by John ^gidius, a preacher at 
 Seville, and suffered death with great constancy. From the 
 same school came out Christopher Losada, a physician, and 
 Christopher Aurellianus, a monk of St. Isidore, and Garsias 
 Alias, who first kindled those sparks of the same religion 
 amongst the friars of St. Isidore, by his constant admonitions 
 and sermons, by which the great pile was afterwards set on fire, 
 and the convent itself, and good part of that most opulent city. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 169 
 
 was also consumed. He was a man of uncommon learning, 
 but of an inconstant wavering temper ; and being exceeding 
 subtle in disputing, he refuted the very doc trines he had per- 
 suaded his followers to receive, though he brought them into 
 danger on that account from the inquisitors. Having by these 
 arts exposed many, whom he had deceived, to evident hazard, 
 and rendered himself guilty of the detestable crime of breach 
 of faith ; he was admonished by John ^Egidius, Constan- 
 tine Pontius, and Varquius, that he had not dealt sincerely 
 with his friends, and those who were in the same sentiments 
 \nth himself; to which he rephed, that he foresaw, that in a 
 httle time, they would be forced to behold the bulls brought 
 forth for a lofty spectacle ; meaning thereby the theatre of the 
 inquisitors. Constantine answer'd, " You, if it please God, 
 shall not behold the games from on high, but be yourself 
 among; the combatants. Nor was Constantine deceived in his 
 prediction. For afterwards Arias was called on ; and whether 
 age had made him bolder, or whether, by a sudden alteration, 
 his timorousness changed into courage, he severely rebuked the 
 assessors of the inquisitory tribunal, affirming they were more 
 fit for the vile office of mule-keepers, than impudently to take 
 upon themselves to judge concerning the faith, which they 
 were scandalously ignorant of."' He farther declared, that he 
 bitterly repented, that he had knowingly and willingly opposed, 
 in theur presence, that truth he now maintained, against the 
 pious defenders of it, and that from his soul he should repent 
 of it whilst he lived. So at last, being led in triumph, he was 
 burned ahve, and confirmed Constantine's prophecy. There 
 remained JEgidius and Constantine, who closed the scene, but 
 death prevented their being alive at the shew. iEgidius having 
 been designed by the emperor, Philip's father, for bishop of 
 Drossen, upon the fame and piety of his learning, being sum- 
 moned, publicly recanted his error, wTOught on either by craft, 
 or the persuasion of Sotus, a Dominican ; and hereupon was 
 suspended for a while from preaching, and the sacred office, and 
 died some time before this act. The inquisitors thought he 
 had been too gently dealt with, and therefore proceeded against 
 his body, and condemned him dead to deaths and placed his 
 
170 HTSTOIiY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 effigy in straw on liigh for a spectacle. Constantine, who 
 had been a long while the emperor's confessor, and had always 
 accompanied him in his retirement, after his abdication from 
 his empire and kingdoms, and was present with him at his 
 death, was brought before this tribunal, and died a Uttle before 
 the act, in a filthy prison. But that the theatre might not want 
 him, his effigy was carried about in a preaching posture. — 
 And thus this shew, terrible in itself, which drew tears from 
 most who were present, when these images were brought on the 
 scene, excited laughter in many, and at length indignation. — 
 They proceeded with the same severity, the following October, 
 at ValladoHd, against others condemned for the same crime, 
 where king Philip himself being present, twenty-eight of the 
 chief nobihty of the country were tied to stakes and burned. 
 Bartholomew Caranza, archbishop of Toledo, was also ac- 
 cused ; who, for his learning, probity of life, and most holy 
 conversation was highly worthy of that dignity, and cast into 
 prison, and stripped of all his large revenues. His cause was 
 brought before Pius V. at Rome, and Gregory XIII. pro- 
 nounced sentence in it.^ 
 
 Philip,'' not content to exercise this cruelty by land, esta- 
 
 a Bzovius, A. 1559, sect. 85. 
 
 *• A single instance of this monarch's domestic conduct, prevents surprise 
 at any of his public acts. His son, Don Carlos, had early discovered a de- 
 sire to govern, and had exhibited an intemperate ambition to be admiitcd fo 
 a share in his father's administration. Philip, whether from jealousy, or a 
 conviction of his son's unfitness for any important trust, refused to grant him 
 the object of his wishes. Hence Don Carlos conceived a strong aversion 
 against those who enjoyed bis father's confidence and their measures, and at 
 length formed the design of retiring to tlie Netherlands. Intelligence of this 
 was, by some courtiers, carried to the king, who, after having consulted with 
 the inquisitors of Miidiid, which he Jisu^ily did on matters of great import- 
 ance and difficulty, resolved to prevent the prince from putting his scheme in 
 execution, by depriving him of liberty. For this purpose he went into his 
 chamber in the middle of the night, attended by some of his privy counsellors 
 and guards; and, after reproaching him with his undutiful behaviour, told 
 hira that he had come to exercise his paternal correction and chastisement. 
 Then, having dismissed all his attendants, he commanded him to be clothed 
 in a dark coloured mourning dress, and appointed guards to watch over him, 
 and to confine him to his chamber. The high spirited young prince was ex- 
 tremely shocked at such unworthy treatment, and prayed his father and his 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITIOX. 171 
 
 biished the Inquisition also in the ships.* For in the year 1571, 
 a large fleet was drawn together under the command of John 
 of Austria, and manned with soldiers listed out of various na- 
 tions. King Philip, to prevent any corruption of the faith, by 
 such a mixture of various nations and religrions, after having 
 consulted pope Pius V. deputed one of the inquisitors of Spain, 
 fixed on by the inquisitor-general, to discharge the office of in- 
 quisitor ; giving him power to preside in all tribunals, and to 
 celebrate acts of faith, in all places and cities they sailed to. 
 This erection of the Inquisition by sea, Pius V. confirmed by 
 a bull sent to the general inquisitor of Spain, beoqnning, " Our 
 late most dear son in Christ. '^ Jerome Manrique exercised the 
 jurisdiction granted him, and held a public act of faith in the 
 cit}^ of Messina, in which many underwent divers punish- 
 ments. 
 
 Philip also established the inquisition beyond Europe, not only 
 in the Canary Islands, but in the new world of America ; con- 
 stituting two tribunals, one in the city of Lima, in the province of 
 Peru, the other in the province and city of Mexico. The In- 
 quisition at Mexico was erected in the year 1571,** and in a 
 short space gave large proofs of its cruelty. Paramus relates, 
 that in the year 1574, the third after its erection, the first act 
 of faith was celebrated with a new and admirable pomp, in the 
 marquis's market-place, where they built a large theatre, which 
 covered almost the whole area of the market-place, and was 
 close to the great chiu'ch, where were present the viceroy, the 
 senate, the chapter, and the religious. The viceroy, the senate, 
 and a vast number of others, went with a large guard, in solemn 
 
 attendants, to put animmrdiate end to his life. Animated by the most mise- 
 rable rage and despair, he endeavoured to procure death himself, i)y falling 
 on the fire, abstaining; from food, or sw illowing it nnbroken, with the design 
 of suffocation. Several princes interctded for his release, as did many of 
 the principal Spdnisli noblfs. But the father was relentless and inexorable. 
 After six month's imprisonment, he ransed tlie Inquisition of Madrid to pass 
 sentence against his sDn ; and under the rover of that sentence, ordered 
 poison to be given to him, wliirh in a few hours, put a period to his misera- 
 ble Hfe, at the age of twenty-thne. Watson's Philip II. v. i. 306. 
 
 • Param. 1. 2. tit. 2. cap. 14. '^ Ibid. cap. il. 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 procession, to the market-place, where were about eighty peni- 
 tents ; and the act lasted from six in the morning, to five in the 
 evening. Two heretics, one an Englishman, the other a 
 Frenchman, were released. Some for Judaising, some for po- 
 lygamy, and others for sorceries, were reconciled. The solem- 
 nity of this act was such, that they who had seen that stately 
 one at Valladohd, held in the year 1559, declared that this was 
 nothing inferior to it in majesty, excepting only that they 
 wanted those royal personage^ here, which were present there. 
 From this time, they celebrated yearly solemn acts of the faith, 
 where they brought Portuguese Jews, persons guilty of inces- 
 tuous and wicked marriages, and many convicted of sorcery 
 and witchcraft. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. 
 
 Of the Inquisition in the Low Countries. 
 
 THE Inquisition was introduced into the Low Countries in 
 the year 1522, and Francis Hulstus, and Nicolas Egmondanus, 
 a Carmelite friar, were appointed inquisitors, of whom Eras- 
 mus thus writes* to John Carondilet, archbishop of Palermo, in 
 the year 1524 : — " And now the sword is given to two vio- 
 lent haters of good learning, Hulstus and Egmondanus, &c. 
 If they have a spite against any man, they throw him into 
 prison ; here the matter is transacted between a few, and the 
 innocent suffers barbarous usage, that they may not lose any 
 thing of their authority ; and when they find they have done 
 entirely wrong, they cry out, ' We must take care of the faith.' *" 
 In the same year he writes to Bilibaldus Pirkheimerus : ^ — 
 " There (viz. in the country of Erasmus) reigns Egmondanus, 
 a furious person, armed with the sword, who hates me twice 
 more than he doth Luther. His colleague is Francis Hulst, a 
 great enemy of learning. They first throw men into prison^ 
 
 • Epist. lib. 21. *> Epist. lib. 30. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 173 
 
 and then seek out for crimes to accuse them of. I'hese things 
 the emperor is ignorant of, though it would be worth his while 
 to know them."' A great many were miserably used, and bar- 
 barously slain thrpugh their cruelty. 
 
 But in the year 1549, Charles, created emperor, endeavoured 
 to bring the Inquisition more openly into the Netherlands, after 
 the manner of that in Spain, by an edict against heresy and 
 heretics ; in which he commands all who had the adininistra- 
 tion of justice, and their officials^ when required by the inqui- 
 sitors, and at the joint request of the ordinaries or bishops, to 
 proceed against any one in the affair of heresy, to give them 
 their utmost assistance and countenance, and to help them in 
 the execution of their office, and in apprehending and detaining 
 those whom they should discover to be infected with heretical 
 pravity, according to the instructions which the aforesaid in- 
 quisitors had received from him. In the conclusion it is added, 
 that they should proceed against transgressors by execution, 
 whatever privileges had been before granted contrary td this 
 decree. This edict occasioned great disturbances, especially at 
 Antwerp, where, when it was known for certain, and that it was 
 soon to be published, a great number of merchants determined 
 to go into other places.^ As this would occasion great loss to 
 the city, and ruin their trade, the magistrates called together 
 the chief merchants, and citizens, and enquired what loss the 
 city had already sustained through fear of the Inquisition, and 
 what farther damage it might suffer, if the Inquisition should 
 be actually introduced. This was fairly drawn out in writing ; 
 and the magistrates presented it to Queen J\Iary, sister of 
 Charles V. then governess of the Netherlands; and largely 
 shewed, by many arguments taken from the edict, the instruc- 
 tions of the inquisitors, and the privileges of Brabant, how 
 many evils threatened the city and the whole country ; and 
 besought her that she would intercede with the emperor, her 
 brother, that so rich and flourishing a city might not be ruined 
 by the Inquisition, from which, as Avell as from all ecclesiasti- 
 cal jurisdiction, it had hitlierto been free, and ought ever to 
 
 » Weseubec. dc stat.rel. iu Belg. p. 20. 
 
174 HrSTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 remain so, according to their privileges. The several orders 
 of Brabant joined themselves to those of Antwerp, and by their 
 reasons and prayers, the queen was so moved, that she went 
 to her brother at Augsburg, and obtained another edict, allow- 
 ing the ecclesiastical judges a power of demanding some person 
 from the supreme courts of the emperor, to be joined with 
 them, when they proceeded against any one for the crime of 
 heresy. As to the rest of the former decree, there was no 
 abatement. It was received with great difficulty and reluct- 
 ance, and pubhshed at Antwerp with this protestation, that 
 this edict should derogate nothing from their privileges and 
 statutes. 
 
 But notwithstanding this declaration of the magistrates, the 
 inhabitants could not be at ease, such was their dread of the 
 cruelty of the inquisitors; especially because they saw, that 
 those who were privately commissioned by the pope and the 
 emperor to be inquisitors, acted as such themselves, as well as 
 by their commissaries, in several provinces and cities. For se- 
 veral were condemned for heresy ^by them, in many cities, and 
 beheaded, hanged, or burned, or tied up in sacks and drowned. 
 The states, in vain, humbly besought the king to be deUvered 
 from so grievous a bondage. He was deaf to all their prayers, 
 and determined to lose his dominions, rather than suffer them 
 to be infected with heresy. This occasioned still greater dis- 
 turbances ; and as the cruelty of the inquisitors every day in- 
 creased, they broke out at length into an open revolt. The 
 common people threw down the images from the temples, and 
 committed other violences ; on which the king, that he might 
 have some shew of justice to conquer the Low Countries, and 
 make laws according to his absolute will, demanded the judg- 
 ment of the supreme office of the Inquisition in Spain, con- 
 cerning these revolters. After they had seen the several in- 
 formations and proofs, transmitted to them by the inferior 
 inquisitors, they declared all the inhabitants of the Low Coun- 
 tries, those only excepted whose names were sent to them, 
 heretics and favourers of heretics, and guilty of high treason, 
 either for what they had done, or omitted to do. The king 
 having received this answer, sent the Duke of Alva, with a 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 175 
 
 great army, into the Netherlands ; who, as he was a cruel and 
 bloody man, entered the country \\dth his forces, and meeting 
 no resistance, acted every where with the most outrageous fury. 
 One might have seen throughout all their cities, old men and 
 young, women and girls, without any distinction of dignity, 
 age or sex, suffering by the sword, gallows, fire, and other 
 punishments; till at length the miserable nation, warmed with 
 the remembrance of their former freedom, took courage and 
 arms ; and after they had recovered their liberty, drove out 
 the Inquisition from the whole country. 
 
 END OF BOOK 1. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 fc^ttt^Mtoui 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Ministers of the iNauisiTioN in General. 
 
 J. HITS far we have described the origin of the Inquisition, 
 and its introduction into several kingdoms and countries. 
 There are three things yet remaining to be treated of. First, 
 The ministers of the inquisition, as well the inquisitors them- 
 selves, as others who serve them in the holy office, together 
 with their duties and offices. Secondly, The crimes subject 
 to the cognizance <A this tribunal ; by what ways guilt may 
 be contracted ; and what punishments are annexed to the se- 
 veral offi^nces. Thirdly, What is the manner of process ob- 
 served before the tribunal of the inquisition. These shall be 
 considered in three several books. 
 
 As to the first of these we need not repeat what hath been 
 already said in the former book concerning the cardinals, in- 
 quisitors general in all Christian countries, and of the supreme 
 council of the inquisition in the kingdoms of Spain and Portu- 
 gal. I shall speak only of the inquisitors and those who serve 
 them. For although the erection of those councils liath intro- 
 duced no small change in the office of the inquisition, yet it 
 respects rather the manner of process, than the officers of the 
 inquisition ; which therefore I shall afterwards endeavour to 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 177 
 
 explain according to the best assistance I can gather from those 
 authors who have written on the subject. 
 
 The offices in the Spanish and Portuguese inquisition are 
 somewhat different from what they were anciently, and from 
 those of the Italian inquisition to this day. And because these 
 two inquisitions are now the principal and most famous ones, 
 wherein they differ from other inquisitions, I shall carefully de- 
 scribe, and give an account of the several offices in them, as 
 they are delivered by the Spanish doctors. 
 
 Simancas gives us this account of the ministers of the Spanish 
 inquisition.* " In every province of Spain there ought to be 
 two or three inquisitors, one judge of the forfeited effects, one 
 executor, three notaries, two for secrecy, and the third for se- 
 questrations, one keeper of the prison, one messenger, one 
 door-keeper, and one physician. Besides these, assessors, skil- 
 ful counsellors, familiars and others are necessary." In Italy 
 they call them cross-bearers, of pretty near the same office with 
 the Spanish familiars. Besides these, there is a promoter fiscal, 
 a receiver of the forfeited effects ; and finally, visitors of the 
 inquisitors. Of these in their order. 
 
 fc'»^W%'»^ 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Inquisitors. 
 
 IN the church of Rome there are two sorts of judges in the 
 affair of the faith : the ordinaries, such as the pope, and bishops 
 of places, who, when ordained or consecrated, are beheved to 
 receive, by divine right, power and jurisdiction over heretics: ^ 
 and delegates, to whom the office of judging heretics is parti- 
 cularly given by the pope, who are called inquisitors by the 
 laws. Apostolic inquisitors are therefore judges delegated by 
 the pope, who is believed to be the supreme judge of the faith, 
 
 » De Cathol. Inst tit. 41. sect. 3. l» Eymeric. Diittt p. 3. q. 1. 
 
178 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 who grants them full jurisdiction against all heretics and apos- 
 tates. And they are delegated for all causes. 
 
 No one can be thus deputed to this office who is not forty 
 yeai*s old. " We ordain by the approbation of this holy 
 council, that no person under forty years old, shall from this 
 time be admitted to the office of the inquisition." ^ But because 
 knowledge and prudence sometimes supply the defect of age, 
 it is determined by a general decree of the pope, that a person 
 of thirty years old may be apostolic inquisitor in Spain and 
 Portugal.*' Even in this age the congregation of cardinals 
 created Baptist a Martinengo, inquisitor at Cremona, who was 
 very little above thirty. It is also the custom to choose inqui- 
 sitors for cities, not out of the citizens, but from foreigners. 
 
 These inquisitors'^ receive power to execute this office from 
 the pope, who sometimes immediately appoints them by word 
 of mouth, sometimes by his apostolic letters. Thus in the 
 letters of Clement, beginning, " Licet ex omnibus mundi par- 
 tibus,**' >vritten to the inquisitors ; we read, " That the office 
 of the inquisition against heretics may be more eiFectually dis- 
 charged, we command your discretion by our apostolic writ- 
 ings, enjoining you, by the remission of your sins, to execute 
 the aforesaid office, which we commit to you by our apostolic 
 authority, in the love of God, and without any fears of men, 
 
 » Clement, cap. Nolentes. de haeret. b Carena, p- 1. tit. 5. n. 18. q. 3. 
 
 c Each of the inquisitors hath the title of Lord, and are a great terror to 
 the neighbouring peasants ; certain it is, that by this means the people 
 of Spain are so kept' under that they dare not hearken after any other 
 religion than what their priests and friars shall be pleased to teach them, or 
 entertain the truth if it comes amongst thetn, or call in question any of those 
 palpable and gross impostures which every day are put upon them, for by 
 this means the people of this kingdom have been, and still are punctual fol- 
 lowers, of the church of Rome, and that too in the very errors and corrup- 
 tions of it, taking up their religion on the pope's authority, and therein so 
 tenacious or pertenacious that the king doth suffer none to live in his domi- 
 nions which profess not the Roman catholic religion, of which they have 
 been since the time of Luther such avowed patrons, that one of the late 
 popes being sick, and hearing divers persons bemoan his approaching end, 
 uttered words to this effect ; *' My life can nothing benefit the church, but 
 pray for the prosperity of the king of Spain as its chief support."— Dugdale'ft 
 Spanish Inquisition, 1680. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 179 
 
 putting on the spirit of strength from on high." Sometimes he 
 commits it to a cardinal or legate. 
 
 Heretofore the pope ordinarily granted it to the master, and 
 provincial priors of the predicants ; to the general and provin- 
 cials of the Minorites, that they should take care to provide in 
 quisitors of the friars of their order, for the places assigned to 
 them, as we find it in their privileges, and as appears from 
 many rescripts of the popes, particularly Innocent, Clement, 
 and Alexander IV., which begin, " Licet ex omnibus." We 
 firmly charge and command your discretion, by these apostblic 
 writings, that with the advice of some discreet friars of your 
 order, you choose eight of the said order, fit for your province, 
 to perform this work of the Lord ; and that you strictly charge 
 them, in virtue of their holy obedience, by the apostolic au- 
 thority ^ that they execute the office of the inquisition, &c." 
 And they give this reason, because they are presumed to have 
 greater knowledge of their owti friars, and can therefore more 
 easily judge who are the most proper to be advanced to so high 
 an office. But at this time the apostolic inquisitors throughout 
 Italy are not chosen by the prelates of the aforesaid orders, but 
 either immediately by the pope, or by a brief, as the inquisitor 
 at Milan and Grenoa are chosen ; or by letters patents from 
 the cardinals, inquisitors general over the whole Christian 
 world. In Spain the president of the inquisition appoints the 
 inquisitors. 
 
 And as the power of the inquisitor depends on the pope,^ so 
 no one can be removed from this office, but by the pope alone, 
 and those to whom his holiness commits this power. Formerly 
 he granted the power to the general and provincial masters of 
 the orders, as appears from these letters of Innocent. 
 
 " Innocent,^ bishop, servant of the servants of God, to our 
 venerable brother John, bishop, formerly master of Bosmo, 
 and to our beloved sons, the friars of the Order of Predicants, 
 health and apostolic benediction. Being continuaUy refreshed 
 with the sweet savour of your order, we deservedly bear an 
 especial favour towards it, with full desire wishing its advance- 
 
 - Carei.a, p. I. tit. 5. q. 9. b Bzovius, A- 15Mj. sect. 12. n. 10. 
 
 N 2 
 
ISO HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 merit, and endeavouring with our most diligent care to pro- 
 cure for it peace and other blessings, by which it may obtain 
 through the Lord the desired increase. For this reason we 
 have yielded to your request, that you, brother John, bishop 
 and master, and your successors, the friars of your order, who 
 are or shall be deputed by the apostolic see to preach the cross, 
 or to enquire against heretical pravity, or any other such affairs, 
 may lawfully and freely set aside, or recal, quite remove and 
 enjoin them to forbear, and substitute others in their room, as 
 shall seem expedient to you, and exercise the ecclesiastical cen- 
 sure against all contraveners. And by authority of these pre- 
 sent, we grant, that every provincial prior of the same order 
 may act in like manner in his province, as to the friars of the 
 said order, to whom this affair may happen to be committed by 
 the same see.''— Dated at Lyons, June Id. 5. and 3d of our 
 Pontificate. 
 
 But now the cardinals, inquisitors general in Christendom, 
 remove and change, and translate them from one place to an- 
 other, as they think convenient. 
 
 The popes were greatly desirous that this office should be 
 free from all obstruction ;^ and, therefore, as one very obvious 
 difficulty might arise from the prelates of the several orders, 
 if such as were created regular inquisitors should be forced to 
 obey their prelates in their office, therefore the popes exempted 
 them as to this affair from their jurisdiction, as appears from a 
 bull of Clement IV. beginning " Catholicae Fidei." Although 
 the master and minister generals, and other priors and provin- 
 cials, and the keepers or guardians of any places of your orders, 
 under pretence of any privileges or indulgences of the same 
 see, granted, or hereafter to be granted to the said orders, shall 
 enjoin, or any ways command you, or any one or more of you, 
 to supersede this affair for a time, or as to any certain articles 
 or persons ; we strictly prohibit all and singular of you, by our 
 apostolic authority, from presuming to obey, or in any manner 
 to regard them in this matter. For by the tenour of these 
 present, we recal all such privileges and indulgences relating 
 to this article, and decree that all sentences of excommunication, 
 
 * Eymer. Direct. Par. 6. Qu. 11. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 181 
 
 interdict, and suspension, that may be pronounced against you, 
 or any of you upon this occasion, shall be altogether null and 
 void." So that in the office of the inquisition they are by no 
 means subject to their superiors,* but only to the pope ; inso- 
 much that if an inquisitor should unjustly prosecute any one 
 for heresy, the person apprehended cannot appeal to the supe- 
 rior of that order, but only to the pope. Nor is the inqui- 
 sitor in any manner bound to obey the superior of his order, 
 interrogating him on any affairs relating to his office, but the 
 pope alone, whom he immediately represents. 
 
 And least the superiors of orders should claim to themselves 
 any power over the inquisitors, by reason of their inquisitorial 
 office. Urban IV. wrote to the inquisitors in privilege of the 
 Catholic faith. " For if the aforesaid see hath sometimes com- 
 mitted by their letters, under a certain form, to some prelates 
 of your order, a power to choose certain friars of their orders, 
 to exercise the office of the inquisition against heretical pravity, 
 and to remove and substitute others in their room, as they 
 should think convenient ; as this was granted them only, be- 
 cause it was presumed that they had a fuller knowledge of the 
 fitness of such friars, so hereby no faculty, jurisdiction, or 
 power, is given them over any such affair committed, and to be 
 committed to you immediately by the aforesaid see." 
 
 This is in force only when the inquisitors are of any parti- 
 cular order, whether predicants or friars minor. It is now of 
 no use in Spain ; for, as Simancas tells us, it is found by ex- 
 perience, that it is much more useful and proper, that the 
 inquisitors should be layers, and not divines.^ 
 
 In like manner the Popes ordered, that in favour of the faith 
 the office of the inquisitors should be perpetual, so that it was 
 not to cease at the death of the Pope who conferred it, although 
 the jurisdiction delegated to them might not have been made 
 use of. Thus it is ordained by Clement IV. and is to be found 
 in the Sext. Decret. " Least any person should be in doubt, 
 whether the office of the Inquisition of heretical pravity, com- 
 mitted by the apostolic sec under certain limitations to your 
 care, expires at the death of the Pope who granted it, we by 
 
 a Eynier. Direct. Part 5. qu. 12. »» Ibid. tit. 41. sect. 3. 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 this present edict declare^ tliat the said office shall last, in favour 
 of the faith, after the decease of him who conferred it, not only 
 with respect to affairs begun during the Hfe of the granter, but 
 as to those which are untouched, and not begun, and what is 
 more, even as to such as may not arise till afterwards."* For 
 this reason the office of particular inquisitors continues in Spain, 
 after the death of the inquisitor general, although they should 
 be delegated by him ; and the rather, because they are chosen 
 under this forai : "we constitute you our vicegerents till we 
 shall specially recall tlie commission."" In which case the juris- 
 diction of the delegated judge continues after the demise of him 
 who deputed him.** 
 
 This office is accounted of so great dignity in the church of 
 Rome, that the title of most reverend is given to the inquisitors 
 equally as to bishops, and because they are delegated by the 
 Pope to their jurisdiction, they are advanced to the principal 
 part of the episcopal office, and are therefore thought to deserve 
 the honour of an equal title of dignity with the bishops them- 
 selves.*^ From whence also they infer, that the inquisitors 
 ought to take place of the vicar general of the bisliop, not only 
 in causes of heresy, but in other acts and causes that do not be- 
 long to the holy office. 
 
 In Spain'' oftentimes several inquisitors are deputed together, 
 and whenever this happens, they take care not to create two 
 who are akin, in the same province, nor suffer them to have any 
 official for their servant, or of their household. 
 
 " If any thing hard or difficult happens in any province, the 
 inquisitors must refer it to the council.* 
 
 " The inquisitors sit on their tribunal six hours every day,^ 
 and if any thing comes before them that belongs to the inquisi- 
 tors of another province, they refer it to them, and the messen- 
 gers are to be paid the expences of the journey by the inquisitors 
 to whom they are sent.« 
 
 a Simanc. de Catliol. Instit. tit. 34, sect. 14. 
 b Cap. Si delegatus, de Offic deleg. 1. 6. c Caren. p. 1. t. 5. n. 57. 
 
 ; " Simanc. tit. 34, sect. 21. * Ibid. sect. 15. ^ Ibid. sect. 16. 
 
 « 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 28, and 3 Instruct. ValdoUt. cap. 9. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 183 
 
 " Farther,* the inquisitors are diligently to read those books 
 in which the testimonies against heretics are contained, that 
 from hence they may know tlie names and offences of the guilty 
 persons, and understand distinctly their several crimes. And 
 of this matter the visitors are particularly to enquire, and re- 
 port it to the inquisitor general, if the inquisitors should happen 
 to be negligent herein.** 
 
 " The inquisitoi-s must take special care to agree with and be 
 friendly to each other.^ If any difference should rise against 
 them, they must conceal it, and refer it to the inquisitor gene- 
 ral, that after he understands the matter he may compromise it, 
 and judge between them."'* 
 
 The office of the Inquisition ceases upon the inquisitors ad- 
 vancement to any dignity.' If the inquisitor, for instance, is 
 made a bishop, these dignities are incompatible, because both 
 require personal residence, and therefore the office of the inqui- 
 sitor ceases. 
 
 [If the inquisitors are negligent or remiss in their office, ^ 
 the synod of Sinigagha, held A. D. 1423, hath decreed, that 
 they shall hereby incur the penalty of suspension from entering 
 into the church for the space of four years. The same synod 
 commands, " that in provincial or synodical councils, a proper 
 remedy shall be provided, besides the forementioned penalty, 
 against such negligent persons, according to the degree of such 
 fault or negligence; all privileges, exemptions, customs and sta- 
 tutes whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding."" But I am 
 persuaded that few offend against this decree, or incur the 
 penaly of suspension by neghgence or lenity ; since all compas- 
 sion is banished from this tribunal, and since all who are 
 promoted to this office of inquisitor immediately divest them- 
 selves, I will not say of all pity only, but even of humanity 
 itself] 
 
 If the inquisitors offend,^ by unjustly extorting money, it 
 
 » Simanc. tit. 34, sect. 17. " 5 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 3. 
 
 « Simanc. tit. 34, sect. 18. ^ Instruct. Hispal. cap. 26. 
 
 e Carena, p. 1. t. 5. n. 102. 
 
 f Richer. Hist. Con. I. 3. c. 1. scet. 1. p. 9. 
 
 g Pcgna, io part. 3. Direct. Com. 61. 
 
 X 4i 
 
184. HISTORY OF THE I:NQUISITI0N. 
 
 was anciently provided," that they should be punished by the 
 prelates of their order. " Which said prelates are bound to 
 remove from their offices such inquisitors and commissaries as 
 are found guilty, and when removed, otherwise to punish and 
 correct them according to their desert."" But now as the pre- 
 lates of the several orders neither appoint or remove inquisitors, 
 so neither do they punish them ; but the affair is referred to 
 the cardinals inquisitors general in Christendom. In Spain 
 the president of the Inquisition, whom they call inquisitor 
 major, punishes the delinquent inquisitors, which was expressly 
 granted him by a bull of Leo X. But however notwithstand- 
 ing this, the Pope can, as often as he pleases, call, cite, and 
 punish the inquisitors of all kingdoms at the court of Rome ; 
 for he is the judge of aU, and the inquisitors are delegated by 
 him, and because it appertains to him to take cognizance of 
 their causes, and punish their offences. And if any others take 
 cognizance of these affairs, they do it by a power derived from 
 the Pope, which he can resume as often as he thinks fit, and 
 bring the w^hole affair before himself. 
 
 When any inquisitor is to be punished for his offence, they 
 take care not to lessen men's opinion of the dignity and autho- 
 rity of the holy office by his condemnation or punishment, 
 which they say is more dangerous than to suffer an offender to 
 go unpunished ; unless it be such an offence as gives scandal, 
 and therefore must not be passed over with impunity. And 
 they alledge this reason ; that the apostolic inquisitors are both 
 dreaded and hated by many, and especially by wicked men ; 
 and therefore if they should be easily or publicly punished, the 
 foolish and mad people would soon be drawn by their crimes to 
 hate and dishonour the holy office. So that when there is a ne- 
 cessity to punish the inquisitors, it must be done with caution, 
 to prevent greater inconveniences. 
 
 However, from these laws it is very plain, that the tribunal 
 of the Inquisition is not so very holy and blameless, as they 
 would have them believe in Spain and Portugal; but the 
 inquisitors punish innocent men sometimes very unjustly, 
 throwing them into prison, and treating them in a very barbar- 
 
 & Clement, dc haeret. cap. Nolentes. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 185 
 
 pus and unworthy manner.^ Of this we have a fresh instance 
 in the Inquisition at Goa, in relation to Father Ephraim, a 
 Capuchine, whom out of mere hatred and revenge thoy seized, 
 by craft and subtlety, and carried away to Goa, and there shut 
 him up in the prison of the inquisition. The story is this : 
 Father Ephraim having had an invitation from some English 
 merchants, built a church in the city of Madrespatan, which 
 was near to the city of St. Thomas. To this place several of 
 the Portuguese came from St. Thomas's, to have the benefit of 
 Ephraim'^s instruction. By this he incurred the hatred of the 
 Portuguese; and upon some disturbance that was raised. 
 Father Ephraim was called to St. Thomas to appease it, where 
 he was seized by the officers of the Inquisition, and carried to 
 Goa, bound hands and feet, and at night coming from on board 
 the ship, hurried into the prison of the Inquisition. All men 
 wondered that this Capuchine should be brought prisoner before 
 the tribunal of the Inquisition as an heretic, who was known to 
 be a person of great probity and zeal for the Roman religion. 
 Many were concerned for his delivery, and especially Friar 
 Zenon of the same order, who tried every method to effect it. 
 When the news of his imprisonment came to Europe, persons 
 were very differently affected. His brother the lord Chateau 
 des Bois, solicited the Portugal ambassador at Paris, till he 
 prevailed with him to send letters to his Portuguese majesty, to 
 desire his preremptory orders to the inquisitors at Goa, to 
 dismiss Ephraim from his prison. The Pope also himself sent 
 letters to Goa, commanding him to be set free, under the 
 penalty of excommunication. The king also of Golconda, who 
 had a friendship for him, because he had given him some 
 knowledge of the mathematics, commanded the city of St. 
 Thomas to be besieged, and to be put to fire and sword, unless 
 Ephraim was immediately restored to his liberty. The inqui- 
 sitors not being able to surmount all these difficulties, sent him 
 word that the prison gates were open, and that he might have 
 his liberty when he pleased. But he would not leave his jail, 
 till he was brought out by a solenm procession of the ecclesiastics 
 
 • Taviii). Travel^, b. 1. c U. 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 of Goa. And although there are many instances of the Uke 
 injustice, yet they very seldom publicly punished the injustice 
 and cruelty of the inquisitors, lest their authority, which 
 they would have always accounted sacred, should be con- 
 temned. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Of the Vic Alts and Assistants of the iNauisiTioN. 
 
 WHEN the Inquisition was first appointed and delegated,* 
 there were no cardinals inquisitors general over Christendom, 
 whom they could consult by letter, and from whom receive an 
 answer in cases of difficulty,*' after their having first advised 
 with the Pope. And therefore particular inquisitors were often 
 forced to go to Rome, during whose absence the affairs of the 
 faith were at a stand.^ To prevent this inconvenience, the 
 inquisitor may in such a case appoint a vicar general over the 
 whole province, with a power of proceeding to the definitive 
 sentences of the impenitent and relapsed. Urban IV. in order 
 to remove this difficulty, A. D. 1263, created by a rescript, 
 beginning, Cupientes, the cardinal of St. Nicholas in carcere 
 Tulliano, inquisitor general, or, as it were, protector of the 
 inquisitors, whom particular inquisitors might consult, either 
 in person, or by proposing their doubts to him by letters. But 
 now all these inconveniences are over, since the appointment of 
 the cardinals inquisitors general over Christendom, whom they 
 may consult by letters, and to whom all princes are subject in 
 this affair. This is plain from the bull of Pius V. published 
 1566. In Spain the inquisitors of particular cities consult the 
 inquisitor general of those kingdoms, or president of the Inqui- 
 sition ; and he with those of other provinces advises with the 
 cardinals inquisitors general. 
 
 » Eymer. 41. ^ Ibid. 43. 
 
 * Pegiia, in Eymer. p. 486, 
 
HISTOEY OP THE INftUISITION. 187 
 
 It is however, now the constant daily practice of all inquisi- 
 tors to have their vicars general, who, in their absence, may 
 manage the affairs of the Inquisition. These are ouiinarily 
 appointed by the inquisitors themselves; for the inquisitor 
 hath power of constituting his \Ticar or commissary, by the bull 
 of Clement VII. sent to Paidus Bugitella," which begins. Cum 
 sicut, in which we read : " Moreover we decree that you may 
 have authority to appoint your vicars or commissaries, persons 
 whom you shall judge to be circumspect, fit, and proper, pro- 
 vided they are full thirty years of age." 
 
 This power doth not only extend to the appointing one or 
 two vicars or commissaries, but several, if the diocese or pro- 
 vince be large, and contains several cities.'' For as the inqui- 
 sitor cannot be personally present at all of them, it is necessary 
 he should appoint commissaries in them. He must create at 
 least in every city one, a man prudent and learned, an old 
 Christian, pious, and fit for business, a rehgious peison of his 
 own, or some other order, or a secular clergyman, viz. one pos- 
 sessed of some preferment in the principal church of that city, 
 or a canonist, whom he verily beheves will take care of the 
 matters of the faith dihgently, and according to the canonical 
 sanctions. 
 
 This vicar general may be constituted with such full powers 
 by the inquisitor,^ as to be able to receive denunciations, in- 
 formations, or accusations, from and against any persons what- 
 soever, and of proceeding, and of citing, arresting, and putting 
 In irons, as well the witnesses as the guilty, of receiving their 
 confessions or depositions, and of proving them, of examining 
 and compelling to give evidence, and of putting to the question 
 and torture to force the truth from them, jointly with the lord 
 bishop or his vicar ; as also of imprisoning them, by way of 
 punishment rather than safety, of calling together and advising 
 with skilful men at his pleasure; and, in general, of doing every 
 thing which the inquisitor himself, if present, could do. Only 
 the inquisitor usually reserves to himself the definitive sentence 
 
 » Pcgaa, in Eymer. Qn 13. * Pcgna, Com. 63. 
 
 c Eymer. p. 3. 17. 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 of all impenitents and relapsed, although he may also commit 
 even this to his vicar. 
 
 The power of pronouncing sentence, however, is seldom 
 given to the commissary or vicar, without first consulting the 
 inquisitor, who in decency, is bound to defend the conduct of 
 his commissary. The inquisitor, however, cannot endow the 
 commissary with power to employ a deputy, though they some- 
 times appoint two commissaries to act conjointly. The vicars 
 can only be deprived of their authority by the inquisitor, from 
 whom it was received. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 (y Assessors and Counsellors necessary to tJie Office of the 
 Inquisition. 
 
 THE inquisitors were originally religious friars, skilful only 
 in divinity, but ignorant of the laws.* And, therefore, because 
 they might be easily deceived in a judiciary process, and so ab- 
 solve such as should be condemned, and condemn such as should 
 be absolved, they were commanded to call in skilful persons, 
 such as divines, canonists, and layers, to consult them, and if 
 there was need, to compel them to give their advice in virtue 
 of their obedience ; as we find it, cap. Ut commissi, sect. Ad- 
 vocandi. de hccret. lib. 6. " That you also call in as occasion 
 requires, any skilful persons to assist you, and give you pro- 
 per advice in passing such sentences, and enjoin them by virtue 
 of their obedience, that in this matter they humbly obey you." 
 And thus we often find it in the book of the Tholouse Inquisi- 
 tion, in the sentences pronounced, " We, the aforesaid bishop 
 and inquisitor, with the advice and counsel of many good men, 
 skilful as well in the canon as civil law, and of many prudent 
 Religious persons," &c. I do not find that their number is 
 
 a Eymer. p. 3. qu. 77. Pegna, com. 126. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 189 
 
 precisely determined by any certain law. Carena says, » that 
 in the congregation at Cremona, there are regularly present, 
 four regular divines, four secular clergymen, canonists, and 
 four lay counsellors; and because the inquisitor there is always 
 a master in divinity, they do not need so many quahficators, as 
 the inquisitors of Spain do, who are layers.'* 
 
 It is to be wondered at, that the office of making inquisition 
 against heretics, and of judging them, should be committed to 
 persons entirely ignorant of the law. But if we consider the 
 modern inquisitors, and compare them with the more ancient 
 ones, and judge of their ignorance by what we find of the ig- 
 norance of the other, it must be owned that they know nothing 
 either of law, or of divinity, or of any theological points. The 
 author of the history of the Inquisition at Goa,'' was in doubt, 
 whether the baptism of the breath'^ could be reconciled with 
 those words of our Lord,'^ " Except a man be born again of 
 the water and the spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of 
 heaven." The inquisitor who examined him as to his faith, 
 was astonished at the citing of this place, and asked where the 
 passage was to be found. He was equally ignorant of the ca- 
 non of the council of Trent, about the worship of images.*' So 
 that he concludes, that the ignorance of the inquisitors, in 
 matters of faith, exceeds all belief Father Ephraim also af- 
 firmed, that nothing was so troublesome to him in the prison of 
 the Inquisition, as the ignorance of the inquisitor and his asses- 
 sors, when they examined him, which was so very great, as 
 
 » P. I. tit. 8. n. 12. b Ibid. n. 35. c a. 22. 
 
 ti Baptismus flaminis is the baptism of the Holy Ghost, foiiuded on Acts i, 
 i. and, I suppose, so called from John xx. 22. " He breathed ou them, and 
 saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost," 
 
 *= Dr.Geddes gives us a worse account of their stupidity and ignorance. The 
 writer of the Repertorium, printed at Venice, A. D. 1588, to shew his critical 
 learning, saith, the word Hareticus, according to some, is compounded oimo 
 and recto, because an heretic errs from what is right. According to oihers, 
 it is derived from eiciscor, which signifies to divide; and according to some, 
 it comes from adhcereo, because it is one's adhering obstinately to an error 
 that makes him an heretic. And with the same stock of learning it was 
 that another inquisitor proved, from St. Paul's words, U<ereticum decita, that 
 Christians were commanded to deprive heretics of their lives. 
 
 Geddea's Tracts, vol, i. p. 425. 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE INatllSlTION. 
 
 that he verily believed not one of them had ever read the holy 
 scriptures. And, therefore, as the inquisitors are thus ignorant 
 themselves, they greatly want the advice, not only of persons 
 skilful in both laws, or as diey call them, of canonists and 
 layers, but of divines also. Such are generally called assessors 
 and counseDors. 
 
 They have their distinct parts. They are not all indifferently 
 consulted in all affairs, but each of them as to those which they 
 are presumed to understand. The divines are called in to 
 examine propositions, and explain their quahty. The layers 
 are consulted about the punishment or absolution of offenders, 
 and other merits of causes. The inquisitors generally consult 
 and deliberate with these skilful persons together, and not apart* 
 as is provided in certain letters of the Spanish counsel. 
 
 When, therefore, any question happens in the cognizance of 
 the causes of heresy, at the tribunal of the faith, relating to 
 the quality of propositions, spoken by heretics, or persons sus- 
 pected of heresy, the decision of that affair belongs to the di- 
 vines, from whence they are called Qualificators. 
 
 The inquisitors are, nevertheless, not bound to follow the 
 advice of the counsellors ; but after they have heard their opi- 
 nion, they are free to determine what they think proper : even 
 though it should be contrary to, or different from, the advice 
 so given. 
 
 In this particular, however, there is some diversity in differ- 
 ent countries. There is a letter of the council,* in possession 
 of the inquisitors of Corduba, by which this method is autho- 
 rized. But in the Inquisition of Valladohd, it is necessary to 
 refer to a council, unless a majority agree in one sentence. In 
 Portugal, the counsellors have a decisive vote, and are chosen 
 under the same conditions as the inquisitors.^ 
 
 The counsellors are sworn to secresy,^ because they say se- 
 cresy is the principal nerve of the holy office. And if they 
 should at any time speak, write, or debate, of any matters affect^ 
 ing any cause treated of by the holy office, they would thereby 
 
 » Sinianc. tit. 41. sect. 14. 
 
 ^ Souza, !• 1. c. 1. sect. 14- Pegna, part 3. com. 128. 
 
 « Carena, p. 1. 1. 8. d. 65. 
 
HISTOEY OF THE INaUISlTION. 191 
 
 incur excommunication; from which none but the cardinars 
 inquisitors could release them ; and if they should maliciously 
 reveal such things, they maybe proceeded against, as obstruc- 
 tors of the holy office. 
 
 It is unlawful to choose two persons to this office who are 
 related, as father and son, in order to prevent partiaUty or pre- 
 judice. 
 
 The proper place of congregation is the hall of the holy 
 office. Carena says, he heard from some worthy persons, that 
 there are letters of the inquisitors general upon this affair, com- 
 manding the congregation, when held before the bishop, to be 
 at his palace. But when the bishop will not, or cannot, be pre- 
 sent, they shall meet in the holy office. And that the vicar 
 general of the bishop must be there. And though he himself 
 did not see these letters, he says, this is exactly the method of 
 the Inquisition at Cremona. 
 
 At Rome it was the usual custom for the junior counsellors 
 to vote first, that the example of the elders might not mislead 
 him : but at Cremona this order was reversed. 
 
 *^-W»^ VV*'* 1 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Oftlie PROMOTOR Fiscal. 
 
 " They usually call that officer of the Inquisition the promo- 
 tor fiscal, * who acts the part of the accuser. He must be an 
 honest, diligent, and industrious person, skilful in the law. — 
 He is prohibited from exercising this fiscal office in the pro- 
 vince where he was born, that he may not be thought to act 
 out of favour or hatred. 
 
 " It belongs to this office to examine the depositions of the 
 witnesses,^ to give information of criminals to the inquisitors, or 
 notice of them to the judges, and to demand their apprehen- 
 sion and imprisonment; £yid finally, when apprehended and 
 
 • Simanc. tit. 53, sect. 1.2. fc Ibid. sect. 3, &c. 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIO:i^. 
 
 admonished, to accuse them."* In the holy offioe in Spain, 
 the fiscals do not form their accusation against the criminal, 
 till the way is clear for the inquisitors to proceed against him. 
 " And although the criminals, upon admonition, should confess 
 all their heresies, yet the promotor fiscal must accuse them of 
 the same things, that judgment may be formed from the ac- 
 cuser, criminal, and judge. The charge is to be drawn up 
 and presented to the judges by the promotor, to which he is to 
 add an oath, that none of the heads of it proceed from a ma- 
 licious design ; but only that he may the better prosecute his 
 suit, and that he intends to prove them all. 
 
 " If the judges shall allow any time to receive the proofs,^ 
 he must produce the witnesses against the criminal, and demand 
 their examination ; and that their depositions be allowed and 
 published. If after this, other witnesses shall appear to prove 
 other heresies, this also shall be added to the accusation, and 
 the promoter fiscal shall accuse the criminal of these. He must 
 also take particular care to observe all the confessions, sayings, 
 and answers, of the criminals, that he may be able to gather 
 what relates particularly to their case, and what to other here- 
 tics.^ And when the depositions of the witnesses are written 
 down and allowed ; and when the judges and counsellors de- 
 bate about the sentence to be passed, the promotor fiscal must 
 be absent. But he may be present when the process of the 
 cause is reported, and from fact or law alledge what he thinks 
 convenient.'' In the Cremona Inquisition the fiscal is not pre- 
 sent at the examination of the witnesses, unless the inquisitor 
 calls for him.*^ He is, however, present at the examination of 
 the witnesses, by way of defence ; and at the rehearing of the 
 witnesses, and must be present in the congregations when they 
 vote in the cause, and always at the torture, together with the 
 inquisitor, who sits between the vicar general on the right, and 
 the advocate fiscal on the left. 
 
 " Heretofore the promotor fiscal was bound to defend the 
 cause of the treasury before the judge of the forfeited effects,^ 
 
 a Carena,p. 1. t. 9. n. 15. ^ Ibid. sect. 7. <= Sect; 10. 
 
 •i Ibid. 1. 1, t, 9, u, 41, « Ibid, sect, 11, 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 193 
 
 which is to this day in use in some provinces. But generally 
 speaking, this affair belongs now to tlie advocate of the trea- 
 sury. 
 
 " Besides this, in Spain, they choose a person for procurator 
 general of the holy inquisition there,* that he may manage the 
 affair of this most holy office at the court of Rome, who is to 
 have a proper salary paid him out of the forfeited effects. Into 
 tliis office a skilful and honest man must be chosen.*'' 
 
 ♦^•'W^V^V^*^ 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the Notaries of the Inquisition. 
 
 THE office of the registers, whom they also call Notaries 
 and Secretaries, is to ^vrite down the injunctions, accusations, 
 and all the pleadings of the causes.^ The judge ought not 
 only to take care that the notary writes down the depositions of 
 the witnesses, or the answers of the criminals, but also that he 
 diligently explains, and particularly remarks, during the pro- 
 cess, the several circumstances relating to the witness, the in- 
 former, and the person against whom inquisition is made, viz. 
 Whether the colour of his face changes ; whether he trembles 
 or hesitates in speaking ; whether he frequently endeavours to 
 interrupt the interrogatories, by hawking or spitting ; or whe- 
 ther his voice trembles, and the hke. All these circumstances 
 the judge ought to take care to have particularly specified in 
 the process, that it may not be said, that the person inquired 
 against is put to the torture without proofs. 
 
 Whatsoever the notary writes down from the mouth of the 
 criminals, or witnesses, must be in the same language in which 
 the witness or criminal speaks, without altering, adding, or 
 diminishing, transposing or inverting any of the words. = If 
 
 a Carena, tit. 52. sect. 6. 2 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 2. 
 ^ Siraaoc. tit. 41. sect. 7. Cainpeg. in Zancli. cap. 9- 
 ' Pegnaeprax. Inq. !. 2. rap. 20. u, 12, &c. 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 the mminal or witness doth not understand Latin ; and if the 
 notary or inquisitor doth not understand the language of the 
 one or other, the inquisitor must have a skilful interpreter. 
 For it may happen, that a Frenchman, a Spaniard, an English- 
 man, or a German, may be examined before an Italian inqui- 
 sitor. The depositions of the witnesses and the confessions of 
 the criminals, are to be written down by the notaries, in the 
 same words in which they are delivered. And when there are 
 several witnesses, it is not sufficient that the notary, when he 
 hath particularly wrote down the depositions of the first wit- 
 ness, says, that the second or third says entirely the same as 
 tlie first ; but he must write down the particular words of the 
 several witnesses, because oftentimes the case before this tribu- 
 nal is the proof of formal heresy. Clement VIII., in a general 
 congregation of the inquisition,^ hath particularly commanded 
 the inquisition not to omit any of the interrogatories which are 
 made by the judge, in the examination of the witnesses and 
 criminals, but to write them down at large. Yea, so favour- 
 able are they to this affair of the faith, that though the notaries 
 should make one false libel, yet all their others are vaHd, 
 whilst they are kept in ofiice ; ^ although when the author is 
 condemned, the book is commonly condemned too. 
 
 " These notaries are to be chosen of the laity ; but in causes 
 of heresy, the clergy and monks, and also others in holy orders 
 may discharge this office. And although in Spain they usually 
 take them from amongst the laity, yet Simancas says,^ that 
 possibly it would be better, that they shovild be chosen from 
 the clergy, because they would want less than those who have 
 wives and children ; for the salary is scarce sufficient for one. 
 They are also obliged to register in a certain book, all the com- 
 mands of the inquisitors, given to the executors and receivers, 
 against heretics, and their effects ; that if any question should 
 arise concerning these things, they may be able, from those 
 registers, to detemiine it. Besides, they must be content with 
 their salary, and receive nothing for their writing, except the 
 
 * November 9, 1600. ^ Ex Gloss, in cap. Fraternitatus, 
 
 c Ibid. tit. 41. sect. 7, j* 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 1^5 
 
 notary of the forfeited effects, who may demand his lawful 
 dues, because he hath no salary. They must also travel at 
 their own expences within their proper province, to ratify the 
 depositions of the witnesses, the proof of the defences, and the 
 exceptions against the witnesses, as it is contained in a certain 
 decree of the council.'"* * 
 
 In the early periods of the inquisition, the appointment of 
 notaries was lodged with the bishop, and the inquisitors could 
 not appoint them. But by a rescript^ of Pius IV., beginning 
 Pastorahs Officii Cura, given A. D. 1561, Cal. 6th September, 
 it is provided that the inquisitors may, when they think it ne- 
 cessary by the apostolic authority, choose, assume, and create 
 notaries, one or more, either all clergymen or regulars of any 
 order. 
 
 When they are first chosen, they take an oath to act faith- 
 fully, and at every trial they are sworn to faithfulness and 
 secresy. 
 
 The writings of the holy inquisition are commanded to be 
 kept under three keys, which are to be in the hands of the 
 promoter fiscal and notaries, nor must they be read or she^vn 
 to any one, but in the presence of all, on pain of removal with- 
 out hope of pardon. 
 
 The notaries must attend the tribunal of the inquisition, 
 six hours every day. And if any one offends in his office, he 
 may be punished by fine, suspension of office, deprivation, or 
 banishment.'^ 
 
 a C. ut Officium. sect, ad conscribenduna. de Laeret. lib. 6. 2 Instruct 
 Hispal. c. 13. and 4 Instruct. Tolet. c. 18. 
 
 b Pegna Com. ©7. 
 
 c Epist. dat. Granat. September 4, 1499, and 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 28 
 and 13. 
 
 O 2 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. VII, 
 
 Of the Judge and Receiver ofilie confiscated Effects. 
 
 " HE who is chosen judge of the confiscated effects, must 
 be an honest man, and skilful in the law, not of Jewish ex- 
 tract, nor of the Mahometan, nor of an heretical one, but one 
 who may be capable of discharging the office of assessor. =* His 
 office is, to judge between the treasury and private persons, in 
 causes relating to the effects of heretics. But he may also take 
 cognizance between private persons, when theii cause hath any 
 connection with the other. An appeal lies from his sentence to 
 the senate, but not to any other judges. But if the dispute is 
 between the treasury and the church defendant, or between 
 ecclesiastical persons, or concerning the revenues of benefices, 
 the inquisitors are to take cognizance of it, as is more fully con- 
 tained in one of the resolutions of the senate. The inquisitor 
 general, by advice of the senate, chooses this judge and all the 
 other ministers. 
 
 " He is generally called in Spain the Receiver, whom in 
 Italy they call the Treasurer of the Holy Office.'" He receives 
 the confiscated effects, and by command of the king is procura- 
 tor of the treasury, demands, defends, and sells the confiscated 
 goods, and pays the salaries and other expences of the holy 
 office. He who is chosen to the office, must be an honest and 
 wealthy person, capable of making up and reporting his ac- 
 counts, and must give proper sureties to pay all his deficiences. 
 He is to be chosen by the inquisitors, according to Carena.*^ 
 
 " It belongs to the office of the receiver to be present at the 
 sequestration of goods, which cannot be done but by the pre- 
 vious command of the inquisitors. It must be performed by 
 the executor, in presence of the receiver, and notary of the 
 sequestrations, and some other notary ; and all the goods of the 
 criminals, which are found in their possession, or are in the 
 
 » Simanc. tit. 41. sect. 4. * Ibid. tit. 43. sect. 1, A:c. 
 
 c p. 1 t. 13. n. 1. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 197 
 
 hands of others, are to be written down severaDy in a catalogue 
 or inventory, two copies of which are to be made out, each 
 notary to have one.* All the effects are to be delivered to the 
 sequestrator, with an inventory subscribed by the executor, 
 and the said sequestrator and the notaries, one copy of which 
 is to be kept by the notary of the sequestrations. The seques- 
 trator is to be chosen by the executor and receiver, who must 
 be a sufficient citizen, not of kin to the heretic, nor of an evil 
 race. But when the process is formed against any person dead, 
 his effects must not be dehvered to the sequestrator, but taken 
 an account of, and sealed up, and left with the possessors under 
 good securities. If any other person's effects are with those of 
 the heretics, they must be immediately delivered to the owners. 
 Debts also must be paid out of the eflPects delivered in to the 
 sequestrator, without waiting for the issue of the whole cause. 
 Finally, If the criminal be absolved, all his effects must be im- 
 mediately dehvered to him.'' As to perishable effects, and 
 which may grow worse by keeping, and such also as are too 
 chargeable to keep, viz. Cattle and slaves, the receiver must sell 
 them by command of the inquisitors, without whose permission 
 nothing can be done. 
 
 " When the necessary expences are deducted, the surplus 
 money which remains out of the sale of the effects, is to be de- 
 posited with the sequestrator, of which the receiver must touch 
 nothing till the criminal is condemned. As to other things 
 which may be kept, they are to be hired out at reasonable 
 prices by the receiver and sequestrator. But these and other 
 the confiscated effects, must not be sold but by auction, and then 
 go to the best bidder. The same is to be observed as to the 
 effects which are hired out. ^ In these sales the receiver must 
 use great fidelity and diligence, and though he promises after 
 the rate of two or three per cent, for the recovery of any 
 effects, yet when they are recovered, he must allow only one. 
 
 " When the heretic is condemned, the sequestrator must 
 immediately deliver all the effects to the receiver before two 
 
 » 2 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 8. ^4 lustnrct, Tolet. cap. 22. 
 
 c 2 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 9. 
 
 o 3 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 notaries, nor can he receive or sell any thing but in their 
 presence. But the judge of the confiscated effects may at the 
 instances of the receiver give notice by the criers of the future 
 auction. If any one thinks himself to be concerned in it, he 
 may, when he knows the effects are to be sold, come to the 
 judge and demand his own, and sue for his right. If no one 
 comes, the immoveable effects are to be sold, and to be put up 
 to sale by auction the thirtieth day, after the pubhc notices, and 
 other customary things of the city, before the receiver and other 
 parties concerned.^ 
 
 " As to those effects which are disputed, they must not be 
 sold by the receiver, till the suit is finished. As to effects 
 that are pawned, the receivers may sell them, not so as to 
 prejudice the right of the creditors ; but if the effects amount 
 to more than the debt, they must be sold, and the former 
 creditors first paid, and the remainder carried into the trea- 
 sury.^ However, the sale of the forfeited effects is not to be 
 deferred upon account of actions, that do not appear to have 
 any just foundation, but such effects are to be sold, and such 
 a sum must be deposited in the sequestrator's hands, that is 
 equal to the value of the debt sued for, and the charges of the 
 suit. Farther, if there be any effects which are to be in 
 common between the treasury and others, they must be divid- 
 ed, if it can be done conveniently : if it cannot, and it appears 
 better to sell them entire and without division, the treasury 
 hath the privilege to order ail of them to be sold by the 
 receiver, although the least part belongs to it, but must receive 
 no more than its proper debt, and pay the remainder to the 
 other creditors.^ 
 
 " The receivers must omit none of these things ; if they do, 
 they incur the sentence of excommunication, and are to be 
 fined 100 pieces of gold, and make good all losses to the trea- 
 sury.*' 
 
 ^' The receivers of one province must not seize on the effects 
 ©f heretics which belong to other receivers, but give them 
 
 a 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 24. ^ Ibid. cap. 23. « Ibid» 
 
 d eod, cap. 23. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 199 
 
 more certain notice of sucli effects; otherwise they are deprived 
 of their office, and pay the loss, and double more. ' 
 
 " All the monies received by the sequestrator, and the money 
 that arises from the sale of the effects, the receivers must de- 
 posit within three days after into the public chest, which must 
 be locked up with three keys, which the holy senate hath 
 ordered under excommunication, and a fine. 
 
 " The receivers of the treasury cannot forgive any monies 
 to debtors, and if any are forgiven by them, they are re- 
 claimed ; nor can they make any bargain or composition with 
 them,'' 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 ' Of the Executor and Officials of the Inquisition. 
 
 " THE executor is he who executes the commands of the 
 inquisitors.*^ His office is principally to apprehend and keep 
 in custody, criminals, whom he is obliged to pursue, if they 
 are at a distance, and to put in irons, and to be content with his 
 appointed salary. But if it be needful for the familiars to at- 
 tend him, they must have a salary appointed by the inquisitors, 
 to be paid by the receiver out of the treasury. And as he is 
 a mere executor of a command, he must carefully keep within 
 his bounds, and punctually execute the order of the judges.— 
 These they also call apparitors and pursevants.'''' 
 
 Their office is the same with theirs who are otherwise called 
 officials, concerning whom Innocent IV.*" hath ordained these 
 things, by a constitution, beginning. Ad extirpanda, as they are 
 all placed in order, in a book, entitled, " The Manner of pro- 
 ceeding against heretics, ascribed to John Calderine.'' 
 
 *' Let the governor or ruler be obliged, within three days 
 
 a 2 Instruct, cap. 2. ''4 Instruct, cap. 23. 
 
 c Simanca, tit. 41. sect. 5. «* 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 26. 
 
 « Bzovius, A. 1252, sect. 3. 
 
 o 4t 
 
SOO HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 after his entrance into his government, to appoint twelve ho- 
 nest and Catholic men, and two notaries, and two servitors, or 
 as many as shall be necessary, whom the diocesan, if present, 
 and willing to be concerned, and two friars predicants, and two 
 minorites, deputed to this service by their priors, if there should 
 be there convents of the said order, shall think proper to be 
 chosen. Such persons, when appointed and chosen, may and 
 ought to take up heretical men and women, to seize on their 
 effects, and to cause them to be seized on by others, and to 
 cause that these things be fully done, as well in the city, as in 
 his whole jurisdiction and district, and to bring them, and cause 
 them to be brought, into the power of the diocesan or his 
 vicars. 
 
 *' Let their office continue only during six months, after 
 which let the governor be obhged to substitute so many other 
 officials, according to the prescribed form, who may execute 
 the aforesaid office, according to the said form, for the six 
 months next following. 
 
 " But let them not be compelled to any other office or em- 
 ployment, that doth, or may in any manner, hinder the said 
 office, nor let any statute made, or to be made, hinder, by any 
 means, their office. 
 
 " Let full credit be given to these aforesaid officials, con-, 
 cerning all things which are known to belong to their office, 
 without requiring from them any special oath, or admitting any 
 proof to the contrary, when two or more of them shall be pre- 
 sent. Farther, when these officials are chosen, let them swear 
 to execute all these things faithfully, and according to their 
 power, and to speak nothing but the truth concerning all these 
 things, so that they may be more fully obeyed in all things ap- 
 pertahiing to their office, and let the said twelve and their ser- 
 vitors, and the before appointed notai'ies, together or separate- 
 ly, have full power of commanding, upon pain of punishment 
 and the ban, (or curse) all things appertaining to their office, and 
 let the governor or ruler, be obliged to confirm and ratify, all 
 their commands which they shall give relating to their office, 
 and punish those who do not observe them. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. SOI 
 
 " Farther, let the governor be obUged to send with their 
 officials, one of his soldiers, or some otlier assistant, if the dio- 
 cesan, or his vicar, or the inquisitors deputed by the apostolic 
 see, or the said officials shall demand it ; and let such soldier 
 faithfidly execute his office with them. Let every one also, 
 if he be present, or required, whether in the city jurisdiction 
 or district, be obliged to grant to these officials or their com- 
 panions, counsel and assistance, when they will apprehend, 
 seize the effiscts of, or make enquiry concerning any heretical 
 man or woman, or enter into any house or place, or passage, 
 to take heretics, under the punishment of twenty-five imperial 
 pounds, or the ban. Let every corporate town be obliged to 
 it, under the penalty of an hundred pounds and ban, and a 
 village under the penalty of fifty, to be paid every time in 
 ready money." 
 
 Alexander IV. A. D. 1255, wrote to the inquisitors of Ligu- 
 ria,* and Insubria,** " That the aforesaid officials may command 
 any city, borough, or village, under the penalty and ban of 
 1200 marks of silver and more, at the pleasure of the governor 
 of such place, that they shall present, within a competent time 
 fixed, to the governor, or diocesan, or his vicar, or the inqui- 
 sitors of heretics, all heretical men and women, which the said 
 officials shall signify to them. And the governor of such place 
 shall be obliged to exact this punishment from all who do not 
 observe this order."" 
 
 Innocent IV. adds in the same bull, " That if any loss shall at 
 any time happen to the said officials, in their persons and ef- 
 fects, in executing their office, they shall be indemnified with 
 full restitution by such city, or place, and that the said officials, 
 or their heirs, shall not at any time, be sued for any thing they 
 have done, or belonging to their office, any farther than as the 
 said diocesan and friars think fit. 
 
 " And if the aforesaid diocesan or friars shall think fit to re- 
 move any one of the said officials, for being unskilful or impro- 
 per, or for any engagement, or excess, the governor or chief 
 
 » Containing the towns of Geneva, Nina, Vintimilia, Albenga, Polenza, 
 AWiTi, Aste, Aich, Tbrtona, nnil Voghcra. 
 ^ Containiny Milau, Lcdi, ('!ema> ao'l Mons'n. 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE IINQUISITION. 
 
 officer shall be obliged to remove him at their command and 
 appointment, and to substitute another in his place, according 
 to the prescribed form. 
 
 '' But if any one of them shall, contrary to his oath, or duty 
 of his office, be found to have favoured heresy; besides the 
 mark of perpetual infamy which he shall incur, a^ a favourer 
 of heretics, let him be punished by the governor or chief offi- 
 cer, at the pleasure of the Diocesan of the place and the said 
 friars." 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Familiars or Attendants. 
 
 INNOCENT III. granted large indulgences and privileges 
 to those, who should accompany or assist the inquisitor, in his 
 making inquisition against and punishing heretics, that this 
 newly appointed office might have the more happy success. — 
 Hence the soldiers, who were assistants and helpers to the in- 
 quisitor, were commonly called familiars,* as belonging to the 
 inquisitor's family. In some provinces of Italy they are called 
 cross-bearers, and in others, the scholars of St. Peter the ]\Iar- 
 tyr, and they wear a cross before them upon the outside gar- 
 ment. 
 
 Anciently certain persons were appointed,^ whose office it 
 was to use all diligence in searching out heretics/ and to this 
 
 a The familiars are the bailiflfs of the Inquisition, which, though a vile of- 
 fice in all other criminal courts, is esteemed so honourable in this of the In- 
 quisition, that there is not a nobleman in the kingdom of Portugal that is not 
 in it, and such are commonly employed by the inquisitors to apprehend peo- 
 ple. Neither is it any wonder that persons of the highest quality desire to 
 be thus employed, since the same plenary indulgence is granted by the pope 
 to every single exercise of this office, as was granted by the Lateran council 
 to those who succoured the holy land. 
 
 Dr. Geddes's Tracts, vol. i. p. 425, 426. 
 b Pegna, Prox. Inq. cap. 5. sect. 3. 
 
 a When the familiar is sent for to apprehend any person, he hath the fol- 
 .lowing order put into his hand : — *' By the command of the reverend father 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 203 
 
 purpose they applied the decree of the council of Biterre, cap. 
 34. " In all parishes, as well within cities as without them, 
 let one priest, or two or three of the laity of good reputation, 
 or more if need be, be bound by oath to remove and change, 
 as often as it shall seem good to you (the inquisitors) who dih- 
 gently, faithfully, and frequently may search out heretics in vil- 
 lages, and find them when out of their houses, their subterraneous 
 shelters, huts, and fastnesses, and all other their liiding places, 
 all which let them cause to be stopped up or destroyed.'*— 
 " "Tlie familiars or cross-bearers ai'e now in their room : and 
 they are then especially in service, when the bishops or inqui- 
 sitors have dioceses bordering upon, and near to, the lands of 
 heretics, or persons suspected of heresy, so that a mutual com- 
 merce can scarce be avoided amongst them. For as then thev 
 may more reasonably be afraid, lest those who are subject to 
 them, and belong to their jurisdiction, should be infected and 
 corrupted by heretics, they ought to use the strictest dihgence 
 to know with whom heretics lodge, and into whose houses they 
 are received ; and whether any subject to them go to the neigh- 
 bouring towns of heretics, and for what cause, and whether 
 they have brought from thence the poison of heretical pravity, 
 by doctrines they have heard or read." So careful are they, 
 upon every occasion, that there shall not be the least dispute 
 about any of the doctrines of their church. 
 
 But now the familiars always accompany the inquisitors in 
 Spain, even though they are free from the danger which Pegna** 
 was so very sohcitous about. Simancas describes to us their 
 office and immunities. 
 
 N. an inquisitor of heretical pravity, let N. be apprehended and committed 
 to the prisons of this holy office, and not be released out of them, but by the 
 express order of the said reverend inquisitor." And if several persons are 
 to be taken up at the same time, the familiars are commanded so to order 
 things, that they may know nothing of one another's being apprehended. 
 And at this the familiars are so expert, that a father, and his three sons, and 
 three daughters, who lived together in the same house, were all carried pri- 
 soners to the Inquisition, without knowing any thing of one another's being 
 there until seven years afterwards, when they that were alive came forth in 
 an Ad of Faith. Geddes, vol. i. p. 429. 
 
 a Pegna, Prox. Inq. cap. 5, sect. 4, 5. ^ Tit. 11. sect. 15. 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 " The familiars or attendants are necessary to accompany 
 the inquisitors, and to defend them, if need be, from the insults 
 of heretics ; and to follow the executor when going to appre- 
 hend criminals ; and to do other things which the judges shall 
 think proper to fulfil the duty of the holy office of the Inquisi- 
 tion. The familiars are allowed to use arms, but must not 
 abuse them. Such as are to be chosen, must be good, peace- 
 able, and married men, as it is provided by a certain letter of 
 the council ; and no more must be admitted but what the 
 necessity of the office requires. * 
 
 *' The famiUars have no salaries, but are endowed with certain 
 privileges, their number is limited ; in the city of Toledo fifty ; 
 in Seville fifty ; in Grenada fifty ; — forty in Corduba, Cuence 
 and Valladolid ; at Calaborre and Irena twenty-five; in the city 
 of Murcia thirty. In every town of 300 burgesses six; in 
 those of 500 four, and in lesser towns two. But in every sea- 
 port or frontier town four. 
 
 '« The magistrates and governors must have a Hst of the fami- 
 liars, that they may know them, and in all ci\al causes they 
 may be cited before them, as if they were not famihars, though 
 in criminal causes, they cannot be punished by any but the 
 inquisitors, except for treason, rebellion, &c. ; and if any 
 difference should arise between the inquisitors and magistrates, 
 on this subject, the cause is to be referred to the king, when it 
 shall be dehvered over to those judges to whom it belongs, 
 without noise, or form of judgment.'' 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the Cross-Bearers. 
 
 BESIDES these familiars, there is another sort of them, 
 called cross-bearers, instituted by Dominic,** to whom he gave 
 
 • Clement. 2. sect. ult. de hseret. 
 b Carapcg. ID Zanch. cap. 9. f. 241. cap. 1. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 205 
 
 such constitutions and laws for their direction, as obhges them 
 vio-orously to prosecute heretics, and when there is need, to 
 endeavour, witli the greatest violence, their destruction. 
 " They make a vow between the hands of the inquisitors to 
 defend the Cathohc faith, though with the loss of fortune and 
 life ; and may be compelled to perform their vow. The Popes 
 have honoured this fraternity with many graces, indulgences 
 and favours,'^ which may be seen at large in Campegius. Ber- 
 nai-d Comnensis gives us the main of them in his light of the 
 inquisitors. 
 
 " Their indulgence is," (1.) Their having a plenary remis- 
 sion of all their sins. This was granted by Alexander IV. in a 
 privilege beginning, Prcecunctis, and by Gregory IX. and 
 Clement IV. and also by the Extravagants.** But upon this 
 condition, that they vigorously prosecute their vow in aid of 
 the Inquisition, even to death. (2.) Every such cross-bearer 
 may be absolved by the Inquisition, from every sentence of 
 excommunication, suspension and interdict of a canon; and 
 from those especially which he may have incurred for the 
 burning of churches, or laying violent hands on ecclesiastical 
 persons, and from all other sentences generally promulgated by 
 the apostolic see. (3.) The Inquisition may dispense with these 
 cross-bearers, if of the clergy, for all irregularities they may 
 have contracted by celebrating divine service, when under any 
 canonical sentence. (4.) All their vows may be commuted for 
 by the inquisitors ; those only excepted of the holy land, and 
 which are perpetual. (5.) The inquisitors may allow them to 
 be present at divine services, and to receive the ecclesiastical 
 sacraments in such places where, by the apostolic indulgence, 
 they are allowed to be administered, in the time of a general 
 interdict. All these things appear by a privilege granted by 
 Innocent IV. which begins, Malitia, hujus temporis.'' These 
 privileges were confirmed by Pius V. by his constitution, begin- 
 nino". Sacrosandce Romance and universali Ecclesia^,'^ so 
 
 a In voce Indulgenlia cruce signatorum. 
 
 b De haeret. cap. exconimun. sect. Catholici vero. 
 
 • Dated October 13, 1.-570. 
 
g06 HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. 
 
 far as they are not repugnant to the decrees of the council of 
 Trent. 
 
 From these privilege-s it appears,* that when the faithful are 
 to take the cross, their vow must be made only before the 
 inquisitors or their vicars ; and that tliey receive no advantage 
 from them, unless they have the inquisitors leave. These 
 things and the like, Campegius thinks, should be preached to 
 the cross-bearers, least they should pretend ignorance. For he 
 saith, " that he discovered many errors and abuses of these 
 cross-bearers, in a city, within his province of the Inquisition ; 
 for he found a large number of them, who did not enter into 
 this warfare by the door, nor receive the cross from any inquisi- 
 tor or vicar ; but that the very laics, the ministers of this same 
 fraternity, whom they call officials or massaries, wrote the 
 names of others that came to them in the book of the cross- 
 bearers ; and thus unjustly invaded the province of the Inqui- 
 sition." He adds moreover, " not being able to bear this, I 
 made a sermon on the cross, in the cathedral, according to the 
 ancient stile of the inquisitors, granting the usual indulgence to 
 the auditors ; and publicly admonished them of their public 
 error, and particularly explained what they ought hereafter to 
 do ; who upon discovery of the truth, submitted, after many 
 disputes, and the advice of advocates. For they would have 
 had, even against my will, that some of these should have 
 assisted at the examinations, as though it belonged to them of 
 right. Whereas I declared, that the inquisitor was the head 
 and captain of the cross-bearers, and therefore would not have 
 them preside over the inquisitors, but according to equity be 
 subject to it. 
 
 " The office of those cross-bearers is to provide the inquisi- 
 tors with necessaries ; ^ so that they are excommunicated if they 
 refuse to give money to the inquisitor, when he asks and wants 
 it for the service of the office of the Inquisition ; because 
 private persons, who have bound themselves by oath or vow, 
 are even by omission said to be favourers, viz. if they do not 
 manifest, or perform what they have promised by vow. ' 
 
 * Campeg. cap. 37. fol. 267. verso. 
 ^ Lucerna Iiiquis. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 207 
 
 These cross-bearers were heretofore of great use to the inqui- 
 tors.^ But in process of time, as there was no n6ed of arms to 
 subdue heretics, the name of this warfare grew into disuse ; 
 and with the change of some of their constitutions, they were 
 called, of the penance of St. Dominic, in honour of .their foun- 
 der. This rehgious order is the third of those instituted by 
 Dominic, the constitutions of which have been confirmed by the 
 Roman pontiffs. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the Visitors of the iNauisiTORs. 
 
 '*' AS the office of the inquisitors and other ministers were 
 perpetual,^ it was necessary, that sometimes they should give 
 an account of their behaviour. Therefore there was a magis- 
 trate created to visit the inquisitors, and all the other minis- 
 ters, who was called the visitor. His office was to visit all the 
 provinces of the inquisitors, and report to the inquisitor general 
 and council whatever was proper to be amended. He was 
 strictly to keep to his instructions, not to be the guest of those 
 he visited, nor to receive any thing from them himself, or by 
 others. If one was not sufficient they might chuse more." 
 Simancas adds, that his great uncle, Francis Simancas, arch- 
 deacon of Cordova, enjoyed this office without any colleague. 
 But now they appoint visitors privately, as often as it is any 
 where necessary.*^ 
 
 " All the ministers of the holy Inquisition are obliged to 
 swear before the inquisitors and bishops, or his vicar, that they 
 will faithfully discharge the trust committed to them. The 
 inquisitors, counsellors, and others also swear, that they will 
 faithfully conceal all secrets, which if any one dares to discover, 
 
 " Param. I. 2. t 3. c. 3. n. 7. b Simanc. tit. 41. sect. 27, 28. 
 
 c 4 Instruct. Tolet. r. 3. sect. 80, 31. 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOK. 
 
 he is to be deprived of his office, and to suffer other punishments, 
 according to the nature of his crime. 
 
 " It is also part of their instructions,* that the inquisitors, 
 and all other ministers, shall serve in the offices, by themselves, 
 and not by their substitutes ; the ministers are not to absent 
 themselves without leave of the inquisitors, which must not 
 extend to above twenty days. If any one is longer absent, or 
 goes without leave, he must be deprived of his salary, his 
 absence is to be noted, and his salary not paid by the receiver, 
 without first inspecting the book of defaults, according to seve- 
 ral letters of the council. 
 
 " Farther,'' no one must be a minister of this holy office in any 
 province where the inquisitor is either kin to him, or his Lord. 
 It is also prohibited for any minister to intermeddle in any 
 negociation, either by himself or others. He w^ho contravenes 
 this order is to be deprived of his office, and fined 20000 pieces. 
 He who doth not discover this is to be excommunicated.'^ 
 
 '• If any lesser crime be committed by those ministers,"^ they 
 may be punished by the inquisitors. If their offence be more 
 grievous, it must be reported to the inquisitor general and coun- 
 cil, that if the case requires it,*^ they may be deprived of their 
 office/ It is also proliibited by the same instructions for any 
 one to be in two offices, or enjoy two salaries."? 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Ccyncerning the Duty or powei' of every Magistrate. 
 
 THUS far we have treated of the ministers which belong 
 to the Inquisition of heretics. The civil magistrate hath no 
 
 a 4 Instruct, To'.et.'c 3. sect. 35, 36. b Ibid. sect. 38. 
 
 c 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 13. fol. 21. And at the end of all the written 
 and printed instructions. 
 
 d 4 Instruct. Tolet. c. 3. sect. 39. ^ ibid. sect. 40. 
 
 f 1 Instruct. Hispal. c. 27. g 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 18- 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITIOX. 209 
 
 part in this affair; for he is entirely excluded from all cogniz- 
 ance of the crime of heresy. Thus Simancas* teaches : " the 
 cognizance of heresy solely belongs to the ecclesiastical judge, 
 because this is a crime committed against the faith and religion ; 
 for as to those crimes which the secular administration knows 
 nothing of, and which are declared such by the Christian reli- 
 gion, such as heresy, schism, and others of the like sort, the 
 ecclesiastical judge only hath cognizance of them. And 
 therefore to whatsoever branch of the secular judgment the 
 cognizance of such crimes may at any time happen, it must be 
 immediately referred to the ecclesiastical judges. 
 
 " It is more largely forbidden by the royal laws at this day 
 in Spain,^ that no one of the sectilar judges, of whatsoever 
 dignity and power, shall by any means presume to take cogniz- 
 ance even of those civil or criminal causes which belong to the 
 inquisitors, and the judges of forfeited effects ; no not under 
 pretence of relieving persons oppressed by violence, which, in 
 other cases would be a most wholesome and present remedy to 
 redress the grievances of the ecclesiastical judges. However, 
 if any will appeal in the before-mentioned causes, they must 
 apply to the council of the holy general Inquisition. This 
 royal command was dated at Burgos, March 7, 1508, and 
 renewed 1553."" 
 
 However, they stand in need of the arms and power of the 
 magistrate, for the punishment of heretics, and that they may 
 execute the sentences pronounced against them. For it is not 
 lawful for ecclesiastical persons to kill any one. Therefore they 
 desire to have all magistrates obedient to their commands, and 
 to have no liberty of conscience granted by them to heretics, 
 but insist on their being ready and prepared to draw their 
 swords against heretics at the Pope's command.*^ This is the 
 doctrine of Maldonet, explaining the parable of the tares sown 
 amongst the wheat. For after he hath said that the Calvinists 
 and Lutherans are to be cut off as manifest heretics, he adds 
 these things ; " Not that I speak thus, as though I had not 
 
 ' Tit. 86. sect. 1. b Ibid. sect. 2. 
 
 '- Comment, in Mat xiii. 26 
 
 P 
 
210 HISTOUY OF THE IXaUISITIOK. 
 
 rather liave them converted than put to death. All that I 
 intend is to admonish princes, or because princes may not read 
 tliese things, those who can advise them, that it is not lawful 
 for them to grant heretics those liberties of conscience, as they 
 are called, too much in use, in our days, unless first of all the 
 church, or the Roman pontiff, who is the head of the church, 
 the person of Christ, and as it were the father of the family, 
 shall judge, that the tares cannot be plucked up unless the 
 wheat also be destroyed ; and that it is for the advantage of 
 the church to permit both to grow together till the harvest. 
 In this matter princes, who are but the servants of the father 
 of the family, are not to judge, but the father of the family 
 himself, i. e. the governor of the church. Nor should princes 
 ask the father of the family, that he would suffer both to grow 
 till the harvest, but whether it be his pleasure that they should 
 go and pluck up the tares. They ought to be so affected and 
 prepared, as to need rather to be restrained than incited by the 
 father of the family."" 
 
 But because there is but seldom such a readiness in kings 
 and princes to extirpate heretics, the ecclesiastics are incessantly 
 urging them on till they have prevailed on them to yield to 
 them all things. Farther, they affirm that this is the duty of 
 the Pope and the other bishops, as we read in Gonrad Brunus,* 
 in his book of heretics and schismatics.^ 
 
 a L. 3. c 8. sect. 1. 
 
 b It belongs to the duty of the Roman pontiff and the other bishops, dili- 
 gently to admonish the emperor, and other kings and princes, under whose 
 government there arise heresies and schisms, as often as tliere is need •, first, 
 that they preserve the true and Catholic religion and faith, and observe the 
 commands of God ; and secondly, that they every where suppress and extin- 
 guish heretical impicfy, by the discipline and rigour of the secular power, 
 which the sacerdotal office cannot do by their doctrine and ecclesiastical 
 censures. Thus Pope Leo implored the assistance of the emperor against 
 heretics, in his 55tli letter to the emperor Martian, and 36th to the empress 
 Pulcheria, and 23rd to the emperor Theodosius II. It belongs also to the 
 care and concern of the Pope, to take certain good and faithful men in the 
 court of every prince, who may enquire out heretics, and every thing that 
 belongs to the defence of the Catholic faith, and the preservation of unity } 
 and put the prince in mind of whatsoever is necessary to peace, and inform 
 the Pope of all such transactions whatsoever; as we find it in the 34th and 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 211 
 
 But not content with this, the Popes, by their decrees, bulls 
 and rescripts, command all magistrates whatsoever, to yield all 
 assistance to the inquisitors, severely threatening them with the 
 most grievous punishments, if they are wanting to their duty. 
 All wnich things are laid together in the book concerning the 
 form of proceeding against heretics, generally ascribed to John 
 Calderine. 
 
 These constitutions wholly subject the secular magistrate to 
 the inquisitors, who bid them draw their sword at their plea- 
 sure, and readily execute their commands with a blind obe- 
 dience. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the Privileges of the iNauisiTORS. 
 
 AS we have briefly described the offices of all the ministers 
 of the Inquisition, it remains now that we treat more fully 
 and distinctly of the inquisitors, who are the chief of all 
 We will therefore give an account of their privileges and 
 power. 
 
 The privileges of the inquisitors are many and great, which 
 the popes of Rome have granted them with a hberal hand, that 
 they may more cheerfully perform their duty, and vigorously 
 execute the laws made against heretics. 
 
 Urban IV.^ by a bull, beginning, Ne Inquisitionis negotium, 
 oi-ants the inquisitors, " that no delegate of the apostolic see, 
 or sub-delegate under him, no conservator, or executor deput- 
 ed by the said apostolic see, or hereafter to be deputed, shall 
 be able to publish the sentence of excommunication, suspension 
 or interdict against them, or their four notaries or wi'iters faith- 
 fully obeying them in these matters, whilst they shall be 
 
 80th letters of Leo to bishop Julian, the 55th to thcemperoi Martian, and 73d 
 to the emperor Leo. 
 
 a Eymer. p. 3. Q. 21. 
 
212 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 engaged in the prosecution of this affair, without the special 
 command of the aforesaid see, making full and express mention 
 of this indulgence ; and he decrees every things done contrary 
 hereto to be null and void." This privilege is granted them, 
 that the causes of religion may not be forsaken or hindered by 
 the excommunication of the inquisitors, and other ministers of 
 the office, and heretics in the mean while go unpunished by such 
 hindrances of their judges. 
 
 He hath granted the same also by a special privilege to the 
 inquisitors of the orders of predicants and minors, that they 
 may not be hindered by their superiors in the causes of 
 faith.* 
 
 It is also granted to the inquisitors in favour of the faith,^ 
 that when they cannot, without loss of time, and danger to the 
 affair, have recourse to their superiors, who, in such places 
 may laAvfully execute justice, they may require the temporal 
 lords, and their officials, though excommunicated, to afford 
 them their assistance and favour, according to theu' office, 
 without incurring themselves the penalty of excommunica- 
 
 * If it should so happen that the master and minister general, and other 
 priors and ministers provincial, and keepers and guardians of other places of 
 3^ our order, shall, under pretence of certain privileges or indulgences of the 
 same apostolic see granted to the said orders, or hereafter to be granted, 
 enjoin, or in any manner command you, or any one or more of you, that you 
 supersede this affair for a time, or as to certain articles, or certain persons; 
 we by our apostolic authority do strictly prohibit you, and all and singular 
 of yon, that ye do not presume in this, or by any means whatsoever, to obey 
 and submit to them. For we, by the tenor of these present, do revoke all 
 such privileges or indulgences, as far as relates to this article, and do wholly 
 pronounce null and void all sentences of excommunication, interdict and 
 suspension, if it shall so happen that they have been pronounced against 
 you, or any of you, upon this occasion. For if the aforesaid see doth some- 
 times give commission, under a certain form, by its letters to any prelates of 
 your orders, that they shall be able to take certain friars of their orders to 
 execute the office of the Inquisition against heretical pravity, and to remove 
 them when they think expedient, and to substitute others, yet by this there 
 is no faculty, jurisdiction or power granted them in this affair, immediately 
 committed, or to be committed to you by the aforesaid see, because the 
 •nly reason why such commission in such part is granted them is, that they 
 are presumed to have a more full knowledge of the fitness of the friars of 
 their own order. 
 
 »' Eymer. p. 3. Q. 22. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 213 
 
 tion:* "though they require such excommunicated persons, 
 they shall not therefore incur the sentence of excommuni- 
 cation.'' Agreeable to this, although tlie acts of tyrants are in 
 law void and null, yet in favour of the faith, if a ^tyrant, or any 
 other unjust lord, by command of the inquisitors, doth any thing 
 against heretics, it is valid. 
 
 Tlie inquisitors only, and not the ordinaries, can publish 
 edicts against heretics, l^hus a certain edict, pubhshed by 
 command of the ordinary, during the time of Lent, was 
 ' revoked. ^ 
 
 Likewise the inquisitors only, and no others, can absolve 
 from excommunication for heresy contracted, by virtue of a 
 jubilee, or letters of the apostolic see,'^ and even from the sen- 
 tence of excommunication, which the Pope himself pronounces 
 against them at the festival of the sacrament. 
 
 The inquisitors can excommunicate, suspend, and interdict.^ 
 They can also command any presbyter with cure or without, 
 to publish monitory letters made by him, and denounce before 
 the people the persons excommunicated by them. And if he 
 refuses to do it, they may punish such Presbyter, not only with 
 a censure, but with some other punishment. 
 
 Persons under excommunication or interdict by the inquisi- 
 tor, cannot be absolved by the ordinary, or any other person, 
 without the command of the Pope, except in the article of 
 death. 
 
 The inquisitors may apprehend hereties,^ though they fly to 
 churches ; nor can the bishops hinder them from this under 
 any pretence. As John XXII. hath decreed by a constitution, 
 beginning, Ex parte vestra. 
 
 The inquisitor may prohibit the secular judge from proceed- 
 ing against any person upon account of any processes made by 
 the inquisitor himself,^ or upon occasion of any confession made 
 before such inquisitor.^ 
 
 a Per cap. Piasidentes de haeret. 1. 6. , " Pegna, co/n. 71. 
 
 c Royas, p. 2. sect. 425. " Ibid. sect. 416. 
 
 • Pegna, Lucern. Inq. in voce Excommunira. Lucern. in voce Inq. liaerpiav. 
 
 f Ibid, in voce Excommunicatus. 
 
 6 Careua, p. 1. t. 5. n. 90. Lucern, in voce Index. 
 
 ^ See cap. Tuam. de ordi. cogni. 
 
 p3 
 
^14 HISTORY OF THE INatJiSlTlON. 
 
 Whosoever by himself or other shall kill, or beat, or strike 
 any of the inquisitors or officials of the holy office,* he is to be 
 dehvered over to the secular court without any charge of 
 irregularity, according to the grant of Pope Leo X.'' The 
 aforesaid grant is now extended to those who damage the 
 effects of the inquisitors, or officials, by the proper motion of 
 Pius V.= 
 
 Likewise the inquisitors receive the entire fruits of their 
 benefices,'' together with the daily distributions, when ab- 
 sent; as appears in the letters of Paul III. and Pius V. which 
 are in the first volume of the letters of the Inquisition in 
 Valentia.^ 
 
 The pensions reserved by the apostolic authority to the holy 
 office, *^ are free from the payment of the fifteenth, as the su- 
 preme congregation of the holy office hath declared,^ for the 
 inquisitor at Pavia against the chapter of the metropolitan 
 church at Milan. The Pope hath also often declared that 
 the benefices united to the Inquisitions are free from payment 
 of the tenths. 
 
 They are also free from all real and personal offices,* and 
 even fi:om the law of the generality, by a special royal privilege, 
 which is also extended to some of the oflicials, as is more fully 
 contained in the said first volume.* 
 
 Lodgings, provisions, and other necessaries,'^ are to be pro- 
 vided for the inquisitors and their officials at a just price, accord- 
 ing to the tenor of the privilege of queen Joan. 
 
 The inquisitors may make statutes against heretics,^ and en- 
 crease tbe punishments against them. 
 
 They may also carry witnesses above two days journey. 
 Farther, Urban IV.'" hath granted another privilege to the 
 inquisitors, that they may absolve themselves and their assis- 
 tants, and dispense with themselves as to their irregularity. 
 
 a Royas, p 2. sect. 419. ^ Daled at Florence, Jan. 28, 1515. 
 
 «= Dated at Rome, 1569. *! Ibid. sect. 420. ^ Fol. 308. 
 
 f Carena, p. 1. t. 5. n. 97. g Jan. 4. 1622. l^ Ibid sect. 421. 
 
 ' Fol. 288. •= Carena, p. 1. t. 5 n. 424, ' Ibid. 440. 
 
 "* Eymer. p. 3. qu. l3 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 215 
 
 ** That you may more freely promote the affair of the faith, 
 we grant you by the authority of these present, that if it should 
 happen that you, and the friars of your order, your assistants, 
 should in any cases, by human frailty, incur the sentence of 
 excommunication and irregularity, or remember that you have 
 incurred it ; since you cannot easily, on this account, have 
 recourse to your priors, because of the office enjoined you, you 
 may mutually absolve one another upon these accounts, 
 according to the form of the church, and by our authority 
 may dispense with yourselves, in cases in which the said priors 
 can do it by grant of the apostolic see." They can likewise 
 absolve their servants and familiars from excommunication 
 for apprehending any one upon account of their office, as 
 Innocent IV. says in a bull, beginning, Devotionis vestroe. 
 
 But there are three cases in which the inquisitors cannot 
 mutually absolve themselves. The first is, when they have 
 omitted to proceed against any one they ought to have pro- 
 ceeded against. The second, when they have falsely charged 
 any one with heresy, or said that they have hindered the holy 
 office, who in reality have not.^ But the inquisitors are not 
 
 ^ But because it is very heinous not to aet for the extirpation of tlie afore- 
 said pravity, when such infectious wickedness requires it, it is also very hei- 
 nous, and most worthy of condemnation, maliciously to charge innocent per- 
 sons with such pravity. We therefore command the aforesaid bishop and 
 inquisitor, and others substituted by them to execute the said office, in virtue 
 of their holy obedience, and under the thrcatning of eternal damnation, that 
 they proceed so discreetly and readily against persons suspected or defamed 
 for such pravity, that they do not maliciously or fraudulently, falsely charge 
 any one with so great a crime, or with hindering them in the execution of the 
 office of the Inquisition. But if through hatred, favour, or love, or with a 
 view of any temporal gain or profit, the bishop or superior shall omit to pro- 
 ceed against any one, contrary to justice and their conscience, when they 
 ought to proceed upon such pravity ; or with the same view shall charge any 
 one with such pravity, or hindering the office, and upon this account shall by 
 any means presume to trouble him, besides other punishments to be inflicted 
 on tliem, according to the quality of the fault, such bislioj) or superior shall 
 liereby incur the sentence of suspension from his office for three years, and 
 others the sentence of excommunication. From which sentence of excommu- 
 nication, those who incur it shall not obtain the benefit of absolution from 
 any one but the pope himself, except in the article of death, and not then 
 without satisfaction made, any privilege whatsoever to the contrary notwith- 
 standing. Clement, de hajret. cap. multorum. sect, vernmquia. 
 
 P 4 
 
216 HISTORY OF THE Il^aUISITION. 
 
 subject to this penalty, if they omit to proceed through igno- 
 rance, but only when they know they ought to have proceeded, 
 and have then omitted to proceed through hatred, favour, love, 
 money, or entreaty, contrary to justice and their own conscience ; 
 or, on the other hand, have proceeded when they ought not. 
 The third case is, when they have unlawfully extorted money, 
 under pretence of their office, or have confiscated the effects 
 of the church for the offences of the clergy.^ 
 
 Amongst the privileges of the inquisitors it is not the least,** 
 that the inquisitor hath power of granting an indulgence of 
 twenty or forty days, as he shall see fit, to all that are truly 
 penitent, and confessed, and who attend on his sermon made 
 for the faith, according to the rescript of Innocent, Clement, 
 Alexander, and Urban IV. pras cunctis. They can also release 
 from the penances enjoined them, for three years, all the com- 
 panions and friars of the inquisitor, and also his notaries, who 
 have laboured together with them in the prosecution of this 
 affair, and who have, from their hearts, personally afforded as- 
 sistance, counsel, and favour, against heretics, their favourers, 
 receivers, and defenders. And if any of them should happen 
 to die in the prosecution of this business, they grant them full 
 pardon of all their sins, for which they are contrite in heart, 
 and confess with their mouth.*^ Pegna tells us, that the cross- 
 
 • a Clement de liaeret. rap. nolentes. We also do more strictly enjoin all 
 their commissaries whatsoever, as well as those of bishops and chapters, 
 during the vacancy of the see, deputed for this affair, that they shall not ex- 
 tort money from any persons by any unlawful means whatsoever, under pre- 
 tence of the office of the Inquisition ; and that they shall not knowingly at- 
 tempt to confiscate to the rhurch the church's eJBfects, for any offence of the 
 clergy. And if any act contrary to these things, or any one of them, we 
 decree that they shall be actually excommunicated, from which they shall not 
 be absolved, unless in the article of death, till they have made full satisfaction 
 to those from whom they have extorted money : all privileges, agreements, or 
 remissions whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 b Eymer, 3. part, qu, 127, com. 176 
 ' c Thus Gregory IX. in his rescript, beginning, Ille humani generis : "Add 
 to these things, in order to their more freely and effectually executing the 
 office committed to them in all the premises, we, confiding in the mercy of 
 Almighty God, and in the authority of the blessed Peter and Paul, his apos- 
 tles, do release for three years from the penance enjoined them, all who shall 
 
HISTORY OF THE I^JQUISITION. 217 
 
 bearers enjoy this privilege to this day, and they are the same 
 with the famihars in Spain, who are at the command of the 
 inquisitors, and execute all things they order them, to promote 
 this holy office, the propagation of the faith, and the extirpa- 
 tion of heretical pravity. But as there are extant, "" the bulls 
 of five popes, who every one of them grant these tliree years 
 of indulgences, some infer from hence, that these three years 
 of indulgences are to be added together, and therefore that 
 indulgences of fifteen years are granted to all who promote the 
 office of the Inquisition, for every time and instance. And 
 Pegna, who believed once that the indulgences of tlie former 
 popes were only confirmed by the bulls of the latter, says there 
 is reason to add them to one another. 
 
 But to the inquisitors themselves, is granted a plenary indul- 
 gence in life and death, by a rescript of Alexander IV. be- 
 ginning, Firmissime teneat.^ 
 
 attend on their (_tlie i.iquisitors) preaching, twenty days in their several sta- 
 tions ; and all those who shall, from their heart, afford assistance, counsel, 
 and favour to the subduing of heretics, and their favourers, receivers, and 
 defenders, in their fortified places aud castles, or any other that rebel against 
 the church. And if any such should happen to die in the prosecution of this 
 affair, we grant them full pardon of all their sins, for which they are contrite 
 in their heart, and which they confess with their mouths.'' 
 
 Eymer. 3 part. qu. 127. com. 178. . i 
 a Lucern. Inq. in voc. Induigentia eorumqui. 
 b It reads thus : — " By the mercy of Almighty God, and confiding in the 
 authority of his blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul, we grant unto you, being 
 truly penitent, and confessed, full pardon of your sins." And by a rescript 
 of Urban IV. and Clement IV. beginning, Prae cunctus : — " And to you who 
 labour ,in this affair, we grant you that pardon of sins, which was granted in 
 a general council, to those who succour the holy land." Tiiis indulgence 
 was granted by Innocent III. in the Lateran council at Rome, Anno 1215, 
 and runs thus: — "In order to recover the holy land, &c. we, trusting in 
 the mercy of Almighty God, and in the authority of the blessed apostles, 
 Peter and Paul, by that power of binding and loosing, which God hath con- 
 ferred upon ns, though unworthy, do grant to all who undertake this labour 
 in their own persons, and at their own proper expence, full pardon of all 
 their sins, for which they shall be duly contrite in heart, and confess with 
 their moutiis, and do promise them an increase of eternal salvation, at the 
 letribution of the just. And as to those who shall not go thither in their own 
 persons, but only shall appoint proper persons, according to their ability and 
 faculty, maintaining them at their own expences ; and as to those also who 
 go thit'ier in dieit own persons, though at the expence of others, we grant 
 
218 HISTORY or THE INQUISITIO.V. 
 
 This plenary indulgence the repertory of the Inquisition ex- 
 tends so far,^ as that the inquisitors shall not only obtain it 
 once in their lives, but by all perfect acts whatsoever, that are 
 celebrated against heretics, in favour and to the praise of the 
 faith. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of the Amplitude o/^^/i^ Jurisdiction o/* //if iNauisiTORs. 
 
 BECAUSE the inquisitors are judges delegated by the pope 
 in the cause of faith, that all heresy may be wholly extirpated 
 according to the pope's pleasure, power is given them in favour 
 of the faith, of proceeding against all sorts of persons whatso- 
 ever. Few only are excepted. The inquisitor cannot proceed 
 against the officials and legates of the apostolic see, nor against 
 bishops ; but he may give notice of their crimes to the aposto- 
 hc see.** John XXII. ordained the same, when Matthew de 
 Pontiniano, a predicant, inquisitor of heretical pravity, in the 
 kingdom of Sicily, pronounced sentence of excommunication 
 against G. de Bale to, archdeacon of Forli, and chaplain to the 
 pope.* But Pius IV. by an Extravagant beginning, Romanus 
 Pontvfex, in the year 1563, ordained, that the cardinals inqui- 
 sitors general over all Christendom, might proceed against bi- 
 shops, and all other prelates whatsoever, and admonish and 
 cite them, and require their personal attendance within a cer- 
 tain term, and that under grievous penalties ; that so, when 
 
 tliem full pardon of all their sins. We also will and grant, that all shall be 
 partakers of the same remission, according to the nature of their assistance, 
 and the affection of theii devotion, who shall agreeably minister of their sub- 
 stance towards the relief of the said holy land, or shall give proper counsel 
 or advice in the aforesaid matters. The holy and universal synod also doth 
 unanimously bestow the assistance of their prayers and blessings upon all in 
 common, who piously proceed in this work, that it may worthily profit thera 
 to salvation.'' 
 
 a Jn verb. Indulg, sect. Item. Inquisitores. 
 
 b Extrav. de haeret. c. 3. and cap. Inquisitores. de haeret. lib. 6 
 
 *= Bzoviu«, A. 1326, sect. 9. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 219 
 
 the process is formed, it may be reported to the most holy 
 lord, and that the deserved and just punishment may be pub- 
 hshed against tliem. 
 
 As to such rehgious as were exempt, there was formerly 
 a great variety about the power of proceeding against tliem.* 
 For Alexander IV. by a certain rescript, beginning, Ne com- 
 misoe vohis, Anno 12G0, ordained, that the inquisitors should 
 proceed, without distinction, against all manner of religious 
 and exempt persons whatsoever. The same also was ordained 
 by others. But Pius II. about the year 1460, granted to the 
 vicar of the order of the friars minors, that he should make 
 inquisition, and punish his own friars, suspected concerning the 
 faith, or of heresy. A few years after, Sixtus ordained by a 
 golden bull, beginning. Sacri Prcedicatorum ; which may be 
 seen in the book of the privileges of the predicant order, fol. 
 163, that the "predicants shall not proceed against the friars 
 minors, nor the minors against the predicants, in those places 
 where they exercise the office of the Inquisition. A few years 
 after this, Innocent VIII. forbad all the inquisitors to proceed 
 in any manner, or make inquisition against the friars minors, as 
 appears from the apostolic letters written about this affair, con- 
 tained in a book entitled, " Fundamentum trium Ordinum 
 beati Francisci.'' 
 
 But whereas these immunities were sometimes manifestly 
 dangerous to the faith, the latter pope subjected all religious 
 or otherwise exempted persons, in the cause of faith, as formerly, 
 to the iniquisitors of heretical pravity. Thus Clement VII. by 
 a rescript, beginning. Cum siciit ; and Pius IV. by another, 
 beginning, Pastoi'is cenibits :^ for which reason it was declared, 
 by Charles V. emperor in Spain, that the soldiers of St. James, 
 if they should. happen to be heretics, are not exempted from 
 the ordinary jurisdiction, nor from that of the inquisitors. The 
 same rule also is entirely to be observed as to the soldiers of 
 St. John, and as to all others whatsoever. 
 
 • In some particular religions, the order is prescribed, whicli 
 must be observed in denouncing heretical or suspected friars; 
 
 a Diiect. par. 3. qu 28. com. 77. ^ Simanr. lit. 31. sect. 32. 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE INaUlSITION. 
 
 whereby the prior of the convent must make the denunciation 
 to the provincial, the provincial to the general, and the general 
 to the office of the Inquisition. But that this circuitous 
 way may be avoided, when this method cannot be so conve- 
 niently observed, the prior alone may make the denunciation, 
 or other in his room upon his absence, that the cause of faith 
 may not be delayed. 
 
 But although the inquisitors may thus proceed against all 
 rehgious and exempt persons, yet there are some rehgious 
 against whom private inquisitors are not easily allowed to pro- 
 ceed, because of the prerogative of their dignity. Such are 
 the masters general of orders, of the predicants, minors, and 
 the like ; and also the masters general of the military religions. 
 When such are to be proceeded against, the proper way is, 
 first to inform the inquisitors general, who, upon taking cog- 
 nizance of the cause, must decree what is necessary to be done, 
 unless the criminal attempts to escape, and there appears dan- 
 ger in delay. 
 
 Farther, the inquisitor hath power to proceed against priests.* 
 ^' Moreover, the priests and others of the clergy, who shall be 
 found to hinder the office of the inquisition, either by instruct- 
 ing heretics and their believers, when cited, to conceal the 
 truth, or speak falsehood, or by endeavouring unlawfully to 
 deliver them, may in such cases, since it is certain they act in 
 favour of heretical pravity, be restrained by the inquisitors, and 
 chastised with deserved punishment, either by seizing their 
 persons, or otherwise, as the fault of the criminal shall re- 
 quire.'*' 
 
 And finally. They may proceed against all kicks whatsoever, 
 without distinction, infected, suspected, or defamed of heresy, 
 of every condition, not excepting princes and kings. In the 
 latter case they think it safer, when they proceed against princes 
 and nobles that are heretics, or suspected of heresy, to consult 
 the pope, according to whose will, and manner prescribed by 
 him, they must proceed against them : not for that they think 
 any deference is due to nobility, which is forfeited by heresy, 
 
 " Direct. Par. 3. Qu* 29. per cap. Accusatus. sect. Sacerdotes, Extra, de 
 haeret. qu. ',M. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 221 
 
 but to prevent scandal. For if the inquisitors should publicly 
 aaiim advert, on nobles, consuls, and magistrates, they might 
 easily be hindered, especially in suspected places, and where 
 the inquisitors are poor and weak. 
 
 Moreover, they may proceed against all persons whatsoever, 
 of every condition ; and whatsoever privileges they enjoy, if 
 they any ways obstruct the office of the inquisition. Thus 
 Alexander IV. commands in his bull, beginning, " Cupientes.'" 
 Let all contraveners be punished by the ecclesiastical censure, 
 w^ithout any regard to their appeal. Any privileges or indul- 
 gences whatsoever, granted by the said see, or hereafter to be 
 granted, specially or generally, under whatsoever expression or 
 form of words, to any persons of whatsoever condition, dignity, 
 or degree, reUgion or order, or to any communities or univer- 
 sities of cities or places, to the contrary notwithstanding. For 
 by these or any other privileges or indulgences, we would not 
 have an affair of so great piety obstructed." The same pope, 
 in his bull, beginning, " Ne commissum vobis,'' commands, 
 That if the clergy and religious do not assist the inquisitors 
 according to their office and power, they may be proceeded 
 against according to the canonical sanctions, any privileges to 
 the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 The inquisitors may also proceed against those, who have 
 offended in their province,* and remove themselves to another ; 
 as also against those, who having offended any where else, are 
 found in their province. 
 
 In like manner, when they want the testimony of other per- 
 sons, they may cite witnesses from one diocese to ano'cher,^ not- 
 withstanding the constitution of the two day's journey made in 
 a general council.^ But they say this must be done with pru- 
 
 a Cap. ut commissi de haeret. lib. 0. 
 »> Dirrct. Par. 3. Com. 123. SimHnc. tit. 64. sfct. 13- 
 " The form of tlie citation is thus : — To all and singular Christians, as well 
 ecclesiastics as laicks of both sexes, of whatsoever degree, order, condition, 
 pre-eminence, dignity, or authority, the highest not excepted. Know ye. 
 That wc, by the series and tenour of these presents, and by our authority, 
 and by that of the office we execute here, do charge and command, That 
 within twelve days after the publication hereof (the first four of which are 
 to be as the first, and the next four as the second, and the last four as a pe- 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 dence. For persons of distinction are not easily to be thus 
 removed ; and, therefore, they must be so dealt with, that it 
 may seem they are rather entreated tlian compelled. And 
 least they should refuse to submit to the power of the inquisi- 
 tors, they say it is more decent and modest for the judges to 
 wait on them, or at least to send others to them to receive their 
 depositions. The same must be observed as to all other illus- 
 trious persons, nuns, and other honourable women. But then 
 the inquisitor must determine what decency and modesty must 
 be used towards each of these, and how the causes of faith may 
 receive the greatest advantage, from the dignity, authority, 
 honourableness, and other qualities of the witnesses. We have 
 a famous instance how insolently the inquisitors sometimes abuse 
 this power, in Joan,^ daughter of the Emperor Charles V., 
 whom they cited before their tribunal, to interrogate her con- 
 cerning a certain person, in some matters relating to the faith. 
 The emperor himself was so afraid of this power, that he com- 
 manded his daughter not to put off the affair, but make her 
 deposition without delay, to avoid the sentence of excommuni- 
 cation, as well against others as against himself, if she beheved 
 him culpable in the smallest matter. Upon which the most 
 serene Joan gave in immediately her deposition before Fernand 
 Valdez, archbishop of Seville, at that time inquisitor general. 
 But if the bishop or inquisitor sends for witnesses from any 
 other diocese, lie is not obliged to send the process to the 
 bishop of such diocese; nor can such bishop justly demand it. 
 On the contrary, he is obliged and bound to send the witnesses, 
 after having read the letters of tlie bishop who requires it, and 
 says he hath need of this or the other witness, to give his testi- 
 mony in the cause of faith. The necessary witness must there- 
 fore be sent, and care taken, if it can be done, that he may not 
 
 remptory and third canonical admonition) all that do know or suspect any 
 of heresy, do come and inform against them, upon pain of the greater excom- 
 munication latae Sentcntiae, which shall be ipso facto incurred, and from 
 which they cannot be absolved by any, but by our lord the pope, or by us. 
 And we do further certify, That whosoever, despising the penalty of this 
 excommunication, shall forbear to inform us, shall moreover be proceeded 
 against as a favourer of heretics. —Geddes' Tracts, vol. i. p. 427, 428. 
 
 ^ Lud. Par. de Orig. S. Inquis. 1. 3. q. 5. u. 23, &c. and n. 40, 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 223 
 
 know that he is called to bear witness against any one in the 
 cause of faith, lest he should discover the affair, and so ob- 
 struct it ; unless for other reasons it ought to be done upon 
 full knowledge of the probity and fidelity of the witness. 
 
 In this age the Spanish inquisition endeavoured, under a 
 specious pretence, to extend its jurisdiction over the subjects 
 of other kings. According to the conventions and treaties be- 
 tween the kings of England and Spain, the English, who the 
 Spaniards call heretics, were allowed, upon the account of com- 
 merce and trade, to dwell in the countries of the Catholics, 
 upon this condition, That they should not be molested for any 
 matters relating to rehgion and faith, unless they gave pubhc 
 offence ; in which case they were to be punished in proportion 
 to the scandal given, according to law.' Antonius de Sousa, 
 counsellor of the tribunal of the supreme inquisition in Portu- 
 gal, enquires when the inquisitors may proceed against them, 
 and gives many limitations concerning such heretics, as they 
 call them, whereby he subjects them entirely to the power of 
 the inquisitors. 
 
 One may easily infer from the doctrine of Sousa, what the 
 subjects of Great Britain, and other kingdoms and states 
 must expect, since all things are to be done according to the 
 pleasure of the inquisitors, and how little safety they will find 
 by treaties against the violence of the inquisitors, unless they 
 are protected by the authority of their king, against these their 
 vile and unrighteous practices. 
 
 Of this we have a noble instance given us by Oliver Crom- 
 well, Protector of England. Thomas Maynard, consul of the 
 Enghsh nation at Lisbon, was thrown into the prison of the 
 inquisition, under pretence that he had said or done something 
 against the Roman rehgion. M. Meadows, who was then resi- 
 dent, and took cai-e of the Enghsh affairs at Lisbon, advised 
 Cromwell of the affair ; and after having received an express 
 from him, went to the king of Portugal, and, in the name of 
 Cromwell, demanded the liberty of consul Maynard. The 
 king told him, it was not in his power, that the consul was de- 
 
 * Aphor. Inq. I, 3. c. 31. 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOK. 
 
 tained by the inquisition, over which he had no authority. 
 The resident sent this answer to Cromwell, and having soon 
 after received new instructions from him, had again audience of 
 the king, and told him. That since his majesty had declared he 
 had no power over the inquisition, he was commanded by Com- 
 well tci Heclare war against the inquisition. This unexpected 
 declaration so terrified the king and the inquisition, that they 
 immediately determined to free the consul from prison ; and 
 instantly opened the prison doors, and gave him leave to go 
 out. The consul refused to accept a private dismission, but 
 in order to repair the honour of his character, demanded to be 
 honourably brought forth by the inquisition. The same May- 
 nard continued many years after under the same character, in 
 the reigns of Charles and James II., and lived at Lisbon till he 
 was about eighty years old, mthout any molestation from the 
 inquisition. This story was well known to all foreign mer- 
 chants, who hved at that time, and many years after at 
 Lisbon. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Of the Power of the iNauisixoRs. 
 
 THAT the inquisitor may discharge his duty without any 
 hindrance," power is given him to compel the governors of 
 cities to swear that they will defend the church against heretics. 
 " We ordain moreover, that the earls, barons, governors and 
 consuls of cities and other places, shall take their coi-poral oath 
 at the admonition of the bishop, and swear that they will faith- 
 fully, effectually and sincerely assist the church, according to 
 their office and utmost power, against heretics and their accom- 
 plices, when required by the bishops : and if they refuse to do 
 this, let them be deprived of that honour which they possess, 
 and never be raised to any other. Let them farther be excom- 
 
 ;^ * Direct. Par. 3. Qu. 32. cap. Aboleudam. sect. Statuimus, de haret. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 225 
 
 municated, and their countries put under the interdict of the 
 cliurch. If any city shall think fit to oppose these injunctions, 
 or neglect to punish tliose who do, at the admonition of the 
 bisliop, let their commerce vnth other cities be cut off, and let 
 them know that they are deprived of the episcopal dignity."* 
 We ordain moreover, that the chief magistrate, head officer, 
 ruler or consuls, or any others who preside over any city or 
 other place, either now, or who shall preside over it hereafter, 
 shall, at the command of the diocesan, or his vicars, or the in- 
 quisitors of heretical pravity, swear that tliey will precisely re- 
 gard, and inviolably observe, and cause to be observed by their 
 subjects, during the whole time of their government, in the 
 countries subject to their jurisdiction or government, the con- 
 stitutions promulgated and approved by the apostolic see, 
 against heretics, their believers, receivers, favourers and defen- 
 ders, and against their children and grand-children. And 
 whosoever will not swear, and observe them, let him be deprived 
 of the office and honour of his government, as infamous, and 
 as a favourer of heretics, and suspected concerning the faith ; 
 and let him no longer be accounted as a chief magistrate, head 
 officer, consul or ruler in any place, nor ever after be advanced 
 to any dignity or public office. And whatever he doth as 
 chief magistrate, bailiff, consul or ruler, let it be null and void. 
 To this there is another oath annexed,** viz. to extirpate with 
 all their power, from their countries, those who are noted for 
 heretics by the church, which the inquisitor may compel all 
 temporal lords, having perpetual or temporal jurisdiction, to 
 take. '^ " Let all secular powers, whatever be their offices, be 
 admonished and persuaded, and, if necessary, compelled by the 
 church, that as they desire to be accounted and held as faith- 
 ful, they pubhcly take an oath for defence of the faith, that 
 they will endeavour with all their might, in good faith, to 
 root out of all countries subject to their jurisdiction, all persons 
 declared heretics by the church. And at the time that any 
 person is advanced to any perpetual or temporary dignity, let 
 him be obliged to confirm this article by an oatli."" I'hus also 
 
 a Cap. ut Officium. sect. Statuimiis, de Iia?iet. lib. 6. 
 * Qu. 33. c Cap. Exconimuuicamus itaqiie, de haret. sect. Moneantnr 
 
 Q 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOX. 
 
 the council of Biterre, cap. 32 :' " Let the earls, barons, rulers, 
 consuls and bailiffs of cities, and other places, swear, that they 
 will faithfully and effectually, when required by them, assist 
 the church against heretics and their accomplices, according to 
 their office, and the utmost of their power ; and that they will 
 in good faith endeavour, with all their might, to extirminate 
 out of all countries subject to their jurisdiction, all persons de- 
 clared heretics by the church." Thus also the council of Tho- 
 louse :^ " We forbid also the prelates, barons, gentlemen, 
 and all persons of estates, to give the stewardship and manage- 
 ment of their lands to heretics, and their believers. Neither 
 let them presume to have or keep in their family or their 
 counsel, such persons, nor any defamed for heresy, or who they 
 believe to be suspected of it." And finally, the counsel of Bi- 
 terre commands,"^ " that heretics shall not be entrusted with 
 stew^ardships, or administrations, nor suffered to be in the 
 counsels or families of the great." Pegna remarks here, that 
 in the 6th council of Toledo, held 686, there is a passage con- 
 cerning the kings of Spain,*^ " That when they come to the 
 kingdom, they shall not ascend the royal throne, till amongst 
 other stipulations by oath, they have promised that they will 
 not suffer any persons who are not Catholics to remain in their 
 kingdoms." " This,'"* says he, " I wish was every where recalled 
 into use, and inviolably maintained." 
 
 The inquisitors may also compel the temporal lords to revoke 
 all statutes that hinder the office of the Inquisition. The se- 
 cular magistrates are also bound to seize, and keep in custody, 
 heretics, whenever commanded by the inquisitors, and to carry 
 them wherever they choose to direct. The magistrates must 
 also receive the inquisitors kindly, and treat them courteously, 
 as in the decree of the emperor Frederick : — " It is our plea- 
 sure, that they receive no offence from any, but aU assistance, 
 and that they have the recommendation of all the faithful 
 throughout the empire. 
 
 The inquisitors may also require an oath from the magistrates, 
 that they will observe and execute the laws and statutes, both ec- 
 
 » Par. 3. com, 4. b Cap. 16. «= Cap. 28. ^ Cap. 3. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 227 
 
 clesiastical and secular, against heretics. And as many difficulties 
 may arise, in the punishment of heretics, and the protection of 
 the faith. Innocent IV. and Alexander IV. conferred on them 
 this enormous power, that they might interpret the laws in any 
 thing ambiguous, according to their own judgment. Which 
 power the Seville instructions also grant.^ 
 
 It is also granted to the inquisitors, to have an armed at- 
 tendance, and to go armed themselves ; so that their officials, 
 who in Italy are called cross-bearers, and in Spain familiars, 
 are to wait on the inquisitor whenever he commands, by night 
 or day, to execute whatever orders he may please to give, and 
 if these cross-bearers or familiars stand in need, they may call 
 in the aid of the civil power, to assist in executing the com- 
 mands of the inquisitor, for the apprehending or punishing of 
 heretics. 
 
 The inquisitors may also punish those who presume to injure 
 them in word or deed, because their office ought to be esteemed 
 more holy and venerable than that of all other judges whatso- 
 ever. 
 
 The inquisitors have also the power of summoning any per- 
 son, of whatever rank, before them, to give evidence, which, if 
 they refuse to do, they may compel them, by fine or torture ; 
 an instance of which is related by Carena,** wherein a person, 
 refusing to give evidence, was put to the torture at Rome. 
 
 Excommunication is another branch of power with which 
 the inquisitors are invested ; and their excommunication is the 
 more to be dreaded, because all who are excommunicated by 
 them, are put under the ban or public curse, by proclamation, 
 and have all their property m consequence, seized and confis- 
 cated ; and should they continue under that sentence for a year, 
 are to be proceeded against as heretics.* 
 
 They have also the power of increasing or lessening the 
 penances they enjoin. " We also grant you power, when you 
 shall think it proper to mitigate or change, in concert with the 
 prelates, to whose jurisdiction they are subject, the punishment 
 
 » lost. 1. cap, 28. b Catena, part .S. tit. 7. sect. 1. n. 7. 
 
 '^ Calden. de Modo proced. cont. hcret. f. 411. 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 of those who are shut up in prison or jail, if they humbly obey 
 your commands/ Hence we find, that in the book of the 
 sentences of the Tholouse Inquisition, the inquisitors ordina- 
 rily reserve this power unto themselves ; when they shew grace 
 to condemned persons, and release them from wearing their 
 crosses, and enjoin other penances in their room, such as pil- 
 grimages, visiting of churches, &c. 
 
 But now this power is not granted to the inquisitors in Spain.^ 
 For this kind of dispensation belongs at this da}^ there, only to 
 the inquisitor general, because the inquisitors and ordinaries 
 have already discharged their office.*^ 
 
 k.'VW^^-«/VWW* 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of the Power of the Inquisitors in prohibiting Books. 
 
 THAT this may be more distinctly explained, and that it 
 may be known what and how great the power is which is com- 
 mitted to the inquisitors, concerning the prohibition of books, I 
 shall give you an account of this affair from the very rise and 
 origin of it. 
 
 The first of whom we read, who prohibited books of religion, 
 was Antiochus Epiphanes, whose servants are said to " have 
 rent in pieces the books of the law, which they found, and to 
 have burnt them with fire ; and to have put to death every 
 one with whom was found the book of the testament, or who 
 consented to the law.""'' Dioclesian was the next, that most cruel 
 persecutor of the Christian faith ; of whom Eusebius * relates, 
 that by an edict, he commanded the sacred books to be burnt 
 with fire. Yea, he adds in the same chapter ; " We saw with 
 our eyes the sacred books of the divine scriptures burnt in the 
 public forum."" *^ Farther, the presidents in every province, 
 
 a Cap Ut commissi, de haeret. lib. 6. b Royas, Assert. 48. part. 2. 
 
 c Instruct, Hispal. cap. 7. and Tolet, cap. 9. Hist. Concil. Trid. 1. 6. 
 p. 550. 
 d 1 Maccab. i. 56, 57. ' 1. 8. cap. 2. f Baron, a. 302- n. 22. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 2^9 
 
 city, town, and village, took care that the Christians should 
 deliver up their sacred books, and they compelled them to it 
 by most grievous torments. Hence all those were called Tra- 
 ditores, dehverers up of the scripture, who, terrified by such 
 cruel punishments, delivered up the books which they had. 
 
 The Christians themselves afterwards brought into the 
 church this custom of raging against the books of heretics, as 
 they call them, as well as against their persons, which was first 
 derived from the heathens, when the empire fell into the 
 hands of Christian emperors.* Constantine, after the conclu- 
 sion of the synod of Nice, commanded tlie books of Arius, 
 condemned by it, to be burnt under the penalty of death. 
 Theodosuis and Valentinian decreed the sam,e concerning Nes- 
 toriousjhis followers and books,^ Valentinian and Martin con- 
 cerning Eutyches and his books.= Justinian ordained the 
 cutting off the hand of those who wrote out the books of 
 Antimus,'^ condemned in the fifth synod. And it is worth 
 observation what Brunus says concerning heretics and schis- 
 matics ; " That it appears to have been a most ancient custom 
 of the church, that when heresies were condemned, their writ- 
 ings should be destroyed, from hence ; that of all the heresies, 
 which for a long time continued in the church, the books con- 
 taining them are now no where extant, and the opinions of 
 most of them would have been altogether unknown, unless the 
 remembrance of them had been preserved in the writings of 
 the holy fathers, who endeavoured to confute them." 
 
 All these laws against the books of heretics were made by 
 emperors, who had the legislative power in their empire.^ 
 " But after the year 800, the popes of Rome usurped to them- 
 selves many branches of tiie civil government, forbidding the 
 reading of books, and commanding them to be burnt, after 
 they had condemned the authors of them; but till this 
 age, there are but very few books found, that are prohibited 
 after this manner : at least, the universal prohibition of reading 
 books, containing heretical doctrine, or suspected of heresy, 
 
 a Socrates, Ecc. Hist. 1. 1. c. 6. " L. damnato. c. de haeret. 
 
 c L. qiiicun. sect. Nulli and Omnis. c. de haeret. 
 
 A L. 6. c. e. sect. 2- e Hist. Con. Trid. I. 6. p. 551. 
 
HISTORY OF THE I>!aUISITION. 
 
 under the penalty of excommunication, without any other 
 preceding sentence, had not yet grown into practice." But 
 after that the pope had arrogated to himself the judgment of 
 the faith, and ordered himself to be acknowledged the infalli- 
 ble judge of all controversies of the faith, he also assumed to 
 himself all judgment concerning books, and the power of pro- 
 hibiting them. From this claim of power have sprung those 
 expurgatory indexes, by which, not only the books of such 
 authors as are condemned by the church of Rome are prohi- 
 bited, but the writings of all, even of the greatest Romanists 
 themselves, are subjected to a censure; and whatsoever is 
 found in them contrary to the opinions of the Roman church, 
 or not altogether agreeable to them, is marked with a -[-, and 
 commanded to be blotted out ; and every place is so carefully 
 noted, that no one can be ignorant, what words are to be erased. 
 So that if the popes command,* as contained in that index, is 
 to be observed ; we shall read no books as written by the au- 
 thors, nor have their sense, but only that of the court of Rome.^ 
 " Pope Martin V. by his bull excommunicated all sects of 
 heretics, but especially the WicklifFs and Hussites; but 
 without any mention of those who read their books, although 
 they were in the hands of a great many. But Leo X. hav^ing 
 condemned Luther, forbid also all his books to be read under 
 pain of excommunication. The popes after him, by the bull 
 In Coena, condemned and excommunicated all heretics, and 
 therein devoted also to the same curses, all those who read their 
 books. And in other bulls, against heretics in general, did 
 thunder out the same terrible sentences against the readers of 
 those books. This occasioned a very great confusion : for as 
 the names of the heretics who were condemned were not pub- 
 hshed, persons were to judge of the books, rather from the 
 nature of the doctrines than the names of the authors. And 
 as different persons judged differently concerning these, the 
 
 a To this tribunal we must attribute that ignorance of sonnd philosophy, 
 in which Spain lies buried, while Germany, England, France, and even 
 Italy, have discovered such a nuiltitnde of truths, and enlarged the sphere of 
 knowledge.— Voltaire'8 Univ. Hist. vol. iii. p. 117. 
 
 b Hist. Con. Trid. 1. 6. p. 551. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 231 
 
 consciences of men were troubled with innumerable scruples. 
 Those inquisitors of heretical pravity who were more diligent, 
 made catalogues of such authors as they knew ; but as they 
 had not compared them with each otlier, the same difficulty 
 still remained." 
 
 But that no one miglu be at a loss for the future, what 
 books the pope had prohibited the reading of, by his bull, it 
 was necessary to make an index of the prohibited books. The 
 Roman authors differ amongst themselves who ordered the first 
 index to be made. Father Paul tells us, that PhiUp, king of 
 Spain,^ first endeavoured to prevent this confusion, by giving a 
 more convenient form, and by a law, made 1558, ordered. 
 That the catalogue of books, prohibited by the inquisitors of 
 Spain, should be printed. After his example, Paul IV. com- 
 manded at Rome, That those who were at the head of the 
 office of the inquisition, should make such an index, and 
 prhit it, which was shortly after done, A. D. 1559.^ But 
 Gretser says, that the index of prohibited books was printed in 
 Italy, by the Papal authority, A. D. 1548. And a larger one, 
 A. D. 1552. Another larger one yet, A. D. 1554. Another, 
 A. D. 1559, by pope Paul V. much larger than the others. 
 But whether the pope, or Philip king of Spain, first ordered 
 such an index to be made, it is certain that Paul IV. published 
 one, A. D. 1559."^ 
 
 The zeal which was manifested in the formation of these 
 indexes was of the most extraordinary kind, for they prohi- 
 bited those books which were not written professedly on the 
 subject of religion, but which happening to contain any re- 
 marks of a political kind were disliked by them. 
 
 They even went so far as to make a catalogue of sixty-two 
 printers, and to prohibit all the books which they ever had 
 printed, excomnuinicating those who read them, who were ren- 
 dered incapable of any office or benefice, and consigned to per- 
 petual infamy. This severe censure was however revoked by 
 Pius IV., who refeiTcd the discussion of the subject to the 
 council of Trent. 
 
 a Hist. Cod. Trid. 1. G. p. 551. b De jure proliib. lib. 1. 1. c. 19. 
 
 c Hist. Con. Trid. p. 552. 
 
 Q 4 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE INQUISIT10^■. 
 
 At length the fathers at this council, not being able to agree, 
 referred it back to the Pope, as Clement VIII. reports in his 
 bull, Oct. 17, 1595. 
 
 And the Pope by the advice of certain prelates, of great 
 learning and v. isdom, published the index and certain rules to 
 be observed in fonn-of a brief; — there is also a strict charge to 
 prevent transgression, and severe penalties against all persons of 
 ever}' order and degree, who " shall dare to have any books 
 contrary to the order of these rules." 
 
 Some alterations were afterwards made in these rules, in 
 favour of learned men, who could not avoid the having of some 
 books which were forbidden. 
 
 By the fourth rule, the common reading of the holy scrip- 
 tures is forbidden, in these words : " since it is plain by 
 experience, that if the sacred writings are permitted every where 
 and v/ithout diiFerence, to be read in the vulgar tongue, men 
 tnrough their harshness, will receive more harm than good. — 
 Let the bishop or inquisitor detern^ine, w ith the parish priest or 
 confessor, to whom to permit the reading of the bible, translated 
 by Catholic authors in the vulgar tongue. 
 
 In the tenth rule, there are several things to be observed, 
 about the printing of books, by which no books are allowed to 
 be printed, unless they are first examined by the Pope's vicar, 
 or other persons deputed by the Pope. The shops of book- 
 sellers are often to be searched, and printers and booksellers 
 are to take an oath before the bishop or inquisitor, " that they 
 will obey these rules in a Catholic and sincere manner, and will 
 not knowingly sanction heretical pravity. 
 
 Several expurgatory indexes have since been published, as that 
 under the authority of Philip II. of Spain, by Plantin the king's 
 printer. Printed at the king's own charge, not with a design to be, 
 published and dispersed, but to be given only to them, who were 
 appointed to preside over the expurgation of suspected books ; 
 by this means, this book lay concealed like certain mysteries, 
 for fifteen years, until a copy fell into the hands of Francis 
 Irenius, who made it public, as related by Pappers, in his 
 preface to the new edition, published at Stratsburg, A. D, 1599- 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 233 
 
 After this many expurgatory indexes came out at Rome and 
 Naples, and a much larger one was after this printed in Spain, 
 A. D. 1640, enlarging and enforcing former rules, and with a 
 more particular stress, prohibiting the sacred scriptures, " with 
 all parts of them, either printed or manuscript, with all summa- 
 ries and abridgements, although historical of the said bible in 
 the vulgar tongue/' I give this word for word, that the tyranny 
 of the Papists may fully appear. 
 
 From tliese things therefore, it is plain that the inquisitors, 
 especially in Spain, have a very great power in the prohibition 
 of books, for Pegnn relates, that the bishops and inquisitors may 
 condemn and prohibit, all books which contain opinions con- 
 demned by the church, although written by authors not 
 condemned ; as well as all books which they may suspect of 
 heresy. For says he, books are much more likely to do harm 
 than men, because heretics by teaching, can scarce spread their 
 doctrine over a single city, whereas books may be carried from 
 place to place, and infect not only a city, but kingdoms and 
 provinces. 
 
 In Venice however, the power of prohibiting books was 
 claimed by the civil magistrates, and this formed a ground of 
 contention between the senate and the cardinal nuncio, four 
 whole months, but at length the senate prevailed, and an 
 agreement was entered into, which secured this power to the 
 senate, though the Catholics earnestly requested that this their 
 concession, should be kept secret. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 What the iNauisiTORs can do themselves, and what in con- 
 junction with the Okdinaeies. 
 
 BECAUSE the judgment of heresy is, as we have seen, 
 committed to the ordinaries or bishops, and to the delegates or 
 inquisitors, it is proper to consider what each can separately do. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 and what are those acts in whicii both must necessarily concur, 
 in order to their })eing effectual and valid. 
 
 The inquisitor without the bishop, and the bishop without 
 the inquisitor,* may cite and arrest, or apprehend and deliver 
 any one to safe custody, and put them in irons, if they think 
 proper, and make Inquisition against such as are accused. But 
 neither without the other can deliver any person to hard or close 
 imprisonment, which hath more of the nature of punishment 
 than of custody, or put them to the torture, or force them in 
 irons by hunger to discover the truth, which is one sort of very 
 grievous torment, or proceed to sentence against them. But the 
 inquisitor without the bishop, cannot deprive of their benefices 
 and ecclesiastical dignities heretical clergymen. 
 
 The bishop and inquisitor may constitute each other their 
 vicegerents in those cases, in which neither can act separately, 
 or they may proceed by a delegated authority, and then they 
 are equal. 
 
 When the bishop and inquisitor diiffer, they cannot proceed 
 to a definitive sentence, but must refer the whole case drawn up 
 to the Pope, or the supreme council. In Spain, this must be 
 done, even when they differ in cases of no great importance, as 
 prescribed by the Madrid instruction. A. D. 1561.* 
 
 When the bishop and inquisitor proceed separately, so that 
 there are two processes carried on for the same fact, one by the 
 bishop and tlie other by the inqui&itor, they ought to communi- 
 cate their processes to one another ; this communication how- 
 ever, is to be made only once, and that when the process is 
 finished. 
 
 But in Spain and Portugal the inquisitors only form the pro- 
 cesses,'^ and apprehend criminals in causes of the faith, and if the 
 bishops have any inforvnations against such criminals, they must 
 transmit them to the inquisitors. But it is uncertain whether 
 these Spanish inquisitors claim this by any legal custom and 
 prescription, or by the Pope's privilege. 
 
 These are the things to be observed, when the ordinary and 
 
 » Eynier. p. 3. q. 47. b Cap. 66. 
 
 » Caten. p. 1. tit. 4. sect. 21. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 235 
 
 inquisitor concur in the judgment of the faith. But because 
 oftentimes in Spain several inquisitors are deputed together, it 
 will be proper to consider how far each of them may stpai'ately 
 proceed. 
 
 As often therefore as it happens that two inquisitors are con- 
 stituted in the same province,* they may both together, or each 
 of them separately, proceed against heretics throughout the 
 whole province committed to them, sit in judgment in any part 
 of it, and when the executor is absent create another, because 
 they have entire jurisdiction- However, a criminal can be 
 punished only by one of them. But if there be any special 
 inquisitor deputed against any person by the Pope, the inquisi- 
 tors of provinces and dioceses, who, as general judges, seem to 
 have universal jurisdiction, at least with respect to persons, 
 cannot proceed against him, though they have actually began 
 the process ; because their jurisdiction is suspended by a special 
 commission granted by the Pope. He who is thus constituted 
 special inquisitor, may make use of every thing that hath been 
 done and discovered by the other inquisitors, whom if it be 
 necessary he may compel to deliver to him all the processes, 
 writings, inquisitions, depositions of witnesses, and all other 
 things they have discovered against any criminal. Although it 
 is reckoned more handsome to do this by the authority of their 
 superior, when this power is not specially given him in the let- 
 ters of his commission. 
 
 When the same heretics are proceeded against by different 
 judges, that inquisitor who first began the process has the 
 preference. 
 
 The elder inquisitor has the preference in all cases, except he 
 has been at any time suspended from his office. 
 
 Finally,'' it is said to be much safer for the bishops to send to 
 the inquisitors all causes of heresy, because secrecy is the 
 strength of all the causes of the holy office. This is inviolably 
 observed before the inquisitors, but cannot be so well kept be- 
 fore the bishops. Tliis the inquisitor Cantera attests, whilst he 
 was vicar general of Pampilona, viz. that he could never procure 
 
 » Uu. 4C. Com. O.'J. b Carcna, p. 1. t. 4. n. 23, Arc. 
 
^36 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 secrecy to be kept in that ecclesiastical court ; and though he 
 oftentimes punished the Notaries, it signified nothing at all. 
 Carena also relates, that Cardinal Comporeus, bishop of Cre- 
 mona, and one of the supreme inquisitors, in all causes in which 
 lay persons had a right to decide and give judgment, did for 
 fourteen years always remit all causes of heresy, and suspicion 
 of heresy, immediately to the Inquisition; because he well 
 knew, how great inconveniences would arise, if the ordinaries, 
 who have neither secret nor safe jail and ministers, should in- 
 terest themselves in forming processes. 
 
 */vv^%»v»'W**^ 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Of the Jail of the Inquisitors, and Keepers of the 
 Jail. 
 
 JAILS were formerly appointed to keep men in custody, 
 and not to punish them.* But by the Canon law they may be 
 used for punishment.^ 
 
 Heretofore the bishop and inquisitor might have their sepa- 
 rate jails, to hold persons in custody, but not to punish them ; 
 for as they cannot condemn any one to imprisonment without 
 the consent of both, it is therefore required that the jail for 
 punishment shall be common to both. But now they have not 
 usually separate prisons ; the same that belongs to the inquisi- 
 
 a Direct, p. 3. qn. 58. com. 107. 
 
 b Cap. Qiiatnvis. de pcenis. lib. 6. Although it be wrll known that the 
 jail is particnlarly designed to keep criminals in cnstodv, and not to punish 
 them, yet we do not disapprove that convict persons should be delivered over 
 to prison to do penance either tor ever, or (or a time, as you shall judge most 
 convenient, their crimes, per.sous, and other cirrnmstavKcs, bf'i)jg rarcfully 
 considered. Simancas gives this reason for it ; * tor since the sacred canons, 
 through the ecclesiastical lenity, cannot inflict the punishment ot death, the 
 consequence is, that lest crimes should go unpimished, tliey may inflict the 
 penalty of perpetual imprisonment for more grievous offences, which is in- 
 deed very gnevous, and equal to death. 
 
 * Cathol. Instit. tit. 16. sect. 15. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 237 
 
 tor, in which criminals are kept in custody, being common to 
 the bishop. 
 
 Here are two things to be explained. Fii'st, what must 
 be done before any person can be thrown into jail. Secondly, 
 what method must be observed in keeping and placing the 
 prisoners. 
 
 As to the first, Royas gives this large account of it.* In all 
 causes, as well civil as criminal, criminals must not be ap- 
 prehended, without a summary Inquisition against them con- 
 cerning their crime first had. This is particularly to be 
 observed in the crime of heresy. For though in other crimes 
 no one suffers much in his reputation merely for his being 
 thrown into prison, yet to be taken up for the crime of heresy 
 is greatly infamous, which must therefore be proceeded in with 
 great caution. For since the reason of proceeding in the crime 
 of heresy, is much more important than in other offences, there 
 is need of a greater Inquisition, and of a summary cognizance 
 before criminals are, apprehended. So that no one is hghtly to 
 be shut up in close prison for small offences, for propositions 
 that sound ill, or that are scandalous, or blasphemous, or 
 others which do not contain real heresy ; but is to be confined 
 either in some monastery, or in his own house or city. 
 
 The inquisitors may indeed proceed in the crime of heresy 
 against any person, especially if he be otherwise vile, upon a 
 light and moderate suspicion, so far as to ask such suspected 
 person, what he thinks of the faith. But in order to apprehend 
 any one for heresy, two credible witnesses are required, 
 although they say that the testimony of a single one, if beyond 
 all exception, is sufficient, who deposes what he saw or heard ; 
 yea, if he be not beyond all exception, yet is otherwise fit, 
 provided he agrees with the informer ; for in this case they say 
 there are two witnesses, and consequently more than half proof, 
 which is sufficient for any ones being apprehended. But that 
 one witness above all exception, is enough in this case, they 
 prove from the Madrid Instruction, A. D. 1561,*' which says, 
 " If the testimony be not sufficient for the apprehending.'' 
 
 a Part 2. Assert. 1. •> Cap. 4. 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. 
 
 This Instruction is in the singular number, and therefore inti- 
 mates, that one lawful witness against any one is sufficient for 
 his being taken up ; especially if the person be scandalous, and 
 vile, and suspected; as are all the new converts of the Maho- 
 metan sect in the kingdom of Valencia ; and as Royas says, 
 the French and German Lutherns. But if the person ac- 
 cused be noble, and of good reputation and fame, he is not to 
 be apprehended upon a single testimony. However, this is left 
 to the pleasure of the judge, after having considered the quality 
 of the person and his offence ; not that the inquisitors of the 
 faith should appear eager to take up criminals ; for they are 
 always to use great circumspection. This is especially neces- 
 sary in the receiving and examining witnesses. They must in 
 the first place admonish them, how horrible and dreadful a 
 wickedness it is to give false witness in any causes, and especi- 
 ally in the holy office of the Inquisition, and that they should 
 have God and his awful and tremendous judgment before their 
 eyes, that they may not, for prayer, or prince, or entreaty, or 
 any other wicked affection, defame an innocent person with so 
 great a crime. Then the witnesses are to be interrogated con- 
 cerning the place, and time, what they saw or heard ; whether 
 the person acted, or pronounced heretical words, once or 
 oftener; with what obstinacy or eagerness he affirmed them ; 
 and what other persons were present ; and for what causes, 
 reasons, and occasions they were present; and concerning 
 all other circumstances necessary to discover the truth or 
 falsehood. 
 
 These things premised, the witnesses received, and the pro- 
 positions qualified, the promotor fiscal demands before the 
 inquisitors, that the criminals be apprehended and imprisoned, 
 that they may suffer the deserved punishment. 
 
 When the offence thus appears,^ and it is proper to ap- 
 prehend the criminal, the inquisitor may then order him to be 
 taken up. When they have deteiimined upon his being ap- 
 prehended, they give out the order to that officer, who accord- 
 ing to the custom of the holy office, is to take up criminals ; 
 
 » Pegna, Com. 107. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 23^ 
 
 and his order is subscribed by the inquisitors. If several 
 persons are to be taken up the same day and time, they give an 
 order for each person, which is inserted in their respective pro- 
 cesses, that such iicts, which are of great weight, may appear 
 openly. 
 
 As to the second. All criminals have not alike places of 
 imprisonment, their cells being either more terrible and dark, 
 or more easy and chearful, accordmg to the quality of the per- 
 sons and their offences. In reality there is no place in the prison 
 of tiie Inquisition, that can be called pleasant or chearful, the 
 whole jail is so liorrible and filthy. 
 
 These jails are called in Spain and Portugal, Santa Ca«a, i. e. 
 the holy house. Every thing it seems in this office must be 
 holy. The prisons are so built, as the author of the History of 
 the Inquisition at Goa describes them, that they will hold a 
 great number of persons. They consist of several porticoes, every 
 one of which is divided into several small cells of a square form, 
 each side being about ten foot. There are two rows of them, 
 one being built over the other, and all of them vaulted. The 
 upper ones are enlightened by u'on grates, placed above the 
 height of a tall man. The lower ones are under ground, dark, 
 without any window, and narrower than the upper ones. The 
 walls are five feet thick. Each cell is fastened with two doors, 
 the inner one thick, and covered over with iron, and in the lower 
 part of it there is an iron grate. In the upper part of it is a 
 httle windov/, through winch they reach to the prisoner his 
 meat, hnen, and other necessaries, which is shut with two iron 
 bolts. The outer door is entire without any opening at all. 
 They generally open it in the morning, from six o'clock till 
 eleven, in order to refresh the air of the prison. 
 
 In Portugal all the prisoners, men and women, without any 
 regard to birth or dignity, are shaved the first or second day of 
 their imprisonment. Every prisoner hath two pots of water 
 every day, one to wasli, and the other to drink, and a besom to 
 cleanse his cell, and a mat made of rushes to lie upon, and a 
 larger vessel for other uses, with a cover to put over it, which 
 is changed once every four days. The provisions which are 
 given to the prisoners, are rated according to the season, and 
 
^40 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 the clearness or plenty of eatables. But if any rich person is 
 imprisoned, and will live and eat beyond the ordinary rate of 
 provisions, and according to his own manner, he may be 
 indulged, and have what is decent, and fit for him, his servant, 
 or servants, if he hath any, with him in the jail. If there are 
 any provisions left, the jail-keeper, and no other, must take 
 them, and give them to the poor. But Reginald Gonsalvius 
 observes,'' that this indulgence is not allowed to prir-oners of all 
 sorts, but to such only as are taken up for small offences, who 
 are to be condemned to a fine. But if they find by the very 
 accusation that any persons are to be punished with forfeiture 
 of all their effects, they do not suffer them to live so 
 plentifully, but order them a small pension for their subsistence, 
 viz. about thirty Maravedis, of the value of ten Dutch Stivers. 
 This agrees with the account of Isaac Orobio, who had a plen- 
 tiful fortune at Seville, and was nevertheless used very hardly 
 in the 'prison of the Inquisition there. Although his estate 
 was very large, yet he was allowed a very small pension to pro- 
 vide himself provision. This was flesh, which they made him 
 sometimes dress and prepare for himself, without allowing him 
 the help of any servant. In this manner are the richer prison- 
 ers treated. As to the poorer, and such who have not enough 
 to supply themselves in jail, their allowance is fixed by the 
 king, viz. the half of a silver piece of money, called a real,^ 
 every day ; and out of this small sum, the buyer of their pro- 
 vision, whom they call the dispenser, and their washer, must be 
 paid, and all other expences that are necessary for the common 
 supports of life. Besides, this very royal allowance for the 
 prisoners doth not come to them but through the hands of se- 
 veral persons, and those none of the most honest ; first, by the 
 receiver, then the dispenser, then the cook, then the jail-keeper, 
 who, according to his office, distributes the provision amongst 
 the prisoners. Gonsalvius adds, that he gave this particular 
 account of this matter, because all these persons live, and have 
 
 ^ p. 106. 
 b Dr. Geddes tells us of one in the Inquisition at Lisbon, who was allowed 
 no more than three vintems a day ; a vintem is about an English penny far- 
 thing. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 241 
 
 their certain profits, out of this small allowance of the king to 
 the prisoners, which coming to them through the crooked hands 
 of these harpies, they cannot receive it till every one of them 
 hath taken out of it more than a tenth part of it. 
 
 The author of the history of the Inquisition at Goa tells us, 
 this order is observed in distributing the provisions. The pri- 
 soners have meat given them three times every day ; and even 
 those who have the misfortune to be in this case, and they have 
 money, are not treated much better than others, because their 
 riches are employed to make provision for the poorer. I was 
 informed by Isaac Orobio, that in Spain they sometimes give 
 the prisoners coals, w^hich they must light, and then dress their 
 own food. Sometimes they allow them a candle. Those who 
 are confined in the lower cells generally sit in darkness, and are 
 sometimes kept there for several years, without any one's being 
 suffered to go or speak to them, except their keepers, and they 
 only at certain hours, when they give them their provision. 
 They are not allowed any books of devotion, but are shut up 
 in darkness and sohtude, that they may be broke with the 
 horrors of so di'eadful a confinement, and by the miseries of it 
 forced to confess things, which oftentimes they have never 
 done. 
 
 And how dreadful the miseries of this prison are, we have a 
 famous instance given us by Reginald Gonsalvius Montanus.* 
 In the age before the last, a certain English ship put in at the 
 port of Cadiz, which the familiars of the Inquisition, according 
 to custom, searched upon the account of religion, before they 
 suffered any person to come a-shore. They seized on several 
 English persons who were on board, observing in them certain 
 marks of evangelical piety, and of their having received the 
 best instruction, and threw them into jail. In that ship there 
 was a child, ten or twelve years old at most, the son of a very 
 rich English gentleman, to whom, as was reported, the ship, 
 and principal part of her loading belonged. Amongst others, 
 they took up also this child. The pretence was, that he had 
 in his hands the psalms of David, in Enghsh. But as Gonsal- 
 
 « p. 1J9. 
 R 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 
 
 vius tells us, those who knew their avarice and cursed arts, 
 may well believe, without doing any injury to the holy Inqui- 
 sition, that they had got the scent of his father's wealth, and 
 that this was the true cause of the child's imprisonment, and of 
 all that calamity that followed after it. However, the ship 
 with all its cargo was confiscated, and the child, with the other 
 prisoners, were carried to the jail of the Inquisition at Seville, 
 where he lay six or eight months. Being kept in so strait con- 
 finement for so long a while, the child, who had been brought 
 up tenderly at home, fell into a very dangerous illness, through 
 the dampness of the prison, and the badness of his diet. When 
 the lords inquisitors were informed of this, they ordered him 
 to be taken out of the jail, and carried, for the recovery of his 
 health, to the hospital, which they call the Cardinal. Here 
 they generally bring all who happen to fall ill in the prison of 
 the Inquisition, where, besides the medicines, of which, accord- 
 ing to the pious institution of the hospital, there is plenty, and 
 a little better care, upon account of the distemper, nothing is 
 abated of the severity of the former jail; no person, besides the 
 physician and the servants of the hospital, being allowed to 
 visit the sick person ; and as soon as ever he begins to grow 
 better, before he is fully recovered, he is put again into his for- 
 mer jail. The child, who had contracted a very grievous ill- 
 ness from that long and barbarous confinement, was carried 
 into the hospital, where he lost the use of both his legs ; nor 
 was it ever known what became of him afterwards. In the 
 mean while it was wonderful, that the child, at so tender an age, 
 gave noble proofs how firmly the doctrine of piety was rooted 
 in his mind ; oftentimes, but especially morning and evening, 
 lifting up his eyes to heaven, and praying to him, for he had 
 been instructed by his parents, to desire and hope for certain 
 help ; which the jail- keeper having often observed, said, he was 
 already grown a great little heretic. 
 
 About the same time,* a certain person was taken up and 
 thrown into the same jail, who had voluntarily abjured the 
 Mahometan impiety, and came but a httle before from Mo- 
 
 a Reginald, p. 121. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. £48 
 
 rocco, a famous city of Mauritania, and capital of the kingdom, 
 into that part of Spain which hes directly over against it, with 
 a design to turn Christian. When he had observed that the 
 Christians were more vicious and corrupt than the Moors he 
 had left, he happened to say, that the Mahometan law seemed 
 to him better tlian the Christian. For this the good fathers 
 of the faith laid hold of him, thrust him into jail, and used him 
 so cruelly, that he said pubhcly, even when in confinement, 
 that he never repented of his Christianity, from the day he was 
 baptized, till after his having been in the Inquisition, where he 
 was forced against his will, to behold all manner of violence 
 and injuries whatsoever. 
 
 The complaint of Constantine, the preacher of Seville,* was 
 was not less grievous, concerning the barbarities of this prison ; 
 who, although he had not as yet tasted of the tortures, yet 
 often bewailed his misery in this jail, and cried out, " O my 
 God, were there no Scythians in the world, no cannibals more 
 fierce and cruel than Scythians, into whose hands thou couldst 
 carry me, so that I might but escape the paws of these 
 wretches ?'^ Olmedus also, another person famous for piety 
 and learning, fell into the inquisitor's hands at Seville, and 
 through the inhumanity of his treatment, which liad also proved 
 fatal to Constantine, contracted a grievous illness, and at last 
 died in the midst of the filthiness and stench. He was used to 
 say, " Throw me any where, O my God, so that I may but es- 
 cape the hands of these wretches !" 
 
 The author of the history of the Inquisition at Goa,'» agrees 
 in this account, who frankly owns, that through the cruelty 
 and length of his imprisonment, he fell into despair, and thereby 
 often attempted to destroy himself; first by starving himself, 
 and because that did not succeed, he feigned himself sick, and 
 when the physician of the Inquisition found his pulse unequal, 
 and that he was feverish, he ordered him to be let blood, 
 which was done again fiv^ days after. When the doctor was 
 gone, he unbound his arm every day, that so by the large ef- 
 fusion of blood, he might continually grow weaker and weaker, 
 
 » Reginald, p. 104. ^ Cap. 19, 20, 21. 
 
 R 2 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 In the mean while he eat very Httle, that by hunger and loss of 
 blood, he might put an end to his miserable life. Whilst he 
 was in this sad condition, he had sent him a confessor of the 
 Franciscan order, who, by various arguments of comfort, en- 
 deavoured to recover him from his despair. They also gave 
 him a companion in his jail, which was some comfort to him in 
 his confinement. But growing well again, after about five 
 months, they took his companion from him. The lonesome- 
 ness of his jail brought on again his melancholy and despair, 
 which made him invent another method to destroy himself.-— 
 He had a piece of gold money, which he had concealed in his 
 cloaths, which he broke into two parts ; and making it sharp, 
 he opened with it a vein in each arm, and lost so much blood, 
 that he fell into a swoon, the blood running about the jail. 
 But some of the servants happening to come, before the usual 
 time, to bring him something, found him in this condition. — 
 The inquisitor hereupon ordered him to be loaded with irons 
 upon his arms and hands^ and strictly watched. This cruelty 
 provoked him to that degree, that he endeavoured to beat his 
 brains out against the pavement and the walls ; and undoubt- 
 edly the ligaments upon his arms would have been torn off, 
 had he continued any longer in that state. Upon this they 
 took oiF his chains, gave him good words, encouraged him, and 
 sent him a companion, by whose conversation he was refreshed, 
 and bore his misery with a httle more easiness of mind. But 
 after two months they took him from him again, so that the so- 
 litude of his jail was more distressing to him than before. 
 
 The prisoners, as soon as ever they are thrown into jail,* are 
 commanded to give an account of their name and business. 
 Then they enquire after their wealth,'' and to induce them to 
 
 a Inquis. Goan. cap. 13. 
 ^ " The inquisitors) notwithstanding their ardent zeal for the faith, seldom 
 give themselves much concern about those from whom nothing is to be got; 
 whereas those possessed of property, conscious of no misdemeanour, whereof 
 the holy office takes cognizance, languish many years in confinement, and at 
 length are put to the torture, in order to extort a confession. Some persons 
 have had such resolution, that nothing could ever induce them to plead 
 guilty. Others have retracted their forced confessions, the instant Ihey were 
 taken off the rack. For many, terrified at the very sight of the instruments 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 245 
 
 give ill an exact account, the inquisition promises them, that if 
 they are innocent, all that they discover to them shall be faith- 
 fully kept lor, and restored to them ; but that if they conceal any 
 thing, it shall be confiscated,* though they should not be found 
 guilty. And as in Spain and Portugal, most persons are fully 
 persuaded of the sanctity and sincerity of this tribunal, they 
 willingly discover all their possessions, even the most concealed 
 things of their houses, being certainly persuaded, that when 
 their innocence shall appear, they shall soon recover their li- 
 berty and effects together. But these miserable creatures are 
 deceived ; for he that once falls into the hands of these judges, 
 is stripped at once of all he was possessed of. ^ For if any one 
 denies his crime, and is convicted by a sufficient number of 
 witnesses, he is condemned as a negative convict, and all his 
 effects confiscated. If to escape the jail, he confesses his cyime, 
 he is guilty by his own confession, and in the judgment of ^11 
 justly stripped of his effects. AVhen he is dismissed from pri- 
 son ^s a convert and penitent, he dares not defend his inno- 
 cence, unless he desires to be thrown again into jail, and con- 
 demned, and, as a feigned penitent, to be delivered over to the 
 secular arm. 
 
 Of these things J. Royas gives us an account :^ " When any 
 criminal is apprehended, and put into the jails of the holy 
 office, his effects must be immediately sequestered, that they 
 may not be conveyed away, or concealed, and put into the 
 hands of some proper person, before the notary and executor, 
 who is to have the custody and care of them. Such effects 
 as cannot be kept, he who hath them in custody, must sell 
 by the inquisitor's command. This sequestration is made 
 only for real heresy. From hence they infer, that this se- 
 questration or description of effects, is not to be made, when 
 the inquisitors proceed against blasphemers, or fortune-tellers, 
 
 of torture, have accused themselves of crimes which never entcreil into their 
 thoughts. Everyone of these unfovlunate creatures, if they escape with 
 their lives, are sure to be stript of all their substance; and, to add to their 
 afflictions, exposed to lasting infamy, more bitter to a generous mind, than 
 d«ath itself." Letters on the Inq. <kc. 43. 
 
 a 2 part, assert. 2. 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE Il^QUISITION. 
 
 or those who marry again whilst their former wives are hving, 
 or against clergymen in orders, or professed monks who have 
 contracted matrimony, or against persons who speak proposi- 
 tions rash, scandalous, injurious, or that sound ill ; and in all 
 other causes, in which there is not, dejure, any confiscation of 
 effects, that which precedes it, viz. the sequestration of such 
 effects, by consequence ceases." 
 
 When the prisoner is brought before his judge, he appears 
 with his head and arms and feet naked.* In this condition he 
 is brought out of jail by the warder. When he comes to the 
 room of audience, the warder goes a little forward, and makes a 
 profound reverence, then withdraws, and the prisoner enters by 
 himself. At the farther end of the audience room there is 
 placed a crucifix, that reaches almost to the cieling. In the 
 middle of the hall is a table about five feet long and four broad, 
 with seats all placed round it. At one end of the table, that 
 which is next to the crucifix, sits the notary of the inquisition, 
 at the other end the inquisitor, and at his left hand the prisoner 
 sitting upon a bench. Upon the table is a missale, upon which 
 the prisoner is commanded to lay his hand, and to swear that 
 he will speak the truth, and keep every thing secret. After 
 they have sufficiently interrogated him, the inquisitors ring a 
 bell for the warder, who is commanded to carry back his pri- 
 soner to jail.^ 
 
 a luqnis. Goan. cap. 18. 
 
 b The form and furniture of the inquisitorial judgment hall is expressly 
 ordained by law. " There shall be at every inquisition, a room allotted for 
 the board of dispatch which shall be iu so safe a place, that nothing may be 
 heard of what passes there from without ; in this room there shall be chairs 
 with backs to them, or without backs, as many as may appear necessary, a 
 bench for the prisoner to sit upon, and in winter the apartment shall be de- 
 corated w^ith tapestry of arras-hangings, and in summer with gill leather- 
 hangings ; upon a platform three inches high shall be a table covered with a 
 cloth of crimson damask, and upon it a black leather, and the platform shall 
 be large enough to accommodate at least five chairs on each side, and in this 
 table there shall be three drawers with diflPerent keys to tnem, in which each 
 of the inquisitors may keep hid papers, but shall not keep in it the quires 
 (memorand'.iin but k.v) for these must always be locked up in the secret. 
 Upon this table shall be a mass-book, tor administering the oaths, a tablet, 
 with the prayer of the Holy Ghost, the bye-laws of the holy office, and of the 
 
^ 
 
 I 
 
 ■^ 
 
 igmiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiilii 
 
HISTORY OF THE IN^QUISITION. S-i? 
 
 No one in tlie prison must so much as mutter, or make any 
 noise, but must keep profound silence. If any one bemoans 
 himself,* or bewails his misfortune, or prays to God with an 
 audible voice, or sings a psalm or sacred hymn, the jail keepers, 
 who continually watch in the porches, and can hear even the 
 least sound, immediately come to him, and admonish him that 
 silence must be preserved in this house. If the prisoner doth 
 not obey, the keepers admonish him again. If after this the 
 prisoner persists, the keeper opens the door, and prevents his 
 noise, by severely beating him with « stick, not only to chastise 
 him, but to deter others, who, because the cells are contiguous, 
 and deep silence is kept, can very easily hear the outcries and 
 sound of the blows. I will add here a short story that I had 
 from several persons, which, if true, shews us with what seve- 
 rity they keep this silence. A prisoner in the inquisition 
 coughed. The jailors came to him, and admonished him to 
 forbear coughing, because it was unlawful to make any noise 
 in that house. He answered, it was not in his power. How- 
 exchequer of the inquisition, the collection of apostolic bulls, and the privi- 
 leges of the inquisition : also, a sufficient number of ink-stands for the minis- 
 ters who are at the tabic-, and a bell. And in the wall fronting the place 
 where the prisoners are to sit, there shall be an image of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, in a solid statue, decorated with becoming decency. 
 
 There shall also be a room called the Secret, where are to be kept all do- 
 cuments of trials, records, books, and papers requiring secrecy, and the win- 
 dows of this room shall have iron grates, very strong and close to each other, 
 that nobody may gain entrance through them, and there shall be only one 
 door to the room of dispatch, very strong and secure, with three locks and 
 three different keys, one of which the promotor shall keep, and ihe other two 
 the two senior notaries.— Bye Laws of the Holy Offi<e, Title 11. printed in 
 the Palace of the Inquisition, at Lisbon, 1610, in Da. Cosia. vol. ii. 7. 
 
 a The inquisitors take very particular care, that their wretched victims 
 shall not be permitted to vent th'Ar woe, obtain infurmahon, or ask advice 
 of any Thus the Bye-Laws provide, book i. tit. 14. sect. 16. " He (the 
 goaler) shall accompany the prisu.iers when they go to the board, or return 
 from the board to the prison, having always one of the guards, and he shall 
 never permit the prisoner to speak when they pass by the corridors, nor .-hall 
 bespeak to them, nor shall he persuade them to confess their crimes. Aud 
 when the prisoners shall commence any discourse with him on that subject, 
 he shall inform them, that this matter can be noticed only at the board of the 
 holy office." — Da Costa, vol. i. 135. 
 
S48 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 ever, they admonished him a second time to forbear it, and 
 because he did not, they stripped him naked, and cruelly beat 
 him. This increased his cough, for which they beat him so 
 often, that at last he died through the pain and anguish of the 
 stripes. 
 
 They insist so severely on keeping this silence, that they 
 may cut off every degree of comfort from the afflicted,* and 
 especially for this reason, that the prisoners may not know- 
 one another, either by singing, or any loud voice. For it 
 oftentimes happens, that after two or three years confinement 
 in the jail of the inquisition, a man doth not know that *his 
 friend, nor a father that his children and wife are in the same 
 prison, till they all see each other in the act of faith. And 
 finally, That the prisoners in the several cells may not talk 
 with one another, which, if ever found out, their cells are im- 
 mediately changed. 
 
 If any one falls ill in the prison, they send to him a surgeon 
 and physician, who administer all proper remedies to him to 
 recover him to health. If there be any danger of his dying, 
 they send him a confessor, if he desires it. According to the 
 provision of the Madrid instruction, A. D. 1561. cap. 71.^ 
 
 If the criminal doth not not ask for a confessor, and the 
 physician believes the distemper to be dangerous, he must be 
 persuaded by all means to confess ; and if he judicially satisfies 
 
 a Gonsalv. p. 117. 
 b If any criminal falls ill in prison, the inquisitors must take diligent rare 
 that he may have medicines, and all things necessary for his safety, and the 
 advice of one physician or more, to recover him * And if he desires a conr 
 fessor, let them assign him one of known probity, and who may be confided 
 in, and let him be sworn to secresy. If the penitent says any thing to him in 
 confession, which he would have told out of the jail, let him not obey him in 
 this by any means, nor discover any such commands. But if he enjoins him 
 any thing out of confession, let him reveal that to the inquisitors. Farther, 
 let the inquisitors admonish and instruct the confessor how he shall behave 
 towards the penitent, particularly that he tell him, that since he was im- 
 prisoned for heresy, and accused as guilty of it, he cannot be absolved, un- 
 less he judicially declares his heresy. Let other things be left to the judg- 
 ment and conscience of the confessor, who ought to be instructed that he 
 may understand what is fit to be done in such a cause. 
 
 I * Direct, p. 2. com. 25. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 249 
 
 the inquisitors, he is to be reconciled to ihe church before he 
 dies, and being absolved in judgment, the confessor must ab- 
 solve him sacramentally. This is ordered by the same instruc- 
 tion. 
 
 If he is well, and desires a confessor, some are of opinion he 
 may not have one granted him, unless he hath conft^ised judi- 
 cially. Others think he may ; and in this case the confessor^ 
 business is to exhort him to confess his errors, and to declare 
 the whole truth, as well of himself as of others, as he is bound 
 de jure, to do. However, he must add, that he must not accuse 
 himself or others falsely, through weariness of his imprison- 
 ment, the hope of a more speedy deliverance, or fear of tor- 
 ments. Such a criminal the confessor cannot absolve, before 
 his excommunication is first taken off, and he is reconciled to 
 the church. But in Italy the prisoners are more easily allowed 
 a confessor than in Spain. 
 
 They are particularly careful not to put two or more in the 
 same cell, unless the inquisitor for any special reason shall so 
 order, that they may not concert with one another to conceal 
 the truth, to make their escape, or to evade their interrogato- 
 pies. The principal reason indeed seems to be, that through 
 the irksomeness of their imprisonment, they may confess what- 
 soever the inquisitors would have them. But if an husband 
 and his wife are both imprisoned for the same offence, and 
 there be no fear that one should prevent the other from 
 making a free confession of the crime, they may be put in the 
 same cell. 
 
 The inquisitors are obliged to visit the prisoners twice every 
 month,^ and to enquire whether they have necessaries allowed 
 them, and whether they are well or not. In this visit they 
 usually ask him in these very words. How he is ? How he 
 hath his health ? Whether he wants any thing ? Whether his 
 warder is civil to him ? i. e. Whether he speaks to him in a 
 reproachful and severe manner .? Whether he gives him his 
 appointed provision, and clean linen ? and the like.'' These are 
 exactly the sentences and words they use in these visits, to 
 
 * Gousalv. j». 12.1. b Inquis, Goan. c. 12. 
 
S50 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 which tlie}^ neither add any thing, nor act agreeably ; for they 
 use them only for forms sake, and when the inquisitor hath 
 spoken them, he immediately goes away, scarce staying for an 
 answer. And although any one of the prisoners complains 
 that he is not well used, it is of no advantage to him, nor is 
 he better treated for the future. If there be occasion or ne- 
 cessity, it will be convenient for them to visit the prisoners three 
 or four times every month, yea, as often as they think proper, 
 viz. when the criminal bears with impatience the misfortune 
 and infamy of hi^ imprisonment, in such case the inquisitor must 
 endeavour to comfort him very often, not only by himself, but 
 by others, and to tell him, that if he makes a free confession, 
 his whole aifair shall be quickly and kindly ended. 
 
 The inquisitors must take care not to talk with the crinlinals, 
 when they are examined or visited, upon any other aitairs but 
 such as relate to their business. Nor must the inquisitor be 
 alone when he visits, or otherwise gives them audience ; but 
 must have with him his colleague, or at least a notary, or some 
 other faithful servant of the holy office. According to the 
 Madrid instruction.^ 
 
 1 his also they are particularly careful of, that the criminals 
 may not be removed from one cell to another, nor associate with 
 any other. If any prisoners have been shut up together at 
 once in the same cell, when they are removed, they must be 
 removed together, that hereby they may be prevented from 
 communicating any thing that hath been transacted in the 
 prison. This is more especially to be observed, in case any of 
 them recal their confession, after they have been removed from 
 one cell and company to another. But if a criminal confesses, 
 and is truly converted, he may more easily be removed from 
 one cell to another, because the inquisitor is in no pain for fear 
 of his retracting, but may oftentimes make use of him to draw 
 out the truth from other prisoners, according to the advice of 
 Eymerick, in his Directory of the Inquisition.''--" Things of 
 this nature," says he, " are to be learned rather from expe- 
 rience than art, or precept, especially as there are some things 
 
 a A. D. 1561. c. 17. " P. 3. n. 107. and Pegna's Commentary 23. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 251 
 
 whicli must neitlier be revealed or taught, and are well known 
 in themselves to the inquisitors."" 
 
 If women are imprisoned, they must each of them have, 
 according to their quality, one honest woman at least for a 
 companion, who must never be absent from her, to prevent all 
 siispicion of evil.' This companion must be antient, of a good 
 life, pious and faithful. Sometimes when women are to be im- 
 prisoned, they do not carry them to the jail of the inquisitors, 
 especiaUy if they are regulars, if the jails be within the walls 
 of the monasteries, but to the convents of the nuns. When 
 this happens, they command the abbess or prioress to admit no 
 body to discourse "vvith the prisoner without express leave of 
 the inqiiisitor, but diligently to observ^e the order given her. 
 But when the cause is of importance, and full of danger, and 
 such they esteem all that relate to tlie faith, they think it safer 
 that women should be imprisoned in the jails of die inquisitors. 
 But the cardinals inquisitors general are to be consulted in this 
 affair, who, after mature consideration, are to determine whe- 
 ther it be most expedient that such criminals should be kept in 
 the jails of the bishops, or inquisitors regulars, especially if 
 they are yoang and handsome, as is -often tlie case of those 
 who are taken up for telling people's fortunes about their 
 sweethearts. 
 
 It is farther the custom and received use of this holy tribu- 
 nal, that such who are imprisoned for heresy, are not admitted 
 to hear mass, and other prayers which are said ^vithin the jail, 
 till their cause is determined. Their principal pretence for 
 this custom is, that it may possibly happen, when there is a 
 great number of criminals, that the several accomplices, com- 
 panions, and partakers of the crime, may at least by nods and 
 signs, discover to one another, how they may escape judgment, 
 or conceal the truth. 
 
 But the true and genuine reason is, that the prisoner may 
 have nothing to contemplate, besides his present misfortune, 
 that so being broken with tlie miseries of his confinement, he 
 may confess whatsoever the inquisitors would have him. For 
 
 * Pegua, Piax. iiiq. I 2. c If), n. G. 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 this reason they deny them books, and all other things that 
 would be any relief to them, in their tedious imprisonment. If 
 any one of the prisoners whatsoever prays the inquisitor when 
 he visits him, that he may have some good book, or the holy 
 bible, he is answered, that' the true book is to discover tlie 
 truth, and to exonerate his conscience before that holy tribunal, 
 and that this is the book which he must diligently study, viz. 
 to recover the remembrance of every thing faithfully, and de- 
 clare it to their lordships, who will immediately prescribe a re- 
 medy to his languishing soul. If the prisoner in the same or 
 next visit is importunate about it, he will be commanded si- 
 lence, because, if he asks to please himself, they may grant or 
 deny him according to their pleasure. 
 
 The keeping the jail anciently belonged to the executor's 
 office,'' and as often as he was absent, he was obliged to pro- 
 vide another keeper at his own charge. But now the jail- 
 keeper is created by the inquisitor-general, and is diiferent from 
 the executor. 
 
 Those who keep the jails for the crime of heresy, must swear 
 before the bishop and inquisitor, that they will faithfully keep 
 their prisoners, and observe all other things prescribed them 
 by Clement I. de haeret. sect. Porro. 
 
 There must be two keepers to every jail,'' industrious and 
 faithful men, one appointed by the bishop, the other by the 
 inquisitor. Each of them may have their proper servant. Be- 
 sides this, to every cell there must be two different keys, each 
 keeper to have one, w^hich they may give to their servants, to 
 supply the prisoners with necessaries. The bishop and inqui- 
 sitor have no power to agree that there shall be but one keeper, 
 because it doth not seem safe enough, neither is it allowed 
 them by law, nor appointed in their cause or favour.'^ 
 
 But now there is cnl}^ one jail-keeper appointed in every 
 province, chosen by the inquisitor general, who is not allowed 
 to give the prisoners their food. But the inquisitors choose 
 
 a Simanc. tit. 41. sect. 5. 
 b Simanc. de Cathol. Instit. tit. 16. sect. 7, 8, 9. 
 c Clem. I. sect. Sane, de liaeiet. 
 
HISTOEY OF THE INQUISITION. S53 
 
 some proper person to this office, who is commonly called the 
 dispenser. The provisions they give the criminals are generally 
 prepared and dressed in the house of the inquisition ; because 
 if they were prepared in the houses of the criminals themselves, 
 or any where else, something might easily be hid under them, 
 that might furnish them with the means of concealing the truth, 
 or to elude or escape judgment. This^ however, is to be left to 
 the prudence and pleasure of the inquisitors, whether and when 
 the criminals may, without danger, prepare their provision in 
 tlit'ir own houses. But upon account of the hazard attending 
 it, the inquisitors but seldom, and not without exqtiisite care, 
 gratify them in this particular. If any things are sent them 
 b}^ their friends or relations, or domestics, the jail-keeper and 
 dispenser never suffer them to have it, without first consulting 
 the inquisitors.* 
 
 As these keepers have it in their power greatly to injure or 
 serve their prisoners, they must promise by an oath, before the 
 bishop and inquisitors, that they will exercise a faithful care 
 and concern in keeping them, and that neither of them will 
 speak to any of them but in presence of the other, and that 
 they will not defraud them of their provision, nor of those 
 things which are brought to them. Their servants also are 
 oblio;ed to take this oath. 
 
 But notwithstanding this law, a great part of the provision 
 appointed for the prisoners, is withheld from them by their co- 
 vetous keepers; and if they are accused for this to the inquisi- 
 tors, they are much more gently punished, than if they had 
 used any mercy towards them. Reginald Gonsalve relates,b 
 that in his time, Gaspar Bennavidius was keeper of a jail: — 
 " He was a man of monstrous covetousness and cruelty, who 
 defrauded his miserable prisoners of a great part of their pro- 
 visions, which were ill dressed, and scarce the tenth part of 
 what was allowed them, and sold it secretly, for no great price, 
 at the Triana. Besides, he wholly kept from them the little 
 money allowed them to pay for the washing of their linen ; thus 
 suffering them to abide many days together, without that ac- 
 
 » iD.^truct Tolet. cap. 20. b ;>, lll,&c. 
 
254« HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 commodation, deceiving the inquisitor and treasurer, who put 
 that money to the keeper's account, as though it had been ex- 
 pended every week for the use of the prisoners, for whom it is 
 appointed. Neither was it very difficult to deceive them, be- 
 cause they took but httle pains to enquire out the truth. If 
 any one of the prisoners complained, muttered, or opened his 
 mouth upon account of this intolerable usage, the cruel wretch, 
 who had divested himself of all humanity, had a remedy at 
 hand. He brought the prisoner immediately out of his apart- 
 ment, and put him down into a place they call Mazmorra, a deep 
 cistern that had no water in it. There he left him for seve- 
 ral days together, A^dthout any thing to lie on, not so much as 
 straw. His provision there was so very rotten, that it was 
 more proper to destroy his health by sickness, than to preserve 
 it, or support him in hfe. All this he did without ever con- 
 sulting the inquisitors, and yet fraudulently and villainously 
 pretending their command to his prisoner. If any one besought 
 him to complain to the inquisitors for so injurious a treatment, 
 for they could not do it by any other person, and to desire an 
 audience, the cunning wretch, knowing that the whole blame 
 must lie upon himself, pretended that he had asked, but could 
 not obtain it. By such forged answers, he kept the miserable 
 prisoner in that deep pit twelve or fifteen days, more or less, 
 till he had fully gratified his anger and cruelty. After this, 
 he brought him out, and threw him into his former jail, per- 
 suading him, that this favour was owing to his humanity and 
 care, having made intercession for him with their lordships. In 
 short, his thefts and injuries with which he plagued his pri- 
 soners, who were otherwise miserable enough, were so nume- 
 rous, that some persons of interest with the inquisitors, at length 
 accused him before them. Upon this he was imprisoned him- 
 self; and being found guilty of many false accusations, he re- 
 ceived this sentence : — That he should come out at a public 
 act of the faith, carrying a wax candle in his hand, be banished 
 live years from the city, and forfeit the whole sum of money, 
 which, by virtue of his office, he was to have received from the 
 holy tribunal. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. ^5$ 
 
 " This very man,^' whilst he was keeper, had in his family, 
 an ancient servant maid, who, observing the distress of the pri - 
 soners, labouring under intolerable hunger and misery, throuo-h 
 the wickedness and barbarity of her master, was so moved with 
 pity towards them, being herself well inchned to the evano-e- 
 lical piety, that she often spoke to them through the doors of 
 their cells, comforted them, and, as well as she could, exhorted 
 them to patience, many times putting them in meat under their 
 doors, in proportion to the mean and low abihties of her con- 
 dition. And when she had nothing of her own, by wl)ich to 
 shew her liberaUty to the prisoners of Christ, she took good 
 part of that provision from the wicked thief her master, which 
 he had stolen from the prisoners, and restored it to them. And 
 that we may the more wonder at the providence of God, who 
 so orders it, that the worst of parents shall not have always 
 the worst of children, but sometimes even the best ; a little 
 daughter of the keeper himself was greatly assisting to the 
 maid in these humane acts. By means of this servant, the pri- 
 soners had information of the state of the affairs of their bre- 
 thren and fellow prisoners, which much comforted them, and 
 was oftentimes of great service to their cause. But at length the 
 matter was discovered by the lords conunissioners, by whom she 
 was thrown into prison for a year, and underwent the same fate 
 Avith the other prisoners, and condemned to walk in the public 
 procession, with a yellow garment, and to receive two hundred 
 stripes, which was executed upon her, the following day, 
 through the streets of the city, with the usual pomp and cruel- 
 ty. To all this was added, banishment from the city and its 
 territories for ten years. Her title was, " llie Favouress and 
 Aidrcss of heretics.'' What excited the implacable indignation 
 of the lords, the fathers of the faith, against her was, that they 
 discovered in her examination, that she had revealed the secrets of 
 the most holy tribunal, to some of the inhabitants oi" the prison, 
 particularly relating to the provision allotted to the prisoners. 
 From both these examples, and from their different and un- 
 equal punishment, any one may see, how much safer it is to 
 add to the affliction of the prisoners in their jail, than to com- 
 fort them by any act of humanity and mercy whatsoever." 
 
 * p. 114. 
 
^56 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 And in order that the jail of heretics may be kept secret/ 
 no one of the officials, no not the judge himself, as we shaU 
 aftei-wards see, can enter it alone, or speak with the prisoners 
 but before anotlier of the officials, nor without the previous or- 
 der of the inquisitors.^ All are obHged to swear that they will 
 observe this, that no one may see or speak to the prisoners be- 
 sides the person who gives them their necessaries, who must 
 be a faithful honest person, and is obliged to swear, that he will 
 not discover the secrets, and must be searched, to prevent his 
 carrying any orders or letters to the prisoners. 
 
 This command they will have observed as most sacred, be- 
 cause, as they say. secresy is the strength of the Inguisition, 
 which might easily be violated, unless this order be punctually 
 kept, and therefore they always most severely punish those who 
 transgress it. Gonsalvius Montanus gives us a very remarka- 
 ble instance of this.'^ " A few years ago, (viz. before Gonsal- 
 vius wrote this account) one Peter ab Herera, a man not alto- 
 gether vile, but of some humanity, and not very old, was ap- 
 pointed keeper of the tower of Triana, which is the prison of 
 the Inquisition. It happened, as it often doth in such nume- 
 rous and promiscuous imprisonments, that amongst other pri- 
 soners committed to his custody, there was a certain good ma 
 tron, with her two daughters, who were put in different cells, 
 and earnestly desired the liberty of seeing one another, and 
 comforting each other in so great a calamity. They therefore 
 earnestly entreated the keeper, that he w-ould suffer them to be 
 
 ^ Sect. 11. 
 
 ^ The prevention of all communication with the prisoners, is another proof 
 of the ridiculous secrecy that pervades the Inquisition; for the prisoners are 
 allowed to hear nothing that has passed out of doors, however trivial the in- 
 telligence may be. Soon after my imprisonment, I heard an alarm of fire, 
 and afterwards, asking one of the guards, who was a little more kind than 
 the rest, where it had taken place, and if it had caused much damage, I was 
 told that the prisoners of the Inquisition were not to busy themselves con- 
 cerning any thing that passed out of doors. Another time I asked, whether 
 that was to be a day of business, or holy day, in the tribunal, as I intended 
 to solicit an audience from the inquisitor. The answer was, that I could not 
 be informed. If I wanted an audience, I might solicit it, and perhaps, if 
 convenient, the request would be granted." Da Costa's Narr. vol. i. 72. 
 
 c p> 108. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 257 
 
 together for one quarter of an hour, that they might have the 
 satisfaction of embracing each other. He, being moved with 
 humanity and compassion, allowed tliem to be together, and 
 talk with one anotlier for half an hour, and after they had 
 indulged their mutual affections, he put them, as they were 
 before, in their separate prisons. A few days after this, they 
 were put with great cruelty to the torture ; and the keeper 
 being afraid, that through the severity of their torments, they 
 should discover to the lords the fathers inquisitors, his small 
 humanity in suffering them to converse together for half an 
 hour, without the inquisitor's leave, through terror went him- 
 self to the holy tribunal, of his own accord confessed his sin, 
 and prayed for pardon, foohshly behoving, that by such his 
 confession, he should prevent the punishment threatened him 
 for this action. But the lords inquisitors judged this to be so 
 heinous a crime, that they ordered him immediately to ba 
 thrown into jail ; and such was the cruelty of his treatment, 
 and the disorder of mind that followed on it, that he soon 
 grew distracted. However, his disorder and madness did not 
 save him from a more grievous punishment. For after he had 
 lain a full year in that cursed prison, they brought him out in 
 the public procession, clothed with the yellow garment, and an 
 halter round his neck, as though he had been a common thief, 
 and condemned him, first to receive two hundred lashes through 
 the streets of the city, and then to the gaUies for six years. 
 The day after the procession, as he was carried from the Tri- 
 ana to be whipt with the usual solemnity, his madness, which 
 usually seized him every other hour, came on him, and throw- 
 ing himself from the ass on which, for the greater shame, he 
 was carried, he flew upon the inquisitory Alguazile,* and, 
 snatching from him a sword, had certainly killed him, had he 
 not been prevented by the mob who attended him, and set him 
 again upon the ass, and guarded him till he had received the 
 two hundred lashes, according to his sentence. After this, the 
 lords inquisitors ordered, that as he had behaved himself in- 
 
 * An officer wbo executes the orders of the Inquisilioii, 
 
258 HISTORY OF THE iNaUISITION. 
 
 decently towards the Alguazile, four years more should 
 be added to the six for which he was at first condemned to 
 the gallies/' 
 
 These keepers are answerable for the smallest fault, for they 
 are to use the same care in the custody of their prisoners, as 
 fathers ought to do in governing their families ; so that if diey 
 suffer any one to escape from jail, they are to be punished 
 according to the nature of their offence. It is therefore their 
 business frequently to visit and search the cells of their priso- 
 ners, to prevent any thing from being clandestinely carried in, 
 by which they may destroy themselves, or dig through the walls, 
 and so escape.^ Their care of the women is to be pecuharly 
 strict, since the sex is naturally frail, and more subject than 
 men to yield to passion and despair, and so are more likely to 
 seek an occasion of destroying themselves. They must, above 
 all other things, take care that they do not behave themselves 
 indecently towards their women prisoners. Thus the congre- 
 gation of cardinals inquisitors general, condemned a jail keeper 
 to the gallies for seven years, and to perpetual banishment from 
 the place where he committed his offence, for a criminal 
 intimacy with a woman that was prisoner in the holy office ; as 
 appears from the letters of Cardinal Arigonius,^ directed to the 
 inquisitor of Cremona. 
 
 If the inquisitor thinks it necessary to prevent the escape of 
 any prisoners, he may lay them in irons. If the poverty of the 
 inquisitors is so great, or their jails so defective, as that they are 
 not fit to hold in safe custody, either for the thinness of the 
 walls, or for want of iron bars to the windows, or sufficient 
 bolts for the doors, if the magistrate be required by the inqui- 
 sitor, he must take care of the safe custody of the prisoners, 
 according to the constitution of Alexander IV. beginning. Ad 
 extirpanda. 
 
 What the several duties of the messenger, door-keeper, 
 and physician are, is plain enough from their very names.^ 
 
 * Carena, p. 1. t. ih. n. 11. 
 b Jan. 13, 1610. • Simanc. tit. 41. sect. 10. 
 
HISTOltY OF THE INaUISlTlON. 259 
 
 They must be honest men, and not suspected, and bom of old 
 Christians. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of the Expences requisite in the Administration of the In- 
 quisition and Confiscation of effects applied to this Use. 
 
 THESE jails cannot be built, nor criminals be apprehended, 
 nor maintained in prison, without expence. It was therefore 
 necessary that some law should determine how these expences 
 should be provided for. Besides the inquisitors, and all other 
 servants of the Inquisition, must have their salaries paid them. 
 Originally this burthen was laid on the cities themselves, as 
 may be collected from the constitution of Innocent IV.* Ad 
 extirpanda^ 
 
 But as the cities thought themselves aggrieved by this 
 charge, and openly refused to bear it, the confiscated effects of 
 heretics have been applied to these uses, and the cross-bearers 
 have bound themselves by vow, that they will expend their own 
 estates for the defence of the faith. But that it may be more dis- 
 tinctly understood how these effects are applied to the uses of 
 
 a An. 1252. sect. 3. Bzovius. 
 b Let the chief magistrate or governor be obliged, at the expence of the 
 place where he presides, to cause such heretics, when apprehended, to be 
 carried wheresoever the diocesan, or his vicars, or the inquisitors, or inqui- 
 sitor, shall order them to be carried, within the jurisdiction or district of 
 such diocesan bishop, or of such city or place. The olficials shall be allowed 
 out of the chamber of such city or place, when they go without the said city 
 or place, in execution of their office, every one of them eighteen Imperials in 
 ready money per diem, which the magistrate or governor shall give, or cause 
 to be given them, within three days after their return to such city or place. 
 They shall also have the third part of the effects of heretics they seize on, 
 and of the fines to which they shall be condemned, according as it is contain- 
 ed below, and with this salary shall be content. Ne-ther shall they be com- 
 pelled by any means to any other office and service, that may hinder them iu 
 the exercise of this. 
 
 S ^ 
 
360 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 the Inquisition, I shall endeavour to trace this whole affair from 
 the beginning. 
 
 When the delegated Inquisition was first constituted,* the 
 sentence concerning the confiscation of effects in the dominions 
 of the church, was pronounced by the ecclesiastical judge; but 
 in other countries by secular princes, as appears plain from the 
 text.'' " But in the countries subject to our temporal jurisdic- 
 tion, we ordain that the goods of heretics shall be exposed to 
 sale ; and in other countries we command that it shall be done 
 by the secular powers and princes, and if they appear negligent, 
 we will and command that they shall be compelled to do it by 
 ecclesiastical censure, without benefit of appeal."" But in a 
 course of years it was, without any difference, provided that 
 the declaratory sentence concerning such confiscation, should 
 every where be passed by the ecclesiastical judge, who judges 
 of the crime ; and farther, that the execution of such confisca- 
 tion, viz. the seizure of the goods, should be made by the 
 ecclesiastical judge, viz. by the bishop or inquisitor : ^ " the 
 execution of such confiscation, or the seizure of the effects 
 themselves shall not be made by princes, or other temporal 
 lords, before the sentence for such crime shall have been 
 pubhshed by the bishop of the place, or some other ecclesiasti- 
 cal person, who hath power in this affkir. '^ 
 
 Whether heretics repent or not, whether they are converted 
 before they are dehvered to tue secular court, or afterwards, 
 their effects are ipso facto ^ confiscated. = "The goods of 
 heretics, who offend more grievously, horribly, and detestably 
 than others, we, with the advice of our brethren, decree 
 to be, ipso jure confiscated.'' Neither doth it signify whe- 
 ther the heretic hath persisted in his heresy for a longer 
 or shorter time ; because heresy is not judged of by the length 
 of time. 
 
 But if any voluntarily return to the church, before they are 
 accused or denounced, or if immediately after they are appre- 
 
 * Direct, p. 3. com. 148. b In cap. Vergentis. de haeret. 
 
 c Cap. Ut Iijquisitionis. sect. Prohibemus. 
 
 * C. Cum secundum leges, sect. fin. de haeret. lib. 6. ibid. 
 
 ' Ibid, de haret. I. 6. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 20*1 
 
 hended, they make a full and entire confession of themselves 
 and others, whom they know to be heretics : such who thus 
 return with a pure heart, before the depositions of tlie witnesses 
 are published, are, as seems equitable, kindly excused from 
 imprisonment, and have also for the same reason the confisca- 
 tion of theii- effects remitted them.^ In Italy it is owing rather 
 to custom than to any papal constitution, that the effects of 
 penitent heretics are not sold. But in Spain, the effects of he- 
 retics, thougli penitent, are confiscated, not only by the papal, 
 but royal laws. 
 
 But as to the seizure and application of such confiscated 
 effects, the civil law thus determines.^ " Whom also we 
 pursue with the publication of all their effects.'' However such 
 eflPects, pubhshed because of heresy, were not condemned to the 
 treasury, if the children of such heretics were Catholics ; as 
 is plain from the before-mentioned law. " Neither do we per- 
 mit their children to become their heirs, unless they forsake 
 their parents wickedness." It is also farther explained,"^ to 
 whom the confiscated effects of heretics shall be applied, if their 
 children are not Catholics, viz. to their next relations and 
 kindred, if Orthodox and Catholic. But if none such are to be 
 found, the effects are all to be converted to the treasury of the 
 secular prince. And a little after,'* this method of succession is 
 prescribed, if the fathers should be Catholics, and their children 
 heretics. Because heretical children arid relations cannot suc- 
 ceed Catholic parents, if the father be a clergyman, the church 
 shall inherit ; if a layman, his estates shall go to the treasury. 
 Many ages after this, Frederic the emperor, by a law begin- 
 ning, Catharos, thus ordained, about the year 1220. " We 
 condemn all heretics of both sexes, and every name, to per- 
 petual infamy, we deprive them of our protection, and put them 
 under the bann, ordering their effects to be confiscated, and 
 never more to return to them, so that their children shall never 
 
 » Sinianc. tit. 42. sect. 17. * L. Manichaeos. Cod. de h»ret. 
 
 * L. CogDOvimus, C. de haeret. 
 
 * In Autheiit. sect, quis de predictis. 
 
262 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 come to the possession of them, since it is much more heinous 
 to offend the eternal than the temporal majesty. 
 
 But as the crime of heresy is merely ecclesiastical, they con- 
 tend that the ecclesiastical laws, which order all things relating 
 to the punishment of it, ought to prevail, and be every where 
 observed. And therefore since the confiscation of effects is one 
 of the penalties ordained against heretics, they affirm, that what 
 hath been ordained by the ecclesisastical papal laws and consti- 
 tutions, ought to be observed by aU that would approve their 
 obedience to the church of Rome. 
 
 Pope Innocent III. in the year of our Lord 1199 or 1200, 
 and second year of his papacy, first ordained at the Lateran,* 
 by a decretal epistle, beginning, Vergentis in senium^ directed 
 to the clergy, consuls, and people of Viterbo, that the effects 
 of heretics should be confiscated, as had been determined by 
 the civil laws, and that they should be apphed to the treasury 
 of the church in the countries subject to her, and in other 
 dominions of the empire, to the treasLu-y of the secular judge. 
 And this he commands to be observed, although heretics should 
 have Catholic children, who by the civil law were allowed to 
 succeed to their parents estates. The same confiscation of 
 effects, a few years after, A. D. 1215, was decreed in the La- 
 teran council under Innocent III. 
 
 Pope Innocent IV. by a constitution made at Perouse 1252, 
 commanded the confiscated goods of heretics to be divided into 
 three parts, one to be apphed to the public use of the city, 
 another to the officials engaged in the affair, and the other to 
 the disposal of the inquisitor or diocesan, in favour of the faith, 
 which was afterwards confirmed and modified by Clement IV. 
 and Boniface VIII. 
 
 Lastly,^ Friar Bernard Comensis, in his Hght of the inquisi- 
 tors, hath given us this short account of the whole affair. 
 " The effects of heretics, since they are ipso jure confiscated 
 from the day of the crime committed, shall not be sold or 
 alienated by the said heretics.^ Yea, the treasury or inqui- 
 sitors shall reclaim the said effects, if sold or ahenated, out of 
 
 a April, Cal. 8. 
 ^ ** Id voce. Bona barefr Ibid. 4. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 263 
 
 the hands of the possessors, without any charge, through what 
 hands soever they may have passed ; unless the price, or some- 
 thing equivalent to it, was amongst the effects of the said here- 
 tic thus alienating them. 
 
 " The ordinary or diocesan shall have no part of the profits 
 of the goods of heretics,'* appropriated to the office of the 
 Inquisition, although he himself proceeds in the said office ; 
 but must discharge his duty at his own proper expences, and 
 out of his own returns, because he is the ordinary, according to 
 the Extravagant of Benedict XI. beginning, Ex eo qiLod. 
 Nor are the inquisitors obliged to give an account to the said 
 diocesans of the effects accruing to the office of the Inqui- 
 sition. 
 
 '' Whereas the cross-bearers now generally provide, in aid of 
 the office of the Inquisition,** all the necessary expences of the 
 said office, at the pleasure of the inquisitors, and appoint such 
 officials as are necessary to the said office, and pay them, as the 
 inquisitors order them ; they have therefore, now introduced a 
 custom, that the confiscations made of the effects of heretics by 
 the inquisitors, shall be applied to the office of the Inquisition, 
 and administered by the inquisitors, or the said cross-bearers 
 at the pleasure of the inquisitors, to expedite the affairs of the 
 said office, and in all causes appertaining to it. 
 
 " When the effects of heretics are confiscated,*^ such confis- 
 cation reaches not only to such effects as are found in the 
 territory where the condemnation is made, but to such as are 
 found in any other territory ; and the execution shall be made 
 by the officials of that place where the goods are. For 
 instance, if a man is born at Bologne, and hath a good estate 
 there, and yet builds himself an house at Florence, and is by 
 the inquisitor of Florence condemned there for heresy ; in such 
 case the inquisitor of Bologne shall seize upon all his effects 
 which he finds there, because the purse of the church of Rome 
 equally extends to Bologne as to Florence. But it is not 
 thus with the part that comes to the officials. See the declara- 
 tion of Nicholaus IV.'* 
 
 » lu voce. Bona haeret. 5. b Ibid. 6. « Ibid. 7. ' 
 
 ^, * A. D. 1291. Oct. 5. 
 S 4 
 
264 HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 
 
 " The moveable effects of the criminal, which are found in 
 any other territory, must go to the treasury of such place in 
 which they are condemned.'' 
 
 CHAP. XX. G 
 
 Of the Salaries of the Inquisitors, and other Officers. 
 
 IT is very evident from what hath been akeady said, that 
 the method of paying the inquisitors their salaries, is not every 
 where the same, but very different, according as the confis- 
 cated effects are seized, either by die secular lords or the inqui- 
 sitors. 
 
 Formerly, in France,^ the expences and necessary supports 
 were given them out of the royal treasury, by the Balhves ; ^ 
 who, in that age, received the returns of their several districts, 
 and had their accounts audited in the chamber of accounts, 
 as appears from those acco Lints themselves. For some of them 
 gave in an account of the expences of the friars inquisitors, at 
 Ascension term, A. D. 1248. There is also extant in the royal 
 chamber of records,^ an edict of Philip the Fair, by which they 
 are commanded, not only to furnish the inquisitors with ne- 
 cessary provisions, but also to give them assistance and counsel 
 in the execution of the office committed to them. " To the 
 Seneschall of Tholouse, and Carcassone, greeting: Whereas 
 Friar William de Morreriis, a predicant, of whom we have re- 
 ceived a favourable account, is, as is reported, newly deputed 
 by the apostolic authority, inquisitor at Tholouse, we command 
 ycu, that ye cause to be given and ministered to him our jails, 
 situate in our lands, for the custody of persons taken up for the 
 
 « Du Cauge in voce Inquisitio. 
 •• Ballives, are judges to administer justice in provinces and greater cities, 
 and who also took care of tlie fines, confiscations, mortmains, and other 
 effects belonging to the king, in their respective districts.— Du Fresne. 
 c Register Book xxxvi. cap. 16. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 265 
 
 crime of heresy ; as also money for his provision, and for exe- 
 cuting his office ; and that you gi'ant him all help, favour, and 
 counsel therein, as hath been hitherto granted to other inqui- 
 sitors, and as long as it shall b? our pleasure." * 
 
 James, king of Arragon, by a law, beginning, *' Quoniam 
 fidei Catholicae,** thus commands : " Likewise also we will and 
 command, that ye provide for the said inquisitors, their ex- 
 pences, and pay all their charges they shall be at upon account 
 of the said inquisition, as well for horses as for other matters 
 as they shall give in their accounts of them, as often as you 
 shall be required by them, or any one of them.' ^ 
 
 In Italy and other places, where tlie inquisitors are poor, the 
 commonwealth must maintain them in the places where they 
 hve, as is provided by many rescripts of former popes ; '^ and 
 particularly by a rescript of Innocent IV. beginning. Ad 
 exstirpanda. It is also the duty of the cross-bearers to support 
 the inquisitors with their estates, to which they have obho-ed 
 themselves by vow. 
 
 In Spain all these things are determined by certain laws.^ As 
 to the expences relating to the criminal under inquisition, the 
 Madrid instruction*^ hath thus determined: ''Let so much 
 money be taken out of the sequestred effects of the delinquent, 
 as is necessary to carry liim to jail, and six or eight pieces of 
 gold more for his own support ; nor shall any more expences 
 be allowed him than are necessary for him, and the cattle that 
 are to carry him, and the bed on which he is to sleep. If there 
 be no ready money in the sequestred effects, such of them 
 however as are less necessary shall be sold to bring in the said 
 quantity. The executor of this affair shall take care to write 
 down what he orders at the bottom of tlie registered effects, 
 and what remains shall be assigned over to the dispensator of 
 the prisoners, in the presence of the attorney of the sequestra- 
 tion. And the inquisitors shall be certified as to the whole 
 affair.^' 
 
 In many inquisitions this exact order is not observed, either 
 
 " Dated at Vicenn. 1302. b Made May 23, 1202. 
 
 c Baovius A. 1292. stct. J. " Eyiner. p. 3. q. 104. com. 158. 
 
 « Ibid. f A. 1501. cap. 9. 
 
266 HISTORY OF THE IN^QUISlTION. 
 
 through poverty, or for other reasons; in which case every 
 one abides by the received custom of his inquisition. 
 
 In Spain there are fixed salaries for the inquisitors, and other 
 ministers of the holy office, which are paid them at stated times 
 out of the forfeited effects, according to the quantity and order 
 described by Simancas.^ 
 
 It is also provided in Spain, by many constitutions, that in- 
 quisitors, who receive gifts incur the sentence of excommuni- 
 cation, and are deprived of their office, and fined double the 
 value of what they take.* This holds if they take gifts from 
 
 * Cathol. Inst. tit. 41. n. 33, 34. " The salaries must be paid to the inqui- 
 silors and officers by the commonwealth, which they serve with great labour, 
 but greater profit.* Every inquisitor hath annually allowed him 60,000,which 
 now is increased to an hundred thousand pieces, every one of which is worth 
 two of those brass pieces of money, which they commonly call Albi. The 
 judges of the forfeited effects have each of them 30,000. The promotor fiscal 
 as many. The scribe or notary the same. The executor 60,000. The re- 
 ceiver as many. The messenger 20,000. The door-keeper 10,000. The 
 physician 5,000. These salaries may be increased at the pleasure of the 
 inquisitor general, and are to be paid by the receiver at the fixed times, 
 which if be neglects to do, he may be deprived of his office by the inqui- 
 
 sitors.t 
 
 " All these salaries are paid out of the forfeited effects. | A third part is 
 to be paid in the beginning of every fourth month, and they then begin to be 
 due, when the judges and ministers go from their houses to manage the affairs 
 of (his holy inquisition. But if they die before the four months are complete, 
 their salaries shall be paid and go to their heirs. 
 
 *' The assessors and counsellors have no stipend, but must give their ad- 
 vice gratis, when the inquisitors desire it, as some lawyers affirm ;|| and 
 though they may receive a salary freely offered them, yet they cannot de- 
 mand it, because all Christians are bound to support and defend the affair 
 of the Catholic faith. However, these assessors, who are the eyes of the 
 judges in every cause, even though it be spiritual, justly receive a salary for 
 their service and labour. For many things are justly received, which it 
 would be injustice to demand. 
 
 '* Those advocates who defend the causes of the poor have a stipend out 
 of the treasury, which is usually very small, though honourable.§ But if the 
 criminals are not poor, the advocates are paid out of their effects.'* 
 
 ^ Simanc. de Cathol. Inst. t. 34. n. 45. 
 
 * Eymer. p. 3. q. 104. com. 153. sect. 23. 
 t 4 Inst. Tolet. c. 2. Inst. 3. Valdolit. c. 13. 
 X Eymer. p. 3. q. 104. com. 153. sect. 34. || Ibid. sect. 13. 
 
 ^ § Ibid. tit. 5. sect. 6, 7. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 267 
 
 their officials. It is ordained also, by the same instructions, 
 That all the officers shall be content with their stipends, and 
 receive no gifts ; not so much as any thing to drink or eat. 
 And if any one is convicted of doing it, he is deprived of his 
 office, must pay double the sum, incurs the sentence of excom- 
 munication, and is fined in 10,000 pieces. If any one of the 
 officers knows of any such thing, and doth not discover it to the 
 inquisitors, he must suffer the same punishment.* 
 
 But Paramus doth not interpret this constitution,"* so as to 
 make the inquisitors, who are criminal in this respect, actually 
 incur excommunication, and deprivation of office, but only so 
 as to make them hable to this punishment from the inquisitor 
 general. He also believes, if it be a small matter, the inqui- 
 sitors may take it when voluntarily offered to them. But it is 
 his judgment that they would do better to take nothing at all, 
 neither from the criminals, which looks very suspicious, nor 
 from their relations or friends, or any other persons what- 
 soever. 
 
 Every minister of the inquisition is also forbidden to con- 
 cern hunself in any traffic, either by himself or other persons ; " 
 if any one doth he is deprived of his office, and fined 20,000 
 pieces. If any one doth not discover this, he is excommuni- 
 cated.'^ 
 
 The inquisitors, ministers, and receivers, are also forbidden 
 to buy any thing of the confiscated effects, although they are 
 pubUcly sold.* If any one doth buy any of them, though openly 
 and honestly, he nevertheless incurs the sentence of excommu- 
 nication, and is fined in an 100 pieces of gold.*" 
 
 a The vTOids of the instruction, a, 1484. cap. 1. are these : " They have 
 likewise decreed, that the inquisitors and assessors of the inquisition, and 
 other their officials, such as advocates, fiscals, executors, notaries, and door- 
 keepers, siiall receive no gifts or money from any persons whatsoever, which 
 the said inquisition doth or may lay hold of, nor;from any other persons ap- 
 pointed by them. And the inquisitor general shall command them not to 
 receive any thing under pain of excommunication, deprivation of offices, 
 which they hold from the holy inquisition, and returning double of what 
 they take. 
 
 * Sinianc. lib. 3. q. 2. n. 68. c Ibid, de Cathol. Inst. t. 41. n. SS. 
 
 .« 4 I list ToleU c. 12. « Simanc. de Cathol, In»t. sect. 29. 
 
 f 4 Inst. Tolet. c. 23. 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 However, as the author of the History of the Inquisition at 
 Goa informs us, the inquisitors know how to amass vast riches, 
 by two methods.* When the effects of the prisoners, after 
 confiscation, are sold by the cryer, the inquisitors, notwith- 
 standing this interdict, usually send one of their domestics, 
 v^^ho bid a low price for such things as their masters want, 
 being pretty secure that nobody else will out-bid them ; and 
 by tliis means they buy very valuable things for half price, or 
 less. Besides this, the inquisitors have a right to demand the 
 payment of the expences, and other necessary charges they have 
 been at, when, and in what sums they please, whenever the 
 money arising from the confiscations is carried into the royal 
 treasury ; without ever giving any reason, or any ones daring 
 to ask them for what purposes they employ it. 
 
 Gonsalvius Montanus also tells us, in his arts of the Spanish 
 inquisition.** That the inquisitors aie sometimes prevailed 
 with to use their prisoners a little more kindly, by some pretty 
 presents made by their friends and relations. But this matter 
 must be dextrously managed, that so the inquisitor mav not 
 refuse the offer. The first thing therefore is, to bribe one of 
 his servants, in which there is no difficulty, provided it be done 
 privately. When the inquisitors themselves are tampered with, 
 they generally answer, That holy tribunal is incorrupt, and 
 suffers no manner of gifts whatsoever to be received But 
 they have generally, amongst their attendants, some child of 
 their brother or sister, or, at least, a servant that they greatly 
 esteem, and who is to be highly respected, and who only sees 
 the inquisitor refuse the presents offered to him. This servant 
 comes to the prisoner's friend, and privately points out to him 
 the relation of the lord inquisitor. This is giving him to un- 
 derstand, unless the person be a stock, that thoui»h before he 
 in vain attempted to corrupt the integrity of this holy tribunal, 
 he may by this conveyance prevail upon the inquisitor, though 
 he would refuse to accept the same present when more openly 
 offered liim. 
 
 a Simaijc, de Catiioi. lust. c. 25. '' Cap. 10. 
 
 END OF BOOK II. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 aFtWi^iiii^ittfeiro^ 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 VniMES BELONGING TO THE TRIBUNAL OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 (y Heretics and tJieir Punishments. And first of stick as 
 are Ecclesiastical. 
 
 ilERESY is t}ie crime properly subject to the trial of the 
 inquisitors. For they are inquisitors of heretical pravity ; and 
 their whole office consists in the extirpation of heresy. But 
 there ai'e various offences relating to heresy, according to the 
 statutes of the church of Rome, and one offence is more griev- 
 ous than another. For some are manifest heretics, others con- 
 cealed. Some affirmative, others negative. Some impenitent, 
 others penitent. Some arch-heretics, others believers of here- 
 tics ; some receivers, others defenders, others favourers of here- 
 tics. Some are hinderers of the office of the inquisition, others 
 suspected of heresy, others defamed as heretics, and others re- 
 lapsed. Again, there are some who, by committing certain 
 other crimes, incur the suspicion of heresy, or, who committing 
 certain crimes, punishable by other tribunals, yet are answer- 
 able to the tribunal of the inquisition, because of some heretical 
 word or action mixed with those crimes : so that it must be 
 particularly declaied, what the respective crimes are, and what 
 the punishments annexed to them. And finally, the Jews, in 
 
S70 HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. 
 
 some certain cases, and the revolters to Judaism, as also witches 
 and sorcerers, as far as they are said to deny the faith, are to 
 be brought before the tribunal of the inquisitors. Of these se- 
 verally in their order. 
 
 AND FIllST OF HERETICS. 
 
 Three things are required to make any one truly and pro- 
 perly an heretic.^ First, That he hath professed the Cathohc 
 faith, i. e. hath been baptise(I. Secondly, That he err in his 
 understanding in matters relating to the faith. What these 
 things are the papists enquire; but they are reduced at last to 
 this, that all points determined by a general council, or the 
 pope as necessary to be believed, or enjoined as an apostohc 
 tradition, are matters of faith. And this is said to make a man 
 an heretic initially, and as to his disposition. The third is ob- 
 stinacy of will. This is discovered tWo ways. The first is, 
 when any one is called before a judge of the faith, and by him 
 informed that the opinion he holds is contrary to an article of 
 faith, or contrary to the determination of the church made 
 concerning the faith, and yet nevertheless persists in his error. 
 The other is, when any person, after the discovery of his error, 
 will not renounce it at the command of a judge of the faith, by 
 abjuring it, and giving suitable satisfaction. 
 
 This crime is so widely extended by the doctors of the church 
 of Rome, that they esteem as heresy '» every thing that is con- 
 
 a Eymeric, p. 2. qu. 32. 
 b The regulations of the holy office, book ii. tit. 4. offer a very remarkable 
 instance of cruelty, where the age at which children are permitted to be pro- 
 ceeded against as heretics, and to abjure is defined ; by which, as well as book 
 iii. t. 1. sect. 12 it appears, that a male child at ten years and a half, and a fe- 
 male at wine years and a half, are liable not only to be tortured by the inquisi- 
 tion, but to be ordered to execution. History indeed affords many instances 
 of tyrants, who have exercised their cruelties even against innocent children 
 and tender infants, as has been said of Herod and others; this happened, 
 however, through arbitrary orders dictated by an impulse of rage, or perhaps 
 in some momentary derangement of the mind, but to ordain such horrid bar- 
 barities in cool blood, to make them part of a legislative system, which has 
 been considered revised, corrected, examined, and meditated upon, from 
 time to time, for years and for centuries, was reserved only for the holy office 
 of the inquisition, — Da Costa's Narrative, vol. i. 131. 
 
HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. 271 
 
 trary to any received opinion in the church, although it be 
 merely philosophical, and hath no foundation in the sacred 
 scripture. Such is that assertion of Bernard Comensis, in his 
 Candle of the Inquisitors in the word heresy.^ He is an here- 
 tic, who says, defends, or obstinately maintains, that the ra- 
 tional or intellectual soul is not the form of the human body of 
 itself, and essentially ; as appears in the Clementines, Unica de 
 summa Trinit.^ 
 
 The punishments ordained against heretics are many, and 
 most grievous, because the church of Rome looks upon heresy 
 to be a much more heinous crime than any other whatsoever. 
 These punishments are divided by some into ecclesiastical and 
 civil. Others say, that some punishments are inflicted on here- 
 tics, a jure and *ipsoJacto ; and that others are inflicted by 
 men. Conrad Brunus'^ comprehends, and particularly specifies 
 all of them, under this threefold division.*^ Of human punish- 
 ments ordained against heretics, some are ecclesiastical or 
 canonical, which the sacred canons have appointed, such as 
 excommunication, deprivation of ecclesiastical burial, dignities, 
 benefices, and ecclesiastical offices. Some are civil, which the 
 civil laws have enacted, such as the depriving men of the pri- 
 vileges and benefits of law, pecuniary mulcts, banishment, death, 
 and the bann. Some are mixed, ordained both by the sacred 
 canons, and the imperial laws ; such as confiscation of goods, 
 absolving subjects from their allegiance, infamy, and the eccle- 
 siastical interdict. I choose rather to distinguish punishments 
 only into ecclesiastical and civil. By ecclesiastical, I mean 
 those which are inflicted on any one considered as a member of 
 the church, and which are supposed to bring on him some spiri- 
 tual evil. By civil, I understand such punishments as refer to 
 the body or estate of any one, and are inflicted on him as a 
 member of civil society, whether they are appointed by the 
 civil or canon law, or by both. 
 
 Simancas gives a merry reason why they punish heretics so 
 severely,"* instead of convincing them by scripture of their error 
 and false doctrine. " We must not contend with heretics by 
 
 • Sect. 14. b Sect. Porro. '^ De haeret. 1. 5. c. 3. sect. 1. 
 
 d Calhol. lustit. tit. 59. sect. 11. 
 
27S HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 scripture, because by that our victory will be uncertain and 
 doubtful.'" So that it is no wonder they should defend doc- 
 trines, which have no foundation in scripture, by force, and 
 dreadful punishments, and extort that confession by the fear 
 of punishment, which they can never persuade the mind of 
 the truth of, as being destitute of the weight of reason, and 
 the clear testimony of scripture. But it is time to return to 
 our subject. 
 
 The first punishment ordained against heretics by the Canon 
 law, is excommunication.^ This was in use amongst the 
 Christians in former times. For ever since that councils were 
 held for the extirpation of heresy, the custom of excommunicat- 
 ing heretics was introduced. By this excommunication heretics 
 were driven from the sacraments, deprived of the common 
 suffrages of the church, and expelled the com.pany of the pious 
 and faithful. Thus the synod of Vernon determined in the 
 year 755, chap. 9. " That ye may understand the nature of 
 this excommunication, he must not enter into the church, nor 
 eat and drink with any Christian ;^ let none receive his gifts, 
 nor offer him a kiss, nor join with him in prayer, nor salute 
 him. 
 
 The ceremony . of excommunication is thus : = When the 
 bishop pronounces the anathema, twelve priests must stand 
 round him and hold hghted candles in their hands, which they 
 must throw down on the ground, and tread under their feet at 
 the conclusion of the anathema, or excommunication. Then a 
 letter is sent about to the parishes, containing the names of the 
 excommunicated persons, and the reason of their sentence. 
 
 Excommunication is either the greater or the less. Of both 
 the synod of Nimes hath thus decreed, A. D. 1284. The 
 greater excommunication is, when the prelate says, I excom- 
 municate thee. " This excommunication separates a person 
 from the communion of the faithful, and the participation and 
 perception of the sacraments. The lesser excommunication is, 
 
 a Cap. cum Christus. Siciit ait, ad obolendam. Excommiinicamus de 
 haeret. 
 
 *> Du Cange in voce Excom, * Brunus, 1. 5, c, G. sect 6. 
 
HISTOUY OF THE IXQUISITION. 273 
 
 ^^ when any one communicates with a person under the greater 
 excommunication ; by tlius partaking with him he is removed 
 from the perception of the sacraments, so that he ought not to 
 receive the cuchai'ist or other sacpaments, till lie is absolved." 
 An interdict is, when the prelate says, I interdict thee ; or, I 
 put thee under the ecclesiastical interdict ; or, I interdict or 
 prohibit thee from enteiing the church. " Such an interdicted 
 person, and he who is under the greater excommunication must 
 not enter the church, nor stand near it, when divine service is 
 performing, as long as they are under the sentence. 
 
 An interdict is a general excommunication, pronounced 
 against a province, a town, or city.^ Brunus describes it as ap- 
 plied to ecclesiastical affairs, 
 
 " An ecclesiastical interdict is one of the principal ecclesi- 
 astical censures, as it forbids a person all divine services, *» 
 which is itself the greatest'^punishment, as it deprives a man of 
 the benefit of divine services and sacraments, and affects ^the 
 soul, even as a civil interdict doth the body. It is pronounced 
 sometimes against a person, a community, or chapter. Some- 
 times against a place, a church, or city. And there is this dif- 
 ference: when a community is interdicted, the clergy may 
 perform divine service with a loud voice, the*gates being shut, 
 and the bells rung, provided the excommunicate and inter- 
 dicted persons be excluded, which they cannot do in an inter- 
 dicted place. Farther, when a community is put under an 
 interdict, we are not to understand it of the community as a 
 bod}^, but of some particular interdicted persons ; because the 
 matter of the interdict is proportioned not to the body, but the 
 several members. And yet an interdict may be pronounced 
 against the whole community, as a punishment of the crime of 
 the governors of the university, or body, in which case both 
 the guilty and innocent are subject to the ecclesiastical interdict, 
 especially those who were present, and knew the faults of the 
 governors, without opposing them. Jn this case the truth is, 
 that all the citizens, even the ignorant and innocent^ are in- 
 cluded in the interdict.*" 
 
 » Cap. 17. de vcibor Siguif. ^ I5rnnus, 1. 5. c. 10. sect. 10, 
 
 [ • Qj Du Cangc in voce interdict. The foini of the interdict we have in the 
 
 T 
 
274 HlSTOfiY OF THfe INatTlSITlON^ 
 
 The Venetian divines, in their treatise concerning the inter- 
 dict of pope Paul v." affirm, that the interdict is a new censure 
 
 council of Limoges, A. 1301 . session Ihe second. « Unless tht- y come to tcrrai 
 ot'peac<e, !<?t all the country of the Limosin be put under a pKblic excommu- 
 nication, so that no person, except a clergyman, or poor beggar, or stranger, 
 or infant from two years old and under, he permitted burial, in the whole Li- 
 mosin, or permitted to be carried to burial in any other bishopric. Let 
 Divine service be privately performed in all the churches, and baptism given 
 to those who desire it. About the tiiird hour let the bells ring in the churches, 
 and all prostrate pour out their prayers, upon account of tho tribulation, and 
 for peace. Let penance and the viaticum be granted in the article of death. 
 Let the altars of all the churches be stripped, as in Easter eve, and the crosses 
 and ornaments be taken away, as a token of mo>irning and sadness to all. 
 Let the altars be adorned at those masses only, which any of the priests shall 
 say, the church doors being s!iut j and when the masses are done, let them 
 be stript again. Let no one marry during the time of the excommunication. 
 Let no one give to anotlier a kiss. Let no one of the clergy or laity, no in- 
 habitant, or traveller, eat jSesh or other meat, than such as is lawful to eat in 
 Lent, in the whole country of the Limosin. Let no layman or clergyman be 
 trimmed or shaved, till the censured princes, the heads of the people, abso* 
 lutdy obey the holy council." Some synods held at Landaff, recited in the 
 English councils, after the ecclesiastical laws of king Alfred, declare, that in 
 the time of the interdicts the altars were uncovered, the crosses and relics of 
 the saints laid upon the ground, and the bells turned upward. 
 
 There is another farm of the interdict extant in a manuscript of the church 
 of Beauvis, amongst the laws of Charles the Great. In the name of Christ, I 
 Hildegariiis, bishop of Beauvis, by the authority of the Father, the Son, and 
 the Holy Ghost, and by the authority of St, Peter, prince of the apostles, and 
 by ottr own authority, do excommunicate and interdict this church, and all 
 the chapels belonging to it, that no one may have power from Almighty God, 
 or from St, Peter, the prince of the apostles, from this day to sing or hear 
 mass, or perform any divine office, or receive the tythe of Almighty God, 
 without our special leave. And whoever shall presume, contrary to these 
 interdicts, either to sing orhear mass, or to perform divine service in any 
 place, or to receive tlie tythe of Almighty God, let him be excommunicated 
 and accursed by the authority of the omnipotent God, the Father, the Son, 
 adn the Holy Ghost, and of St. Peter, and all the saints, and separated from 
 the society of Christians, and from tlic doors of our holy mother church, 
 ^here there is remission of sins, and let him be anathema maranatha, t9 
 the end of the world, with the devils in hell. So let it be, once, twice, 
 thrice, Amen. Boniface VIII. ordained, that notwithstanding the eccle- 
 siastical interdict, divine service might be performed in the four festivals, to 
 which Urban VI added the festival of Corpus Christi, as may be found in lh« 
 great Beltjic Chronicle, a. 1389. 
 
 » A. 1006. propos. 10. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 275 
 
 in the church; and they thus prove it: because there is no 
 mention of an interdict, either as to the word or meaning, in 
 tlie holy scripture, or any one of the ancient fathers, or in the 
 colI(?ction of canons by Curcard or Gratian, who \vrote about 
 the year 1150. And, therefore, it did not begin till after his 
 lime, because Alexander III. first mentions it in the decretals, 
 in a certain letter of his to the Enghsh prelates, A. D. 1170. 
 They add, 
 
 In the beginning, when the interdict took place, all divine 
 services were prohibited, except the baptism of children, and 
 the penance of the dying.* About the year 1200, Innocent III. 
 allowed of preaching and the sacrament of confirmation.^ About 
 the year 1230, Gregory IX. granted, that mass should be cele- 
 brated once every week, but without the ringing of the bell, 
 with a low voice, and the gates shut, in order to consecrate the 
 most holy sacrament for dying penitent s.'^ About the year 
 1245, Innocent IV. permitted the sacrament of penance to be 
 administered to the cross-bearers and strangers, and that two 
 or three of the clergy might celebrate dirine service with a 
 low voice.*^ About the year 1300, Boniface VIII. decreed, 
 that penance should not only be administered to the sick, but 
 to such as were well, and every day ; and that divine service 
 should be performed with a low voice, the gates shut, and 
 without ringing of bells, except on the feasts of the Nativity, 
 Easter, Whitsunday, and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, 
 when it should be celebrated with open gates, and the ringing 
 of the bells.= 
 
 To this they subjoin the effects of an interdict, to shew, that 
 if this censure be not used with some difference, it Avill destroy 
 the church. It is worth while just to recite these effects, in the 
 words of the aforementioned place, Alma Mater, and from the 
 extravagant Proc^iff^. ** Because," says he, **by such sort of 
 statutes the indevotion of the people is forgotten, heresies spring 
 up, an infinite number of dangers arise to souls, and the church, 
 
 * Alexander III. capit. " Non est nobis." re«pons. A. D. 1170. 
 
 b Capit responso. de Sent. Excom. 
 
 « Cap. Pciinillinius. de Sent. Excom. d Cap. Qnod. in Text de rcen. 
 
 « Cap. Alraa Matrr. do Sent. Excom. in C. 
 
S76 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 without lier fault, loses the obedience due to her." The words 
 of the extravagant are these: " Prayers for the dead, especially 
 by the frequent oblation of the salutary host, are either entirely 
 prevented, or greatly lessened ; young persons and children 
 more seldom partake of the sacraments, and are thereby less 
 inflamed and confirmed in the taith, the devotion of the faithful 
 grows cool, heresies spring up, and the dangers of souls are in- 
 creased."" The gloss upon the same chapter. Alma Mater, 
 says, that after the removal of the interdict from any place, per- 
 sons of thirty or forty years old, who had never seen the mass 
 celebrated, laughed at the priests as they were celebrating it. 
 Sotus, a famous doctor, says,* " That though an interdict on 
 one hand tends to terrify the excommunicate, yet on the other 
 it endangers divine service, especially if it lasts for any consi- 
 derable while ; for that not only the laity lose their affection 
 and regard for divine services, from not being accustomed to 
 frequent them, but even the clergy themselves grow more re- 
 miss and indolent in perfoniiing them: upon which account 
 religion itself suffers great loss, and the manners of the people 
 grow wild and savage." Thus far the Venetian divines. 
 
 Heretofore they used, three times a year, solemnly to ana- 
 thematize heretics of every sect, viz. in the day of Cceni Domini, 
 the ascension,^ when Christ prayed for all the faithful, and in 
 the feast of the dedication of the churches of St. Peter and 
 Paul ; to denote that the excommunicate person was deprived 
 of the sacrament of the supper, *= that he could not partake of 
 the prayers of the church, and that he was expelled the church, 
 so that he could not pray with the rest of the faithful. To this 
 custom succeeded the process of the bull, called In ccena Do^ 
 mini, which was read publicly, and with a loud voice, every 
 year, on Holy Thursday, in the morning, by the last cardinal 
 deacon, in the presence of the pope, and the rest of the cardi- 
 nals and bishops, by which all heretics are anathematized.— 
 When the reading of it is finished, the pope takes a little light- 
 ed torch, and throws it into the street, as a token of the thun- 
 der sent against the excommunicate. The use of this bull doth 
 
 » Distinct. 22. qu. %. arlic. 1. *» Pegna, p. 2. com. 22. 
 
 " Hierokx in voce Processus. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION* STT 
 
 not seem very ancient ; for neither Thomas, nor Eymericus, 
 nor other ancient writers mention it. But it seems to have 
 begun in the time of Martin V. about the year 1420, when the 
 Bohemian doctrine was cursed and condemned by the council 
 of Constance. Paul II. and Sixtus IV'. make mention of it in 
 some rescripts, beginning, Etsi domlnici Gregu, Afterwards 
 Leo X. increased it against Luther, as did Paul TIL and the 
 other Roman pontiffs. 
 
 Excommunication infers other punishments.* For if an he- 
 retic excommunicated hath any spiritual jurisdiction, he for- 
 feits it, nor can he vahdly perform those acts which requii*e ju- 
 risdiction, because as this is given by the church, the church 
 may resume it. Hence all things that are done by a priest 
 or bishop, without permission, are null, for the want of juris- 
 diction. All absolutions, censures, sentences, punishments, 
 done by him, are void. Thus it is said,^ that an excommuni- 
 cated person cannot excommunicate, and that they are not to 
 be looked on as excommunicate, who are excommunicated by 
 heretics. Yet they so far retain the powers belonging to their 
 order, that they may validly do an act which doth not require 
 jurisdiction, though not lawfully, because they sin in doing it; 
 and they give this reason, because the power of any order con- 
 sists in an indelible character.'^ Hence they infer, that he who 
 hath once legally received this power, must always keep it, and 
 that therefore, he may validly do an act, which doth not require 
 jurisdiction, provided the due matter, form, and intention^ be 
 preserved, because such a power hath its force from the insti- 
 tution of Christ, which the church cannot take away. 
 
 Finally, heretics are deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices 
 and dignities.*^ But there is this difference between heretics, 
 and their favourers, receivers, and defenders. Heretics are 
 rpsojure^ deprived of their ecclesiastical benefices, from the day 
 of their committing their crime, liy a rescript of Pius V. be- 
 ginning, Cum ex Apostolatus^ in which he reserves all bene- 
 fices of whatsoever sort, and wherever they are, vacant for the 
 
 • Becani. Theol. Scholast. p. 581. 
 
 ^ Cap. Andivimus 24. qu. 2. ^ Ibid. rap. aperte 
 
 J Eymer. part 3, qu. 113. Pf jna, com. 162. 
 
 T 3 
 
278 HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITIOX. 
 
 crime of heresy committed by any one, to the nomination and 
 appointment of the apostolic see ; whereas the receivers, fa- 
 vourers, and defenders of heretics are not ipso jwe^ deprived 
 of their benefices, but must be deprived by sentence.* 
 
 This is extended to their posterity,^ to the second generation 
 by the father's side, and tlie first by the mother's.^ So Uiat 
 if the father be an heretic, his son and daughter, and grandson 
 by his son, is judged incapable, but the grandson by the daugh- 
 ter is not incapable, because he is redeemed of his own father's 
 family. If the mother be an heretic, the son or daughter only 
 in the first decree is incapable, and no farther. The sons of 
 those also suspected of heresy are incapable. But whei-. the 
 receivers and abettors of heretics and the like are dead, there 
 can be no process against them, because their crime is extin- 
 guished by death. As for those children who accuse their 
 heretical parents to the judges of the faith, the punishments 
 appointed by law do not affect them. 
 
 Amongst the ecclesiastical punishments is also reckoned, that 
 no offering is to be made for those who die in heresy, nor axe 
 they to receive Christian burial.'^ And this Innocent IV. espe- 
 cially ordained by a perpetual constitution, induced thereto by 
 that solemn sentence, " The bodies of excommunicated persons 
 ought not to be buried in the sacred places of the faithful, be- 
 cause as the church had no communion with them when alive, 
 she will have no communion with them when dead."^ 
 
 ^ Cap. Excom. i. sect. Credentcs. de liaeiet. 
 b Qn. 114. com. 163, 164. 
 <^ Cap.Quicunq. sect. Heret. de hzeret. 1.6. and cap. Statutum deh£ret.}ib.6. 
 ^ Cap. Sicnt ait B- Leo de naeret. 
 ^ • Brovius, A. 1247, sect. 4. u. 15. 
 
HISTOKY OF THE INQCISITIOX. £79 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Civil Punishments of Heik£tics. 
 
 POLITICAL punishments appointed by the canon and 
 civil laws, against heretics, are vaiious> 
 
 The first is what is commonly called, the confiscation of their 
 goods.* " We ordain that the goods of heretics be confiscated 
 in all countries subject to our temporal jurisdiction, and in 
 other places also by the powers and secular princes of them ; 
 and if they should prove negligent in this affair, we will and 
 command that they be compelled to it, by an ecclesiastical cen- 
 sure, without benefit of appeal.'^ 
 
 " This confiscation of effects, Lewis a Paramo^ derives from 
 the example of God, who, not contented with the sentence of 
 death pronounced against our first parents, drove man from 
 the place of his delights, stript of all his goods, wounded in 
 naturals, and spoiled of those gifts that had been freely granted 
 him, his original integrity especially being irreparably lost, and 
 adjudged him to hard and continual labours, and out of his 
 hatred to so great a wickedness, commanded the very earth to 
 bring forth briars and thorns. This example, he saith^ the 
 most holy tribunal of the Inquisition follows, confiscating by a 
 just proscription the goods of heretics, and depriving them of 
 all their effects and fortunes. Neither ought this instance to 
 be accounted foreign from the case. For although the con- 
 fiscation of effects doth not regularly take place as to all other 
 crimes, though very heinous, nevertheless God, the first of the 
 inquisitors, that in this detestable crime of heresy, he might 
 give an example to otlier delegatect inquisitoi-s, deprived our 
 parents of all their effects, of tlie possession of their earthly 
 paradise, the use of all the fruits of it, and theu- dominion over 
 all the creatures ; for they did not only after this not obey our 
 first parents, but became enemies to them. He also deprived 
 their children and successors of these goods, &c. and this irre- 
 vocably. Nor can any one ever more come to such a place* 
 
 » Cap. Vtrgentis iu .Scniuui. de liaret. v L. i. t. 2. c 7- p. 4S» '^ 
 
 X 4 * 
 
280 IIISTOIIY OF THE INaUISITIOX. 
 
 Moreover, the goods of heretics are declared ipso jure ^ confis- 
 cate, in the chap. Cum secundum leges.^ " We decree by the 
 advice of our brethren, that the goods of heretics, who offend 
 more grievously, horribly, and detestably, than the before 
 mentioned, be ipso jure, confiscate." 
 
 This law is of great use in the tribunal of the Inquisition, 
 and extremely hard and severe u})on the criminals, tlieir rela- 
 tions, and heirs. For hence it is,^ that because the goods of 
 heretics are ipso jure, confiscate, they become forfeited from 
 the very day of their crime, so that all donations by heretics, 
 although secretly made, are null and void. Even portions 
 given to daughters, to support the burthens of matrimony, 
 though it be the duty of a father to portion them out, or given 
 to such as have taken on them the holy vow of a monastic Hfe, 
 are to be revoked and confiscate. Zanchinus gives this rea- 
 son,*^ because his goods are confiscate from the very day of his 
 committing the crime, and therefore he can have no right of 
 administration. But as for the goods of such, who cannot 
 purge themselves, or are condemned for contumacy, they are 
 not forfeited but from the day they are presumed to be here- 
 tics, not from the day that the witnesses declare them to have 
 been heretics. 
 
 If any one gives a legacy upon account of death,*^ and falls 
 into heresy, and his goods become confiscate, the legacy shall 
 be recovered as void, and belongs to the treasury equally with 
 all the other goods of the heretic. If an husband bequeaths 
 any thing to his wife, and his memory be condemned for heresy 
 after his death, such donation shall be revoked, although his 
 legacies to others shall stand good. If any thing be owing to 
 an heretic by a conditional contract, it belongs to the treasury 
 under that condition, who must perform it, if they conveniently 
 can. All the goods of a wife condemned for heresy and im- 
 piety are forfeited, whether they be her dowry, or any other 
 things besides, which she brought to her husband, or such 
 donations as the Spaniards call ArrJuv ;^ or such profits as 
 
 a de hapict. 1. G. ^ Simanc. tit. 9. sect. 21, &c. <= Cap. 27. 
 
 <J" Simanc. tit. 9. sect 9, &c. 
 ^ Arrhce are the presents giveii to any women upon their being betrothed. 
 
HISTOKY OF THE I^'aUISlTIO>?. 281 
 
 belong to wives by the royal laws. But the husband hath all 
 his actions good against the treasury.^ In like manner the 
 goods of an heretical son gotten in war arc confiscated, because 
 that is the son s private property, in whicli the fatlicr hath no 
 right. If he shall happen to have sold any of his goods, and 
 the money be in his possession, or any thing equivalent, let it 
 be restored to the othodox buyer^ but if it be consumed, it shall 
 not be restored. 
 
 Hence it is, that in every sentence, the time of the person's 
 falling into heresy is particularly expressed, and these or the 
 like words inserted in it, " and by this our sentence we de- 
 clare,'* that all and singular his goods were brought into our 
 treasury from the said time of committing the crime, and we 
 do solemnly declare all and every of them to be confiscated to 
 the treasury of the church of Rome, and our office of the 
 Inquisition." 
 
 U'his confiscation of goods is so rigidly insisted on, that there 
 is no possible way of evading it, no not by the alienation of a 
 man's effects. The treasury of the Inquisition devours all. 
 
 It is prescribed in Italy, by the Pope's command, that by no 
 pretence of alienation there may be any possibility of escaping 
 the confiscation of goods, or forfeiture of dominion. Lucas 
 Waddingus relates in his annals,*^ that Friar Andrew, inquisi- 
 tor in Tuscany, proceeded to seize a certain powerful heretic, 
 called Capellus de Chia. The Pope commanded, that all the 
 faithful, both ecclesiastical and secular, should grant their 
 assistance, that they should muster an army against him, and 
 proceed in an hostile manner to waste and destroy his lands. 
 Capellus, knowing himself proscribed, made a pretended sale 
 of the castle or Casal. Peter James Surdus, a citizen of 
 Rome, obtained from the senators of the city an order, that 
 the inhabitants of Viterbo, who had taken arms in obedience to 
 the church and the inquisitors, should not attack it, falsely 
 pretending that it belonged to him. The Pope chid him 
 severely, adding these amongst other words. " We therefore 
 
 a Zaiicli. c. 27. b Ibid. r. 11. 
 
 «: Bzoviu,«, A. 12G0, sect. 5, &c. 
 
282 HISTORY or TttE IXaUlSITION. 
 
 ^fil], and by these presents strictly ccjmmand you, that as soon 
 as ever you receive them, and as you regard the divine favour 
 and ours, you desist from so impious and pernicious an under- 
 taking, as the defence of the said castle, and that you. do not 
 enter by any means whatsoever; but that you do procure, that 
 the inhijbition given through your instigation by the aforesaid 
 senators of Viterbo, be totally revoked. Otherwise we will 
 have you to know, and certainly to understand, that we shall 
 proceed against you, by the authority of the lord, both spiri- 
 tually and temporally, as a defender and favourer of heretics.'* 
 Anagni, 2 IMay, and sixth year of our pontificate. Moreover 
 he exhorts the inhabitants of Viterbo, that notwithstanding the 
 contrary orders of the senators of the city, they should pro- 
 ceed in an hostile manner, to waste the lands of the aforesaid 
 Capellus de Chia 
 
 But in our own time the Spanish inquisitors are endeavour- 
 ing to extend their power and jurisdiction further, and under 
 the pretence of confiscation of goods, to seize on theirs also, 
 who have any commerce with the Spaniards, though they live 
 in other countries not subject to them, and have separated 
 from the communion of the church of Rome, because they 
 have in their possession some of the effects of those who are in 
 prison of the Inquisition, or condemned by the inquisitors, 
 according to the daily practice of traders and merchants. Of 
 this the Inquisition of Madrid gave a remarkable instance a 
 few years ago.* Many persons were thrown into the Inquisi- 
 tion at Madrid, accused of being concealed Jews. Amongst 
 these were Diego, and Anthony Diaz, and Don Damianus de 
 Lucena. About the end of August 1688. Sentence was 
 pronounced against them, by which aU their effects were con- 
 fiscated, and they themselves sent to Toledo, there to perform 
 wliolesome penance. These persons traded with Peter Poulle, 
 a merchant of Amsterdam, who was neither a Jew nor a Spa^ 
 niard, but a Christian, and a Dutchman, who had in his hands 
 leveral of tlie effects of these Spaniards. The Inquisition, in 
 •rder to possess themselves of those effects, which were not sub- 
 
 » Ff b. 1G87. 1 
 
;history of the inquisition. 283 
 
 ject to their power, discovered by j)rivate enquiry, tliat this 
 Dutch merchant traded with se\eral Spanish merchants, and 
 tliat he had a *?reat many effects in their hands, and therefore 
 ordered them all to be seized by the receiver of the forfeited 
 goods, till they had the vahie of tliose effects, which the 
 Amsterdam mercliant had in his custody; and gave ihis reason 
 for the forcible seizure, that the imprisoned persons had a claim 
 upon the estate of the Dutchman, and that their claim was 
 devolved upon the Inquisition, and tliat therefore they had the 
 same risht as the prisoners themselves to attach the other 
 effects, wherever they could be found in Spain: however, 
 this endeavour was in vain, ])ecause no confiscation can be 
 just, of such effects wliich are in the possession of another 
 person, who lives out of the territories of the judge, and is 
 not subject to his jurisdiction ; and therefore the lords of the 
 united provinces, at the information and request of the Am- 
 sterdam merchant, obtained that those effects should be restor- 
 ed to him. 
 
 This punishment of confiscation is inflicted upon all who are 
 convict of heresy, or confess, v. hether they repent, or persist m 
 their heresy, because they are declared to incur the punishment^ 
 ^p so jure, as soon as they fall into heresy. 
 
 The next punishment that follows the confiscation of goods, 
 is the disinheriting of children, who though they may be 
 Catholics, can never inherit the estates of their fathers dying in 
 heresy, unless a son accuses his father before the inquisitors 
 of heresy, in which case, he is rewarded by a freedom from 
 penalty. 
 
 The third punishment is, their being rendered infamous.' 
 There, amongst otlier things, it is said, " Let him be ipso jure, 
 infamous; let him not be admitted to any public offices, or 
 counsels, nor to chuse any into them, or to bear witness; let 
 him also be intestable, so that he can have no power to make a 
 will, or to inherit by virtue of one. Farthermore, let no one be 
 forced to answer him upon any affair, but let him be forced to 
 answer others. If he should happen to be a judge, let his 
 
 • Cap. Excominuniranius, 1, sect. Crcdentes. de liaeret,. 
 
g84 11 ISTOllY OF THE INQUISITIOX. 
 
 sentence be void, and no cause be referred to his hearing. If 
 he be an advocate, let him not be admitted to plead. If a no- 
 tary, let no instruments, drawn by him, be valid, but condemned 
 with their condemned author. And in all like cases we command 
 the same to be observed. 
 
 The fourth punishment is,* that they are deprived of all 
 dominion, natural, civil, and that which is introduced by the 
 law of nations. First, they are deprived of that natural power 
 they have over their children.^ Being thus deprived of the 
 natural power of parents, they lose all authority over their 
 children, who, becoming as it ^vere strangers and foreigners 
 from their fathers family, are under no obligation to obey them 
 as before. *This crime of heresy in the father, even before it 
 is declared by the church, frees the son from his father's 
 power. '^ 
 
 Farther, they are deprived of that civil power which they 
 have over their sei-vants, and of that political power,"* which 
 they have over any others subject to them.'^ So that slaves, 
 freed-men and servants are ipso facto, freed from servitude, and 
 every instance of duty, the moment their master falls into 
 heresy. In Spain, if the slaves are believers, or profess the 
 Christian rehgion, when their -master falls into heresy, they 
 recover their freedom, according to the Seville Instruction, 
 A. D. 1484.^ " Our lords the king and queen, out of their 
 goodness and clemency, will and ordain, that the servants of all 
 heretics shall be made free, provided that if whilst they hved 
 with them they were Christians." But if they had not professed 
 the Christian rehgion, they are forfeited with the other effects. 
 And though such slaves should have been made free by theur 
 blasters, yet if it was after their becoming heretics, it is for that 
 reason null and void. 
 
 Subjects, when the prince or magistrate is an heretic, are 
 
 » Direct, p. 3. Qu. 116. com. 165. Simanc. tit. 46. sect. 74. 
 
 »> Cap. Quicunq. sect ult. de haeret. 1. 6. 
 
 e in Cap. Qiiicurq. sect. ult. verbo desierint, de haeret. 1. 6. 
 
 ^ Direct, p. 3. Qa. 119. com. 168. 
 
 • Cap. ult. Extiav. de haeret. ' Cap. 24. 
 
HISTORY OF THE Il^aUISITION. S85 
 
 freed from their obedience. Thus it hath often happened, 
 that kings pronounced heretics by tlie Pope, have, with 
 all their posterity, been deprived of all dieir dignities, jurisdic- 
 tions and rights, their subjects absolved from their oaths of 
 allegiance and fidelity, and their dominions given 'as a prey to 
 others. 
 
 And finally, they are deprived of that power, which is intro- 
 duced by the law of nations, whereby they lose all property in 
 every thing they have,* insomuch,^ that every one is at ones 
 wholly freed from every obligation he can be under to persons 
 fallen into manifest heresy." " Let all know that they are 
 freed from the debt of fidelity, dominion, and all service, to 
 manifest heretics, how strong soever the obligations may be 
 which they are under." These things are thus inferred:'* 
 <^ First, if an heretic deposits any of his effects with any per- 
 son, such person is not obhged to restore them to the heretic, 
 after his heresy is manifest, but to the treasury. Farther, a 
 Catholic wife is not obliged to any duty to her heretical 
 husband, because by the husband's heresy she is freed from 
 her duty. In like manner a Catholic husband is freed from 
 all duty to his wife, if she be an heretic. Nevertheless they 
 cannot mai-ry witli odiers, because the band of matrimony is 
 not dissolved.^ An husband cannot be forced to cohabit with 
 his wife if she is fallen into heresy, even though she is recon- 
 ciled ; nor is he bound to maintain her, because her dowry is 
 confiscated by heresy ; and as she is stripped of her dowry by 
 her own fault, the husband is not'obliged to maintain an unen- 
 dowed wife. Zanchinus Ugolinus explains this matter more 
 largely/ The very children, brothers and sisters of heretics, 
 ought to forsake them. Yea, the very band of matrimony 
 with such is dissolved. For if any one departs from the 
 orthodox faith, and falls into heresy, his wife is not obliged to 
 cohabit with him, but may seek to be separated from him by 
 the judgment of the church, such separation of the bed being 
 
 * Cap. cum secundum leges, de haeret. 1. C. 
 
 b Qii. 119. com. 168. « Cap. absolutes, de Leerct. 
 
 * Simanc. tit. 46, sect. 73. * Royas, p. 2. Assert. 40, sect. 82i. 
 
 J Ibid, r, 18, sect. 2. 
 
886 HISTORY OF THE IKaUISlTIO>J. 
 
 as reasonable upon account of spiritual fornication, as for carnal. 
 And if any heretic shall, after his fall, return to the unity of 
 the church, the other married person shall be obhged to return 
 to him, if they were not before parted by the sentence of the 
 church. But if they were parted by sentence, it shall be at 
 the option of tlie other party who continued in the faith, 
 whether to return, or become religious; because such party 
 cannot remain in the world, and take another during the life 
 of the party converted, because made whole by penance. 
 
 '' Moreover,* the governors of forts and castles, of people or 
 cities, are not obliged to restore them to their heretical lord, 
 nor to keep them in his name. Finally, all vassals whatsoever 
 are Ipso jure, freed from every obligation to their lords, though 
 such obligations shall have been confirmed by an oath.*" 
 
 Hence proceeds the maxim, that faith is not to be kept with 
 heretics, which some are not afraid openly to teach ; although 
 those who are more wise in Germany, France, and the Low 
 Countries, endeavour to wipe oft this spot from their church. 
 But the Spaniards, though they cannot be daily charged with 
 this perfidiousness, because they have none whom they call 
 heretics living amongst them, yet assert it in plain and open 
 words, without dissembling, and are not ashamed to defend 
 and confirm it by the practice of the council of Constance.^ 
 
 This then is one part of the punishment of heretics, and 
 what tends to render them more odious, that faith is not to be 
 kept with them.*^ For if it is not to be kept with tyrants, 
 pirates, and other public robbers, because they kill the body, 
 much less is it to be kept with obstinate heretics, who destroy 
 the soul. And therefore certain heretics were most justly 
 burnt by the grave decree of the council of Constance, though 
 they had the promise of security. St. Thomiis also is of 
 opinion, that an intractable heretic is to be betrayed to his 
 judges, notwithstanding a Catholic may have given his faith, 
 and bound himself by an oath to the contrary."^ Add to this, 
 
 a Simauc. c. 18, sect. 2. 
 
 ^ See amongst others, Simancas, Cathol. Instit. Tit. 46, sect. 52, 53, 54. 
 
 « Ibid. tit. 46. sect. 52. d Ibid. sect. 53. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOJ?. 287 
 
 that the Catholics ought to have no commerce, nor enter into 
 peace with heretics ; and therefore notwithstanding tlie faith 
 given to them, and confirmed by an oath, it is not to be kept, 
 because against the public good, the salvation of souls, and 
 contrary to the laws of God and man. But if faith be given to 
 heretics by a prince, or any pubhc power/ it is to be exactly 
 preserved, excepting only in those things which the inspired or 
 natural law forbids the performance of 
 
 To the same purpose speaks Brunus, although many now 
 endeavour to disguise this villany.'' No peace can, at this day, 
 be confirmed with heretics, who spread their impious doctrine 
 amongst the Christian people by their wicked preaching, if 
 made on this condition, that tliey must not be offended. Yea, ^ 
 so much the more to be abhorred and abominated is peace made 
 with heretics and schismatics upon this condition, that such as 
 offend them shall be condemned for breach of the peace. For 
 how can peace be broken by offending them, with whom no 
 Christian man ought to have communion, and whom they 
 ought not to bid God speed.? Such may safely be offended, 
 who by the civil laws are put under the imperial bann, who 
 are permitted to have no liberty of meeting or abiding On the 
 Roman ground, or indeed in any place, wherein they may injure 
 tlie very elements themselves, and finally, wlio by all laws hu- 
 man and divine, deserve to be extinguished. 
 
 The same person teaches,<= that no covenants, conventions or 
 laws are firm, that permit heretics to have or reform churches, 
 or to possess or administer their revenues; or by which the 
 processes of churches against heretics or schismatics, that are Or 
 may be moved in judgment, are wholly put off, or suspended 
 for a time, or for ever ; or finally, by which heretics or schis- 
 matics are permitted to exercise any jurisdiction or administra- 
 tion, either by themselves or with Cathohcs, or to enjoy anjr 
 public offices. 
 
 Moreover, all places of refuge, which are open to malefactors 
 and the worst of villains, are denied to heretics, as though 
 they were the very offscouring of the earth, and had put off 
 
 * Simanc. tit. 4G. sect 64' »> Brunus, 1, 3. c. 15. sect. 8. 
 
 = Ibid. c. 16, 17. 18. 
 
f>SS HISTOrvY OF THE INClUISITIOiT. 
 
 the very human nature at the same time they did the Roman 
 rehgion. 
 
 Finally, they teach, that heretical kings are to be deprived of 
 their kingdoms for heresy. 
 
 The fifth punishment is imprisonment/ For although by 
 the Civil law the prison is only to detain men, yet by the Canon 
 law it may be used as a punishment.'' So that an heretic 
 either confessed or convict, may either be delivered to the 
 secular court, or condemned to perpetual imprisonment. In 
 which case the condemned person shall be punished at the 
 option of the judge. 
 
 The sixth punishment is the bann and diffidation.'^ The 
 bann is that sentence,'^ by which any person is cast out of the 
 commonwealth, so that he cannot enjoy the public protection, 
 or discharge any public offices, or receive any benefit of law, 
 and hath some likeness with excommunication. For as by ex- 
 communication a person is cast out from the converse of the 
 faithful, so by the bann he is excluded from the common good. 
 Diffidation declares heretics to be enemies of their country and 
 the empire.*^ Its effect is this : when any one is declared an 
 heretic by the sentence of the judge, any man, by his own 
 private authority, may seize, plunder and kill him, as an 
 enemy or robber, even though he be a clergyman. He may- 
 be capitally punished as a deserter, and attacked with impunity 
 wherever he is found. That heretics may thus be seized on, 
 and plundered by the private authority of any man. Innocent 
 IV. openly determined. And this plunder of heretics Brunus 
 tells us is by divine right.^ " Heretics, by divine right, may 
 be stripped of all their effects, as unworthy their possessions. 
 For the just shall devour the labours of the wicked ; and there- 
 fore Catholics may claim the places of heretics. These things 
 are permitted against heretics, because religion and the Christian 
 faith is endangered by their impiety." - 
 
 a Brunus, 1. 5. c. 12. b C Quamvis de poenis, lib. 6. 
 
 c Diffidare is properly to wiithdravv by leUers or writing, that protection, 
 which one owes to another, or hath promised him. 
 
 <i Brunus, I. 5. c. 14. e Direct. 3 part. com. 30, 
 
 f De haeret. 1. 5. c. 5, sect. 2, 4, 7. 
 
 S Austin. Epist. 48. ^ 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. ^89 
 
 But if heretics are apprehended, it is not lawful for any one 
 to undertake their defence.* All advocates or notaries, who 
 give assistance or favour to heretics or their abettors, or who 
 plead for them when under examination, or draw any instru- 
 ments for them, are pronounced infamous, and suspended from 
 tlieir office.'' 
 
 The last punishment of heretics is that of death, and that 
 not the common one, but the most terrible that can be inflicted ; 
 viz. to be burnt alive. This they infer from 2 Kings xxiii. 
 ^v here Ozias commanded the bones of the heretical priests to 
 be burnt ; and from the words of our Lord, John xv, 6.= " If 
 a man abide not in me, he is cast forth as a branch, and is 
 withered, and men gather them, and cast them into the fire, 
 and they are burned." Here Brunus observes, some think 
 that this punishment was introduced only by custom, and can 
 be proved by no other right, whether divine or human. This 
 is his opinion, " For," says he, " this punishment cannot be 
 inferred from that passage of the gospel, of thromng the branch 
 into the fire. For this speaks of the eternal fire of hell, and 
 not of the temporary punishment of fire. Nor do the civil laws 
 prove this punishment For though they fix that punishment 
 against heretics, which we call death, yet they do not express 
 this kind of death, viz. the punishment of fire ; which undoubt- 
 edly the lawgivers would have done, if they had determined to 
 appoint it against heretics ; especially as the punishment is so 
 terrible, that they expressly mention it, ^whenever they think 
 the heinousness of the crime deserves it ; as may be made ap- 
 pear from other constitutions, where this punishment is particu- 
 larly specified.*" However, Ludovicus a Paramo finds out this 
 punishment of fire in many places of the new testament — 
 " James and John thought that the Samai'itans, who would not 
 receive our Lord, should be destroyed with fire from fieaven, 
 according to St. Luke.'' See here now the punishment of here- 
 tics, viz. fire. For the Samaritans were the heretics of those 
 
 * Cap. Si adveisns nos terra consnrgerct. de Laerrt. 
 ^ See rap. Excommunicarnus, sent. Credentes. and rap. 2. sect. i. de hw- 
 let. lib. G. « Pegna in Direct. I. 5. c. 13. sect. 14. ^ Cap. 9. 
 
 U 
 
J^90 HISTOEY OF THE INdUISITlOK. 
 
 times.' Christ adds three parables : one of the two sons, ano- 
 ther of the vineyard let out to the husbandmen. The third of 
 the nuptial feast prepared for those who were invited. By 
 these he plainly shews, that the kingdom was to be taken away 
 from the heretical Jews, and their city to be burnt with fire. 
 See here now the very confiscation of effects, and fire with 
 which heretics are punished." Nor is this reasoning to be won* 
 dered at in a man, who every where in the old and new testa- 
 ment, and even in paradise itself, finds out an inquisition against 
 heretics, and endeavours to prove, by many arguments, that 
 God himself exercised the office of inquisitor of heretical pra- 
 vity against Adam in paradise.^ /? The first who ordained this 
 punishment of burning heretics, after it had been some time in 
 use in the church of Rome, was Frederick II. by a law, which 
 begins, Liccmsutilemy^ which says, " By the tenor of this pre- 
 sent law, we decree, that the paterenes, and all other heretics 
 whatsoever, being condemned, shall suffer that death which 
 they affect, and that being committed to the flames, they shall 
 be burned ahve in the view of all men.'' This law many 
 popes have confirmed, and therefore the punishment of fire 
 hath been ordinarily inflicted upon impenitent heretics, as is 
 the custom of the church of Rome to this day. Panormitanus 
 says,** " That heretics ought to be punished with fire, and 
 burnt, and that in this the divine, canon, civil, and common 
 law agree." Simancas also,*' not only endeavours to prove by 
 many arguments, that heretics ought to be burnt, because hea- 
 thens and heretics thus punished the Catholics, as Eusebius, 
 Ruffinus, Socrates, and others testify ; but contends that it is 
 the most ancient punishment, as appears from the acts of the 
 council of Chalcedon ; because the bishop of Alexandria is there 
 reported to have said, if Eutiches pretends to be wiser in his 
 opinions than the church, he is not only worthy of punishment, 
 
 a Mat. xxi. and xxii. Mark xii. and Luke xxii. 
 
 to Lib. I. tit. 2. c Sect. 4. 
 
 ^ * In cap. ad Abolendam. de lizeret. lib. 6. super gloss, in verb Audentit, 
 aliegans Hostiensem post Joan. Andr. 
 
 * Cathol. Institut. tit. 46. sect. 47. and se^ 
 
KtSTORY OF THE INQUISITIO>I. S^l 
 
 but to be burnt ; and because, as Nicephorus* relates, they or- 
 dered Anatolius, the heretic, to be burnt ahve. 
 
 Simancas also infers this punishment, from a certain law of 
 Theodosius,^ saying, that Theodosius published a constitution, 
 in which are these things : *' Farthermore we command, that 
 whosoever shall bring over a servant or freeman unwillingly, 
 or by persuasion, to the wicked sect, or ceremony from the 
 Christian worship, shall lose both his fortune and his head."" 
 And a little after, " Let him farther know, that his goods 
 shall be forfeited, and afterwards he himself put to death, 
 ■who shall pervert any one from the faith by false doctrine." — 
 Simanca adds, " A law truly worthy of a Spanish emperor."^ 
 
 So that heretics must be punished with fire,** and if that 
 cannot be done, they must at least be banished and expelled, 
 and their effects forfeited, agreeable to the laws of the old 
 Gothic kings in Spain, by which the goods of heretics were 
 <x>nfiscated, and they themselves deprived of honour and dig- 
 nities, and banished for ever. 
 
 With this punishment of fire only heretics relapsed, obsti- 
 nate, and impenitent, are punished, who, after sentence, are 
 delivered over to the secular judge, who was bound immediately 
 to condemn them, and send them to the fire. The obstinate 
 were to be burnt alive ; others to be first strangled, and then 
 burnt^ 
 
 Sometimes this punishment of burning is heightened by ano- 
 ther kind of cruelty. In Spain and the Netherlands, lest they 
 should speak to the spectators when brought to the stake, and 
 piously testify their constancy, they were gagged ^ with an ii'on 
 
 a Eccles. Hist, book 18, chap. 4. 
 t> De Cathol. Instit. tit. 46. sect. 48. 
 <^ Vide Cod. Tlieodos. tit. de Juda-is L. prima, and lib. 16. tit. C. 1. 05. 
 *^ De Cathol. Instit. sect. 53. 
 « 5 Instruct. Hispal. cap 9. Simanc. Ibid. sect. 49. 
 ' *' How many instances have occurred in Portugal, of men being seized 
 at night, and taken, with the greatest precaution and secresy, to the prisons 
 of the holy office, where their property, at the same time, became the prey 
 of the Inquisition. Some years afterwards, these individuals, whom no one 
 €ver suspected, appear at an^^nro da fe, with a gag in their mouths, that 
 they may not have the power of uttering their wrongs. On these occasions, 
 
 U 2 
 
SO^ HISTORY OF THE INaUlSITION. 
 
 instrument, so that in the midst of iheir torments they could 
 utter only an inarticulate sound. Thus also Simancas pro- 
 nounces,^ '' That obstinate heretics should be burnt alive, and 
 be brought to the stake gagged, that they may not offend the 
 little ones.*" This muzzle, or gagg, the Spaniards in their 
 language call Mordaza. And if they could invent any thing 
 more terrible, they would not fail to use it against heretics. — 
 This Carena testifies,^ affirming that the custom of punishing 
 lieretics with fire is most reasonable, " because burning is the 
 most terrible death, and therefore the most grievous of all 
 crimes ought to be punished with it ; so that if any punishment 
 more terrible than this could be found out, it ought to be 
 inflicted on heretics ; and also because by this means the heretic 
 and his crime is more speedily blotted out from the remem- 
 brance of mankind/' 
 
 Thus we see that there is no kind of punishment that can 
 possibly be invented, but is enacted against heretics, and that 
 greater gentleness is used towards thieves, traitors, and rebels, 
 those enemies of mankind, than towards miserable heretics, 
 who, endeavouring to worship God with a pure conscience, and 
 regulate their lives by the gospel rule, yet oppose some doc- 
 trines of the church of Rome, which they are persuaded are 
 contrary to the gospel ; and that it is a much more grievous 
 offence in that church, to oppose certain opinions by the clear 
 light of the word of God, and to reject certain pharisaical su- 
 perstitions, than openly to contemn the divine Commands by 
 an impious and profane life, and vilely to dishonour the most 
 lioly name of God. 
 
 a priest ascends the pulpi<^, and thunders out against these wretched beings 
 a catalogue of their crimes. When this mockery is finished, tlie victims are 
 led to perish in the flames, without being permitted to utter even a groan ? 
 whilst the Inquisition would fain persuade us that these horrors are the act^ 
 «f justice ! Da Costa's Narr. V. i. p. 121. 
 
 » Tit. 48. sect. 6. »> Tit. 13. sect. 1. num. 7„ 
 
MISHOEY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 Of Open and Secret Heretics. 
 
 HERETICS are divided into several classes in the church 
 of Rome, and this is very necessary for the instruction of the 
 inquisitors, that they may always certainly know what sentence 
 to pronounce upon each. However, every thing is not so fully 
 determined, but that there yet remain great controversies 
 among the doctors and inquisitors themselves, so that one of 
 them often judges more favourably than another ; and, there- 
 fore, it is of great concern by what inquisitor any person is to 
 be judged; for he who happens to be condemned as an here- 
 tic by a severe one, might have obtained a milder sentence, had 
 he been tried by a judge of more favourable sentiments and 
 opinions. 
 
 First of all, heretics are divided into open and secret.* — 
 " An open heretic is one, who publicly avows something con- 
 trary to the Catholic faith, or who professes an heretical error 
 contrary to the faith, or who defends an eiTor of lus own, or 
 one of other heretics, or who is convicted before the judges of 
 the faith, of heretical pravity, or confesses it himself; or finally, 
 who is condemned for it by their sentence. 
 
 " A secret or concealed heretic, is one who eiTS in his mind 
 concerning the faith, and purposes to be obstinate in his will, 
 but yet hath not shewn it outwardly by word or deed.^ He 
 who is a concealed heretic in this sense, is generally called an 
 heretic purely intellectual; and the common opinion of the 
 doctors is, that such a one doth not incur the sentence of ex- 
 communication, and is not subject to the judgment of the 
 church for his heresy, because the church hath no power over 
 purely intenial acts, and cannot, by its jurisdiction, direct, pro- 
 hibit, or punish them ; and because excommunication dotli not 
 belong to the court of conscience, but to that of cxtcmid judg- 
 ment.'^ 
 
 » Eymcr. p. 2. qn. 33. *> Simanc. tit. 52. sect. 3. 
 
 u 3 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE fNftUISITION. 
 
 Although an heretic be tlius concealed, yet if he infects or 
 perverts others,* he is unmediately to be discovered to his 
 judires without any precechng admonition. But yet they do 
 not athmi that a concealed heretic is obhged to betray himself, 
 when he is asked by tlie judge in a general inquisition, v/hether 
 he knows any heretic. In like manner, when an heretic purely 
 mental, confesses his intellectual heresy in the sacred court of 
 penance, he doth not incur excommunication by this external 
 act, because such an action is good and pious, and not liable 
 to human judgment.^ 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of Affirmative and Ne-gative Heretics. 
 
 HERETICS are fartlier distinguished into affirmative and 
 nesrative.^ Affirmative are such, who err in their mind in mat- 
 ters of faithj and who shew by word or deed, that they are thus 
 obstinate in then* will, and openly confess it before tiie inquisi- 
 tor. Negative heretics are those, who, according to the laws 
 of the inquisition, are rightly and justly convicted of some he- 
 resy before a judge of the faith, by some lawful witnesses, 
 whom either they cannot, or will not, refute, but yet who will 
 not confess, constantly persisting in the negative, and that tliey 
 profess the Catholic faith, and detest heretical pravity. They 
 except indeed against facts committed many years before, which 
 are presumed to be forgotten. But even this is not to be pre- 
 sumed in facts of importance aud v.eight, according to the Se- 
 ville instruction.'^ Such are, if any hath wilfully preached up 
 heretical propositions, or broken the images of the saints.— 
 Neidier is this to be understood of persons of good memories, 
 but only of hght facts, and of persons naturally dull and for- 
 getful. Who are to be esteemed such, and what time is to be 
 
 a Simanc. tit. 52. sect. 12. ^ Ibid. sect. 9. 
 
 ^ Ejmer. put. 2 q. 34. ^ A. 14S4, cap. 13. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOX> 295 
 
 supposed sufficient to such forgetful ness, is entirely left to the 
 ecclesiastical judges, after they have weighed the circumstances 
 of persons and things. 
 
 He also is esteemed by many a negative heretic, and, as it 
 were, diminute, confessed, and obstinate, who doth not discover 
 either all the heresies of which he is convicted, or the whole 
 time of his offence, or all his accomplices, if the things are so 
 fresh, as that he cannot be supposed to have forgotten them. — 
 Amongst these sort of negatives are also reckoned by some, 
 such who confess before the inquisitor heretical facts or words, 
 but who deny any pravity of intention, although others, as we 
 shall soon see, call them impenitent. 
 
 What their punishment ought to be, the doctors differ. 
 Simancas says,* that he who confesses heretical words, but 
 denies the pravity of intention, may be condemned as impeni- 
 tent, except the matter be doubtful. In such case he ought to 
 be purged, or abjure, because of his being suspected, or put to 
 the torture, which is generally the custom. 
 
 But because this case often happens in Spain, because of 
 their new converts from the Jews and Moors, John Royas 
 handles this matter largely,'' of which I shall here give you the 
 substance; from whence we shall know what sort of Christians 
 they are, which the Spanish kings have converted to their 
 church by the fear of punishment from amongst the Jews and 
 Moors. 
 
 We know by experience,*^ how many there are who are de- 
 tained for heretical pravity in the prisons of the office of the 
 holy Inquisition, who ingenuously confess heretical deeds and 
 words, but who absolutely deny all rash behef, and pravity of 
 intention .'* Thus a man may confess that he hath said, as often 
 happens in examining causes of faith, that every one may be 
 saved in his o^vn sect and opinion, a Jew by the Jewish law, n 
 Saracen by the Mahometan, and a Ludierun in the Lutheran 
 sect.* For the guilty person sometimes confesses in his dis- 
 course, that he pronounced the aforesaid words inadvertently, 
 
 * Cathol. Inatit. tit. G, sect. 19. * De haeret. part. 1. 
 
 « Ibid. n. 1, &,c. »l Ibid. n. 3. * lijid. n. 4. 
 
 U 4. 
 
^96 HISTORY OF THE raQUISITIOX. 
 
 and through the error of his tongue, and being asked by the in- 
 quisitors of heretical pravity. Whether he beheves such things, 
 he says he never did, but that he ever held what the holy Ro- 
 man church preaches and teaches.* Thus he denies the inten- 
 tion, and only confesses the words, which without douNt are 
 heretical. Another instance is of one who confesses thia iic 
 said simple fornication is not a mortal sin, and yet denies all ras i 
 belief and error of understanding, asserting that, speaking ^'or 
 wantonness sake, he pronounced the aforesaid words to some 
 wenches, which are in reality heretical words. 
 
 An instance of an heretical fact shall be in him, who 
 being baptized, is afterwards circumcised, and f-bserves the 
 fast called Ramadan, and the passover, after the Maho- 
 metan manner,^ and makes the Zalah, i. e. his ad oration or 
 prayer in his own home or in the mosques, washing first his 
 body, bending his knees, bowing down, and lifting up 
 his head, and who feeds on flesh killed from the Keblah.*^ 
 The new converts in the kingdoms of Valencia,, Aragon, and 
 Granada, publicly observe many other sacrilegious and impious 
 rites.'' Another example is of him, Avho, especially if he be of 
 the Jewish race, observes the sabbath by refraining from all 
 labour, and observes the other festivals of the Jews,*" and who 
 confesses such facts and words, but affirms that he said or did 
 them inadvertently and ignorantly, and that he is ready to 
 submit to the correction of the church. It is queried, whether 
 such a one is to be accounted an heretic, even though not con- 
 victed by lawful witnesses. 
 
 On the negative side it is urged, ^ that heresy supposes an 
 error in the understanding, and obstinacy in the will in adhering 
 to those things which are contrary to the determination of the 
 church.^ Hence they infer that that of Innocent is reasonable 
 
 a De liaeret. part. 1. ii. 7. b Ibid, n 10. 
 
 c Tiie Mahometans call that part of the world, where Mecca is sitdated, 
 by tiie name of Kt bla, towards which they are ohiigcd to turn iheinselves 
 when ihey say their piayers. Mecca is situated touanis liie South. 
 
 «> De hagreJ. part. 1. n 15. « Ibid. n. ZZ. 
 
 f Ihid. n. 10. e Ibid. I,. 01. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITIOX. 297 
 
 and true, who said,* that if any one beheves wliat the chiircli 
 believes, but through the influence of natural reason falsely 
 supposes that the father is either greater than the son, or 
 before him, or tliat the three persons are three things distinct 
 from each other, he is not an heretic, and doth not offend, 
 because he believes this is the churches belief, and supposes his 
 own opinion to be the faith of the church.^ Therefore he thinks 
 it is but rcc'isonable, that in the defences of the criminals, 
 regard ought to be had to their simplicity and imprudence, so 
 that the punishment may be mitigated, and that the judges, 
 especially the inquisitors of heretical pravity, according to 
 their office, should be very solicitous and diligent in examining 
 and searching into their defences, because of the partial and 
 maimed defence of the criminals, though the party doth not 
 seek it, or even refuse it.*^ But he adds, that it is antiently 
 decided by the Rota 875, ' that if any one be accused of heresy, 
 and legally convicted by witnesses or otherwise, and yet denies 
 that he said or beheved such heretical things, yet that lie ought 
 nevertheless to be condemned as a negative and impenitent 
 heretic, and delivered over to the secular arm, although he 
 asserts that he believes, tmd hath believed as the church 
 believes. 
 
 However, the doctors generally maintain the affirmative,® 
 because the nature of facts demonstrate the intention, mind and 
 will of the doers. For instance, if any one should do a 
 properly Jewish action, *^ such as observing the sabbath, and 
 other Jewish rites, from thence is inferred the hitention and 
 will of judaising. If the intention doth not appear, in a doubt- 
 ful case, it is presumed that this was done with the intention of 
 judaising, when the act or commission is certain, either from 
 the person's confession, or by witnesses, and especially if the 
 person be suspected. He therefore who confesses an heretical 
 action, and denies the intention, which is the quality affecting 
 
 * Cap. Firmiter rle sumnia Triii, &c n 6. 
 
 b Ibid. n. G6, 07. c Ibid. sect. GO. 
 
 «1 In C. Acciisatus dc lurosi, in tit. de liaerct. c Ibid. sect. 27C. 
 
 f Ibid sect. 281. 
 
g98 HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. 
 
 such an action to make it punishable or not, may possibly be 
 condemned as a negative heretic ; at least may be tortured to 
 discover his intention, as the doctors are generally of opinion, 
 and as is the usual practice. But if the fact be plainly hereti- 
 cal, such as a person's going over, or returning to the Jewish 
 or Pagan rites, it is sufficient to his being condemned as an 
 heretic, that he be convicted of the fact, although there be no 
 certainty as to his belief.^ They also make a difference between 
 an heretical word and fact, and Royas gives the reason of this 
 difference. There is this difference between one who confesses 
 an heretical fact, and one who confesses an heretical word, and 
 denies the evil intention ; that he who confesses the fact is to 
 be delivered over especially if he be a suspected person, and 
 the fact hath been repeated; whereas he who confesses an 
 heretical word, is to be tortured to discover his intention. The 
 reason of the difference is, because there is a greater affection of 
 the soul, and deliberation of the mind in facts than in words.** 
 To this they add, that there are other sins, such as covetous- 
 ness, intemperance, lust, &c. to which men are naturally prone. 
 Others to which nature doth not lead men, yea rather to which 
 the appetite and pleasure of men is repugnant ; such as, in the 
 time of a fast not to eat till night, or pray, or not to eat swines 
 flesh, not to drink wine, or to observe the evil ceremonies of the 
 Mahometans or Jews. As to the former, men are carried into 
 them by their own wills. As to the latter, the will is undoubt- 
 edly governed in its choice by the understanding, and therefore 
 it may be concluded that they proceed from an evil intention 
 -and beliefs So that if several witnesses depose in general, that 
 such a one hath a good reputation, their testimony deserves no 
 credit to prove such a one to be a CathoHc, if he be convicted by 
 two witnesses, to have particularly said or done something 
 _ repugnant to the Catholic faith.** This is the case when the 
 action is forbidden. But if it be of an indifferent nature, 
 which may be either good or evil, they say there ought to be 
 no presumption of a crime, but that the ambiguous deeds or 
 
 a Cap. Firniiter de surama Trin, &c. pari. 2, sect. 400. 
 «» Ibid. sect. 317. c ibid, sect. 346. <J Ibid. sect. 358. 
 
histohy of the inquisitiox. 299 
 
 words ought to be interpreted on the more chai'Itable side.^ If, 
 for instance, any one says, the Lutherans are more noble, i. e. 
 in the Cathohc sense, the peers and nobles in France are 
 Lutherans more than the common people, it is not heretical* 
 If it be understood of the nobility of their virtues and morals, 
 it is suspicious ; if of the nobiUty of religion, it is heretical.^ 
 But this they say must only be understood as to the full proof 
 of an offence, and not as to any presumption for which a person 
 may be tortured, especially if he be suspected. For in a 
 doubtful case heresy is to be presumed, and if the proofs 
 appear too plain, he is to be put to the torture (because the 
 salvation of his soul is concerned) that he may confess under 
 torture, and be reconciled, and receive his penance, that if he 
 be capable of correction his spirit may be saved, according to 
 St. Paul.<= Farther, it is usual in this office of the Inquisition, 
 that in expounding the words of any proposition, the nature 
 and condition of the speakers be attended to; particularly 
 whether the words were spoken by a countryman, of poor 
 capacity, in a blundering way, and without deceit and evil 
 belief; or by a learned person, of an acute understanding, and 
 in a subtle manner ; for then they are to be understood to be 
 deceitful. All these things are to be considered by the quaUfi- 
 cator divines, whom the inquisitors call and consult, and to 
 whose opinions the inquisitors ought wholly to assent.^ Finally, 
 they affirm, that if the mind and intention is not to be proved 
 by the external actions, it can never be proved, and so the 
 crime of heresy can never be punished. From hence Royas 
 concludes, that he who confesses an heretical action or word, 
 but denies the wicked intention, denies that which is the prin- 
 cipal form and substance, and is therefore to be delivered over 
 as a diminute, impenitent and negative heretic.*^ The same is 
 to be affirmed of him, who being fully convict of several errors, 
 confesses some, but denies others ; because he is deficient in a 
 substantial part. It is not so with one who confesses all his 
 
 » Cap. Firmiter de sunima Trin, &c. part. 2, sect. 3Gf). 
 
 •> Ibid. sect. 378. « Ibid. sect. 378. 
 
 «i Ibid, sections 384, 677, 590. « Ibid. sect. 595. 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 errors, though not the several times which are provided bj 
 legal witnesses. 
 
 From this long account, of which this is only the summary, 
 one may infer, that it is the common opinion of the Spanish 
 doctors, that such who confess an heretical word or action, but 
 deny the intention, are to be put to the torture to make them 
 confess such intention ; but that such who confesses an heretical 
 deed, and deny the intentior, are to be sent back again as 
 negative heretics, and delivered over to the secular court. Yea, 
 as to doubtful words, it is to be presumed there is heresy ; not 
 so indeed as to be full proof, but so far as to be a just reason 
 for the torture. 
 
 Royas^ affirms the same of such who retract the confession 
 they have made w^hen under examination. " He who confesses 
 his heretical errors when under prosecution, and afterwards 
 retracts his confession, is' to be delivered over as a negative, 
 unless the mistake plainly appears. For by confession the 
 office is fully proved, and by retracting it, the guilty person 
 becomes obstinate, impenitent and negative. And therefore 
 unless the mistake appears, he is to be delivered over even 
 though there be no other proof of the crime, and although 
 his confession was made and confirmed under torture. For 
 this is the same thing as a free and spontaneous confession, 
 although afterwards revoked, if the mistake doth not plainly 
 appear," 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of Heretics Impenitent and Penitent, 
 
 OTHER heretics are called obstinate, or impenitent, others 
 penitent.^ An impen itent one is he, who being legally convicted 
 of heresy before a judge of the faith, or having confessed it, 
 will not obey his judge, when he conamands him to forsake his 
 
 a Part. 2. Assert. 25. * Eyraer. part, 2. q. 40. 
 
HISTOUY OF THE INQUISITION, SOI 
 
 error and abjure it, and give competent satisfaction, but obsti. 
 nately perseveres in such error. 
 
 Obstinate heretics, according to Simancas, are to be burnt 
 aUve, and deUvered over to the fire with their mouths jrafro-ed, 
 and their tongues tied, that they may not offend the httle ones. 
 For in this, says Carena,^ it is the only kind of piety, to be cruel, 
 whilst he is impenitent. 
 
 ** An impenitent heretic is one, who will not repent of his 
 error, as to which every impenitent person is also obstinate. So 
 that if his heresy be plainly proved, and he will not confess his 
 error with a pure heart, nor readily abjiu*e his heresy, and sub- 
 mit to the penance enjoined him, he is to be left to the secular 
 judge as obstinate and impenitent, although he protests a thou- 
 sand times over that he was and is a Catholic, and is resolved 
 to hve and die in the Christian faith.'' So that the impenitent 
 is the same that others call negative ; and if such a one be 
 convicted to have said or written any heresy, it signifies nothing, 
 though it be proved that he was a Catholic before, or after, 
 and every tune else, unless he will return to the church, and 
 submit to his penance."'' 
 
 But Simancas gives a different account, viz. that a person 
 may always retract his confession before the tribunal of the in- 
 quisition, and that his last confession only is to stand, from 
 whence it is to be concluded, whether he be a j^enitent or impe- 
 nitent heretic. If he persists in his confession, and submits 
 himself to the church, he is penitent. If he retracts his con- 
 fession, he is accounted and punished as an impenitent. His 
 words are plain.*^ " In the process of the holy inquisition, the 
 guilty person may retract his confession when and how he 
 pleases ; and although he gives no probable or sufficient reason, 
 his retractation is to be admitted ; and his last confession is to 
 'Stand, whether it be for or against him; for by this it is to be 
 determined, whether the criminal be penitent or impenitent. 
 And this is the course of the law." 
 
 If it should happen that any one should confess through fear 
 of punishment, yet he must not assert his innocence, upon pain 
 
 * P. 3, t. 14. sect. 13. q. 92. b Ibid. sect. 27. 
 
 c Ibid. tit. 13. sect. 14. 
 
302 IIISTOKY OF THE IXaUlSITION. 
 
 of being again delivered to the inquisition, and punished as ini* 
 penitent. 
 
 In the meanwhile, that they may not appear to be the defen- 
 ders of any unjust sentence, they allow innocent persons, who, 
 wearied with imprisonment, and through fear of death, have 
 confessed crimes they never committed, to have their cause re- 
 heard before the inquisitors, but with such a limitation, as is 
 enough to deter the most innocent person in the world, which 
 Simancas thus describes to us.'' '' An innocent person, who, 
 through fear of witnesses, and wearied out with imprisonment, 
 confesses he hath been an heretic, if he can prove his innocence, 
 ought not to neglect his reputation, but to have the cause heard 
 over again by the inquisitors. But if he cannot refute the wit- 
 nesses nor justly retract his confession, he ought to confess that 
 sin to his parish priest, and do nothing more, lest something 
 worse should happen to him ;"" i. e. lest he should be dismissed 
 as an impenitent, and delivered over to the secular court. 
 
 Besides these, there is another kind of impenitents, viz. such 
 who have professed their heresy, but do not observe the penance 
 enjoined by the inquisitor. Such are thought to be but feigned 
 converts, and therefore impenitent. Thus Simancas.'' " Those 
 who do not satisfy the penance enjoined them, ought to be 
 punished as impenitent, perjured, and feigned converts. They 
 are inn>enitent, because they do not perform penance; per- 
 jured, because they violate the oath, by which they promised 
 they would obey the commands of the church ; feigned con- 
 verts, because they neither perform true penance, nor remain 
 in due obedience to the church." Friar Bernard Comensis, in 
 his light of the inquisition, calls these impenitent. But Pegna '^ 
 says, there is need of mature dehberation, and manifold dis- 
 tinctions in this matter. 
 
 However, Simancas doth not rank them with other impeni^ 
 tents, because he adds,** " That such impenitents are not imme- 
 diately to be left to the secular court, but they must be dealt 
 with by law till the pronouncing the definitive sentence. Nei- 
 
 a Simane. de haeret. tit. 13. sect. 27, 28. b Ibid. 48. sect 20. 
 
 *= In voc. Impoenitens. n. 3. d Ibid. sect. 32. 
 
HISTORY *0F THE INQUISITION. SOS 
 
 tlior arc they to be rooted up out of the Catholic cliurch, till 
 they have been once and again, and several times admonished 
 about the salvation of their souls, by learned, pious, and reli- 
 gious men.'' 
 
 Penitents are those, who, admonished by the ecclesiastical 
 judge, abjure their error, and give suitable satisfaction at the 
 pleasure of the bishop and inquisitor.* Of these there are two 
 sorts : some come of their own accord, or within the time of 
 grace, without being cited, or called by name, or having any 
 particular inquisition made after them ; whereas others return 
 after being apprehended, cited, and inquisited, and oftentimes 
 after many admonitions. The first are treated with greater 
 mildness, and are sometimes enjoined a secret penance, but 
 must however abjure their errors, and be bound under the 
 forfeiture of all their effects to the inquisition, to accomplish the 
 penance enjoined tliem. 
 
 ■wx-w* *%».•%■«.» 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of Arch Heketics. 
 
 AMONGST heretics there are some arch lieretics, such who 
 have invented heresies, or taught them others when invented, 
 and so become themselves the masters of error. ^ These are 
 usually called Dogmatists or Dogmatisers, and antiently per- 
 fect heretics. If such as these will be converted, the council of 
 Biterre hath thus determined concerning them.* " Let perfect 
 heretics, or convicted ones, be secretly examined before certain 
 discreet and faithful men, persuading them, according to their 
 duty, to conversion, and to such as are willing to turn approve 
 themselves favourable and kind, because by such much light 
 will be spread, and great advantage will accrue ; and mitigate 
 their penances according to the nature of their conversion and 
 
 a Eymer. p. 2. q. 40. 
 ^ Direct, part. 2. qu. 39,40. = Cap. 16 
 
SOi HISTORY OF THE INQ.UISITI0y. 
 
 merit, or shew tlieni regard, as you shall think proper and con- 
 venient." Thus also the council of Tarracon : " But let perfect 
 lieretics, and dogmatisers, if they will be converted, after abso- 
 lution and abjuration, be shut up in perpetual imprisonment." 
 Hence in the sentence of Peter Auterius,^ a doctor of the Albi- 
 genses, we read: " Saving, however, and retaining, that if 
 thou wilt turn from this sect and heresy, and be converted, and 
 return to the ecclesiastical unity, thy life shall be saved : reserv- 
 ing however to ourselves full and free power of enjoining thee a 
 punishment and wholesome penance, for the things thou hast 
 done in thy former sect and heresy.'' 
 
 However, the doctors now think, that considering the most 
 miserable condition of these times, in which heretics dare every 
 thing that is impious, all arch heretics are to be delivered, over, 
 without mercy, to the secular court, because, as Simancas says,*» 
 " They deserve to die not one death only, but many ;" and 
 therefore he is for punishing them " not as other heretics, but 
 with severer punishments, without any compassion. *' He far- 
 ther says, " That the masters of the Lutheran heresy are by 
 no means to be spared ; as being tainted with many vices and 
 crimes, viz. enemies to the church, haters of the saints, violaters 
 of the divine law, sacrilegious persons, corrupters of good 
 works, and therefore of all good manners, and subverters of na- 
 tions. And therefore," he adds, " they must not be forgiven, 
 who commit such wicked, abominable, and heinous crimes." 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of the Believers o/' Heretics aw^^o/* Schismatics. 
 
 FURTHERMORE, there are some who are believers, others 
 who are receivers, some defenders, and others favourers of here- 
 tics.*^ The behevers of heretics are, some of them, they who 
 
 * Lib. Seat- Inquis. Tbolos. fol. 40. ^ Tit. 47. sect. 54, 71, 63. 
 
 '^ Direct, p. 2. q. 50, 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOl^. 305 
 
 believe^ their errors and heresies. Sucli are excommunicate. 
 Others are judged to believe the errors of heretics, from their 
 words or actions. By their words, viz. by their own confession, 
 when .they say they beheve such an one''s errors. Or by the 
 evidence of the fact, viz. by pubhcly preaching or defending 
 their errors. Or by legally producing witnesses, by whom they 
 are convicted of divulging such errors. 
 
 By the council of Narbonne many rules were given for dis 
 covering believers in heresy : as to give reverence to heretics, to 
 receive the communion from them, or to seek among them con 
 solation at the time of death. 
 
 The Waldenses also were to be known by their refusing an 
 oath. Thus we read, " If any of them through a damnable 
 obstinacy refuse the solemnity of an oath, and will not swear 
 from this alone, they are to be accounted heretics." * 
 
 Schismatics are thus described by Simanca, ^' Schismatics 
 are either consummate heretics, or near akin to heretics. Such 
 as depart from the unity of the church, and believe that there 
 may be salvation and true sacraments without the true church, 
 differ but Httle from heretics ; but others are without blame, 
 who err through probable or insuperable ignorance. 
 
 The punishments of Schismatics are privation of ecclesiasti- 
 cal power, excommunication, incapacity for all offices for the 
 future, and finally death.^ And the doctors observe, that when 
 schismatics are impenitent, the secular judges may in such case 
 punish them, if clergymen, without degrading them. They 
 add, that all lords and magistrates, as well ecclesiastical as secu- 
 lar,'= who fall into or raise schism, ought to be punished like- 
 wise with death: accordimj to the bull of Paul IV. bemnDinjr, 
 " Cum ex Apostolatus officio," in which the pope commands 
 that all such schismatics shall be punished, even for the first 
 offence, as the very relapsed themselves. ** But if they repent, 
 the inquisitors, after a formal abjuration of their schisin. and 
 their suspicion of heresy, according to the degrees of it, usually 
 
 • Cap. Exrom. it 17. extra de haerct. sect. Adiccimus. 
 Catena, p. 2. t. 3. sect. 12. ,. « Ibid. n. 49. / Ibid, sect 13. 
 
306 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 punish them witii other punishments at pleasure; either by 
 fines, banishment, imprisonment, confinement, galhes, and 
 deatii, according to the nature and aggravation of their fault. 
 
 '«.«^^«'»/»^'«/W» 
 
 CHAP. VIIL 
 
 Of the Receivers and Defenders o/^ Heretics. 
 
 THE council of Tarracon hath determined those to be re- 
 ceivers of heretics, who have twice, or more, knowingly re^ 
 ceived heretics in their house, or any other place.* A recepta- 
 cle is an house or lodging, where heretics have met together 
 twice or more to preach or read, or where they have frequently 
 lodged. But such offend more grievously who know their 
 errors, and that the church doth persecute them, and neverthe- 
 less receive and conceal them from the hands of the church, 
 even though they have done this but once ; and by this recep- 
 tion they render themselves suspected of heresy, more or less, 
 according to the difference of ch'cumstances. And therefore, 
 as suspected persons, they are obliged to abjure. Their 
 punishment is excommunication, and if after this they persist 
 in their crime, they are put under the bann, banished for ever, 
 and suffer confiscation of all their goods. But if any one re- 
 cei/ei^ an heretical relation, his crime is less, and he is more 
 gently punished. And in tliis they consider the degrees of 
 kindred, that such who are nearest akin to the received heretic, 
 ma}^ be more gently dealt with than those who are farther off. 
 
 The defenders of heretics, according to the definition of the 
 council of Tarracon,^ are such as knowingly defend heretics 
 by word or deed, or any method in their own lands, or any 
 where else, whereby the church is prevented from executing 
 its office in the extirpation of heretical pravity. Now there are 
 different ways of defending. An heretic may be defended with 
 
 * Diiect. p. .2 gu 51 • *j;ibid. qu. 52. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 807 
 
 arms, or without them, or by giving him notice for his escape. 
 He may also be defended when under trial, or when he is not. 
 They may also be said to be defenders of heretics by conse- 
 quence., who hin der in any manner the office of the inquisition. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Favourers of Heretics. 
 
 THE favourers of heretics,* as the name shews, are those 
 who shew favour to heretics, and are in all things equal to the 
 defenders of them. They are either magistrates or private 
 persons, and they may all favour heretics by omission or negli- 
 gence, by deed or assistance, and linally, by counsel or words. 
 The magistrate's office is to extii-pate heretics, and expel them 
 from his kingdoms and dominions, and to give all counsel and 
 favour to the inquisitors of heretical pravity, for the punishing 
 and restraining of heretics, and the suppression of all rising 
 heresies, because the inquisitors, without the magistrate's help, 
 are weak, and cannot drive away heretics ; and therefore they 
 must bend all their endeavours to this, that the wickedness of 
 heretics may not increase under their goverament, and the se- 
 curity and religion of the Catholics be not diminished or dis- 
 turbed. The favourers, therefore, of heretics are first, such 
 as omit to do those things concerning heretics, or persons 
 suspected and defamed for hei*esy, or those who beheve, re- 
 ceive, defend, and favour them, which they are obliged to do 
 by office, when required to do it by the inquisitors or bishops, 
 or one of them, viz. if they do not take them up, keep them in 
 safe custody, send them to the appointed place, or if they do 
 not readily punish them, when condemned and delivered over 
 to them. 
 
 Private persons are said to be favourers of heretics, when 
 out of their own rashness, they free from prison heretics, or 
 
 . a Direct, part. 2, qu. 53. 
 X 2 
 
508 HISTORY or THE ixauisiTioK. 
 
 persons apprehended for heresy, or give any assistance, council, 
 or favour towards their dehverancc, or so accompany tliem, 
 when freed, as not to seize them ; or resist those who would 
 apprehend them, or presume directly or indirectly to hinder 
 process judgment, or sentence, in a cause of faith, or give 
 council, assistance, or favour, to such hindrance. Private per- 
 sons indeed are not said to be favourers of heretics by mere 
 omission, viz. for not apprehending or not taking them into 
 custody, as not being obliged to it. Nevertheless they will be 
 favourers, if they shall omit to discover and apprehend them, 
 when obliged to it by office : such, for instance, are the cross- 
 bearei-s, who in Spain are called Famihars; or if when called 
 on bv the magistrate, to assist in apprehending heretics, they 
 refuse to do it without reason, and when they have nothing to 
 prevent them. 
 
 Lastly, both magistrates and private persons may be said to 
 be favourers of heretics, by omitting to discover them, because 
 all persons are obliged under pain of excommunication, to dis- 
 cover all heretics, even concealed ones, to the bishops and in- 
 quisitors, and, if it be necessary, to accuse them. So Gregory 
 IX. ordained in one of his extravagants against the Patarenes, 
 beginning Eixommunicamus, inserted amongst the apostohcal 
 letters for tlie office of the inquisition. " Likewise if any per- 
 son knows any heretics, or such who hold private conventicles, 
 or who differ in their hfe and manners from the conversation 
 of the faithful, let him endeavour to discover them to his con- 
 fessor, or some one else, who he believes may give notice to the 
 prelate, otherwise let him be excommunicated."' And this 
 obligation of informincj acjainst heretics is so strict, that it takes 
 place not^^ithstanding any oath, covenant, or promise to the 
 contrary. But if the wife only should happen to know that 
 her husband eats flesh on forbidden days, and knows him to 
 be so furious, as that probably he would murder or abuse her, 
 if she informed against him, some think her fear may excuse 
 her from the suspicion of heresy. 
 
 Friar Ivonetus describes the marks and signs, by which 
 persons may be knovm to be favourers of heretics. There is 
 extant a volume of his, tiie fragment of which is in a parch- 
 
HISTOEY OF THE IXaUISlTIOK. 309 
 
 ment book of the Vatican librar}^, intltled, " How the favourers 
 of heretics may be discovered." And he there reckons up five 
 signs in these words: — " The favourers of heretics mav easily 
 be known by these five very probable marks. First, whoever 
 privately visit them, whilst in custody, and whisper with them, 
 and gives them victuals, are suspected of being their disciples 
 and favourers. Secondly, whoever greatly lament their appre- 
 hension or death, seem to have been their spiritual friends whOst 
 they lived ; for it is scarce credible that any person can be a 
 long while intimate with an heretic, and not know his secrets. 
 Thirdly, such who complain they ai'e unjustly condemned, after 
 they have been openly convicted, or have confessed their heresy^ 
 it appears that they approve their sect, and think the church 
 hath erred in condemning them. Fourtlily, such who look with 
 a bitter countenance upon tliose who persecute heretics^ or 
 preach vigorously against heresy ; for he v/ho diligently ob- 
 serves, may see by their eyes, and nose, and aspect, that they 
 do not look with a favourable countenance, and ai-^ therefore 
 greatly to be suspected^ that they hate those against whom their 
 heart appears to be so bitter, as their countenance betrays, and 
 love those for whose destruction they so much grieve. Fifthly, 
 if any are found to have by stealth gathered together in tlie 
 night the bones of heretics biuTit, as rehques, it is not to be 
 doubted but that they reverence them as saints, whose bones 
 they lay up as a kind of sanctuary, and are therefoi^ equally 
 heretics with them. Because no one accounts an heretic for a 
 saint, but he who believes his sect to be holy, and is equally 
 an heretic with him. These things give great presumption of 
 heresy against him, although it be not sufficient proof to con- 
 demn him, unless there concur other arguments, by wliich it 
 manifestly appears they did the aforesaid things in favour ctf 
 heresy." 
 
 The favourers of heresy are \psojitre, excommunicated.' If 
 they are mere favourers, but not publicly excommunicated, they 
 do not incur any other penalties. But if tliey are publicly de- 
 
 ' C. Excommunicamus. sect. Credentes. ibid, de Laret. 
 x3 
 
SIO HISTORY OF THE INatJISlTIOK, 
 
 clared excommunicate, and do not give satisfaction within a 
 year, they incur other penalties. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the Hinder ers of the Office of the iNauisiTiON, 
 
 THE hinderers of the office of the inquisition come nearest 
 to the favourers of heretics, and are usually reckoned amongst 
 them. 
 
 That this office may be vigorously exercised, and that no 
 heretics may escape the rigour of it, all are strictly commanded, 
 of whatsoever dignity or condition, especially archbishops, bi- 
 shops, and other prelates, to favour the business of the inqui- 
 sition, and yield all countenance and help to the inquisitors.' 
 
 Persons are said to hinder the office of the inquisition,'* either 
 directly or indirectly. Directly, such who dehver from prisonj 
 by their own rashness, persons taken up for the crime of heresy, 
 or who destroy rhe processes of the inquisition, or who wound 
 the witnesses in a cause of faith for their testimony. Or if a 
 temporal lord ordains, that no one ought to take cognizance of 
 the crime of heresy but himself, and that no one shall be ac- 
 
 5 * Thus Alexander IV. in his bull, beginning, Orthodox^ fidei Christiance, 
 commands all archbishops, bishops, and other prelates. " Since therefore 
 there are certain predicant friars appointed by the apostolic see, inquisitors 
 against heretics in the aforesaid provinces, that they may carry on the busi- 
 ness of the faith, with a fervent mind, and constant heart, through many tri- 
 bulations and persecutions, we admonish and exhort all of you in our Lord 
 Jesus Christ, strictly commanding you by these apostolical writings, in virtue 
 of your obedience, and enjoining you, that you favourably assist these inqui- 
 sitors in carrying on the said atfair ; and that laying ^aside the fear of man, 
 you effectually give them your counsel and help : knowing that those who 
 hitherto have done, and shall do these things, shall always obtain the special 
 favour of the apostolic see, and find us favourable and kind in all their occa- 
 sions. Bat as for those whom we shall know to be contemners, besides the 
 divine judgment that hangs over them, they shall not escape the ecclesiastical 
 vengeance " 
 
 Direct. Inq. p. 2. qa.54. , 
 
HISTORY OF THE IJ^aUISITION. Sll 
 
 cused, or give testimony but before himself. As also such, 
 who use only threatnings and terrifying words ;* and who di- 
 rectly hinder process, judgment, and sentence in a cause of 
 faith, or give counsel, help, and favour in doing thus. 
 
 They are said indirectly to obstruct, who use any insinua- 
 tion or other means, from whence consequentially any" impedi- 
 ment may arise to the office of the inquisition. Such for ex- 
 ample, who order that no one shall bear arms, unless of the 
 household of the temporal lord, and that no one shall appre- 
 hend, or cause to be apprehended, any person, but the tempo 
 ral lord. For from thence it follows, that those who belong to 
 the inquisitors cannot wear arms, nor take up any person. 
 These are less criminal than the former ; but are all excom- 
 municated ; and if they lie under that exconmiunication for a 
 whole year, they must, in order to their reconciliation, abjure 
 such impediment and favouring,- othen^dse they are dehvered 
 over as impenitent heretics to the secular arm. 
 
 Carena relates^ from Farinacius, that a certain prisoner in 
 the holy office was hanged for killing 'his keeper, in order to 
 make his escape. He adds, that at Cremona,' a certain Jew 
 was hanged for killing another Jew who had deposed against 
 him in the holy office. And not only thus, but if the woimd 
 is not mortal, but slight, he says that he hath seen such offend- 
 ers sometimes condemned for ever to the gallies, or at least for 
 ten years. This was executed upon a certain person at Cre- 
 mona, who had caned a witness for deposing against his bro- 
 ther in the holy office. His sentence was publicly read to him 
 in the great episcopal hall at Cremona, Carena himself being 
 present. 
 
 The same Carena gives us a case, by which it will appear, 
 that sometimes those who terrify witnesses, but yet do not ob- 
 tain their end, have been dismissed with a severe reprimand, 
 and being put in mind of the beforcmentioncd bull. A certain 
 sergeant of tlie holy office had a message from the inquisitor 
 to deliver to a certain countryman's wife : the woman not being 
 at home, the sergeant would leave it with her husband, iqxou 
 
 » Carena, p. 2. t. 4. n. 23. t> P. 2. t. IS. sect. 24. 
 
 , A. D. ICU. 
 
SIS HISTORY OF THE IN<iUISITIO^^ 
 
 which the countryman gave him several hard names, and fol- 
 lowed him with weapons, crying out, Li scirro hecco torna in 
 dletro a tor il tuo precetto. The pope consented that the 
 cause should be tried before him,* and the sentence approved 
 was, that the said countryman had incurred the penalty of this 
 constitution, and that he was to be condemned to the gallies 
 for five years ; with this addition, that from the goodness of 
 the pope he should be heard, if he desired the grace of com- 
 mutation, upon consideration of the plainness of the man, and 
 liis conjugal afTection. 
 
 However, Carena adds a caution, that from these instances 
 it is not lawful for the inquisitors and ministers of the holy 
 office, to make for themselves a general rule, viz. that such 
 who terrify the witnesses ought to be punished, as above, 
 and after the same manner as those who wound them ; for this 
 is not left to the pleasure of the inquisitors or ordinaries by the 
 matter of this bull, but to the cardinals, the supreme inquisi- 
 tors, to whom it belongs to declare, whether criminals have 
 incurred the penalties of this constitution, or not. 
 
 He gives us another instance that happened at Cremona, 
 A. D. 1592. A certain person had accused all the witnesses 
 examined against him in the ho]y office, and had caused them 
 to be imprisoned by the secular judge, for sundry crimes and 
 damages which they and then- cattle had occasioned in his 
 grounds. The major part of the congregation at Cremona 
 thought, tliat altliough the accusation could not be called for- 
 mally that terrifying of which the bull speaks, yet inasmuch 
 as it appeared slanderous and deceitful, the criminal should be 
 obliged to free the imprisoned witnesses from jail at his own 
 expence, and pay them, when delivered, all their charges. 
 
 This takes place, not only when any person is accused as 
 an heretic, '"" but in all and every cause whatsoever belonging 
 to the holy office ; because every cause belonging to this tri- 
 bunal, is properly said to be a cause of the faith, and to belong 
 to it, and to infer some mark of the faith, either directly or 
 indu'ectly. And in all causes of this holy office there is the 
 
 ^ July 15, 1C21. * Careua, sect. 17. 
 
HISTOfiY OF THE INaUISITION. 313 
 
 same reason for maintaining the liberty of tliis tribunal. Thus 
 in the year 1635, a certain Neapolitan soldier had rescued 
 from the Shirri a certain blasphemer, taken up in the name of 
 the lioly office, for which he was condemned, by order of the 
 supreme tribunal of the city to all the penalties of this consti- 
 tution. Although afterwards, through the favoiu- of the said 
 supreme tribunal, the punishment of d(?,ath was exchanged for 
 that of the gaUies for ten years. And this was publicly exe- 
 cuted at Cremona, in the hall of the holy office." 
 
 Yea, they extend this affiiir sometimes so far, that all manner 
 of offences committed against any one that belongs to the inqui- 
 sitors, though they have no relation to the faith, are punished 
 in the same manner, as though the office of the inquisition had 
 been hindered by them, or the inquisitor himself had received 
 some grievous injury. Reginald Gonsalvius gives us a remark- 
 able instance of this which happened in the former age at 
 Seville.^ The bishop of Terragone, chief inquisitor at Seville, 
 ■went one summer for his diversion to some pleasant gardens 
 situate by the sea side, with all his inquisitory family, and 
 walked out, according to his custom, with his episcopal attend- 
 ance. A child of the gardener, two or three years old at most, 
 accidentally sat playing upon the side of a pond in the garden, 
 where my lord bishop was taking his pleasure. One of die 
 boys that attended his lordship, snatched out of the hand of the 
 gardener's child a reed, with which he was playing, and made 
 liim cry. The gardener hearing his child, came to the place, 
 and when he found out the occasion of his crying, was angry, 
 and bad the inquisitor's servant restore the reed to him. And 
 upon his refusal, and insolently contemning the countryman, 
 he snatched it away, and as the boy held it fast, the gai'dener 
 slightly hurt his hand by the sharp husk of the reed, in pulling 
 it from him. The wound was far from being serious, or from 
 endangering the loss of any part, and so could not deserve a 
 severe punishment. It was no more than a scratch of the skin, 
 a mere childish wound, as one may imagine by the cause of it. 
 However, the inquisitor's boy came to his master, who was 
 walking neai' the place, to complain about his wound, upon 
 
 • p. 191. 
 
314} HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOxS'. 
 
 which the inquisitor orders the gardener to be taken up, and 
 thrown into the inquisitory jail, and kept him there for nine 
 months in very heavy irons, by which he received such damage 
 in his circumstances, which were at best but mean, as the poor 
 man could not easily recover ; his children and wife, in the mean 
 did while, being ready to perish for hunger, because he 
 not pay deference enough to the inquisitor's boy, as a mem- 
 ber of the holy tribunal. At nine months end they dismissed 
 him from jail, and would have persuaded him, that they dealt 
 much more mercifully v>'ith him, than his crime deserved. 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 Of Persons suspected o/* He re sy, 
 
 ALTHOUGH, in other cases, it is usual to distinguish be- 
 tween a suspicion and a presumption, a suspicion being no other 
 than a man's opinion concerning a crime, several of which sus- 
 picions must concur to form a presumption of it, yet in the 
 cause of heresy they are taken for the same.* A presumption 
 or suspicion therefore in this affair is, a probable guess of a 
 doubtful matter, proceeding from the nature of the thing, or 
 the circumstances of affairs or persons.^ Presumptions arise 
 from a person's country and parents ; but these are too general. 
 Others arise from his education, and the manners of those with 
 whom he converses. This is the reason that the inquisitors, 
 in their first examinations, so diligently ask the criminals of 
 what nation, country, family, and kindred they are, amongst 
 whom they have been educated, who were their masters, in- 
 structors, companions, and friends. For these things, and a 
 thousand other such are usually considered in doubtful cases, 
 that from hence they may draw more probable proofs. They 
 :also consider the sex. A man may more easily be presumed 
 
 • Direct. pa> t. 2. q", 55, 56. ;2: , *> Siraanc. t. 50. sect. 8, &c. sect. 17. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 315 
 
 guilty of robbery. A woman of witclicraft. And farther, 
 they consider the age, fortune, difference of condition, nature 
 of mind, and incHnations. 
 
 In the cause of heresy suspicion is threefold ; light, vehement 
 and violent : a light suspicion is that which arises from the 
 external signs of actions and words, by which such a guess 
 may be made, as may imply, not indeed frequently, but seldom, 
 and by accident, that he who says or does such things is an 
 heretic. This is inferred by a small consequence. As if any 
 one should argue thus : he is found to frequent private con- 
 venticles, and in his hfe and manners departs from the common 
 conversation of the faithful ; therefore he is an heretic, because 
 heretics themselves are found to do such things frequently. 
 Such are lightly suspected of heresy. But the inquisitors 
 teach, that such persons ought not easily to be proceeded 
 against in a cause of such importance. However, sometimes 
 the very speaking to heretics hath not escaped without punish- 
 ment. Thus Bzovius relates ; » Acursius, the son of Aldo- 
 brandinus, a citizen of Florence, incurred the canon, because, 
 whilst he dwelt in France, he conversed with heretics. For 
 it was, they thought, a crime for any one so much as to salute 
 them, contrary to the apostolic institutions. But as he was 
 afterwards absolved by Raymond Peniafortius, penitentiary of 
 the apostohc see, Pope Gregory enjoined the prior, and Friar 
 Robert, and the rest of the predicant friars in Paris, that they 
 should not any ways molest him, or suffer or command him to 
 be molested. 
 
 A vehement suspicion, which is also called Juris, arises from 
 such external words and deeds, which, when known, infer an 
 argument frequently conclusive ; and because, as to most, he 
 who doth or says such things is an heretic ; and is usually 
 taken for full proof, if there be nothing proved to the contrary. 
 Such are those, who being called to answer concerning the 
 faith, do not appear in the time assigned them; such who 
 knowingly hinder the office of the inquisition ; who knowingly 
 give their counsel and assistance and favour to such liinderers ; 
 
 • A. D. 1234 sect 14, 
 
316 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 who instruct heretics when cited to conceal the truth, and 
 speak falsely; who are any ways excommunicated upon ac- 
 count of the faith ; who knowingly favour, defend, and receive 
 heretics ; who are infamous for heresy, upon account of their 
 famiharity with such whom they know to be heretics ; who 
 knowingly accompany, visit, and receive heretics. 
 
 A violent suspicion, which is also called Juris and de Jure, 
 is a certain disposition of the law, presuming something, and 
 determining upon such presumption, as though it were certain 
 and known. Nor can any proof to the contrary be regularly 
 and directly admitted against such presumption ; because, as it 
 proceeds from open and violent marks, it is taken for a mani- 
 fest truth. It arises from external signs of actions or words, by 
 wliich it may be concluded effectually, and almost always, that 
 he who says or doth these things is an heretic. As if hereto- 
 fore any one should adore heretics, or reverence them after 
 their manner ; or receive the consolation or communion from 
 them, or do the hke things belonging to theii* custom.* Such 
 are said to be violently suspected. 
 
 A person hghtly suspected is enjoined canonical purgation, 
 and if he afterwards fall into the like suspicion he must be 
 more grievously dealt with. 
 
 A person vehemently suspected, must be commanded to 
 abjure generally every heresy, and if he should afterwards 
 return to those errors he shall incur the punishment of the 
 relapsed. 
 
 He who is violently suspected is to be condemned as an 
 heretic. If he confesses, and will return and abjure his errors 
 he must be admitted to penance, but if he doth not consent 
 to abjure, he must be delivered over to the secular court, and 
 receive his deserved punishment. 
 
 The heirs of persons suspected are compelled to fulfil the 
 penance enjoined, as if one be adjudged to build a church or 
 an hospital, and die before it is completed ; his estate must 
 descend to his heirs with that incumbrance. 
 
 • Cap. FilH ct Acrusatns. Extra, dc haeret. lib. €. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION 317 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Of Perscms defamed for Heresy. 
 
 WHO they are that are defamed for heresy, we are taught 
 by the council of Tholouse.' " Such ought to be accounted 
 defamed, who are cried out against by pubhc report, or of 
 whose defamation amongst good and grave persons there is 
 legal proof before the bishop of the place." So that to the 
 perfect proof of such defamation or infamy for heresy, two 
 good and grave witnesses suffice. But if they are vile and 
 infamous, although they are not to be despised on this account, 
 so as to stop proceeding to an inquisition from what they de- 
 pose, yet such defamation is not fully proved by them. 
 
 They say also, that it is not necessary that the witnesses 
 should hear this infamy from the same prudent and discreet 
 persons ; but it is sufficient, though they hear it from different.^ 
 And they give this reason for it ; because, as they are only to 
 prove infamy, it is sufficient if the witnesses agree in and con- 
 cerning this matter. Yea, they teach farther, that it is not ne- 
 cessary that the witnesses should agree as to the causes of dieir 
 o^vn knowledge. So that if the witnesses should say, they 
 know this infamy, because they have heard of it, they are not 
 bound to prove they have heard it ; nor is it required that one 
 witness should agree with the other as to time and place, and 
 the causes of their knowledge. Because the question is not 
 about these things, but only concerning the fame and infamy. 
 So that though they appear singular in what they say, their 
 assertion shall be abided by. 
 
 The punishment of one thus defamed is canonical purga- 
 tion, and some other ordinary penalty ,« when the defamation is 
 fully proved. But if it is not fully proved, tlie person cannot 
 be compelled to a canonical purgation, unless there be fuller 
 proof, and other signs and tokens concur with the defamation* 
 
 a Direct, p. 2. qu. 57. cap. IG. ^ Luccrn. Inq. in voce Infamia. 
 
 t Cap. Excomraunicamus itaq j Extra, do haeret. sect. Adjicimua. 
 
S18 HISTORY OF THE INCIUISITION. 
 
 They say it is the same, if the infamy arises from rivals and 
 enemies. This is sufficient to give a beginning to the inquisi- 
 tion, but not to enjoin canonical purgation, unless what they say 
 be probable. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of Persons Relapsed. 
 
 A PERSON is said to be relapsed, upon a double account, 
 either in heresy, or the favouring of heresy.' One relapsed 
 into heresy is he, who after he hath been convicted either by 
 the evidence of the fact, or his own confession, or by a legal 
 production of witnesses, hath pubhcly abjured his heresy, and 
 is convicted of falling into it again. So that though a person 
 who falls into the sam,e error again and again, without any 
 solemn penance intervening, or making an abjuration or cano- 
 nical purgation, may be truly said to be a relapse, yet he can- 
 not be punished as such, so as to be delivered over to the secu- 
 lar court, if so be he will repent. Of these relapsed persons 
 there are four sorts.^ The first, when any one falls into the 
 same heresy he hath abjured. Here the doctors dispute, whe- 
 ther or no a person who abjures as an heretic before the inqui- 
 sitor's subdelegate, and afterwards falls into the same or any 
 other heresy, is to be accounted as a relapse, if there be no 
 certainty of the subdelegation of that judge before whom he 
 abjures. However, in the city of Como a certain woman, who 
 had thus abjured, was given over as a relapse to the secular arm^ 
 and burnt, by the advice of the whole college of counsellors in 
 that city, and of the bishop, and of John Thomas Odeschalcus, 
 a senator. It was determined also after the same manner at 
 Mantua in a like case.*^ The second, when any one falls into 
 an heresy which he abjured as vehemently suspected, but not 
 
 a Direct, p. 2. qu. 58. •* Carena, p. 2. t. 2. sect.'6. n. 36. 
 
 « Cap. Accusatus. de haeret.lib. 6. Ibid. sect. Cum vero. sect. Ille quoquc. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 319 
 
 if he only falls again into a vehement suspicion of heresy. 
 The third, when after a general abjuration of heresy, he falls 
 into an heresy different from the particular one he abjured. 
 The fourth, when after having abjured as an heretic, he accom- 
 panies, visits, &c. heretics, sends them presents, or grants 
 them favour. 
 
 The gloss on the aforesaid cited chapter only excepts the 
 case of hunger, which excuses, provided it be violent.^ But 
 this exception was not allowed by the supreme council of the 
 Spanish inquisition, in which a certain person was dehvered over 
 to the secular arm as a relapse, who having been reconciled as a 
 moor, returned afterwards to some of that sort, and would have 
 excused himself by this gloss, that he went to them upon ac- 
 count of hunger. 
 
 Persons who have relapsed into heresy are to be condemned 
 without mercy, and saith the council of Narbonne, " leave 
 them without further hearing to the secular judgment, to 
 receive their due punishment, since it is enough, that such 
 have once deceived the church by a false conversion," their 
 punishment differs from that of other condemned persons, in 
 this only, that they are allowed the sacrament of penance and 
 the eucharist ; but in Spain, the eucharist is generally denied 
 to such, because of the danger which may happen by the alter- 
 ation which he receives, who is to be delivered over to the 
 secular arm, and he is therefore allowed only the sacrament of 
 penance. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Of such wIlo read and keep prohibited books. 
 
 BESIDES these there are others, whose crimes may be 
 thought more properly to belong to another court. But it 
 sometimes happens that they are said to be sprinkled with the 
 
 a Carena, p. 2. t, 2. sect. 6. n. 31. 
 
S20 HISTOBA^ OF THE INftUISITION. 
 
 plague of heresy, because they are suspected of it, and there- 
 fore must be inquisited on account of their intention. Amongst 
 these first occur those who read and retain books prohibited 
 upon account of heresy. These are numbered amongst suspected 
 persons, and there are several severe edicts of the Roman pontiffs 
 against them. 
 
 Pius V. published a bull upon the festival of Cona Domini} 
 In the first chapter are excommunicated all heretics and schis- 
 matics, of whatsoever name or sect, and all favourers, receivers, 
 and believers of heretics, and those who an}^ wise knowingly 
 read, keep in their houses, print, or in any wise defend, for 
 any cause, publicly or privately, under any pretence or colour, 
 and in general all who defend their books, without the autho- 
 rity of the apostohc see. Pius IV. recalled all licences of 
 reading and keeping such books, by his constitution, which 
 begins. Cum pro menure.^ By these letters he commands, 
 that all persons shall dehver and consign over all condemned 
 books to the inquisitors of the cities where such books are. In 
 like manner those who retain them cannot be excused, even 
 though they keep them locked up in a chest, so that no one 
 can see or read them, because all such excuses are cut off by 
 this sentence, and by the alledged constitution of Pius IV. 
 Again, those who print them are excommunicated ; and also 
 those who in any wise, or for any cause, publicly or privately 
 defend heretical books, &:c. and the absolution of all such per- 
 sons is reserved to the Pope. 
 
 And that all manner of leave of reading even the least thing 
 in a book condemned for heresy, may be cut off,^ they declare 
 that they understand not only printed books, but even manu- 
 scripts and parts of them, which they thus expound. He who 
 reads that part of the books of heretics that are divided into 
 tomes, which doth not professedly contain heresy, is not 
 accounted to read a book prohibited by the bull Coena, even 
 though the other tomes should be heretical. But if a tome 
 contains heresy, or treats of religion, and it be divided into 
 several books, he who reads one of the books of such a tome, is 
 
 » Compeg. in Zanch. c 34. ^ March 24, 1564. 
 
 * Sousa Aphor. Inquis. 1. 1. c. 21. sect. 8, &c. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 said to read a book prohibited by this bull, even though the 
 particular book doth not contain heresy, nor treat of rehgion, 
 and is bound up separately from the others. Yea, it is enough 
 to say that a person hath read a prohibited book, if he only just 
 runs it over with his eyes, adverting to the things written in it, 
 though he doth not mention one word of it with his mouth. 
 And yet, which is strange, they add, that he who by memory 
 recites a prohibited book, though he doth it with an evil inten- 
 tion, is not accounted so to read it, as to incur the censure 
 pronounced against such who do ; so observant are they of the 
 letter of the law ; though at the same time he incurs the 
 censure of the bull, who reads a book prohibited by it, though 
 he doth not do it with an ill design, but out of pure curiosity, 
 or to confute the errors of heretics.* But to a man's incurring 
 the penalty of excommunication, it is necessary that he should 
 knowingly read it. So that ignorance excuses, but not when it 
 is gross and affected, viz. when a person pretends not to know 
 that the author of a book was an heretic, although he knew 
 the book treated of religion, or that the book treated of reli- 
 gion, although he knew the author to be an heretic.^ He who 
 keeps the aforesaid books either in his o^vn, or another's house, 
 whether he understands the book or not, whether it be the 
 whole or a part, even so much as a single leaf,*^ whether he 
 keeps it to read, or only for curiosity and ornament's sake, or to 
 exchange for other books, or to wrap up what he sells with the 
 leaves of it, incurs the excommunication of the bull. Like, 
 wise he who causes it to be printed, defends it, praises it, says 
 it is not fit to be burnt or prohibited, or hmders its coming to 
 the inquisitors hands. 
 
 These are all suspected concerning the faith, and may be 
 punished by the inquisitors as suspected.'^ But if any one 
 doth not deliver an heretical book to the inquisitors, but burns 
 it by his own authority, he is not suspected of heresy, though 
 he falls into excommunication ; because Juhus III. by a con- 
 
 a Soiisa Aphor. Inquis. 1. 1. c, 21, sect. 22, 2.'^. 
 ^ Ibid. sect. 28. ^ jbid. sections, 38, 31. 
 
 «" Ibid, sections, 36, 30 
 
 r 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 stitution, beginning, Cum meditatio cordis^* commands, that 
 such books shall be really and effectually delivered up to the 
 inquisitors. 
 
 This interdict of reading prohibited books is so universal, 
 that it comprehends even the clergy themselves, and as most 
 contend, the bishops and very cardinals, who cannot read the 
 said books mthout the Pope''s licence ; because all hcences and 
 privileges were revoked by Julius III. in a constitution, 
 beginning. Cum meditatio ; and afterwards by a constitution of 
 Paul IV. beginning, Cumfuturum; and of Pius IV. Cum pro 
 munere ; and by a constitution of Gregory XV.** beginning, 
 Apostolatus offictum ; and finally by a constitution of Urban 
 VIII.*= this revocation was often confirmed. Hence it is that 
 this penalty is appointed against the clergy who retain and 
 read prohibited books, that they are vehemently suspected, 
 may be deprived of the active and passive voice, suspended 
 from divine services, deprived of the offices of reading, preach- 
 ing, &c. and farther be enjoined fastings, pilgrimages, &c. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Of POLYGAMISTS. 
 
 POLYGAMISTS are those who marry several wives at 
 once.'* The tribunal of the inquisitors takes cognizance of their 
 cause, because they are ^suspected of heresy, and are presumed 
 to think wrong concerning the sacrament of matrimony, and to 
 hold it lawful to have several wives at once. 
 
 When a Polygamist is in the jails of the holy office,* and he 
 is known to be the self same person, either by his confession, or 
 by witnesses, and when his crime is proved, he is asked, 
 
 a Carena, p. 2. t. 10. n. 46. b Published Dec. 80, 1623. 
 
 " Published Ap. 11, 1681. d Carena, p. 2. t 5. sect. 2. 
 
 * Ibid. sect. 10. n. 55. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 325 
 
 whether he truly believes that it is, and hath been lawful for a 
 Christian man, after the evangelic lavr, to marry several wives 
 at once ? If he answers affirmatively, he is taken for a formal 
 heretic, and is to be punished as such. But if he answers 
 negatively, and like a Catholic, denying that he had any hereti- 
 cal intention, but was rather enticed to a second matrimony by 
 the lust and concupiscence of the flesh, he must be put to the 
 torture concerning his intention, that the judges of the faith 
 may certify themselves what the Polygamist truly thinks 
 concerning the faith, because the crime of heresy is secret, and 
 lies hid in the mind. This is pecuhar to this holy office ; 
 though according to the laws of it, they rightly apply the 
 torture. For since the fact which the criminal confesses, 
 or of which he is convicted, may be committed without any 
 error of the mind, but for some other cause, for instance, 
 concupiscence, the criminal is tortured concerning his inten- 
 tion and belief of those things which he hath done. And 
 thus we see, that it is a smaller crime in the church of Rome 
 to marry two wives through lust and carnal concupiscence, 
 contrary to the dictates of conscience, than from some 
 error of the mind, and with a conscience that doth not con- 
 demn the fact. 
 
 Polygamists are suspected of heresy.^ In Spain they are 
 only hghtly suspected, and therefore, according to the general 
 custom of Spain, they must abjure only as lightly suspected. 
 But in the supreme tribunal of the Roman Inquisition, they 
 are vehemently suspected, and must abjure as such. 
 
 Yea, such who marry a second wife,^ being ignorant that the 
 first is dead, but yet bring witnesses to prove that they had no 
 wife, although then: actual Polygamy is not certain, yet they 
 must abjure as vehemently suspected, and be condemned to the 
 gallies. Carena gives us an instance of a cert^un person oi 
 Bologna, who had married his first wife there, and afterwards, 
 having examined witnesses, to prove he never had a wife, 
 married a second at Naples, being ignorant whether the first 
 was dead. This man was brought before the Pope by the 
 
 » Carena, p. 2. t. 5. sect. 11. •' Ibiil. n. 5<). 
 
 Y ^ 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE INaUlSITION. 
 
 sacred congregation,^ and being first put to tlie torture concern- 
 ing his intention, he was forced to abjure as vehemently 
 suspected, and condemned to the gaUies for five years. Because, 
 though his actual Polygamy was not certainly proved, yet, as 
 to himself, he had consummated the crime. ^ 
 
 But if any one during the life of his first wife, betroths 
 another, he is only lightly suspected, and must therefore only 
 abjure as such. And they give this reason of the difference; 
 because, in this case, there is no actual abuse of the sacrament, 
 but only an evil disposition of mind to abuse it. 
 
 After abjuration these Polygamists are enjoined various 
 salutary penances by the inquisitors, "" such as fastings, prayers, 
 and the hke, after which, he who hath married two wives, is 
 condemned to the gallies for five years ; and if he hath produc- 
 ed false witnesses to prove the death of his former wife, for 
 seven years and more, at the pleasure of the inquisitors, and is 
 commanded to return to his first wife. If they are of the 
 ordinary sort of people they are generally beat, and half their 
 effects confiscated. And in some places they have an infamous 
 sort of a mitre put on their heads, and are afterwards beaten. In 
 Spain they are condemned to the galhes for ten years. If any 
 one hath married thrice or more, he is more grievously punish- 
 ed, and condemned for a longer while to the, gaUies. Thus at 
 Rome,*^ four Polygamists were condemned to the gallies in the 
 church of St. Mary supra Minervam, by the supreme tribunal 
 of the Roman Inquisition, two of them for seven years, who had 
 married three wives, and the other two for five yeai's, who had 
 married two. 
 
 i a October 19, 1620. 
 l» Catena, p. 2. t. 5. sect. 13, n. 61. 
 e May 18. A. D. 1697. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 325 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Of those who celebrate and administer the sacrament of Pe- 
 nance, not being Priests. 
 
 HE who celebrates mass, not being in presbyters orders,* is 
 subject to the judgment of the inquisitors, and opposes in fact 
 tlie CathoHc verity, according to the constitution of Gregory 
 XIII. beginning. Officii nostri. The evil of this crime, ac- 
 cording to Sousa, reaches to idolatry, because those who thus 
 celebrate, make the faithful of Christ to adore bread and 
 wine, as though it were the true body and blood of our 
 Lord. 
 
 In hke manner he who is no priest, and yet hears confessions, 
 and gives absolution, is said to abuse the sacrament, and greatly 
 to injure his neighbour. 
 
 Such are vehemently suspected of heresy,^ because they think, 
 at least as to the very fact, that other persons besides priests may 
 be the ministers of those sacraments. 
 
 Such criminals are to abjure as vehemently suspected, and 
 are then delivered over to the secular arm to be punished with 
 death ; but are first degraded from their orders if they are in 
 any.^ Thus, A. D. 1636. and the following, two of these 
 criminals were delivered over to the secular court at Naples, 
 and by order of the holy council first hanged, and then 
 burnt. 
 
 Urban VIII.^ commanded by a letter of Cardinal Mellinus, 
 to the inquisitor general of Portugal,^ that criminals confessing, 
 or convicted of this crime, should be absolutely delivered over 
 to the secular arm, and punished with death. But in as much 
 as before tliese letters they were not punished with death in 
 Spain, according to the constitutions of Gregory and Clement, 
 so Sousa affirms, that he never saw this punishment inflicted in 
 
 » Sousa, 1. 1. t. 32. D. 7. ^ Carciia, p. 2. t. 11, sect. 1. 
 
 c Ibid. sect. G. n. 30. ^ Ibid. sect. 7.^ 
 
 * March. 5, 1G22. 
 
 y3 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 the kingdom of Spain, after the said letters of Cardinal Melli- 
 nus.^ But this was the method of punishment there generally 
 made use of, viz. that if the pretended priest was a layman, 
 or vile person, he was beat, and sent to the gallies, and 
 enjoined some spii'itual penances. Or if he was a person of 
 credit, or a religious, he was sent to the gallies. If of such 
 quality as that he could not be sent to the gallies, he was 
 banished ; and, if in any order, suspended from it the whole 
 time of his banishment. If the offence was attended with any 
 aggravating circumstances, they add other punishments accord- 
 ing to their quality. 
 
 We have an instance to this purpose in the book of sentences 
 of the Tholouse Inquisition.^ A certain countryman called 
 RoUand, believed he had a power from the Lord to celebrate 
 mass, and consecrate the true body of Christ from common 
 bread, and the true blood from wine mixed with oil and salt, in 
 a wooden bowl that had a foot to it, which he used instead of a 
 chalice. And thus he every day sacrificed secretly in his own 
 house, upon a coffer covered over with a linen cloth, and often 
 communicated of that bread, believing it to be the true body 
 of Christ. After four years he was thrown into prison, and 
 was with difficulty prevailed upon to abjure his error. But 
 whilst he was in his imprisonment, he was found to have 
 relapsed into the same error, and to have repeated this cere- 
 mony. But before he was punished as a relapse, he died in 
 jail, without a confession of his sins, and the sacrament of the 
 eucharist. The inquisitors commanded his body to be taken up 
 and burnt. 
 
 Raynald gives us another instance of one, who did not 
 indeed celebrate or administer the sacrament of penance as a 
 priest, though he really was none, but who said he was a 
 bishop, though he had not the Pope's bull, and as such conse- 
 crated priests. And because he was made an example of ex- 
 treme cruelty, I will here relate the matter exactly as I find it 
 in his annals. 
 
 " James the priest, a false Minorite, born in the dutchy of 
 Juhers, forged the Pope's buU, and declared in the Netherlands 
 
 * Sousa, I. I. 32. n. 13. ^ Fol. 122. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 327 
 
 that he was a bishop ; and although he had not been ordained 
 a bishop, he consecrated priests by a false ceremony in several 
 dioceses of Germany and the Low Countries. At length he 
 was convicted of his wickedness, and the magistrates of Utrecht 
 thought fit, not to condemn him to the flames, that he might be 
 quickly consumed, but to be gradually burnt by boiling water, 
 that so they might conquer his obstinacy, because he most 
 impudently refused to acknowledge his crime. But being 
 gradually let down into the boihng cauldron, and overcome 
 "with the extremit}^ of the pain, he detested his wickedness, and 
 prayed that he might receive a milder punishment. His judges 
 being moved with compassion, ordered him to be taken out of 
 the boiling cauldron, and then to be beheaded." 
 
 ■^^-v^-v^-v^-v^-*/* 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 Of Soliciting Confessors. 
 
 BY these are understood such confessors, who, in the 
 sacramental confession, solicit and provoke, or attempt to sohcit 
 and provoke women to dishonourable actions.* Paul IV.** 
 published a bull against such persons, directed to the arch- 
 bishop of Seville, beginning. Cum s'lcut super^ and Pius IV. 
 another,*" and the supreme inquisitors general an edict, approved 
 by Clement VIII. But those bulls, and that decree seem only 
 to take place in Spain, because the bulls were directed to the 
 archbishop of Seville, and the decree of the sacred congregation 
 expressly restrained to the places of Spain. But in the year 
 1612, in the month of April, it was decreed by Pius V. that all 
 the inquisitors should be admonished to command the confes- 
 sors, to abstain from all and every sort of solicitation, and to 
 proceed rigorously against all those who did not. And finally, 
 there is extant a constitution of Gregory XV. ** beginning, 
 
 • Sousa, I. 1. c. 34. sect. 1. Camia, p. 2. t. 6. sect. 1. 
 
 b A. D. 1561. April 16. c April G, 1564. 
 
 - Published August 30, 1G22. 
 
 Y 4 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Universi dominici, in which he confirms the letters or bull of 
 Paul IV. and commands it to be firmly and inviolably observed, 
 not only in the kingdoms of Spain, but in all other parts of the 
 Christian world. And because the words of that bull about 
 the middle of it, " whatsoever persons, and whatsoever they 
 shall be which they solicit," are general, from this generality of 
 the words they conclude that they extend also to confessors, who 
 solicit boys in the sacramental confession. 
 
 The incontinence of the priests gave occasion to these edicts 
 and bulls, viz. because, as the words are in the bull of Paul IV. 
 " Certain priests in the kingdom of Spain, and in th^ cities and 
 dioceses thereof, having cure of souls, or exercising such cure 
 for others, or otherwise deputed to hear the confessions of peni- 
 tents, have broken out into so heinous an iniquity, as to abuse 
 the sacrament of penance in the very act of hearing confessions, 
 and thus are not afraid to injure this sacrament itself, and him 
 who hath appointed it, the Lord God and our Saviour Jesus 
 Christ, by enticing and provoking, or trying and procuring to 
 entice and provoke penitent women to lewd actions, whilst they 
 are hearing their confession.'^ 
 
 When this bull was first brought into Spain,* all persons 
 were commanded by a public edict, solemnly published through- 
 out all the churches of the arch-bishopric of Seville, that who- 
 soever knew or had heard of any monks or clergymen who had 
 abused the sacrament of confession to these crimes, or had 
 in any manner acted in this vile manner at confession with their 
 daughter or daughters, they should discover him within thirty 
 days to the holy tribunal ; and very grievous censures were 
 annexed to such as should neglect or contemn it. When the 
 decree was published, so large a number of women went to the 
 palace of the inquisitors in the city of Seville only, to make 
 their discoveries of these most wicked confessors, that twenty 
 secretaries, with as many inquisitors, were not sufficient to take 
 the depositions of the witnesses. The lords inquisitors being 
 thus overwhelmed with the multitude of affairs, assigned 
 another thirty days for the witnesses ; and when this was not 
 
 * Gonsalv. p. 185. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 329 
 
 sufficient, they were forced to appoint the same number a third 
 and a fourth time. For as to women of reputation, and others 
 of higher condition, every time was not proper for them to 
 apply to the inquisitors. On one hand their conscience forced 
 them to a discovery through a superstitious fear of the censures 
 and excommunication ; and on the other hand, their regard to 
 their husbands, whom they were afraid to oficnd, by giving 
 them any ill suspicion of their chastity, kept them at home ; 
 and therefore veihng their faces after the Spanish custom, they 
 went to the lords inquisitors, when, and as privately as they 
 could. Very few, however, with all their prudence could 
 escape the diligent observation of their husbands at the time of 
 discovery, and hereby possessed their minds with the deepest 
 jealousy. However, after so many had been informed against 
 before the inquisitors, that holy tribunal, contrary to all men's 
 expectations, put a stop to the affair, and commanded all those 
 crimes which were proved by legal evidence, to be buried in 
 eternal obhvion. 
 
 In the mean while this crime, according to the bulls and 
 edicts of the popes, ought to be judged and punished before 
 the tribunal of the inquisitors. 
 
 In Spain these soliciting confessors are only lightly sus- 
 pected," because the Spaniards consider it rather as proceeding 
 from the effect of the passions than an intention to abuse the 
 sacrament of penance. But in Italy they are vehemently sus- 
 pected; and therefore whereas in Spain they abjure only as 
 lightly suspected, in Italy they abjure as vehemently. So 
 Carena gives an instance of a certain confessor in one of the 
 cities belonging to the territories of Cremona,** who abjured as 
 lightly suspected for this crime of soliciting, but was forced to 
 abjure again as vehemently suspected at Cremona, by order of 
 the supreme tribunal of the city of Rome. 
 
 Besides salutary penances, such as fastings, prayers, and the 
 like, such confessors are usually condemned to the gallies for 
 five or seven years, to perpetual imprisonment ;*= yea, some- 
 times at the pleasure only of the cardinals supreme inquisitors, 
 
 * Careiia, sect. 15. ^ Ibid. n. 75. « Ibid, sect- 18. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. ^ 
 
 they may be delivered over to the secular arm, as the constitu- 
 tion of Gregory XV. plainly directs. They are also to be 
 suspended for ever from hearing confessions, to be deprived of 
 their benefices, dignities, active and passive vote, at the plea- 
 sure of the inquisitors. Such confessors as are regulars, may 
 also be enjoined to be in the last and lowest place amongst the 
 regulars of their monasteries. Sometimes the inquisitors must 
 command, that the sentence against a regular confessor shall 
 be read pubHcly in the next general chapter of their religion, 
 as a terror and example to others. 
 
 Yea, sometimes, according to the heinousness of the 
 offence, a more grievous punishment is inflicted. John 
 Stock, notary of the apostolic Rota, relates, in a letter writ- 
 ten at Rome,* to J. Hensberg, a divine of Cologn, a re- 
 markable instance of this, " These wretches of ours are not so 
 holy as they appear. They walk in the likeness of sheep, but 
 within are ravening wolves, and their pretended sanctity is a 
 double iniquity. They are under the influence of a strong 
 ambition. The Venetians ordered one of them to be burnt 
 alive, by command of the pope. He had been father confessor 
 to some nuns in the dominions of Venice, and had had chil- 
 dren by twelve of them, amongst w^hom the abbess and two 
 others had children in one year. All were filled with admira- 
 tion and astonishment, taking the man for a perfect saint, he 
 had so great a shew of sanctity in his very face.^ 
 
 In Portugal also the cognizance of an unnatural crime be- 
 longs to the tribunal of the inquisition, by the decree of Gre- 
 gory XIII.'^ by which it is granted to the inquisitor of Portu- 
 gal, to proceed in this crime, as in that of heresy, observing 
 the same manner and form.** By the laws of the kingdom of 
 Portugal such persons are punished with death, and confisca- 
 tion of all their effects, and their children and grandchildren 
 become infamous.^ After the natural death of one accused, if 
 
 a October 8, 1564. 
 »» Epist. ad Belgas, Cent. 1. Ep. 66. p. 345. and Ep. 63. p. 316. 
 c August 13, A. D. 
 "• Sousa, Aphor. Inquis. 1. 1. c. 59. sect. 29, 30. 
 e Ibid. sect. 31. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 331 
 
 the crime hath not been proved, they cannot proceed against 
 him, neither as to tlie crime, nor confiscation of effects, al 
 though the crime can be proved by legal witnesses. Because 
 crimes, which are not particularly excepted, of which this is 
 one, are extinguished by the death of the delinquent. Nor 
 do they proceed against tlie dead, nor confiscate his effects,'' or 
 althouo-ii he hath been convicted or confessed when he was 
 alive. If such a one takes sanctuary in a church, he cannot 
 be taken out of it.^ 
 
 If we compare these things with the punishments of heretics, 
 as related in the second chapter of this book, it will appear, 
 that this horrible crime, in the kingdom of Portugal, is esteem- 
 ed a much smaller one than that of heresy, because those guilty 
 enjoy privileges which are denied to heretics. And yet it may 
 happen, that a truly pious man, who fears God, and is most 
 careful of his eternal salvation, may be accounted an heretic by 
 the Portuguese inquisitors, whereas one guilty of this crime 
 cannot but be the vilest of men. But it is not at all strange, 
 that by the laws of that tribunal, Barabbas should be released, 
 and Christ crucified. 
 
 w^-wv*^ 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Ofcme that is insordescent in Excommunication. 
 
 A MAN is said to be insordescent in excommunication, 
 who, after he hath been by name declared excommunicate, 
 persists in that excommunication for a year.'^ The nature of 
 this crime requires obstinacy of mind, including the contempt 
 of the keys. This they infer, when the excommunicated per- 
 son hath had knowledge of the excommunication, and taken no 
 care to obtain absolution. For if within a year he endeavours 
 to obtain absolution, though he should not actually receive it ; 
 
 a Sousa, Aphor. Inquis. sert. 32. b Ibid. 1. 2. c. 26. sect. 30. 
 
 c Carena, p. 2. t. 8. sect. 2. 
 
S32 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 or if there be any real hindrance that prevents his appearance, 
 he is not judged guilty of contempt. 
 
 He who thus persists in his excommunication, is accounted 
 as confessed and convicted of the crime for which he was ex- 
 communicated ; nor is he to be any farther heard, unless he can 
 demonstrate his innocence with new proofs.^ If the crime for 
 which he was excommunicated be of the number of those, which 
 do, ipso jure, infer privation, he must be deprived of his bene- 
 fice for insordescence. But if it be such a crime for which the 
 delinquent is to be deprived of his benefice, but not ipso jure, 
 in such a case he is also to be deprived for insordescence. 
 
 He who thus persists in excommunication, is violently sus- 
 pected of heresy.^ For if there be only a hght suspicion of 
 heresy against any person, and if when cited he is obstinate, 
 the suspicion then begins to be vehement. If through contu- 
 macy he continues in excommunication for a year, the vehe- 
 ment presumption becomes violent, and thus he may be taken 
 for an heretic, and punished as such. Because, from thus per- 
 sisting, there arises a presumption of the law, and de jure, by 
 which the crime of heresy is sufficiently proved. 
 
 But that such a one may be condemned as an heretic,'^ he 
 must not fail to be cited, in order to purge himself from the 
 suspicion of heresy, because he continued for a year in excom- 
 munication. 
 
 If such an excommunicated person appears when the year is 
 elapsed,*^ and desires to prove his innocence, before he is de- 
 clared an heretic he must be admitted to trial.'' Yea, as some 
 affirm, he must be heard even after he is declared an heretic, 
 and his effigies burnt. 
 
 If when he appears, and doth not prove any legal impedi- 
 ment,^ but only his innocence as to the heresy for suspicion of 
 which he was cited, although he is to be absolved from the 
 heresy, yet he is to be tortured to discover his intention, upon 
 account of a vehement suspicion of his contempt of the keys of 
 the church, and must abjure as one vehemently suspected. If 
 neither a legal impediment nor his innocence appear, he is to 
 
 • Carena, sect. 3. " Ibid. sect. 5. u. 19. « Ibid. n. 21. 
 
 d Ibid. n. 23. « Ibid. n. 24. ^ Ibid. sect. 8. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 333 
 
 be dealt with as one veliemently suspected of heresy, and of the 
 contempt of the keys. 
 
 If he proves nothing, and is impenitent, or relapsed, he is to 
 be left to the secular court If he is penitent he must abjure, 
 according to some, as vehemently suspected; according to 
 others, formally. Besides, wholesome penances are to be en- 
 joined him, and he may be condemned, according to the nature 
 of his crime, to more grievous punishments, and especially pe- 
 cuniary ones. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of Blasphemjirs. 
 
 THERE are two sorts of blasphemers." Some who do not 
 utter heretical blasphemies, who do not belong to our history ; 
 and others who throw out blasphemies that are heretical, and 
 who are therefore subject to the judgment of the inquisitors 
 J. Royas argues concerning them in this manner.'* " It is 
 very often a matter of doubt in the court of the inquisition, 
 what blasphemies may be said to be heretical, to make the cog- 
 nizance of them belong to the inquisitors. But, according to 
 the common custom, and agreeable to law and reason, these 
 words are heretical, ' I deny God, I do not believe in God.' 
 In Spanish, ' Discreo de Dios, reniego de Dios, o reniego de la 
 fe, o de la cruz, o crisma a que teng o en la trente, o reniego de 
 la pu ridad de nuestra senora,' i. e. 'I do not beheve in God, 
 I deny God, or I deny the faith, or the cross, or the chrism, 
 which I have received in my forehead, or I deny the virginity 
 of our lady.' These words are said to be heretical blasphemies, 
 and the inquisitors have cognizance of them, because they have 
 an infidel signification, and denial of the faith, and are directly 
 opposed to a confession of the faith. But other blasphemies, 
 viz. ' Pese a Dios, por vida de Dios, voto a Dios, malgrado aya 
 
 a Kymer, p. 2. q. 41. b Royas, p. 2. assert. 12. sect. 170 
 
334? HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Dios, o despecho de Dies,' and the like, i. e. ' Let it trouble 
 God, by the Life of God, I vow to God, God's curse on you, 
 or God spite you,' are not heretical, because not opposed to a 
 confession of the faith, although they are absolutely blasphe- 
 mies. The punishment of these belongs to the ordinary 
 judges."' * In Italy also it is not reckoned blasphemy ; if any 
 one says, " Al corpo di Dio, o dira vel putana di Dio becco ; 
 vel al dispetto di Christophero, or putana della virgin e Gio- 
 vanna ;" i. e. " Body of God, or he will say, &c. or in spite of 
 St. Christopher ; or the whore of the virgin Joan.'' 
 
 Heretical blasphemers are punished in this manner by the 
 inquisitors. If the blasphemy be very heinous, and the blas- 
 phemer a mean person, he is made to wear an infamous mitre, 
 hath his tongue tied, and pinched with an iron or wooden gag, 
 is carried forth as a public spectacle without his cloak, whipt 
 with scourges, and banished. But if he be a person of better 
 condition, or noble, he is brought forth without the mitre, 
 thrust for a time into a monastery, and punished with a fine. 
 In smaller blasphemies they are dealt with more gently at the 
 pleasure of the inquisitors, viz. the blasphemer is condemned to 
 stand, during divine service, upon some holy-day or other, with 
 his head naked, without his cloak, and shoes, his feet naked, a 
 cord tied round him, and holding a burning wax taper in his 
 hands. Sometimes also they squeeze his tongue with a piece of 
 wood. After divine service is over his sentence is read, by which 
 he is enjoined fastings and a fine. 
 
 And because such who accustom themselves to blaspheme, 
 though they do it in passion, are vehemently suspected of 
 heresy, they are forced to abjure as thus suspected. Thus 
 Diana relates,^ that in the Inquisition in Sicily, two blas- 
 pheraerswere made publicly to abjure, as vehemently suspected,*^ 
 in the presence of the judge himself. But in smaller blasphe- 
 mies, because they are but lightly suspected, they only abjure 
 as such. 
 
 But in these cases the inquisitors mostly act ^according to 
 their own pleasure, who have an ample power of judging 
 
 a Carena, part 2. t. 7- sect. 8. 
 '> Resol. moral. Par, 4. tract. 7. resol. 8. c Dec. 16, 1633. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 335 
 
 according to the nature and heinousness of the crimes. Gon- 
 salvius^ tells us of a certain person wlio had a quarrel with a 
 clergyman of Ecya, a city in Spain, who accidently said, in the 
 hearing of otliers, that he could not believe that God would 
 come down into the hands of so profligate an adulterer. The 
 vicar of the ordinary fined him for tlie speech. But the 
 clergyman not contented with this revenge, afterwards accused 
 him of blasphemy at the tribunal of the inquisitors at Seville. 
 Nor did the fine to which he was before condemned by the 
 ordinary, prevent his being taken up by command of the 
 inquisitors, imprisoned for a whole year, brought out in 
 triumph \\dthout cloak or hat, carrying a wax-candle in his 
 hand, his tongue gagged with a wooden gag, thus to punish his 
 blasphemy ; and being forced to abjure as lightly suspected, he 
 was fined a second time. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 (y Diviners, Fortune-Telleiis, and Astrologers. 
 
 FORTUNE tellers and diviners are distinguished.'' For 
 there are some who act merely by the art of divination, such as 
 tell fortunes, by looking into the palms of the hand, and 
 judiciary astrologers. Others who exercise divination by lots, 
 with the addition of some heretical word or fact : as if any 
 one in telling fortunes about sweethearts should deny God and 
 the sacraments of the church; or should mingle any of the 
 sacraments of the church with his for tune- tellino\ or those 
 things which the divines call sacramental; as if he should 
 baptize images, rebaptize a child, or only anoint him with holy 
 oil, or incense the head of a person dead, or do any of the like 
 things to divine future things, or use a candle and holy water 
 to discover stolen goods. All these things render the doer 
 
 a Resol. moral. Par. 1. tract. 7. rcsol. 8. p. 19.5. 
 *> Eymcr. p. 2. qii. 12. Com. 07. 
 
336 HISTOKY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 suspected ; for unless he had beheved such sacraments or 
 sacramentals had some virtue to effect such evil operations, 
 he would not have used them for this purpose. So that the 
 inquisitors take diligent care to interrogate them concerning 
 their belief, and if they deny the intention they are tortured ; 
 and if they do not confess, they may be made to abjure as 
 vehemently suspected. They may also be punished with 
 excommunication, suspension of dignities, whipping, banish- 
 ment, imprisonment in monasteries, and other punishments, 
 according to the quality of the persons. They may also be 
 pubhcly brought forth wearing the infamous mitre, or be dis- 
 gracefully tied to a ladder near the gates of the church, and be 
 banished from the diocese. 
 
 As to judiciary astrologers, their art is generally condemned 
 as superstitious.^ But there is one species of it, which the 
 doctors pronounce erroneous and heretical, viz. that which 
 professes to foretel the mysteries of our faith by the stars. In 
 like manner they are condemned as rash astrologers, who 
 pretend they are able to foretel by the stars certain things 
 concerning the state of the church, hfe or death, or the assump-* 
 tion of the chief pontiff. Pope Urban VIII. by a constitution, 
 beginning, Inscrutahilis^ hath appointed, that judiciary astro- 
 logers, who make judgments concerning the state of the 
 Christian republic, or apostolic see, or the life of the Roman 
 pontiff, or his kindred, or who, when made, keep them in 
 their own possession, or shew them to others, or speak of them 
 by words, besides the punishment of excommunication which 
 they shall, ipso jure, incur, shall be punished with death as 
 guilty of high treason, confiscation of effects, and that if they 
 are of the clergy, they shall be punished with deprivation of 
 their benefices and offices. 
 
 We have also instances of very gi'ievous punishments in- 
 flicted on these judiciary astrologers, one of which may be seen 
 in Bzovius, under the year 1327. Bzovius*s words are, — 
 " Francis Asculanus was thro^vn into jail at Florence, and 
 burnt, being by name convicted of blasphemies, heresy and 
 
 a Carena, p. 2. t. 12, sect. 12. b Published Ap. 1, 1631. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOJJ. 387 
 
 judiciary astrology, as also of other damned arts, and was 
 condemned by the inquisitors of the faith." After this he 
 subjoins a catalogue of the crimes objected to him, from 
 which it appeai-s that most of them were taken from judicial 
 astrology. 
 
 kW^-'VV-W-* 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Of Witches. 
 
 WITH these fortune-tellers are properly joined ^vitches 
 or hags, which in Italy they commonly call strigiae, from their 
 resemblance to the screech-owl, a night and troublesome bird, 
 because they are reported to deal in their witchcraft principally 
 at nig-ht, and to suck the blood of infants. Others call them 
 sorceresses, charmers, and the like.^ "I hey are said to have 
 been a sect of people, principally women, who arose in Italy in 
 the year 1400. They gather together in certain places near 
 towns and villages, at particular times, and especially the 
 night preceding Friday, when the devil appears to them in a 
 visible human shape. When they enter into this gang, they 
 first, and before all things, do, by the devil's command, deny 
 their holy faith and baptism, the Lord God, and the blessed 
 Virgin Mary, and after this they trample under their feet on 
 the ground, a cross made by one of the witches. After this 
 they promise allegiance between the hands of the devil, taking 
 him for their lord, and promise obedience to him in all things. 
 As a token of all this, they put their left hand behind their 
 back, and touch the devil's hand, and offer him somewhat as a 
 mark of their subjection. From henceforth they are said to 
 believe the devil to be their true lord and god ; and as often 
 as they go to their nightly assemblies, which they call the play 
 of good fellowship, they worship the devil appearing in human 
 
 « Bernard Comensis de Stiigiis. 
 z 
 
338 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 shape, and by bowing their head profoundly down, adore him 
 as their true god. It is reported of them, that tliey go to 
 this assembly or play, truly and corporally, when awake 
 and in their perfect senses: if the place be near they go 
 on foot ; if distant, they are carried by the devil through 
 the air. 
 
 Many authors have written largely of these witches or hags. 
 James Sprenger, Sylvester de Prierio, Bartholomew Spineus, 
 and others, who warmly contend that they are all corporally 
 carried to these night-plays or dances. Francis Ponzinibius is 
 the only one amongst the papists of former ages, who opposes 
 their common opinion, and affirms that they are not corporally 
 carried, but only deluded by di'eams and phantasms. 
 
 The crime of witchcraft is cognizable by the court of the 
 Inquisition. 
 
 By the sanctions of the Roman pontiffs, the inquisitors are 
 required to proceed against them as heretics. Innocent VIII. 
 writing to the inquisitor of Germany, speaks thus, " we have 
 indeed lately heard to our great grief, that in some parts of 
 upper Germany, as also in the provinces, cities, places and 
 dioceses of Mayence, Cologne, Treves, Salzburg, and Bremen, 
 many persons of both sexes, unmindful of their own salvation, 
 and deviating from the Catholic faith, abuse themselves with 
 male and female devils, and by their incantations, charms and 
 conjurations, and by other horrid superstitious sorceries and 
 excesses, crimes and offences, do cause and procure many evils. 
 We therefore as in duty bound, being compelled hereto by our 
 zeal for the faith, &c. do by the tenor of these present, and by 
 our apostohc authority appoint, &c. that it shall be lawful 
 for the inquisitors to imprison and punish the aforesaid 
 persons." 
 
 These letters were confirmed as to the greater part of them, 
 and sent to master George de Casali, inquisitor at Cremona, 
 by Juhus II. and were afterwards extended to all the inqui- 
 sitors of the congregation of Lombardy, by the letters of Alex- 
 ander VI. 
 
 The principal methods of detecting witches, are the accusa- 
 tions of their companions,, the effects which their incantations 
 
HISTOltY OF THE INaUIglTION. 839 
 
 produce, and the presumptions and conjectures of credible 
 witnesses, as when tlieir companions assert, that they were 
 present at a certain time and place. When distempers and 
 other harms befal men, women, children, cattle, and the fruits 
 of the earth, or when any men or women who are ignorant of 
 the art of physic prevent such evils, or when any one utters a 
 certain threatening against any, and such effects follow, it is to 
 be presumed that such is a witch and dedicated to the devil by 
 a denial of the faith, whereupon the inquisitors may proceed to 
 inflict the torture. 
 
 On such grounds have the Inquisition proceeded against 
 persons charged with witchcraft, and by the extremity of 
 the sufferings they have inflicted, obtained numerous con- 
 fessions of a crime which never had an existence; so that 
 as Liidovicus a Paramo relates, they burnt during 150 
 years 30,000 unhappy persons for this imaginary offence, 
 he adds, " the inquisitors have most severely prosecuted 
 these most outrageous furies, who have thro^vn off all hu- 
 manity, especially in the kingdom of Sicily, where when I 
 myself a few years past, executed the office of inquisitor, 
 many of this kind of apostate witches were discovered and 
 punished. 
 
 And first, before they begin the process, there must be some 
 certainty as to the reality of the crime, whether the offence be 
 of that sort which leaves the proper traces behind it. For it 
 hath been observed, that some judges have ordered certain 
 women to be punished with death, for confessing a crime which 
 had never been committed. Thus Ferrerius, reports, that a 
 woman confessed, tliat in the night she took a certain infant 
 from the breasts of its mother, and carried it into the assembly 
 of the witches, where it was killed by her and her companions. 
 But upon examining the mother of the infant, she declared 
 that no such accident had ever happened to it. Now the 
 reahty of the offence is proved by the judgment of skilful 
 physicians, if they do clearly determine that the disease is not 
 natural, but possibly and probably a witchcraft, and there be 
 legal proofs that the witchcraft is committed by the woman. 
 
340 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 After this the inquisitor may proceed to imprisonment, first 
 takinjT advice of tlie counsellors. After imprisonment he 
 searches her house with a notary, to see what things they can 
 fmd in the coffers and beds, both for the assistance of the person 
 inquisited, as whether there be crowns,' divine services, books 
 of devotion and the like ; and for the assistance also of the 
 fiscal ; as whether there be any images of wax run through 
 with needles, powders, ointments, papers with crosses, books 
 containing witchcrafts, bones under ground, poisons, bones of 
 dead persons, and all extraordinary things found under the 
 threshold, and in the beds. This search must be made by the 
 ministers of the holy office, in the presence of the notary before 
 the inquisitor. None of the family of the person accused of 
 witchcraft must be present. And here they advise that all 
 unusual things found in beds are not to be looked on as a 
 token of witchcraft ; for some such things may naturally hap- 
 pen ; and therefore such things can cause but a very hght 
 suspicion, unless what they find in the said places are in 
 themselves, and, according to the common use of witches, fit to 
 perform magical operations. As for instance, if half of an 
 human skull is found in the bed or on the pillow of the witch, 
 and another half exactly answering to the former, is found in 
 her chest, a very considerable suspicion would from hence 
 arise against such person, as the prudent judge shall deter- 
 mine, and certainly greater than if no such half skull had 
 been found at all. These and other things, too tedious to 
 mention, the inquisitor is commanded to take prudent notice of, 
 least he should proceed against any person as a witch, rashly, 
 and without just cause. 
 
 a Consecrated bread made like a crown, or in a round form. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 341 
 
 CHAP. XXII 
 (y Jews, and such as return to Jewish Rites. 
 
 THE nation of the Jews, after the destruction of the city 
 and temple of Jerusalem, were brought into miserable bondage 
 and captivity, and dispersed throughout the whole world. Im- 
 patient of their miseries, they have, however, often taken up 
 arms, and endeavoured to assert their liberties. But havinsr 
 been subdued by most grievous slaughters, they have at length 
 laid down their fierceness, and are forced to bear the yoke. — 
 The Cathohcs, partly through fear of the rage of the Jews, 
 and partly through an ignorant zeal for Christianity, have en- 
 deavoured either wholly to destroy, by various miseries, this 
 dispersed people, or to tire them out by the grievousness and 
 length of their miseries, and thus to compel them to profess 
 the Christian faith. Upon this account, various edicts have at 
 different times proceeded against the Jews. Some have pro- 
 scribed them in the countries where they have lived, others 
 have deprived them of their liberties, and reduced them to sla- 
 very ; others have stripped tliem of those advantages and pri- 
 vileges which their other subjects have enjoyed, that by these 
 means they might at length be wholly extinguished, or wearied 
 out by the miseries they endured for their Judaism, renounce 
 it, and embrace the Christian religion. Very severe edicts have 
 been made against them, especially in Spain, where a very 
 large number of them dwelt, and were thought to endanger 
 the safety of the kingdom. 
 
 In the sixth council of Toledo, this decree was published 
 against the Jews.* " We the holy council, with the consent 
 of the most Christian prince, and his nobles, and most illus- 
 trious persons, publish this sentence, pleasing to God, that 
 whosoever shall enjoy the kingdom for time to come, shall not 
 ascend the royal throne, before he hath promised upon the holy 
 sacraments, that he will suffer no persons but Cathohcs to 
 
 a Simanc. tit. 35. sect. 9. 
 Z 4 
 
34^ HISTORY OF THE l^^QUISITION. 
 
 dwell in his kingdom. And if any one, after his accession to 
 the kingdom, shall rashly violate this promise, let him be Ana- 
 thema Marantha before the eternal God, and become fuel for 
 the everlasting fire, and also all such who agree with him.""* 
 Baroiiius, under the year 638, says, this was principally decreed 
 out of hatred to the Jews, and bestows great praises on it, 
 and from hence concludes, " It is not without reason that the 
 kings of Spain have had the title of Catholic bestowed on them, 
 being worthy of so high a title, because they not only swear 
 that they will be Cathohcs themselves, but that they will not 
 suffer any one that is not a Catholic to dwell in their large do- 
 minions."" But notwithstanding this decree, a great many Jews 
 remained in Spain, and soon encreased to such a number, that 
 they began to appear formidable to the kings, and they were 
 accused, whether right or wrong, of a design to raise a rebel- 
 lion. Upon which account another edict was made against 
 them in the seventeenth council of Toledo.'' " Since the per- 
 fidiousness of the Jews hath not only defiled the coat of sa- 
 cred Christian baptism which they have received, but also at- 
 tempted to conspire against the king and kingdom, let them be 
 deprived of all their effects, and those perfidious wretches 
 themselves, their wives and children, and the rest of their pos- 
 terity, throughout all the provinces of Spain, be subject to 
 perpetual slavery, and remain every w here dispersed ; and let 
 such who have made slaves of them, by no means permit them 
 to celebrate their ceremonies," Yet still the posterity of the 
 Jews greatly multiplied in Spain. 
 
 In the mean while the Romanists contend, that the Jews 
 ought not to be compelled by force to embrace the Christian 
 religion against their wiU, because religion ought to be volun- 
 tary, yea, sometimes they have been protected by the papal au- 
 thority, against the injuries of some intemperately zealous Ca- 
 tholics. 
 
 Thus pope Innocent 111.*= published a constitution for not 
 oppressing the Jews. The papists also farther contend, that 
 
 a Can. 3. b Can. 8. 
 
 I <: Bzoviiis, A. 1200. sect. 18. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 343 
 
 although they obhge the Jews in Spain and Portugal, to de- 
 part thence, unless they embrace the Christian religion, yet they 
 do by no means force them to become Christians ; and there- 
 fore Osorius and Mariana blame king Emanuel, who kept the 
 younger children of the Jews against their parent's will, and 
 compelled the Jews by a severe bondage to receive baptism ; 
 and they say that this action is neither agreeable to law or reli- 
 gion. Can any one believe that these people speak seriously, 
 who by so many methods cruelly distress the Jews, that they 
 may force them, thus broken by mieries, of which they see no 
 end, to embrace the Christian religion ? * For it is owing to this 
 that so many amongst the new converts are found to be Jews 
 in their hearts. Hence it is, that they themselves always sus- 
 
 "" During the reigns of kings D. Eoiannel, and D. John II. the Jews were 
 forced, by the intrigues of the priests, to be baptized, in order lo avoid the 
 great persecutions then instituted against them; but afterwards the same 
 priests took occasion, from their baptism, to confer a title of infamy on the 
 Jew5, by calling them, in a way of contempt, New Christians-, and what is 
 still worse, considering the same thing in the light of a crime, for the least 
 act, or suspicion of an act, against religion, was fully sufficient to subject 
 such unhappy person to imprisonment in the inquisition; and it was at the 
 same time alleged against him, that he was a new Christian. He was then 
 told in the tribunal, that it was his duty to confess every. thing comprised in 
 the information agaiast him, if he wanted to save his life, without informing 
 him what the crimes were of which he was accused ; consequently the poor 
 wretch accused himself of every thing that his imagination could conceive, 
 to make his evidence credible, without caring what crimes he heaped toge- 
 ther on his own head, imder the impression, that if he were to deny the jus- 
 tice of the information against him, and refuse to reply to the accusation, he 
 should be burnt alive as negative, but by becoming his own accuser, he 
 might have his life spared. Such a prisoner was of course tried and con- 
 demned on his own accusation, and in his sentence at the Auto da fe, de- 
 clared guilty of the crime of Judaism, and adjudged to penunce, and the 
 confiscation of all his property, for the use of the holy office. This practice 
 continued from the establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal, to the reign 
 of king D. Joseph. 
 
 The power of the Inquisition was, however, considerably abridged during 
 the ministry of the Marquis Ponihal, who meditated its total destrustion, 
 when the Jew's law was enacted, forbidding the disgrace of the title new 
 Christians, as applied to baptized Jews or their descendants. Notwithstand- 
 ing the justice of which, one of the goalers of the Inquisition dared to intf- 
 mate to me, that this irreligious law was procured by the Jews by an immense 
 bribe. Vide Da Costa's Narr. v. i. 155. 
 
344 HISTOKY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 pect the new Christians, viz. such who are converted from the 
 Jews and Saracens, and desire that their posterity may be al- 
 ways separated from the posterity of the old Christians. 
 
 Sometimes, also, they have openly persecuted the Jews, and 
 compelled them to become Christians. Sethus Calvisius relates 
 from Cedrenus, under the year 722, that Leo the emperor 
 forced the Jews to embrace Christianity ; but that they after- 
 wards either renounced their baptism, or shut themselves up in 
 their houses, and burnt themselves with all tlieir families. 
 
 The Inquisition, say they, was not introduced to compel the 
 Jews to the Christian religion; because, as they are not bap- 
 tized, and have not professed the faith of Christ, they cannot 
 be said to be heretics or apostates, and therefore are not subject 
 to the jurisdiction of the inquisitors. For the church doth not 
 judge of those that are without, and the jurisdiction of the 
 inquisitors is only granted them against heretical pravity and 
 apostacy. The Inquisition, indeed, in Sp.i')i, is introduced 
 against those, who, being converted from the Jews or Maho- 
 metans, to the Christian religion, return again to Judaism or 
 Mahometanism, and give such marks of their apostacy as are 
 capable to convict them. Such a one, as well as a Christian, 
 that goes over to the Jewish rites, may be punished by the 
 inquisitors as any other heretic or apostate. And in order to 
 prove this crime, they admit the testimony of Jews ; and when 
 it is legally proved, they are by the royal laws of Spain deli- 
 vered over, as relapsed and impenitent, to the fire. 
 
 Pope John XXII. also, as Bzovius relates under the year 
 1319,* by a letter. No. 190, renewed the constitutions of Cle- 
 ment IV. and other his predecessors, and by severer laws in- 
 creased the power given to the inquisitors against them ; com- 
 manding that they should gather together and burn all the 
 books of the Talmud, and punish those who were convicted of 
 execrable blasphemies. In the month of December following,^ 
 by the command of Friar Bernard Guido, inquisitor of hereti- 
 cal pravity, the books of the Jews called the Talmud, were, 
 as many of them as could be found in the possession of the 
 
 a Sect. 9. b Tholos. Inquisit. fol. 136. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. S45 
 
 Jews, burnt at Tholouse, after it had been declared by sworn 
 examiners, skilfid in the Hebrew tongue, that they contained 
 errors and blasphemies against the Lord Jesus Christ, and his 
 most holy muther, the Virgin Mary. 
 
 In the kingdom of Valencia,* the inquisitors may proceed 
 against the Jews or Saracens, or other unbaptized infidels, 
 dogmatizing amongst Christians, especially against the Alfa- 
 quins, or those who Iiinde:- the office of the Inquisition, or cir- 
 cumcise boys, or are receivers of heretics, or who compel any 
 one to deny the faith, or persuade them to use their rites or 
 public ceremonies. But yet others think that a Jew, who says 
 to a Christian, " La fede vostra e fede di Cazzi,''^ i. e. Your 
 faith is the faith of a — — — — ., or who throws dirt upon the 
 cross which is carried in the litanies, ought not to be punished 
 by the inquisitors, but by the secular judge. 
 
 Andj finally, Gregory XIII. A. D. L'>81,^ pubhshed a con- 
 stitution, beginning, Antigua Judceorum improbitas, by which 
 he gi-anted power to the inquisitors of heretical pravity, freely 
 to proceed against the Jews in the following cases : " If they 
 deny matters of faith common to them and Christians. If they 
 invoke devils, or sacrifice to them. If they teach any Christian 
 these things, or bring them to them. If they speak heretical 
 blasphemies. If they pervert a Christian from the faith. If 
 they hinder infidels from coming over to the faith of Christ. If 
 they knowingly receive an heretic, or give him assistance. If 
 they keep heretical books, or talmudical, or any other Jewish 
 books any ways condemned. If they deride the salutary host, 
 or the cross, or the like things, or Christians. If they keep 
 Christian nurses, or shall compel them from the day in which 
 they received the sacrament of the Eucharist, to throw their 
 milk into thejakes.'"* 
 
 But especially in the kingdom of Spain and Portugal, the 
 Inquisition is introduced to detect and punish those who, being 
 Jews, have embraced the Christian religion, and witnessed their 
 profession by the solemn receiving of baptism, and have after- 
 wards turned again to Judaism. 
 
 » Royas, p. i. sect. 552. •» Cazri is ao obscene word, 
 
 c Camp. Bui. par. 2. p. 178. 
 
346 HISTORY OF THE INGIUISITION. 
 
 There are several signs by which it may be collected/ that a 
 person is revolted to Judaism. Anciently, the converted Jews 
 themselves allowed, that it might be known by certain marks, 
 which of them were not sincerely converted to Christ, but 
 cherished Judaism in their heart in a certain ordinance, made 
 in the name of the king of Spain, about the year 653.^ In 
 which they promise entire devotion to the Catholic faith, and 
 vow entire separation from their own nation, declaring for them- 
 selves and their posterity, that they will neither marry with 
 the Jews, nor observe any of their customs, as of circumcision, 
 and particular foods, as swine's flesh, &c. concluding thus : — 
 " We swear by the same Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, who is 
 one in trinity, and the true God, that whosoever of us shall be 
 found a transgressor of all or any of these things, he shall pe- 
 rish with new flames or stones." 
 
 But Pegna is of opinion, that a more certain suspicion of 
 secret Judaism arises from other observed rites of the Jews, 
 viz. from too intimate conversing with them, by frequenting 
 the places in which they dwell, and especially the synagogues, 
 by the observation of the sabbaths, and many other things, 
 than from their abstinence from swine's flesh, which may be 
 either unpleasant to the taste, or nauseous to the stomach. 
 This consideration particularly affects the nev^ converts, who, 
 through custom, cannot be supposed easily to relish swine's 
 flesh, or other meats forbidden them before their conversion. 
 But this doth not hold as to their children and grandchildren, 
 and other descendants, who cannot be supposed to abstain from 
 these things for any other reason, but their reverence and ap- 
 probation of this accursed sect, because the reason of custom 
 cannot be pleaded in their behalf, though it may as to those 
 who are themselves converted. 
 
 Amongst other signs of secret Judaism, the name that a per- 
 son takes is accounted one. For they say it is customary amongst 
 the Hebrews, frequently to give the same name to those who 
 come over or return to their sect, which they had before they 
 
 ^ Pegna, com. 25. in 3. part. Eymer. 
 *^ Leg. del fuero Jurgo. lib. 12. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION S47 
 
 were baptized. If therefore any person, after baptism, in 
 which he put off his old J.ewish name, and took the name of 
 some saint, according to the custom of Christians, shall take 
 it aga:.n, or some other name familiar and usual amongst the 
 Jews, it will be a presumption that he approves Judoism. 
 
 In how many, and in what cases, the Jews and other infidels 
 are subject to the power of the inquisitors, Gregory XIII. 
 hath largely declared, A. D. 1581, by a rescript, beginning, 
 " Antiqua Judaeorum.'"' 
 
 As to the punishments of such offending Jews,* their crimes 
 are distinguished into three sorts. Some of them are common 
 to them and Christians. Others are against the Christian or 
 rather Popish faith. And, lastly, others against their own 
 faith, which are not to be treated of here. 
 
 As to crimes of the first sort, respecting them as well as 
 Christians, such are declared heretics who deny God to be Al- 
 mighty. If they confess that they said and believe this, they 
 are compelled to abjure as for formal heresy. If they confess 
 they said it, but deny that they believed it, they must be tor- 
 tured as to their intention, and be made to abjure as well as 
 Christians, according to the degree of the suspicion, whether 
 hght or vehement. 
 
 As to crimes of the second sort, they are tortured only to get 
 out the truth, and discover their accomphces. For in these 
 things they are not truly heretics ; but because they grievously 
 offend against the Christian or Popish faith, they are usually 
 punished in a very severe manner, and in this case they are not 
 compelled to abjure, because the church doth not compel them 
 to the faith. 
 
 The punishments which the inquisitors inflict upon the Jews** 
 who offend in the aforesaid cases, are various, and lighter or 
 
 a Carena, p. 2. t. 14. sect. 18. 
 « A Portuguese Jew, whose father had been burnt alive for Judaism, fled 
 into Holland. This man had not yet been instructed in the law of Moses, 
 and behaved in every respect like a good Catholic, till this dreadful execu- 
 tion, when he saw his talher expire in the rtames with all the constancy of 
 one of the ancient martyrs ; whirh made so deep an impression on him, that 
 
S48 HISTORY OF THE INaiHSITION. 
 
 heavier, according to the nature or degree of the crimes, viz. 
 privation of all conversation with Christians, fines, perpetual 
 imprisonment, whipping, and also to be deUvered over into the 
 power of the secular arm. 
 
 he instantly conceived such an aversion to the principles of Christianity, ai 
 to renounce it, giving this reason, that a religion which authorired such bar- 
 barities, conld not possibly be good. Iiettcrs on the Inq. Sec. 42. 
 
 END OF BOOK III. 
 
 %%^%%%«^'W'W 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 iJi^tti^ittDn 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 »)F THE MANNER OF PROCEEDING BEFORE THE TRIBUNAL OE 
 THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Ho:c the Inquisitor begins his Office. 
 
 JLT now remains that we give an account of what relates to 
 the execution of the inquisitorial office. This wiU. be a more 
 difficult task, because, although the inquisitors are bound to 
 certain laws, yet many things are left to their pleasure. Be- 
 sides, the very application of the laws to particular cases, which 
 come before the inquisitors, and also, tlie metliod of proceeding 
 and cb-awing a confession from the prisoners, depends very 
 much on their will. Hence it comes to pass, that although all 
 the inquisitors are directed by certain general laws, so that one 
 and the same general method of proceeding is observed by all, yet, 
 as to many circumstances, the method is very various and differ- 
 ent, which besides cannot be so fully explained, because the in- 
 quisitors leai'n many things rather by use and practice, than by 
 instruction and precepts; especially, considering that they 
 oblige all persons by oath, whom they dismiss from the prison 
 of the Inquisition, to silence ; that the secrets of the Inquisi- 
 tion, as though they were the mysteries of Ceres, may not by 
 any means be revealed. 
 
S50 HISTOllY OF THE INatJISITION. 
 
 When the inquisitor is first constituted by the pope,* he must 
 present hiniscif to the king, or temporal lord of those territo- 
 ries, in which 'the inquisitor is deputed by the apostolic see^ 
 and exhibit his apostohc commission. Then he must demand 
 his protection for himself,'' his colleague, notary, servants, and 
 their effects, and his orders to his officials to obey the inquisitor 
 in apprehending heretics, their believers, receivers, defenders, 
 favourers, and such as are defamed for heresy ; and that they 
 do all and singular matters that belong to their office, in making 
 execution against the aforesaid, to extirpate heretical pravity, 
 and to extol the Catholic faith, whensoever, and as often as 
 they are required by the inquisitor, or in his name. 
 
 When he liath obtained these letters, he must likewise exhi- 
 bit his apostolic commission to the archbishop and metropolitan 
 of the province to which he is deputed; as also to all the 
 bishops and their vicars, to whose diocesses he is sent.*= After 
 this he must shew the letters which he hath obtained from the 
 king or temporal lord of the place, to his officials, and require 
 of them, according to the law of the emperor Frederick, that 
 at the desire of the inquisitor, or other Catholic men, they will 
 apprehend heretics, and when taken, strictly keep them, till 
 being condemned by the ecclesiastical censure, they perish with 
 an accursed death.'' Finally, he takes an oath from these offi- 
 cials, for their defending the church against heretical pravity, 
 and that they will obey the inquisitor with all their might, for 
 which end he summons them before him by letters.^ If they 
 appear, he proposes the form of the oath to them/ If they 
 consent to take it, they must do it publicly in the church, or 
 in some other place appointed for that purpose, upon their 
 bended knees, and their hands upon the book of the gospels. ^ 
 If the officials desire timt to consider, and refuse, after the ex- 
 piration of it, to take the oath, the inquisitor, a few days after, 
 must cite them before liim, and demand of them to take the 
 oath, under the penalty of excommunication. If the}^ appear 
 within the fixed term, and consent to swear, the same form of 
 the oath is shewn them. If they do not appeal*, after the said 
 
 a Direct. Inq. p. 3. n. 1. b Ibid. n. 2. c Ibid. n. 4. 
 
 ^ Ibid. n. 5. = Ibid. n. G. f Ibid. n. 8. g Ibid. «. 10. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. S51 
 
 time is elapsed, they are declared excommunicate, and the ex- 
 communication is ordered to be published in the cathedral 
 church. After the denouncing the excommunication, they are 
 absolved from the sentence of it if they will take the oath, and 
 enjoined some hard arbitrary wholesome penance, as shall be 
 most conducive to the honour of the faith. When their absolu- 
 tion is given, they are denounced free from excommunication. 
 However, they cannot be absolved, unless they first take this 
 oath, at the command of the inquisitor : — " I swear that 1 will 
 obey the commands of the church." Or thus : " I swear that 
 I will stand to and obey thy commands." 
 
 But if they abide under this sentence of excommunication 
 two or three months, the processes are aggravated, and they 
 are commanded to be denounced publicly excommunicated in 
 the aforesaid churches, with lighted candles thrown on the 
 ground, or put in water, and the bells rung once or oftener in 
 a week or day. If, without being terrified by this excommuni- 
 cation, they refuse to take the oath, they are not only excom- 
 municated, but all who have any manner of converse with them, 
 who eat, drink, or talk with them. If, nevertheless, they per- 
 severe in their contumacy, their lands are put under an eccle- 
 siastical interdict.^ If, after this, they will not take the oath, 
 they are deprived of the honour and ofHce of government, as 
 infamous favourers of heretics, and suspected of the faith, and 
 are condemned to be never hereafter admitted to any public 
 office or dignity ;'» and whatsoever they do after this is null, 
 according to the chap. Ad abolendam^" and chap. Ut qfficium^ 
 And this sentence is commanded to be published by those who 
 have the cure of souls in the cathedral and other churches. 
 If the city or place acquiesces in the sentence, and deprives 
 such persons of their offices, others are chosen in their room, 
 who, before they are admitted to the discharge of their office, 
 are bound to take the oath which the others have refused. 
 But if the city doth not submit to the sentence, but supports 
 their officials, though deprived of their offices by the inquisitor, 
 
 a Direct. Tnq. part 3. n. 27. ^ Tbid. n. 33. 
 
 c Sect. Statiiimus. extrav. de haeret. " Sect. Statnimns. lib. G. 
 
352 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 he may cut it off from all communication with other cities, and 
 deprive it of the episcopal dignity. But they thmk it better 
 to acquaint the pope with the contumacy of such a city, that 
 he may order in what manner to proceed against it. 
 
 At this day the inquisitors in Spain,^ when they enter upon 
 a province or city, where they never were before, must in 
 the first place shew their letters of delegation, by which they 
 are created inquisitors, to the chapter of the greater church, 
 and consistory of the city, that it may appear that they ai'e 
 judges of the causes of heresy.^ And such who have offended 
 as recited must be proscribed by the inquisitors, and apprehend- 
 ed and punished by the royal hand.*^ 
 
 But if the officials, terrified by the more grievous denuncia- 
 tion of the inquisitor, take the oath, they are freed from their 
 excommunication, but receive an heavy penance, which is al- 
 ways increased, according as their contumacy is longer or mere 
 aggravated. In their first penance they are enjoined to stand 
 in the gate of the church, or on the steps before the altar, on 
 several Sundays, or holy-days, whilst the greater mass is saying, 
 and there is a large concourse of people, without hat or shoes, 
 and to hold in their hands a wax taper, of a certain weight, and 
 to offer it to the priest when the mass is ended. Or they must 
 do this always, or at some certain time, when it happens that 
 the inquisitor makes a general sermon for the faith. Other 
 milder punishments may be also thought of; for instance, some 
 larger almsgiving, the building some holy place, and the hke.** 
 But if they persist longer in their contumacy, there is some- 
 what added by way of penance, which directly turns to the 
 honour of the Christian faith. 
 
 During these transactions,* whether the oath be taken or not, 
 the inquisitor may and must appoint, in every bishopric, one 
 commissary of fopty years old, a religious or secular clergyman, 
 a wise and prudent person, famous for knowledge and good 
 manners, and zealous for the holy faith, with a power of re- 
 ft Simanc. tit. 44. sect. 1. b i Instruct. Hispal. cap. 1. 
 c Pegna, in Diiect. p. 432. n. 16. * Ibid. n. 24. 
 * Ibid. n. 37. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 353 
 
 ceiving denunciations, and informations or accusations, from or 
 against any persons whatsoever, and of proceeding and doing 
 other things, which the inquisitor himself, if present, could do. 
 
 V^-v^'W-v^'W*^ 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the Promulgation of the Edict of Faith. 
 
 THE commissaries thus appointed or not," the inquisitor 
 appoints a general sermon, according to the prescript of the 
 council of Biterre.^ " And then, caUing together the clergy 
 and people, and propounding to them the word of God, declare 
 the command that is given you, and the cause of your coming, 
 reading the letters, by authority of which you are to proceed, 
 even as you know you ought to do." And that there may be 
 no hindrance to the offices of the church, he must not appoint 
 this sermon on a solemn festival, but on the common Sunday, 
 excepting Lent, or the Advent ; and must take care that the 
 rectors of the churches have these letters of indiction on Sun- 
 day, that the Sunday after they may appoint the general ser- 
 mon to be the Sunday following.*^ And that the solemnity of 
 that day may be the greater, all other sermons on it must be 
 suspended ; and it must be notified to all the heads of religious 
 houses, and indulgencies of forty days promised to all who 
 come to the sermon. When the Sunday before that on which 
 the general sermon is to be made, comes, the inquisitor must 
 admonish the heads of rehgious houses, that two or four of 
 each order be present at the said sermon. 
 
 On the Sunday appointed,** the inquisitor makes the general 
 sermon to the people, in which he speaks concerning the faith, 
 commends it, and exhorts the people to the defence of it, and 
 the extirpation of heretical pravity. When the sermon is 
 ended, he admonishes the people, that it is their duty to disco- 
 
 a Pegna, in direct, n. 47. " Cap. 1. 
 
 ^ Pegna, in direct. «.50. ^* I»>i*^' "• 5*- 
 
354 HISTOEY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 ver it to the inquisitor, if they have known any person that 
 hath spoken or done any thing against the faith, or who holds 
 ajiy error. After this admonition he commands monitory let- 
 ters to be read from the pulpit by his notary, or some other cler- 
 gyman,^ by which all persons, of whatsoever condition or state, 
 clergy or laity, are commanded, under pain of excommunica- 
 tion, to discover to the inquisitor, Avithin six or twelve days next 
 following, any heretic, or person suspected of heresy, that they 
 know. These monitory letters are called an edict of the faith, 
 and usually read out of the pulpit. 
 
 In many places, but especially in Spain,'' it is the custom, 
 that when the sermon of the Catholic faith is ended, all pro- 
 mise upon oath, before the crucifix and gospels, that they will 
 give favour, help, and counsel, to the holy inquisition, and the 
 ministers of it ; and that they will by no means, directly or in- 
 directly, hinder them. This oath the magistrates of cities must 
 particularly take, which must be registered amongst the acts by 
 the notaries of the Inquisition.*^ This oath the inquisitor may 
 force them to take, and mil do it when he thinks fit. In all 
 other cases he must follow the received custom of the city 
 where he is, to prevent innoxations, and that there may be no 
 hindrance in this cause. 
 
 After the sentence of excommunication is read/ the inquisitor 
 explains it more distinctly, and reduces it to several heads.— 
 Then he pubHshes an indulgence of forty days to all who come 
 to his sermon, and promises, in the name of the pope, indul- 
 gences for three years, to aU who give him counsel or favour 
 in his office of reducing heretics. He also adds three other 
 years of indulgences to those who discover to him any heretic, 
 or person defamed for heresy, or suspected, or who in any 
 other case bear true witness before him in a cause of faith, ac- 
 cording to the privilege of Urban IV. 
 
 Finally, he assigns a time of grace to all heretics,* and their 
 favourers, and persons suspected of heresy, viz. the entire 
 
 a Pegua, in direct, n .52, 53. 
 b Pegna 3, part. com. 12. Simanc. tit. 44, sect. 2. 
 c 1 lustruct. Hispal. cap. 1, 2. 
 * Direct, p. 3. n. 54, 55 « Ibid. n. 56. 
 
HISTORY OF THE I>3QUISITI0N. S55 
 
 month folio win fr, and promises, that if within that space they 
 come to him freely, or not admonished, by name, and do not 
 wait till they are denounced, accused, or apprehended, and 
 voluntarily discover their guilt, and ask pardon, they shall ob- 
 tain large pardon and mercy, viz. freedom from death, impri- 
 sonment, banishment, and confiscation of effects, according to 
 the determination of the council of Biterre.'' " Farther, do 
 you command that all, who know themselves or others to have 
 offended in the crime of heretical pravity, do appear before 
 you, to speak the truth, assigning them a competent term, 
 which you usually call the time of grace, who ot^ierwise would 
 not have had such grace shewn them., And such who appear 
 mthin this term, and are penitent, and speak the whole truth 
 of themselves and others, let them be free from the punish- 
 ment of death, imprisonment, banishment, and confiscation of 
 effects." However, this power of granting pardon is allowed 
 the inquisitors only when they are sent to a city or diocese,** 
 in which the Inquisition is first erected,^ but not when upon 
 the death or removal of an inquisitor, another is put into his 
 place. In Spain also the letters patent of such grace must be 
 inserted in the edict. 
 
 CHAP III. 
 
 Of the Obligation to denounce every Heretic to the In- 
 quisitors. 
 
 THE pubhcation of the edict of faith is repeated every 
 year, and all are obliged under penalty of exconmiunication, 
 to be present at the publishing of it, and at the general 
 sermon concerning the faith, unless they are prevented by 
 sickness, age, or any other hindrance, and can make a legal 
 excuse. 
 
 • Cap. 2. h Pe{»na, com. 12. 
 
 <= Instruct. Hispal. A. D. 14«4, cap 1, 2, 8. 
 
356 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 The oath which all persons, not only private, but magis- 
 trates, are compelled by the inquisitors to take, obliges them 
 not to obstruct the office of the Inquisition, either directly or 
 indirectly. Such are believed to obstruct it indirectly, who do 
 not reveal the trutii they know, i. e. do not accuse to the inqui- 
 sitor every one they know to be an heretic, or suspected of 
 heresy. So that in Spain they are doubly obliged to accuse to 
 the inquisitor every heretic, first under penalty of excommuni- 
 cation, which they incur if they are wanting in theu* duty ; and 
 secondly, by their own oath. 
 
 In order therefore to excite all persons to turn accusers, the 
 popish doctors lay the greatest stress they can upon this 
 obhgation to accuse. Camillus Campegius,* after laying toge- 
 ther the testimonies of several doctors, teaches, that every one 
 is obliged to accuse and testify, and that according to Cajetan, 
 he is bound to it as necessary to salvation ; if there be no other 
 way of preventing the general danger but by this method, and 
 then concludes in these words : " these things ought so to excite 
 every faithful and Catholic person, as to engage them willingly 
 to accuse or denounce and bear witness, for the common good 
 of the Christian religion, without the admonition, citation or 
 punishment of the judge. Though this ought to be observed 
 in all cases, yet it ought to be done with greater ardency in the 
 affair of the Christian faith, since hereby we not only avoid the 
 most severe punishments, but secure incomparable rewards, 
 through the bounty of the supreme God, and the favour of his 
 holy church. 
 
 Nor is there any regard to kindred in this affair. For the 
 brother is bound under the same penalty to accuse his brother, 
 yea, the wife her husband, and the husband his wife, if guilty^ 
 or suspected of heresy. Pegna ^ however thinks, that the wife 
 is to be excused, if she doth not accuse her husband for eating 
 flesh on prohibited days ; if the husband be a violent man, and 
 she is afraid of ill usage from him. In all other cases he thinks 
 the wife is obhged to accuse her husband. 
 
 « In Zanchin. a. 13. d. ^ Direct, p. 2. com. 78. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 857 
 
 Ludovicus a Paramo tells us,' that Lewis de Carvajal, 
 although governor and captain general of the province of 
 Tampico and Pamico, was forced to walk out in pubhc pe- 
 nance, because he did not denounce four women, who were 
 secretly Jews, and to whom he was uncle ; and that though a 
 little before he had the honourable title of pi-esident, he was 
 forced to hear his ignominious sentence publicly, was for ever 
 deprived of all offices under the king, reduced to the lowest 
 misery, and through grief and weariness of his life, soon went 
 the Avay of all flesh. 
 
 It is disputed amongst the popish doctors,^ whether a son be 
 obliged to accuse his father, who is a secret heretic, or at least 
 to discover him to the judges. The general opinion is, that he 
 is obliged to it. But others think differently, because there is 
 no law, natural, divine, or human, that lays such a burthen on 
 the shoulders of children. And yet even such who are of this 
 opinion, confess the son may do it, especially if the father be 
 incorrigible. Yea, think such a son ought to be commended 
 who conquers his natural love, and overcomes this most strong 
 affection, from an ardent love to divine rehgion. He must 
 however try every method before he accuses his father to the 
 judge. But yet they teach, that there an two cases in which 
 the son is obliged to betray his heretical father to the judges. 
 The first, when the son is legally interrogated by the apostolic 
 inquisitors ; the second, when the father's heresy is dangerous 
 to the common-wealth. 
 
 And from this obligation to accuse,*^ no one is freed, of 
 whatsoever order and dignity they may be. For the edict of 
 faith obliges all. So that they will have neither princes nor 
 kings themselves exempted. Ludovicus a Paramo proves this 
 by a famous instance. Joan tl^e daughter of the emperor 
 Charles V, was cited by the inquisitors tg be interrogated be- 
 fore them, against a certain person concerning some things 
 relating to the faith. She consulted her father, who advised 
 
 «» L. 2. t. 2. c. 21. n. 16. 
 b Simauc. de Cathol. Instit. tit. 29, sect. 35, &c. 
 c Ibid. Lib. 3. qu, 5. n. 40. 
 A a 3 
 
S58 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOX. 
 
 her to make her deposition without any delay, least she should 
 incur excommunication, not only against others, but even 
 against himself, if she knew him to be blameable in the least 
 manner. Joan obeyed this command of her father, and imme- 
 diately deposed before Ferdinand Valdez, arch bishop of Seville, 
 at that time bishop and inquisitor general. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of sy^ch who voluntarily appear, and the Grace shewn them, 
 
 " IT is the present custom in Spain^ for one of the inqui- 
 sitors in these acts, to visit the province, and to propose general 
 edicts wherever he goes, by which he commands under penalty 
 of excommunication, that whosoever knows of any thing done 
 or said against the Catholic faith and evangehc law, he must 
 immediately discover it to the inquisitor. Whatever is report- 
 ed, must be secretly [written down by the notary of the inquisitors. 
 The other of the inquisitors remains in the city in which their 
 residence is fixed, and must preside, in ordering the acts of 
 causes. But if there be no occasion for his residence there, that 
 he may not sit idle, he must visit in the same manner the other 
 part of the province.^ 
 
 " This visitation and general Inquisition the inquisitors 
 must make,^ each in his turn, through all the cities and corpo- 
 rations of their province ; and if they are negligent in this 
 affair, they must be deprived of their office. In this visitation 
 the inquisitors may compel all those whom they judge proper, 
 to swear and bear witness,*^ and must take particular care not to 
 be entertained by those who are related and akin to Heretics, 
 Jews, and Mahometans, which must also be observed by their 
 ministers. Nor must they receive any gratuity from the persons 
 where they lodge, because they are to be content with their sa^ 
 
 « Simanc. tit. 44, sect. 4. b 5 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 2. 
 
 c Simane. tit. 44, sect. 5. d ibid. sect. G. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 359 
 
 laries, and because sometimes an intimate fricntlsliip is contract- 
 ed by this means." ^ 
 
 Whilst one of tliem is visiting the province,^ the other 
 inquisitors stays at home, that all \A\o come voluntarily may 
 have access to him. If tlu^y come within the appointed teiTn, 
 and accuse themselves, he treats them more gently. He must 
 not however admit them after the maiijier of sacramental 
 confession, but after the manner of confession in a judicial 
 court ; so that they must declare their crime before the inquisi- 
 tor, and the notary take down their confession. 
 
 However, such as come voluntarily, are far from escaping all 
 punishments, but are either treated kindly at the pleasure of 
 the inquisitor, according to the quality of their persons and 
 crimes, or else condemned to pay a fine, or give alms, or some 
 such works of charity. But if they wait till they are accused, 
 denounced, cited or apprehended, or suffer the time of grace to 
 slip over, they are pronounced unworthy of it. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the three Methods of beginning the Process before the TrU 
 bunal of the Inquisition. 
 
 IF any appear within the term assigned to discover heretics, 
 &c.* to reveal to the inquisitor certain matters relating to the 
 faith, such denunciations'^ must be received judicially. If so 
 great a number appear, that the denunciation of all cannot be 
 taken judicially, the inquisitor must provide himself with a 
 distinct book in every diocese, to write down in it all the denun- 
 ciations brought to him, the names of the denouncers and 
 
 » 8 Instruct. Tolet c. 19. b Direct, part. 3, sect. 58. 
 
 c Direct, p. 3. ii, 68. 
 «• There is this difference between a denunciation and an accusation. A 
 denunciation doth not not disable the person that makes it to be a witness, as 
 an accusation doth. 
 
 A a 4 
 
360 HISTORY OF THE INaUlSlTION. 
 
 witnesses, and the town and place where they dwell ; whicn 
 book he keeps privately to himself, that the names of the 
 denouncers may not be discovered, and they thereby come into 
 any danger. 
 
 When the time of grace is elapsed,^ the inquisitor must 
 carefully (?xamine the informations, viz. which have the greater 
 appearance of truth, and Avhich crimes are more heinous and 
 prejudical to the faith. Where this appears he begins to make 
 Inquisition, by citing the informer, giving him his oath, and 
 taking the best information from him that he can. If he finds 
 no appearance of truth, he over-rules it, but however must not 
 cancel the information out of his book, because what may not 
 be discovered at one time, may at another. If he finds an 
 appearance of truth, he makes farther inquisition. 
 
 Now there are three ways of proceeding and beginning the 
 process.'* First, by accusation, which must be preceded by 
 inscription.*^ Secondly, by denunciation^ which must be pre- 
 ceded by a charitative admonition. (But it is now the custom 
 in Spain, that heretics, although concealed, must be immedi- 
 ately discovered to the judges, without any brotherly correction. 
 So that those who, under pretence of brotherly correction, do 
 not discover secret heretics to the inquisitors, and those who 
 advise them not to do it, are punished as concealers of here- 
 tics, Tand as hinderers of the office of the holy Inquisition.) 
 Thirdly, by Inquisition, which must be preceded by notorious 
 suspicion." This Inquisition is either general or special. The 
 general is whensoever the inquisitors visit their province, or 
 when being newly created, they go to the provinces decreed to 
 them, and begin to exercise their inquisitory oflice. For then 
 they publish general edicts, to enquire out secret and uncertain 
 heretics, for the exercise of which there is no need of preceding 
 infamy. But the inquisitors are obhged, ex officio^ thus to act 
 at certain stated times. 
 
 ' Direct, p. 3. n. 65. b Simanc. t. 19, sect. 16. 
 
 « Inscription is a certain instrnment, by which the accuser, if he fails in 
 his proof, binds himself to undergo the same punishment, which the accused 
 person must, if the crime he is accused of be fully proved, 
 d Pegna in Direct, p. 3. Com. 16. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 861 
 
 A special Inquisition is a certain right of proceeding by office 
 to condcmnatian and punishment, against certain persons inqui- 
 sited by name, defamed for particular crimes, to which the 
 judge cannot proceed without preceding infamy, whicli supplies 
 the place of an accuser. However, in the crime of heresy, the 
 inquisitor may act upon signs and probable suspicions, where 
 there is no precetUng infamy, and even where he is not sure 
 of the body of the offence, because heresy is a crime that leaves 
 no traces after it. But in this case he must proceed cautiously, 
 and very privately, that no person's reputation and honour 
 mav be injured. 
 
 But of these three methods of proceeding,* the first, by way 
 of accusation, is not used ; the second, by formation, although 
 common and usual, yet seems rather to be the beginning than 
 the completion of the wiiole process ; because upon information 
 given against those who are guilty of high treason against the 
 divine majesty, to the judges of the faith, they begin to inquire 
 and to proceed, and in this whole affair the Inquisition claims to 
 itself what is otherwise done chiefly by witnesses. And there- 
 fore the judges are called inquisitors, and the tribunal and 
 ministers are said to be of the office of the most holy Inquisi- 
 tion, from this third method of proceeduig by Inquisition. 
 
 V^'VW^W*^'*/* 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 How the Process begins by way o/* Inquisition. 
 
 WHEN the process is made by Inquisition, he who goes to 
 the inquisitor says, that he doth not appear as an accuser or 
 denouncer, but only relates to him that there is such a report, 
 and that it hatli frequently come to the ears of the inquisitor 
 from grave and reputable persons, that such a one hath done 
 or said some things against the faith, and the pubhc report 
 
 » Pegua in Diitct. p. 3. Com. 10. sect. 3. n. 6. 
 
S62 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 plainly discovers the common insinuation. And by this tneans 
 the process is carried on. 
 
 Then the inquisitor causes certain witnesses to be cited,^ 
 especially gi-ave and reputable persons, and in the presence of 
 a notary, and two religious, or otherwise reputable persons, 
 inquires of them only concerning the report. Whether it is 
 the common report of such a one, that he did or said such 
 things against the faith ? How they know there was such a 
 report ? How long such report hath been ? Whether they 
 know such person to be defamed ? Whether they know whence 
 the report arose ? Whether from ill disposed persons or 
 others ? And the like. 
 
 This is the command of Innocent.^ Hence we may gather 
 how infamy is proved. For the witness must say, that the 
 person under consideration is defamed of such a crime. And 
 when it is inquired of him, in whose account he is infamous, he 
 must answer with such and such ; and unless he assigns them, 
 he doth not appear to give a good reason of what he says. 
 Besides, it cannot be known whether they are serious or ill dis- 
 posed people. 
 
 When the report is thus proved,*^ the inquisitor proceeds to 
 inquire out the truth of the affair. For this purpose he causes 
 the witnesses to be cited, and especially such as have been 
 intimate with the person accused, and other reputable men, 
 and zealous for the faith ; and after giving them their oath, he 
 inquires of them, not concerning the report, but the thing itself, 
 in presence of the notaries, and two religious or reputable 
 persons. After this he proceeds to draw out a confession from 
 the criminal himself And first he goes to the place of the In- 
 quisition, v/here, when the criminal appears before him, he tells 
 him that he is excited and moved by the fame and frequent 
 reports, that he the criminal appearing and standing before him, 
 hath taught, written, or publicly declared certain things against 
 the truth of the Cathohc faith, or that he hath beheved and fa- 
 voured such who teach these things, or received or defended 
 
 » Direct, p. 3. n. 79. b Cap. Qualiter and quando, de Accusat. 
 
 * BiHuns de haeret. 1. 4. c. 7, sect. 10. 
 
HISTOrtV OF THE INQUISITION. 363 
 
 them. Til at therctbre lie, according to liis office, cannot dis- 
 semble that there is such a report; however, that lie \\ill not 
 condemn him, till these crimes are legally and plainly proved 
 before him. 
 
 If the criminal be not defamed of the criiut.-; laid in the 
 articles of the Inquisition, and he makes this exception, the 
 promotor fiscal and die denouncer must necessarily prove the 
 defamation. 
 
 If this cannot be done,* the criminal is absolved from all 
 farther concern in judgment. He may also prove himself to be 
 a person of good report. For instance, if he is accused of 
 being defamed for defenchng the doctrine of an heretic, by >some 
 writing that he pubhshed, he may prove that he confuted such 
 doctrine by writing against it ; or if he be accused of harbour- 
 ing an heretic, in some house belonging to him, he may prove 
 that he hath no home in that place, nor ever had since such 
 person hath been taken for an heretic. He may likewise object, 
 that such evil report was raised of him by loose and infamous 
 persons, enemies, conspirators, and the hke. 
 
 But if the inquisitor proceeds and inquisits not at the promo- 
 tion,'' denunciation or instance of another, but ex mero officio^ 
 the criminal is not to be heard when he excepts, that he is not 
 defamed of the crime objected to him ; nor is the judge obliged 
 to regard such infamy ; for there is no person who can obhge 
 him to do it, unless the criminal appeals. In this case the 
 judge must inform his superior of the infamy of the appellant. 
 If also any one departs from the common conversation of the 
 faithful in divine worship, he is not to be heard, if he alledges 
 that he is not defamed. For Inquisition may be made against 
 him without infamy. 
 
 * Brnnus de Uaerct. 1. 4. c. 8. sect. 11, *> Ibid. sect. 12. 
 
36^ HISTORY OF THE INfftUISITIOiJ. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 How the Process begins hy Accusation. 
 
 WHEN the accuser reports to the inquisitor any crime com- 
 mitted by another, and the accusation hath the appearance of 
 truth, they proceed in this manner, according to the instruc- 
 tion of Eymerick, which hath been long obsen^ed.^ First, the 
 inquisitor inquires, wheth^^r the accuser will accuse, and proceed 
 in the affair by way of accusation, or not ? If he says he will 
 proceed by way of accusation, he is to be admonished by the 
 inquisitor, that he renders himself liable to the punishment of 
 retaliation, unless liib proof be good. But this method of 
 proceeding the inquisitor must not easily allow,* because it is 
 not customary in a cause of the faith, and because it is very 
 dangerous, and greatly difficult to the accuser. But if the ac- 
 cuser persists, he must give his accusation in wiiting,* which 
 must be written by the notary, in order to begin the process. 
 But others contend, that in the crime of heresy it is not neces- 
 sary that a person should oblige himself to the law of retalia- 
 tion. And as they now seldom admit the person of an accu- 
 ser, they have constituted a public minister, whom they call 
 the fiscal, who sustains the person of the accuser, and accuses 
 the criminals, who doth not obhge .himself to the punish- 
 ment of retaUation, nor any others which false accusers usually 
 suffer. 
 
 Formerly, when the process was carried on at the instance of 
 the accuser, after the accusation was made before the inquisitor, 
 the inquisitor commanded the accuser to produce the names of 
 his witnesses, who being cited by the inquisitor, are strictly 
 examined upon oath.'' If what they depose doth nothing con- 
 cern the fact, the inquisitor must advise the accuser, to with- 
 draw the word accusation, and put in the room of it denuncia- 
 tion, that so the inquisitor may proceed ex officio, and not at 
 
 a Direct, part. 3. ^ Ibid. 67. * Pegna,Coin. M. 
 
 d Ibid. 71. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 365 
 
 the instance of the party, because so very dangerous to the 
 accuser. But if the proof of the witnesses be full, the inquisi- 
 tor produces them, and giving them their oaths upon the four 
 gospels to declare the truth, which he can oblige them to take 
 if they refuse it, strictly examines them in a judicial manner 
 before the notary and two religious persons, or otlierwi^e re- 
 putable. Then he interrogates them concerning sundry 
 things, as. Whether they know such a one ? As to the occa- 
 sion and time of their knomng him ? Concerning his charac- 
 ter ? Whether they have seenj or heard him say, or do any 
 thing against the faith, and what that was ? Where they 
 saw him, how often, and who present ? In what manner he 
 said those things, whether in jest, or by way of recital, or whe- 
 ther with a deliberate mind, and by way of assertion ? And 
 finally. Whether they depose these things through hatred or 
 rancour ? Or, whether they omit any thing through love or 
 favour ? The answers of the witnesses to all these questions 
 are taken down by the notaiy. These interrogatories of the 
 witnesses may be oftentimes repeated at the pleasure of the in- 
 quisitors, that what was omitted in the former interrogatories 
 jnay be supplied. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 How the Process begins by Denunciation. 
 
 BUT if the accuser says, as is commonly the case, that he 
 ^vill not accuse, but denounce ; ' and that he doth this through 
 fear of incurring the penalty of excommunication, ordered by 
 the inquisitor for discovering things pertaining to the faith 
 within the prescribed term, then the inquisitor prepares him- 
 self to make inquisition. And this is the most ordinary method 
 of procedure. 
 
 When the denouncer, who is also called the appearing wit- 
 
 a Eymer. p- 3. n. 61. 
 
3^6 HISTORY OF THE IMaUISITION. 
 
 ness, comes to the bishops or inquisitors, before the notary takes 
 his denunciation in a juridical manner, he is usually asked, 
 what he hath to propose ? that they may know, whether what 
 he is determined to denounce belongs to the holy office.^ Be- 
 cause sometimes country ignorant people, or those who are 
 troubled ^vith scruples, bring such matters before them, the 
 cognizance of which doth not belong to the inquisitors. When 
 they find that the crime brought before them is cognizable by 
 the holy office, they make the denouncer swear that he will re- 
 late the truth. After this the notary receives the whole denun- 
 ciation before the bishop or inquisitor, or their vicar, taking 
 down the denunciation, or the report of the denouncer in the 
 first person. And that there may no doubt arise as to the va- 
 lidity of the oath, to spoil the credit of the denunciation, as the 
 inquisitor doth not only take an oath from the denouncer, or 
 witness voluntarily appearing, but also from the witness who is 
 cited, upon the holy scriptures touched ^vith their hands, so it 
 is farther requisite, that the notary should write at length, that 
 such a one " took his oath touching the scriptures," and not 
 only ^vi'ite down, touching with an S^c. that there may be no 
 difficulty in defending such acts upon account of this defect. 
 
 The oadi being taken, the denouncer is interrogated concern- 
 ing various things by the inquisitor. ^' First, if he be not a 
 well known person, he is interrogated concerning his own 
 name, surname, country, employment, and place of abode. 
 Then, how long he hath known N. against whom he de- 
 nounces ? Likewise, how he came to know him ? Again, 
 whether he observed that the aforesaid N. was suspected of 
 matters relating to the faith from his words, or his actions ? 
 Likewise, how often he had seen the said N. do or say those 
 things for which he thought him an heretic, or suspected of 
 heresy ? Likewise, at what time, and in the presence of 
 whom the aforesaid N. did or said those things of which he is 
 denounced.? Likewise, whether the aforesaid N. hath had 
 any accomplices in the aforesaid crimes, or any writings be- 
 longing to the offences denounced .'' Likewise, to what end 
 
 a Pegua, Prax. luq. I. 2. c. 1. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 367 
 
 and purpose the aforesaid things were done or said by the 
 aforesaid N. whether seriously or in jest ? If it appears that 
 there was a long interval of time between the commission of 
 the crimes denounced, and the making the denunciation, the 
 inquisitor interrogates the denouncer, why he deferred so long 
 to come to the holy office, and did not depose before, especially 
 if he knew, that he incurred the penalty of excommunication by 
 such omission." They account this interrogatory necessary for 
 tAvo reasons. First, because the delay of denouncing may give 
 a just presumption of calumny in the denouncer. Secondly, 
 that it may be known, whether he hath been compelled by his 
 confessor to denounce, upon his refusal to absolve him v,ithout 
 denouncing, in which case greater credit is given to the de- 
 nouncer. " He is moreover asked, whether he knows any 
 thing farther of N. vhich concerns >the holy office, or of any 
 other person ? Likewise, whether he hath at any time had 
 any cause of hatred or enmity with the aforesaid N. and whence 
 it proceeded ? With what zeal, and with what intention he 
 comes to the holy office, and to make denunciation ? Whether 
 he hath denounced through any passion of mind, ill will, hatred, 
 or subornation ? And he is admonished ingenuously to tell the 
 truth.*" He is especially inteiTOgated how he came by his 
 knowledge, because on that principally the truth and weight of 
 the testimony depends. From the denunciation, and the an- 
 swers to these interrogatories, they form other questions, that 
 there may be nothing wanting in the inquisition. And what- 
 soever the denouncer answers to these interrogatories, the no- 
 tary writes down. 
 
 The denunciation thus received, three things are usually ob- 
 served before the denouncer goes from audience. First, the 
 whole denunciation, as written down, must be read over to the 
 denouncer, that he may add, take away, or alter as he pleases. 
 Secondly, the denouncer must subscribe to his deposition ; or if 
 he cannot write, he must at least put under it the sign of the 
 cross. Thirdly, the denouncer must take an oath of secrecy. 
 All these things are exactly written down by the notary. 
 
368 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of the Witnessea^ and who are admitted as Witnesses before 
 the Tribunal of the iNauisiTioN. 
 
 AFTER the denouncer hath discharged his duty by legally 
 denouncing, he hatli no farther concern, but the whole affair is 
 left to the inquisitor to make inquisition concerning the crime 
 of the offender, from the witnesses named by the denouncer. 
 Before therefore we proceed to the examination of the witnesses, 
 we must premise some things concerning the witnesses them- 
 selves, viz. as to their person and number. 
 
 All persons may be witnesses as well in civil as criminal 
 causes that are not expressly prohibited. In the affair of the 
 inquisition, in favour of the faith, all persons, even such as are 
 not allowed in other tribunals, are admitted as witnesses, ene- 
 mies only excepted. But here they distinguish between the 
 accuser or denouncer, and the witness. For although an ene- 
 my can never be a witness, he may be an accuser. or denouncer, 
 and his denunciation must not be neglected by the inquisitor, 
 according to Campegius.=* 
 
 Not that every sort of enmity prevents a person from being 
 a witness, but only mortal enmity. Thus the council of Biterre 
 determines,^ and that of Narbonne,<= " Such exceptions only 
 shall wholly destroy the credit of the witnesses, which seem to 
 proceed from the instigation of malice, conspiracy, and mortal 
 enmity." 
 
 But, the testimony of an heretic against an heretic, is ad- 
 mitted, but not for an heretic. They affirm the same of a Jew 
 and an infidel, who, when they are admitted as witnesses, must 
 not swear upon the gospels as Christians do, but according to 
 their own laws. 
 
 In like manner the testimony of a wife, sons, and daughters, 
 or domestics, against persons accused of heresy, is allowed, but 
 
 * Campeg. in Zanch. cap. 13. d. 
 b Cap. 13. *= Cap. 25. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. ' 369 
 
 by no means in their favour and behalf.* The reason Simancas 
 gives, why kindred are admitted as witnesses against kindred, 
 is, because they cannot }X)ssibly be suspected. *» Yea, some add, 
 that when other proofs are wanting, the judge may compel not 
 only a brother, but even a wife, or son, to witness against a 
 father.<= Servants also may be tortured against their masters. 
 
 Even perjured persons, who having taken an oath before the 
 inquisitors to speak the truth, have forsworn themselves by 
 concealing it, and would afterwards correct themselves, and 
 swear back again against themselves and others, are to be ad- 
 mitted, if it plainly appears that they act not from levity of 
 mind, nor the instigation of enmity, nor from being corrupted 
 by money, but from their zeal for the orthodox faith, and that 
 on this account they would discover in favour of the faith what 
 they had concealed before, according as Alexander IV. hath 
 decreed, and as may be found in the VI. of the Decretals. And 
 although perjured persons are not allowed as witnesses even 
 after repentance, yet it is quite different in a cause of the faith ; 
 and the doctors observe, that such a one's second deposition 
 must be stood to, when hereby he discovers the crime of heresy. 
 But if when he takes his second oath, he denies what he de- 
 posed concerning heresy when he took his first, the first deposi- 
 tion must be stood to, and not the second ; for which they give 
 this reason, because he may have spoken with the criminal, and 
 so is presumed to be corrupted and suborned, and therefore his 
 first deposition stands firm. 
 
 Farther, infamous persons may be admitted as witnesses in 
 this tribunal, such as infamous women, when they testify of 
 ihinjTs done in the houses of ill fame.* Such also as are under 
 the ban, whom the inquisitors may cite before their tribunal, 
 and grant a safe conduct, that they may be examined as wit- 
 nesses in the tribunal of the inquisition, although the secular 
 prince hath put them under the ban, because the inquisitor is 
 greater than any supreme, secular judge, and may proceed in 
 causes of the faith freely, and without any impediment what- 
 
 * C. Filii, de haeret. lib. C. ^ Pegna, lb. com. 117. tit. G4. sect. 47. 
 
 ' Cart-na, p 3. t. 5. n. 21. ** Ibid, sect 12. 
 
 B b 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 soever of law or fact. Usurers, also, common blasphemers, com- 
 mon gamesters, persons quite intoxicated, and not only exhila- 
 rated by wine, stage-players, and prize-fighters, apostates from 
 religion, persons bastinadoed, bankrupts, traitors, backbiters 
 and spendthrifts. But they add, that these are not witnesses 
 above all exception, and that they amount only to half proof; 
 that they may be admitted to prove heresy, and the substan- 
 tial circumstances that prove it, such as familiarity with here- 
 tics, secret conventicles, and the like, but not the external cir- 
 cumstances necessary to it, baptism for instance, which is pre- 
 requisite in the case of heresy. Besides the number of wit- 
 nesses may make good their incapacity, though every one 
 singly should be incapable of being a witness, yea, if the num- 
 ber be large, it is sufficient to inflict the ordinary punishment. 
 This number they fix, and say that four are sufficient to con- 
 demn the criminal to the ordinary punishment. Others leave 
 it to the inquisitor to determine the number. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Of the Number of the Witnesses. 
 
 AS to the number of the witnesses, it is generally beheved 
 that two witnesses are sufficient fully to prove heresy, and to 
 condemn any one for heresy.* But it is necessary they should 
 be worthy of credit, and, as they say, above all exception.'^ 
 Hence it is, that though excommunicated persons, and those 
 guilty of the same crimes, are not absolutely rejected from 
 being witnesses against heretics, their defenders, receivers, and 
 all other suspected persons, yet full credit is not to be given 
 to them, unless it appears that they speak truth, from probable 
 conjectures, the number and quality of the persons, and other 
 circumstances.*^ 
 
 * Eymer. p. 3. qn. 71. com. 120. •> Simanc. tit. 64. sect. 36. 
 
 * C. In Fidei favorem, de liaeret. lib. 6. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 871 
 
 The informer or denouncer is now also reckoned amongst the 
 witnesses. For although no man can be accuser and witness in 
 the same cause, yet he who discovers an heretic to the judges is 
 a legal witness.^ For, as they say, such a witness is not influ- 
 enced by any private advantage, but by a zeal for the most holy 
 religion, and for the public benefit of the Catholic church, and 
 with a view to the amendment of the heretic. Nor can he have 
 any private interest to discover an heretic, but only as being of 
 the number of the Christian people, in which case they affirm the 
 testimony of the informer to be complete. 
 
 In doubtful cases, however, it is left to the inquisitors plea- 
 sure to proceed as they think fit,^ as it is expressly commanded 
 in the constitutions of the bishop of Albano, legate of the apos- 
 tohc see, who, it is probable, was appointed legate, and publish- 
 ed by the Pope's commission many constitutions, relating to the 
 punishment of heretics, and the order of proceeding against 
 them, about the time when the poor men of Lyons, or the 
 Albig-enses and other heretics infested the countries of France 
 and Lcmbardy. These constitutions are very useful to private 
 inquisitors, to enable them to determine rightly and profitably 
 causes and controversies of the faith, and are extant in an old 
 parchment manuscript in the Vatican hbrary, and in a very old 
 one at Florence. Amongst other things it is thus determined, 
 " But when the witnesses or informers differ in what they 
 depose, but yet agree in the substance and nature of the thing, 
 we leave it to the pleasure of the inquisitors so to proceed, as in 
 the sight of God, they shall think fit, especially if common fame, 
 and the fitness and credit of the deposers agree and make against 
 him, wlio is to undergo the Inquisition. 
 
 a Sinaauc. t. 19, sect. 17. and t. 6t, sect. 55. 
 k Direcr. Part. 3 com. 121. 
 
 » b ^ 
 
S7S HISTOEY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of the Exammai/ion of the Witnesses. 
 
 AFTER having thus spoken of the witnesses themselves, 
 I now come to their examination.^ When therefore the wit- 
 nesses named by the informer are found out, the inquisitor 
 orders them to be cited by his spiritual messenger, to the office 
 of the Inquisition, where, when they come, they are legally 
 examined. First, they take an oath upon the scriptures to 
 speak the truth. After this he is asked by the inquisitor, 
 whether he knows, or can guess the cause of his citation and 
 present examination .? If he says yes, he is interrogated how 
 he knew it .? If he says no, he is interrogated, whether he hath 
 known, or doth now know any one or more heretics, or persons 
 suspected of heresy, or at least is able to name any such ? 
 Whether he knows iV.^ What was the occasion of his 
 acquaintance with him .? How long he hatli known him ? 
 Whether he hath been used to converse with him "^ Whether 
 he hath heard at any time any thing from the said N. concern- 
 ing the Catholic religion ? Whether ever he was in such a 
 place with the said N. and whether the said N. did or said there 
 such and such heretical things, or favouring of heresy "^ Who 
 were present when N. did or said the aforesaid things .? How 
 often he saw them said or done, and on what occasion, and how ? 
 Whether the said N, spoke the aforesaid things in jest, or 
 without thinking, or through a slip of his tongue, or as relating 
 the heresies of some other person or persons '^. Whether he 
 said any thing which ought not to have been said through 
 hatred or love, or omitted and concealed somewhat that ought 
 to have been explained .? He is farther admonished to tell the 
 simple truth, because if he is detected of speaking falsely, he 
 will be made to suffer the penalties, not only of perjury, but of 
 favouring heresy, and that therefore he ought to tell the truth, 
 and beware of lies. Because, if it appears to the holy office, by 
 
 » Pegna, Piax. Inq. 1. 2. c. 5. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. S73 
 
 witnesses worthy of credit, tliat the witness himself is conscious 
 of the things concerning which he is interrogated, and conceals 
 and hides them, he may be confined, and compelled to give 
 security, and to oblige himself not to depart from that city and 
 place where he is examined, and under a penalty, fixed by the 
 inquisitor, to make his appearance as often as and wheresoever 
 the inquisitor shall command him.* When the truth cannot 
 be found out from the mouth of the witness and these general 
 interrogatories, the Italian'* inquisitors come to particular inter- 
 rogatories concerning the place and person denounced, that so 
 the truth may be discovered, after which the witness is dismiss- 
 ed, being first injoined secrecy upon oath, and signing what he 
 hath said. All these things are taken down by a notary, and 
 inserted into the acts of the process. 
 
 a Catena, Anno. Ibid. 
 
 b The Inquisition lias been less sanguinary at Rome and in Italy, where 
 the Jews have great privileges, and the people of any credit busy themselves 
 more in making their fortunes, and that of their relations in the churcli, than 
 in disputing about mysteries. Pope Paul IV. who gave too great a scope to 
 the Inquisition at Rome, was detested by the Romans; the people made a 
 disturbance at his funeral, threw his statue into the Tiber, demolisiicd the 
 prisons of the Inquisition, and flung stones at its officers j yet not one per- 
 son had been put to deatii by the Inquisition, under Paul IV. whereas, Pius 
 IV. among other cruelties, caused three men of learning to be burnt, being 
 accused of thinking differently from others. But never did the Italian Inqui- 
 sition come up to the horrors of that of Spain. The greatest harm wiiich it 
 has done in Italy, has been to keep as far as it could, an ingenious nation in 
 ignorance. All who undertake to write, must ask a Jacobin leave to think, 
 and others must ask leave to read. The men of reflection and learning in 
 Italy, mourn in silence, others live in pleasure and ignorance, and the lower 
 sort in superstition. It is on account of the genius of the Italians, that such 
 strict care has been taken to restrain them, and with all their wit, they are 
 now ruled by monks, so as in several places, to kiss their hand as formerly, 
 they kissed the chains laid on them by the Goths, the Lombards, the Franks 
 and the Teutons. — Voltaire's Univ. Hist, Supp. v. 1. 224. 
 
 B b 3 
 
874 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 How the Criminals, "uolien informed against, are sent to 
 
 Jail. 
 
 WHEN the skilful men or counsellors are called together 
 to give proper advice/ either as to the quality of the proposi- 
 tions, or the weight of the proofs and discoveries, or as to the 
 process or giving sentence, or any doubtful article of the cause, 
 that nothing may appear in the whole affair but a burning and 
 serious zeal for the divine glory, they make solemn prayers to 
 the Holy Ghost, which are usually said over in all the congre- 
 gations. The inquisitor and counsellors say them on their 
 bended knees. The form is this : 
 
 " We are here present, O God, the Holy Ghost, we are here 
 detained with the greatness of sin, but gathered together 
 specially in thy name. Come to us, be present with us, 
 vouchsafe to enter into our hearts, teach us what we should do, 
 where we should walk, and shew us what we ought to perform, 
 that we may be able to please thee, assisting us in all things. 
 Be thou the health, the suggester and maker of our judgments, 
 who alone with God the Father and his Son, possess a glorious 
 name. Suifer us not to be perverters of justice, O thou who 
 lovest the strictest equity. Let not ignorance draw us to the 
 left, let not favour bend us, nor regard to office or person 
 corrupt us, but join us to thyself effectually by the gift of thy 
 only grace, that we may be one in thee, and in nothing deviate 
 from the truth ; and as we are gathered together in thy name, 
 so let us in all things preserve justice moderated by piety, that 
 our sentence here may in nothing differ from thee, and that 
 hereafter we may obtain everlasting rewards for our good deeds." 
 When the prayer is ended, all answer Amen. 
 
 This prayer in the time of Carena, was recited in the Inqui- 
 sition at Cremona, by Cardinal Camporeus, bishop of that city, 
 the inquisitor on his right hand at a corner of the table, and the 
 
 • Pegna, prax. iDq. 1. 2. c. 9. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. S75 
 
 vicar general at liis left at another corner, and the other coun- 
 sellors in then- order, all on their knees. But if a single bishop 
 only is present, then the bishop and inquisitor sit at the head of 
 the table, their seats bemg equal, in all the Inquisitions in 
 Italy. But the bishop sits by virtue of his episcopal dignity 
 in the seat placed on the right hand, and the inquisitor in the 
 other. 
 
 These prayers being over,"" the inquisitor consults whether 
 the cognizance of the crimes which are denounced and proved 
 by the witnesses, belongs to the holy office. If there be any 
 doubt of this, he must call in the qualificator divines, who must 
 give their opinion written and subscribed with their own hand, 
 that it may be inserted in the process, as the foundation of the 
 jurisdiction of the inquisitor. If the crimes are small, or the 
 propositions only sounding ill, scandalous or blasphemous, or 
 which do not include formal heresy, no one upon account of 
 these is immediately ordered to secret imprisonment, but must 
 rather be confined in some monastery, or in his own house, or 
 city. 
 
 No one can be taken up without half full proof at least, or 
 such evidence as is sufficient to put to the torture, because im- 
 prisonment by the Inquisition renders the prisoner infamous.^ 
 
 The apprehending a prisoner is called citation, it is of two 
 kinds, verbal and real, the verbal is used in lesser crimes and 
 consists in a message sent to the person, requiring him to wait 
 on the inquisitors who have something to ask of him ; the real 
 citation is the taking actual and forcible possession of the party 
 in question. 
 
 If the party accused be some illustrious person, or in any 
 post of great authority, the senate of the Spanish Inquisition 
 must be consulted before he is to be apprehended, *= to whom 
 that their deliberations may be right, they must send a summary 
 of the proofs, and the information of the crimes. This is ga- 
 thered from the Madrid Instruction.'' " If the inquisitors agree 
 
 a Pegna, Ibid. c. 7. ^ Catena, lib. 3. tit. 2, sect. 6. 
 
 «: Pegna, Com. 107- in 3 Part. Direct. loq. 
 
 d A. D. 1561. cap. 6. 
 
 B b 4 
 
S76 HISTORY OF THE IXaUISlTION. 
 
 as to the apprehension, let them command what they have 
 decreed to be executed. But if it be a matter of great moment, 
 by reason of the quahty of the persons, or for other causes, let 
 them first consult the senate before they put their decree in 
 execution. But if they do not agree in their judgments, let the 
 matter be referred to the senate, that they may consider what 
 is proper to be done." But this very great and exquisite 
 caution must not be observed, when there is any fear of the es- 
 cape of the person accused, or if he is a manifest heretic. For 
 in such case they think it would be imprudent and dangerous to 
 wait for the answer of a superior. 
 
 In a city, where any noble persons, doctors, or religious, or 
 others of illustrious birth or dignity are to be sent to jail, the 
 commissary of the Inquisition, or some other officer, usually 
 goes to the houses of such persons, and takes them in a coach 
 and carries them to jail. But if there is no fear of their 
 escape, they are commanded to come to the holy office by a 
 special messenger. 
 
 )Vhen the criminal is apprehended, he must be well guarded, 
 and if there be need, put in irons, and thus carried by the 
 executor to the jails of the Inquisition, and delivered into the 
 hands of the jail keeper. The keeper must take him into his 
 custody, and use him according to the laws made about priso- 
 ners.^ If any one is to be brought from very distant places, 
 
 a In the Inquisition at Coimbra, a few years since, a clergyman rame to 
 the windows of the palace of the Inquisition, which face the street of St. 
 Sophia, and within the iron gates of the wjndow of the upper apartment, 
 loudly entreated, that for God's sake somebody would pick up the little bits 
 of paper, written on with brick-dust, which he was throwing into the street, 
 as they contained a narrative of his troubles, and the injustice he had suffer- 
 ed for fourteen years, in the secret prisons of the Inquisition j and he begged 
 also, th^from motives of charity, some one would represent his case to her 
 majesty, that she might give instructions, for investigating the cause of the 
 unmerited tortures to which he was continually subjected. This clergyman 
 had by chance escaped out of his cell, but some guards immediately followed 
 and pushed him from the grates of the window, as was observed by many 
 persons in the street; but no one dared to touch one of the little bits of paper 
 which lay undisturbed, till one of the officers of the Inquisition came out and 
 picked up all of them. A few days after this, the president of the Inquisition 
 at Coimbra, precipitated himself from a window and died instantly ; his cona- 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION S77 
 
 tliey do not think it safe for him to lodge in inns, or private 
 houses, because by this means he might easily make his escape ; 
 and therefore the executor is usually charged, to go to the 
 bishops of the place, if there be any, or to the secular judges, 
 that the criminal may be placed and kept in their jails. And 
 this the inquisitor signifies by his letters given to the executor, 
 to the magistrates, through whose territories the criminal is to 
 be carried, and exhorts them to give the necessary and conve- 
 nient assistance to the executor. And that no one may dare to 
 oppose him, and that the criminal may be kept in sure and 
 safe custody, they desire he may be attended with a proper 
 guard. But this caution is not necessary in the cities of Spain. 
 For as soon as ever the executor shews, that he is to apprehend 
 any one by command of the holy office, no one dares oppose 
 him. And if any one should, the mob would immediately run 
 together to lend an helping hand to the holy office, and so 
 over-power him, that unless he would undergo the severest 
 treatment, he would, of his o^vn accord, offer himself to be taken 
 up by the executor. All these things are largely settled by the 
 Toledo Instruction." 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Of the Examination of the Prisoners. 
 
 WHEN the criminal is put in jail, he is brought before the 
 inquisitor.** The place where he appears before the inquisitor, 
 
 panioDS reported, that he did this from mental derangement, but many said 
 it was for fear of punishment from the grand inquisitor, for suffering the loujj 
 and cruel imprisonment of (his clergyman to transpire ^ from the whole can? 
 however, we may oonclude, that many others may be suffering the same mar- 
 tyrdomi whose existence it will never be possible to ascertain. 
 
 Vide Da Costa's Narr. v. i. 152. 
 
 - A. D 1561. Cap. 10, 12, and 13. 
 
 *» Iiiquig. de Goa. cap b. 
 
378 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 is called by the Portugueze the Table of the Holy Office. 
 At the farther end of it there is placed a crucifix, raised up al- 
 most as high as the cieling. In the middle of the room there 
 is a table. At that end which is nearest the crucifix 'sits the 
 secretary or notary of the inquisition. The criminal is brought 
 in by the beadle, with his head, arms, and feet naked, and is 
 followed by one of the keepers.^ When they come to the 
 chamber of audience, the beadle enters first, makes a profound 
 reverence before the inquisitor, and then withdraws. After 
 this the criminal enters alone, who is ordered to sit down on a 
 bench at the other end of the table over against the secretary. 
 The inquisitor sits on his right hand. On the table near the 
 criminal lies a missal, or book of the gospels, and he is ordered 
 to lay his hand on one of them, and to swear that he will de- 
 clare the truth, and keep secrecy. 
 
 After taking this oath of declaring the truth, both of him- 
 self and others, the inquisitor interrogates him of divers mat- 
 ters.^ As, whether he knows why he was taken up, or hath 
 been informed of it by any one or more persons ? Where, 
 when, and how he was apprehended.? If he says that he 
 knows nothing of it, he is asked, whether he cannot guess at 
 the reason .? Whether he knows in what prisons he is de- 
 tained.? and upon what account men are imprisoned there.? 
 If he says he cannot guess at the cause of his imprisonment, 
 but knows that he is in the prisons of the holy office, where 
 heretics and persons suspected of heresy are confined, he is 
 told, that since he knows persons ,are confined there for their 
 profanation of rehgion, he ought to conclude that he also is 
 confined for the same reason, and must therefore declare what 
 he believes to be the cause of his own apprehension and con- 
 finement in the prisons of the holy office. If he says he cannot 
 imagine what it should be, before he is asked any other ques- 
 tions, he receives a gentle admonition, and is put in mind of 
 the lenity of the holy office towards those who confess without 
 forcing, and of the rigour of justice used towards those who 
 are obstinate. They also compare other tribunals with the 
 
 a Inquis. de Goa, c. 18. b Pegna, prax. Iriq. I. 2. c. 14. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. S79 
 
 holy office, and remind him, that in otiiers tlie confession of the 
 crime draws after it iirmediats execution and punishment; 
 but that in the court of the inquisition, t'nose who confess, and 
 ai'e penitent, are treated -vith greater gentleness. After this 
 he is admonished in writing, and told, that the ministers of the 
 holy office never take up any one, or are used to appreliend any 
 one wituoLit a just cause, and that therefore they earnestly be- 
 seech him, and command and enjoin him exactly to recollect 
 and diligently to consider his actions, to examine his conscience, 
 and purc,c' it from all those offences and errors it labours under, 
 and for which he is informed against. 
 
 After this he is questioned with all the craftiness possible on 
 every subject, -which may be likely to criminate him, the in- 
 quisitors holding out the appearance of lenity or severity, as 
 the case may require. If he is induced to confess he is a peni- 
 tent. If he persists in denying the crimes charged upon him he 
 is a negative heretic ; of which hereafter. 
 
 ■v*-v-wx-vwv-w* 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 What Arts the iNauisiTORs use to draw a Coiifessicmjrom the 
 
 Prisoners, 
 
 EXAMINATIONS and admonitions are repeated by the 
 inquisitors, as often as they think fit, for they are not bound to 
 any certain number.^ But in these examinations the inquisitors 
 use the greatest artifice, to draw from the prisoners confes - 
 sions of those crimes of which they are accused. And although 
 they say thai the inquisition makes use rather of prudence than 
 art, yet they suggest several orders and artifices which must be 
 used, and which they generally use in making inquisition. 
 
 First, they observe this exactly, that as often as the criminals 
 are judicially interrogated, they must so often touch the holy 
 
 a Pegua, Prax. 1. 2. c. 19. 
 
380 HISTORY OF THE II^QUISITION. 
 
 scriptures, swearing that they will declare the truth, so that an 
 oath always precedes the deposition. The same also is ob- 
 served as to the witnesses. Yea, if the examination should be 
 broken off, and what follows should be only a continuation of 
 the former, they must first take an oath before they are suffer- 
 ed to proceed. Besides, the inquisitors always admonish and 
 exhort the criminals, to confess simply, fully, and truly, what- 
 soever they have done against the Catholic faith, and especially 
 to take care that they do not bear false wdtness either against 
 themselves, or any others. They must not give them occasion 
 to behave indecently or rudely, or to utter reproaches ; * nei- 
 ther must they promise them impunity or entire deliverance, 
 whilst they are endeavouring to draw a confession from their 
 mouths, lest they should prove liars, by promising what possi- 
 bly they may not be able to perform, or lest the criminals under 
 this hope should confess things which perhaps they never com- 
 mitted. 
 
 But if the prisoners do not confess those things of which 
 they are accused, as it may often happen, either because the 
 accusations are false, or because they do not remember things, 
 especially if at the distance of several years, and what was said 
 was not in the least premeditated, but inadvertently, and in 
 common discourse, they try every art to catch and ensnare these 
 miserable criminals, already tired out by then vile imprison- 
 ment, and in a friendly manner speak to them thus : " Do not 
 be afraid openly to confess, if you did happen to believe these 
 sort of persons, who taught such and such things, to be good 
 men.'' You beheved them, and willingly heard them, and 
 gave them somewhat of your substance, or received them some- 
 times into your house, or made confession to them, because 
 you were a simple man, and loved them, thinking them to be 
 good men, and knowing no evil of them. The same thing 
 might have happened to persons much wiser than you, and' so 
 they might have been deceived. I have pity on you, and see 
 your own simplicity hath deceived you, and though you are in 
 some measure faulty, yet they are more so who have instructed 
 
 a Pegna, Prax. 1. 2. c. 20. «» 100. com. 23. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 381 
 
 you. Tell me therefore the truth, for you see I know the 
 whole matter, that I may immediately free you, and shew you 
 favour." After this he interrogates him, not so much concern- 
 ing the fact, as the circumstances of it, that the person may be- 
 lieve that he knows the fact already. 
 
 Sometimes the inquisitor permits some person or other, who 
 is not unacceptable to the prisoner, to go to him, and converse 
 with him, and if it be needful to feign himself still one of his 
 own sect, but that he abjured through fear, and discovered the 
 truth to the inquisitor.^ When he finds that the prisoner con- 
 fides in him, he comes to him again late in the evening, keeps 
 on a discourse with him, at length pretending it is too late to 
 go away, and that therefore he will stay with him all night in 
 the prison, that they may converse together, and the prisoner 
 may be persuaded by the other's discourse, to confess to one 
 another what they have committed. In the mean while there 
 are persons standing at a proper place without the jail, to hear 
 and to take notice of their words, who, when there is need, are 
 attended by a notary. 
 
 This Eymeric taught was to be done in his time.^ But now 
 the person, who thus treacherously draws out any thing ac- 
 cording to his desire from his fellow prisoners, prays the jail- 
 keeper, when, according to custom, he is visiting his prisoners, 
 to desire that he may have an audience. For this is the me- 
 thod the prisoners take. And when he goes out of his jail to 
 give an account of his office, he discovers not only what he 
 heard from any of the prisoners, but also how they received 
 the doctrine proposed to them, whether with a cheerful or 
 angry countenance, and the like, if they refused to give them 
 an answer, and what they themselves thinlc of them. And the 
 accusations of such a wretch they look on as the best and most 
 unexceptionable evidence, although the person be otherwise one 
 of no manner of worth, credit, or regard. 
 
 These sort of persons they call flies, and, as Gonsalvius tells 
 us, they may be known and found out by this one thing, that 
 for the most part they thrust themselves into such sort of con- 
 
 a 107. •> Gonsalv. p. 95. 
 
382 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 versations, without any one''s asking them, and begin very im- 
 pertinent]/ such discourses concerning doctrine. And there- 
 fore he advises, that if the prisoners act prudently, they will 
 let tliem talk themselves weary, without giving them any 
 answer. 
 
 They who have been lately in the prison of the inquisition 
 in Spain and Portugal, tell us of another method they make 
 use of to drav/ a confession from the prisoners, viz. The inqui- 
 sitor suborns a certain person, to go and speak to the prisoner, 
 and to tell him he comes of himself, and of his own accord, and 
 to exhort him to tell the inquisitor the truth, because he is a 
 merciful man, and such fine tales. This is now particularly 
 the custom in Spain and Portugal, as to those they call the 
 new Christians. If the prisoner affirms himself to be a Cathohc, 
 and denies that he is a Jew, and is not convicted by a sufficient 
 number of witnesses, they suborn one to persuade him to con- 
 fess. If he protests himself innocent, the other replies, that he 
 also hath been in jail, and that his protesting his innocence 
 signified nothing. Wliat, had you ratlier dwell for ever in 
 jail, and render your life miserable, by being ever parted from 
 your wife and children, than redeem your freedom, by con- 
 fessing the crime ? By this and other-like things the prisoners 
 are oftentimes persuaded to confess not only real but fictitious 
 crimes. And when their constancy is thus almost overcome, 
 the inquisitor commands them to be brought before him, that 
 they may make him a confession of their faults. 
 
 Here Gonsalvius justly wonders,^ how men can be of so 
 devihsh a temper, as voluntarily to hire themselves out to such 
 offices, and at so great an expense to themselves, who, in order 
 to obtain their desire, do not refuse to be prisoners Iv^ith others, 
 even for two or three months together, in a vile narrow jail, but 
 bear willingly what the prisoners themselves bear with the 
 greatest uneasiness, all the inconveniences of it, hunger, filth 
 and stench; and what is more wonderful, go out of one 
 jail into another, and then into a third, twice, thrice, four 
 times, always experiencing the same inconveniences, and 
 passing their whole lives in such a circle cf delights. 
 
 a GoEsalv. page 95. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. S8S 
 
 After these examinations, if the prisoner confesses nothing, 
 he is carried back to jail, and there kept sometimes for a 
 whole year, before he is again brought up to the inquisitor. 
 In the mean wliile, if he desires an audience, to confess certain 
 matters, he may gently rap at the door of his jail. The 
 keeper being acquainted herewith by his officers, immediately 
 comes to him, and is desired by him to ask the favour of the 
 inquisitor of being brought before him. 
 
 If the criminal will not answer to the interrogatories judi- 
 cially put to him, or answers uncertainly and doubtfully, as, I 
 do not know, I do not remember, I have forgot ; or when he 
 answers as to the main fact, but refuses to answer concerning 
 the principal circumstances of the crime, if the circumstances 
 are such, which it is probable he may remember, he may be 
 put to the torture to make him precisely answer affirmatively or 
 negatively : because criminals are not apprehended for the 
 crime of heresy without legal proofs, i. e. more than half full 
 proof It is the same case if they pretend madness. Some- 
 times also they are humbled by imprisonment and fasting. 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 How the Priscmers are allowed an Advocate, Phocuratoe, 
 and Guardian. 
 
 WHEN the process hath gone thus far, and all the inform- 
 ations and proofs relating to the cause, are taken in a summary 
 manner, and the criminal fully examined, if he confesses his 
 crime, there is no room for a defence, nor do they proceed to 
 the re examining of the witnesses. But if he persists in the 
 negative, and demands the depositions to be given him, whe- 
 ther he is presumed to be innocent or obstinate, he is admitted 
 to his defence, and all matters are prepared to form the process. 
 And therefore, because the criminal must be convicted by wit- 
 nesses, the witnesses must be re-examined. And that the cri- 
 minal may not seem to be denied his defence, lie hath an advo- 
 
^84 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 cate and procurator allowed him. He is not, however, at 
 liberty to chuse the one or other, as he pleases, nor is it lawful 
 for any advocate to defend an heretic under pain of infamy.* 
 The inquisitors appoint him his advocate, and he is bound to 
 them by oath. The criminal may also, sometimes, if he de- 
 mands it, have a second advocate. The qualifications necessary 
 in such an advocate are these :^ — That he be a good man, not 
 suspected as to his honesty, skilful in the canon and civil law, 
 zealous for the faith, and not in the least tinctured with hereby, 
 and he is allowed to the criminal, according to the present cus- 
 tom in Spain, after he hath received three admonitions, freely 
 to confess the truth. 
 
 The advocates receive their stipend from the treasury, when 
 they defend the causes of the poor,'= which is usually very small, 
 but honourable. But if the criminals are not poor, the advo- 
 cates receive their pay out of their effects.'' 
 
 The criminal also had formerly allowed him a procurator.* 
 But these procurators are now seldom allowed, because the ad- 
 vocates are sufficient, and exercise the office of procurators. 
 
 If the criminals are under twenty-five years of age, they are 
 allowed curators (a sort of guardians) by whose authority they 
 are defended, least, through unskilfulness or youth, they should 
 conceal. Or say any thing, which, if spoken or concealed, might 
 be of advantage to them. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 How the Prisoners are interrogated hy the Inquisitor, whe- 
 ther they allow the Witnesses to be r'^htly examined, and 
 re-heard. 
 
 THE advocate being thus granted,^ and sometimes, if the 
 criminal demands it, the procurator also, the inquisitor usually 
 
 a Cap. Si adversus nos. de bzeret. b Direct, p. 3. com. 28- 
 
 c De Cathol, Instit. tit. 5. sect. 6, 7, 8. d Instruct. 1. c. 16. 
 
 * Pegna, com. 28. * ^ Ibid. cap. 4. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 885 
 
 asks the criminal, whether he allows the witnesses examined 
 to be well and truly examined, and legally re-heard. If he 
 answers, that he would have the witnesses heard over again, 
 and examined with his interrogatories, and thus convict them of 
 falsehood, the inquisitor orders him a copy of the articles 
 formed by the procurator of the exchequer, to the end that he 
 may form his interrogatories, and allows him three days to give 
 them in. If he answers, that he mil consider, and consult his 
 advocate and procurator, the copy of the articles formed by the 
 promo tor of the exchequer is given him, to assist him the better 
 how to resolve. If he refers himself to the disposition of the 
 law, it is the same thing as if he had answered, he would have 
 the witnesses re-examined. Because, according to law, the 
 proof of witnesses received in a summary manner, is not regu- 
 lar, unless they be fully re-produced when the party is cited, 
 and re-examined upon the interrogatories of the criminals, that 
 they may thus confirm their evidence and depositions. If he 
 answers, that he refers himself to the pleasure of the inquisitor, 
 the inquisitor must not accept it, least it should be afterwards 
 objected to him that he hindered the criminal from making a 
 legal defence, and therefore he refers him to his advocate or 
 procurator. If he answers, that he allows the witnesses, who 
 have deposed against him, to be well and truly examined, and 
 legally re-heard, but saves to himself the liberty of makmg 
 exceptions against persons and their depositions in drawing 
 out his defences, this is written down by the notary in the acts. 
 But although the criminal should thus allow the witnesses as 
 legally examined, the inquisitors must however take care, that 
 they be formally re-examined, especially when there is any fear 
 of their death, or long absence. In such a case, the witnesses 
 must be admitted, before the trial commences.* 
 
 • Simanca, sect. 15, 22. 
 
 f 
 G C 
 
S86 HISTOKY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 How the Promotor Fiscal eocliiUts the BUI of Accusation. 
 
 AFTER the inquisitor hatli received, as hath been saidj^* 
 information against the criminal denounced to him, the procu- 
 rator fiscal, in some inquisitions, presents in court, in presence 
 of the criminal, a bill of indictment, containing the heads of 
 the offences, of which the criminal is accused, and presents it 
 to the inquisitor. The form of this bill is not every where the 
 same. Eymeric gives this in his directory of the inquisitors : 
 
 " I N. fiscal of the office of the most holy inquisition, do 
 before you the reverend inquisitor, delegated judge in causes 
 of the faith against heretical pravity, criminally accuse N. 
 who being baptized a Christian, and accounted as such amongst 
 all persons, hath departed from the Cathohc faith, and hath 
 impiously gone over to the deadly heresy of the Manichees, 
 and other heretics, particularly such a one, and such a one ; 
 preaching, writing, composing, and firmly asserting many he- 
 retical, erroneous, scandalous, and greatly suspected opinions, 
 in approbation and praise of the aforesaid heresy and heretics, 
 whom he follows as his masters." Simancas gives us another 
 in these words: — 
 
 " I accuse N. who being baptized a Christian, beheves and 
 teaches many heresies, and especially this and that,''^ after men- 
 tioning which, the promotor fiscal concludes, with demanding 
 that N. may be punished as an obstinate heretic, and suffer the 
 most grievous punishments of heresy. 
 
 Lewis a Paramo gives us a larger form of this bill of indict- 
 ment, in his history of the inquisition.^ 
 
 In the supreme court of the general inquisition at Rome, 
 the procurator of the exchequer gives in the points and articles 
 concerning the offences, instead of a bill of indictment, but 
 this must be done personally, as well as in the presence of the 
 
 « Pegna, com. 29. b Tit. de Accusationibus. 
 
 « Lib. 3. c[ii. 9. n. 21. 
 
HISTOltY OF THE INQUISITION. 387 
 
 judge and of the person accused. A copy of this accusation is 
 usually given to the criminal, to which he must answer article 
 by article, if he undertakes to make a defence. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 How the Interrogatories given in hy the Criminals are formed 
 and exhibited. 
 
 IN order to prepare his defence, the criminal also puts in 
 his interrogatories, and desires of the inquisitor that the wit- 
 nesses may be interrogated upon them. But if they are im- 
 pertinent or deceitful, or tending to discover the informers, or 
 to intangle and puzzle the witness, or to conceal the truth, or 
 to discover such circumstances by which he might come to the 
 knowledge of the informer or witnesses, the inquisitor hath 
 power to set them aside. 
 
 But as Simancas tells us,* this is not the method in the Span- 
 ish inquisitions, where the criminals are not allowed to put in- 
 terrogatories to the witnesses of the promotor of the exchequer, 
 but the judge is obliged by office diligently to examine into 
 the credit, hfe, and manners of the witnesses. But the contrary 
 is observed in all the inquisitions in Italy, as Carena informs 
 us, and that it ought to be thus, he proves by this reason : — '* 
 " That by not giving the names of the witnesses, the defence 
 of the criminals at this tribunal is imperfect and maimed enough, 
 without introducing any other novelty ; but that the defences 
 of the criminal would be necessarily much more imperfect and 
 maimed, if the witnesses against him should not be suffered to 
 be interrogated by him." 
 
 In Italy,' it is usual for the criminal's advocate to demand 
 tJhat the witnesses may be examined and interrogated, concern^ 
 ing their country, age, condition, state, employment. As, whe- 
 
 • Cafliol. Instit. t. 64. n. 10. b p. 3. t, 7. sect. U, 
 
 ' Pcgna, I. 2. c. 31. 
 
 n r> Q 
 
388 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 ther he is rich or poor, clergyman or layman, a religious, regu- 
 lar or secular, married or unmarried, a father or a son ? Whe- 
 ther he be a citizen or inhabitant of that city where the cause 
 is carried on? Whether he came to the place? Whether he al- 
 ways lived in it ? Whether he lives at his own or other person's 
 charge? Whether in no trial or case he never deposed upon 
 oath things which were not true, either for or against any 
 person ? Whether he was ever excommunicated, and on what 
 account, and in what place ? Whether he or his parents were 
 not declared infamous, interdicted, excommunicated, and inca- 
 pable to bear witness? Whether he confessed his sins this 
 year at Easter, to what confessor, and in what church ? Like- 
 wise, whether he hath taken the sacrament of the eucharisist, 
 from what priest, and whom present ? AVhether he was ever 
 under inquisition, accused or processed, for any crime or 
 crimes, what they were ? Whether he was absolved or con- 
 demned, and by what judge ? Whether any thing was said, 
 promised, forgiven, or granted to him on this account, that 
 he should bear witness against any one, or that he should say 
 in his examination any thing general or particular, and whether 
 he doth or hath expected any advantage, and what, by his 
 deposition ? Whether he doth not know N. what was the first 
 time, place, and occasion of his knowing him ? Whether he 
 hath often conversed with him, and concerning what matters, 
 and whether when he first knew him, the said N, was accounted 
 a good and Catholic Christian, a man of a good conscience, and 
 fearing God ? Then they proceed to the articles, and inter- 
 rogate the witnesses concerning the year, month, day, place, 
 and hour, where and when the aforesaid N. discovered heresy ? 
 Whether he spoke it as the sentiment of his mind, deliberately 
 and seriously, or only as repeating another's words ? What 
 the precise words were which he spoke ? And the like with 
 regard to the other articles. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 389 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Of the re'examming the Witnesses, and the Punishment of 
 false Witnesses. 
 
 THE Avitnesses cited by the judges must be carefully exa- 
 mined and interrogated.* And first they are asked, whether 
 they know why they are summoned ? If they say they do 
 know or guess that they are summoned in the same cause in 
 which they liave already given witness before the same judge, 
 they are asked, if they remember what they deposed in the 
 said cause .? And whether it be true ? And whether they 
 will add, take away, change, or correct any thing .? Whatso- 
 ever they answer, must be faithfully written down by the 
 notary. Then they are examined again, without seeing their 
 former depositions, that the truth or falsehood may more evi- 
 dently appear from their consistency or inconsistency. Finally, 
 this confirmation of their testimony must be made before the 
 judges and secretary, and two religious and discreet persons. 
 For as the party concerned is not allowed to be present, two 
 persons of reputation must be present in his stead. 
 
 If the latter depositions do not agree with the former,'' the 
 former must be read over to the witnesses, and they interro- 
 gated what is the meaning of this difference in what they say, 
 and gently admonished to persist in the truth. Lastly, what- 
 soever they say must be written down, and if they contradict 
 themselves, or faulter, they must be sent into custody, and if 
 the case requires it, to be tortured and punished. 
 
 When a witness swears that he will conceal his evidence,* 
 and is afterwards convicted of discovering it before the publi- 
 cation of it, he may be condemned by the judges at their plea- 
 sure, either to do pubhc penance, or to pay a fine, or to ba- 
 nishment, or the pillory, or to be whipped ; and if the nature 
 of the case requires it, to the gallies. 
 
 ^ Simanc. t.44. sect. 23 b Ibid. sect. 24. 
 
 ' Ibid. tit. 64. »ect, 83. 
 C C 3 
 
390 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 If the witnesses are evidently caught in falsehood, they may 
 be punished by the inquisitor, according to their merits and his 
 discretion. 
 
 Sentence is pronounced openly against false witnesses, because 
 they are brought into public view, in order that theu' villany may 
 be exposed. But the punishments enjoined are always compa- 
 ratively mild, least others should be intimidated from bearing 
 witness against future criminals. 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 How the Prisoner hath a Copy of the Evidence, without 
 the Names of the Witnesses. 
 
 THE witnesses having been re-examined,^ a copy of the 
 proofs brought against the criminals is usually given to them, 
 that they may the sooner determine, whether they will give up 
 the cause, or stand trial, and m this case the following things 
 are observed in this court. First, that the depositions be 
 literally given to the criminal as made by the witnesses, that he 
 may fully understand what every witness hath deposed against 
 him, so that it is not sufficient to give them him in short. 
 Secondly, the depositions are not to be confoimded or mixed, 
 but each of them to be distinctly and separately from others 
 given him in writing, that the criminal may the better under- 
 stand them, and severally answer them, and thus be able the 
 better to defend himself Thirdly, the names of the witnesses 
 are not to be given him, nor their surnames, nor any circum- 
 stances by which he may discover who they are, because such 
 discovery might occasion great danger either to the witnesses or 
 the Inquisition, upon account of the power of the persons 
 accused, by reason of their family, riches, or mahce. The 
 supreme senate determined the same, with respect to the 
 answers of the witnesses to the interrogatories of the criminals, 
 
 * Pegna, p. 47. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. S91 
 
 ordering they should not be given them, if the witnesses were 
 in danger of being discovered hereby. For tlie same reason 
 they add the year and month, but not the particular day when 
 the witnesses affirm the crime to be committed. Thus also the 
 place is added in general, but not the particular house or room 
 where. All these things they carefully avoid, that the crimi- 
 nal may not by any means discover who are the witnesses or 
 informers against him. This they will in no wise suffer. 
 For as they generally say, secrecy is the very sinew of the 
 Inquisition. Hence it is easy to infer, that many of those 
 interrogatories which are formed by the advocates of the 
 criminals, are not allowed, because they must relate to such 
 circumstances, which, if known to them, would easily discover 
 to them the witnesses. However the advocates, bound to the 
 Inquisition by oath, must form them, that they may seem to do 
 something for the criminals, when in reality they do nothing, 
 and deceive the miserable prisoners, with the vain hopes, what 
 they will do in their defence, when nothing at all is done for 
 them ; for whilst the witnesses or informers are concealed from 
 them, they are deprived of the best and most necessary 
 means of their defence. However, this is strictly prohibited 
 by several edicts of the Popes, and instructions of the inqui- 
 sitors.^ 
 
 And though the criminal insists, and demands, that he be 
 allowed to make his defence, according to the course of the law, 
 
 a The form of proceeding was an infallible way lo destroy whomsoovor the 
 inquisitors pleased. The prisoners are not confronted with their accusers, 
 and there is no informer ever so base but they listen to ; a public criminal, 
 an infamous person, a child, a prostitute, are good evidence, even a son may 
 inform against his father, a wife against her husband, in short, the prisoner is 
 obliged to accuse himself, to guess and to confess the crime l,ie is supposed to 
 be guilty of, and of which he is frequently ignorant. This strange manner 
 of proceeding struck a terror into the whole kingdom of Spain, a gemral 
 jealousy and suspicion took possession of all ranks of people, friendship and 
 sociability were at an end. Brothers were afraid of brothers, fathers of their 
 children. Hence silence is become the chaiacteristic of a nation, endowed 
 with all the vivacity natural to a warm and fruitful climate. The most art- 
 ful endeavoured to be bailiffs to the Inquisition, under the name of familiars, 
 chusing rather this servile oifice, than to be exposed to such cruelties. 
 
 Voltaire's Univ. Hist. v. 3. 177. 
 
592 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 and by consequence that the names of the witnesses be shewn 
 him as well as their depositions, he is not to be heard. Those 
 who are called new Christians in Spain, never could obtain it, 
 though they used their utmost endeavours for it. Ludovicus 
 a Paramo tells us,^ that in the reign of Charles, who succeeded 
 his grandfather Ferdinand, the new converts offered 80,0000 
 pieces of gold to the king, if he would order the witnesses to be 
 made known in the tribunal of the Inquisition. And when the 
 young king, who was but 18 years old, was greatly tempted by 
 so vast a sum of money. Cardinal Ximenes, inquisitor general, 
 by setting before him the great danger of such witnesses, and 
 the damage that would hereby accrue to the church, wrought 
 upon him to despise that offer. 
 
 But when the person accused cannot particularly defend 
 himself upon account of the suppressing the names of the wit- 
 nesses, but can only conjecture in general, not being able to 
 make any tolerable guess, it is recommended to the prudence 
 of the inquisitor, to take such proper measures, as that he may 
 know, whether the said deponents and witnesses are the mortal 
 enemies of the persons accused or not. 
 
 And in order the more effectually to prevent all danger to 
 the witnesses, which may arise from their being known, Camil- 
 lus Campegius advises, not only to suppress their names, but 
 even all circumstances that may tend to point out or discover 
 them. For he says he hath oftentimes seen that the granting 
 such a copy hath given rise to enmities, hatreds, wounds and 
 death; and sometimes, that those under Inquisition, falsely 
 imagining a person to have deposed against them, who hath 
 not, nor said or did any thing against them, have notwithstand- 
 ing, through such a false persuasion, contrived not only greatly 
 to injure him, but even his destruction. Thus it happened at 
 Ferrara, and at other places, as he says he was credibly 
 informed. And therefore he advises the inquisitors, to proceed 
 very cautiously in this affair, and so to defend the Catholic 
 faith, as to secure the Hves of the witnesses. For he says there 
 are few to be found, who are willing to inform or depose in this 
 cause of heretics, and that if the safety of the witnesses should 
 
 » L. 2. t. 2. c. 6. n. 4. ] 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 39S 
 
 be endangered by the world, he imagines there would not be so 
 much as a single informer. 
 
 When any just exceptions are objected against the witnesses, 
 the cnminal is admitted to prove them. But his witnesses are 
 so cautiously examined, as if possible to prevent their knowing 
 who the witnesses against the criminal are. And, in order to 
 this, they are interrogated not only concerning the enmity or 
 conspiracy of the real witnesses against the criminal, but of 
 others also who are not evidences against him. 
 
 Since therefore they are so exceeding cautious not to disco- 
 ver by any means the informers or witnesses to the criminals, 
 it is evident they are not brought before, or confronted with 
 one another, that they may be heard against, and what they 
 say and answer be opposed to each other. Carena^ teaches us, 
 that persons are seldom confronted in the holy office, and that 
 it is never done in the supreme tribunal of the city, unless the 
 cause be fully known, and the cardinals supreme inquisitors in- 
 terpose by their decree, who usually determine, whether or no 
 any danger may accrue to the witnesses and criminal by being 
 confronted. But because sometimes it happens in the holy 
 office, that the criminal must necessarily be seen and pointed 
 out by the witnesses, this is done not by openly confronting 
 them, but by making the witnesses look through the crevices of 
 the door of some fastened room, where the criminal is put, in 
 company of some other persons ahke in their dress, stature, and 
 face. This Carena says was practised formerly in the Inquisi- 
 tion at Cremona, according to the command of the sacred 
 congregation, where a certain regular, who had contracted 
 matrimony, was thus viewed and pointed out, notwithstanding 
 his confession, that the sentence of the nullity of his marriage 
 might be more safely pronounced. 
 
 • P. 3. t. 7. sect. 6. 
 
394 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 How the Articles and Witnesses foi' the Criminal are pro- 
 duced and ecoamined. 
 
 WHEN the criminal hath received a copy of the evidence 
 and proofs against him,* if he insists on his defence, a certain 
 term is granted him to exhibit the articles by which he would 
 prove his innocence. This term is not fixed to any precise 
 day, but left to the pleasure of the judge, who can grant him 
 more or fewer days, as he thinks fit. And because the 
 defence of the criminal consists of three parts, viz. in denying 
 the fact, or disabling the witnesses, or proving his good life 
 and behaviour, his being a good Christian or Catholic, the 
 articles to be proved are disposed into method, according to 
 the aforesaid division. But yet the prudent and Catholic 
 procurator or advocate must consider his oath, and both insert 
 in the articles the things which he beheved to be true, just 
 as they have been suggested to him by the criminal, he is to 
 defend, and continually admonish him simply to confess the 
 truth. 
 
 At the end of the articles produced by the criminal,'' the 
 names of the witnesses by which he would prove his innocence, 
 are put down, and the particular article upon which he would 
 have each witness examined, specified. For as it cannot easily 
 happen that any single witness should know all the matters 
 contained in all the articles, therefore to prevent the inquisitor, 
 or he to whom the inquisitor commits the examination, the 
 trouble of being forced to guess w]io knows the contents of such 
 and such an article, or of examining all the witnesses upon 
 every article, it is particularly shewn, that such a witness must 
 be examined upon such and such an article, and so of the rest. 
 By some he endeavours to prove, that the person who he ima^ 
 gines hath deposed against him, is his mortal enemy; by others, 
 that he hath lived a good life, and so on. ^ 
 
 ^ Pegna, 1. 2. c. 48. b ibid. c. 49. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 395 
 
 If after the articles have been produced and admitted, the 
 criminal will add one or more additional articles to them, the 
 inquisitor may admit them as well as the first, because it is not 
 expressly prohibited by law. In forming these articles, a 
 skilful advocate or procurator must consider those things, which 
 may either remove or extenuate the crime, i. e. prove the false- 
 hood of the accusation, or extenuate the guilt by proper circum- 
 stances ; as, whether the person was mad or drunk when he 
 spoke the words which constitute his crime, &c. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Oftlie Defence of the Criminals. 
 
 AFTER the parties have prepared their proofs, Pegna says,« 
 a copy of the defensive process must be delivered to the crimi- 
 nal. But Carena observes, that for the space of twenty years, 
 during which he acted in the Inquisition at Cremona, he never 
 saw a copy of the defensive process given to the criminals in 
 that court, and he advises all the inquisitors, to act in the same 
 manner ; because sometimes the criminal produces in his defence 
 witnesses of a tender conscience, who rather make against him, 
 and for this reason inconveniences may arise from the grant of 
 this process. And this he says is the practice of the Spanish 
 Inquisition. But whatever the copy is which is gi'anted him, 
 he hath a term fixed him for making his defence, wdthin which, 
 if he thinks fit, he gives in his informations as to fact and law, 
 to prove his innocence. 
 
 Obstinate heretics are denied a defence,^ but criminals, riot 
 yet convicted, are allowed to make the best they can. The 
 first and principal defence of tliose who are innocent, is to deny 
 the crimes which are falsely objected to them. Such a one 
 must constantly persist in his denial of them, that he may not 
 
 * Cap. 57. ** Siinanc. Catlu Inst. c. 17. j 
 
396 HISTORY OF THE INaiTISITION. 
 
 unjustly condemn, and give false evidence against himself. 
 Such a one however cannot prove directly by witnesses that he 
 did not say or do such a thing ; but when the place and time of 
 the crime, said to be committed, is assigned, he may prove that 
 he was not then and there present, and that therefore he did 
 not say or do any thing of which he is accused. And when 
 he hath proved this by several reputable witnesses, he is to be 
 absolved. 
 
 ■v^%^»%'\/v>^-v^ 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 How the Inquisitor may he rejected. 
 
 THERE are other exceptions against the judge himself,* 
 and those are principally two, the first is the refusal of the 
 inquisitor. This refusal is sometimes reasonable and just, 
 sometimes frivolous and void. *But in this tribunal many 
 causes, which are sufficient to set aside other judges, are not 
 admitted, but only these, enmities, conspiracy against the cri- 
 minals, or something hke it, as a grievous contention, whence 
 enmity may easily arise. Lesser causes are never allowed. Or 
 if the inquisitor hath dealt hardly by the criminal, contrary to 
 the common course of the law." If the inquisitor apprehends 
 that the accused person will refuse him upon this latter account, 
 he may give a full deputation to some other person, before he 
 is acquainted \\dth his being rejected, after which such rejection 
 is void, and the deputation made stands good. If such rejec- 
 tion be presented to the inquisitor, he may amend his mistake, 
 and reduce the process to the condition -it was in, before the 
 
 a Direct, p. 3. n. 128. 
 
 * In Portugal, the ignorance of the inquisitors is absolutely proverbial, so 
 much so, that when any nobleman or rich person has occasion to converse 
 en the subject of bringing up his ions, he says, " As to my son, who is the 
 most stupid of his brothers, we must send him to learn divinity, or the canon 
 law, that he may become an inquisitor or a canon*" 
 
 Da Costa's Narr. vol. 1. 99. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 897 
 
 injury complained of; and thus the grievance being removed, 
 the reason of suspicion ceases, and the refusal of the inquisitor 
 becomes void. 
 
 If he rejects him as an enemy, •= or as a friend of his enemy or 
 accuser, Eymeric is of opinion, that the matter must be left to 
 arbitrators to determine it. But now the reason of such refusal 
 must be remitted to the supreme senate of the inquisition, that 
 the affair being summarily taken cognizance of, the inquisitor 
 refused may be rejected, or prohibited to judge in that cause, 
 or on the contrary, may be commanded to proceed. This is 
 determined by the Madrid instruction.^ " If any one of the 
 inquisitors shall be refused by any criminal, if such inquisitor 
 hath a colleague on the spot, he must then abstain from the 
 cognizance of such cause, and certify the senate of the matter, 
 and in the mean while let his colleague proceed. If he hath 
 no colleague, let him in hke manner certify the senate, and not 
 proceed in the cause, until the senate shall decree what ought 
 to be done, after having seen and examined the reasons of the 
 suspicion. The same must be done when all the inquisitors 
 are rejected.*" * 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Of the Appeal from the Inquisitor. 
 
 ANOTHER exception against the judge is, to appeal from 
 the inquisitor.'^ For although the emperor Frederick decrees,"* 
 " That all benefit of proclamation and appeal shall be wholly 
 denied to heretics, their receivers and favourers,'' yet sometimes 
 such appeal is allowed to the person accused. However, here- 
 tics are allowed no appeal from a definitive sentence, because 
 no one is definitively condemned for heresy, unless one that 
 hath confessed it, or who hath been legally convicted, according 
 to the laws of the inquisition ; and from such definitive sen- 
 s' Direct, com. 30. »> A.D. 15Cl,c. 52. 
 
 c Direct, n. 121, &c. com. 31. "* In 1. Commissi nobis, sect. 7. 
 
398 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 tences there can be no appeal, in favour of the faith, and out 
 of hatred to heretics, least judgment should be protracted.* 
 But an interlocutory sentence is a quite different thing, and 
 from this criminals are allowed to appeal, when they think they 
 have been unjustly dealt with. 
 
 Simancas confirms the same :** " Heretics cannot appeal from 
 a definitive sentence, though they may from all interlocutory 
 sentences, if it doth not yet appear that the criminals are here- 
 tics. So that if a criminal be condemned to the torture, or to 
 purgation, to be bastinadoed, or to a fine, he may appeal, be- 
 cause it doth not appear that he is an heretic, but only sus- 
 pected ; nor doth he appeal from the law, but from the judges, 
 who have pronounced sentence according to their pleasure." 
 
 This appeal must consist of two parts. The grievance which 
 the criminal affirms he lies under, and the plea by v/hich such 
 grievance is proved. 
 
 Some grievances are capable of being remedied. As if the 
 inquisitor should not admit the accused person to make his 
 defence, or hath singly, and by himself, without the bishop 
 or vicar, commanded him to be put to the question. Other 
 grievances are irreparable, as if he hath actually made him un- 
 dergo the torture. And, therefore, when the accused person 
 alleges the grievances, and again and again demands letters of 
 appeal ;'^ the inquisitor, after such an appeal is exhibited to 
 him, must, within thirty days, examine the reasons of such an 
 appeal, and if, after having taken the advice of proper persons, 
 he finds that he hath unjustly aggi'ieved the accused person, 
 he must, at the term assigned, amend what hath been amiss, 
 remedy the grievances complained of, and bring the process to 
 its former state, and then proceed as before. For when the 
 grievance is removed, the appeal is void. 
 
 a Cap. Ut Inquisilionis, de haeret. I. 6. 
 b De Cathol. Inst. tit. 6. sect- 3. 
 e Apostoli. Those ApostoU were demissory letters, granted by ecclesiasti- 
 cal officials and judges, to those who appealed to Ihe pope at Rome. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 399 
 
 CHAP. XXV. 
 
 How they proceed against those who make their Escape. 
 
 THUS have we given an account of the method of pro- 
 ceeding against a criminal actually in jail.* But if he absent, 
 or hath made his escape, the process is formed against him 
 after this manner. When any one is informed against before 
 the inquisitor for being infected with heresy, and such person 
 is not present in the place where the inquisitor lives, but dwells 
 in some other place, within the bounds of the inquisitor's ju- 
 risdiction, he is said to be absent, but not a fugitive. 
 
 But when any one knows that inquisition is made against 
 him,^ or is actually imprisoned, and yet makes his escape, to 
 avoid the hands of the inquisitors, he is said to be a fugitive. 
 In this case, the inquisitor first enquires diligently, and with- 
 out noise, to what place he is fled, and where he hath con- 
 cealed himself; and if he finds out the place, orders him to be 
 taken up, and sent back to him. If it be within his own 
 jurisdiction, he may require the temporal lord to apprehend 
 him, and conduct him ^vithin his district. Yea, he may re- 
 quire the same from any other lord, whilst he hath him in 
 possession. If he be without his jurisdiction, he may never- 
 theless proceed against him, and require the inquisitor, in whose 
 jurisdiction he is, to cause him to be taken up, and sent back 
 to him, or send him his process, that he may do what justice 
 shall require. 
 
 If the inquisitor cannot find out the place to which the cri- 
 minal is fled, he cites him personally in the cathedral church 
 of that diocese to which he belongs, and in the parish church 
 of that city, where he dwelt before his escape, and, finally, 
 in his own proper house in which he commonly lived, person- 
 ally to appear within a certain term before the inquisitor, 
 to answer concerning the faith and articles of faith, under this 
 penalty, that if he doth not appear within the term assigned 
 
 • Direct, p. 3. n. 30. Com. SS. " Com. ISS. 
 
400 HISTORr OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 him, he shajl be excommunicated with the greater excommuni- 
 cation ; and if taken afterwards, must be punished by pubhc 
 whipping and closer confinement. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. 
 
 How the Process is ended in the Inquisition. 
 
 AFTER the process is thus begun and carried on, it remains 
 that we now explain how it is finished. 
 
 When all the defences are exhibited, the criminal presses to 
 have his cause dispatched. This may and must be done either 
 by the imprisoned criminal himself, or by his procurator or 
 advocate, and that either by speaking, or by presenting a short 
 petition. 
 
 " After this, the judges with their assessors and counsellors,* 
 having examined the proofs, shall consider, and shall proceed 
 according to the merits of the causes to pass sentences, or to 
 interlocutories,^ and absolve the innocent, and leave the obsti- 
 nate to the secular judge, and condemn such as are suspected, 
 according to the nature of then- crimes, persons and proofs, 
 either to the question, or abjuration, or purgation, or impri- 
 sonment, or banishment, or to a fine ; or shall enjoin them to 
 purge and redeem their fault by fastings, prayers, and alms. 
 
 Simancas hath given us a brief account of the manner of 
 pronouncing sentence, which I shall here insert, because it 
 fully represents to us the method which is usually observed in 
 these cases. 
 
 " All the judges are obliged to read the sentences,* out of a 
 little book or brief, and must do it themselves, and not by 
 others, unless they are illustrious persons, or in some post of 
 great dignity. And, therefore, when the inquisitors have a 
 
 » Simanc. t. 44. sect. 26. 
 
 * Interlocutio is not a definitive sentence, but the determination of some 
 smaller matter iu a cause, till the principal cause is fully discussed. 
 
 «= Simanc.|t.'^60. sect. 1. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 401 
 
 cause before them of more than ordinary consequence, they 
 may pronounce sentence by others, wliich must be done before 
 the clergy and people, for instruction, warning, and terror. — 
 And this was formerly the custom in Spain. 
 
 " The form of a sentence of condemnation is this.' First 
 the nature of the doctrine or opinions asserted by the criminal 
 himself, is declared ; after this, the diligent enquiry that hath 
 been made into his crimes, the citations, admonitions, confes- 
 sions, legal proofs, the times given for repentance, his mind 
 hardened in his errors, his obstinate persisting in them, and all 
 other things, which may tend to shew that the process which 
 hath been carried on and observed against him hath been just, 
 are enumerated. All which particulars being laid down in their 
 order, then follows the sentence itself, formed as the nature of 
 the crime requires, according to the ecclesiastical rules, contain- 
 ing the condemnation of the opinions, authors, books, and 
 other matters. 
 
 " Besides,'' in the sentence of condemnation, the time must 
 be declared from which the criminal fell into heresy, that by a 
 bare inspection, the judge of the forfeited effects may kno^ 
 from what day his effects are to be confiscated, which is pro- 
 vided by a certain letter of the inquisitor general, for this rea- 
 son, that there may be no need of looking over the whole pro- 
 cess on this account, in which there are several things which 
 ought to be kept secret. It is also provided by another letter 
 of the senate, that when the judges and the learned are dehbe- 
 rating about the sentence to be pronounced, they shall fix the 
 time of the heresy. This letter is printed amongst the instruc- 
 tions, and dated from Granada, A. D. 1499. 
 
 " The sentence, by which persons lapsed into heresy are re- 
 incorporated into the church, is in this form.'^ They are de- 
 clared to have been heretics or apostates, and to have incurred 
 the penalties established by law. But inasmuch as they say 
 they will return to the church with a pure heart, and faith 
 unfeigned, the judges absolve them from excommunication, 
 
 » Siraanc. t. GO. sect. 2. ^ Ibid. sect. 3 ^ Ibid. sect. 6. 
 
 Dd 
 
402 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 and reconcile them to the church, if it be true what they say, 
 that tliey are unfeignedly and truly converted.* 
 
 '' But in a sentence of condemnation the criminal must be 
 declared an obstinate heretic, and his effects be confiscated, and 
 his opinions and writings must be condemned and anathema- 
 tized, and he must be moreover deprived of all ecclesiastical 
 heresies, public offices, and honours whatsoever, and, finally, 
 be delivered over to the secular court, to receive his due punish- 
 ment.^ 
 
 " But if any one, after sentence of reconciliation, shall be 
 convicted of having concealed any heresies or heretics, or to 
 have boasted that he was innocent, and unjustly condemned, 
 he must be examined again as an impenitent ; nor mil the 
 sentence by which he was reconciled to the church, be of any 
 service to him, because it appears by this very thing, that it 
 was pronounced upon a feigned confession and pretended con- 
 version.^ Besides, if any new proof arises against the convert, 
 his cause must be tried over again, notwithstanding the sen- 
 tence of re-incorporation or absolution, or purgation, or ques- 
 tion pronounced before in the same cause.'^ 
 
 " When the inquisitors diifer, and the cause is determined 
 by the senate of the holy inquisition, all must subscribe to the 
 sentence, even they who were of the contrary or different opi- 
 nion.* If there should happen to be in any province three 
 inquisitors, and one agrees with the bishop or his vicar, and 
 the two others differ from them, the cause must be remitted 
 to the senate. But if two agree with the ordinary judge, the 
 sentence must be immediately pronounced, without any men- 
 tion made of the difference about pronouncing such sentence. 
 All these things are more fully contained in several letters of 
 the senate. 
 
 "It is also the custom, that when the sentences against 
 heretics are publicly pronounced, to read those last of all, by 
 which the obstinate and impenitent are condemned; and 
 
 * 1 Instruct. Hispal. c. 10. 
 
 b Simanc, sect. 6. ^ Ibid. sect. 8 
 
 * 1 Instruct. Hispal. c. 13. 3 Instruct. Valdolit. c. 3. 
 
 e Simanc. sect. 10. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 403 
 
 after they have read over a summary account of the acts of 
 the process, to make a pause, and admonish the heretics before 
 all the people, that they would at length be converted, be- 
 cause as yet the time of mercy is not out.* If they say they 
 will be converted, they are to be carried back to jail, and ad- 
 mitted to penance if converted. But if they persist in their 
 obstinacy and impenitence, their sentence must be read, after 
 which they must be immediately seized on by the secular 
 judge, and being condemned to the flames, be directly burnt. 
 Lutherans are dealt with in a different manner, because they 
 are the worst, and the most pernicious of all heretics, and very 
 seldom truly converted ; on which accounts they are treated with 
 greater severity. 
 
 " In this order the sentences were pronounced in Spain 
 against heretics descending from Jews and moors, because 
 they could hurt only themselves, or those of the same race 
 with themselves ; for during the space of eight hundred years, 
 none of the noble or antient Christians were infected by them.** 
 But after that the pernicious heretics of our time are found to 
 have infected not only antient, but even some noble Christians 
 with their impiety, they are not admitted to be reconciled at 
 the last moment when sentence is to be pronounced, because 
 then they ask pardon rather through fear of immediate death, 
 than willingly and from the heart, and being thus but feigned 
 converts may do a great deal of mischief 
 
 «/««^'VW^'«/< -vx 
 
 CHAP. XXVIT. 
 
 How the Process is ended by Absolution. 
 
 HAVING said these things in general, it now remains, that 
 we distinctly'explain how every process is finished. 
 
 The first manner of ending a process in causes of tJie faith, 
 
 * Simanc. srct. 11. ^ Ibid. sect. 12. 
 
 D d '^ 
 
404 HISTORY OF THE I>3aUISITI0N. 
 
 is by absolution, when the criminal is not found guilty. And 
 this may happen two ways, either because he was really found 
 innocent, the informers and witnesses being found guilty of 
 falsehood, or because the accusation against him was not fully 
 proved. 
 
 If he is found innocent after the first manner, especially if 
 the witnesses have retracted their depositions, then he may be 
 pronounced innocent. And in this case, as Paramus tells us,* 
 the accused person, whose innocence appears, rides upon an 
 horse, amidst the applause of the people, crowned with laurel 
 and palm- branches, after the manner of a triumph. 
 
 If he is not found guilty, after the second manner, because 
 he is not convicted neither by his own confession, nor the evi- 
 dence of fact, nor by the legal producing of witnesses, and is 
 not otherwise found to be suspected, nor publicly defamed for 
 the aforesaid crime, he is absolved by the bishop and inquisitor 
 together, or by either of them separately.^ 
 
 For that the prisoner cannot be condemned in such a case,*' 
 is expressly determined by the council of Biterre,"^ and by that 
 of Narbonne.* "But proceed to the condemnation of no per- 
 son, without his own confession,- or clear and open proofs ; 
 for it is better to suffer a crime to go unpunished, than to con- 
 demn the innocent." 
 
 In such a sentence of absolution there is no mention made 
 of the heresies or crimes, for which such person is accused or 
 informed against, because they are not proved. This hath 
 been provided for by the Madrid instruction,^ whether it be 
 pronounced upon a person dead or alive. " When he who de- 
 fends the memory and reputation of a person deceased, hath 
 legally maintained his cause, and the deceased person is to be 
 absolved from any farther trial, his sentence shall be pronounced 
 in the public act, because the edicts were published against 
 him. However, in this case, the statue of such deceased per- 
 son who is absolved in the public act, shall not be brought 
 forth, nor shall the particular errors of which he was accused, 
 
 » I 2. t. 3. c. 1, n. 12. Direct, p. 3. n. 141. 
 
 c Ibid. com. 121. J Cap. 11. « Cap. 23. 
 
 : ^ A. D. 1561. cap. 62- 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 405 
 
 be recited, because they are not proved. The same must be 
 observed with respect to those, who are personally apprehended 
 and accused, and absolved from farther trial, if they shall de- 
 mand it." 
 
 Not that they are wont to pronounce such criminal free 
 from heresy, but only to declare that nothing is legally done 
 against him, on account of which he may, or ought to be pro- 
 nounced an heretic, or any ways be suspected of heretical 
 pravity; and that therefore he is wholly released from his 
 present trial, inquisition and judgment. But they carefully 
 avoid putting into his sentence that he w^as innocent, or not 
 guilty, that if so be he should afterwards be informed against, 
 and the crinle legally proved, he may be condemned notwith- 
 standing the aforesaid sentence of absolution. But if it should 
 happen that any one is pronounced wholly innocent, and is 
 afterwards accused of the same crime, their doctrine is, that 
 notwithstanding his sentence of absolution, he may be again 
 judged and condemned ; because, in this crime no sentences 
 whatsoever can ever be accounted as an adjudged case, in favour 
 of the faith. 
 
 In the same manner also they are absolved who are accused 
 of receiving, defending, or otherwise favouring heretics or 
 heretical pravity, when nothing is legally granted against 
 them. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII, 
 
 How the Process against a Person defamed for Heresy is 
 ended hy Canonical Purgati 
 
 120 n 
 
 WHEN the person accused is only fovmd to be defamed 
 for heresy, in any village, city, or province, and is not con- 
 victed either by his own confession, or the evidence of the fact, 
 or by the legal producing of witnesses, or any other legal proofs. 
 
 d3 
 
406 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 and infamy only is precisely against him, he is not absolved, 
 but he is enjoined canonical purgation by the bishop and inqui- 
 sitor together, and not separately.^ 
 
 " There is frequent mention made of canonical purgation, 
 in the papal law, and though in all other crimes it is grown 
 into disuse, yet in the crime of heresy it is now practised, and 
 is very common in the sacred court of the inquisitors.^ For 
 which reason Godofred praises Spain in these words. Persons 
 suspected of heresy are punished in the most religious king- 
 doms of Spain, triumphing especially in these times, and 
 worthy of singular praise, because it suffers not only no real 
 heresy, but even no suspicion of heresy to remain even a mo- 
 ment without a suitable censure." 
 
 In the cause of canonical purgation it is required, that cer- 
 tain witnesses (the number being determined by the inquisitor 
 according to the crime) shall appear in favour of the accused, 
 who, after having been solemnly sworn, declare his innocence 
 of the charges alledged against him ; and the accused himself 
 swears to his innocence, promising to continue in the behef of 
 the Cathohc faith: having performed this purgation he is 
 declared to be a person of good repute. 
 
 But as this purgation depends wholly on the pleasure of 
 other persons, it is a very deceitful and uncertain thing, and 
 therefore should not easily be enjoined criminals by die inqui- 
 sitor s.*= Thus the Madrid instruction.'^ " Canonical purga- 
 tion is, through the wickedness of men, a very dangerous 
 remedy, especially in these times, and therefore it is not much 
 used, and must therefore be seldom practised, and with great 
 caution." * Hence Simancas judges, that those who are born 
 of Jewish or Moorish parents, must not be compelled to this 
 purgation, because it would be the same thing as to throw 
 them directly into the fire. For who doth not think ill of 
 them, or at least doubt of their innocence ? And therefore he 
 thinks it would be better to compel them by abjuration, tor- 
 ments, or arbitrary punishments. But if they are at any time 
 
 » Direct, n. 144. com. 38. b Siuianc. t. 56. sect. 1. 
 
 c Pegna, in Direct, p. 2. com. 14. '^ A. D. 1561. cap. 47. 
 
 c Simanc. tit. 56. sect. 1. 
 
HISTORY OF THE I^^QUISITION. 407 
 
 condemned to this purgation, and they cannot procure such 
 compurgators as are required, others are to be admitted, though 
 not altogether so fit, that he may not be wholly deprived of the 
 means of his defence. And finally, he again and again ad- 
 monishes the inquisitors not rashly or easily to condemn any 
 one to canonical purgation, for this reason, amongst others, 
 that it is enough to sink the criminal, if the witnesses answer, 
 that they do not know% or doubt, whether he swore true or 
 false. And indeed who would not be doubtful in this case, 
 who knows that no one is condemned to purgation who is not 
 vehemently suspected. And therefore, in his opinion they 
 only are to be" enjoined purgation, whose reputation is of high 
 concern to the Christian people, viz, bishops, priests, preachers, 
 and others of the same kind. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. 
 
 How the Process is ended hy Torture. 
 
 WHEN the person accused is not found guilty, either by 
 his own confession, or the evidence of the fact, or legally pro- 
 ducing the witnesses, and when there is no such evidence to 
 support the suspicion, as is necessary to his being condemned 
 to abjure heresy, he is condemned by an interlocutory sen- 
 tence to the question and torture, that if he confesses nothing 
 when interrogated by torture, he may be esteemed as free 
 and innocent, and that if he confesses his errors he may be 
 converted and live. " For the same end,"" says Simancas, 
 '' Paul delivered the Corinthian to Satan for the destruction 
 of his flesh, diat his spirit might be saved." * 
 
 Royas however says,* that Ulpian spoke well, when he affirm- 
 ed, that credit should not always be given to the question, for 
 it is a very frail and dangerous thing, and oftentimes keeps 
 
 a Cathol. Instit. t. 65 sect 11. ^ Royas, p. 2. Assert. 31. sect. 295, 296. 
 
 D d 4 
 
408 HISTORY »OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 the truth from appearing. Some are fearful, who had rather 
 lie and speak falsehood instead of truth, than endure torments. 
 And yet in the crime of heresy, Roy as would have the judges 
 peculiarly disposed, and ready to put men to the torture, be- 
 cause it is a crime concealed in its nature, and there is often- 
 times great ^vant of proof Simancas adds, that in secret 
 crimes a judge ought to be more ready to inflict torture than 
 in others, and especially in heresy, which Hes hid in the heart, 
 and is more concealed than other crimes.^ Add to this, that an 
 heretic*s confessing, will be greatly profitable to himself and the 
 whole commonwealth. 
 
 The cases, in which they proceed to the torture in the pro- 
 cess of the inquisition, ai'e various. This however is a received 
 thing, that they are never to proceed to torture, unless there 
 be a defect of other proofs, and they think that the truth can- 
 not otherwise be found out. Hence they do not proceed to the 
 torture, till after the criminal hath a copy of his process, and 
 he hath answered to all the articles, and exhibited his defences, 
 and yet cannot make his innocence appear plainly to the judge, 
 when at the same time he cannot be fully convicted by wit- 
 nesses, or the evidence of the thing. 
 
 A copy of the proofs is not to be given, when the criminal 
 is found contradicting himself, faultering or trembling. For 
 such contradiction, faultering, or trembling, w^hen other exter- 
 nal proofs are wanting, may determine the judge to proceed to 
 torture upon any one of them. But others say that every va- 
 riation is not enough in order to the torture. Bernard Co- 
 mensis writes to the same purpose. 
 
 It is farther to be observed, that the judge must take care 
 that it be diligently and distinctly inserted at large by the 
 notary in the acts, whether the person interrogated answered 
 with resolution, or in a trembhng manner ; what signs he dis- 
 covered in his face, whether paleness or tears, or laughter, or 
 sweat, or trembling ; because, in case of an appeal, the superior 
 judge, who cannot look on the criminals and witnesses person- 
 ally, but only as they are described in writing, cannot come to 
 
 » Siraanc. tit. 65. sect. 51- 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 409 
 
 the knowledge of these particulars, unless they are described 
 at large by the first judge ; nor can the judge appealed to pre- 
 sume that there hath been any inconsistency, because he knew, 
 that if there had, it ought to have been expressed in the acts 
 transmitted to him. And this is the more necessary, lest the 
 judge himself, upon examination, should be proved to have 
 ordered the criminal to be tortured without proof. This incon- 
 sistency must be declared in presence of the inconsistent witness, 
 when the j udge intends to punish him on this account. 
 
 And this is what Campegius particularly recommends to the 
 vicars or commissaries of the inquisitor, or the other deputies 
 of the holy offices, that they let the inquisitor know how far 
 persons, under examination, are to be credited, which princi- 
 pally depends on their looks. He thinks the same ought to be 
 diligently observed, whether the inquisitor himself, or liis vicar, 
 makes the examination, with respect to those skilful persons, 
 whose advice they take, v>dio also ought to know these things. 
 
 But it depends wholly on the pleasure of the judge, whether 
 or no the person. accused shall be tortured or not, upon account 
 of such inconsistency, faultering, contradiction, trembling, 
 sweat, &:c. 
 
 If there are proofs sufficient for inquisition and arrest, but 
 not for the torture, a prudent judge may collect sufficient proofs 
 for the torture from such inconsistency, and the like. 
 
 But yet there is a case given, in which a person may be tortured 
 without any proofs and copy given, viz. when the person under 
 inquisition is present, and will not answer. For then he is to 
 be tortured not to extort a confession, but an affirmative or ne- 
 gative answer. Likewise, if a person under inquisition doth 
 not appear within the due term, and is thereupon declared 
 guilty of contumacy, and afterwards comes to purge himself 
 from such contumacy, he may, without any other proofs, be 
 tortured upon account of it. 
 
 The inquisitors sometimes shamefully and rashly proceed 
 to the torture of innocent persons, as will evidently appear by 
 one instance, not to mention more, given us by Gonsalvius." 
 " At the same time almost they apprehended in the inquisition 
 
 • p. 181. 
 
410 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 at Seville, a noble lady, Joan Boliorquia, the wife of Francis 
 Varquius, a very eminent man, and lord of Higiiera, and 
 daughter of Peter Garsia Xeresius, a wealthy citizen of Seville. 
 The occasion of hor imprisonment was, that her sister, Mary 
 Bohorquia, a young lady of eminent piety, who was afterwards 
 burnt for hef pious confession, had declared in her torture, that 
 she had several times conversed with her sister concerning her 
 own doctrine. When she was first imprisoned, she was about 
 six months gone with child, upon which account she was not 
 so straitly confined, nor used with that cruelty which the other 
 prisoners were treated with, out of regard to the infant she 
 carried in her. Eight days after her dehvery, they took the 
 child from her, and on the fifteenth shut her close up, and made 
 her undergo the fate of the other prisoners, and began to ma- 
 nage her cause with theh' usual arts and rigour. In so dread- 
 ful a calamity she had only this comfort, that a certain pious 
 young woman, who was afterwards burnt for her rehgion by the 
 inquisitors, was allowed her for her companion. This young 
 creature was, on a certain day, carried out to her torture, and 
 being returned from it into her jail, she was so shaken, and 
 had all her hmbs so miserably disjointed, that when she laid 
 upon her bed of rushes, it rather increased her misery than gave 
 her rest, so that she could not turn herself without the most 
 excessive pain. In this condition, as Bohorquia had it not in 
 her power to shew her any, or but very little outward kindness, 
 she endeavoured to comfort her mind mth great tenderness. 
 The girl had scarce began to recover from her torture, when 
 Bohorquia was carried out to the same exercise, and was tor- 
 tured with such diabolical cruelty upon the rack, that the rope 
 pierced and cut into the very bones in several places, and in 
 this manner she was brought back to prison, just ready to ex- 
 pire, the blood imm^ediately running out of her mouth in great 
 plenty. Undoubtedly they had burst her bowels, insomuch, 
 that the eighth day after her torture she died. And when, 
 after all, they could not procure sufficient evidence to condemn 
 her, though sought after and procured by all their inquisitorial 
 arts, yet as the accused person was born in that place, where 
 they were obliged to give some account of the affair to the 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 411 
 
 people, and indeed could not by any means dissemble it, in the 
 first act of triumph appointed after her death, they commanded 
 her sentence to be pronounced in chese words : — ' Because this 
 lady died in prison, (without doubt suppressing the causes of 
 it) and was found to be innocent upon inspecting and diligently 
 examining her cause, therefore the holy tribunal pronounces 
 her free from all charges brought against her by'the fiscal, and 
 absolving her fmm any farther process, doth restore her both 
 as to her innocence and reputation, and commands all her effects 
 which had been confiscated, to be restored to those to whom 
 they of right belonged,' &c. And thus after they had mur- 
 dered her by torture with savage cruelty, they pronounced her 
 innocent." 
 
 When the sentence is pronounced by which the criminal is 
 condemned to the torture, according to the manner of the in- 
 quisitorial law and processes, it is immediately tobe notified to 
 the promoter of the exchequer, that he may either appeal from 
 it, or demand the execution of it, as it is contained in the letters 
 of the inquisition.^ 
 
 Formerly the torture was inflicted by lay judges upon here- 
 tics or suspected persons, according to the constitution of Inno- 
 cent IV.^ But because by this means, secret matters were 
 oftentimes divulged, and great inconveniences to the faith arose 
 from hence, they afterwards thought it more convenient and 
 wholesome, that the whole cognizance and full discussion of 
 these crimes, which are merely ecclesiastical, should be confined 
 to the inquisitors. And as this could not oftentimes be done 
 without the question, it was therefore provided, that the inqui- 
 sitors and bishops might torture criminals for these offences. 
 And upon this account they had this privilege granted them, 
 that if at any time they should happen to contract any irregu- 
 larity, they should mutually dispense with each other. As ap- 
 pears from the rescript of Urban IV. beginning, Ut Negotium. 
 And this is the law now in practice. 
 
 The bishop and inquisitor, therefore, meet together, and by 
 an interlocutory sentence, pronounce that the accused person is 
 
 * Simaac. t. G5. sect. 53. b Pegna, in p. 3. com. 110. 
 
412 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 to be put to the torture such a day and such an hour. Thus 
 the Madrid instruction* commands : " Let the inquisitors and 
 ordinary meet together, to pronounce sentence of torture, and 
 in the same manner be present at the execution of it, by reason 
 of the various cases that may happen under the torture." For 
 neither the bishop nor the inquisitor, nor the inquisitor without 
 the bishop, or his vicar, can put any one to the torture. But 
 if the bishop or his vicar, upon summons sent them, either re- 
 fuses or neglects to be present within eight days, the inquisitor 
 may proceed alone to the torture ; or if one be not within reach 
 of the other, if he be absent a great way off, then the other 
 may proceed by himself But what place may be said to be a 
 great way off, is left at the pleasure of the judge to determine. 
 However, the bishop and inquisitor may depute each other, or 
 signify their consent by letters, which must be done within eight 
 days after they are summoned. In the inquisition at Cremona, '» 
 the advocate of the exchequer is present at the torture, and the 
 ' inquisitor there sits in the middle between the vicar general on 
 his right hand, and the advocate on his left. 
 
 As to the persons who may be tortured,^ although in all 
 other causes and crimes some persons are excepted, such as 
 doctors, soldiers, officers, Noblemen, and their sons, yet in this 
 most grievous and horrible crime of heresy, there is no privi- 
 lege to defend any one, but all may be put to the torture, even 
 clergymen, monks, or other religious. But to prevent excom- 
 munication, by grievously torturing or hurting them, and on 
 account of the dignity with which they are invested, they tor- 
 ture them more gently and mildly, unless the heinousness of 
 the crime, and the strength of the evidence requires otherwise. 
 As to such who are freed from being tortured for other crimes 
 upon account of their youth, or old age, or being with child, 
 they are not to be tortured for heresy. Persons under twenty- 
 five may be tortured for suspicion of heresy, but not if they 
 are under fourteen, but they may be terrified and beat. Nei- 
 ther is there any exception of place, although by ancient cus- 
 tom or municipial laws the torture is not otherwise to be in- . 
 
 a A. D. I5C1. c. 48. b Carena, p. 1. t, 9. num. 41. 
 
 «= Pegna, ibid. p. 642, 643. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 41 S 
 
 flicted there. Thus in the kmgdom of Aragon, no judge can 
 order any criminal to the torture, but yet in favour of the faith, 
 any persons, even though privileged, may be tortured for sus- 
 picions of heresy. 
 
 After the sentence of torture is pronounced, the officers pre- 
 pare themselves to inflict it." " The place of torture in the 
 Spanish inquisition is generally an under-ground and very 
 dark room, to which one enters through several doors. There 
 is a tribunal erected in it, in which the inquisitor, inspector, 
 and secretary, sit. When the candles are lighted, and the per- 
 son to be tortured brought in, the executioner, who was waiting 
 for the other, makes an astonishing and dreadful appearance. 
 He is covered all over with a black hnen garment down to his 
 feet, and tied close to his body. His head and face are all hid 
 with a long black cow^l, only two Httle holes being left in it for 
 him to see through. All this is intended to strike the misera- 
 ble wretch with greater terror in mind and body, when he sees 
 himself going to be tortured by the hands of one who thus looks 
 like the very devil." 
 
 Whilst the officers are getting things ready for the torture, 
 the bishop and inquisitor by themselves, and other good men 
 zealous for the faith, endeavour to persuade the person to be 
 tortured, freely to confess the truth, and if he will not, 
 they order the officers to strip him, who do it in an 
 instant.* Clergymen however must not be tortured by a 
 ^lay officer or torturer, unless they cannot find any clergy- 
 men who know how to do it, or are willing, because it would 
 be in vain for the judges to order any clergyman or monk 
 to the torture, if there was no body to inflict it ; and there- 
 fore in such a case it is usual to torture them by lay 
 officers. 
 
 Whilst the per .-on to be tortured is stripping, he is persuaded 
 
 to confess the truth. If he refuses it, he is taken aside by 
 
 certain good men, and persuaded to confess, and told by them, 
 
 that if he confesses, he will not be put to death, but only be 
 
 . made to swear that he will not return to the heresy he hath 
 
 • Gonsalv. p. 65, 66. b Simanc. t. 65, sect. 50. 
 
414 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 abjured. The inqnisitor and bishop promise the same, unless 
 the person be a relapse. 
 
 If he is neither persuaded by threatnings or promises to con- 
 fess his crime, he is tortured either more hghtly or grievously, 
 according as his crime requires, and frequently interrogated 
 durin"- the torture, upon those articles for which he is put to it, 
 beginning with the lesser ones, because they think he will 
 ^ooner confess the lesser matters than the greater. 
 
 " The criminals are with great care and diligence to be 
 admonished by the inquisitors,^ and especially when they are 
 under torture, that they should not by any means bear false 
 witness against themselves or others, through fear of punish- 
 ments or torments, but speak the truth only. Nor may the 
 inquisitors promise pardon or forgiveness of the offence, to 
 compel the criminals to confess crimes which they have not 
 committed, out of their great zeal to inquire out the truth. 
 And such a false confession the accused person may safely 
 revoke."^ 
 
 The inquisitors themselves must interrogate the criminals 
 during their torture,'' nor can they commit this business to 
 others, unless they are engaged in other important affairs, in 
 which case they may depute certain good and skilful men for 
 the purpose.*^ Although in other nations criminals are publicly 
 tortured, yet in Spain, it is forbidden by the royal law, for any 
 to be present whilst they are torturing, besides the judges, 
 secretaries and torturers. The inquisitors must also chuse pro- 
 per torturers, born of ancient Christians, who must be bound 
 by oath, by no means to discover their secrets, nor to report 
 any thing that is said.'^ The judges also usually protest, that if 
 the criminal should happen to die under his torture, or by rea- 
 son of it, or should suffer the loss of any of his limbs, it is not 
 to be imputed to them, but to the criminal himself, who will not 
 plainly confess the truth before he is tortured.® An heretic 
 may not only be interrogated concerning himself, but in general 
 
 » Royas, p. 2. Assert. 20. sect. 226. b Simanc. t. 66, sect. 54, nn. 
 
 c 1 Instruct. Hispal, c. 18. d Simanc. t. 65, sect. 66. 
 
 e Ibid. sect. 59. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 415 
 
 also concerning his companions and accomplices in his crime, 
 his teachers and his disciples, for he ought to discover them, 
 though he be not interrogated; but when he is interrogated 
 concerning them, he is much more obliged to discover them 
 than his accomplices in any other the most grievous crimes.* A 
 person also suspected of heresy, and fully convicted, may be 
 tortured upon another account, i. e. to discover his companions 
 and accomplices in the crime. This must be done when he 
 hesitates, or it is half fully proved at least that lie was actually 
 present with them, or hath such companions and accomplices in 
 his crime ; for in this case he is not tortured as a criminal, but 
 as a witness. But he who makes full confession of himself, is 
 not tortured upon a different account; whereas if he be a 
 negative, he m.ay be tortured upon another account, to discover 
 his accomplices and other heretics, though he be fully convicted 
 himself, and it be half fully proved that he hath such accom- 
 plices.'* The reason of the difference in these cases is this,* 
 because he who confesses against himself, would certainly much 
 rather confess against other heretics if he knew them. But it 
 is otherwise when the criminal is a negative. 
 
 Whilst these things are doing, the notary writes every thing 
 down in the process, as what tortures were inflicted concerning 
 what matters the criminal was interrogated, and what he 
 answered. If by these tortures they cannot draw from him 
 a confession, they shew him other kind of tortures, and tell 
 him he must undergo all of them, unless he confesses the 
 truth. If neither by this means they can extort the truth, 
 they may to terrify him and engage him to confess, assign 
 the second or third day to continue, not to repeat the torture, 
 till he hath undergone all those kinds of them to which he is 
 condemned. 
 
 The degrees of torture formerly used were five, which were 
 inflicted in their turn, and are described by Julius Clai'iis.** 
 *< Know therefore, says he, that there are five degrees of tor- 
 
 ■ Simanc. t. C5, sect. 60. b Instruct. Madrid. A. D. 1661. c. 45. 
 
 e Royas, p. 2. Assert. 34. 
 
 '^ Pract. crim. sect, fin qu. 64 Versic. Nunc de gradibus 
 
416 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 ture, viz. First, the being threatened to be tortured. Secondly, 
 being carried to the place of torture. Thirdly, by stripping 
 and binding. Fourthly, the being hoisted up on the rack. 
 Fifthly, squassation. 
 
 The stripping is performed without any regard to humanity 
 or honour, not only to men, but to women and virgins,^ though 
 the most virtuous and chaste, of whom they have sometimes 
 many in their prisons. For they cause them to be stripped, 
 even to their very shifts, which they afterwards take off, forgive 
 the expression, and then put on them strait hnen drawers, and 
 then make their arms naked quite up to their shoulders. As 
 to squassation, it is thus performed : ^ the prisoner hath his 
 hands bound behind his back, and weights tied to his feet, and 
 then he is drawn up on high, till his head reaches the very 
 pully. He is kept hanging in this manner for some time, that 
 by the greatness of the weight hanging at his feet, all his joints 
 and limbs may be dreadfully stretched, and on a sudden he is 
 let down with a jirk, by the slacking the rope, but kept from 
 coming quite to the ground, by which terrible shake, his arms 
 and legs are all disjointed, whereby he is put to the most 
 exquisite pain ; the shock which he receives by the sudden stop 
 of his faU, and the weight at his feet stretching his whole body 
 more intensely and cruelly. 
 
 In the next paragraph, Et Audivi, he gives a- more distinct 
 explication of this matter, and reckons up three degrees of tor- 
 ture. " The first is to terrify, which comprehends not only 
 threatnings to torture, but being carried to the place of tor- 
 mentSj the being stripped and bound ; unless such binding 
 should happen to be too severe and hard, and performed with a 
 twist, as is the custom of most judges. Thus it was practised 
 upon a certain physician of Olezo, who suffered more by being 
 bound, than others in the very torture. And therefore such 
 binding may be equalled to the torture itself. The second 
 degree is, to put to the torture, or to interrogate by torture. 
 This is done by hoisting a person up, and keeping him hanging 
 for a considerable time. The third is to torture by squassation, 
 
 a Gonsalv. p. 67. •> Ibid. p. 70. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 417 
 
 which is performed amongst us by one jirk of the rope. But 
 if the senate commnnds that tlie person be well or severely thus 
 tortured, they giv^ two jirks of the rope."*"* Antonius Drogus, 
 in his annotations on this place, says, " that you may have the 
 perfect modern practice, observe, that when the senate orders, 
 ' let him be interrogated by torture,' the person is lifted or 
 hoisted up. but not put to the squassation. If the senate 
 orders, ' let him be tortvu'ed,"' ho must then undergo the squas- 
 sation once, being first interrogated as he is hanging upon the 
 rope and engine. If it orders, ' let him be well tortured,** it is 
 understood that he must suffer two squassatioiis. If it orders^ 
 ' let him be severely tortured,"* it is understood of three squassa- 
 tions, at three different times within an hour. If it says, ' very 
 severely ,"* it is understood that it must be done with twisting, — 
 and weights at the feet. In this case the senate generally 
 expresses the twisting, or any other particular manner which 
 they intend, and the judge may proceed to every severity not 
 reaching to death. But when it says, ' very severely even unto 
 death,"* then the criminaPs life is in immediate danger."" 
 
 The hke method of torture was formerly practised in the 
 Inquisition at Tholouse, as appears from several places in the 
 book of sentences. Thus^ at the end of the sentence of 
 William Sicred, jun. we read, " Nor would he judicially con- 
 fess concerning the aforesaid, till he was put in jail, and hoisted 
 up a little upon the rope."'"' And^ we read that William 
 Cavallerii, after a considerable time, revoked what he had 
 before confessed, saying, " that he confessed nothing concern- 
 ing heresy, but what was forced from him by the violence of 
 torment." And finally,^ in the sentence of Friar Bernard 
 Deliciosi, of the order of minors, amongst other things, this was 
 imputed to him as a crime, " that he justified those who were 
 apprehended for heresy, and condemned for it, and ordered to 
 perpetual imprisonment and other punishments, and that though 
 they were true Catholics, they had confessed heresy of themselves 
 and others, only through the violence of their torments, and 
 were unjustly condemned.'"* 
 
 • FoI.CT. » Fol 131. c Fol. U2. 
 
 E e 
 
418 • HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 The author of the history of the Inquisition at Goa tells us/ 
 that the torment now practised in the Portuguese Inquisition 
 is exceedingly cruel. " In the months of November and Decem- 
 ber, I heard every day, in the morning the cries and groans of 
 those who were put to the question, which is so very cruel, that 
 I have seen several of both sexes who have been ever after 
 lame. In this tribunal they regard neither age nor sex, nor 
 condition of persons, but all without distinction are tortured, 
 when it is for the interest of this tribunal. 
 
 The method of torturing, and the degree of tortures now 
 used in the Spanish inquisition, will be well understood from 
 the history of Isaac Orobio, a Jew, and doctor of physic, who 
 was accused to the inquisition as a Jew, by a certain Moor his 
 servant, who had by his order before this been whipped for 
 thieving ; and four years after this he was again accused by a 
 certain enemy of his for another fact, which would have proved 
 him a Jew. But Orobio obstinately denied that he was one. 
 I will here give the account of his torture, as I had it from his 
 own mouth. After three whole years which he had been 
 in jail, and several examinations, and the discovery of the 
 crimes to him of which he was accused, in order to his con- 
 fession, and his constant denial of them, he was at length 
 carried out of his jail, and through several turnings brought 
 to the place of torture. This was towards the evening. It 
 was a large under-ground room, arched, and the walls covered 
 with black hangings. The candlesticks were fastened to the 
 wall, and the whole room enhghtened with candles placed in 
 them. At one end of it there was an inclosed place hke a 
 closet, where the inquisitor and notary sat at a table, so that 
 the plaxie seemed to him as the very mansion of death, every 
 thing appearing so terrible and awful. Here the inquisitor 
 again admonished him to confess the truth, before his torments 
 began. When he answered he had told the truth, the inqui- 
 sitor gi-avely protested, that since he was so obstinate as to 
 suffer the torture, tlie holy office would be innocent, if he 
 should shed his blood, or even expire in his torments. When 
 
 a Cap. 23. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 419 
 
 he had said this, they put a Unen garment over his body, 
 and drew it so very close on each side, as almost squeezed him 
 to death. When he was almost dying, they slackened at once 
 the sides of the garment, and after he began to breathe again, 
 the sudden alteration put him to the most grievous anguish 
 and pain. Wlien he had overcome this torture, the same 
 admonition was repeated, that he would confess the truth in 
 order to prevent fai'ther torment. And as he persisted in his 
 denial, they tied his thumbs so very tight with small cords, 
 as made the extremities of them greatly swell, and caused the 
 blood to spurt out from under his nails. After this he was 
 placed with his back against a wall, and fixed upon a httle 
 bench. Into the wall were fastened httle iron pullies, through 
 which there were ropes drawn, and tied round his body in 
 several places, and especially his arms and legs. The exe- 
 cutioner drawing these ropes with great violence, fastened his 
 body with them to the wall, so that his hands and feet, and 
 especially his fingers and toes being bound so straightly with 
 them, put him to the most exquisite pain, and seemed to him 
 just as though he had been dissolving in flames. In the midst 
 of these tomients the torturer, of a sudden, drew the bench 
 from under him, so that the miserable wretch hung by the 
 cords without any thing to support him, and by the weight of 
 his body drew the knots yet much closer. After this a new 
 kind of torture succeeded. There was an instrument like a 
 small ladder, made of two upright pieces of wood, and ^ve 
 cross ones sharpened before. This the torturer placed over 
 against him, and by a certain proper motion struck it with 
 great violence against both his shins, so that he received upon 
 each of them at once five violent strokes, which put him to 
 such intolerable anguish that he fainted away. After he came 
 to himself, they inflicted on him the last torture. The torturer 
 tied ropes about Orobio's wrists, and then put those ropes 
 about his own back, which was covered with leather, to pre- 
 vent his hurting himself Then falling backwards, and putting 
 his feet up against the wall, he drew them with all his might, 
 till they cut through Orobio's flesh, even to die very bones ; 
 
 E e 2 
 
420 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 and tills torture was repeated thrice, the ropes being tied about 
 his arms about the distance of two fingers breadth from the 
 former Avound, and drawn with the same violence. But it 
 happened, that as the ropes were drawing the second time, 
 they slid into the first wound, which caused so great an effusion 
 of blood, that he seemed to be dying. Upon this the physi- 
 cian and surgeon, who are always ready, were sent for out 
 of a neighbouring apartment, to ask their advice, whether the 
 torture could be continued without danger of death, lest the 
 ecclesiastical judges should be guilty of an irregularity if the 
 criminal should die in his torments. They, who were far 
 from being enemies to Orobio, answered, that he had strength 
 enough to endure the rest of the torture, and hereby preserved 
 him from having the tortures he had already endured repeated 
 on him, because his sentence was, that he should suffer them 
 all at one time, one after another. So that if at any time they 
 are forced to leave off through fear of death, all the tortures, 
 even those already suffered, must be successively inflicted, to 
 satisfy the sentence. Upon this the torture was repeated the 
 third time, and then it ended. After this he was bound up 
 in his own clothes, and carried back to his prison, and was 
 scarce healed of his wounds in seventy days. And inasmuch 
 as he made no confession under his torture, he was condemned, 
 not as one convicted, but suspected of Judaism, to wear for 
 two whole years the infamous habit called Sambenito, and 
 after that term to perpetual banishment from the kingdom of 
 Seville. 
 
 ifrnestus Eremundus Frisius, in his History of the Low- 
 Country Disturbances, gives us an account from Gonsalvius,^ 
 of another kind of torture. There is a wooden bench, which 
 they call the Wooden Horse, made hollow like a trough, so 
 as to contain a man lying on his back at full length, about 
 the middle of which there is a round bar laid across, upon 
 whicji the back of the person is placed, so that he lies upon 
 the bar instead of being let into the bottom of the trough, 
 with his feet mych higher than his head. As he is lying in 
 
 a Page 10. * 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 42S 
 
 nature and age of the tortured criminal.* All which things 
 considered, if it appears that he hath sufficiently purged him- 
 self of all marks, let them absolve him from any farther process. 
 But if there be any reason and cause, upon considering the 
 aforesaid cu'cumstances, to think that the torture was not in- 
 flicted with due rigour, then let them inflict on |iim either a 
 light or vehement abjuration, or some pecuniary penalty. Al- 
 though this ought not to be done without great consideration, 
 and unless the proofs are not thought sufficiently purged off." 
 
 But if, when under the question, he confesses, it is written 
 in the process, after which he is carried to another place, where 
 he hath no view of the tortures, and there his confession made 
 during his torments is read over to him, and he is interrogated 
 several times till the confession be made. But here Gonsal- 
 vius observes,^ that when the prisoner is carried to audience, 
 they make him pass by the door of the room where the torture 
 is inflicted, where the executioner shews himself on purpose to 
 be seen in that shape of a devil I have described before, that 
 as he passes by he may, by seeing him, be forced to feel, as 
 it were, over again his past torments. The space of time 
 allowed between the torture and the ratification of the con- 
 fession, is determined by the Madrid instruction."^ " Twenty- 
 four hours after the torture the criminal must ratify his con- 
 fession, and if he retracts it, the remedies provided by law must 
 be made use of. And at the time when the torture is inflicted 
 the notary must write down the hour, as also the time of the 
 ratification, lest if such ratification should be made the next 
 day, a doubt may arise, whether it was after or before the 
 twenty-four hours. If the criminal ratifies his confession 
 made under torture, and the inquisitors are satisfied of his 
 good confession and conversion, they may admit him to re- 
 concihation, although his confession was made imder torture. 
 They must, however, prudently take care how they receive 
 such persons, and consider the nature of the heresies they 
 have confessed, and whether they have learned them from 
 others, or have taught them themselves to others, upon account 
 of the danger that may ensue hereby." 
 
 » Pegna, in Direct, p. 122 •> p. 73. o A. D. 1661, c. 63. 
 
 TE e 4 
 
420 HISTORY OF THE INaUlSlTlON. 
 
 and lliis torture was repeated thrice, the ropes being tied about 
 his arms about the distance of two fingers breadth from the 
 former wound, and drawn with the same violence. But it 
 happened, that as the ropes were drawing the second time, 
 they slid into the first wound, which caused so great an effusion 
 of blood, that he seemed to be dying. Upon this the physi- 
 cian and surgeon, who are always ready, were sent for out 
 of a neighbouring apartment, to ask their advice, whether the 
 torture could be continued without danger of death, lest the 
 ecclesiastical judges should be guilty of an irregularity if the 
 criminal should die in his torments. They, who were far 
 from being enemies to Orobio, answered, that he had strength 
 enough to endure the rest of the torture, and hereby preserved 
 him from having the tortures he had already endured repeated 
 on him, because his sentence was, that he should suffer them 
 all at one time, one after another. So that if at any time they 
 are forced to leave off through fear of death, all the tortures, 
 even those already suffered, must be successively inflicted, to 
 satisfy the sentence. Upon this the torture was repeated the 
 third time, and then it ended. After this he was bound up 
 in his own clothes, and carried back to his prison, and was 
 scarce healed of his wounds in seventy days. And inasmuch 
 as he made no confession under his torture, he was condemned, 
 not as one convicted, but suspected of Judaism, to wear for 
 two whole years the infamous habit called Sambenito, and 
 after that term to perpetual banishment from the kingdom of 
 Seville. 
 
 ifrnestus Eremundus Frisius, in his History of the Low 
 Country Disturbances, gives us an account from Gonsalvius,^ 
 of another kind of torture. There is a wooden bench, which 
 they call the Wooden Horse, made hollow like a trough, so 
 as to contain a man lying on his back at full length, about 
 the middle of which there is a round bar laid across, upon 
 whicji the back of the person is placed, so that he lies upon 
 the bar instead of being let into the bottom of the trough, 
 with his feet mych higher than his head. As he is lying in 
 
 » Page la. » 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 423 
 
 nature and age of the tortured criminal.* All which things 
 considered, if it appears that he hath sufficiently purged him- 
 self of all marks, let them absolve him from any farther process. 
 But if there be any reason and cause, upon considering the 
 aforesaid circumstances, to think that the torture was not in- 
 flicted witJi due rigour, then let them inflict on him either a 
 light or vehement abjuration, or some pecuniary penalty. Al- 
 though this ought not to be done without great consideration, 
 and unless the proofs are not thought sufficiently purged off." 
 
 But if, when under the question, he confesses, it is written 
 in the process, after which he is carried to another place, where 
 he hath no view of the tortures, and there his confession made 
 during his torments is read over to him, and he is interrogated 
 several times till the confession be made. But here Gonsal- 
 vius observes,^ that when the prisoner is carried to audience, 
 they make him pass by the door of the room where the torture 
 is inflicted, where the executioner shews himself on purpose to 
 be seen in that shape of a devil I have described before, that 
 as he passes by he may, by seeing him, be forced to feel, as 
 it were, over again his past torments. The space of time 
 allowed between the torture and the ratification of the con- 
 fession, is determined by the Madrid instruction. •= " Twenty- 
 four hours after the torture the criminal must ratify his con- 
 fession, and if he retracts it, the remedies provided by law must 
 be made use of. And at the time when the torture is inflicted 
 the notary must write down the hour, as also the time of the 
 ratification, lest if such ratification should be made tlie next 
 day, a doubt may arise, whether it was after or before the 
 twenty-four hours. If the criminal ratifies his confession 
 made under torture, and the inquisitors are satisfied of his 
 good confession and conversion, they may admit hlni to re- 
 concihation, although his confession was made under torture. 
 They must, however, prudently take care how they receive 
 such persons, and consider the nature of the heresies they 
 have confessed, and whether they have learned them from 
 others, or have taught them themselves to others, upon account 
 of the danger that may ensue hereby." 
 
 » Pegna, in Direct p. 122 »> p. 73. o A. D. 1661, c. 63. 
 
 E e 4 
 
424 HISTORY OF THE INUUISITION. 
 
 I am not able to say what was the space of time between 
 the torture and the ratification of the confession made under 
 it, formerly in the inquisition of Tholouse, nor whether the 
 criminal was dismissed if he retracted his confession after 
 the torture was over. There is one instance only of William 
 Cavallerii, in the book of the sentences of the Tholouse inqui- 
 sition, who being in court, and not under the question or tor- 
 ture, but in a different place, and before different officers, and 
 three whole days after the torture was over, again confessed 
 the things he had before confessed under torture, and perse- 
 vered in them several times. But afterwards he retracted all, 
 saying, that he confessed through the violence of his torments, 
 who yet is said to be convicted by certain witnesses, somxe of 
 them single, of certain heretical facts. This person was pro- 
 nounced an heretic by a definitive sentence, and as such de- 
 livered over to the secular court. But upon this condition, 
 that if within fifteen days, each five of which were assigned 
 him as so many terms, he would confess his crimes, and with 
 a pure heart and faith unfeigned return to the ecclesiastical 
 unity, abjure all heresy, and swear simply to obey the com- 
 mands of the church and inquisitors, he should be absolved 
 from excommunication, and condemned to perpetual imprison- 
 ment. 
 
 If there be very strong evidence against the criminal, if new 
 proofs arise, if the crime objected to him be very heinous, and 
 the discoveries against him undoubted, if he was not sufficiently 
 tortured before, he may be tortured again, but then only 
 " when his mind and body are able to endure it."" ^ 
 
 We read in the first Seville instruction.^ " That he who 
 afterwards retracts the confession extorted from him by tor- 
 ture, must solemnly abjure those errors of which he was de- 
 famed, and suffer some pecuniary penalty at the pleasure of his 
 judges, upon account of the infamy and suspicion yet remain- 
 ing against him." ^ But for all this the inquisitors oftentimes 
 order the question in this case to be repeated. 
 
 Skilful judges usually enter a protest in the acts of the pro- 
 
 » Simanc. t. 65. sect. 75, •» Cap. 15. *= Simaoc. sect. 80. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITlON. 425 
 
 cess, that they intend to carry on the torture some other day, 
 that they may be able to repeat it. But Royas says,"* some 
 criminals are so crafty, that he hath often actually seen them 
 immediately confess their fault when put to the torture, and 
 after twenty-four hours retract their confession when they 
 should confirm it, and when tortured again confess again, and ' 
 retract? again, and repeat the same as often as they are tortured. 
 In which case, to prevent the process from being never finished, 
 he thinks they are to be punished with a very grievous arbi- 
 trary penalty, because of so many variations, whicli occasion 
 proofs and bad presumptions. For by the same reason any 
 one may be tortured again, he may be punished in an extraor- 
 dinary manner. 
 
 If he doth not persist in his first confession, and is not suffi- 
 ciently tortured, he may be put to the torture again, not by 
 way of repetition, but continuation of it; but they do not 
 agree how often it may be repealed, when the confession ex- 
 torted by it is retracted. Some aflSrm it may be repeated once 
 only, others that it may be often. Eymeric's opinion is, that 
 a person sufficiently tortured ought to be dismissed freely, if 
 he retracts what he confessed by torture. But Simancas says,^ 
 that a criminal must not be condemned for a confession drawn 
 out by torture, unless he afterwards perseveres in it. It is 
 the same in law, if it be extorted by fear, or dread of impend- 
 ing torments. The confession is then said to be extorted 
 through fear of torments, when the criminal is carried to the 
 place in which the torture is inflicted, and there stripped of 
 his clothes, or bound, or so terrified by the judge, as that he 
 hath great reason to believe the torture will be inflicted. For 
 it is not enough if the judge frightens him but slightly in any 
 other place, unless it be such a fear as may affect a person of 
 resolution. Hence the Light of the Inquisitors says,^ " Al- 
 though the judge s^ys to the criminal, when he is out of the 
 place of torture, either confess, or I will order you to the tor- 
 ture, frightening him by this means as much as he can, upon 
 hearing of which he makes his confession, in such a case the 
 
 a Part. 2. Assert. 31. sect. .'iOO. ^ t. 65 sect. 67, 68, 69. 
 
 c 111 voce Tortuia. bect.44. 
 
426 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITlON. 
 
 confession is not said to be made through fear of torments, be • 
 cause the terror itself is but sUght." 
 
 But if he persists in his confession, owns his fault, and asks 
 pardon of the church, he is condemned as guilty of heresy by 
 his own confession, but as penitent. But if he obstinately per- 
 sists in heresy, he is condemned, and delivered over to the 
 secular arm to be punished with death. If the accused person 
 is found to have fallen into heresy, or there is otherwise evi- 
 dence proved against them, upon account of which he is obliged 
 to abjure, as lightly or vehemently suspected of heresy, he 
 must not be tortured on this account; but if besides this he 
 denies some things not sufficiently proved, and there be proofs 
 sufficient to put him to the question, and he accordingly is tor- 
 tured, but confesses nothing, he is not to be absolved, but is to 
 be proceeded against according to the things proved, and must 
 be commanded to abjure either as suspected, or found guilty, as 
 the merits of the process require. Or if he confesses any thing 
 by torture, he must be forced also to abjure it. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. 
 
 How the Process is ended against a person suspected of 
 heresy y as also against one both suspected and defamed. 
 
 WHEN a person accused of heresy is found to be only 
 shghtly suspected of it, he is considered either as suspected 
 publicly or privately.* If he is publicly suspected, this was 
 formerly the manner of his abjuration. On the preceding 
 Lord's Day the inquisitor proclaims, that on such a day he will 
 make a sermon concerning the faith, commanding all to be 
 present at it. When the day comes, the person to abjure is 
 brought to the church, in which the council hath determined 
 he shall make his abjuration. There he is placed upon a scaf- 
 fold, erected near the altar, in the midst of the people, and is 
 
 a Direct, p. 3. n. 161, 162. com. 40. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 427 
 
 not allowed to sit, but stands on it that all may see him, bare- 
 headed, and with the keepers standing round him. The 
 sermon being made on the mass, to the people and clergy there 
 present, the inquisitor says publicly, that the person there 
 placed on the scaffold is suspected, from such and such appeiir- 
 ances and actions, of the heresy that hath been refuted in the 
 public sermon, and that therefore it is fit that he should purge 
 himself from it, by abjuring it as one slightly suspected. 
 Having said this, a book of the gospels is placed before him, on 
 which laying his hands he abjures his heresy. In this oath he 
 not only swears that he holds that faith which the Roman 
 church believes, but also that he abjures every heresy that 
 extols itself against the holy Roman and apostolic church, and 
 particularly the heresy of which he was slightly suspected, 
 naming that heresy : and that if he shall do any of the afore- 
 said things for the future, he willingly submits to the penalties 
 appointed by law to one who thus abjures, and is ready to 
 undergo every penance, as well for the things he hath said and 
 done, as for those concerning which he is deservedly suspected 
 of heresy, which they shall lay on him, and that with all his 
 power he will endeavour to fulfil it. After this abjuration the 
 inquisitor says to him, " son, thou hast purged away by this 
 abjuration, the suspicion, which, not ^vithout cause, we enter- 
 tained of you. Henceforth take heed to yourself, that you do 
 not fall into this abjured heresy ; for although if you repent, 
 you would not be delivered over to the secular arm, because 
 you have abjured as one shghtly suspected only, and not vehe- 
 mently, yet you would be much more severely punished than if 
 you had not abjured, and instead of being shghtly suspected, 
 would become vehemently so, and made to abjure as such. 
 And if you should fall again, you would suffer the punishment 
 due to relapsed persons, and be dehvered over without mercy 
 to the secular court, to be punished with death." 
 
 If he is vehemently suspected, he is placed in hke manner 
 upon a scaffold,^ and after he hath taken his oath upon the 
 gospels, his abjuration is delivered him in writing to read before 
 
 • Direct, p. 3. d. 166, and seq. com. 41. 
 
4^>j HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. ^ 
 
 all the people. Then the bishop admonishes him and injoins 
 him penance, and commands him to observe it, adding this 
 threatning, that otherwise he will become a relapse, and may, 
 and ought to be judged as an impenitent.' 
 
 a Gonsalvins* «ivos us some instances of t^l(^se punishments. " There was 
 at Seville a certain poor man, who daily maintained himself and his family 
 by the sweat of his brow. A certain parson detained hU wife from him by 
 violence, neither the Inquisition nor any other tribunal punishing this heinous 
 injury. As the poor man v^as one day talking about purgatory with 
 some other persons, of his own circumstances, he happened to say, rather 
 out of rustic simplicity, than any certain design, that he truly had enough of 
 purgatory aheady, by the rascally parson's violently detaining from him his 
 wife. This speech was reported to the good parson, and gave him an handle 
 to double the poor man's injury, by accusing him to the inquisitors, as hav- 
 ing a false opinion concerning purgatory. And this the holy tribunal 
 thought more worthy of punishment than the parson's wickedness. The 
 poor wretch was taken up for this trifling spei ch, kept in the inquisitors jail 
 for two whole years, and at length being brought in procession, was con- 
 demned to wear the Sambenito for three years in a private jailj and when 
 they were expired, to be dismissed, or kept longer in prison,. as the lords 
 inquisitors should think fit. Neither did they spare the poor creature any 
 thing of his little substance, though they did his wife to the parson, but ad- 
 judged all the remains of what he had, after his long imprisonment to the 
 exchequer of the Inquisition. 
 
 *' In the same procession there was also brought forth a reputable citiaen 
 of Seville, as being suspected of Lutheranism,t without his cloak and his hat, 
 and carrying a wax taper in his hand, after having exhausted his purse of 100 
 ducats towards the expences of the holy tribunal, and a year's imprisonment 
 in the jail of the Inquisition, and having abjured as one vehemently suspect- 
 ed, only because he was found to have said, that those immoderate expences, 
 and on these accounts the Spaniards are prodigiously extravagant, which w ere 
 laid out in erecting those large paper or linen buildings, which the common 
 people corruptly call monuments, to the honour of Christ now in heaven upon 
 Holy Thursday, and also those which were expended on the festival of 
 Corpus Christi, would be more acceptable to God, if they were laid out upon 
 poor persons, or in placing out to good persons poor orphan girls. Two young 
 students added to the number in that procession. One because he had writ- 
 ten in his pocket-book some verses made by a nameless author, so artificially, 
 as that the same words might be interpreted so as to contain the highest com- 
 mendation of or reflection upon Luther. Upon this account only, after* two 
 y#ars imprisonment, he was brought forth in procession, without his hat and 
 cloak, carrying a wax taper, after which he was banished for three years 
 from the whole country of Stviile, made to abjure as lightly suspected, and 
 
 ♦ P. 192. t Ibib. p. 195 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 4^9 
 
 If he is violently suspected, although it may be that he is no 
 heretic, yet by the construction of the law he is accounted one, 
 and judged as such. 
 
 If he is found suspected of heresy, and also defamed, he is 
 condemned first to purge himself b}^ his compurgators, and after 
 he hath thus purged himself as a defamed person, he must ab- 
 jure as one suspected of heresy, whether it be lightly, vehe- 
 mently, or violently, according to the manner in which such 
 persons are dealt with, and he is enjoined penance, heavier or 
 lighter, according as his suspicion is greater or less. When 
 the sentence is pronounced, and committed to execution, it 
 may be dispensed with, mitigated, or commuted, as the affair, 
 or the amendment and humility of the penitent deserves it. 
 
 What the matter is of proceeding at this day in the Inquisition 
 general at Rome, against persons suspected of heresy, we have a 
 most clear instance, in the sentence pronounced against Galileus 
 Galilei, the celebrated astronomer, because he taught, that the 
 sun stood still in the midst of the universe, and that the earth 
 moved round it as about its proper center. From which it 
 appears, that opinions purely astronomical, and that have noth- 
 ing to do with religion, and which can neither be of any advan- 
 tage or disservice to piety, which soever side of the question is 
 defended, are a sufficient argument to the Roman inquisitors, 
 to render any one vehemently suspected of heresy, after the 
 prelates of that church have once determined on one side, and 
 to enjoin him a solemn abjuration, which itself is a very grievous 
 punishment in the Inquisition. 
 
 After all his laborious study, this philosopher was compelled 
 by the Inquisitorial powers, to invalidate the result of his resear- 
 ches in the following words : . 
 
 TIIK ABJIJRATION OF GALILEVH. 
 
 '• I Galileus, son of the late Vincentius Galileus, a Floren- 
 
 punished with a tine. The other underwent the same censure, only lor trans- 
 cribing the verses for liieir arttiit composition, excepting only that he 
 commuted his banishment for 100 ducats towards the expences of the holy 
 ribunal.'* 
 
430 HISTORY OF THE IKQUISITION. 
 
 tine, aged seventy, being here personally upon my trial, and 
 on my knees before you, the most eminent and reverend the 
 lords cardinals, inquisitors general of the universal Christian 
 common-wealth, against heretical pravity, having before my^ 
 eyes the most holy gospels, which I touch with my proper 
 hands, do swear that I always have believed, and do now believe, 
 and by the help of God, hereafter will believe all that, which 
 the holy Cathohc and apostolic Roman church doth hold, preach 
 and teach. But because, after I had been juridically enjoined 
 and commanded by this holy office, that I should wholly forsake 
 that false opinion, which holds, that the sun is the centre, and 
 immoveable, and that I should not hold, defend, nor by aay 
 manner, neither by word or writing, teach the aforesaid false 
 doctrine, and after it was notified to me that the aforesaid doc- 
 trine was contrary to the holy scripture, I have written and 
 printed a book, in which I treat of the said doctrine already 
 condemned, and produce reasons of great force in favour of 
 it, without giving any answer to them, I am therefore judged 
 by the holy office its vehemently suspected of heresy, viz. 
 that I have held and believed that the sun is the centre of the 
 world, and immoveable, and that the earth is not the centre, 
 but moves. 
 
 " Being therefore willing to remove from the minds of your 
 eminences, and of every Cathohc Christian, this vehement 
 suspicion legally conceived against me, I do with a sincere 
 heart and faith unfeigned, abjure, curse and detest the above- 
 said errors and heresies, and in general every other error and 
 sect contrary to the aforesaid holy church ; and I swear, that 
 for the future, I will never more say or assert, either by word 
 or writing, any thing to give occasion for the like suspicion; 
 but that if I shall know any heretic, or person suspected of 
 heresy, I will inform against him to this holy office, or to the 
 inquisitor or ordinary of the place in which I shall be. More 
 over, I swear and promise, that I will fulfill and wholly observe 
 all the penances which are, or shall be injoined me by this holy 
 office. But if, what God forbid, it shall happen that I should 
 act contrary by any words of mine, to my promises, protesta- 
 tions and oaths, I do subject myself to all the penalties and 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 431 
 
 punishments which have been ordained and pubhshed against 
 such offenders, by the sacred canons and other constitutions ge- 
 neral and particular. So help me God and his holy gospels, 
 which I touch with my own proper hands. 
 
 " I the abovesaid Galileus Gahlei have abjured, sworn, 
 promised and obhged myself as above, and in testunony of these 
 things have subscribed with my own proper hand this present 
 writing of my abjuration, and have repeated it word for word at 
 Rome, in the convent of Minerva.* 
 
 " I Galileus Galilei, have abjured as above, with my own 
 proper hand."" 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. 
 
 How the Process against an heretic confessed^ andpenitenty 
 ends, and first o^ Abjuration. 
 
 IF any heretic is informed against,^ and upon oath confesses 
 liis heresy judicially before the bishop or inquisitor, but pro- 
 fesses, that upon information of the bishop or inquisitor he will 
 depart from it, return to the bosom of the church, and abjure 
 that and every other heresy, he is not dehvered to the secular 
 arm, but differently punished according to the heinousness of 
 the crime. For in the first place all such persons are compelled 
 publicly to abjure their heresy in the church before all the peo- 
 ple ; but they are not permitted to excuse themselves, or in 
 any manner to testify their innocence, lest the people should be 
 offended by thinking them unjustly condemned. Before the 
 person who is to abjure, there is placed the book of the gospels, 
 and then he puts off his hat, falls on his knees, and putting his 
 hand on the book, reads, if he knows how to read, his abjura- 
 tion ; if he cannot read, the notary or some religious person or 
 clergyman reads for him, and making a pause, the person abjur- 
 
 ^ 22nd Day of Julv, A. D- 1633. 
 b Direct, p. 3. n. 188, com. 44. 
 
432 HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. 
 
 ing repeats what is read ; then the notary goes on, and the 
 abjui'er always repeats his words, with a loud voice, so as to 
 be heard by all, till the whole abjuration is read over even to 
 the end.* 
 
 This abjuration is injoined all who return from heresy,^ and 
 even all suspected upon any account of heresy ; nor is any 
 one, though otherwise privileged, and of great dignity, ex- 
 cepted. Even boys of fourteen, and girls of twelve years old, 
 are compelled to it, according to the decree of the council of 
 Tholouse.*^ 
 
 When the abjuration is made, because every heretic is 
 excommunicated, they are absolved from excommunication 
 upon this condition, viz. if they return to the unity of the Ca- 
 tholic faith with a true heart and faith unfeigned, and observe 
 the commands enjoined them ; which is expressly added, that if 
 they should not observe them, it may appear that they were not 
 absolved. 
 
 And in this manner all persons are forced to abjure, which 
 the church of Rome pronounces heretics, unless they are willing 
 to be delivered over as impenitent heretics to the secular arm 
 or court, but especially doctors, whom they call dogmatists, 
 dogmatisers, and arch-heretics. Bzovius, under the year 1479,'^ 
 gives us a famous instance which happened in Spain. Peter de 
 Osma, who read theological lectures at Salamanca, had pub- 
 
 a Formerly, before persous violently suspected of lieresy abjured, the bishop 
 or inquisitor used thus to address to him. *' My son, we violently suspect 
 you of heresy, upon account of tliose things it is «leclared you have committed, 
 upon account of which you are by law to be condemned as an heretic. 
 Therefore consider and attend to what I say to you. If you will so de- 
 part from the said heresy or heresies, as to be willing now here publicly to 
 abjure them, and patiently to undergo the penance we enjoin you, the church 
 and we, as the vicars of Clirist, will receive you to mercy. But we will en- 
 join you a penance, which you may well bear, and absolve you from th« sen- 
 tence of txcomniunication, which you were under, that you may be saved, 
 and have glory in the future world. But if you will not abjure, nor submit 
 to penance, we will immediately deliver you to the secular arm, and so you 
 will destroy together both body and soul. Which therefore will you chuse, 
 to abjure and be saved, or to refuse to abjure and to be damned. 
 
 b Direct, p. 3. com. 40, c a. D. 1229. cap. 11. 
 
 <l Sect i). 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 lished a book, in wliich were several things contained contrary 
 to the doctrines of the church of Rome. The arch-bishop of 
 Toledo, then at Alcala de Henarez, where he generally resided, 
 did, by command of Pope Sixtus, after having consulted the 
 most learned men, and well considered the matter for a long 
 while, condemn his opinions, and put the author himself 
 under the infamy of an Anathema, unless he changed his senti- 
 ments. The sentence was pronounced June 23. Pope Sixtus 
 confirmed the sentence of the arch-bishop by a bull, and com- 
 manded him, that he should not omit to proceed against the 
 followers of Peter de Osma, as heretics, if they should refuse or 
 wickedly defer to abjure this heresy they are fallen into, or to 
 imitate the said Peter abjuring his errors and repenting, as they 
 had imitated him in his error. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. 
 
 Of the Puniahment and wholesome Penances enjoined such as 
 
 abjure. 
 
 SUCH who abjure, and after abjuration are reconciled to 
 the church, are enjoined various punishments, and, as they call 
 them, wholesome penances. They are imposed by the inquisi- 
 tors at pleasure.* And thus the council of Narbonne hath 
 decreed,'^ " This indeed we so enjoin, not that you should im- 
 pose every where, or upon all alike, all the fore-mentioned pe- 
 nances, but that ye may, according to the discretion given you 
 of the Lord, so cautiously and providently dispense them, ac- 
 cording to the nature of the crimes and persons, places and 
 times, and other circumstances, that whether by punishing or 
 pardoning, the life of offenders may be amended, or at least that 
 it may appear who walks in darkness, who in the light ; who is 
 truly penitent, who feignedly converted ; and that no scandal 
 may arise ft-om hence to true Catholics, and that heresy may 
 
 » Extra.de haeret. c. Ab abolendani. sect. Prasenti. *> Cap. 5. 
 
 F f 
 
434 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 not be defended or nourished through pretence of scandal, or 
 any other whatsoever.'*' But, as Carena advises,'' in this impo- 
 sition of punishment the inquisitors must be careful " always 
 to use clemency and mercy, not cruelty and severity.*" But he 
 adds, *' This must be understood with a grain of salt, viz. that 
 this clemency must not be shewn to an impenitent heretic ; for 
 after the inquisitors have used all their endeavours for his 
 conversion, they must by no means mitigate the punishments 
 of death, infamy, and others threatened against him by law. 
 For as to this, whilst he remains impenitent, take notice, the only 
 instance of true piety is to be cruel." They have also power of 
 commuting and mitigating them; because this imposing of 
 penance is not a definitive sentence, but rather an injunction, 
 and command or precept of purgation. It is otherwise, when 
 the inquisitor hath condemned any one as an heretic, and im- 
 poses penance on him as such, because that is a punishment 
 determined by the law, and which therefore doth not depend 
 on the pleasure of the inquisitor, and because by such con- 
 demnation he hath pronounced a definitive sentence, and so 
 ceases to be a judged And these penances in general are laid 
 upon any persons. 
 
 Sometimes the penitent is enjoined to make a pilgrimage, 
 with a black habit, which he must carry with the inquisitor *s 
 letters, to that place which he is to visit in his pilgrimage ; and 
 he is farther required to bring back letters testimonial of the 
 predicant friars, or others who dwell there, in witness of the 
 truth. 
 
 Secondly, some penances are honorary, attended with infa- 
 my to those who do them. Such are, walking in procession 
 without shoes, in their breeches and shirt, and to receive 
 herein pubHc discipline by the bishop or priest, to be expelled 
 the church, and to stand before the gates of the great church 
 upon solemn days, in the time of mass, with naked feet, and 
 wearing upon their cloak an halter about their neck. At this 
 time they only stand before the gates of the church, with a 
 lighted candle in their hand, during the time of solemn miass, 
 on some holy day, as the bell is ringing to church. 
 
 a P, 3. t. 19. sect. 13. ^ Zanchin. dehaeret. cap, 21. 
 
HISTOKY OF THE INQUISITION. 435 
 
 Besides these, they now use the punishment of banishment, 
 and criminals are banished not only into such places as are 
 subject to the jurisdiction of the inquisitor, because all places 
 are subject to the same chief pontiff, by whom all the inquisi- 
 tors are delegated. To this may be added, the punishment of 
 being thrust into a monastery, which, though now seldom in- 
 flicted, was much more in use formerly. Bzovius gives us an 
 instance of it in the year 1479.^ " This year was condemned 
 at Mayence, John Rucard, of the Upper Wesel, D. D. and 
 compelled by the inquisitor to recant certain articles which he 
 was reported publicly to have preached at Worms. All his 
 writings were before his face thrown into the fire and burnt, and 
 he himself sent to do penance to the convent of Austin Friars 
 in that placCj where he died in a little while of grief" Bzovius 
 also relates the articles against him, most of which were against 
 the papal authority. The first of them deserves to be men- 
 tioned : — ^' That the prelates of the church have no authority 
 to ordain or add any thing to what Christ and his apostles 
 have ordained : yea, that neither apostles nor the popes have 
 received such power from Christ.'* 
 
 There is also another punishment of beating or whipping, 
 when criminals are condemned to be whipped with scourges or 
 rods. If they are religious persons, they are whipped in their 
 own monastery by other religious, in the presence of the notary 
 of the holy office. This punishment, Paramus being witness,^ 
 Laurentius Valla sufifered, who being condemned for heresy at 
 Naples, was preserved from the fire by the king's favour, but 
 upon this condition, that after he had publicly recanted and 
 damned the things he had uttered, he should atone for his 
 crimes by whipping. And accordingly, in the convent of the 
 predicants, being led round the cloisters with his hands tied, 
 he was whipped upon his shoulders and back, by the rehgious 
 of the house. 
 
 But the most usual punishment of all is, their wearing crosses 
 upon their penitential garments, which was not only formerly 
 in use, but is now frequently enjoined penitents in SpAin and 
 
 * Sect. 8. b L. 2. t. 3. c. 4- n. 31. 
 
 F f 2 
 
436 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Portugal. And this is far from being a small punishment. — 
 Because sucli persons are exposed to tlie scoffs and insults of 
 all, which they are obliged to sw^allow, though the most cruel 
 in themselves, and offered by the vilest of mankind, for by these 
 crosses they are marked to all persons for heresy, or as it is now 
 in Spain and Portugal, for Judaism. And being thus marked, 
 they are avoided by all, and are almost excluded from all hu- 
 man society. We have an instance of this in the book of sen- 
 tences of the Tholouse inquisition,^ in one Arnald Ysarni, of 
 Villemaur, who had thrown off his crosses, and being afterwards* 
 again apprehended, gave this reason for doing it before the 
 inquisitor : " Because by wearing his crosses, he could find no 
 persons and place, where he could get his hving, and that 
 therefore he stood for ten years without them at the Moyssac, 
 and got liis livelihood by going and coming with the ships to 
 Bourdeaux. 
 
 These crosses are put on those who have believed heresies, 
 aiid sometimes on those who have been dogmatisers, but who 
 immediately, upon their being found out and informed against 
 before the bishops and inquisitors, depart from their errors, 
 and consent to abjure diem. Such are more gently dealt with, 
 and it is easier to have a dispensation as to their penance. For 
 either they are to wear their crosses only for a time, or if they 
 are enjoined them for their whole life, after they have worn 
 them for some years, in another sermon or act of faith, they 
 leave them off again, or if they are in an ill state of health, or 
 if the penitent be remarkably humble, and truly converted.— 
 But such a dispensation is the more difficult to be obtained, because 
 the publicly wearing these crosses may make great satisfaction 
 in behalf of those who carry them, yea, it may be greatly 
 meritorious in them, because of the great degree of shame which 
 such persons endure, and may be, and is a considerable warning 
 to others. 
 
 He who throws off, or conceals this garment, is to be punished 
 as an impenitent.'* Nor can the inquisitors themselves, now in 
 Spain, moderate the time which they have fixed for the wearing 
 
 * Fol. 177. *» Simanc. t. 47. sect. 11, 12, 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITIOX. 437 
 
 It ; both because their office is discharged after they have pro- 
 nounced from the tribunal, and because this matter is reserved 
 to the inquisitor general and council.^ 
 
 This habit of the penitents, and sackcloth of condemned he- 
 retics, is to be hung up in the church of that parish where they . 
 dwelt, that these sort of ensigns may be a monument to keep 
 up the everlasting remembrance of their impiety ; for the names 
 of the heretics, and the reasons of their condemnation, are to be 
 inscribed and renewed on tliem ;•' viz. after the example of 
 Moses, " who made broad plates for a covering of the altar, 
 of the censers of the two hundred and fifty men who had offered 
 incense to the Lord, that they might be a memorial and a sign 
 to the children of Israel-"" If any one steals these ensigns,*^ it 
 is the common opinion, that he is to be punished at the plea- 
 sure of the judges,^ not as a thief or sacrilegious^person, but as 
 a contemner of religion and the judges, and must therefore be 
 whipped, or fined, or banished. 
 
 Finally, the most grievous punishment is the being con- 
 demned to perpetual imprisonment, there to do wholesome pe- 
 nance with the bread of grief, and the water of affliction. This 
 
 a 4 Instruct, cap. 9. " Simanc. t. 4T. sect. 13. 
 
 c Madrid. Instruct. A. D. 1561. cap. 81. 
 d Numb. xvi. 39, 40. ^ Simanc. t. 47. sect. 14. 
 
 f " Souza relates the case of a man, whom the inquisition ordered to be 
 burnt, for being accused of stealing a sacred vase from a church. No other 
 proof was alleged against this unhappy victim, than that he was seen to pass 
 near the church, at the time of the night when the theft was supposed to 
 have been committed. He solemnly protested, however, in his last moments, 
 that he died innocent, and a believer in the creed of the Catholic faith. On 
 this case of horror being made known at Rome, it was even there considered 
 highly improper, thai the inquisition of Lisbon should have burnt the man 
 alive in such a case, and particularly under the circumstance of his declaring 
 at the very period when the approaching tortures of his death were most 
 likely to excite despair, that he wished to live and die in the Catholic faith. 
 Some years after a criminal being condemned to be hung at Gillicia, in 
 Spain, for murder, he made a solemn declaration at the gallows, that he was 
 the individual who committed the theft of the sacred vase, in Lisbon, of 
 which the other, who had been burnt alive, was wholly innocent."--Souza 
 Eurepa Portngueza A pp. to reign of King Emanuel, in Da Costa's Nana- 
 tive, vol. 1. 124. 
 
 f f 3 
 
438 HISTORY OF THE INQ.UISITION. 
 
 is usually enjoined on the believers of heretics, and such as are 
 with difficulty brought to repentance, or who have a long while 
 denied the truth during the trial, or have perjured themselves. 
 For because such persons do not seem to be voluntarily and 
 willingly converted, they will not allow them their liberty, lest 
 being feignedly converted, as may be easily presumed, they 
 should corrupt others. 
 
 The inquisitors have, however, the power of remitting the 
 sentence of immuration, or perpetual imprisonment, except in 
 Spain, where the inquisitor general only can remit their punish^ 
 ment ; in which they are to be guided by the humility and 
 penitence of the prisoner. This is commonly done at the end 
 of three years, unless it is declared in the sentence, that it is 
 never to be remitted ; in which case it may be remitted at the 
 end of eight years. These remissions must be granted with 
 the advice of the diocesan, and may also be obtained with 
 money. 
 
 Besides this condemnation to perpetual imprisonment, such 
 persons are also enjoined other penances, viz. sometimes to 
 stand in the habit marked with the cross, at the door of such a 
 church, such a time and so long, viz. on the four principal fes- 
 tivals of the glorious virgin Mary of such a church, or on 
 such and such festivals, at the gates of such and such churches. 
 Concerning this there is a decree extant of the council of Bi- 
 terre,^ where, after commanding that penitents should be pre- 
 sent at divine service on Sundays and festivals, this is added, 
 " That on the mass of every Sunday and festival, between the 
 epistle and the gospel, they shall publicly present themselves 
 witli rods in their hands, stripped of their outward garment, 
 and with their veil or hat off, to the priest celebrating mass in 
 the presence of the people, and there, after having received 
 discipline, tTie priest shall declare, that they suffer this discipline 
 for heretical pravity.'' Sometimes, before they are shut up in 
 prison, they are publicly exposed, viz. being clothed with the 
 habit of the crosses, they are placed upon an high ladder in the 
 gate of some church, that they may be plainly seen by all, 
 
 a Cap. 2C. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUTSlTION. 439 
 
 where they must stand till dinner time, after which they must 
 be carried, cloathed in the same habit, to the same place, at the 
 first ringing to vespers, and there stand till sun set; and these 
 spectacles are usually repeated on several Sundays and festi- 
 vals in several churches, which are particularly specified in 
 their sentence. 
 
 They are now also condemned to the punishment of the 
 galhes,^ because the ancient practice of immuration is at this 
 time seldom used. Others, who will not depart from their 
 errors, are ordinarily condemned to perpetual and strict impri- 
 sonment, and to iron fetters and chains, where they are daily 
 allowed the bread of grief for meat, and the water of affliction 
 for their drink. 
 
 The inquisitors may also increase these penances, if the con- 
 verted persons want devotion, or are malicious and quarrel- 
 some, because these things shew that their mind and soul is 
 far from being obedient to the law of God, or the commands 
 enjoined them. 
 
 * 'V«^'VW«%-V'«^ 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. 
 WJien and how Jar any cnie is to be admitted to Penance. 
 
 IT is a very important and difficult question amongst the 
 popish doctors, and very intricate, at what time, and how peni- 
 tent heretics are to be admitted. Simancas uses many distinc- 
 tions in the solution of this question. *» For either he is a con- 
 cealed heretic, discovered by no one, and accuses himself to 
 the inquisitors, and plainly confesses his errors. Such a one, 
 \vithout doubt, is to be received, and ought not to be enjoined 
 public penance, but is to be secretly absolved. Or he hath 
 been pubHcly an apostate or heretic in another kingdom,'^ and 
 before any one gave evidence against him, he voluntarily re- 
 turns to a sound mind, and asks pardon and absolution from 
 
 a Pegoa, p. 528. b tit. 47, sect. 27. < Sect/ 28. 
 
440 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 the inquisitors. Such a one also is to be admitted, but he must 
 publicly abjure his errors, and do wholesome penance. But he 
 must not suffer the punishment of imprisonment, nor wear the 
 habit of penitents/ 
 
 " Or he comes to the inquisitors through fear of impending 
 proofs,^ and discovers his confederates in wickedness, and fully 
 confesses his errors; and such a one also, though witnesses 
 come in against him, is to be reconciled to the church, but is 
 more gently to be dealt with ; for he must not be condemned 
 to perpetual jail, nor wear, for any considerable time, the peni- 
 tential habit. Or he is already apprehended,'^ and thrown into 
 prison, and then confesses his heresies, and then his confession 
 is said to be voluntary. He also, who upon admonition, con- 
 fesses his heresies/ before the evidence of the witnesses is shewn 
 him, is to be kindly received, and not condemned to perpetual 
 jail, because he confesses before he is convicted by witnesses.* 
 Or he confesses after the accusation is pubhshed,^ and is then 
 to be admitted, but punished more severely ; because he would 
 not confess before he was informed, and made fully to under- 
 stand by the accusation, of what heresies he was accused. Or 
 he confesses after being convicted by the witnesses,^ i. e. after 
 the publication of the evidence. For although such a one doth 
 not seem to return voluntarily, who is scarce persuaded at 
 length to confess his errors, and beg pardon, after being tired 
 out with the dismal jail, after several admonitions, after ac- 
 cusation, the publication of the evidence, six hundred per- 
 juries, and several months, yet, inasmuch as being in 
 prison,'' he confesses of his own mind and will his errors, 
 without being compelled by violence, he is adjudged to confess 
 voluntarily. Farther,^ they think that he also confesses volun- 
 tarily, whose confession is violently, i. e. by torture, drawn from 
 him. F^ although the first confession is drawn from him by 
 torment, yet is it not sufficient to the proof or condemnation, 
 unless he afterwards confirmsit by a voluntary confession. And 
 
 a 1 Instruct, cap. 8 . »> Siraanc. tit. 47. sect. 29. 
 
 • Ibid. sect. 30. ^ Ibid. sect. 31. « 1 Instruct, cap. 11. 
 
 ( Simauc. sect. 32. g Ibid. sect. 38. 
 
 * Ibid. sect. 44. ' Ibid, sects. 45, 46. 
 
HISTORY OF THE I^JQUISITION. 441 
 
 therefore, when the criminal ratifies of his own accord the ex- 
 torted confession, they say he is not to be looked upon as acting 
 herein unwillingly, nor his confirmation as extorted by force, 
 but that it is altogether voluntary, and that tlierefore if the 
 confession be just that such a one is to be admitted: and it is 
 then accounted just, when the penitent testifies it with tears, 
 groans, and humihty. 
 
 " It is also farther inquired,* whether a person is to be re- 
 ceived to the bosom of the church after the definitive sentence, 
 even till he is delivered to the secular court. Here the laws 
 determine that penitents may be admitted till the definitive 
 sentence, but that afterwards there is no place for pardon and 
 mercy." 
 
 Notwithstanding, after sentence pronounced, there is no far- 
 ther place for pardon : yet there is one instance of Stephana de 
 Proaudo, extant, in the book of the sentences of the Tholouse 
 inquisition, who, being judged an heretic the day before, and 
 left as an heretic to the secular court (from w hence it appears 
 that it was not then usual for those w ho were left to the secu- 
 lar coiu't to be burnt the same day, on which the sentence is 
 pronounced, as is now practised in Spain and Portugal) seeing 
 on the following day, viz. Monday, that the fire in which she 
 was to be burnt w^as made ready, said, on that very day that 
 she was willing to be converted to the Catholic faith, and to 
 return to the ecclesiastical unity. And when it was doubted 
 whether she had spoke this feignedly or sincerely, or through 
 fear of death, and was answered, that the time of mercy was 
 elapsed, and that she should think of the salvation bf her soul, 
 and fully discover whatsoever she knew of herself or others 
 concerning the fact of heresy, which she promised to say and 
 do, and that she would die in the faith of the holy church of 
 Rome ; upon this the inquisitor and vicars of the oishop of 
 Tholouse, called a coimcil on the following Tuesday, and at 
 length it was concluded, that on the following Sunday she 
 should confess the faith of the church of Rome, recant her 
 errors, and be carried back to prison, where it would be proved 
 
 ■•>■ Sijuanc. sect. 46. 
 
442 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 whether her conversion was real or pretended ; and so strictly 
 kept, that she might not be able to infect others with her 
 errors. Eymeric also gives us an instance at Barcelona in 
 Catalonia,* of three heretics impenitent, but not relapsed, who 
 were dehvered over to the secular arm. And when one of 
 them, who was a priest, was put in the fire, and one of his 
 sides somewhat burnt, he cried to be taken out of it, because 
 he would abjure and repent. And he was taken out accord- 
 inglv. But he was afterwards found always to have continued 
 in his heresy, and to have infected many, and would not be 
 converted, and was therefore turne<l over again as impenitent 
 and relapsed, to the secular arm, and burnt. 
 
 The author of the History of the Inquisition at Goa,^ gives 
 us another instance of a very rich new Christian, whose name 
 was Lewis Pezoa, who, with his whole family, had been accused 
 of secret Judaism, by some of his enemies, and who, with his 
 wife, two sons and one daughter, and some other relations that 
 lived with him, were all thrown into the jail of the inquisition. 
 He denied the crime of which he was accused, and well refuted 
 it, and demanded that the witnesses who had deposed against 
 him, might be discovered to him, that he might convict them 
 of falsehood. But he could obtain nothing, and was con- 
 demned as a negative, to be dehvered over to the arm of the 
 secular court ; which sentence was made known to him fifteen 
 days before it was pronounced. The Duke of Cadaval, an 
 intimate friend of the Duke d'Aveira, inquisitor general, had 
 made strict enquiry how his affair was like to turn. And 
 understanding by the inquisitor general, that unless he con- 
 fessed before his going out of prison, he could not escape the 
 fire, because he had been legally convicted, he continued to 
 intreat the inquisitor general, till he had obtained a promise 
 from him, that if he could persuade Pezoa to confess, even 
 after sentence pronounced, and his procession in the act of 
 faith, he should not die, though it was contrary to the laws 
 and custom of an act of faith. Upon that solemn day there- 
 fore, on which the act of faith was to be held, he went with 
 
 • Eymeric, n. 2©4. . ^ Cap. 38. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 44S 
 
 some of his o^n friends, and some that were Pezoa's, to the 
 gate of the inquisition, to prevail ^nth him, if possible, to 
 confess. He came out in the procession, wearing the infamous 
 Samarra, and on his head the Carocha, or infamous Mitre. His 
 friends, witli many tears, besought him in the name of the 
 Duke de Cadaval, and by all that was dear to him, that he 
 would preserve his life, and intimated to liim, that if he would 
 confess and repent, the said duke had obtained his life from 
 the inquisitor general, a^d would give him more than he had 
 lost. But all in rain, Pezoa continually protesting himself 
 innocent, and that the crime itself was falsely invented by his 
 enemies who sought Iiis destruction. When the procession was 
 ended, and the act of faith almost finished, the sentences of 
 those who were condemned to certain penances having been 
 read, and on the approach of evening, the sentences of those 
 who were to be delivered over to the secular court being be- 
 gun to be read, his friends repeated their intreaties, bv which 
 at last they overcame his constancy, so tliat desiring an audi- 
 ence, and rising up, that he might be heard, he said, *' Come 
 then, let us go and confess the crimes I am falsely accused of, 
 and thereby gratify the desires of my friends.'' And ha^ang 
 confessed his crime he was remanded to jail. Two years after 
 he was sent to Evora, and in the act of faith walked in pro- 
 cession wearing the Samarra, on which was painted the fire 
 inverted, according to the usual custom of the Portuguese 
 inquisition ; and after five years more that he was detained in 
 the jail of the inquisition, he was condemned to the gallies for 
 five years. 
 
 .■fc'%'»%^'W'»-V» 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. 
 
 How the Process ends against a relapsed Penitent. 
 
 IF the accused person is found a relapse by his own con- 
 fession, but penitent,* professing that he beheves in a Catliohc 
 
 » Direct, p. 3. n. 197. coiu.4.5. 
 
444« HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 manner, and is willing to return to the unity of the church, 
 the bishop and inquisitor send to him two or three good men, 
 and especially rehgious, or clergymen, zealous for the faith, 
 neither suspected by, nor ungrateful to him, who, upon some 
 convenient hour go to him, and after discoursing with him in 
 the first place concerning the contempt of the world, the mi- 
 series of this present life, and the joys and glories of paradise, 
 do afterwards, in the name of the bishop and inquisitor, dis- 
 cover to him, that inasmuch as he is relapsed, he cannot escape 
 temporal death ; and that therefore he ought to be careful of 
 the salvation of his soul, and prepare himself for the confession 
 of his sins, and the reception of the sacrament of the eucharist. 
 And these admonitions they repeat till he hath confessed his 
 sins, and humbly desu-es that the sacrament of the eucharist 
 may be given him, because the ecclesiastical sacraments are 
 not to be denied to a relapsed penitent, if he humbly desires 
 them.' After having received these sacraments, and by this 
 means being, in their opinion, rightly prepared for salvation, 
 the bishop and inquisitor order the ballive of the place, or the 
 chief magistrate of the secular court, to be ready with his at- 
 tendants such a day or hour, in such a street or place, to re- 
 ceive from their court such a relapse, which they will deliver 
 to him ; and that on the same day, or the day before he shall 
 make proclamation by" the crier throughout the city, in all the 
 usual places and streets, that on such a day, hour, and place, 
 the inquisitor will make a sermon for the faith, and that he 
 and the bishop \vill then condemn a certain relapse, by deliver- 
 ing him over to the secular court. 
 
 If the person to be dehvered over to the secular court is in 
 holy orders,^ a pnest, or of any other degree, he is, before he 
 is turned over, stripped of the prerogative of the whole ecclesias- 
 tical order, or, as they call it, degraded, that being deprived of 
 every dignity that might exempt him from the secular power, 
 he may be delivered over to it. 
 
 This degradation is twofold, one verbal, the other actual. 
 The verbal is, when the bishop pronounces sentence against a 
 
 * Cap. Super eo de haeret. lib. 6. 
 *» Direct, n. 198. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 445 
 
 clergyman, by which he deprives him of all clerical orders, or 
 rather of the ministry or execution of those orders, which is 
 more properly deposition. The actual is, when the clergyman 
 is not only deprived by sentence, but also deprived actually 
 and personally, stripped and despoiled of his ecclesiastical 
 orders; and this takes place in the crime of heresy, when the 
 person is to be delivered over to the secular court. But if he 
 is only to be perpetually imprisoned, they only make use of 
 verbal degradation. 
 
 After the degradation is performed, sentence is pronounced 
 against him as a relapse, and he as such, although penitent, 
 is cast out of the ecclesiastical court, and delivered to the 
 secular arm. But they generally add this clause to such 
 sentences, by which a relapse, or impenitent heretic, or any 
 other, is delivered to the secular arm. " Nevertheless, we 
 effectually beseech the said secular arm, that he will moderate 
 his sentence concerning you, so as to prevent the effusion of 
 blood, and danger of death ; ^ where, after it is commanded 
 that a clergyman degraded shall be delivered to the secular 
 court, it is added, " For whom, nevertheless, the church ought 
 effectually to intercede, that the sentence may be moderated, 
 so as to prevent danger of death, viz. lest the inquisitors, when 
 they dehver criminals to the secular judges, should seem to 
 consent to the effusion of blood, and thereby become irre- 
 gular. 
 
 When this sentence against a relapse is concluded, the 
 bishop and inquisitor do not shew it to the criminal, lest he 
 should be enraged against them ; ^ but they send to him certain 
 good men, especially religious or clergymen, not unacceptable 
 to him, who discover to him the sentence to be pronounced 
 against him, and the death to be inflicted on him, to confirm 
 him in the faith, to exhort him to patience, to accompany him 
 after his sentence, to comfort him, and pray with him, and not 
 to depart from him, till he hath returned his spirit to his Cre- 
 ator. But they must diligently take care, that they do not 
 
 a According to Cap. Novimus, de verb. sign, 
 b Lib. Catenat. n. 200. 
 
446 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 say or do any thing by which the death of the relapsed person 
 may be hastened, viz. by exhorting him when condemned, to 
 offer his head to the executioner, or to go up the ladder, or 
 to say to the hangman so to direct his sword, as to strike off 
 his head at one blow, and not at several, or to say or do, or 
 persuade to any things of like kind, by which his death would 
 be sooner effected, although the same would have happened, 
 although these words or actions had never been ; because 
 they contract irregularity by these things. Who would not 
 believe that these men detested with all their soul every effu- 
 sion of blood, who so effectually intercede for the condemned, 
 and are so extremely careful not to say or do any thing by 
 which their death may be hastened ? Here some think, that 
 such penitents relapsed ought to be allowed ecclesiastical burial, 
 as well as all other Catholics. But this is contrary to law and 
 custom, because their bodies are burnt with fire. In this re- 
 spect, however, they are dealt more favourably with than the 
 obstinate and impenitent, inasmuch as these latter are burnt 
 alive, whereas the others are strangled before they are burnt, 
 which, as Simancas says,* is more humane, and leads to re- 
 pentance. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. 
 
 flow the Process ends against an impenitent Heretic, 
 and impenitent Relapse. 
 
 TW the accused person be an impenitent heretic, but not 
 relapsed,'' he is kept in close imprisonment, and put in chains, 
 that he may not escape and infect others ; nor is any one allow- 
 ed to come to him, or to speak with him, except the keepers, 
 who must be good men, and not suspected concerning the faith, 
 nor easy to be deceived. In the mean while all methods must 
 be used for his conversion, according to the decree of the coun- 
 
 * Tit. 47. sect. IT. ^ Direct, p. 3. n. 201. com. 46. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 447 
 
 cil of Biterre.^ " Those who will not be converted, be slow, 
 as you conveniently can, to condemn them, admonishing them, 
 frequently by yourselves and others to confess ; and if they 
 are finally obstinate in their wickedness, cause their errors to 
 be publicly declared, in detestation of them, and leave them 
 thus condemned to the secular powers present, or their ballives, 
 according to the apostolic command." Herewith the Madrid 
 Instruction ^ agrees. " When the criminal is negative, and 
 hath been legally convicted of the crime of heresy of which he 
 was accused, or continues obstinate, it is evident from the law 
 that he ought to be delivered to the secular court. However, 
 in such a case, the inquisitors ought greatly to endeavour his 
 conversion, that at least he may die in the grace of God. And 
 here they must do all they can consistent with piety.'' So that 
 the bishop and inquisitor frequently, sometimes both together, 
 sometimes apart, must cause him to be brought before them, to 
 refute his opinions, and persuade him into the faith of the 
 church of Rome. If he doth not submit to their information, 
 ten or twelve persons are sent to him to instruct him, learned 
 men, clergymen of different orders, and secular lawyers, who 
 frequently converse with him, to shew him that his opinion is 
 contrary to the sacred scripture, and the decrees of the church 
 of Rome. If he is not converted, he is not immediately deliver- 
 ed to the secular arm, though he desires it,*= but is kept in chains 
 
 ^ Cap. 17. b A. D. 1561. c. 43. 
 
 « As liberty is sweet on any terms, and even the gallies themselves are a 
 paradise when compared to the dreary cells of the Inquisition, where every 
 kind of rigonr is put in practice, which can render life a burden without any 
 interval, or the least alleviation, nothing is more natural than for one confined 
 in such a piison to wish with the utmost anxiety for the next anto da fe, which 
 though a bitter remedy, is the only one which can afford him any prospect 
 of relief . But even this miserable comfort is denied him. The wretch sits 
 .sighing and pining away within his gloomy dungeon, in expectation of the 
 solemn day, when he shall be permitted to be hold once more the light of the 
 sun, to breathe fresh air and cheer his eyes, with the sight of his dear friends 
 and relations. The long wished for day at length comes, it passes away and 
 the wretch still remains in the same doleful situation. Still he flatters uim- 
 self, that his judges though hitherto so inexorable will at last beghi to relent, 
 and touched with his unutterable distresses vouchsafe to call him before their 
 nwful tribunal, if not to acquit him, at l^ast to acquaint him Tvith the cause 
 
448 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 a long whiles half a year, or a whole one, in a hard and close 
 jail, that by the misery and distress of his imprisonment, his 
 constancy may be overcome. In the mean while he is frequent- 
 ly admonished, that if he persists he must be burnt, and after 
 this life burn in hell fire for ever. But if he is not moved by 
 this calamity, he is removed into a somewhat more comfortal \e 
 jail, and used in a little kinder manner, l^hey also make use 
 of promises, that if he will turn, he shall experience the mercy 
 of the judges. If they can neither prevail with him by this 
 means, they suffer his wife and children, especially his little 
 ones, if he hath any, and his other relations, to come to him, to 
 break his resolution and constancy. But if after all these 
 methods used he persists in his opinion, the bishop and inquisi- 
 tor prepare to deliver him over to the secular court. When 
 therefore the sermon concerning the faith is held, the inquisitor 
 causes his faults and heresies to be read over by the notary, or 
 some other clergyman, and then asks him whether he will de- 
 part from his heresy and abjure them.? If he consents to 
 abjure, he is admitted ; and having made his abjuration, he 
 
 of his detention. Another anto comes, and more than a year elapses, before 
 he can obtain a favour, which in secular courts is never refused to the vilest 
 miscreants, that of being heard ; and then perhaps at a time when he is 
 least prepared for such an audience, having almofet laid aside all hopes, he 
 is ordered to make his appearance at a moment's warning, not to give him the 
 slightest information, but only to press him to acknowledge a crime, every 
 circumstance whereof they conceal from him and which he cannot charge 
 himself with, though they laid before him the names and depositions of his 
 accusers. He answers as he had always done, that he is not conscious of any 
 offence which falls under their lordships cognizance, they repeat the same 
 interrogatories several times over, and he still returns the same answer, upon 
 which they send him back to his cell. 
 
 Thus they keep the prisoner in a state of suspence, more dreadful, if pos- 
 sible, than his approaching doom, which he has not the least item of, till the 
 very eve of another anto. When these merciless judges order him to be put 
 on the rack, to extort from his own mouth what cannot be proved by wit- 
 nesses. Where in the extremity of anguish, when the tender frame is torn as 
 it were in pieces, when it feels at every pore the sharpest pangs of death, 
 and the agonizing soul is just ready to leave its mansion, the ministers of the 
 holy office look on without emotion, and* calmly advise the poor forlorn 
 creature to confess his guilt that he may obtain pardon. 
 
 Letters on the Inq. &c. 50. 
 
HISTORY OF THE I>rQUISITION. 440 
 
 was condemned in the times of Eymeric to perpetual imprison- 
 ment, because he A\'as believed to abjure rather through fear of 
 death than the love of truth. And if he was a cleric, he was 
 degraded from his orders, by a verbal degradation only, i. e. he 
 was defK)sed from the function of his ministry. 
 
 But if in this condition he will not repent and abjure his 
 opinions, as is commonly the case with such persons, he is con- 
 demned as an obstinate heretic, and as such delivered over to 
 the secular court.^ And whilst the secular court is performing 
 its duty, some good men, and zealous for the faith, may attend 
 him, and persuade him to the Catholic faith, and exhort him as 
 yet to turn from his errors. And it is the opinion of Eymeric, 
 th^t if even then he will be converted, he may be admitted to 
 repentance. But Pegna judges it more safe, not to receive him 
 by any means, although he promises a thousand times his con- 
 version ; both because it is provided for by no law, and because 
 experience shews us that persons thus received, seldom or ever 
 become good. 
 
 If an heretic impenitent or relapsed be present, the bishop 
 and inquisitor, in presence of the magistrate of the secular 
 court,^ declare him impenitent, or relapsed, cast him out from 
 the ecclesiastical court, and leave him to the secular arm, or to 
 the jurisdiction of the secular court. And the secidar court, 
 which is in that place, receives him ai one left to their court 
 and arm. If he be absent and fugitive, he is by sentence 
 declared impenitent or relapsed, and cast out from the ecclesi- 
 astical court, and left to the secular arm ; and whenever the 
 secular court can lay hold of him, he is punished as one ©bnoxi- 
 ous to that court, according to the nature of his crime.^ 
 
 If the accused person be an heretic impenitent and relapsed,** 
 all remedies are to be made use of for his conversion, and he is 
 closely and carefully confined, and no one admitted to him. 
 But he cannot escape death. And therefore they exhort him, 
 
 a Cap. ad abolendara, sect. Piaesenti, Extrav. de haeret. 
 
 ^ Cap- Excomniitnicamus, 1, 2. Extrav. de hapiet. 
 
 '^ Cap. hd abolendara, sect. Praesenti, Extra v. de h»jet. 
 
 <* Direct, p. 3- n. 205. 
 
 G g 
 
450 HISTORY OF THE INaUlSlTION. 
 
 inasmuch as he cannot avoid the punishment of death, to con- 
 sult at least the salvation of his soul, to confess and receive the 
 sacrament of the eucharist. Behold the amazing charity of 
 these reverend lathers, who when they deliver a penitent crimi- 
 nal to death, are so solicitous about the salvation of his soul ! 
 But whether he repents or not, he is delivered to the secular 
 court, with a very earnest intreaty, so to mitigate their sentence 
 concerning him, as to prevent the effusion of blood, and danger 
 of death. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. 
 
 How the Process ends against a Negative Heketic con- 
 
 victed. 
 
 IF the person accused be found in heresy either by the 
 evidence of the fact,^ or the legal production of witnesses, and 
 yet he doth not confess it, but persists in denying the crime 
 laid to his charge, he is at this day called a convicted negative 
 heretic.^ 
 
 » Direct, p. .^. n. 207. com. 48. 
 
 * Thus the council of Biterre hath thus determined.* ** As to those who 
 are criminals, and contemn to appear witiiin the time of grace, ormaJicionsly 
 suppress the truth, let each of them be cited by name in tlieir turn ; and if 
 they will not confess the trnth found against them, read over to them the 
 beads of the matters in which they are found criminal, and discover to them 
 the depositions of the witnesses, and granting them competent times, and 
 allowing them the liberty of defending themselves, receive candidly their 
 legal exceptions and replications. And if they fail in their defence, assign 
 them a competent peremptory time for their sentence, and condemn them, 
 unless they will of their own accord confess the crime proved against them. 
 For they are not to be received to mercy whilst they persist in tiieir denial, 
 how much soever they submit themselves to the will of the church." Thus 
 also the council of Narbonne.f " But if any one is not afraid obstinately to 
 deny his faults, upon account of which he may be judged a believer of here- 
 tics, or an heretic, and which is fully proved by witnesses, or other proofs, as 
 
 • Cap. 6, 7, 8, 9. t Cap. 26. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 4:51 
 
 Carena observes/ that it sometimes happens, that a negative 
 heretic, given over by the inquisitors to the secular arm, cites 
 and challenges them to the Valley of Jehosaphat, or the Tri- 
 bunal of God. But if it appears to the judge that he hath 
 proceeded justly in the condemnation of a negative heretic, 
 Jie ought not to be afraid of his citation. But if the judge 
 should not be certain of the justice of his sentence, but per- 
 ceived again disturbance in his mind when he pronounced it, 
 then it is his duty more maturely to enquire into all circum- 
 stances, that the former sentence may be either revoked or 
 confirmed. In the mean while they say, that if such citation 
 and appellation be made not through hatred and revenge, but 
 with a good design, that his innocence may appear, and his 
 family be preserved from infamy, it is lawful. 
 
 Because negatives constantly deny the crime of heresy, and 
 profess that they are, and always were Catholics, and are wil- 
 ling to die in the faith of the Catholic church, they are first 
 strangled before they are burnt. But Souza says,'' that heretics 
 convict and negative, if after they are delivered to the secular 
 judge, they do not confess before him the Cathohc faith, are 
 burnt ahve ; because, as it appears that they are heretics, so 
 by being silent when they ought to answer, they are looked 
 upon as obstinate. Thus it was actually judged by all the 
 judges of the council of supphcation in the city of Lisbon,*^ 
 when, in an act of faith then celebrated, three men, Hebrews 
 by birth, and called new Christians, were delivered over by the 
 inquisitors to the secular court for Judaism, of which they were 
 convicted ; who, persisting in the negative, affirmed before 
 the inquisitors that thev were Christians. And being brought 
 before the secular judges, and interrogated concerning the 
 faith, would make no answer ; upon which they were delivered 
 over to the officers to be burnt alive, and were accordingly 
 burnt alive. 
 
 long as he persists in this denial, though otherwise he may pretend conver- 
 lion, he is, without doubt, to be accounted au heretic. For he is evidently 
 impenitent, vulio will not confess his sin. 
 
 * p. 2. t. I. sect. 10. b I. 3. (. 6. sect. 11. 
 
 c A. D. 1629, the second Sunday of September, and twelfth day of that 
 month. 
 
 r, cr a 
 
452 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 CHAR XXXVII. 
 
 Horc the Process ends against a Fugitive Heretic. 
 
 IF the accused person be a fugitive, or hath fled or escaped 
 from the inquisition, after he is waited for a competent time,* 
 he is cited by the bishop or inquisitor ^ in the cathedral church 
 
 a Direct, p. 3. n. 212. com. 49. 
 b The licentious character so largely applied to the Romish clertjy has 
 not been wanting in those fleputed to the office of inquisitors. Whilst by 
 the very constitution of their authority tliey are placed in a great degree 
 above the laws; they possess, in addition to their ecclesiastical revenues, 
 opportunities of amassing enormous wealth from the wreck of those whom 
 they condemn, and besides, such unbounded power as to command any ob- 
 ject of desire, or to gratify any purpose of revenge. With such temptations 
 therefore it is no wonder if the inquisitor should become voluptuous, aud 
 that possessing the authority he should assume the vices of the oriental 
 monarchs. M. Lavallee, in his ** Histoire des Inquisitions Religieuses," 
 relates the following circumstance : A gentleman, who was then (1809) 
 residing at Paris, having business in Lisbon some years before the 
 French revolution, and being about to go thither, took with him, from a 
 nobleman at Versailes, a letter to the chief inquisitor at Madrid, through 
 which he passed. On his arrival in that city, being fatigued, and at the same 
 time unwilling to impede his journey, he fulfilled the ceremony of delivering 
 the letter to the inquisitor by the hands of his servant, excusing himself on 
 those grounds from doing himself the honour of a personal attendance. 
 The grand inquisitor, however, came himself to his hotel, and with gr«at 
 politeness prevailed on him to spend the evening at his residence The 
 gentleman repaired to his appointment, and was lost in astonishment at the 
 splendour of the saloons, furniture, and attendants. After some noblemen 
 who were present had withdrawn, the inquisitor offered his guest a sight of 
 his bed-chamber j this surpassed any thing he had ever seen for sumptuous 
 degance. The walls were hung with most exquisite paintings, from the 
 heathen mythology ; the floor of the finest marble, and so constructed as to 
 admit the growth of orange trees, and a crystal stream, which, imparting a 
 delicious coolness, rolled off through basons of porphyry, in subterranean 
 channels, whilst the bed was adorned with such tasteful drapery, as to give 
 to the whole the air of royalty. As soon as the visitor had inspected with 
 admiration the various embellishments of this splendid retreat, which he was 
 the more surprised to find where he had rather expected to have seen the 
 rigid tokens of inquisitorial devotion, he prepared to withdraw. But the in- 
 quisitor prevented him, expressing surprise that he should so soon appear 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. ' 455 
 
 of that tliocese where he hath offeiKied, and in other churches 
 of tliat place where he hved, and particularly tVom whence he 
 made his escape, personally to appear on a certain day in such 
 a cathedral church of such a diocese, there to hear, upon a 
 certain hour, his definitive sentence before them, to which 
 they add, whether he apj)ears or not, that they will proceed 
 against him to a definitive sentence, as law and justice require. 
 This citation is fixed upon the gates of the catliedral church. 
 In this citation some delay is granted, viz. of thirty days, and 
 that is peremptory, so that this single one serves for three, in 
 which the criminal is cited to all and singular the proceedings 
 of his trial. « 
 
 If the criminal doth not appear, his contumacy is complained 
 of in the several terms of the edict, and the fiscal of the inqui 
 sition puts in his bill of accusation, after which the process is 
 carried on according to course of law, observing the custom 
 and laws of the holy office. When all this is finished, if the 
 crime really appears, sentence is pronounced against the 
 criminal whenever the process is rightfully and legally de- 
 termined. If he hadi been informed against for heresy, 
 he is declared an obstinate heretic, and as such left to the 
 seculai' ai'in. If informed against as one suspected of heresy, 
 and if excommunicated, because he would not appear, and if 
 remaining under the sentence of excommunication for a year, 
 he is not pronounced an heretic, but condemned as though 
 he was one. But if upon the expiration of the year he ap- 
 pears, he is heard as far as relates to the excusing his crime, 
 and testifying his innocence ; but not in order to recover his 
 effects, unless he can make his innocence, or some other just 
 
 fatigued, then making a signal, a Dominican appeared (his contidential mi- 
 nister) who conducted the traveller into a splendid saloon, lighted by a pro 
 fusion of wax candles, here a mngnificent sapper was prepared, to which aat 
 down ;he gland is quihitor, his visitor, &i\ ladies of great beauty and accora- 
 plisUments, and some monks, who were peculiar favourites. The cTening 
 was spent wi:h the gieatest gaiety, whilst music, poetry, singing, and agree- 
 able conversation protracted the stay of the company until sunrise. At 
 length the trav^ Ikr took his le^ve, greatly pleast-d with tke courtesy of his 
 highness, and admiring the method of reiaxatiou he had cheien, after the 
 studies and fatigue devolving on him from the holy office. 
 
454 HISTOHY OF THE INaUISITIOX. 
 
 impediment legally appear. If he is in sacred orders, he is 
 first degraded, by a verbal degradation only, because he can- 
 not be actually degraded, inasmuch as he is absent. But Ey- 
 mericus thinks, that the person, thus degraded, is not to be left 
 to the secular arm, but that if he will repent, he may freely, 
 and without the question be admitted to mercy and abju- 
 ration. 
 
 And lest the sentence against fugitives may seem to be pro- 
 nounced in vain,* it is usually published before all the people, 
 and the image, or as they commonly call it, the statue of the 
 absent person is publicly produced, on which there is a super- 
 scription fixed, containing the name and surname of the ab- 
 sent obstinate person who is condemned, which statue is deli- 
 vered to the secular power, on which he executes the sentence 
 and penalty of burning, as he would do upon the absent per- 
 son himself, if he were present, unless he would turn, or upon 
 a person otherwise relapsed. Thus, as Lewis a Paramo tells 
 us,'' the statue of Sigesmond Malatesta was burnt at the 
 gates of St. Peter ; and the statue of Luther, after he had 
 been cited, and did not appear, was also burnt, together with 
 his books, at the command of Leo X. by the bishop of AscoU, 
 and Silvester Prieriates. 
 
 When this custom of burning the statues of absent criminals 
 began, is uncertain. Pegna believes it not to be very antient, 
 because neither Eymeric, who, with great diligence, hath treat- 
 ed of every thing relating to practice in this crime, nor any 
 other of the antients, who have written of the order of pro- 
 ceeding against heretics, have mentioned this custom ; nor is 
 there to be found any single trace of it in the Vatican copy, 
 nor in that of the most illustrious Cardinal Sirletto, where 
 there are many things, and even the most minute things con- 
 cerning the method of judging and punishing heretics. But 
 yet he thinks it very commendable, and proper to strike terror, 
 and therefore altogether fit to be used. 
 
 • Pegna, ibid. p. 674. b 1. 2. t. 2. c. 1. n. 6. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISLTION. 455 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. 
 
 Of the Method of proceeding against the Dead. 
 
 PROCESS is also carried on against the dead for the crime 
 of heresy. "* Now it mav happen several ways, that a person 
 may be judged an heretic after death. First, If before his 
 death the inquisition against him was begun, and liis crime 
 appeared either by his own confession, or the e\ndence of the 
 fact, or the legal proof of witnesses, and the criminal dies 
 before the process is ended, cither confessed and impenitent, 
 or negative or relapsed. Secondly, If being in jail for heresy 
 he kills himself, for by thus destroying himself he seems to 
 confess the crime. Thirdly, If, though when alive, his heresy 
 did not appear, and he was not accused' of it, yet, if after his 
 death, it at any time appears that he died an heretic, either 
 by the depositions and attestations of others, or by facts, or 
 deeds, or books composed by him, or by any other legal rea- 
 sons. This process is carried on against the dead before this 
 tribunal, chieily for rhese three ends ; that their memory may 
 be condemned, that the heirs of the dead, or any other pos- 
 sessors of their effects, may be deprived of them by the fiscal; 
 and finally, that the dead bodies may be taken up, cast out 
 of hoi V ground and burnt, as it is determined by the first 
 instruction of Seville. 
 
 There was also an edict in England against the dead bodies 
 of Bucer and Fagius.'* For when Cardinal Pool, the pope's 
 legate in England, went, after queen Mary's inauguration, to 
 the university of Cambridge, to restore all affairs tliere, they 
 began the process of taking up the dead bodies of Bucer and 
 Fagius. The dead persons were cited by a first and second 
 edict,"= and several witnesses produced against them once and 
 again. When no one appeared, who would undertake their 
 defence, they were at last condemned for contumacy, and on 
 
 * Direct, p. 3. qn. 13. com. 92. 
 
 »» Bzoviu», A. i>. 1556. >ert. 36. E. Tliuan. 
 
 c Hist. Con. Tiid. 1. b. p. 461. 
 
4^6 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 the said day, sentence was pronounced before all the orders of 
 the university, and their dead bodies were ordered to be dug 
 up, and dehvered to the queen's officers. After some few days, 
 whilst the sentence was sent to London, an order came from 
 the queen, that the punishment should be inflicted. Finally, 
 on the sixth of February, the bodies were dug up, and a large 
 stake fixed into the ground, in a certain part of the market- 
 place prepared for that purpose, to which the bodies were tied, 
 and a large pile of wood placed round them to burn them. 
 After this, the chests were set up on end, with the dead bodies 
 in them,* and fastened on both sides with stakes, and bound to 
 the post with a long iron chain. After the pile was set on fire, 
 they threw a great number of the books of the protestants 
 into it, which they had gathered together, which were soon 
 consumed by the spreading flames. Not long after this, Brookes, 
 bishop of Glocester, dealt in the same manner at Oxford, with 
 Catharine, the wife of Peter Martyr, who, dying about four^ 
 years ago, was buried in Christ Church, near St. Frideswide's 
 rehcs, who was held in great veneration in that college. For 
 being convicted that she had embraced her husband's heresy, 
 she was condemned, her dead body taken up, carried upon 
 shoulders, and thrown upon a dunghill. *= 
 
 Besides this, the statue of such deceased person is now 
 brought forth' in public, on which the name of the person, 
 
 • They were buried, as Fox tells us, in chests. 
 
 k Fox says, two years. 
 
 e Fox assures us, that Brookes, bishop of Glocester, Nicholas Ormanet, 
 R. Moi wen, president of Christ Church college, Cole and Wright, coming to 
 Oxford as the cardinal's visitors, summoned before them .ill that had any 
 acquaintance with her or her husband, and ministered an oath to thera, that 
 they should not conceal any thing that was demanded of them j and that be- 
 ing examined, their answer was, that they knew not what religion she was 
 of, because they did not understand her language. But that notwithstand- 
 ing this, the cardinal, by his letters, ordered the dean of Frideswide to dig 
 her up, which the dean accordingly did that evening, and buried her ^ in a 
 dunghill. After this, in queen Eliiabeth's reign, she was, by order of Par- 
 ker, archbishop of Canterbury, Grindal, bishop of London, and otheri, the 
 queen's high commissioners, taken up out of .the dunghill, and buried in her 
 former place, and her bones mixed with those of Frideswide, that they might 
 never. after wards know one from the other. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 457 
 
 whose memory is to be condemned, is written iu large charac- 
 ters, and before which all the erroneous or heretical articles, 
 and all the heretical deeds or works, which have been legally 
 proved against the deceased, are recited in the same manner 
 in which they were done, as though the deceased himself was 
 living and present. This statue is dehvered to the secular 
 court, which the secular judge afterwards burns, as he would 
 have burnt the deceased, if he had been living, and died obsti-. 
 nate. 
 
 •%•■** V'%'V%/%'V%'V>' 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. 
 
 Of the Manner of 'proceeding against Houses. 
 
 IN order to beget in the common people a greater abhor- 
 rence of the crime of heresy, they are used to pull down and 
 level with the ground, the houses or dwellings, in which the 
 heretic, or arch-heretic, holds conventicles and congregations. 
 Of this we have several instances in the book of the sentences 
 of the Tholouse inquisition. 
 
 If the owner of the house is not condemned of heresy, but 
 heretics have committed such things in an house that did not 
 belong to them, without the knowledge of the owner, the house 
 is to receive no damage. But if he knew it, or ought to have 
 known it, it is confiscated, and being confiscated, remains sub- 
 ject to the pleasure of the inquisitor. The materials of such 
 houses go to the exchequer, or are decreed to be applied to 
 other pious uses. The ground on which such house stood 
 must not be shut in, but must always be uninhabited, that as 
 it was formerly a receptacle of wicked wretches, it may from 
 henceforth become a place of filth, and made a dunghill 
 and stench.* Excommunication also is threatened against all 
 those who shall presume to rebuild it, or to inhabit or inclose 
 it, or shall knowingly give any advice or assistance to it. 
 
 • Lib. Sent/fol.-2. 
 
458 HISTORY OP THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Sometimes also the ground on which the house stood, is 
 sprinkled over with salt, to denote its barrenness, at which 
 time certain curses and imprecations are uttered. And finally, 
 that there may be a perpetual monument of its infamy and 
 just punishment, a soHd stone, or a marble pillar four or five 
 feet high, is erected in this last age, in the said ground, with 
 certain larga characters cut on it, containing the name of the 
 owner of the house, shewing the reason of its being destroyed, 
 and signifying the time, viz. under the reign of what pope, 
 emperor, or king, the matter was transacted. In the former 
 age there was a famous monument erected on this account in 
 Spain, in the noble city of Valladolid, where Austin Cazzalla, 
 although converted, and penitent, was, A. D. 1559, delivered 
 as a dogmatist to the secular court, and his house pulled down, 
 on the ground of which there was a little pillar erected, con- 
 taining an account of the affair. 
 
 CHAP. XL. 
 
 How the Sentences are pronounced, and the condem^ied Persons 
 delivered over to the secular Arm. 
 
 THE inquisitors are commanded to pronounce the sentences 
 against heretics,* and to leave the condemned persons to the 
 secular powers present, to be punished according to their de- 
 sert. "^ Although this command requires the secular judge to 
 be present at the pronouncing sentence, yet the sentence of 
 condemnation against heretics, pronounced when the secular 
 judge is absent, is valid, provided there be all other things 
 essential to it. For the laws do not so require the presence of 
 the secular judge or his officers, as though nothing profitable 
 could be transacted without him, but only that they, as ser- 
 vants, should put in execution the sentence pronounced ; for 
 
 ^ Direct. 3 p. com. 48. 
 ^ Cap. Excommnnicamus, 1. in piincip. de Iiaeret Cap. Ad Abolendam. 
 sect. lUos. and Cap. Noviiuus, de verb, signific. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 459 
 
 every other act is forbidden them in this crime, which is merely 
 ecclesiastical.*^ And if the presence of the secular judge was 
 necessary in pronouncing sentence of condemnation against im- 
 penitent or relapsed heretics, he might easily, by this means, 
 hinder the office of the inquisition, by denying his presence, 
 either fc^ no reason, or for a feigned and pretended one. So 
 that when the inquisitor and bishop have pronounced sentence 
 upon tlie criminal, it shall be valid, though the secular magis- 
 trate cannot, or will not, be present ; and it shall be sufficient 
 to intimate to him, by some legal person in writing when there 
 is need, and which is the safest method, that such a person is 
 juJu^ed to be an obstinate heretic, and impenitent or relapsed: 
 and, the secular magistrate, though not present at the sentence, 
 shall be obliged to give credit to such an intimation, and to put 
 to death the heretic delivered over to him, unless he vnil be 
 most grievously punished as a favourer of heretics, and hinderer 
 of the holy office. Nor must he have any copy of the pro- 
 cess. 
 
 Also, in the same chapter Novimus, it is commanded, that the 
 church shall effectually intercede for him, who is to be delivered 
 over to be punished by the secular court, that the sentence con- 
 cerning him may be so moderated, as to prevent danger or death.* 
 
 b " Is there," says Dr. Geddes, in his view of the courl of inquisition in 
 Portugal, p. 440, " in all history, an instance of so gross and confident a 
 mockery of God and the world, as this of the inqtiisitors beseeching the civil 
 magistrates, not to put the heretics they have condemned and delivered to 
 them, to deatli ? For were they in earnest when tiiey made this solemn peti- 
 tion to the secular magistrates, why do they bring their prisoners out of th? 
 inquisition, and deliver them to those magistrates, in coats painted over with 
 flames ? Why do they teach that heretics, above all other malefactors, ought 
 to be punished with death ? And why do they never resent the secnlar ma- 
 gistrates having so little regard to their earnest and joint petition, as never 
 to fail to burn all the heretics that are delivered to them by the inquisition, 
 within an hour or two after they have them in their hands? And why, in 
 Rome, where the supreme, civil, and ecclesiastical authority are lodged in 
 the same person, is this petition of the inquisition, which is made there as 
 well as in other 'places, never granted ?" Thus far Dr. Geddes, and let me 
 here add, that this hypocrisy and dissimulation is the more vile and execra- 
 ble, in that the inquisitors are commanded by the bulls of several popes, to 
 compel the secular magistrate, under penalty of excomnmnication and other 
 
460 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 And although the emperor Frederick provided by liis law, 
 " Let no one presume to intercede with us in behalf of such, 
 which if any doth, he shall deservedly incur our indignation,'*"* 
 yet the ecclesiastical judges may intercede in another court for 
 such a one ; and although such intercession is forbidden, which 
 tends to favour the heretic, or to the hindrance of justice, yet 
 such intercession is not, which tends to the avoiding irregu- 
 larity, and wliich is particularly enjoined by the law itself. — 
 However, every difficulty of this kind the cunning industry of 
 the popes hath wholly taken away, who have provided, how 
 both the inquisitors and counsellors may more securely avoid 
 irregularity. For Paul IV. considering, at Rome, April 29, 
 A. D. 1557, in the congregations held before him on the cause 
 of heresy, that the greatest part of those employed in this affair, 
 were clergymen secular and regular, being in orders, in the 
 priesthood, and the episcopal, archiepiscopal, or other higher 
 dignity, and even some cardinals, and that it oftentimes hap- 
 pened, that, according to the nature of the cases and crimes 
 before them, they gave sentence against the criminals, whereby 
 was occasioned the loss of a limb, or the effusion of blood, and 
 sometimes even natural death; and being therefore willing to 
 consult their safety, and the ease of their mind and conscience, 
 determined and decreed, that all the aforesaid who should assist 
 him in judging, not only in causes of heresy^ but also in every 
 other criminal cause, which should or might be managed before 
 him, might give sentence against criminals, by which they 
 should be condemned to the questions or torture, or to any 
 other condign punishment, even to the loss of a member, and 
 to natural death inclusively, without incurring any censure or 
 irregularity. Pius V. afterwards confirmed the same decree, and 
 extended it to all the inquisitors, their vicars, commissaries, and 
 counsellors, as Umbertus Locatus witnesses in liis book de opere 
 Judiciali Inquisitorum, towards the end.'' So that as these de- 
 
 €cclesia5tical censures, wiihin six days, readily to execute the sentences pro- 
 nonnced by the inquisitors against heretics, i. c. to born them. The tender 
 ;mercie8 of these wretches are cruelty. 
 
 a Pegna com. 20. ii part. 2. Direct. l> Tit. de decretis. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 461 
 
 crees now stand in force, this protestation doth not seem ne- 
 cessary, that the inquisitors hereby may avoid irregularity, when 
 criminals for heresy are actually delivered over, or left to the 
 secular court. However, they will not suffer it to be omitted, 
 because it is supported by common law, and the general custom 
 of the ecclesiastical court ; nor are several remedies, which may 
 be had more securely to obtain the same end, to be rejected. 
 
 Nor can the secular judges,^ after criminals for heresy, re- 
 lapsed or impenitent, are dehvered over, or left to them to be 
 put to death, re-examine the process and cause, and correct or 
 alter it if needful, or pronounce the sentence void. 
 
 In the accounts of the Spanish court, lately published by a 
 noble French lady, who attended the queen out of France, 
 there is an instance of a Jewish girl, scarce entered into her 
 seventeenth year, extremely beautiful, who, in a public act of 
 faith, at Madrid,^ together with twenty others of her nation, of 
 both sexes, being condemned to the stake, turned herself to the 
 queen, and prayed, that out of her goodness and clemency, she 
 might be delivered from the most dreadful punishment of the 
 fire, in these words : — " Great queen, is not your presence able 
 to bring me some comfort under my misery.? Consider my 
 youth, and that I am condemned for a religion which I have 
 sucked in with my mother's milk ! "^ The queen turned away 
 her eyes, and declared she pitied the miserable creature, but 
 did not dare to intercede for her with a single word. 
 
 Nor must the inquisitor shew to the lay judge the process 
 made by him ; but the secular magistrate must immediately, 
 and without delay, put in execution the sentence of the eccle- 
 siastical judge. If he omits to do it, or defers the execution 
 beyond the usual time, without a legal cause, the inquisitor may 
 compel him to execute it by ecclesiastical censure. Alexander 
 IV. hath, in the fullest manner, given this power to the inquisi- 
 tors, by a rescript, beginning, Ad audientiam. 
 
 But in this affair, the custom of provinces is different. In 
 Spain, as soon as ever the sentence of the relapsed or impeni- 
 tent, or any others v'ho are to be dehvered over to the secular 
 
 a Qn 3G corn. 83. b A. D. 1680, June 30. 
 
 c Par. 2. pag. 54. 
 
462 HISTORY OF THE i:NaUISITION. 
 
 court, is read, the secular judges receive them immediately 
 into their court, and having pronounced the sentence of death 
 or burning, carry them directly to the place of execution. In 
 many cities of Italy, the secular judges keep in their jails, the 
 criminals left or delivered over to them by the inquisitors three 
 or four days before they put them to death ; which seems to 
 be done by authority of Innocent IV. in a bull, beginning, Ad 
 extirpanda^ where we thus read : — " As to those who are con- 
 demned for heresy, by the diocesan or his vicar, or by the 
 aforesaid inquisitors, let the chief magistrate or ruler, or his 
 special messenger, receive them when they are left to him, and 
 immediately, or within five days at least, put in execution the 
 constitutions made against such persons."" And they may be 
 compelled to this by the punishment of excommunication, and 
 other ecclesiastical censures, by a rescript of Innocent VIII. 
 beginning Dilectus Filius, in these words : — " Enjoin and com- 
 mand the said secular officials, under the penalty of excommu- 
 nication, and other ecclesiastical censures, that within six days, 
 after they shall be legally required, they readily execute the 
 sentences pronounced by you against such heretics, without 
 seeing the said processes carried on by you, and without allow- 
 ing any appeal." If the inquisitor finds the secular judge to 
 be so negligent, as not to take care to put to death the heretics 
 delivered to him after these five or six days are elapsed, though 
 there be nothing legally to hinder him, then the inquisitor may 
 command him to execute the punishment of burning, or of 
 death, upon the heretics left to him, since this is the punish- 
 ment usually inflicted on such ; nor will the inquisitor hereby 
 fall into irregularity. But others think it a safer method, that 
 the inquisitor should not in this case mention by name the 
 punishment of burning, or death, commanding the secular 
 judge to inflict it, because possibly he might become irregular ; 
 to avoid which, he makes the usual protestation, when he con- 
 signs over heretics to the secular judge ; and therefore they 
 think it safer, that he should in general command him, under 
 penalty of excommunication, or other censures, to put in exe- 
 cution the sentences pronounced by him. This manner of 
 speaking is contained in a rescript of Alexander IV. beginning, 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION 463 
 
 Ad Audentiam ; and of Leo X. beginning, Honestis petentiam 
 votis ; or that he should observe the constitutions enjoined by 
 Innocent IV.'* And these methods they say are sufficient to 
 avoid irregularity. 
 
 Hov' they proceed in the dutchy of Milan in execution of 
 the sentence against heretics, Carena teaches us in these words.** 
 " And that we may see how our senate at Milan proceeds in 
 executing the sentences pronounced by the inquisitors against 
 heretics, and how great the zeal of the said tribunal is in things 
 concerning the Catholic religion, I here subjoin the following 
 rescript of the said senate in this affair. * Our beloved : we 
 have seen what you have written to us concerning Don Baptista 
 Gaudentius, alias Friar Seraphin of Ferrara, who, as you have 
 written to us, is guilty of heretical pravity. Wherefore when 
 he is delivered to you, immediately put his condemnation in 
 execution.** ^ And in execution of this decree, the said criminal 
 was, on the 12th day of the said month, burnt alive in the pub- 
 lic place of justice, as a relapsed and impenitent heretic." 
 
 CHAP. XLI. 
 
 Cff an Act o^ Faith. 
 
 THE last act of the Inquisition now remains, in which may 
 be seen the accomplishment of all the several matters we have 
 been explaining, and relating. It is commonly called an act of 
 faith. And it is worth while more particularly to describe this 
 solemnity, because it is celebrated with the greatest pomp. 
 
 When the inquisitor is determined to pronounce the sentences 
 of certain criminals, he fixes on some Lord's-day or festival to 
 perform this solemnity. But they take care that it be not 
 
 * In Extrav. Ad extirpanda, sect. Damnati vero. 
 
 b p. 2. t. 2. sect. 6. n. 44. 
 
 « Milan, Aug. 6, 1573. Directed to the wise J. # judge of the malefac- 
 tors at Cremona. 
 
464 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 Advent Simda}', or in Lent, or a very solemn day, such as the 
 Nativity of our Lord, Easter, and the hke ; because it is not 
 decent that the sermons on those days should be suspended, 
 but that every one should go to his own parish church. A 
 certain Sunday or festival therefore being appointed, the parsons 
 of all the churches of that city or place, in which this solemnity 
 is to be performed, do, by command of the bishop and inquisi- 
 tor, when they have done preaching, publicly intimate to the 
 clergy and people, that the inquisitor will, in such a church, 
 hold a general sermon concerning the faith ; and they promise, 
 in the name of the Pope, the usual indulgence of 40 days, to 
 all who will come and see and hear the things which are there 
 to be transacted. They take care to give the same notice in 
 the houses of those religious, who commonly preach the word 
 of God, and that their superiors should be told, that because 
 the inquisitor will in such a church make a general sermon 
 concerning the faith, therefore he suspends all other sermons, 
 that every superior may send four or two friars, as he thinks 
 fit, to be present at the sermon, and the pronouncing the sen- 
 tences. Tliis solemnity was formerly called, " A general 
 sermon concerning the Faith,"" but it is now called, " An Act 
 of Faith." And in this, great numbers of persons, sometimes 
 one or two hundred are brought forth in pubhc procession to 
 various kinds of penances and punishments, all wearing the 
 most horrible habits. They chuse festivals for this solemnity, 
 because then there is a greater confluence of people gathered 
 together to see the torments and punishments of the criminals, 
 that from hence they may learn to fear, and be kept from the 
 commission of evil. Concerning this rite, the Madrid Instruc- 
 tion,* thus prescribes.^ " When the processes of the criminals 
 are concluded, and the sentences fixed, the inquisitors shall 
 assign some holyday, on which there shall be a public act of the 
 faith: which day they shall signify to the chapters of the 
 church and consistory of the city ; and where there is any 
 royal council, it shall be notified also to the president and 
 members, who must be all invited to attend the act of faith, 
 
 a A. D. 15G1. G. 77. ^ Param. 1. 3. qu. 4. n. 36. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 465 
 
 according to the custom of every place. And let the inquisitors 
 take care that these things be done in such convenient time, as 
 that the execution of the sentences of those who are to be 
 delivered over to the secular court may be done by day, to pre- 
 vent inconveniences." And indeed, as this act of faith is now 
 celebrated in Spain and Portugal, the solemnity is truly an 
 horrible and tremendous spectacle, in which every thing is 
 designedly made use of that may strike terror, for this reason, 
 as they say, that they may hereby give some representation and 
 image of the future judgment. 
 
 If any one, whether an impenitent or relapsed heretic, is to 
 be dehvered to the secular court, the bishop and inquisitor give 
 notice to the ballive of the place, or principal magistrate of the 
 secular court, that he must come such a day and hour with his 
 attendance to such a street or place, to receive a certain heretic 
 or relapsed person out of their court, whom they will deUver to 
 him ; and that he must give public notice the same day, or the 
 day before in the morning, by the crier, throughout the city, in 
 all the usual places and streets, that on such a day and hour, 
 and in such a place, the inquisitor will make a sermon for the 
 faith, and that the bishop and inquisitor will condemn a certain 
 heretic or relapse, by delivering him to the secular court. 
 
 In most of the tribunals of the Inquisition, especially in 
 Spain, it is a remarkable custom they use, viz. on the day 
 before the acts of faith, solemnly to carry a bush to the place 
 of the fire,' with the flames of which they are consumed, who 
 deserve the punishment of being burnt. This is not without 
 its mysteries ; for the burning and not consuming bush, 
 signifies the indefectible splendor of the church, which burns, 
 and is not consumed ; and besides this, it signifies mercy towards 
 the penitent, and severity towards the froward and obstinate. 
 And farther, it represents how the inquisitoi's defend the vine- 
 yard of the church, wounding with the thorns of the bush, and 
 burning up with flames all who endeavour to bring heresies into 
 the harvest of the Lord's field. And finally, it points out tlie 
 obstinacy and frowardness of heretics, which must rather be 
 
 • Paiam. 1. 2. t, 3. c. 10. n. 70, &c. 
 H h 
 
466 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 broken and bent, like a rugged and stubborn bush, and that as 
 the thorns and prickles of the bush tear the garments of those 
 who pass by, so also do the heretics rend the seamless coat of 
 Christ. 
 
 Besides," the day before the criminals are brought out of jail, 
 to the public act of faith, they part with their hair and their 
 beard, by which the inquisitors represent, that heretics return 
 to that • condition in which they were bom, \'iz. becoming the 
 children of wrath. 
 
 All tilings being thus prepared to celebrate this act of faith, 
 all the prisoners, on that very day which is appointed for the 
 celebration of it, are cloathed ^ with that habit which they must 
 wear in the pubhc procession. But the custom in this matter 
 is not altogether the same in all the Inquisitions.^ In that of 
 Goa '^ the jail-keepers, about midnight, go into the cells of the 
 
 * Param. 1. 2. t. 3. c. 11. n. 03. 
 
 b The inquisitors are particularly cautious, that their credit with the peo- 
 ple for mercy and humanity should not ^e injured, by the appearance of their 
 victims at the auto da fe- In the bye-laws it is thus provided, Book ii. tit* 
 14, sect. 6. " If it should happen to be necessary, that severe torture should 
 be inflicted fourteen days before the auto da fe, in order that the prisoners 
 may not go to it with the marks of the torture ; it shall be performed in the 
 colt, and in the session of interrogatories made in the torturing room, the rea- 
 son shall be always declared, why the torture was given upon the colt and 
 not in the poley, and in all sessions of interrogatories, the hour when the tor- 
 ture began, and at what hour it ended, shall be also declared." Also Book ii. 
 tit. 22. '• Be it ordained, that all penitents (or rather condemned persons) 
 shall go decently dressed and for this purpose, eight or ten days before the 
 auto da fe, tbey (the inquisitors; shall make enquiries of the goaler , what per- 
 sons are in want of clothes, and shall order each to be provided with the ne- 
 cessary quantity." — Da Costa, vol. i. 138-9. 
 
 c Hist. Inq. Goa. c. 26. 
 
 <^ Dr. Buchanan whilst in India in 1808, enjoyed an opportunity very rare- 
 ly aflfordsd, of inspecting part of the buildings of the Inquisition at Goa, of 
 which he has given the following highly interesting account. 
 
 * Goa, Augustinian Convent, 28th January, 1808. 
 
 * When I left the forts to come np to the inquisitor, Colonel Adams desired 
 me to write to him ; and he added half-way betw-een jest and earnest, " If I 
 do not hear from you in three days, I shall march down the 78th and storm 
 the Inquisition." This I promised to do. But, having been .so well enter- 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 467 
 
 prisoners, bring in a burning lamp to each of them, and a 
 black garment striped with wliite hnes; and also a pair of 
 
 tained by the inquisitor, I forgot my promise. Accordingly, on the day 
 before yesterday, I was surprised by a visit from Major Braamcamp Aid-de 
 Camp to his excellency the Vice-Roy, bearing a letter from Colonel Adams, 
 and a message from the Vice-Roy, proposing that I should return every even- 
 ing and sleep at the forts, on account of the unhealthiness of Goa. 
 
 * This morning after breakfast my host went to dress for the holy office, and 
 soon returned in his inquisitorial robes. He said he would go half an hour 
 before the usual time for the purpose of shewing me the Inquisition. I 
 thought that his countenance was more severe than usual ; and that his at- 
 tendants were not so civil as before- The truth was, the midnight scene was 
 still on my mind. The Inquisition is about a quarter of a mile distant from 
 the convent, and we procteded thither in our Manjeels, a kind of Palankeen. 
 On our arrival at the place, the inquisitor said to me, as we were ascending 
 the steps of the outer stair, that he hoped I should be satisfied with a tran- 
 sient view of the Inquisition, and that I would retire whenever he should de- 
 sire it. I took this as a good omen, and followed my conductor with tolerable 
 confidence. 
 
 ' He ltd me first to the great hall of the Inquisition. "We were met at the 
 door by a number of well dressed persons, who, I afterwards understood, 
 were the familiars, and the attendants of the holy oifice. They bowed very 
 low to the inquisitor, and looked with surprise at me. The great hall is the 
 place in which the prisoners are marshalled for the procession of the auto da 
 fe. At the procession described by Dellon, in which he himself walked bare- 
 foot, clothed with the painted garment, there were upwards of one hundred 
 and fifty prisoners. I traversed this hall for some time, with a slow step, 
 reflecting on its former scenes, the inquisitor walking by my side, in silence. 
 I thought of the fate of the multitude of my fellow-creatures who had passed 
 through this place, condemned by a tribunal of their fellow-slnners, their 
 bodies devoted to the flames, and tlieir souls to perdition. And I could not 
 help saying to him, ' Would not the holy church wish, in her mercy, to have 
 those souls back again, that she might allow them a little further probation ?* 
 The inquisitor answered nothing, but beckoned me to go with him to a door 
 at one end of the hall. By this door he conducted me to some small rooms, 
 and thence to the spacious apartments of the chief inquisitor. Having sur- 
 veyed these he brought me back again to tlie great hall ; and I thought he 
 seemed now desirous that I should depart. * Now, father/ said I, ' lead me 
 to the dungeons below ; I want to see the captives.' — * No,' said he, ' that 
 cannot be.' — I now began to suspect that'it had been in the mind of the in- 
 quisitor, from the beginning, to shew me only a certain part of the Inquisi- 
 tion, in tile hope of satisfying my inquiries in a general way. I urged him 
 with earnestness, but he st«adily resisted, and seemed to be ofl'ended, or 
 rather agitated by my importunity. I intimated to him plainly, that the only 
 way to do justice to his own assertions and arguments, regarding the present 
 
 H h 2 
 
-^8 HISTORY OF THE INatJISlTION. 
 
 breeches, which reach down to their ancles, both which they 
 order them to put on. The black habit is given them in token 
 
 state of the Inquisition, was to shew me the prisons and the captives. I 
 should then describe only what I saw ; but now the subject was left in aw- 
 ful obscurity.—* Lead me down,' said I, * to the inner building and let me 
 pass through the two liundred dungeons, ten feel square, described by your 
 former captives. Let me count the number of your present captivts, and 
 converse with them. I want to see if there be any subjects of the British 
 government, to whom we owe protection. 1 want to ask how long they have 
 been here, how lojg it is since they beheld the light of the sun, and whether 
 they ever expect to see it again. Shew me the chamber of torture j and de- 
 clare what modes of execution, or of punishment, are now practised within 
 the walls of the Inquisition, in lieu of the public auto da fe. If, after all that 
 has passed, father, you resist this reasonable request, I shall be justified in 
 believing, that you are afraid of exposing the real state of the Inquisition in 
 India.* To these observations the inquisitor made no reply ; but seemed im- 
 patient that I should withdraw. ' My good father,' said I, * I am about to 
 take my leave of you, and to thank you for your hospitable attentions, (it had 
 been before understood that I should take my final leave at the door of the 
 Inquisition, after having seen the interior,) and I wish always to preserve on 
 my mind a favourable sentiment of your kindness and candour. You cannot, 
 you say, shew me the captives and the dungeons j be pleased then merely to 
 answer this question ; for I shall believe your word : — * How many prisoners 
 are there now below, in the cells of the Inquisition ?' The inquisitor replied 
 * That is a question which I cannot answer.' On his pionouncing these 
 words, I retired hastily towards the door, and wished him farewell. We 
 shook hands with as much cordiality as we could at the moment assume ; 
 and both of us, I believe, were sorry that our parting took place with a 
 clouded countenance. 
 
 * From the Inquisition I went to the place of burning in the Camp Santo 
 Lazaro, on the river sidej where the victims were brought to the stake at the 
 auto da fe. It is close to the palace, that the Vice Roy and his court may 
 witness the execution; for it has ever been the policy of the Inquisition to 
 make these spiritual executions appear to be the executions of the state. An 
 old priest accompanied me, who pointed out the place, and described the 
 scene. As I passed over this melancholy plain, 1 thought on the difference 
 between the pure and benign doctrine, which was first preached to India in 
 the apostolic age, and that bloody code, which, after a long night of dark- 
 ness, was announced to it under the same name ! And I pondered on the 
 mysterious dispensation, which permitted the ministers of the Inquisition, 
 with their racks and flames, to visit these lands, before the heralds of the 
 fospel of peace. But the most painful reflection was, that this tribunal 
 «bould yet exist, unawed by the vicinity of British humanity and dominion. 
 I was not satisfied with what I had seen or said at the Inquisition, and I 
 determined to f^o back again. The inquisitors were now sitting on the tri- 
 bunal, and I bad some excuse for returning , for I was to receive from the 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 469 
 
 of grief and repentance. About two o'clock the keepers return, 
 and carry the prisoners into a long gallery, where they are all 
 placed in a certain order against the wall, no one of them being 
 permitted to speak a word, or mutter, or move ; so that they 
 stand hke statues, nor is there the least motion of any one of 
 their members to be seen, except of their eyes. All these are 
 such as have confessed their fault, and have declared themselves 
 willing to return by penance to the bosom of the church of 
 Rome. Td eveiy one of these is given a habit to put over 
 
 chief inquisitor a letter, which he said he would give me, before I left the 
 place, for the British resident in Travancore,» being an answer to a letter 
 from that officer. 
 
 * When I arrived at the Inquisition, and had ascended the outer stairs, the 
 door-keepers surveyed nie doubting!}', bnt suffered me to pass, supposing 
 that I had returned by permission and appointment of the inquisitor. I en- 
 tered the great hall, and went up directly towards the tribunal of the Inqui- 
 sition, described by Dellon, in which is the lofty crucifix. I sat down ou a 
 form, and wrote some notes; and then desired one of the attendants to carry 
 in my name to the inquisitor. As I walked up the hall, I {.aw a poor woman 
 sitting, by herself, on a bench by the wall, apparently in a disconsolate state 
 of mind. She clasped her hands as I passed, and gave me a look expressive 
 of her distress. This sight chilled my spirits. The familiars told me she 
 was waiting there to be called up before the tribunal of the Inquisition. 
 While I was asking questions concerning her crime, the second inquisitor 
 came out in evidetit trepidation, and was about to complain of the intrusion ; 
 when I informed him I had come back for the letter from the chief inquisi- 
 tor. He said it should be sent after me at Goa ; and he conducted me with 
 a quick step towards the door. As we passed the poor woman, I pointed to 
 her, and said to him with some emphasis, * Behold, father, another victim of 
 the holy Inquisition !* He answered nothing. When we arrived at the head 
 of the great stair, he bowed, and I took my last leave of Josephus a Dolori- 
 bus, without uttering a word.' 
 
 It will be well understood for what purpose the foregoing particulars con- 
 cerning the Inquisition at Goa, are rehearsed in the ears of the British nation. 
 *' The Romaus," says Montesquieu, " deserve well of human nature, for mak- 
 ing it an article in their treaty with the Carthaginians, that they should 
 abstain from « sacrificing their childitn to thtir gods.' It has been observed 
 by respectable writers, that the English nation ought to imitate this example, 
 and endeavour to induce her allies to abolish the human {sacrifices of the In- 
 quisition." t — Buchauan*8 Ecclesiatsiical Reiearches, p. 168. 
 
 ♦ Colonel Macauly, who is now in England. 
 
 t Edin. Rev. vol. xv. GO. Ibid. vol. xviii. 146. 
 
 U h 3 
 
470 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 their black garment. Penitent heretics, or such as are vehe- 
 mently suspected, receive the blessed sackcloth, commonly 
 called the Sambenito, which, as we have before related, is of a 
 saffron colour, and on which there is put the cross of St. An- 
 drew, of a red colour on the back and on the breast.* Vile 
 and abject persons are made to wear the infamous mitre for 
 more ourageous blasphemies, which carries in it a representation 
 of infamy, denoting that they are as it were bankrupts of hea- 
 venly riches. The same mitre is put on polygamists, who are 
 hereby shewn to have joined themselves to two churches ; and 
 finally, such as are convicted of magic, but what is signified 
 hereby as to them, I have not been able to discover. The 
 others, whose offences are slighter, have no other garment be- 
 sides the black one. Every one hath given him an extinguish- 
 ed taper, and a rope put about their neck, which rope and 
 extinguished taper have their signification, as we shall after- 
 wards shew. The women are placed in a separate gallery from 
 the men, and are there cloathed with the black habit, and kept 
 till they are brought forth in public procession. 
 
 As to those who are designed for the fire, viz. such as have 
 confessed their heresy, and are impenitent, and negatives, viz. 
 such who are convicted by a sufficient number of witnesses, 
 and yet deny their crime, and finally, such as are relapsed, 
 they are all carried into a room separate from the others. 
 Their dress is different from that of the others. They are, 
 however, clothed with the sackcloth, or kind of mantle, which 
 some call the Sambenito, others the Samarra or Samaretta. 
 And though it be of the same make as the Sambenito is,^ yet 
 it hath different marks, is of a black colour, hath flamefe paint- 
 ed on it, and sometimes the condemned heretic himself, painted 
 to the life, in the midst of the flames. Sometimes also they 
 paint on it devils thrusting the poor heretic into hell. Other 
 things may also be put on it, and all this is done, that persons 
 may be deterred from heresy by this horrible spectacle. 
 
 As to those who, after sentence pronounced, do at length 
 confess their crime, and convert themselves before they go out 
 
 » Param. 1. 2. t. 2. c. 11. n. 70, 71. ^ Ibid . 1. 1. 1. 2. c. 6. n. 8. 
 
HISTORY OF THE I^iQUISITION. 471 
 
 of jail, and ai-e not relapses,* they are clothed with the Samarra, 
 on which the fire is painted, sending the flames downward, 
 which the Portuguese call Fogo revolto; as though you 
 should say the Fire inverted. Besides this, they Iiave paper 
 mitres put on them made in the shape of a cone, on which also 
 devils and flames are painted, which the Spaniards and Por- 
 tuguese call in their language Carocha. All of them being 
 thus clothed, according to the nature of their crime, are allowed 
 to sit down on the ground, waiting for fresh orders. Those 
 of them who are to be burnt, are carried into a neighbouring 
 
 *p:tment, where they have confessors always with them, to 
 epare them for death, and convert them to the faith of the 
 church of Rome. 
 
 This is now the custom of clothing all the prisoners in Spain, 
 before they are brought forth in solemn procession to pubhc 
 view. I cannot readily say, whether this was the custom for- 
 merly. It seems rather to appear by Eymeric's Directory of 
 the Inquisitors, that the criminals, in the very act of faith, 
 were at length clothed with the infamous garment they were 
 condemned to wear, after the sermon cojicerning the faith, and 
 the pronouncing the sentence.^ For in his third part, where 
 he treats of the abjuration to be made by one found in heresy, 
 or who hath confessed it, he thus advises. " He (the inqui- 
 sitor) also shall give orders for making the garment after the 
 shape of a monk's mantle;" and afterwards he uses these 
 words in the sentence, " Imprimis,*^ you shall be afterwards 
 clothed with the hvid garment, made after the manner of the 
 soldier's banner, or the monk's mantle without the hood." And 
 again, " After these things, the sentence shall be put in due 
 execution, and the aforesaid garment be immediately put on." '^ 
 From which passages it is plain enough, that the criminals did 
 not come out of jail to the sermon concerning the faith, clobhed 
 with this infamous garment, but were dismissed from church 
 with this habit, after the sermon concerning the faith was done, 
 and tlie sentence pronounced. But this by the way only. 
 
 About four o'clock the officers give bread and figs to all of 
 
 • Hist. Goan. Inti. c. 26. ^ Ibid. n. 189. 
 
 c Ibid. n. 194. a Ibid. n. 195. 
 
 H h 4 
 
472 HISTORY OF THE IKQUISITIO>J. 
 
 them, that they may somewhat satisfy their hunger during 
 the celebration of the act of faith.^ About sunrising, the 
 great bell of the cathedral church tolls, by which, as the usual 
 signal of an act of faith, all persons are gathered together to 
 this miserable spectacle. The more reputable and principal 
 men of the city meet at the house of the inquisition, and are 
 as it w ere the sureties of the criminals, one of them walking 
 by the side of each criminal in the procession, which they 
 think is no small honour to them. Matters being thus pre- 
 pared, the inquisitor places himself near the gate of the house 
 of the inquisition, attended by the notary of the holy office. 
 Here he reads over in order the names of all the criminals, 
 beginning with those whose offences are least, and ending 
 with those whose crimes are greatest. The criminals march 
 out each in their order, with naked feet, and wearing the 
 habit that was put on them in jail. As every one goes out, 
 the notary reads the name of his surety, who walks by his 
 side in the procession. The Dominican monks march first, 
 who have this honour granted them, because Dominic, the 
 founder of their order, was also the inventor of the inquisi- 
 tion. The banner of the holy office is carried before them, 
 in which the image of Dominic is curiously wrought in needle- 
 work, holding a sword in one hand, and in the other a branch 
 of olive, with these words, " Justice and Mercy."^ Then 
 follow the criminals Avith their siu-eties. When all those whose 
 crimes are too slight to be punished with death, are gone out 
 into procession, then comes the crucifix, after which follow 
 those who are led out to the punishment of death. The cru- 
 cifix being in the midst of these, hath its face turned to those 
 who walk before, to denote the mercy of the holy office to 
 those who are saved from the death they had deserved, and 
 the back part of it to those who come after, to denote that 
 they have no grace or mercy to expect. For all things in this 
 office are mysterious. Finally, They carry out the statues of 
 those who have died in heresy, habited in the Samarra, and 
 also the bones dug out of the graves, shut up in black chests, 
 
 a Hist. Inq. Goan. c. 26. 
 b Frontispiece. 
 
filSTORY OF THE INQUISITION^. 47S 
 
 Upon which devils and flames are painted all over, that they 
 may be burnt to ashes. 
 
 * When they have thus marched round the principal streets 
 
 a Dr. Geddcs gives us the following account of this procession in Portu- 
 gal, p. 442. " In the morning of the day the prisoners are all brought into 
 a great hall, where they have the habits put on they are to wear in the pro- 
 cession, which begins to come out of the inquisition about nine o'clock in the 
 morning. 
 
 ." Hie first in the procession are the Dominicans, wiio carry the standard 
 of the inquisition, which on the one side hath their founder, Dominic's pic- 
 ture, and on the other side the cross, betwixt an olive-tree aud a sword, 
 with this motto, ' Jtistitia et Miserecordia.' Next after the Dominicans 
 come the penitents, some with Benitoes, and some without, accordin? to the 
 nature of their crimes. They are all in black coats without sleeves, and 
 bare-footed, with a wax-candle in their hands. Next come the penitents, 
 who have narrowly escaped being burnt, who, over their black coat, have 
 flames painted, with thoir points turned downwards, to signify their having 
 been saved, but so as by fire. Next come the negative and relapsed, that 
 are to ue burnt, with flames upon their habit, pointing upward \ and next 
 come those who profess doctrines contrary to the faith of the Roman church, 
 and who, besides flames on their habit pointing upward, have their picture, 
 which IS drawn two or three days before upon their breasts, with dogs, ser- 
 pents, and devils, all with open mouths painted about it. 
 
 " Pegna, a famous Spanish inquisitor, calls this procession, ' Horrendum 
 ac tremendiim Spertaculum,' and so it is in truth, there being something in 
 the luoks of all the prisoners, besides those that are to be burnt, that is 
 gkast'y and disconsolate, beyond what can be imagined; and in the eyes 
 and countenances of those that are to be burnt, there is something that looks 
 fierce and eager. 
 
 " The prisoners that are to be burnt alive, besides a familiar, which all the 
 rest have, ha.ve a Jesuit on each hand of them, who are continually preaching 
 to them to abjure their heresies ; bnt if they offer to speak any thing, in de- 
 fence of the doctrines they are going to suffer death for professing, they are 
 immediately gagged, and not suffered to speak a word more. 
 
 " This I saw done to a prisoner, presently after he came out of the gates 
 of the inquisition, upon his having looked up to the sun, which he had not 
 seen before in several years, and cried out in a rapture, * How is it possible 
 for people th^t behold that glorious body, to worship any bdng but him 
 that created it?' After the prisoners comes a troop of familiars on horse, 
 back, and after them Mie inquisitors and other officers of the court upon 
 mules; and last of all comrs the inquisitor general upon a white horse, led 
 by two nun, with a black hat, and a green hatband, and attended by all the 
 nobles, that are not employed as familiars in the procession. 
 
 " In the Terreiro de Paco, which may be as far from the inquisition, as 
 White-hall is from Temple I»ar, there is a scaft'old erected, which mvy hold 
 
474 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 of the city, that all may behold them, they at length enter the 
 church, where the sermon concerning the faith is to be preach- 
 ed. At Goa this is usually the church of the Dominicans, 
 and sometimes that of the Franciscans. The great altar is 
 covered over with cloth, upon which are placed six silver can- 
 dlesticks, with burning tapers. On each side of it is erected 
 something like a throne ; that on the right hand for the inqui- 
 sitor and his counsellors ; that on the left for the viceroy and 
 his officers. Over against the great altar there is another 
 lesser one, on which several missals are placed, and from thence 
 even to the gate of the church is made a long gallery, three 
 feet wide, full of seats, in which the criminals are placed, 
 with their sureties, in the order in which they enter the church ; 
 so that those who enter first, and have offended least, are 
 nearest the altar. 
 
 After this comes in the inquisitor, surrounded with his col- 
 leagues, and places himself on the right hand tlirone, and 
 then the viceroy, with his attendants, seats himself on the 
 throne on the left hand. The crucifix is put on the altar in 
 the midst of the six candlesticks. Then the sermon is preach- 
 ed concerning the faith and thj3 office of the inquisition. This 
 honour is generally given to the Dominicans. The author of 
 the History of the Inquisition at Goa tells us, that in the act 
 of faith, in which he walked in procession, clothed with the 
 Sambenito, the provincial of the Augustines preached the ser- 
 mon, which lasted half an hour, and treated of the inquisition, 
 which he compared to Noah's ark ; but said it was preferable 
 to Noah's ark in this, because that the animals which entered 
 it came out of it after the flood, with the same brutal nature 
 they carried in; whereas the inquisition so far changes the 
 persons who are detained in it, that though they enter cruel 
 as wolves, and fierce as hons, they come out of it meek as 
 lambs. 
 
 When the sermon is ended, two readers, one after another, 
 
 two or three thousand people ; at the one end sit the inquisitors, and at the 
 other end the prisoners, "Und in the same order as they walked in the proces- 
 sion, those that are to be burnt being seated on the highest benches behind 
 the rest, vfhicb may be ten feet above the floor of the BcafFold." 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 475 
 
 mount the same pulpit, and with a loud voice pubhcly read 
 over the sentences bf all the criminals, and the punishment to . 
 which they are condemned. He whose sentence is read over 
 is brought by an officer into the middle of the gallery, holding 
 an extinguished taper in his hand, and there stands till his sen- 
 tence is read through ; and because all the criminals are sup- 
 posed to have incurred the greater excommunication, when any 
 one's sentence is read over, he is brought to the foot of the 
 altar, where, upon his knees and his hands placed on the 
 missal, he waits till so many are brought there, as there are 
 missals upon the altar. Then the reader for some time defers 
 the reading of the sentences ; and after he hath admonished 
 those who ai'e kneeling at the altar, that they should recite 
 with him with their heart and mouth the confession of faith he 
 is to read over to them, he reads it with a loud voice ; and 
 when it is ended they all take their former places. Then the 
 reader reads over the sentences of the rest, and the same order 
 is observed till all the sentences are gone through. 
 
 When the sentences of all those, who are freed from the 
 punishment of death by the mercy of the holy office, are read 
 through, the inquisitor rises from his throne, puts on his 
 sacred vestments, and being attended with about twenty 
 priests, comes down into the middle of the church, and there 
 saying over some solemn prayers, which may be seen ^ in the 
 Book of the Sentences of the Tholouse Inquisition,^ he absolves 
 them all from the excommunication they were under, giving 
 each of them a blow by the hands of those priests who attend 
 him. 
 
 a. Verse. Lord, save thy men servants, and thine handmaids. 
 Regp. Those, O my God, who trust in thee. 
 Verse. The Lord be with you. 
 Reap. And with thy spirit. 
 
 Let us pray. 
 
 Grant, ve beseech tliee, O Lord, to these thy men servants, and thine 
 handmaids, the wortliy fruit of penance, that they may be rendered innocent 
 in tlie sight of thy holy church, from the integrity of which they kave strayed 
 through sin, by obtaining the j)ardon of their sins, through Christ our Lord. 
 Amen. 
 
 b Fol. 110. 
 
476 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Farther, when the inquisitors absolve and reconcile penitents 
 at an act of faith,* they make use of rods, to admonish them, 
 that by heresy they have fallen from the favour of God into 
 his anger and fury. He ace Paramus advises such penitents 
 to consider, with how great indulgence they are treated, because 
 they are only whipped on their shoulders, that they may go 
 away, and being mindful of the divine fury, may take heed not 
 to relapse for the future. The rod also points out the judi- 
 ciary power which the inquisitors exercise over impious heretics, 
 and those who are suspected of heresy, because a rod is the 
 measure by which any one's deserts are measured, and there- 
 fore penitents are whipped with rods according to the nature of 
 their offence, whereby their hvlis are weighed and measured. 
 Farther, the inquisitors use rods, because, as a rod at the be- 
 ginning is in its nature flexible, tender, and soft, but at last 
 hard, blunt, and stiff, go the inquisitors are soft and tender, 
 whilst penitents, offending through frailty and ignorance, re- 
 concile themselves ; but if heretics do afterwards suffer them- 
 selves to be ove^'come by wickedness, and fall a'^ain into the 
 crimes they have commitled. then they vrhip them, and strike 
 them severely, even to the burning of the fire. And, finally, 
 they use rods to establish and support the weak in the faith, 
 because rods are a very apt instrument to support and confirm 
 the lame and weak. 
 
 The penitents carry in their hands extinguished wax tapers,** 
 whilst the inquisitors reconcile them, to intimate, that the light of 
 the faith hath been altogether extinguished in their minds by 
 the sin of heresy and infidelity. These tapers are made of 
 wax, whereby heretics profess (Risum teneatis) that their 
 hearts have been so melted, through the heat of concupiscence, 
 as to receive various sects; and that as wax grows hard by 
 moisture, but melts by dryness and warmth, so they, being 
 hardened by the moisture of carnal dehghts, have remained in 
 infidehty, but are melted as wax, and converted by the dryness 
 annd heat of tribulation and penance enjoined them. And, 
 finally, the cotton of the taper, and the wax of which it is 
 made, and the fire with which it is hghted after absolution, 
 
 »■ Paramus, 1. 2. t. 3. cap. 11. ^ Ibid. n. 25. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. 4T7 
 
 shadow forth, that the heretics have denied faith, hope, and 
 charity. But when the tapers are hghted after their reconci- 
 hation, this si;]jnifies, that they profess they will demonstrate by 
 the light ol good works, the faith which they have recovered. 
 
 Farther, those wlio are reconciled are sprinkled with holy 
 water and hysop," in tv)ken, that being brought out of the power 
 of darkness, and having turned the eyes of their minds to the 
 true light of the fnith, they are to remain free from all the 
 snares and calumnies of the devil, that they may serve God 
 with greater freedom. 
 
 Farther, he who hath offended against the Catholic faith,^ 
 which he had professed, hath a rope tied round his neck, to 
 signify, that the inward parts of such a person being possessed 
 by the craftiness of the devil, have been given to such sins, of 
 which his outward parts being tied with ropes, give a very evi- 
 dent sign and proof. And though they are reconciled after ab- 
 juration of their heresy, yet they walk with a rope about their 
 necks, that they may come out as witnesses against themselves, 
 and may be examples to others, that they may turn their eyes 
 to the inward spots of the mind. 
 
 During this action, every one of the prisoners eats the bread 
 and figs in the church, which were given them by the officers 
 of the inquisition in jail. 
 
 When this ceremony is performed, the inquisitor goes back 
 to his place, after which the sentences of those who are ap- 
 pointed to death are read over, the conclusion of which is, that 
 the inquisition can shew them no favour upon account of their 
 being relapsed, or impenitent, and that therefore it delivers 
 them over tc the arm of the secular court, which they earnestly 
 intreat so to moderate their punishment, as to prevent the eiFu- 
 sion of blood, and danger of death. When those last words 
 are read, one of the officers of the holy office gives each of them 
 a blow on the breast, by which he signifies, that they are left 
 by the inquisition ; upim which one of the officers of secular 
 justice comes to them and claims them. If any one of them 
 are in holy orders, they are degraded, and deprived of all their 
 orders,- before they are deUvered to the secular arm. After 
 
 • Paramus, 1. 2.t. 3. c. 11. u. 61. b Ibid. c.ll. ii. 75. 
 
478 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 this, they read the sentences against the dead. At last these 
 miserable wretches are brought to the secular judge, to hear 
 the sentence of death, and when they come before him, they 
 are severally asked, in what rehgion they desire to die. Their 
 crime is never enquired into ; because it is not the office of the 
 secular magistrate, to ask, whether those who are condemned 
 by the inquisition, are criminal. He is to presuppose them 
 guilty, and his duty is to inflict the punishment appointed by 
 law, upon thosie who commit such crimes of which they are 
 pronounced guilty by the inquisition. When they have an- 
 swered this one single question, they are soon after tied to a 
 stake, round about which there is placed a pile of wood. Those 
 who answer that they will die Cathohcs, are first strangled ; 
 but those who say they will die Jews or heretics, are burnt 
 alive."" As these are leading out to punishment, the rest are 
 
 a I caanot avoid here giving my reader a more particular account of tJiis 
 execution from Dr. Geddes, who himself was once present at it. His words 
 are these : — " The prisoners are no sooner in the hands of the civil magis- 
 trate, than they are loaded with chains, before the eyes of the inquisitors, 
 and being carried first to the secular jail, are, within an hour or two, brought 
 from thence, before the lord chief justice, who, without knowing any thing 
 of their particular crimes, or of the evidence that was against them, asks 
 them, one by one, in what religion they intend to die ? If they answer, 
 that they will die in the communioH of the church of Rome, they are con- 
 demned by htm, to be carried forthwith to the place of execution, and there 
 to be first strangled, and afterwards burnt to ashes. But if they say, they 
 will die in the Protestant, or in any other faith that is contrary to the Roman, 
 they are then sentenced by him, to be carried forthwith to the place of exe- 
 cution, and there to be burnt alive. 
 
 " At the place of execution, which at Lisbon is the Ribera, there are so 
 many stakes set up, as there are prisoners to be burnt, with a good quantity 
 of dry furz about them. The stakes of tiie professed, as the inquisitors call 
 them, may be about four yards high, and have a small board whereon the 
 prisoner is to be seated, within half a yard of the top. The negative and 
 relapsed being first strangled and burnt, the professed go up a ladder, be- 
 twixt the two Jesuits, which have attended them all day, and when they are 
 come even with the forementioned board, they turn about to the people, and 
 the Jesuits spend near a quarter of an hour in exhorting the professed to be 
 reconciled to the church of Rome ; which, if they refuse to be, the Jesuits 
 come down, and the executioner ascends, and having turned the professed 
 off the ladder upon the scat, and chained their bodies close to the stake, he 
 leaves them, and the Jesuits go up to them a second time, to renew their ex- 
 hortation to them, and at parting tell them, " That they leave them to the 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. 479 
 
 carried back without any order, by their sureties, to the jail of 
 the inquisition. This is the celebration of an act of faith in 
 Portugal, or rather in that part of India which is subject to the 
 Portuguese, as a Frenchman hath described it, in his history of 
 
 devil, who is standing at their elbow to receive their souls, and carry them 
 with him into the flames of hell-fire, so soon as they are out of their bodies." 
 Upon this a {jreat shout is raised, and as soon as the Jesuits are off the lad- 
 ders, the cry is, " Let the dog's beards, let the dog's beards be made !" which 
 is done by thrusting flaming furzes, fastened to a long pole, against their 
 faces. And this inhumanity is commonly continued nntii their faces are burnt 
 to a coal, and i« always accompanied with such loud acclamations of joy, as 
 are not to be heard upon any other occasion ; a bull feast, cr a farce being 
 dull entertainments, to tlie using a professed heretic thus inhumanly. 
 
 *' The professed beards having been thus made, or trimmed, as they call 
 it in jollity, fire is set to the furz, which are at the bottom of the stake, and 
 above which the professed are chained so high, that the top of the fiame sel- 
 dom reaches hij^rher than the seat they sit on • and if there happens to be a 
 wind, to which that place is much exposed, it seldom reaches so high as their 
 knees. So that though, if there be a calm, the professed are commonly dead 
 in about half an hour after the furz is set on fire, yet if the weather prove 
 windy, they are not after that dead in an hour and a half or two hours, and 
 so are really roasted, and not burnt to death. But though, out of hell, there 
 cannot possibly be a more lamentable spectacle than this, being joined with 
 the sufferers (so long as they are able to speak) crying out, Miserccordia por 
 amor de Dios, " Mercy for the love of God," yet it is beheld by people of both 
 sexes, and all ages, with such transports of joy and satisfaction, as are nat 
 oil any other occasion to be met with. Gedde's Tracts, vol. i. p. 447, &c. 
 Thus far Dr. Geddes. 
 
 When Mr. Wilcox, afterwards bishop of Gloucester, was minister to the 
 English factory, at Lisbon, he sent the following letter to the then bishop of 
 Salisbury, Dr. Gilbert Burnet, dated at Lisbon, Jan. 15, 1706, N. S. which 
 I publish by his lordship's allowance and approbation, and which abundantly 
 confirms the foregoing account. 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 '* IN obedience to your lordship's commands of the 10th ult. I have 
 here sent all that was printed concerning the last Anto da Fe. I saw the 
 whole process, which was agreeable to what is published by Limborch and 
 others npon that subject. Of the five persons condemned, there were but 
 four burnt : Antonio Tavanes, by an unusual reprieve, being saved after the 
 procession. Heytor Dias, and Maria PinteyVa, were burnt alive, and the 
 other two first strangled. The execution was very cruel. The woman was 
 alive in the flames half an hour, and the man above an hour. The present 
 king and his brothers were stated at a window so near, as to be addressed 
 for a considerable time in very moving terms by the man as he was burning. 
 Bat though the favour he begged was only a few more faggots, yet he was 
 
480 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 the inquisition at Goa, who himself walked in procession at an 
 act of faith, wearing the infamous Sambenito, and who accu- 
 rately observed and described all the circumstances of it. 
 
 The method of celebrating an act of faith in Spain, is some- 
 what different. For whereas at Goa, the banner which they 
 carry before the procession hath the picture of Dominic wrought 
 in it, Paramus says, that in Spain the cross is the banner of the 
 inquisition, which is carried before them, and tediously tells 
 us of several mysteries signified by the cross, of which I will 
 here give a short summary. 
 
 The cross is the beginning and end of all acts of the inquisi- 
 tion,^ and by it is represented, that the tribunal of the inquisi- 
 tion is a representation of that supreme and final tribunal, in 
 which the sign of the cross shall appear before the Lord 
 Christ, coming to the judgment of the world with great majesty 
 and glory. Farther, it denotes the war which the inquisition 
 wages against heretics, and the victory which they gain over 
 the enemies of the orthodox faith ; because the inquisitors are 
 appointed the conquerors of heretical pravity, and captains for 
 the defence of rehgion, who keep watch at the castle of the 
 inquisition for the Christian faith, repsur it when going to ruin, 
 restore it when tumbled down, and preserve it when restored 
 in its ancient, flourishing, and vigorous state. 
 
 not able to obtain it. Those which are burnt alive here, are seated on a 
 bench twelve feet high, fastened to a pole, above six feet higher than the 
 faggots. The wind being a little fresh, the man's hinder parts were perfectly 
 wasted, and as he turned himself, his ribs opened before he left speaking, 
 the fire being recruited as it wasted, to keep him just in the same degree pf 
 heat. But all his entreaties could not procure him a larger allowance of 
 wood, to shorten and dispatch him." Thus far the letter. 
 
 How diabolical a religion must that be, which thus divests men of all the 
 sentiments of humanity and compassion, and hardens them against all the 
 miseries and sufferings of their fellow creatures! For as Dr. Geddes ob- 
 serves,* " That the reader may not think, that this inhuman joy is the effect 
 of a natural cruelty that is in these people's disposition, and not of the spirit 
 of their religion, he may rest assured, that all public malefactors besides 
 heretics, have their violent deaths no where more tenderly lamented, than 
 amongst the same people, and even when there is nothing in the manner ot 
 their deaths that appears inhuman or cruel." 
 
 » Param. 1. 2. t. 3. cap. 10. * Ibid. p. 450. 
 
HISTOllY OF THE INaUISITION. 481 
 
 The inquisition uses a green cross, that it may be more con- 
 veniently distinguished from thost: crosses of other colours, 
 which are used by the Clu'istian commonwealth ; and espe- 
 cially that it may be shadowed out, that all things usually sig- 
 nified by greenness belong to the inquisition. For instance, 
 greenness denotes stabiUty and eternity ; it is a grateful, plea- 
 sant, and attractive colour to the eyes, and finally, is a sign of 
 victory and triumph. Hereby is shadowed forth, that " the 
 inquisitors of heretical pravity vigilantly preserve the stabiHty 
 of the church, and that heretics are attracted by the green cross, 
 so that they cannot escape the judgment of this tribunal, and 
 by beholding it, are brought to the tender bosom of mother 
 church, and di'awn to repentance and the sincerity of the 
 faith." 
 
 The banner of the inquisition hath a green cross in a field 
 sable, adorned on the right hand with a branch of green ohve, 
 and brandishing on the left a drawn sword, with this motto 
 round about the scutcheon, " Exsurge Domine, et judica 
 causam tuam." " Arise, O Lord, and judge thy cause.'' ' 
 The branch of green olive denotes the same as the green cross. 
 But the branch of olive is on the right hand of the cross, and 
 the sword on the left, to shew that in the inquisition mercy is 
 mixed with justice; ^ and the meaning of this mixture they 
 derive from the ark of the tabernacle, in which, together with 
 the tables, there was the rod and the manna, the rod of severity, 
 and the manna of sweetness; as though the rod of Aaron 
 which blossomed, was the rod with which judges command cri- 
 minals to be whipped. The branch of olive at the right hand 
 signifies, that nothing ought to be so strictly regarded by the 
 inquisitors as mercy and clemency, which the ohve most won- 
 derfully shadows forth, which, hath branches always green, 
 and which endures storms much longer than any other trees, 
 and if buried under water, is not so soon destroyed, nor doth 
 so easily lose its verdure. The drawn sword brandishing on 
 the left, points out, that the inquisitors, after having tried in 
 vain all methods of mercy, do then as it were unwillingly come 
 to the use and drawing of the sword, which was given by God 
 
 " Psalm Ixxiii. Cap. 4, n. 18. 
 
 II 
 
48S HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 for the punishment of offenders. The field of sable, in the 
 midst of which the green cross is placed, intimates the repent- 
 ance of the criminals, and the sorrow they conceive on account 
 of their sins, which however the green mitigates with the hope 
 of pardon. 
 
 The motto round the scutcheon, " Exsurge Domine, Sec."" 
 marks out, that the inquisitors, in expectation of the coming of 
 the Lord, do in the mean while punish the wicked, that they 
 may deter others, and defend the good. 
 
 But besides these things, there are other differences between 
 the celebration of an act of faith in India and Spain. Gonsal- 
 vius tells us,^ this solemn procession began in this manner at 
 Seville. " In the first place went some school boys, brought 
 out of a certain college in which boys were taught, which 
 they commonly call the House of Teaching, who strike an 
 awe upon others by their habit, singing, and order, in which 
 they are kept by certain clergymen clothed in surplices. They 
 walk along singing the litanies of the saints, repeating them 
 alternately, the chorus alternately answering, " Ora pro 
 nobis."" After these follow the prisoners themselves, com- 
 monly called Penitentials, disposed as it were into several 
 classes in this order. Next after the children walk those who 
 are convicted of lesser faults. The tokens of their guilt are 
 usually unlighted candles, halters about their necks, wooden 
 bits, and paper mitres. They walk with their heads uncovered, 
 that the mitre may not be concealed, and after the manner of 
 slaves without their cloak. Those who excel others in birth, 
 or riches, follow after those who are meaner. Next to these 
 march those who are clothed with the Sambenitos, or military 
 mantles, marked across with the red cross, the same order being 
 observed as aboVt, according to the distinction of the persons. 
 Those who are defiled in holy orders, as they are superior in 
 dignity, so also are they in their place or rank in the procession. 
 After these comes the third and last class, viz. of those who 
 are appointed for the fire. Every prisoner is attended by two 
 armed familiars for his safe custody, one on each side of him, 
 besides which, those who are to die above two monks or thea- 
 
 * Page 135. 
 
HISTOEY OF THE INQUISITION. 483 
 
 tins, as they call them, walking by them. The whole council 
 of the city, consisting of the Alguazils, jurors, the judges of 
 twenty-four degrees, the great officers of the court, the regent 
 and viceroy himself, or his deputy, who are followed by a great 
 number of nobility on horseback, immediately follow the 
 classes of the prisoners, who, according to the custom of a 
 triumph, ought certainly to mai'ch first. After these comes 
 the ecclesiastical order, the clergy, benificed persons, and cu- 
 rates walking first. Next after them walk the whole chapter 
 of the principal church, which they commonly call the Cabild 
 of the greater church. Then the abbots and priors of the 
 monk's orders, with their attendants. All these walk before 
 the holy tribunal to do honour to it, because, on that day, it 
 openly triumphs. Between these and the next after there is a 
 space left empty, in which the fiscal of the inquisition, who 
 hath had no small share in gaining that victory to the holy 
 tribunal, walks as standard- bearer in truly military pomp, dis- 
 playing and opening the standard made of red damask silk. 
 This standard is most curiously embroidered, having on one 
 side of it the arms of that pope who granted the inquisition, 
 with his name written at large, and on the other those of king 
 Ferdinand, who first brought it into Spain. Every thing in it 
 is wrought with silk, gold, and purple. Upon the very point 
 of this banner is fastened a silver crucifix washed over with 
 gold of great value, to which the superstitious multitude pay a 
 peculiar veneration, for this reason only, because it belongs to 
 the inquisition. At length come the fathers of the faith them- 
 selves, with a slow pace, and profound gravity, truly triumph- 
 ing, as becomes the principal generals of that victory. After 
 them come all the familiars of the holy inquisition on horse- 
 back. Then an innumerable company of the common people 
 and mob, without any order or character. In this pomp they 
 march from the jail of the inquisition to the high and magni- 
 ficent scaffold, which is built of wood, in the noblest and most 
 capacious street of the city, for shewing the penitents to public 
 view, and for hearing tlieir sentences. On this scaflPold they 
 make them sit in the same order as they marched. There is 
 also another scaffold almost as large as the fomier, over against 
 
 I i 2 
 
484? HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 it, in which is erected the tribunal of the lords inquisitors, 
 where they sit in their inquisitorial, and almost divine majesty, 
 attended with all that grandeur in which they came."" 
 
 The king, if present, the queen and the whole court, and 
 also the legates, and all the nobility of Spain, generally honour 
 this solemnity with their presence.* The seat of the inquisitor 
 general is like a tribunal, raised above tlie kings. When all 
 are seated in their places, they begin with celebrating mass ; 
 but when the priest who officiates, is come to about the middle 
 of the service, he leaves the altar, and goes back to his proper 
 place. Then the supreme inquisitor comes do^YXl from the 
 scaffiDld, robed in all his ornaments, and making his reverences 
 before the altar, ascends by several steps to the king, attended 
 by some of the officers of the inquisition, who carry the crucifix 
 and gospels, and the book in which is contained the oath, by 
 which the king obliges himself to protect the Catholic faith, 
 to the extirpation of heresies, and the defence of the inquisition. 
 The king standing bare-headed, having on one side of him the 
 constable of Castile, or one of the grandees of Spain, who holds 
 up the sword of state, swears that he will keep the oath, which 
 is pubhcly read over to him, by one of the members of the 
 royal council ; and remams in the same posturp, till the su- 
 preine inquisitor goes back to his place. After this one of the 
 secretaries of the inquisition goes into a desk, reads over the 
 like oath, and takes it from the council, and the whole assembly. 
 Then all the several sentences are read over, and the solem- 
 nity sometimes lasts till nine o'clock in the evening. 
 
 In Rome ^ and throughout all Italy, as far as I could gather 
 
 a Memor. Aul» Hisp. p. 2. page 63. 
 
 b About the time of Midsummer in the yeare i58l, one Richard Atkins, a 
 Hartfordshire man, came to Rome, and having found the English colledge 
 he knocked at the doore, when as divers of the students came to welcome 
 him, knowing that he was an Englishman. Among other talke they willed 
 him to go to the hospital, and tkere to receive his meat and lodging, accord- 
 ing as the order was appointed, whereto he answered, " I come not, my 
 countrymen, to any such intent as you judge, but I come lovingly to rebuke 
 the great misorder of your lives, which I greave to hear and pittie to beholde; 
 I come likewise to let your proud antichrist understand, that he doth offend 
 the heavenly Majesty* robbe God of his honour, and poysoneth the whole 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION 485 
 
 from any authors, they do not observe such solemn processions 
 in acts of faith, or in the sermons concerning tlie faith. But 
 in what manner the sentences are there pronounced, and how 
 they are executed, may, in some measure, be gathered from 
 the two following accounts. 
 
 world with his abominable blasphemies, making them homage stocks and 
 stones, and thai filthy sacrament, which is nothing else but a foolish idol.*' 
 When they heard these words, one Hugh Griffin, a Welshman, and a student 
 in the colledge, caused him to be put in the inquisition. (Having been 
 liberated, he afterwf^rd endeavoured to thiow the host out of the priest's 
 hands, that the people might see what they worshipped, and this he again 
 attempted to do at St. Peter's church, which so incensed the people 
 that he got severely beat and nearly killed,) being carried to the prison, he 
 was asked, Wherefore he committed such an heinous offence ? Wiiereto he 
 answered, '• that he ( anie purposely for that intent, to rebuke the pope's wick- 
 edness and theyr idolati le ;" upon this he was condemned to be burnt, which 
 sentence, he sayde, he was right willing to snft* r, and the rather because 
 the sum of his offence pertayned to the glory of God. Within a while after 
 he was st t upon an sss without any saddle, he being from the middle upwarde 
 naked, havir.g some English priests with him, who talked to him, but he 
 regarded thorn not, but spake to the people in so good language as he could, 
 and lolde them they were in a wrong way, and therefore willed them for 
 Christe's cause to have regard to the saving ot theyre soules. All the way he 
 went there were foure did nothing else but thrust against his naked body 
 burning torches, whereat he neither mooved nor shrnnke one jote, but with 
 cheerefuU countenance laboured still to perswade the people, often bending 
 his body tomecte the torches as they were thrust at him, and would take 
 them in his own hand, and hold them burning styll upon his body, whereat 
 the people not a little wondered. Thus he continued almost the space of 
 halfe a mile, tyll he came before St. Peter's, where the place of execution 
 was. When he was come to the place of execution, there they had made a 
 devise, not to make the fire about him, but to burne his legges first, which 
 they did, he not dismaying any whit, but suffered all mervailous cheerfuUie, 
 which mooved the people to such a quandary, as was not in Rome many a 
 day. Then they offered him a crosse, and willed him to embrace it in token 
 that he died a christian ; but he put it away with his hand, telling them that 
 they were evyll men to trouble him with paltrie when he was preparing 
 himselfe to God, whome he behelde in majesty andmercie, readie to receive 
 him into the eternall rest. They seeing him styll in that minde, departed 
 saying, ** Let us goe and leave him to the devill whome he serves." Thus 
 ended this faithfull soldier and martir of Christe, who is no donbte in glory 
 with his Maister, whereto God graunt us all to come! Amen. — The English 
 Roniayne Life, written by A. M. sometime the pope's scholler in the semi- 
 naric among them. 1590. 
 
 I i 3 
 
486 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 Bzovius tells us,* that in the year 1498, there were disco- 
 vered 230 Moors, who had abjured the Christian faith, after 
 their expulsion fi*om Spain. After they had wandered about, 
 they came to Rome, where they were known, informed against, 
 thrown into jail, and at length being recovered to the same 
 faith, were thus admitted into the church by pope Alexander. 
 On Sunday, July 29, as J. Bruchai'd writes, who saw it, an 
 high and large scaffold was built before the portico of the 
 great church of St. Peter's at Rome, between that and another 
 portico, which is above the steps of the ascent to the said 
 church. Upon this scaffold was placed the 230 Moors to be 
 reconciled. All these persons being sat down on the floor of 
 the scaffold, in their usual habit, and the most reverend fathers 
 and lords, the lord Peter, Archbishop of Reggio, governor of 
 the city, John of Carthagena, ambassador of the most serene 
 the King and Queen of Spain, Octavianus, bishop of Marona, 
 referendary of our holy lord the Pope, Dominicus Jacobatius, 
 and James Dragatius, auditors of the causes of the holy apos- 
 tohc palace. Master Paul of Monegha, in the country of Ge- 
 noua, a predicant, master of the sacred palace, and master John 
 of Malcone, of the order of Minors, doctors of divinity, peni- 
 tentiaries of our aforesaid lord the pope, in the said church, for 
 the Spanish nation, being seated as above, in their proper 
 places, and in their ordinary habit ; a certain master in divi- 
 nity, a predicant, made a sermon concerning the faith, in the 
 vulgar Italian, and against the said Moors, who were all of 
 the Spanish nation, and of whom one was a professed of the 
 order of St. Francis, whose habit he publicly wore, whom, and 
 all the aforesaid persons, he accused of all their errors, which 
 he knew concerning the faith, and reproved and instructed. — 
 After the sermon Mas ended, the Moors asked pardon, and 
 desired absolution. Then the master of the holy palace admo- 
 nished them in Latin faithfully to beheve, and to hve well, and 
 put them in mind of the penance which they had deserved ; 
 which admonition he expounded to them in Spanish. After 
 this, as they were on their knees, this penance was enjoined 
 
 a Sect. 32. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION. 4?87 
 
 them ; that they should walk, two and two to the church of 
 St. Peter, and there pray, in that habit which should be en- 
 joined them for this pui-pose ; and in the same order should 
 also go to the church of the convent of St. Mary supra Miner- 
 vain, where they should put off their habit, and every one 
 freely return to his own place. \\ hen they had received this 
 habit and penance, the aforesaid masters Paul and John, ab- 
 solved them all, who, after absolution, went to the two churches 
 aforesaid, the pope seeing the whole ceremony in the new 
 rooms, and granted them his blessing. The habit which these 
 Moors were enjoined to wear, was of this form. Upon their 
 ordinary garments there was a red or pui-ple cloath, hanging 
 over their shoulders upon their breasts and backs, quite down 
 to their hips, having on it a yellow cross four fingers wide, and 
 of the same length with the cloath itself. Every one of them 
 went to the altar of the aforesaid church of St. Mary ad Miner- 
 vam, and there laid do^\^l the aforesaid cloath, which the friars 
 received, and hung up on high in the church, to preserve the 
 memory of that affair. 
 
 Peter of Aranda, bishop of Calahorra,^ master of the house 
 of his holiness our lord the pope, was kept in jail, being defamed 
 for Mahometanism and heresy. Alexander the pope committed 
 the hearing and legal determination of his cause, to Peter, arch- 
 bishop of Regio, governor of the city, Peter of Venance, bi- 
 shop of Cesena, auditor general of the court of the causes of 
 the apostolic chamber, and Egardus Durca, bishop of Sleswick, 
 one of the said auditors of the causes of the sacred apostoUc 
 chamber. When they had examined several witnesses on be- 
 half of the fiscal, and one hundred and one on the behalf of 
 Aranda, who all of them deposed, either in part or in whole, 
 against the said Aranda, after the process was duly carried on 
 against him, at length the said lords commissaries did, on Wed- 
 nesday, Sept. 14, report the process and depositions of the 
 witnesses to our holy lord the pope, in a private consistory. — 
 Alexander, when he understood the affair, by the advice of the 
 most reverend lords the cardinals, deprived Aranda of thg 
 
 * Bzoviue, A. D. 1498. lect. 32. fin. 
 
488 HTSTOKY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 episcopal dignity, and of all his benefices and offices, and de- 
 posed and degraded him from all his orders ; and being thus 
 deprived, deposed, and degraded, he was at last thrown into 
 jail in the castle of St. Angelo. Bruca?-dus m diariis hvjus 
 anni. 
 
 How the solemnity of a general sermon, or act of faith, was 
 formerly observed, plainly appears from the book of sentences 
 of the Tholouse inquisition. The people being called together 
 into the church, and after the preaching the sermon concerning 
 the faith, the act commenced by an oath, which the inquisitors 
 gave to the civil magistrates, by which they promised their 
 assistance to discover and apprehend heretics, and to accuse 
 and denounce them to the inquisitors ; and finally conclude, 
 " And in these and all other things which belong to the office 
 of the inquisition, or will be obedient to God, and the church 
 of Rome, and the inquisitors." This oath, as appears by com- 
 paring the several sermons together, was afterwards somewhat 
 enlarged, that the magistrates might not have the least pretence 
 for conniving at heresy. 
 
 After this oath, the sentence of excommunication was pro- 
 nounced against such as should hinder the office of the inquisi- 
 tion, by which all were put under excommunication, " Who 
 have knowingly hindered the office of the inquisition, or for 
 the future shall hinder it by any means, directly or indirectly, 
 openly or secretly, either by concealing the truth themselves, or 
 revoking what they have legally confessed, or by unlawfully 
 persuading others to conceal or revoke it ; and also whosoever 
 shall directly or indirectly, openly or privately, knowingly 
 grant counsel, assistance, or favour hereto." Thus runs the 
 first form of excommunication in the second sermon in the book 
 of sentences, which was in others differently enlarged, that no 
 person, ever so shghtly suspected, might escape the hands of 
 the inquisitors, and that the magistrate might have no possible 
 way of throwing any hindrance to the inquisitors in their holy 
 office. 
 
 After this follows the act of the inquisition, and that the 
 tribunal may appear somewhat merciful and kind, they usually 
 began the act with pardoning or mitigating the punishment to 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 489 
 
 >(>me few persons, condemning at the same time a great many 
 to the same or heavier punishments. From some they took 
 tlieir crosses, and enjoined them some arbitrary penance. Others 
 ^\ ere brought out of jail, and had crosses put on them, which 
 was a lesser punishment. When these lavours were bestowed, 
 the sentences were read over, by which penances were enjoined 
 tlie criminals. 
 
 The first sentences were those of the cross-bearers, wlio were 
 enjoined to wear crosses on their breast and back, and if their 
 crimes were very heinous, they were condemned to wear two. 
 If it happened that their faults were slight, they were enjoined 
 arbitrary penance without crosses. An instance of which we 
 have, fol. 81. Then follow the sentences of those who were to 
 be immured, who were condemned to perpetual imprisonment, 
 there to do wholesome penance with the bread of grief, and 
 water of affliction. If the offences of any such were very griev- 
 ous, they were more closely and straitly confined, and put in 
 irons. 
 
 Then follow the sentences of the impenitent and relapsed, 
 who are dehvered over to the secular court ; then the sentences 
 against the dead, and against the houses in which any persons 
 have committed heresy, and, finally, against the fugitives. — 
 When the sentence is pronounced, the gospels are placed be- 
 fore the inquisitors, as though nothing was decided without 
 taking counsel from God. This their usual form, which ge- 
 nerally occurs in the sentences, plainly shews. " Having God 
 before our eyes, and the purity of the orthodox faith, and 
 having these holy gospels placed before us, that our sentence 
 may come from the face of God, and our eyes may behold 
 equity." 
 
 The whole act being finished,^ the inquisitor performed three 
 things. First, he granted forty day's indulgencies to all who 
 were present at church, at the aforesaid acts of faith. Second- 
 ly, he proclaimed publicly, that all who had given counsel, as- 
 sistance, or favours, towards any one's abjuring heresy, and 
 returning to the unity of the church, viz. all such as inform, 
 
 * Eymer. p. 3. n.l95. 
 
490 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 bear witness, advise, read the crimes, abjuration, and sentence, 
 and the officers who keep them in custody, shall obtain three 
 years' indulgencies from the pope Thirdly, he notifies to all, 
 that whosoever knows any heretic, or person defamed or sus- 
 pected of heresy, and shall denounce him to the inquisitors, 
 shall also obtain from the pope three years' indulgencies. And 
 this concludes the whole act, and was formerly the manner of 
 holding a sermon of the faith. 
 
 Now let us see all things are put in execution at this time 
 in Spain and Portugal, after the act of faith. 
 
 Criminals penitent and reconciled," and brought out in pub- 
 lic procession, are carried back to their former jails in the holy 
 office, the same day in which the sentences are pronounced 
 against them, and the day following are brought to an audience 
 of the inquisitors, and are admonished of those things which 
 are enjoined them by their sentences, and how grievously they 
 will be punished, unless they humbly do the penances assigned 
 them. After this, they send every one to the place to which 
 his sentence ordered him. Those who are condemned to the 
 gaUies, are sent to the jails of the secular judges. Some are 
 whipped through the principal streets of the city, and some- 
 times receive two hundred lashes. Others wear the infamous 
 Sambenito, some every day, others must appear in them only 
 Sundays and holydays. But in these things every one observes 
 the custom of his own inquisition. In the inquisition at Goa 
 this is the method. Before the prisoners are dismissed, they 
 are carried from jail to some other house, where they are every 
 day instructed in the doctrines and rites of the church of Rome; 
 and when they are dismissed, every one hath a writing given 
 him, containing the penances enjoined them ; to which is added 
 a command, that every one shall exactly keep secret every thing 
 he hath seen, said, or heard, and all the transactions relating 
 to him, whether at the table, or in other places of the holy of- 
 fice. And to this secresy every prisoner binds himself by a 
 solemn oath. 
 
 The day after this solemnity also, the effigies of those con- 
 
 a Direct, p. 3> u. 164. com. 40. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 491 
 
 demned to death, painted to the hfe, are ca ried to the Domi- 
 nican's church, and there hung up to be viewed by all. The 
 custom in this matter is described by Ludovicus a Paramo:^ — 
 " There is another monument of infamy, which, though vul- 
 garly called by the Spaniards, Sambenito, yet it is not a gar- 
 ment, but a cloth affixed to the wails of the churches, for 
 perpetual infamy, in the parishes where they lived. On this 
 cloth is written the name and surname of the criminal, and the 
 business he carried on is also expressed. If he discovers any 
 farther, they add another little piece to the cloth, to prevent 
 doubt, describing his country, and oftentimes also the parents 
 and grandfathers of the condemned person. 
 
 " In some of these cloths may be read, who were the parents 
 of the criminals, of what race they were, whether they were 
 married, or if married women, whose vn\es they were, whether 
 lately recovered to the Christian religion from the Jewish law 
 and Mahometan sect. Finally, the cause of their penance is 
 declared according to the nature of their crime, viz. that he 
 was an arch-heretic, a dogmatist, a declared heretic, an here- 
 tical apostate, a feigned penitent, negative and obstinate, an 
 impenitent and relapsed heretic, a Lutheran, Anabaptist, Cal- 
 vinist, Martianist heretic, even though they died before con- 
 demnation. Besides this inscription, there is also painted the 
 mark which is usually put on living penitents, as is above ex- 
 plained. In the ancient cloths, which have not yet been re- 
 paired, one may see an upright cross. Besides these already 
 mentioned, other things may be seen in them ; for in some the 
 person and crime is omitted, and this word only written with- 
 out the picture, Combustus, " bui-nt." On the cloths of such 
 as are reconciled, this word only, without any cross or mark, 
 Reconciliatus, " reconciled." Sometimes the date of the year 
 is wanting. Sometimes the flames are painted without any in- 
 scription, so that the criminal cannot possibly be known. Some 
 cloths are to be seen, from the ends of which the threads hang 
 out, in \^ich probably there is nothing remarkable, and which 
 eeem to be made of the very end of the piece. The cause of 
 
 • L 2. t. 2. c. 5. Ti,« 10. 11. 
 
492 ' HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION?. 
 
 SO great a variety in these cloths seems to be this, that for- 
 merly the lathers of the holy inquisition, did not publish con- 
 stitutions concerning all these matters, as they have now done. 
 For after that the instructions of the inquisitors were printed 
 at Madrid, there is extant a peculiar constitution, in which the 
 manner of fixing up, and keeping in repair, these cloths of in- 
 famy is prescribed. It is decreed in this manner :* — " It is 
 known, that the monuments of infamy of condemned persons, 
 both living, whether present or absent, or dead, must be hung 
 up on the walls of the churches of the parishes where they 
 lived ; and that whether they are imprisoned, or deceased, or 
 fled. It is the same as to reconciled persons, after having 
 performed the penances enjoined them, and the taking off their 
 habits, even although they were clothed in them only for the 
 procession at the act of faith, and whilst their sentences were 
 read over.' This is inviolably observed, and no one hath 
 power, to make any alteration herein ; but it is always recom- 
 mended to the inquisitors, that they should take diligent care 
 to repair these effigies, especially in the provinces which they 
 visit, that the infamy of heretics and their posterity may never 
 be forgotten, The time also of condemnation must be written 
 on these cloths, and it must be particularly specified, whether 
 they offended as jews, Saracens, Lutherans, and embraced the 
 heresies of their followers and impious persons. However, 
 these monuments of infamy and disgrace are not to be fixed 
 up to render those infamous, who are reconciled during the time 
 of indulgence and grace. For as it was agreed with them, that 
 they should not wear such infamous habits, nor be clothed with 
 them during the time of their reconciliation, it would be con- 
 trary to reason and justice to hang them up ; because it would 
 be wholly to destroy the favour granted them. This constitu- 
 tion is observed in all the kingdoms and dominions of the king 
 of Spain, except in Sicily ; where, in the year 1546, when the 
 licentiate Cervera was inquisitor there, there was a very great 
 commotion at Palermo, when the people rose againsf the inqui- 
 sition, and tore off the infamous cloths from the walls of the 
 
 a Cap. 81. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 49S 
 
 church dedicated to St. Dominic, with a great fury and rage, 
 that they could iv. \er, to this day, fix them up again upon the 
 walls either of that, or any other church." 
 
 CHAP. XLII. 
 
 Memoirs of Persons who have, suffered the Terrors o;f Inqui- 
 sitorial Persecution. 
 
 THE preceding pages have exhibited the inquisition in its 
 rise and successful establishment, in various nations of the 
 world, in its officers and laws, in the actions which it presumes 
 to scrutinize, and in its mode of executing judgment. 
 
 That it is founded upon principles which affect the very 
 vitals of society, is demonstrated, since its avowed design is 
 that of placing a constraint upon the mind, in whose freedom 
 (the first of human rights) all that is praiseworthy and benefi- 
 cial, in arts, in manners, or in compact, must reside. That the 
 inquisition, in pursuing this despotic object, has displayed a 
 character of hard-hearted and deliberate cruelty, which is with- 
 out a parallel, its history declares. And that it has perpe- 
 tuated ignorance, its legitimate object in the midst of surround- 
 ing light, to a degree which is almost incredible, the annals of 
 those nations in which it has existed have incontestibly esta- 
 blished. Viewed in whatever direction, it must be regarded by 
 the enlightened mind, as a court violating every principle of 
 rectitude and justice, committing, under a hallowed title, the 
 most flagi-ant outrages, inflicting torments and death in their 
 most embittered and repulsive forms. 
 
 To embody, indeed, its character, would be to combine in 
 one, all the base qualities which disgrace humanity ; nor is 
 there any open violence, or cunning treachery, or unrelenting 
 cruelty, which this climax of all abominations, does not com- 
 mend, sanction, or employ, in the accomplishment of its pur- 
 poses. It absolves kings from their oaths and promises, sub- 
 jects from their allegiance; the husband and wife from the 
 
494 HISTORY OF THE raaUISITION. 
 
 performance of their united vows, the parent from paternal 
 duty, the child from fiHal affection; and thus throughout all 
 human ties, which it bursts asunder, requiring each to accuse 
 either, whenever any shall appear to depart from the dictatorial 
 rules it has from time to time imposed. Never, in any case, 
 withdrawing its iron hand, until it has produced, in the cham- 
 pion of truth, a martyr, or in the intimidated enquirer, a hy- 
 pocrite. 
 
 In countries where the inquisition has existed, the bare idea 
 of its progress damped the most ardent mind : and an accurate 
 notion of its terrors may be formed, as a single instance from 
 the case of the justly celebrated GaUleo,^ whom it compelled to 
 renounce and falsify an astronomical doctrine, which had re- 
 ceived the assent and support of his enhghtened under- ^ 
 standing. * 
 
 Formidable and ferocious as the rapacious tiger, who from 
 the gloomy thicket surveys his unsuspecting prey, until the 
 favoured moment arrives, in which he may plunge forward and 
 consummate its destruction, the inquisition meditates in secret 
 and in silence its hornfic projects. In the deepest seclusion the 
 calumniator propounds his charge, with anxious vigilance the 
 creatures of its power regard its unhappy victim. Not a whis- 
 per is heard, or the least hint of insecurity given, until at the 
 dead of night a band of savage monsters surround the dwell- 
 ing, they demand an entrance ; upon the enquiry, by whom is 
 this required.^ the answer is, " The holy office."" In an instant 
 all the ties of nature appear as if dissolved, and either through 
 the complete dominion of superstition, or the conviction that 
 resistance would be vain, the master, parent, husband, is re- 
 signed. Torn from the bosom of his family, and bereft of all 
 domestic comforts, he enters the inquisition house, its ponde- 
 rous doors are closed, and hope excluded, — perhaps for ever. — 
 Immured in a noisome vault, surrounded by impenetrable 
 walls, he is left alone, a prey to all the sad reflections of 
 a miserable outcast. If he ventures to enquire the reason of 
 his fate, he is told, that silence and secrecy are here inviolable. 
 
 " Vide p. 429. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 495 
 
 Accustomed to the conveniences of social life, and perhaps to 
 the conveniences of a superior station, he is now reduced to the 
 most miserable expedients, and compelled to receive those 
 slender apologies for his usual comforts, which his enemies 
 think proper to afford. The most menial offices of a domestic 
 now devolve upon him, whilst the cruel reflection obtrudes it- 
 self upon his mind, that his family may, ere long, be reduced 
 to indigence, by an act of inquisitorial confiscation. 
 
 Habituated in his daily recreation, to behold the beauties of 
 nature and the face of man, his prospects now are bounded by 
 the bare walls of his narrow cell, and he never sees a hiunan 
 countenance except that of those who are endeavouring to ac- 
 complish his destruction. 
 
 At certain periods, his jailor takes him to the hall of au- 
 dience, where sets the judge, whom a hateful bigotry has em- 
 powered to arraigri the human intellect. He is asked, if he 
 knows, or can di\4ne the cause of his arrest ; he declares that he 
 is wholly unacquainted with it, and upon wishing to be in- 
 formed is dismissed with an exhortation to search the secrets 
 of his heart, and to be ready to disclose them to his judge, at 
 the succeeding interview. He is remanded to his dreary dun- 
 geon, and again brought out ; conscious of his innocence he 
 again protests it. His judge is full of mysterious words, 
 which he leaves his wretched prisoner to construe, if so unwary, 
 and and then commits him to his former custody. Thus he is 
 led forth, and brought back at distant intervals, but in all finds 
 no rehef ; for whilst he continues to speak truth, he may not 
 hope for mercy. 
 
 For weeks, and months, and years, his whole employment is 
 to wish the lingering hours away, and pore upon his most re- 
 volting misery. His vigorous frame is worn down by constant 
 and unvaried sufl^ering; and the assiduous mind, denied the 
 means of exercise,^ and partaking the decay, is almost ready to 
 renounce that noble fortitude, which disarms the oppressor of 
 his power, and gives a dignity to suffering. At length his 
 
 a Prisoners are forbid the use of books, and are exhorted to study the 
 hook of Ihcir heart, that they may confess their sins, and fiud mercy. 
 
496 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 judge affects to be wearied by his apparent obstinacy, in con- 
 tinuing to assert his innocence, and condemns him to the tor- 
 ture. Removed to a subterranean apartment, feebly hghted, he 
 is surrounded by a number of beings, in human form and muf- 
 fled garments, who seize on him, and by cords and bracelets 
 placed around his limbs, extend his emaciated frame with a 
 savage ferocity at which the barbarian might recoil. 
 
 Whilst this torment is administered, the merciful inquisitor 
 stands by, continually urging his confession, as the only method 
 whereby he can obtain deliverance, and asserting, that should 
 he die, he is guilty of self-murder. What can he do — accus- 
 tomed through life to probity he now more than ever, in the 
 prospect of death, fears falsehood — he persists in innocence. 
 One mode of torture is now exchanged for another, with horrid 
 ingenuity, whilst a surgeon is at hand to count the declining 
 pulse, and ascertain what further means of agony can be em« 
 ployed without endangering life. He endures the whole, and 
 is yet alive. He is taken to his cell, and placed upon his un- 
 easy couch ; here under the acute pain of his dislocated body, 
 he abandons himself to despair, and earnestly longs for the 
 approach of death. But the same harsh hand which ordained 
 his torture, with unwelcome assiduity endeavours to prolong 
 existence; his wounds are attended to, and after a while, from 
 a temporary relaxation of severity, his strength is in some de- 
 gree restored. He hears much of mercy, but finds none. A.nd 
 he is at length led forth in the retinue of inquisitorial triumph, 
 as a guilty criminal, clothed in garments of infamy. Here, for 
 the first time, he is allowed the company of his fellow sufferers; 
 but should any attempt to speak their Avrongs, a wooden gag 
 prevents the power of utterance. An ignorant monk declares 
 the accusations and sentences of the holy office. The stakes 
 are in readiness, the final victory of bigotted intolerance draws 
 on, and this merciful tribunal, so to abuse the word, delivers the 
 objects of its hatred to be burned alive ! The horrors of such ap- 
 proaching anguish operate forcibly upon the minds of some of 
 the unhappy sufferers, and they loudly cry, with bitter tears 
 and frantic gestures. Pity! — Pity! — Pity! — for the love of 
 God!— but pity is not here, and nothing can by any means. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 497 
 
 prevent the execution of the final sentence of this most holy 
 office ! 
 
 Such is the inquisition ! nor can any doubt the prudence of 
 that hne of policy which it has adopted, in enjoining secrecy on 
 those who know, and silence on those who would enquire its 
 conduct. 
 
 Of the millions which the inquisition has immolated during 
 the last six hundred years, few and imperfect are the traces 
 which remain, partly from the lapse of time, and partly from 
 that veil of obscurity, which the inquisitors have been ever 
 anxious to preserve inviolate. An attempt to trace the retired 
 cruelties of the secret oppressor must prove abortive. It 
 would be easy to point to this city and that province, where 
 the inquisition sacrificed so many victims ; but to describe the 
 wrongs of individuals in bodily suffering, and often in the 
 crush of intellect, or to single out the noble victories of un- 
 X!onquerable minds, must remain for ever unachieved ; — they 
 have slept the sleep of death, and their memorial is gone down 
 with them in silence to the grave. 
 
 A few individuals, however, who having escaped with life, 
 and obtained security on a more favoured soil, out of love to 
 their fellow men have become their own historians, some of these 
 speaking in their own words, will strikingly illustrate the spirit 
 and conduct of inquisitorial administration. 
 
 An account of the proceedings of the sCourt of Inquisition at 
 Lisbon, against Elizabeth Vasconellos, an English woman, 
 
 Elizabeth Vasconellos, now in the city of Lisbon, doth, on 
 the 10th day of December, Anno 1706, in the presence of 
 John Milner, Esq. her majesty's consul-general of Portugal, 
 and Joseph Willcocks, minister of the English factory at Lis- 
 bon, declare and testify, 
 
 That she was born at Arlington, in the county of Devon, 
 and a daughter of John Chester, Esq. bred up in the church 
 of England ; and in the eleventh year of her age, her uncle, 
 David Morgan, of Cork, intending to go and settle in Jamaica, 
 as a physician, by her father's consent, he having several chil- 
 dren, took her with him to provide for her. 
 
 K k 
 
498 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 In 1685, they went in an English ship, and near the island 
 they were attacked by two Turkish ships ; in the fight her un- 
 cle was killed, but the ship got clear into Madeira, and she, 
 though left destitute, was entertained by Mr. Bedford, a mer- 
 chant, with whom, and other Enghsh, ^he lived as a servant 
 till 1696. In that year she was married by the chaplain of an 
 English man of war, to Cordoza de Vasconellos, a physician of 
 that island, and lived with him eight years, and never in the 
 least conformed to the Romish church. 
 
 In 1704, her husband being gone on a voyage to Brazil, 
 she fell dangerously ill, and, being light-headed, a priest gave 
 her the sacrament,* as she was told afterwards, for she remem- 
 bered nothing of it. It pleased God she recovered, and then 
 they told her she had changed her religion, and must conform 
 to the Romish church, which she denied, and refused to con- 
 form, and thereupon, by the bishop of that island, she was im- 
 prisoned nine months, and then sent prisoner to the inquisi- 
 tion at Lisbon, where she arrived the 19th December, 1705. 
 The secretary of the house took her effects, in all above 500 1. 
 sterhng, she was then sworn, that that was all she was worth, 
 and then put into a straight dark room, about five feet square, 
 and there kept nine months and fifteen days. 
 
 That the first nine days she had only bread and water, and a 
 weft straw bed to lie on. On the ninth day, being examined, 
 she owned herself a protestant, and would so continue ; she 
 was told, she had con|rmed to the Romish church, and must 
 
 a It is the spirit that would compass sea and earth to make one proselyte, 
 that renders the Romish religion so dangerous and so detestable. It is the 
 duty of every man who believes his opinions necessary to the happiness of 
 mankind, to disseminate those opinions by all fair means : if the friars there- 
 fore would attempt to convert me, I should respect their zeal, though they 
 pestered me with their absurdity 5 but they tempt in the day of poverty— 
 they terrify on the bed of sickness — they persecute in the hour of death, and 
 if they find a man senseless in his last agonies, they place a candle in his 
 hand, and smuggle him, under false colours, into the kingdom of heaven. An 
 Englisman, who kept a Portuguese mistress, was so tormented by these friars 
 in his last illness, that he died with a loaded pistol in each hand, ready to 
 shoot the first monk that approached him. — Southey's Letters from Spain, 
 vol. ii. p. 189. 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 499 
 
 persist in it or burn, she was then remanded to her room ; and af- 
 ter a month's time brought o it again, and persisting in her answer 
 as to her religion, they bound her hands behind her, stripped 
 her back naked, and lashed her with a whip of knotted cords 
 a considerable time, and told her afterwards, that she must 
 kneel down to the court, and give thanks for their merciful 
 usage of her, which she positively refused to do. 
 
 After fifteen days she was again brought forth and examined, 
 and a crucifix being set before her, she was commanded to 
 bow down to it and worship it, which she refusing to do, they 
 told her, that she must expect to be condemned to the flames, 
 and be burnt with the Jews, at the next auto defe, which was 
 nigh at hand, upon this she was remanded to her prison again 
 for thirty days, and being then brought out, a red hot iron 
 was got ready, and brought to her in a chaffing dish of burn- 
 ing coals, and her breast being laid open, the executioner, 
 with one end of the red hot iron, which was about the bigness 
 of a large seal, burnt her to the bone in three several places, on 
 the right side, one hard by the other, and then sent her to her 
 prison, without any plaister, or other application, to heal the 
 sores, which were very painful to her. 
 
 A month after this she had another severe whipping as be- 
 fore ; and in the beginning of August she was brought before 
 the table, a great number of inquisitors being present, and was 
 questioned, whether she would profess the Romish religion or 
 bum. She replied, she had always been a protestant, and 
 was a subject of the queen of England, who was able to pro- 
 tect her, and she doubted not would do it, were her condition 
 known to the English residing in Lisbon ; but as she knew 
 nothing of that, her resolution was to continue a protestant, 
 though she were to burnt for it. To this they answered, that 
 her being the queen of England's subject signified nothing in 
 the dominions of the king of Portugal ; that the English re- 
 siding in Lisbon were heretics, and would certainly be damned ; 
 and that it was the mercy of that tribunal to endeavour to res- 
 cue her out of the flames of hell, but if her resolution were to 
 burn rather than profess the Romish religion, they would give 
 
 K k ici 
 
498 HISTOEY OF THE iNaUlSITION. 
 
 her a trial of it before hand. Accordingly the officers were 
 ordered to seat her in a fixed chair, and to bind her P^-ms and 
 her legs, that she could make no resistance nor motion, and the 
 physician being placed by her, to direct the court how far they 
 might torture her without hazard of life, her left foot was made 
 bare, and an iron slipper red hot> being immediately brought in, 
 her foot was fastened into it, which continued on burning her 
 to the bone, till such time, as by extremity of pain she fainted 
 away, and the physician declaring her life was in danger, they 
 took it off, and ordered her again to her prison. 
 
 On the 19th of August she was again brought out, and 
 whipped after a cruel manner, and her back was all over torn, 
 and being threatened with more and greater tortures, and, on 
 the other hand, being promised to be set at hberty if she would 
 subscribe such a paper as they should give her, though she 
 could have undergone death, yet not being able to endure a 
 life of so much misery, she consented to subscribe as they 
 would have her, and accordingly, as she was directed wrote 
 at the bottom of a large paper, which contained, she knew not 
 what ; after which they advised her to avoid the company of 
 all English heretics, and not restoring to her any thing of all 
 the plate, goods, or money, she brought in with her, and en- 
 gaging her by oath, to keep secret all that had been done to her, 
 turned her out of doors, destitute of all rehef, but what she 
 received from the help and compassion of charitable Chris- 
 tians. 
 
 The above said Elizabeth Vasconellos did solemnly affirm 
 and declare tiie above wi'itten deposition to be true, the day and 
 year above written. 
 
 John Milner, 
 Joseph Wilcocks. 
 Lisbon, Jan. 8,1701, N. S. 
 
 A Copy examined from the Original, by 
 
 J. Blisse, 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 50^ 
 
 Extracts from a Narrative of the sufferings of John Coustos 
 in the Inquisition at Lisbon. 
 
 I AM a native of Berne in Switzerland, and a Lapidary by 
 profession. In 1716, my father came with his whole family to 
 London ; and as he proposed to settle in England, he got him- 
 self naturalized there. 
 
 After living twenty-two years in that city, I went, at th« 
 solicitation of a friend, to Paris, in order to work in the galleries 
 of the Louvre. Five years after I left this capital, and remov- 
 ed to Lisbon, in hopes of finding an opportunity of going to 
 Brasil, where I flattered myself that I should make my fortune. 
 But the king of Portugal, whom I addressed in order to obtain 
 pel-mission for this purpose, being informed of my profession, 
 and the skill I might have in diamonds, &c. his majesty, by the 
 advice of his council, refused my petition, upon a supposition 
 that it would be no ways proper to send a foreigner, who was a 
 lapidary, into a country abounding with immense treasures, 
 whose value the government endeavours, by all means possible, 
 to conceal, even from the inhabitants. 
 
 Whilst I was waiting for an answer, from court, to my peti- 
 tion, I got acquainted with several substantial jewellers, and 
 other persons of credit, in Lisbon ; who made me the kindest 
 and most generous offers, in case I would reside among them, 
 which I accepted, after having lost all hopes of going to Brasil. 
 I now was settled in the above-mentioned city, equally to the 
 satisfaction of my friends, my employers, and myself; having a 
 prospect of gaining wherewithal, not only to support my family 
 with decency, but also to lay up a competency for old age, 
 could I but have escaped the cruel hands of the Inquisitors. 
 
 I must observe, by the way, that the inquisitors have usurp- 
 ed so formidable a power in Spain and Portugal, that the 
 monarchs of those kingdoms are no more, if I may be allowed 
 the expression, than as their chief subjects. I'hose tyrants do 
 not scruple to incroach so far on the privilege of kings, as to 
 stop, by their own authority, at the post-office, the letters of all 
 
 K k 3 
 
502 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 whom they take it into their heads to suspect. In this manner 
 I myself was served, a year before the inquisitors had ordered 
 me to be seized ; the design of wliich, I suppose, was to see, 
 whether among the letters of my correspondents, some mention 
 would not be made of free-masonry ; I passing for one of the 
 most zealous members of that art, which they resolved to perse- 
 cute, upon pretence that enormous crimes were committed by 
 its professors. ^ However, though the inquisitors did not find, 
 by one of my intercepted letters, that free-masonry either 
 struck at the Romish rehgion, or tended to disturb the govern- 
 ment ; still they were not satisfied, but resolved to set every 
 engine at work, in order to discover the mysteries and secrets 
 of masonry. For this purpose, they concluded that it would 
 be proper to seize one of the chief free-masons in Lisbon ; and 
 accordingly I was pitched upon, as being the master of a lodge ; 
 they likewise cast their eye on a warden, an intimate friend of 
 mind, Mr. Alexander James Mouton, a diamond -cutter, born 
 in Paris, and a Romanist. He had been settled six years, be- 
 fore his seizure, at Lisbon, in which city he was a house-keeper; 
 and where his integrity, skill and behaviour were such, as gain- 
 ed him the approbation of all to whom he was known. Mr. 
 Mouton will soon settle in London. 
 
 The reader is to be informed, that our lodges, in Lisbon, 
 were not kept at taverns, &c. but alternately at the private 
 houses of cliosen friends. In these we used to dine together, 
 and practice the secrets of free-masonry. 
 
 As we did not know that our art was forbid in Portugal, we 
 were soon discovered by the barbarous zeal of a lady, who 
 declared, at confession, that we were free-masons ; that is, in 
 her opinion, monsters in nature, who perpetrated the most 
 shocking crimes. This discovery immediately put the vigilant 
 officers of the Inquisition upon the scent after us ; on which 
 occasion my friend Mr. Mouton fell the first victim, he being 
 seized in manner following. 
 
 A jeweller and goldsmith, who was a familiar of the holy 
 office, sent a friend, (a free mason also) to Mr. Mouton ; upon 
 pretence that he wanted to speak with him, about mending a 
 diamond weighing four carrats. They agreed upon the price ; 
 
HISTORY OF THE IMaUISITION. 503 
 
 but as this was merely an artifice, in order for our familiar to 
 know the person of the said Mouton, he put him off for two 
 days ; upon pretence that he must first enquire of the owner of 
 the diamond, whether he approved of the price settled between 
 them. 
 
 I happened to be at that time with Mr. Mouton ; a circum- 
 stance which gave the highest joy to the jeweller ; finding that 
 he had got a sight, at one and the same time, of the very two 
 free-masons whom the inquisitors were determined to seize. 
 
 At our taking leave, he desired us to come together, at the 
 time appointed, to which we both agreed. The jeweller then 
 made his report to the inquisitors, who ordered him to seize us, 
 when we should return about the diamond in question. 
 
 Two days being elapsed, and my business not permitting me 
 to accompany Mr. Mouton, he went alone to the jeweller, to 
 fetch the diamond, which was computed to be worth an hun- 
 dred moidores. The first question the jeweller asked, after the 
 usual compliments, was, " where is your friend Coustos ?^'' — 
 As this jeweller had before shown me some precious stones, 
 which he pretended I should go to work upon ; Mr. Mouton, 
 imagining he was desirous of putting them instantly into my 
 hands, rephed : " that I was upon change ; and that, if he 
 thought proper, he would go and fetch me." However, as this 
 familiar, and five subaltern officers of the Inquisition, who were 
 along with him, were afraid of losing half their prey ; they 
 inveigled Mr. Mouton into the back-shop, upon pretence of 
 asking his opinion concerning certain rough diamonds. After 
 several signs and words had passed between them, the oldest of 
 the company rising up said, he had something particular to com- 
 municate to Mr. Mouton ; upon which he took him behind a 
 curtain ; when, enquiring his name and surname, he told him 
 that he was his prisoner, in the king's name. 
 
 Being sensible that he had not committed any crime for 
 which he could justly incur his Portugueze majesty's displea- 
 sure, he gave up his sword the moment it was demanded of 
 him. Immediately several trusty officers of the Inquisition, 
 called famihars, fell upon him, to prevent his escaping : they 
 
 K k 4 
 
S04f HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOK. 
 
 then commanded him not to make the least noise, and began to 
 search him. This being done, and finding he had no weapons, 
 they asked whether he was desirous of knowing in whose name 
 he had been seized ? Mr. Mouton answering in the affirmative : 
 " we seize you (said they) in the name of the Inquisition ; and, 
 in ^its name, we forbid you to speak, or murmur ever so httle.*" 
 Saying these words, a door at the bottom of the jeweller's shop, 
 and which looked into a narrow by-lane, being opened ; the 
 prisoner, accompanied by a commissary of the holy office, was 
 thrown into a small chaise, where he was so closely shut up, (it 
 being noon-day) that no one could see him. This precaution 
 was used to prevent his friends from getting the least informa- 
 tion concerning his imprisonment ; and consequently from 
 using their endeavours to procure his liberty. 
 
 Being come to the prison of the Inquisition, they threw him 
 into a dungeon, and there left him alone ; without indulging 
 him the satisfaction they had promised, which was, to let him 
 speak, immediately upon his arrival, to the president of the 
 holy office ; to know, from him, the reason of his arrest. On. 
 the contrary, they were so cruel to Mr. Mouton's reputation, as 
 to spread a report he was gone off with the diamond abovemen- 
 tioned. But how greatly were every one of his friends surpris- 
 ed and shocked at this slander! As we all entertained the 
 highest idea of his probity, none of us would give credit to this 
 vile report ; whence we unanimously agreed, after duly weigh- 
 ing this matter, to go in a body to the jeweller, who was the 
 owner of the diamond, and offer him the full payment of it ; 
 firmly persuaded, that nothing but the most fatal and unex- 
 pected accident could have made him disappear thus suddenly, 
 without giving some of his friends' notice of it. However, the 
 jeweller refused our offer in the politest manner ; assuring us at 
 the same time, that the owner of the diamond was so wealthy a 
 man, that the loss of it would be but a trifle to him. 
 
 But as truth frequently breaks through all the veils with 
 which falsehood endeavours to cloud her ; this generosity in 
 persons to whom we were, in a great measure, strangers, made 
 us suspect some iniquitous, dark act. Our conjecture appeared 
 but too well grounded, from the severe persecution that was 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUTSlTION. 505 
 
 immediately raised against the free-masons ; I myself being 
 seized four days after. 
 
 I perhaps should have escaped their merciless paws, had I 
 not been betrayed, in the most barbarous manner, by a Portu- 
 gueze friend of mine, as I falsely supposed him to be ; and 
 whom the holy office had ordered to watch me narrowly. This 
 man seeing me in a coffee-house, the 5th of Marth 1742-S, 
 between nine and ten at night ; went and gave notice thereof 
 to nine officers of the Inquisition, who were lying in wait for me, 
 with a chaise, near that place. 
 
 I was in the utmost confusion, when, at my going out of the 
 coffee-house with two friend, the above officers seized me only. 
 Their pretence for this was, that I had passed my word for the 
 diamond which Mr. Mouton had run away with : that I must 
 certainly be his accomplice, since I had engaged my friends to 
 offer to pay for the diamond ; all which (added they) 1 must 
 have done in no other view than to conceal my villany. It was 
 to no purpose that I alledged a thousand things in my own 
 justification. Immediately the wretches took away my sword ; 
 hand-cuffed me ; forced me into a chaise, drawn by two mules ; 
 and in this condition, I was hurried away to the prison of the 
 Inquisition. 
 
 But, spite of these severities, and their commanding me not 
 to open my lips, I yet called aloud to one of my friends (3Ir. 
 Richard) who had been at the coffee-house with me, and was a 
 free- mason ; conjuring him to give notice to all the rest of our 
 brethren and friends, of my being seized by command of the 
 holy office, in order that they might avoid the misfortune which 
 had befallen me, by going voluntarily to the inquisitors, and 
 accusing themselves. 
 
 I must take notice, that the inquisitors very seldom cause a 
 person to be seized in broad-day light, except they are almost 
 sure that he will make no noise nor resistance. This is a cir- 
 cumstance they observe very strictly, as is evident from the 
 manner in which they took Mr. Mouton. Farther, they fre- 
 quently make use of the king's name and authority on these 
 occasions, to seize and disarm the pretended criminals, who is 
 afraid to disobey the orders he hears pronounced. But as 
 
506 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 darkness befriends deeds of villany, the inquisitors, for this 
 reason, usually cause their victims to be secured in the 
 night. 
 
 The Portugueze, and many foreigners, are so apprehensive 
 of the sinister accidents which often happen at Lisbon in the 
 night-time, especially to a person who ventures out alone, that 
 few are found in the streets of this city at a late hour. 
 
 I imagined myself so secure in the company of my friends, 
 that I should not have been afraid of resisting the officers in 
 question, had the former lent me their assistance. But unhap- 
 pily for me, they were struck with such a sudden panic, that 
 every one of them fled ; leaving me to the mercy of nine wretches, 
 who fell upon me in an instant. 
 
 They then forced me to the prison of the Inquisition, where 
 I was delivered up to one of the officers of this pretended 
 holy place. This officer presently caUing four subalterns or 
 guards, these took me to an apartment, till such time as notice 
 should be given to the president of my being caught in their 
 snare. 
 
 A httle after, the abovementioned officer coming again, bid 
 the guards search me; and take away all the gold, silver, papers, 
 knives, scissars, buckles, &g. I might have about me. They 
 then led me to a lonely dungeon, expressly forbidding me to 
 speak loud, or knock at the walls ; but that, in case I wanted 
 any thing, to beat against the door, with a padlock, that hung 
 on the outward door, and which I could reach, by thrusting 
 my arm through the iron grates. It was then that, struck 
 with all the horrors of a place, of which I had heard and 
 read such baleful descriptions, I plunged at once into the 
 blackest melancholy, especially when I reflected on tlie dire 
 consequences with which my confinement might very possibly 
 be attended. 
 
 I passed a whole day and two nights in these terrors, which 
 are the more difficult to describe, as they were heightened at 
 every little interval, by the complaints, the dismal cries, and 
 hollow groans (echoing through this dreadful mansion) of seve- 
 ral other prisoners, my neighbours ; and which the solemn 
 silence of the night made infinitely more shocking. It was now 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 507 
 
 tliat time seemed to have lost all motion, and these threescore 
 hours appeared to me like so many years. 
 
 However, afterwards calling to mind, that grief would only 
 aggravate ray calamity, I endeavoured to arm my soul with 
 patience; and to habituate mysell*, as v/cU as I could, to woe. 
 Accordingly I roused my spirits; and banishing for a few 
 moments, these dreadfuUy-moumful ideas, I began to reflect 
 seriously, on the methods how to extricate myself from this 
 labyrinth of honors. !My consciousness that I nad not com- 
 mitted any crime which could justly merit death, would now 
 and then soften my pangs; but immediately after, dreadful 
 thoughts overspread my mind, when I imagined to myself the 
 crying injustice of which the tribunal, that was to judge me, is 
 accused. I considered that, being a protestant, I should 
 inevitably feel, in its utmost rigours, all that rage and barbar- 
 ous zeal could infuse in the breast of monks ; who cruelly 
 gloried, in committing to the flames, great numbers of ill-fated 
 victims, whose only crime was their differing from them in 
 rehgious opinions ; or rather who w ere obnoxious to those 
 tygers, merely because they thought worthily of human na- 
 ture ; and had, in the utmost detestation, these Romish barba- 
 rities, which are not to be paralleled in any other religion. 
 
 In a few days, after having been shaved, and had my hair 
 cut by their order, I was led, bareheaded, to the president 
 and four inquisitors, who, upon my coming in, bid me kneel 
 down, lay my right-hand on the bible, and swear, in the pre- 
 sence of Almighty God, that I would speak truly with regard 
 to all the questions they should ask me. These questions 
 were ; my christian and sirnames, those of my parents ; the 
 place of my birth, my profession, religion ; and how long I had 
 resided in Lisbon. This being done, they addressed me as 
 follows: — " Son, you have offended and spoke injuriously of 
 the holy office, as we know from very good hands ; for which 
 reason we exhort you to make a confession of, and to accuse 
 yourself of the several crimes you may have committed, from 
 the time you was capable of judging between good and evil, to 
 the present moment. In doing this, you will excite the com- 
 
508 HISTOllY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 passion of this tribunal, which is ever merciful and kind to those 
 who speak the truth."' 
 
 It was then they thought proper to inform me, that the dia- 
 mond mentioned in the former pages, was only a pretence they 
 had employed, in order to get an opportunity of seizing me. 
 I now besought them, " to let me know the true cause of my 
 imprisonment; that, having been born and educated in the 
 Protestant religion, I had been taught, from my infancy, not 
 to confess myself to men, but to God, who, as he only can see 
 into the inmost recesses of the human heart, knows the sincerity 
 or insincerity of the sinner's repentance, who confessed to him ; 
 and being his Creator, it was he only could absolve him."^ 
 
 The reader will naturally suppose, that they were noways 
 satisfied with my answer; — " They declaring, that it would be 
 indispensably necessary for me to confess myself, what religion 
 soever I might be of; otherwise, that a confession would be 
 forced from me, by the expedients the holy office employed for 
 that purpose." 
 
 To this I replied, " that I had never spoke in my hfe against 
 the Romish religion ; that I had behaved in such a manner, 
 ever since my living at Lisbon, that I could not be justly 
 accused of saying or doing any thing contrary to the laws of 
 the kingdom, either as to spirituals or temporals ; that I had 
 always imagined the holy office took cognizance of none but 
 those persons who were guilty of sacrilege, blasphemy, and 
 such like crimes, whose dehght is to depreciate and ridicule the 
 mysteries received in the Romish church, but of which I was 
 noways guilty." They then remanded me back to my dungeon, 
 after exhorting me to examine my conscience. 
 
 After another audience, they gave orders for my being 
 conveyed into another deep dungeon ; the design of which, I 
 suppose, was to terrify me completely; and here I continued 
 seven weeks. It will be naturally supposed, that I now was 
 overwhehned with grief. I will confess, that I then gave 
 myself up entirely for lost ; and had no resource left but in 
 the Almighty, whose aid I implored continually with the ut- 
 most fervency. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 509 
 
 During my stay in this miserable dungeon, I was taken three 
 times before the inquisitors. - 
 
 They insisted, upon my revealing to them the secrets of this 
 art. — " The oath (says I) taken by me at my admission, never 
 to divulge them, directly or indirectly, will not permit me to do 
 it; conscience forbids me; and I therefore hope your lordships 
 are toc' eqnitable to use compulsion." They declared, " that 
 my oath was nothing in their presence, and that they would 
 absolve me from it."" — " Your lordships (continued I) are very 
 gracious ; but as I am firmly persuaded, that it is not in the 
 power of any being upon earth to free me from my oath, I am 
 firmly determined never to violate it." This was more than 
 enough to make them remand me back to my dungeon, where, 
 a few days after, I fell sick. 
 
 A physician was then sent, who finding me exceedingly ill, 
 made a report thereof to the inquisitors. These, upon their 
 being informed of it, immediately gave orders for my being re- 
 moved from this frightful dungeon, into another, which admitt- 
 ed some glimmerings of day-light. They appointed, at the 
 same time, another prisoner to look after me during my sickness, 
 which, very happily, was not of long continuance. 
 
 After several other interviews and hearings, 'the appointment 
 of an advocate, and the mockery of a trial, in all which he 
 persisted, in refusing to reveal the secrets of free-masonry, Mr. 
 Coustos thus proceeds : 
 
 Some time after, the president sent for me again; when, 
 being brought before him, he ordered a paper, containing part 
 of my sentence, to be read: I thereby was doomed to suffer 
 the tortures employed by the holy office, for refusing to tell the 
 truth, (as they falsely affirmed ;) for my not discovering the 
 secrets of masonry, with the true tendency and purpose of the 
 meetings of the brethren. 
 
 I hereupon was instantly conveyed to the torture-room, built 
 in form of a square tower, where no light appeared, but what 
 two candles gave : and, to prevent the dreadful cries and 
 shocking gi'oans of the unhappy victims, from reaching the 
 ears of the other prisoners, the doors are lined with a sort of 
 quilt. 
 
51CX HISTORY OF THE INftUISITION. 
 
 The reader will naturally suppose that I must be seized with 
 horror, when, at my entering this infernal place, I saw myself, 
 on a sudden, surrounded by six wretches, who, after preparing 
 the tortures, stripped me naked (all to linen drawers ;) when, 
 laying me on my back, they began to lay hold of every part of 
 my body. First, they put round my neck an iron collar, which 
 was fastened to the scaffold ; they then fixed a ring to each 
 foot ; and this being done, they stretched my limbs with all 
 their might. They next wound two ropes round each arm, 
 and two round each thigh, which ropes passed under the 
 scaffold, through holes made for that purpose ; and were all 
 drawn tight, at the same time, by four men, upon a signal 
 made for this purpose. 
 
 The reader will believe that my pains must be intolerable, 
 when I solemnly declare, that these ropes, which were of the 
 size of one''s little finger, pierced through my flesh quite to the 
 bone ; making the blood gush out at the eight different places 
 that were thus bound. As I persisted in refusing to discover 
 any more than what has been seen in the interrogatories above, 
 the ropes were thus drawn together four different times. At 
 my side stood a physician and surgeon, who often felt my tem- 
 ples, to judge of the danger I might be in ; by which means my 
 tortures were suspended, at intervals, that I might have an op- 
 portunity of recovering myself a Uttle. 
 
 Whilst I was thus suffering, they were so barbarously unjust 
 as to declare, that, were I to die under the torture, I should be 
 guilty, by my obstinacy, of self-murder. \n fine, the last time 
 the ropes were drawn tight, I grew so exceedingly weak, occa- 
 sioned by the blood's circulation being stopped, and the pains I 
 endured, that I fainted quite away ; insomuch that I was 
 carried back to my dungeon, without my once perceiving it. 
 
 These barbarians finding that the tortures above described 
 coilld not extort any farther discovery from me ; but that, the 
 more they made me suffer, the more fervently I addressed my 
 supplications, for patience, to heaven ; they were so inhuman, 
 six weeks after, as to expose me to another kind of torture, 
 more grievous, if possible, than the former. They made me 
 stretch my arms in such a manner, that the palms of my hands 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 511 
 
 were turned outward; when, by the help of a rope that fasten- 
 ed them together at the wrist, and which they turned by an 
 engine, they (brew them gently nearer to one another behind, 
 in such a manner that the back of eacli hand touched, and 
 stood exactly parallel one to the other ; whereby both my 
 shoulders were dislocated, and a considerable quantity of blood 
 issued from my mouth. This torture was repeated thrice; 
 after which I was again taken to my dungeon, and put into the 
 hands of physicians and surgeons, who, in setting my bones, put 
 me to exquisite pain. 
 
 Two months after, being a httle recovered, I was again con- 
 veyed to the torture-room ; and there made to undergo another 
 kind of punishment twice. The reader may judge of its horror, 
 from the following description thereof. 
 
 Tlie torturers turned twice round my body, a thick iron 
 chain, which, crossing upon my stomach, terminated afterwards 
 at my wrists. They next set my back against a thick board, 
 at each extremity whereof was a pulley, through which there 
 run a rope, that catched the ends of the chains at my wrists. 
 The tormentors then stretching these ropes, by means of a 
 roller, pressed or bruised my stomach, in proportion as the 
 ropes were drawn tighter. They tortured me, on this occasion, 
 to such a degree, that my wrists and shoulders, were put out of 
 joint. 
 
 The surgeons, however, set them presently after ; but the 
 barbarians not having yet satiated their cruelty, made me un- 
 dergo this torture a second time, which I did with fresh pains, 
 though with equal constancy and resolution. I then was 
 remanded back to my dungeon, attended by the surgeons who 
 dressed my bruises ; and here I continued till their auto da fe, 
 or jail delivery. 
 
 The reader may judge, from the feint description, of the 
 dreadful anguish I must have laboured under, the nine differ- 
 ent times they put me to the torture. Most of my limbs were 
 put out of joint, and bruised in such a manner, that I was 
 unable, during some weeks, to lift my hand to my mouth ; 
 my body being vastly swelled, by the inflammations caused by 
 the frequent dislocations. I have but too much reason to fear, 
 
51S HISTORY OF THE iNQUlSITIONv 
 
 that I shall feel the said effects of this cruelty so long as I live ; 
 I being seized, from time to time, with thrilling pains, with 
 which I never was afflicted, till I had the misfortune of falling 
 into the merciless and bloody hands of the inquisitors. 
 
 The day of the auto da fe being come, I was made to walk 
 in the procession, mth the other victims of this tribunal. 
 Being conie to St. Dominic's church, my sentence was read, by 
 which, I was condemned to the galley (as it is termed) during 
 four years, 
 yj Four days after this procession, I was conveyed to this galley; 
 and joined, on the morrow, in the painful occupations of my 
 fellow slaves. However, the liberty I had of speaking to my 
 friends, after having been deprived of even the sight of them, 
 during my tedious, wretched abode in the prison of the Inqui- 
 sition ; the open air I now breathed ; mth the satisfaction I 
 felt in being freed from the dreadful apprehensions which 
 always overspread my mind, whenever I reflected on the uncer- 
 tainty of my fate ; these circumstances united, made me find the 
 toils of the galley much more supportable. 
 
 As I had suffered greatly in my body, by the tortures 
 inflicted on me in the prison of the Inquisition, of which the 
 reader has seen a very imperfect, though faithful narrative, in 
 the foregoing pages ; I was quite unfit to go about the painful 
 labour that was immediately allotted me, viz. the carrying 
 water (an hundred pounds weight) to the prisons of the city. 
 But the fears I was under, of being exposed to the inhumanity 
 of the guards or overseers who accompany the galley-slaves, 
 caused me to exert myself so far beyond my strength, that, 
 twelve days after, I fell grievously sick. I then was sent to 
 the infirmary, where I continued two months. During my 
 abode in this place, I was often visited by the Irish friars 
 belonging to the convent of Corpo Santo, who offered to get 
 my release, provided I would turn Roman Catholic. I assured 
 them, that all their endeavours would be fruitless ; I expecting 
 my enlargement from the Almighty alone, who, if he, in his 
 profound wisdom thought proper, would point out other 
 expedients for my obtaining it, than my becoming an apostate. 
 Being unable, after this, to go through the toils to which I had 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 51$ 
 
 been sentenced, I was excused, by my amply rewarding the 
 overseers. It was now that I had full leisure, to reflect 
 seriously on the means of obtaining my liberty ; and, for this 
 purpose, desired a friend to write to my brother-in-law, Mr. 
 Barbu, to inform him of my deplorable state ; and to intreat 
 him, humbly to address the Earl of Harrington in my favour : 
 my brother-in-law having the honour to live in his lordship's 
 family. This nobleman, whose humanity and generosity have 
 been the theme of infinitely abler pens than mine, was so 
 good as to declare, that he would endeavour to procure my 
 freedom. Accordingly, his lordship spoke to his grace the 
 Duke of Newcastle, one of the principal secretaries of state ; 
 in order to supplicate for leave, from our sovereign, that 
 his minister at Lisbon, might demand me, as a subject of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 His majesty, ever attentive to the felicity of his subjects, 
 and desirous of relieving them in all their misfortunes, was so 
 gracious as to interpose in my favour. Accordingly his com- 
 mands being dispatched to Mr. Compton, the British minister 
 at Lisbon ; that gentleman demanded my liberty of the king of 
 Portugal, in his Britannic majesty's name , which accordingly I 
 obtained the latter end of October 1744. The person who 
 came and freed me from the galley, by order of the inquisitors, 
 took me before them. The president then told me, that cardi- 
 nal de Cunha had given orders for my being released. At the 
 same time, he bid me return to the holy office in three or four 
 days. 
 
 I could perceive, during this interval, that I was followed by 
 the spies of the Inquisition, who kept a watchful eye over my 
 behaviour, and the places I frequented. I waited upon our 
 envoy, as likewise upon our consul, whom I informed of the 
 commands which had been laid upon me at the Inquisition ; 
 and those gentlemen advised me to obey them. They caution- 
 ed me, however, to take a friend widi me, in order that he 
 might give them notice, in case I should be seized again. I 
 accordingly returned to the inquisitors five days after, when the 
 president declared ; " that the tribunal would not permit me 
 
 I. 1 
 
514 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 to continue any longer in Portugal ; and therefore that I must 
 name the city and kingdom whither I intended to retire."" — 
 " As my family, (replied I) is in London, I design to go 
 thither as soon as possible." — They then bid me embark in the 
 first ship that should sail for England ; adding, that the instant 
 I had found one, I must inform them of the day and hour I 
 intended to go on board, together with the captain's name and 
 that of his ship. 
 
 A report prevailed some days after, that one of the persons, 
 seized by the Inquisition for free-masonry ; and who obtained 
 his liberty by turning Roman Catholic, had been so indiscreet 
 as to divulge the cruelties exercised in this tribunal. 
 
 I now imagined that prudence required me to secure myself 
 from a second persecution. As there was, at this time, no 
 English ship in the port of Lisbon, I waited upon Mr. Vantil, 
 the Resident of Holland, and besought him to speak to the 
 Dutch Admiral, to admit me on board his fleet. The Resident, 
 touched with my calamities, hinted my request to the Admiral, 
 who generously complied with it. I then went, together with 
 a friend, and informed the inquisitor, that I designed to embark 
 for England, in the Damietta, commanded by Vice -Admiral 
 Cornelius Screiver, who was to sail in a few days. Upon the 
 inquisitor's enquiring the exact time when I intended to go on 
 board ; I replied, at nine o'clock the next morning. He 
 then bid me come to him precisely at that hour ; adding, that 
 he would send some officers of the Inquisition to see me on ship- 
 board. 
 
 These orders giving me great uneasiness, I waited upon the 
 several gentlemen abovementioned ; when telling them the 
 injunctions laid upon me, they advised me to act very cautious- 
 ly on this occasion. I therefore thought it would be safest for 
 me to go on board immediately, without giving any notice of it 
 to the inquisitors. We lay at anchor, after this, near three 
 weeks before Lisbon. 
 
 The inquisitor no sooner found that I failed coming to him at 
 the time appointed, in order to be conducted to the ship, ihan he 
 sent out about thirty spies. Nine of these coming to enquire 
 after me, at the house where I used to lodge, searched it from 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 515 
 
 top to bottom ; examining every trunk, chest of drawers and 
 closet. But their endeavours to find me being fruitless, some 
 officers of the Inquisition getting into a boat, rowed several 
 times round the three Dutch men of war lying at anchor. 
 These officers imagined, that if I was on board, and conse- 
 quently in a place of security, I should not be afraid of showing 
 myself; a circumstance that would have put an end to their 
 search, which cost them some pains and expence. As I did 
 not gratify their curiosity, and we weighed anchor a few days 
 after, I know not whether they continued it. 
 
 Their search was so open, both at the house where I had 
 lodged, as well as at other places, that- 1 was soon informed of 
 it; at which I should have been delighted, had not my joy 
 been damped by the apprehensions I was under, lest my dear 
 friend, Mr. Mouton, the companion of my sufferings and 
 tortures, merely on account of free-masonry, should likewise 
 fall a victim to their barbarity. Speaking concerning him to 
 the Admiral, he, with the utmost humanity, gave me leave to 
 send for him on board. He coming accordingly next day, 
 was received, with great satisfaction, by the whole ship's com- 
 pany, especially by myself; I having a peculiar esteem for him, 
 which I shall ever entertain. 
 
 To conclude, I ariived in London the 15th of December 
 1744, after a long and dangerous voyage. 
 
 I here return thanks, with all the powers of my soul, to 
 the Almighty, for his having so visibly protected me from that 
 infernal band of friars, who employed the various tortures men- 
 tioned in the former pages, in order to force me to apostatize 
 from my holy religion. 
 
 I return our sovereign. King George II. (the instrument 
 under heaven for procuring me my liberty) the most dutiful 
 and most respectful thanks, for his so graciously condescending 
 to interpose in favour of an ill-fated galley-slave. I shall 
 retain, so long as I have breath, the deepest sensations of 
 affection and loyalty for his sacred person; and will be ever 
 ready ^o expose my life, for his majesty and his most august 
 family." 
 
 L 1 2 
 
516 HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 
 
 The intelligent reader will have perceived, that in describing 
 the Inquisition, according to the plan pursued in the present vo- 
 lume, its distinct features have been exhibited in whatever coun- 
 try it exists ; to relate its separate acts therefore in different coun- 
 tries, would be merely to state, individual processes of one and 
 the same court ; yet, as some erroneous impressions have gone 
 abroad, respecting the mildness of the Inquisition, in later times 
 it may perhaps be well to give an instance or two of modern 
 occurrence. 
 
 The first under this character which demands attention, 
 bears date 1776. 
 
 " The victim which marks this period, was the celebrated 
 Olavide, v/hose arrest suspended the progress of colonization in 
 the Sierra Morena. This incident was derived from the same 
 causes which had contributed to the removal of his protector 
 (D'Aranda). With a similar spirit of free thinking, which he had 
 imbibed from the fashionable philosophers of the day, he was 
 equally offended by the obstacles which he experienced in his be- 
 neficial designs, from the prejudices and institutions of Spain. As 
 most of the colonists were protestants, he resisted all endeavours 
 for their conversion, and opposed the attempts to enforce their 
 attendance on the rites of the Catholic worship. Having 
 established a law to permit no monks in the vicinity of the set- 
 tlement, he obtained an order for the removal of a convent, and 
 built his own house on the site. He frequently indulged him- 
 self in expressions of ridicule against the idleness and licentious- 
 ness of the monks, and spoke with too great freedom of the 
 depopulation and other mischiefs occasioned by the cehbacy of 
 the clergy. 
 
 His imprudence awakened the jealousy of the Spanish 
 church. His conduct was closely scrutinised ; his words and 
 actions were noted, and exaggerated ; and a formal accusation 
 was preferred against him for heresy, before that tribunal 
 which is considered as the bulwark of rehgion. The removal 
 of his protector gave scope to the machinations of his enemies. 
 He was summoned to Madrid, under the pretence of rendering 
 an account of the establishment under his care. Apprised of 
 his danger, he made some ineffectual attempts to obtain the 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 517 
 
 royal protection, and to soothe the guardians of the faith ; but, 
 after a residence of a twelve month in the capital, he -was sud- 
 denly arrested, and conveyed to the prisons of the Inquisition ; 
 his papers were seized, and his effects sequestrated. 
 
 After two years of impenetrable seclusion, his process 
 was closed, and his sentence publicly announced. We give an 
 account of this ceremony in the words of an eye witness. 
 
 " The autillos da fe are still celebrated at the tribunal of tl^e 
 Inquisition, with more or less publicity, according to the impres- 
 sions intended to be made. A great number of persons, of all 
 ranks, civil, military, and ecclesiastical, were invited, I should 
 rather say, summoned, to attend at the holy office, at eight 
 o'clock in the morning, on the S4th of last month. They were 
 all totally ignorant of the reason of their being called on. 
 After waiting some time, in an apartment destined for their 
 reception, they were admitted to the tribunal; a long darkish 
 room, with the windows near the cieling, and furnished with a 
 crucifix, under a black canopy ; a table, with two chairs, for 
 the inquisitors ; a stool for the prisoner ; two chairs for his 
 guards ; and benches for the spectators. The famihars of the 
 Inquisition, Abrantes, Mora, and others, grandees of Spain, 
 attended as servants, without hats or swords. 
 
 " Olavide soon appeared, attended by brothers in black, his 
 looks quite cast down, his hands closed together, and holding a 
 green taper. His dress was an olive-coloured coat and waist- 
 coat, white canvas breeches, and thread stockings, and his hair 
 was combed back into a bag. He was seated on the stool, 
 prepared for him. The secretaries then read, during three 
 hours, the accustomed accusations and proceedings against him. 
 They consisted of above a hundred articles, such as his posses- 
 sion of free books, loose pictures, letters of recommendation 
 from Voltaire, his having neglected some external duties of 
 devotion, uttering hasty expressions, his inattention to images, 
 together with every particular of his life, birth, and education, 
 were all noted. It concluded with declaring him guilty of 
 heresy. At that moment he fainted away, but was brought to 
 the recovery of his senses, that he might hear the sentence pro- 
 nounced against him. It was no less than this : deprivation of 
 
518 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 all his offices, incapacity of holding any hereafter, or of receiv- 
 ing any royal favour, confiscation of his property, banishment 
 to thirty leagues from Madrid, from all places of royal resi- 
 dence, from Seville, the new colony, and Lima, the place of his 
 birth ; prohibition from riding on horseback, or wearing gold, 
 silver, or silk; and eight years confinement and monastic 
 discipline in a convent. From respect to St. Jago, his wearing 
 the cross of that order was not mentioned, and he was excused 
 from putting on the sambenito. 
 
 " The sentence being read, he was led to the table, where, 
 on his knees, he recanted his errors, and acknowledged his 
 imphcit behef in the articles of the Roman Catholic faith. 
 Four priests in surplices, and with wands in their hands, then 
 came in. They repeatedly laid their wands across his shoulders, 
 while a miserere was sung. He then withdrew, the inquisitors 
 bowed, and the strangers silently departed, with terror in their 
 hearts, but discretion on their lips." 
 
 However rigorous this punishment may appear, yet it is mild 
 when compared with the severity with which the Inquisition 
 formerly visited similar offences. Nothing less than the perso- 
 nal interference of the monarch himself, and the clemency of 
 the grand inquisitor, could probably have prevented a repeti- 
 tion of those dreadful scenes which have rendered this formid- 
 able tribunal an object of universal horror ; for the confessor, 
 and many of the subordinate members, insisted on the necessity 
 of an auto da fe, in which Olivade would have been infallibly 
 committed to the flames."* 
 
 Another instance is found in a Letter on the Spanish Inqui- 
 sition^ (translation) in which the writer relates the case of a 
 female who was blind, and of the class called Beatas, or de- 
 votees, who had imbibed the doctrines of Molinos, and who 
 was arrested and confined in the dungeons of the inquisition, 
 at Seville, about the year 1780. 
 
 " The confinement of the Beata lasted three or four years, 
 during which time there was scarce a graduate of any order 
 who did not, in turn, undertake the conversion of the heretic. 
 
 * Coxe's Kings of Spain, vol. IV. p. 416. 
 
IHSTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 519 
 
 The CaVificadorcs* exhausted tlie syllogistic art, but hardened 
 as she was, she would not yield to their powerful arguments 
 and authorities. The poor wretch was not aware of her dan- 
 ger in not being convinced^ and the cause was drawing towards 
 a conclusion. This arrived, and she insisted in arguing. The 
 tribunal declared her an obstinate heretic, and appointed a time 
 for the auto da fe. Scarce an inhabitant of Seville but went 
 to see this solemn act. It lasted from the early part of the 
 morning until night. The criminal was conducted, gagged, 
 and mounted on an ass, in the midst of divines, who endea- 
 voured to subdue her obstinacy by new arguments, and vie 
 with the multitude in stunning her with repeated shouts of 
 "cvva la ft (long live the faith). Her cause was read from the 
 pulpit, in the principal church of the Dominicans, intermixed 
 with obscenities expressed in the grossest terms. Nothing now 
 remained but to deliver her up to the secular judge, that she 
 might be punished with death. A retraction previous to this 
 act, might have saved her life, but the unfortunate fanatic per-, 
 sisted in not making it, and was delivered up. The approach- 
 ing punishment, and depression of spirits, occasioned by the 
 fatigues of the day, made her desist from her obstinacy when 
 it was too late. She was converted to the satisfaction of the 
 monks who were present ; but the punishment could not even be 
 deferred. She alone obtained as a favour to be burned after 
 death ; and was strangled in the evening amidst the tears of 
 all devout souls, who admired the pious artifice by which this 
 opportunity was taken of sending her to heaven, to prevent 
 her falling again into heresy. 
 
 " You will have difficulty in persuading yourself that this 
 happened only thirty years ago. But remember, that the same 
 laws now exist in all their force, and that it is scai'ce a year 
 since the famous Quemadero^ where this scene was represented, 
 was destroyed at Seville, because it stood in the way of the 
 fortifications which were erecting against the French. A Que- 
 fnadero, on which many thousands have perished, and which, 
 
 a Monks, or clergymen, who act as assensois to the inquisitors. 
 ^ QuemaderOf the pile upon which criminals are burnt. 
 
520 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 doubtless, owing to the frequent call for it, was constructed of 
 solid materials, unlike other scaffolds, which are merely erected 
 as occasion requires. Imagine to yourself that the greater part 
 of the people are still disposed to look quietly on the repetition 
 of such scenes ; and tell me then, whether the inquisition can 
 be viewed in the light in which you place it. 
 
 " The time has gone by, it is true, when these scenes were 
 exhibited daily; when the victims groaned in subterraneous 
 dungeons, and made the hall of the tribunal resound at night 
 with the cri^s which torture wrung from them ; the time has 
 passed by, though not long since. It has passed, though it de- 
 pends on the will of three men to restore it." It has passed : — 
 then why all this declamation ? Leave this question to those 
 who, forced by the circumstances of the times, to conceal their 
 incHnations and their opinions, clothe themselves in sheep skins, 
 anxiously awaiting the day, when they may wreak their ven- 
 geance on those who have constrained them to shew a mildness 
 and forbearance. You strangers, who have lately visited Spain, 
 have no means of forming a correct idea of the slow and end- 
 less oppression which this tribunal occasions, even in its actual 
 state of slumber. 
 
 " An Enghsh gentleman arrives, still animated vnth. the sen- 
 timents which the name of Jnquisition has excited (not un- 
 justly) in him, since his early years.^ He enquires if he may 
 
 ■ a The inquisitors are not accountable for the judgment they pass, or for 
 the punishment thv^y inflict. They are the absolute masters of imprisoning 
 any body, of keepinie: their prisonei"s as long as they chuse, and of disposing 
 of them as they please. All thii is done with the profonndest sccresy. These 
 are the existing laws. 
 
 b The traveller alluded to by this writer is evidently Mr. Jacob, in whose 
 *' Travels in Spain" such a passage is to be found, and upon which a literary 
 censor makes the following comment: — " From what our author states, it ia 
 pretty clear, that after ail the sneers which have been cast on the enemies ot 
 intokranre, tyranny, and political abuses, this same inquisition, though it 
 may have given over treating the public with an Awtoda/e, is nevertheless 
 in ftili force'and activity — ready to intermeddle on every occasion, prepared 
 to go just as far as the govenment can be bribed, or the people lulled or 
 ter;ified, to permit it; and al'vass on the alert, by all such means, to extend 
 the sphere of its activity and influence. When our author visited the inqui- 
 sition at Seville, and was shewn a light and airy cell, iu a small garden. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 521 
 
 see the celebrated inquisition of Seville, and is admitted with 
 all possible politeness ; he perceives a large room fitted up with 
 simplicity, in which the judges assemble ; he turns his eyes 
 around to discover instruments of torture, and wonders at not 
 seeing any ; he enquires for them, and is answered with a 
 smile. lie is conveyed to the dungeons, and finds them small, 
 but light and neat habitations. They tell him of the conve- 
 niences enjoyed by the prisoners, of the mildness with which 
 they are treated, and he takes his leave, laughing himself, at 
 his former apprehensions. 
 
 " Ah ! I wish that with his ideas of hberty and tolerance, he 
 could Uve for twenty years within the reach of the inquisition, 
 in some pro\'incial city of Spain. He would then feel how this 
 bears on a mind sensible of its own dignity and its rights. He 
 would theii feel how tormenting is this drop of water, inces- 
 santly falling upon one." 
 
 Another case of a still later date. 
 
 Extracts from a Narrative of the Persecution o/^Hippolyto 
 Joseph da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendonca, 
 a Native of Colmiia-do -Sacramento, on the River La Plata. 
 
 THREE or four days had elapsed, after my arrival at 
 Lisbon from England, in the latter end of July, 1802, when 
 a magistrate abruptly entered my apartments, and telling trie 
 who he was, informed me likewise, that he had orders to seize 
 all my papers, and to conduct me to prison, where I was to be 
 rigorously kept aloof from all communication. I knew this 
 man by name, but not personally ; and, indeed, I doubted whe- 
 ther he was or was not the person he represented himself to be, 
 not only on account of his unpolished manners, but also because 
 he had neither his official staff', nor any other sign of power 
 that could induce me to respect him in his public capacity ; 
 and though I knew very well that this circumstance was an 
 
 planted with orange and fig trees, and was told that the others were similar, 
 he asked, naturally enough, if there were any priioners in confinement, any 
 suhterraneons cells, or instruments of torture, but to these questions (says he, 
 in italics) " / could obttdn no npliea '" Vide Edinb. Rev, vol. xviii. 140, 
 
 Jacob's Spain, 06. 
 
522 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 error of such essential consequence, in a magistrate, that it 
 justified me in impugning his authority, and considering him 
 as a mere intruder upon the sacred asylum of my abode, yet 
 I did not avail myself of the strength of my ground, but adopt- 
 ed measures of a contrary tendency. I invited liim civilly to 
 sit down, and entreated that he would have the goodness to 
 shew me the order he pretended to possess, or, at least, to teU 
 me by whose authority it had been issued. He then shewed 
 me a letter from the intendant-general of police, which I would 
 most willingly copy here, if my memory would enable me to do 
 it, in his own words and orthography. This note directed my 
 imprisonment, the seizure of my papers, "and that endeavours 
 should be made to find upon, or about me, some masonical 
 decorations." The motive of this proceeding, as stated in the 
 order of the intendant-general, was, that I had been to Eng- 
 land, without a previous passport. 
 
 I had scarcely read this fatal note, when all the sorrowful 
 consequences of an imprisonment rushed upon my mind, for I 
 was but too sensible that the fury of my persecutors would 
 know no limits. I had sufficient coolness, however, amid my 
 mental uneasiness, to represent to this myrmidon of justice, 
 that the harsh treatment of the intendant-general of police, 
 without having any previous information of my case, was not 
 a little surprising, since, so fai- from having gone to England 
 without a passport, I had previously procured one from his 
 Royal Highness the Prince Regent, which leave I had solicited, 
 in consequence of being employed in the royal service, as one 
 of the literary directors of the royal printing-office, and my not 
 deeming it proper to leave the kingdom without my sovereign's 
 permission ; that I had not only obtained leave of absence in 
 writing, from the secretary of state"'s office in the competent 
 department, and })rocured a formal passport from the minister 
 of foreign affairs, but further, that the minister of finances had 
 charged me by the sovereign's command to transact some 
 business relative to the royal service in London ; and that, in 
 proof of this, I could shew him the official letters, some of 
 which were directed to me in Lisbon before mf departure. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 523 
 
 and others were forwarded to London after my arrival in that 
 city. I pleaded, therefore, my right to expect, that the in- 
 tendant-general of police should have been informed of all 
 tliis before he proceeded against me with such severity, or 
 alleged as a cause of his proceedings against me, that I had 
 gone to England without a passport. 
 
 The corregidor, deputed on this errand of justice, willing 
 to shew me that there had been no precipitation in his way of 
 proceeding, accused me of rashness for thinking that so excel- 
 lent a magistrate, as the intendant-general of police, " whose 
 probity was equal to his knowledge and learning,'' would have 
 proceeded in a case of such importance, without mature deli- 
 beration ; and to convince me of this, he shewed me another 
 letter. In this he was ordered by the intendant of police, to 
 take care of every thing that I might have brought from Eng- 
 land belonging to the royal service, such as a collection of 
 books I had purchased for the pubhc library of Lisbon, some 
 instruments directed to be made in England, and somfe books 
 and other things belonging to the royal printing office. 
 
 The reading of this second letter produced in me sentiments 
 rather at variance with those which I had entertained of the 
 first : for, if the idea of the misfortunes I was about to suffer, 
 had impressed my mind with a natural dejection, I now reflect- 
 ed on the meanness of the souls that could prescribe orders so 
 manifestly contradictory, and so indicative that their audiors 
 had not even the ^vretched talent of inventing a plausible pre- 
 text, with which it is generally eostomary to cover unjust pro- 
 ceedings. This reflection inspired me with such a contempt 
 for the orders, and for those who had sanctioned and were to 
 carry them into execution, that the recollection of it proved no 
 small consolation to me during my troubles, and even excited, 
 at the time, such ideas of superiority over my foes, that al- 
 though, at the very moment, I could not help contrasting their 
 apparent prosperity with my actual misfortune, yet I feel re- 
 solved to declare it here, that the humiliation I suffer in such 
 a confession, may inflict some punishment on my vanity. 
 
 Enclosed dien in a soUtary cell, in the prison called Limoeiro, 
 
524 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 without any other company than that of sorrowful thoughts, 
 labouring under a perfect uncertainty as to my fate, and sus* 
 tainjng every possible inconvenience attendant on such prisons, 
 which are too notorious to need insertion here, I remained for 
 eight days ; until one night the gaoler came to my dungeon, 
 and told me that he liad orders to take me before the corregi- 
 dor, my judge, who wished to proceed in the necessary interro- 
 gatories, preparatory to the commencement of my trial. I ap- 
 peared of course before the judge, in a small room of the gaol, 
 appropriated to the purpose of interrogating the prisoners; 
 when I immediately requested the corregidor to order, that I 
 should be released from my solitary confinement, the five days 
 having already elapsed, which form the precise term allowed 
 to the criminal magistrates for subjecting a prisoner to such a 
 punishment, as I apprised him, by a quotation from the laws. 
 In answer to my request, he stated, that the laws I quoted had 
 no reference whatever to my case ; because my imprisonment 
 had taken place under the cognizance of the police, whose ma- 
 gistrates, under the law establishing that department, were not 
 bound to follow any general principles of law, in the trial of 
 their prisoners, all this being left to their own discretion, with 
 the most unlimited powers to investigate crimes, and to bring 
 the culprits to punishment. And lastly, to prove that such 
 was the practice, he added, that the intendant-general of police 
 was in the habit of detaining his prisoners in solitary confine- 
 ment, for days, months, and years; indeed, so long as he 
 thought convenient, without any notice being taken of it. 
 
 Six months had I passed in solitary confinement, when one 
 night the gaoler came to the cell where I was, accompanied by 
 four or six men. As they evidently came to take me with them, 
 I asked, whither ? They answered, they did not know. This 
 mysterious and absurd way of proceeding immediately rendered 
 it apparent to me that I was going to the prison of the inqui- 
 sition ; an event whicli I had long anticipated, as the natural 
 course of things, according to the pre concerted plan laid down 
 by the persons who had agreed to act in the demi-tragedy of 
 my persecution. In fact, I was taken in chains to a carriage. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 5^ 
 
 wliere I found a silent companion, and being surrounded by 
 constables, or others, officers, of the inquisition, who walked 
 by the side of the carriage, I was conveyed to Joseph Street, 
 until the carriage reached St. Anton Gate. There, to prevent 
 any body from guessing my destination, I was ordered to alight, 
 and being led through an alley, the party returned again to 
 the square, called Rocio, leading to the gate of the palace of 
 the inquisition, which communicates with the prison : here I 
 found the people of the prison in waiting for me. 
 
 I was then conveyed to a room, where tliey entered my 
 name in the books; made an inventory of the few clothes I 
 had ; and asked me if I had any knife, razor, or scissars, or 
 any other instrument ; also, if I had any gold, silver, or jewels; 
 and, on dieir saying that they would rely on my word in this 
 respect, I produced some pieces of golden coin, (most stupidly,) 
 relying on their assertion ; but as soon as they obtained this, 
 and found that I had nothing else to produce, they began the 
 most scrupulous search over every part of my body. 
 
 The gaoler, who, for greater dignity, has the name of Al- 
 caide, that is, keeper of the casde, addressed to me almost a 
 little sermon, recommending me to behave in this respectable 
 house with great propriety ; stating also, that I must not make 
 any noise in my room, nor speak loud, lest the other piisoners 
 might happen to be in the neighbouring cells and hear me, 
 with other instructions of a similar kind. He then took me to 
 my cell, a small room, 12 feet by 8, with a door to the pas- 
 sage ; in this door were two iron grates, far from each other, 
 and occupying the thickness of the wall, which was three feet, 
 and outside of these grates there was, besides, a wooden door ; 
 in the upper part of this was an aperture that let into the cell a 
 borrowed light from the passage, which passage received its 
 light from the windows fronting a narrow yard, but having 
 opposite, at a very short distance, very high walls; m this 
 small room were a kind of wood frame without feet, whereon 
 lay a straw mattrass, which was to be my bed ; a small water- 
 pot ; and another utensil for various purposes, which was only 
 emptied every eight days, when I went to mass in tlie 
 
536 HISTORY OF THE IINQUISITION. 
 
 prisoner's private chapel. This was the only opportunity I 
 had of taking fresh air during such a period, and they con- 
 trived several divisions in the chapel in such a manner that the 
 prisoners could never see each other, or know how many were 
 granted the favour of going to mass. The cell was arched 
 above, and the floor was brick, the wall being formed of stone, 
 and very thick. The place was consequently very cold in 
 winter, and so damp, that very frequently the grates were 
 covered with drops of water like dew ; and my clothes, during 
 the winter, were in a state of perpetual moisture. Such was 
 my abode for the period of nearly three years. 
 
 The day following ray entrance into these prisons, the gaoler 
 came to my cell early in the morning, dressed in a state black 
 cloak, which he always wore on those days, when the ti'ibunal 
 did business : he asked me, whether I was accustomed to pass 
 the day only with a dinner, or if it was necessary for my health 
 that I should eat another meal during the day. I answered, 
 that it was very unpleasant to me to go without breakfast, 
 being in the habit of taking some tea or coffee every morning. 
 The gaoler replied, that this was not a house for luxuries, 
 though the prisoners had what they really wanted ; that for 
 the present he would send to a coffee-house for a dish of coffee 
 for me, as I had passed the night before without supper : but, 
 for the future, he would report what I said to the lord inqui- 
 sitor, and act agreeably to his orders. At nine o'clock in the 
 morning the gaoler came again, with another turnkey, and 
 said that I must accompany him to the hearing of my case by 
 the lord inquisitor, appointed by the holy tribunal to be my 
 judge, and what they call repoi'ter (rellator) of the cause, who 
 happened to be the first inquisitor and president of the small 
 board, Manoel Stanislao Fragoso. The affability with which 
 this priest treated me, when I first spoke to him, knew no 
 abatement during the time of my imprisonment, except in one 
 or two instances, when his temper was ruffled. 
 
 Notwithstanding all that I had eitlier heard or read about 
 the inquisition, I was persuaded that the proceedings of this 
 tribunal did not possess that character of cruelty which had 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 527 
 
 been ascribed to it in former times : but this arose as much 
 from the ignorance of their ministers as to the criminal law, as 
 it did from their unlx)unded avarice, which rendered them 
 most anxious to acquire other people's properly, under the 
 name of confiscation. I fully expected that my trial would 
 have s(X)n termmated, flattering myself witli the hope of hav- 
 ing some sentence speedily passed on the cause. Whatever 
 this might be it could not be but grateful, as it woidd, neces- 
 sarily, in some way or other, put a period to a confinement to 
 which, however, I was to be doomed for so many years. 
 
 I must however acknowledge, as a warning to others, that 
 my childish credulity, in entertaining the hope of finding in 
 the holy officp meekness, clemency, or dispatch in my trial, 
 had no other ground except the popular rumour in every corner 
 of Portugal, that the holy office is very much altered, and 
 does not now practise those cruelties which it before committed, 
 and the reason assigned for this was, that the tribunal is now- 
 composed of enlightened ministers, who are thoroughly con- 
 versant with the criminal law, and execute with prudence the 
 new regulations prescribed to them, during the reign of the 
 late king Joseph I. 
 
 It was perhaps inexcusable in me to attach any credit to 
 such reports, in contradiction to the opinions of the better- 
 informed and more sensible part of the world, and without 
 reflecting that they must have had their origin in the artifices 
 of the inquisitors; who, at all times, have been sufficiently 
 artful to disseminate opinions in favour of their views, and to 
 uphold their credit for some time : such were, for instance, the 
 ridiculous stories they spread concerning the Jews, which, hav- 
 ing the effect of irritating all nations against those unfortunate 
 people, disposed every one to regard their persecution by the 
 inquisitors, and the enrichment of tha latter by the despoiled 
 property of their innocent victims, not only ^vithout pity, but 
 without at all considering the injustice of these transactions. 
 As I shall hereafter take an opportunity of sayhig something 
 more about the tribunal, I ^vill now continue the sequel of my 
 narrative, which will be found to afford a better description of 
 
5^3 HISTORT OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 the actual state of the holy office than any general reasoning 
 about it could do. 
 
 Ihe inquisitor was in the audience-room with another priest, 
 who acted as clerk, or as they call it, notary, and he commenced 
 the interrogatories first by inquiring my name, parentage, and 
 place of birth ; next, if the familiar, who brought me to the 
 prisons of the holy office, had done me any violence ; or if I 
 knew the cause that had subjected me to the notice of the in- 
 quisition. He then observed to me, that I was before the 
 most just and most merciful tribunal on earth: but to obtain 
 its mercy and pardon for my crimes, it was necessary that I 
 should, of my own free will and accord, confess all crimes of 
 which I had been guilty, without conceaHng my accomplices, 
 frauds, or any other circumstances ; and that this confession 
 must be immediate, because the present time was the most 
 favourable moment a prisoner in the inquisition could have — 
 for, should I confess afterwards what I might deny in the be- 
 ginning, the lenity of the tribunal would be very different. 
 
 I replied to the inquisitor, that having been first imprisoned 
 by the police, on the ground of having gone to England with- 
 out passports, although I was not interrogated about this sub- 
 ject, but only with respect to my having entered into the order 
 of freemasonry, I was led to conjecture that my being a free- 
 mason was the cause of my trial by the inquisition. If, indeed, 
 this was the crime of which I was accused, I was disposed to 
 confess it, not only because it was true, that I was a freemason, 
 but with a view that I might obtain the mercy he, the inquisi- 
 tor, had promised me : but if I was mistaken in my conjecture, 
 and the crime I was accused of was different, I begged that its 
 nature might be disclosed to me, and I would reply to the 
 accusations as should be necessary. The inquisitor replied, 
 that he could do no otherwise than praise my laudable resolu- 
 tion to confess my crimes ; but it was his duty again to ad- 
 monish me, (and he said this with a great deal of apparent 
 charity,) that I ought to examine my conscience thoroughly, 
 and not leave any thing untold of all that I had done in any 
 period of my life ; that I had committed crimes whqse cog- 
 
HISTOEY OF THE INaUISITION. 5S9 
 
 nizance belonged to that holy tribunal, and that I was accused 
 of them, and informed against on that account ; that I should 
 remember his recommendation, that to confess my crimes was 
 highly important to the clearing of my conscience, to the salva- 
 tion of my soul, and to the successful issue of my cause ; and 
 that he, to do me a favour, would send me back to my sohtary 
 prison, that I might have time to examine my conscience. I 
 told him, that the greatest possible favour he could confer upou 
 me was, that of accelerating my cause ; for having been more 
 than six months in prison without being allowed to communi- 
 cate with any one, my health was so seriously injured, that all 
 I wished was, to have a sentence, in order to get free irom my 
 painful situation and suspense ; and however rigorous that 
 sentence might be, it would always be preferable, in my estima- 
 tion, to being in a solitary prison, under circumstances that 
 could only lead to an inevitable ruin, which was the more to be 
 feared, as I was literally dying by inches in slow torments. 
 
 I was then immediately remanded to my prison, and the 
 gaoler came to inform me that the goodness of the lords inqui- 
 sitors extended so far as to order that I should have, besides 
 the ordinary allowance, some coffee for breakfast, and in con- 
 sideration of the state of my health, a daily allowance of wine. 
 The ordinary allowance he spoke of was half a pound of boiled 
 meat, (which, as some people who have Jieard about the allow- 
 ances of the inquisition, say, is without bones, but the bones 
 enter into the weight of this half pound ; and on some days 
 this allowance is very scanty ;) a few. spoonsfull of rice, a cup 
 of gravy, and some bread. This allowance is cooked in the 
 kitchen of the inquisition by a proper cook, and in order that 
 no letter may be sent to the prisoners in the victuals, it is re- 
 gularly served at noon. The steward gives to the cook what 
 money may be required for buying the articles intended for the 
 prisoners, and these expences are defrayed at the time by the 
 treasury of the tribunal : but at last, when the costs of the 
 trial are settled, all advances for the prisoner's maintenance, 
 are taken into consideration, and recovered with exactitude 
 
 M m 
 
530 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 out of his estates or property. The only persons who are 
 allowed to have any access to the prisoner, or who can see 
 and speak to him, are the gaoler, and four guards, called the 
 faithful of the prisons, who convey the prisoner backwards 
 and forwards to the audiences, and are at the same time the 
 executioners who administer the tortures. These guards also 
 wait upon the prisoners, and bring them what they want, such 
 as food, water, &c. but it is necessary to observe here, that 
 these guards are, properly speaking, spies set upon the prisoner 
 to observe every thing in the prisons, and to relate it to the 
 inquisitors, not only what they can gain by listening to the 
 conversation of the prisoners, but also what they can see 
 through small holes they make in the ceiling, just at the comers 
 of the cells.'' 
 
 In the same manner this gentleman was tormented by 
 interrogatories at different intervals, until the term of his 
 harsh confinement had extended to the space of three years. 
 When finding no hope of a decision, and his health very 
 visibly declining, he formed the resolution of attempting his 
 escape, which he at length happily effected, and is now resi- 
 dent in the British metropolis, where he has pubhshed the 
 Narrative ^ of his Persecutions^ from which the foregoing is 
 extracted. 
 
 These, several relations are so explicit and minute as to 
 need no comment. 
 
 a The original is a work of particular interest, because it exhibits in de- 
 tail the present practice of the Portuguese Inquisition, and affords some 
 very curious specimens of inquisitorial argument. — 2 vols. London, 1811. 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 531 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. 
 
 On the re-establishment of the Inquisition in Spain by the De' 
 cree o/'Ferdinand VII. 
 
 IT is well known, that the terrors of that licentious power 
 which arose out of that great political event, so fruitful of horrid 
 consequences, the French revolution, have been felt in Spain, 
 as well as other nations, in no small degree, and that during 
 six years, that country was fated to endure, all the miseries 
 attendant on a war maintained for its existence, not in a distant 
 land, but on its native soil, and at its very doors. It is also 
 well kno\vn, that, aided by the generous support of British 
 blood and British treasure, after a contest maintained throughout 
 the most desponding circumstances, conducted by the very first 
 of military talents, she has been delivered from the scourge 
 of internal desolation. 
 
 " The throne of Spain," to use the expressions of her en- 
 lightened patriots, " is a throne preserved at the expence of 
 rivers of blood ;'•* and the Spanish nation might well expect 
 from him who fills it, " the reward of its heroic devotedness." 
 The reward they sought was just and reasonable. The secu- 
 rity of personal rights and political freedom. But alas ! events 
 have shewn, that the dawn of liberty has not yet visited those 
 southern regions, and that great as the sufferings of that people 
 have been, the rod of bigotry and of perversion is yet to be 
 held therein, which calls aloud for vengeance. 
 
 When the restrictions of foreign influence were removed 
 from Spain, and the throne left open for the return of Ferdi- 
 nand VII., the greatest anxiety was exhibited by the people, and 
 the stay of their returning sovereign at Valencia, in April, 1814, 
 gave rise to various rumours and surmises. Enlightened men 
 hoped in this new era of the monarchy for a government mo- 
 delled anew. The sensations of royalty it was soon found, were 
 not in unison with this patriotic feeling, and intimations were 
 
 » Vide Address of the university of Salamanca to Ferdinand, ou his re- 
 storation. 
 
 Mm S{ 
 
53S HISTORY OF THE iNaUISITION. 
 
 given by its organs, that a constitution securing to the subject 
 his hberty, did not accord with the high-toned notions of their 
 lately captive monarch. 
 
 On the 4th of May Ferdinand put the doubts of his people 
 at an end, by declaring, in a proclamation, that the constitu- 
 tion as desired was inimical to his views. And after reprobat- 
 ing the conduct of the Cortes, he used the following words : — 
 " I declare that my royal intention is not only not to swear or 
 accede to the said constitution, nor to any decree of the general 
 and extraordinary Cortes, and of the ordinary at present sit- 
 ting ; those to wit, which derogate from the rights and prero- 
 gatives of my sovereignty, established by the constitution and 
 the laws, under which the nation has lived in times past, but 
 to pronounce that constitution and those decrees null and of 
 no effect, now or at any other time, and that they are entirely 
 abrogated, and without any obligation on my people and sub- 
 jects, to observe them. And as he who should attempt to sup- 
 port them, will attack the prerogatives of my sovereignty, and 
 the happiness of the nation, and cause discontent and disturb- 
 ance in my kingdom, I declare, that whoever shall dare to at- 
 tempt the same, will be guilty of high treason." 
 
 That a government, so remarkable for weakness in the pre- 
 vious part of its existence, should now adopt such determined 
 language, was to be attributed only to its power to compel 
 obedience. The patriots, who saw the value, and endeavoured 
 to obtain the possession of, civil hberty by a free constitution, bore 
 a very small numerical proportion to the whole Spanish popu- 
 lation, and as in every country the multitude are to be awed 
 by power or swayed by interest, the few enlightened men who 
 laboured to obtain an ameliorated government, soon found 
 themselves without support. On the arrival of Ferdinand's 
 proclamation at Madrid, the Spanish people instantly embraced 
 their chains in his unrestricted government ; the Cortes expired 
 without the least resistance ; a number of arrests took place ; 
 and the favoured city was honoured with the Royal grant of a 
 new title, by which it was denominated the Heroic^ besides its 
 former distinctions of loyal and imperial. 
 
 His Catholic majesty now formally returned to his govern- 
 
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 53S 
 
 merit, and on May 14th entered iNladrid, amid, as stated, shouts 
 of " Long live Ferdinand !" " Perish the constitution !" Ex* 
 pressions, which if they could be supposed to convey the sense 
 of the nation, would leave the world nothing to regret in their 
 subjugation. But those who are accustomed to observe the 
 manner in which governments are sometimes established and 
 overthrown, cannot do the Spanish people so much injustice, 
 notwithstanding all their unsteadiness, as to suppose, that the 
 voice of the Madrid mob was their voice ; indeed the contrary 
 was pretty soon evident, and expressions of discontent became 
 so extensive as to shew, that nothing short of the old despotic 
 system would be equal to the task of curbing the liberal spirit 
 which had gone abroad. Arrests were consequently daily taking 
 place. The church, whose ceremonies are so strongly inter- 
 woven with Spanish habits, was restored, together with its usual 
 appendages of religious orders* and ecclesiastical property, and 
 the greatest attention paid to the dignity of the clergy, whose 
 unnatural preponderance had formerly supported the throne, 
 and kept the people in poverty and ignorance ; and, after a 
 short period to crown the whole, the Inquisition, that horrible 
 engine of intrigue and cruelty, was again set up by a Royal 
 decree, of which the following is a copy : 
 
 " The glorious title of Catholic, which distinguishes 
 us from among all other Christian princes, is owing to the 
 perseverance of the kings of Spain, who would never tolerate 
 in their states any other religion than the Catholic, Apostolic, 
 and Roman. This title imposes upon me the duty, to render 
 
 * No one of the various religions observances of Spain appears more ludi- 
 crous than the procession of the Host, to the houses of the sick and dying. 
 A priest is seated in a sedan chair, with a cup Tcontaininir, wliat according to 
 Romish doctrine, is called, the real body of Christ) he is atttnded by a party of 
 soldiers, and a bellman. The bellman, as they pass along, gives three strokes, 
 in allusion to the three persons in the Trinity,^nd then ceases. At this well- 
 known sound, whatever be the state of the weather, or the condition of the 
 street, every one drops on hi-' knees, and continnes in this devout posture, 
 till the object of adoration is out of sight. If this procession should pass a 
 theatre or a ball-room, the actors on the stage, and the dancers at the assem- 
 bly, alike drop on their knees till the sound is lost, when they resume their 
 thoughtless dissipatioD. Vide Jacob's Spain, 91. 
 
 M m 3 
 
Sd4i HISTOEY OF THE INaUISITION. 
 
 myself worthy of it by all the means which Heaven has placed 
 within my power. The late troubles, and the war which has 
 desolated during six years, every province in the kingdom ; the 
 long abode which has been made in Spain by troops of different 
 sects, almost all of whom were infected with sentiments of ha- 
 tred towards our religion; the disorder which has been the 
 infalhble result of this, and the inattention with which the 
 affairs of our holy religion have been treated during this un- 
 fortunate period; all these circumstances united, have laid the 
 field open to wicked persons, who have never experienced any 
 check; dangerous opinions have been introduced, and have 
 taken root in our states, by the same means as they are spread 
 in other countries. 
 
 '' Wishing, then, to remedy so grievous an evil, and to pre- 
 serve among my subjects the holy religion of Jesus Christ, 
 which they have always revered, and in which they have lived, 
 and always wish to live, either on account of the personal obli- 
 gation of having no other imposed on the princes who reign 
 over them by the fundamental laws, which I have promised 
 and sworn to observe, or because this religion is the most cer- 
 tain means of sparing my people from intestine dissentions, and 
 insuring to them that tranquillity of which they stand in need, 
 I have judged it necessary, under the present circumstances, 
 that the Tribunal of the Holy Office should resume its juris- 
 diction. 
 
 " Upon this subject, learned and virtuous prelates, many 
 respectable corporations and grave personages, ecclesiastics and 
 seculars, have represented to me, that Spain is indebted to this 
 tribunal for the good fortune of not having fallen, in the 16th 
 century, into errors which have caused so many misfortunes 
 among other nations ; and that on the contrary, at that period, 
 the sciences were here cultivated with distinction, and Spain 
 produced a multitude of great men, distinguished by their 
 knowledge and their piety. It has further been represented 
 to me, that the oppressor of Europe has not neglected to em- 
 ploy, as an efficacious method of introducing the corruption 
 and discord which supported so well his projects, the suppres- 
 sion of this tribunal, under the vain pretext, that it could exist 
 
HISTOHY OF THE TNaUISITION. 535 
 
 no longer, in consequence of the enlightened state of the pre- 
 sent age ; and that the pretended Cortes, general and extraor- ' 
 dinary, under the same pretext, and under the favour of the 
 constitution, which they turn ultuou sly decreed, aboHshed also 
 the holy office, to the regret of the whole nation. 
 
 " For these causes I have been earnestly supplicated to re- 
 establish it in the exercise of its functions ; apd yielding to 
 considerations so just, and to the wish manifested by my peo- 
 ple, whose zeal for the religion of our ancestors has anticipated 
 my orders, by hastening to recal spontaneously the subaltern 
 inquisitors of some provinces/' 
 
 " I have, therefore, resolved, that for the moment the su- 
 preme council of the Inquisition, and the other tribunals of the 
 holy office, shall resume their authorities conformable to the 
 concessions which have been made to them by the sovereign 
 pontiffs, at the instance of my august predecessors, and by the 
 prelates of the diocese, and by the kings who have assured to 
 them the full exercise thereof, observing in this double juris- 
 diction, ecclesiastical and civil, the ordonnances which were in 
 force in 1808, and the laws which have, on different occasions, 
 been made for obviating certain abuses. But, as independent 
 of these ancient laws, it may be proper to add new ones on this 
 subject, and my intention being to perfect that establishment 
 in such manner as to render it eminently useful to my subjects, 
 it is my desire that, as soon as the said supreme council of the 
 Inquisition shall be assembled, two of the members who com- 
 pose it, joined to two of the members of the council of Castile, 
 both appointed by me, shall examine the forms and mode of 
 proceeding of the holy office, in its processes, and with respect 
 to the censure and prohibition of books ; and if they find that 
 the interests of my subjects, or the claims of sound justice, re- 
 quire any reform or change, tliey will make a report to me, sup- 
 ported by their observations, in order that I may take the ne- 
 cessary resolutions. 
 " Madrid, July 21, 1814. " I, THE KING." 
 
 Thus was the death blow given to the fond hopes of pa- 
 triotism, and thus did the pious Ferdinand, under cover of the 
 
 M m 4 
 
536 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 churcli, and in accordance with his glorious Catholic title, seize 
 the sceptre of that arbitrary power, which disdains to give its 
 VASSALS any reasons for its conduct, beyond the simple fiat of 
 despotic sovereignty. 
 
 It cannot be imagined, from the tenor of this decree, that 
 national gratitude is to be placed among the first of Spanish 
 virtues, or that the heroic conduct of a foreign army, who 
 magnanimously lent its aid, and shed its blood, for the defence 
 of Spain, in opposition to the common foe, can be much re- 
 garded. Catholic piety, on the contrary, requires, that this 
 army, whose high achievements in the cause of the oppressed 
 must live in history, should be alluded to as composed of per- 
 sons inimical to the faith, or in plainer terms, as heretics ; a 
 title which, it is almost unnecessary to say, dissolves all bonds, 
 and cancels all obligations. 
 
 Such is the temper of this great decree on one point, on 
 another, which attributes the revival of the Inquisition in Spain 
 to the wishes of the people, differences of opinion must arise ; 
 nor is it credible in British ears, that any people, not even the 
 CathoHc Spanish nation, could deliberately desire the re-estabUsh- 
 ment of this tremendous scourge, holding, as it does, the peace, 
 the hves, and the property of men, at the disposal of its sovereign 
 mercy. 
 
 If this Royal decree had imputed the return of the inquisi- 
 tion to the desire of the Spanish clergy, as well as the wishes 
 of the King, it could not have been disbelieved, because 
 both the one and the other had gone down in the esti- 
 mation of enlightened men, and consequently stood in need of 
 other support than that which is derivable from personal consi- 
 derations ; but when the cause is attributed to the people, a 
 dififerent conclusion is unavoidable in the reflecting mind. 
 
 In order to render the re-establishment of this tribunal to 
 lerable to modern times, numerous reports were circulated re- 
 specting its intended moderation ; and it was asserted that his 
 Catholic Majesty had even applied to the pope for the abolition 
 of the code entitled, Directorium Inquisitor um, as well as for 
 some other regulations, and the discontinuance of the torture ; as 
 much of which may be beheved, as is consistent with the usual 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 537 
 
 arts of encroachment, and especially of ecclesiastical encroach- 
 ment : a disposition which needs no other proo:^ of its existence 
 than the general edict, published April 5, 1815, 'd.^ given in the 
 note below." But by late intelligence it is clean that the tor- 
 
 » Edict of tlie most excellent lord inquisitor general, transmitted to 
 the rtspeotive districts of all the Spanish doniinio'is, in Europe and 
 America. 
 
 " We, D. Francisco Xavier Mier y Campillo, by the grace of God and of 
 the holy apostolic see, bishop of /Xlmeria, kniglit of the great cross of the 
 royal and distinguished Spanish order of CharU'> III. member of H. M. coun- 
 cil, and inquisitor general of his kingdoms and lordships. 
 
 " To all the faithful inhabitants of these kingdoms, health in our Lord 
 Jesus Christ. We are all astonished at and deplore with the greatest reason 
 the horrid ravages caused on our soil by the barbarity and fierceness of our 
 enemies, which will be transmitted to distant generations in the multitude of 
 ruins, which strike the eye, from one extreme of the kingdom to the other j 
 but however great tliese evils may be, ?s well as the desolation to which 
 ^bole towns have been reduced, together with numberless families of all con- 
 ditions and classes, we have still to deplore another evil incomparably 
 greater, with which Divine Providence has punished our sins ; for the 
 poverty, misery, widowhood, orphanage, as well as other kinds of imhappi- 
 ness, justly excite pain and regret, they cannot, in any way be compared 
 with that we ought to feel at the loss of our holy faith, and of the ineffable 
 consolations with which, in midst of the greatest afflictions and calamities, 
 the religion of Jesus Christ upholds and comforts us. We will not say that 
 this has abandoned the sad and atflicted Spain, nor that its holy law and the 
 observance of its precepts have disappeared from among us, thanks to the 
 infinite mercies of the I-ord who has punished us as a father, he always pre- 
 served in his inheritance zealous workmen and faithful servants, who watch- 
 ed and laboured for the glory of his holy name and for the honour of his 
 true spouse, the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman church; but we all behold 
 with horror the rapid progress of incredulity and the dreadful corruption of 
 manners which have contaminated the Spanish soil, and of which the piety 
 and religious zeal of our forefathers would be ashamed, seeing that the same 
 errors and new and dangerous doctrines which have miserably destroyed the 
 greatest part of Europe, infest their beloved country, and that the youth 
 drink, like water, this [)estiferous venom, for the very reason that it flatters 
 their passions and senses. 
 
 " The compassionate heart of our sovereign was moved, at his return from 
 captivity, on beholding this our sad situation, and with a holy zeal he excited 
 that of all ecclesiastical and secular authorities, in order to extirpate so great 
 a scandal, and, in imitati«n of him, all the good deplore, that many of their 
 children have given ear, as heathen Rome once did, to the errors of all 
 nations. 
 : *' Under circumstances unfortunately too notorious, it is not strange, that 
 
438 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 ture has been administered ; it may be said, in a matter of state, 
 (though when church and state make common cause, it. may be 
 difficult to discover or preserve distinction) but if so, it cannot 
 
 all the lovers of religion, should turn their eyes to the holy tribunal of the 
 faith, and hope, from its zeal for the purity of doctrine and manners, that it 
 ■will remedy, by the disclia; ge of its sacred ministry, so many evils, through 
 the ways and means granted to it by the apostolic and royal authority Avith 
 which it is invested. Nothing more urgent to the truth nor more conforma- 
 ble to our institution, for in vain should we be sentinels of the house of tlie 
 Lord, if we were to remain asleep in midst of the common danger to religion 
 and our country. God will not permit us thus basely to abandon his cause, 
 nor to correspond so ill to the exalted piety with which the king our lord, has 
 re-established us in the weighty functions of our ministry, in which we have 
 sworn to be superior to all human respect, whether it be necessary to watch, 
 persuade and correct, or whether to separate, cut or tear down the rotten 
 members, in order that they may not infect the sound ones. 
 
 " But, in order to proceed in so delicate as well as important and neces- 
 sary an operation, we will not imitate the ardent geal of the Apostles when 
 they asked of Jesus Christ to cause fire to rain down from heaven to destioy 
 Samaria, but rather the meekness of their master aud guide, of which cer- 
 tainly those are ignorant who wish us to commence our functions with fire 
 and sword, by anathematizing and dividing, as the only remedy to save the 
 sacred depiisit of the faith, and choak up the bad seed so abundantly scatter- 
 ed on our soil, as well by the immoral band of Jews and sectaries who Iiave 
 profaned it, as the unfortunate liberty of writing, copying and publishing 
 their errors, our resolution has been very different, since we have meditated 
 and carefully deliberated the matter with the ministers of the council of H. M. 
 and of the supreme and general Inquisition, all having unanimously agreed, 
 that now as well as ever, moderation, sweetness and charity ought to shine 
 forth as forming the character of the holy office, and that before using the 
 power of the sword granted to us against the contumacious and rebellious, 
 ■we ought to attract them with sweetness by presenting to them the olive 
 branch, the symbol of our pacific wishes, towards those who go so far as to 
 abhor peace. To this we have been moved, not only by the practice of the 
 church which has frequently been indulgent and mitigated the rigour of the 
 pen.iUies, when tlie guilty were numerous, but also by a knowledge of the 
 circumstances under which seduction and deceit have fatally triumphed over 
 the simplicity, and above all, the confidence by which we were actuated; 
 yet if the hearts of many Spaniards were capable of being surprised in 
 moments of darkness and general overthrow of ideas, they will not have been 
 hardened or rendered insensible to the calls of religion, nor can they have for- 
 gotten their foimer principles. 
 
 *' Wherefore, far from adopting for the present, measures of severity and 
 rigour against the guilty, we have determined to grant them, as we hereby do 
 grant, a term of grace, which shall, be from the date of the publication of this 
 
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 539 
 
 be, that what is thought serviceable to the one, will be denied 
 the other ; and the secresy of the inquisition is known to be 
 impregnable. 
 
 In contemplating such events as these the reflecting mind 
 cannot but feel regret. Is the state in which the world 
 now exists all that is to result from the horrors it has so long en- 
 dured ? Have the great events which astonished mankind, and 
 which have destroyed so many millions, left no impressions on 
 the minds of survivors ? Let tHe restoration of Popery in all 
 its blasphemies, and the return of despotism, in all its narrow 
 and destructive views, answer. But at the same time, let it 
 be remembered, and let the thought bear up the innocent suf- 
 ferer, that a wise providence can, and sometimes does (as in late 
 overthrows) ordain, infatuated perseverance in crime to be the 
 means of bringing about its own destruction. 
 
 With regard to Spain, any efforts it may use for propagating 
 Romish doctrine cannot excite surprise. Her king is the Pope's 
 dear son, and as the parent has lifted up his head with the 
 most unexpected boldness,^ a measure of that confidence must 
 be looked for among all his children. 
 
 our edict, till the last day inclusive of this year, in order that all persons of 
 both sexes, who unfortunately may have fallen into the crime of heresy, or 
 feel themselves guilty of any error against which our mother the church be<- 
 lieves and teaches, or of any hidden crime whose cognizance belongs to the 
 holy office, may recur to the latter and discharge their consciences and ab- 
 jure their errors, under the security and assurance of the most inviolable 
 secrecy j and on the same being done within the time prefixed, accompanied 
 by a sincere entire, and true manifestation of all they may know and remem- 
 ber against themselves as well as against others, they shall be charitably 
 received, absolved, and incorporated into the bosom of our holy mother the 
 church, without their thereby having to apprehend the infliction of the pu- 
 nishments ordained, nor the injury of their honour, character and reputation, 
 and still less the privation of the whole, or any part of their property, »ince 
 for those cases in which they ought to lose it, and the same ought to be ap- 
 plied to the exchequer and treasury of H. M. in conformity to the laws of 
 these kingdoms, H. M. using his natural clemency and preferring the spiri- 
 tual felicity of his vassals, to the interests of his royal exchequer, exempts 
 them for the present from this penalty, aud grants them grace and pardon 
 whereby they may retain and preserve the said property, on condition that 
 they appear within the time prefixed, accompanied with the necessary dispo- 
 sition for a true reconciliation," 6ic. Sec. &c. — Madrid, April 6, 1815. 
 
 * It is curious to obse&ve the lengths to which politeness and modern ge- 
 
540 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Since his restoration, the Pope has shewn, that the temper 
 of the Roman code is in no degree ameliorated, he has issued 
 decrees for the revival of the Catholic worship and ceremonies 
 in all their ancient splendour ; for restoring the rehgious orders 
 of monks, nuns, &c.'» with their domains, for re-establishing 
 
 nerosity can be extended, in the reriprocities of kindness and compliments 
 passing between the Pope and the various governments, but more particu- 
 larly the British; when at the same time, it is an incontrovertible fact, that 
 the spirit of the Romish faith would go to the entire destruction of the British 
 population, with one trifling exception. 
 
 b It is scarcely possible for an enlightened observer to witness the celebra- 
 tion of public worship in the Romish church, without feeling the impression 
 that it is an act in which the senses of those who are occupipd have princi- 
 pally to do. Such an amalgamation of Jewish, Heathen, and Christian rites, 
 seems scarcely to stand in need of the prohibitory word Mystery^ in order to 
 prevent any approach of the profane understanding. The man who should 
 report the existence of such a system, in the benighted parts of the eastern 
 world, might with difficulty obtain credit, but that it should obtain regard in 
 tfie midst of nations, where the scriptures are known, requires the evideme of 
 ocular demonstration. Reflection however teaches, that it could never 
 have been possible for the pope and clergy to have swayed (which in past 
 times they have done) the sceptre of universal empire, unless means had been 
 devised of beclouding the understanding, or repressing every action of the 
 exploring mind on the subject of religious doctrine; accordingly the church 
 of Rome uniformly destroys, in all ages wherever she has power, those whom 
 she cannot deceive, for this plain reason, that it is impossible for light and 
 darkness to harmonize, or that the prevalence of the one should not neces- 
 sarily annul the existence of the other. When, therefore, the mighty argu- 
 ments of fire and sword are taken into the account, it is no wonder that they 
 should have prevailed in the cause of the pope, as well as in that of Maho- 
 met, and that he should have left behind him in almost every land trophies of 
 victory in abbeys and monaslries, though often happily in ruins. These fa- 
 vourite institutions (than which nothing could be more inimical to the in- 
 terests of society) were ever fostered with peculiar care. The monks have 
 at all times been a sort of pioneers in the army of the faithful, insinuating 
 themselves among the multitude, under the garb of a beguiling sanctity 
 founded on indolence and imbecility. Monks and nuns must certainly be 
 regarded with veneration, if the perfection of human beings consists in near- 
 ness of approach to the attributes of a stock or stone. But if the dignity of 
 man has reference to the degree in which he becomes useful, then monks and 
 nuns can only be considered as a tax upon the indus^ious, and as utter drones 
 in the hive of society. The papists have been ever desirous of giving to the 
 act, whereby an individual is devoted to this living death, all the splendour 
 •which can attract the eye or seize the imagination. When a young girl is 
 induced, either by some temporary chagrin, or the unnatural injunctions of 
 an avaricious parent, to abandon all the duties of life by taking the habit of 
 
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 541 
 
 the order of Jesuits ! and for suppressing the society of Free- 
 masons, under all the penalties of process and confiscation which 
 have disgraced the darkest times. 
 
 That such perversions should walk abroad again, and that 
 in the day light of the nineteenth centuiy, can only be ascribed 
 to the countenance afforded by Princes to Papal pretensions. 
 Why, it may be asked, did not the congress which assembled 
 for settling the peace of the world, and establishing tlie hap- 
 piness of nations, enter into the question of the interference of 
 ecclesiastical power with civil rights? Why did it not demand 
 that Spain should relinquish the Inquisition and the slave trade, 
 those foul and continued stains ? Why did it not hind the 
 Romish bishop to propagate his doctrines by no other means 
 than those of other communions, reason and argument, and 
 take from him the poicer of shedding human blood ? Were the 
 illustrious personages there present, so intent on the partition of 
 
 a nun, the following ceremony is observed: Enriched by all the tinsel splen- 
 dour of priestly vestments, aided by the costly furniture of the papal sanc- 
 tuary, paintings, and festoons, and glittering tapers, mass is performed, after 
 which the grating of the chapel, which had separated the nuns, is thrown 
 open, disclosing the holy sisters arrayed in black, the girl who is about to 
 take the habit alone being arrayed in white. She kneels before a table on 
 which is placed a cross. A priest now addresses her from without, forcibly 
 pointing out the duties and happiness of the state on which she is about to 
 enter, with the incalculable advantages of seclusion from a guilty world. 
 After which the nuns, each of whom hold a burning taper, embrace their in- 
 tended sister, and place a garland of flowers on her head, which concludei 
 the ceremony. The girl who is now called ■professed is allowed two years 
 probation, after which she is to take the veil oi quit the society. If she de- 
 cides on the former, the dress and veil, together with the ring with which she 
 is to be married to Christ, are displayed upon the altar to which she is led by 
 her nearest relatives, amidst all that art can devise of external humility and 
 devotion. The piiest consecrates the habit, sprinkling it with what is called 
 holy water, which she herself puts on, then the veil, and afterward the ring, 
 all of which is considered as an eternal vow of chastity and seclusion. Th« 
 crown of virginity is then placed upon her head, by her fellow devotees, 
 whose voices, blended with the solemn notes of the organ, give a full effect 
 to the concluding ceremony, which conducts the infatuated female to her 
 lonely cell. 
 
 That a system so directly opposed to the intentions of the Creator, as well 
 as to the dictates of scripture and of reason, should produce evil cannot be a 
 matter of surprise, and the instances of impropriety within such walls are at 
 notorious as they are degradatory. 
 
542 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 
 
 territory, as to overlook the welfare of the governed ? or did 
 the fascinating influence of generous feelings deprecate inter- 
 ference,* and confound and dissipate, as trivial, these momentous 
 things ? — To questions such as these posterity will assuredly 
 look for answers. 
 
 But, finally, (for these pages have already been extended far 
 beyond their designed limits,) great as the evils are which have 
 been contemplated, they will have an end. The time is hastening 
 on, and may not be distant, it is certain, because predicted, when 
 bigotry, intolerance, and their attendant cruelty, will cease; when 
 the relations of the present volume will be only looked back 
 upon as shadows in the view of brighter days ; and when the 
 questions of civil and religious government will, by being pre- 
 served apart, have each their genuine influence. To hasten 
 which happy period, the Christian knows of but two methods, 
 the fearless yet afiectionate avowal of scriptural truth, in de- 
 pendance on its divine Author, and patient suffering, when- 
 ever needful, on its account. 
 
 a The question of interference may be seen very ably discussed in Mr. 
 Brougham's eloquent appeal on behalf of the Spanish Patriots. Parliamen- 
 tary Debates, Feb. 15, 1816. 
 
 The concluding words of that gentleman's energetic address are so truly 
 British, that they deserve to be recorded. After pointing out the way in 
 which remonstrances with Ferdiuand might be used by the government, and 
 reference made to the philanthropic exertions of England in former times, on 
 behalf of the injured, he said, " We may perhaps succeed by these means in 
 impressing upon him (Ferdinand) a truth, which I would not convey to him 
 in his own language, but in the language of a Spanish minister, who addressed 
 himself to one of his ancestors, * Your Majesty,' said he, ' has but two ene- 
 mies, one is the whole world, the other your own ministers.' At any rate 
 there is one view of the matter which it is impossible to overlook. He will 
 at least be reminded, that there is yet in the world a corner, where truth 
 may be fearlessly spoken — where the crimes of princes may be arraigned — 
 where the oppressed may be vindicated — and where the oppressor may be 
 called to account j that place is the Commons House of Parliament.'' — Hear! 
 hear! hear! 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Printed by Plummer and Brewis, Love Lane, Little Eastcheap. 
 
rOTTJMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 date 
 
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