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This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: DEMOSTHENES TITLE: DEMOSTHENES. THE ORATION ON THE CROWN PLACE: CAMBRIDGE DA TE : 1851 COLUMBIA UNIVEI^ITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGFT Master Negative # Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 88DH JI r,^ ^, °® corona Eng. Korrla Demosthenes. Denosthenes. The oration on the crowr tr into English by the Rev. J. p. jjorrio Cambridge, Macnillan, 1851, iQ-h en. 122 p, Restrictions on Use: teciTn I cXl~microform data" FILM SIZE: ^^l5j±lilW^_ REDUCTION RATIO: ) IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA QlANIB IIB DATE FILMED: _i±^TX%_ INITIALS__6_/b? HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUfelCATIONS. INC WOODORIDGE. CT Mir Association for Information and image iManagement 1 1 00 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1 1 00 Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 1 2 3 uu 4 llllillllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll I I Inches TTT T 5 L 6 7 8 9 10 11 lllllllllllllllllllllllllllliullllllllllll I TTT 1.0 I.I 1.25 TTT Wf 12 13 14 iiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiiiii Uk 2.8 2.5 Im 1^ ||3.2 r IIP- 2.2 S lia 2.0 I& Bibu 1.8 1.4 1.6 T I I I I I I 5 15 mm 11 MflNUFfiCTURED TO fillM STfiNDRRDS BY PPPLIED IMAGE. INC. -.' .!^-"t. ' . 8BI1N JI CCoUviuTiia Huiucvsitij ill trie CitB of 2Xntr ^Jorlv ^xhXKXV^ 11 DEMOSTHENES. THE ORATION ON THE CROWN. TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH . ^1 r'' BY THE EEV, J; P. NOREIS, M.A., FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, AND ONE OF HER MAJESTY's INSPECTORS OF SCHOOLS. €amibtitiae: MACMILLAN AND CO; llontkin: GEORGE BELL. M.DCCC.LI. ^ 'c5 PREFACE. i7c CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY METCALFE AND PALMEE. [r I MADE this Translation some years ago, while reading for my Fellowship Examination, and left it in the hands of the Publishers. I regret very much that I have been unable either to revise it or to con- duct it through the Press. For this some apology is due 'to the Publishers, together with my thanks for the care with which it has been printed, and for the insertion of the Decrees^ which were omitted in my MS. J. P. N. JPrmj Council Office^ May 15, 1851. DEMOSTHENES ON THE CROWN. Just Published. DEMOSTHENES DE COEOXA. The Greek Text with EngHsh Explanatory Notes. By B. DRAKE, M.A., FeUow of King's CoUege, Cambridge. Crown 8vo. cloth, price 5s. First, men of Athens, I make my prayer to all the powers of heaven, that the good will which I never cease to bear to the state, and to all of you who hear me, may now be returned to me in full mea- sure by you on the occasion of this trial Next — and this concerns most nearly yourselves, your oath, and your character— I beseech the gods to put it into your hearts not to take my adversary as your counsellor on the question how you ought to hear me— for that were indeed unfair— but rather the laws and the words of your oath wherein, besides all the other just require- ments, it is further prescribed that you should hear both sides impartially. And this implies not merely that there be no prejudgment of the cause, nor only that there be rendered to each an equal portion of favour ; but also that whatever method or kind of de- fence each party may of his own accord have chosen, this he be permitted to adopt. Now among the many disadvantages I labour under in this trial as compared with ^schines, there are two, men of Athens, of a serious nature: one is that our stakes are not the same ; it is not the same thing for me now to forfeit your good favour, and for him to 7944^2 DEMOSTHENES [chap. fail in his indictment. No ! in my case— but I am mnvilling to say anything untoward at the outset of my speech :— whereas ^schines in accusing me risks only what he can afford to lose. My second disad- vantage consists in a disposition, naturally inherent in all men, to listen to calumniators and accusers with pleasure, but to those who speak their own praises, with disgust. Of the two, then, the more pleasing task is his, and that which is almost always offensive remains to me. And \i\ in my anxiety to avoid this, I omit mention of my own acts, men will think that I am unable to explain away the charges brought against me, or to shew the grounds whereon I rest my claim to this honour. But if on the other hand I enter upon my deeds and public conduct, I shall frequently be compelled to speak about myself. I shall endeavour then to do so with as much discretion as I can: and wherever the nature of the case makes it necessary, ' the blame ought rightly to rest with hhn who instituted a trial of tliis kind. - ^.>Now I am sure this honourable court will allow that ' nal concerns me as much as Ctesiphon, and de- no less anxious attention on my part. For to '^ of one's all must ever be painful and hard especially when one's enemy is the cause ; and worst of all is it thus to lose your favour and good will, just as to gain thesp^s the greatest of blessings. This then being my stakp in the present contest, I do most earnestly entreat ea'ch and all o^ you to give me a fair hearing in answer^o these accusations,^as .the i I n 3-9.] ON THE CROWN. laws require :— those laws which Solon, their original author, out of the regard he bare to you and your free institutions, thought good to sanction, not only by en- rolling them among our statutes, but by obligbg you who sit in this court to swear to observe them : not, I think, because he misti-usted you, but because he' clearly saw that the charges and calumnies, in which from the advantage of speaking first the plaintiff's strength lies, must create a prejudice that the defendant could never overcome, unless each of you his judges, conscientiously adhering to your oath, do both receive m no unfriendly spirit the just pleas of the last speaker and listening to both fairly and impartially, so come to your decision on the collective merits of the case. For myself, as I must to-day render an account of almost my whole private life as well as public conduct, I wish once again to call upon the gods, and here before you all I pray, first that the good will I have ^ver borne and do still bear to my country and to all of you, may now be returned to me in full measure at your hands on the occasion of this trial : and that whatever decision may most accord with the of our state and the conscience of each, this they -v-.f vouchsafe that all of you should now arrive at subject of this indictment. Now if ^schines had confined his accusations to the counts of his indictment, I too would have proceeded at once to defend myself in the matter of the bill in question. But sinie he has spent no less time on all those other topics, and has in most accused me most B2 / 'li. t 4 DEMOSTHENES [CHAP. falsely^ I hold it necessary and at the same time just, men of Athens, first to say a few words on those other topics, lest any of you, led away by his extraneous arguments, should listen with somewhat estranged feel- ings to what I may justly urge touching this indictment. Touchmg all the personal abuse with which he has so calumniously aspersed me, obsei-ve how straight- forward and fair is my answer; If indeed you know me to be such as he has accused me of being— and I have never lived anywhere but here among you — then hold not your peace, however perfect may have been my public conduct, but rise up and condemn me on the spot. But if you have thought otherwise, if you judge me to be a far better man than ^schines, and of a better stock, if in short, to say nothing in- vidious, you hold me and mine to be in no way below the average standard of good men, then let him forfeit your credence in the rest of his assertions also— for they are all clearly fabricated in the like spirit: but for myself, let the same kind favour that you have all along shewn me on many former occasions when I have come before you be extended to me now also in this tii'l. Evil-minded man though you be, ^schines, in this you have shewn yourself wonderfully simple-minded, to suppose that I should abandon topics connected with my conduct and administration, and turn to the abuse that you have thrown upon me. No : this I assuredly shall not do ; I am not so infatuated ; I shall examme at once your lying and calumnious criminations about my public conduct; and afterwards, with the good 9-13.] ON THE CROWN. 5 leave of the court, I shall proceed to comment upon all this unbridled scurrility. Now many and grievous as are the crimes laid to my charge — some of them entailing the extreme pe- nalties of the law — yet these are not what ^schines has in view in this present trial; his object is rather to accumulate Upon me all the spite, insolence, abuse, and contumely of a personal enemy ; while the specific charges stated in the indictment accuse me of crimes which, if proved, could not possibly be punished by the state with anything at all approaching the severity they would deserve. This mode of proceeding is most dishonourable, for he has no business to seek to de- prive me of my right of coming into court and ob- taining a hearing, and this in a spirit of mere spite and envy: — By heaven, 'tis not right, nor consti- tutional, nor just, men of Athens! but he ought to have prosecuted whatever misdemeanours he saw me committing against my country, especially if tliey were of such heinous a kind as he was just now detailing to you so dramatically, — having recourse there and then, when the offence was fresh, to such penal processes as the laws sanction: if he saw me doing things meriting impeachment, impeaching me and so placing me at your bar; if proposmg uncon- stitutional measures, indicting me for the same. For of course he cannot say, "I am accusing Ctesiphon only for the sake of aiming a blow at Demosthenes: if I had thought that I should be likely to convict Demosthenes, I would not have indicted Ctesiphon." 6 DEMOSTHENES [chap. And further suppose he saw me committing any of those other offences that he was just now charging me with so circumstantially, or any other offence what- ever; there are laws about all, and prosecutions, and trials, and judgments with severity enough in their penalties, — all these he might have brought to bear upon me. And men when they saw him doing so, and employing in this way whatever made against me, would have allowed that his accusation was consistent with his conduct. But as it is, departing from the straightforward fair course, and avoiding any criminations following immediately upon the facts, he now, after this great lapse of time, brings forward on to the stage all this collection of charges, scoffs, and abuse; and then proceeds to accuse me while he puts Ctesiphon on his trial; and in the whole trial puts his personal enmity to me in the most prominent place, while, without ever having confronted me on that account, he openly attempts to take away the civil rights of the other. And yet, in addition, men of Athens, to all the other just pleas which one might allege in behalf of Ctesiphon, this seems to me at least one that might fairly be urged, that since the enmity was between us two only, we ought to make this enquiry into it between ourselves only, instead of omitting to fight it out one with the other, and seeking out some third person whom we might injure. For that is the very height of injustice. As to all the other accusations, one might judge by these how unjustly and how falsely they are 14-19.] ON THE CROWN. 7 represented: but I wish to go into them one by one also, and chiefly his lying charges about the peace and the Embassy, attributing to me what he himself did with Philocrates. It is necessar}^, men of Athens, and perhaps proper, to remind you how matters stood at those periods, in order that you may view each according to the circumstances of the time being. For upon the commencement of the Phocian war — a war, obsei-ve, that I was in no sort responsible for, not having at that period entered upon public life— in the first place circumstances were such as to dispose you to wish for the success of the Phocians, although you clearly saw that they were in the wrong; but for the Thebans, that any amount of calamity might fall upon them, having most natural and justifiable grounds for being angry with them, in consequence of the way in which they had abused their success at Leuctra. In the next place, the whole of Peloponnesus was torn asunder ; the party hostile to Lacedaemon not having strength to destroy her, and the oligarchies which had formerly been in the ascendant through her aid having now lost their hold upon the several states : in fact, both Lacedaemon and the rest of the Grecian states were in state of complicated strife and confusion. Philip seeing all this— and it was by no means difii^ cult to discern— by taking the traitors in each city into his pay, began to set the several states of Greece one against another, and thus throw them into disorder ; and then, whilst the rest of Greece was blundering and full of evil thoughts against one another, he took care himself 8 DEMOSTHENES [chap. 39-^23.] ON THE CROWN. 9 to be making preparations and gathering together his strength against them all. But when, wearied out by the length of the war, the once formidable now humbled Thebans were likely, as all men plainly saw, to throw themselves for support upon you, Philip, to obviate this and prevent the coalition, made proposals of peace to you and of aid to them* What then were those concurring circumstances that enabled him to draw you into his meshes almost with your own free consent? It was the baseness or the ignorance, or both together— for I know not what name to give it — of the rest of the Greeks, who during that long uninterrupted war in which you were engaged — and that in behalf of the common interests of all, as the facts indeed have proved — lent you neither money nor men, nor in short any kind of assistance whatever. Feeling therefore a just and proper anger against them you readily complied with Philip's terms. These, then, wereTEe causes of that peace being then granted, and not my instrumentality, as ^schines calumniously tried to prove. And it will appear upon impartial inquiry that it was the criminality and corruption of ^schines' party during this peace, which brought about the present state of our affairs. I am led to enter into these details at some length by a regard for truth. For how.fever great the crimmality involved in them be thought, it clearly can in no way concern me : the man who first proposed and spoke about the peace was Aristodemus the actor; and he who se- conded and drew up the resolution, and entered 1 into Philip's pay along with him for the accom- plishment of their end, was Philocrates, your ac- complice, not mine, ^schines, though you lie till you burst in denial of it. And those who argued on the same side for motives best known to them- selves — for I do not inquire into these at present — were Eubulus and Cephisophon, while I was not in the least conceivable way concerned in it. But in spite of all this, in spite of these facts which 1 present to you in their naked truth, to such a pitch of shamelessness did he come, that he dared to say that I indeed, besides having been the author of the peace, went further and prevented otir state from allow- ing the common council of the Greeks to have any share in it. Then again, O you — -what can one call you to give you your right name!— can you point to an instance when you, being present and seeing me defrauding the state of such an opportunity and such an alliance as you just now enlarged upon, raised an indignant voice, or came forward and gave information in detail of the conduct you now charge me with? And yet if I had sold to Philip my influence to prevent the confederation of the Greeks, it was open to you not to keep silence, but to raise your voice, to protest, to make it known to the people. You diS not then do this at any time, nor did any one hear from you a syllable to this effect. And with good reason — for neither was an embassy sent at the time to any Greek people, but all had long ago been tried and found 10 DEMOSTHENES [chap. 24-28.] ON THE CROWN. 11 wanting ; nor has he uttered one word of truth about the whole business. But besides this, in the lies he tells he most foully calumniates his countr}^ For if you had at one and the same time been exhorting the Greeks to war, and yourselves sending embassies to Philip to treat of peace, you would have been doing the deed of a Eurybatus, not the act of a state nor 'of honest men. But it is not so, it is not. For with what object should you have sent for them at this time? For peace? But they had it already. For war then? But you were yourselves deliberating on peace. So then I am plainly not the author of the peace originally, nor responsible for it: nor of the other lies which he has told against me is a word shewn to be true. ^ Accordingly, after our state had made for itself the peace, observe again, I pray you, what line of conduct we severally adopted. For thence you will come to know who it was that in all things cooperated with Philip, and who it was that was engaged actively in your cause and was seeking the interests of our state. I proposed in my place in the council — "that the Ambassadors do sail away forthwith to such places as they shall hear Philip to be in, and make him swear to the conditions of the peace." But these men, even after my bill had been passed, refused to do so. And what what was the meaning of their refusal? I will tell you. It was for Philip's interest that as long a time as possible should elapse before the oaths were taken, and for your interest that it should be as short ■11 as possible. And for this reason : you, not only from that day on which you swore to the peace, but from the very first day that you entertained hopes of its future accomplishment, undid all your preparations for the war: while on Philip's side, this was just what he had been all the while most anxiously scheming, calculating most truly, that whatever places he could forestal us in seizing before he took the oaths would be secured to him; for no man, he thought, would think it worth while for the sake of these to break the peace. Foreseeing, then, and calculating all this I propose this bill, that they should sail to such places as Philip should be in, and tender the oaths as speedily as pos- sible, in order that while the Thracians, your allies, were still in possession of those places which this man was cavilling about, his Serrlum and his Myr- tlum and Ergisce, the oaths might be ratified, so that Philip should not be beforehand with us in seizing the places most opportunely situated and thus make himself master of Thrace, and then with abundance of money and abimdance of troops, from this vantage ground make an easy advance upon the rest of the objects he had in view. Yet after this, omitting all mention or citation of this decree, he takes occasion from my having in my seat in the Senate thought good to introduce the Ambassadors, to make this a matter of accusation. And yet what, I would ask, ought I to have done? Refrain from proposing to summon before us the men who had come for the 12 DEMOSTHENES [chap. verv purpose of communicating with you ? or not have ordered the manager of the theatre to assign them a place? Why they would have sate among the two- obol ticket spectators, if this bill had not been passed. Ought I in short to have jealously secured the petty gain of two obols to the state, and sold away, as these men have done, those that are of vital impor- tance? Most assuredly not. Take and read this decree, which he, though he was well acquainted with it, took no notice of. Kead it. ( Clerk reads,) " In the archonship of Mnesiphilus, on the last day of Hecatombaeon, during the presidency of the Pan- dionian tribe, DemostheneSj son of Demosthenes, of the Pjeonian township, moved, that, whereas Philip has sent ambassadors to treat of peace, and has agreed to a mutual covenant, it is decreed by the Athenian senate and people, for the conclusion of the peace which was voted in the first assembly, to select five ambassadors from the Athenian people collec- tively ; and that the elected shall, without any delay, proceed whithersoever they may hear of Philip's being, and shall administer to him, and themselves take with all possible speed, the oaths for the ratification of the covenant between him and the Athenian people, including in it the allies on either side. The am- bassadors chosen were Eubulus of the Anaphlystian township, ^schines of the Cothocian, Cephisophon of the Rhamnusian, Democrates of the Phlyan, Cleon of the Cothocian." ON THE CROWN. 13 28-32.] This is the bill I then passed, consulting the interests of our state and not those of Philip : but, paying little or no attention to its provisions, these worthy ambas- sadors were loitering three whole months, in Macedonia, until Philip came from Thrace, after subjugating the whole of those parts, whilst they might within ten days, nay rather in three or four, have reached the Helles- pont, and secured to us those places by tendering the oaths before he snatched them from us. For either he would have refrained from touching them had we been present, or else we should not have tendered him the oaths: so that in either alternative he would have failed to obtain the peace, or at least would not have secured to himself both the peace and the places. The first event then of this embassy — robbery on the part of Philip, aud a corrupt trafiic on the part of these uiyust and wicked men— was such as I have described ; a transaction about which I acknowledge that then, now, and ever I am both politically and personally their enemy. Listen, now, next in order to a second and yet greater enormity. Philip having now sworn to observe the peace, after first getting possession of Thrace in consequence of the dis- obedience of these men to my decree, again buys a security from them that we should not leave Macedonia until he should complete his preparations for the expedition against the Phocians, lest, in case of our bringing home the news that he was purposing and preparing to march hither, you should set forth and sail round 14 DEMOSTHENES [chap. in your triremes to Thermopylae, and as fonnerly close the straits against him: his object being rather that you should not hear this news until he should be already within the pass of Thermopylae, and so inde- pendent of anything you might do. Now such was Philip's apprehension and anxiety, lest, after securing these advantages to himself, you should have time, after hearing the news, to decree succoiu* to the Phocians before he had completed their ruin, and so he should miss his grand object, that he hires this abominable person, not now associated with his fellow ambassadors, but alone by himself, to deliver such a message and report to you, has ruined all. And here, men of Athens, I do beg and entreat of you to remember throughout this trial, that if -^schines had not overstepped the subject of the decree in his accu- sation, I should not have done so in my defence. But since he has gone out of his way to add all kinds of charges and calumnies, I too am obliged, in answer to each of the accusations, to make some short defence. What then was the message then delivered by him which led to the ruin of all ? " That you must not be disturbed at Philip's having passed Thermopylae; for all would happen as you wished if you would keep quiet, and that you would hear in two or three days that he had become the friend of those to whom he came a foe, and the foe of those to whom he came a friend": and "that it was not words that cemented friendships" (this he spoke with much pompous em- phasis) " but identity- of interest ; and that it was the 32-38.] ON THE CROWN. 15 interest alike of Philip and the Phocians and yourselves to be rid of the brutishness and overbearingness of the Thebans. And these expressions some persons listened to with much pleasure because of the feeling then so prevalent of enmity against Thebes. And pray what followed upon this at no great length of time ? The poor Phocians were ruined, their cities razed to the gromid, yourselves, in return for "keeping quiet" and following this man's counsels, were shortly to be seen hurrying together your effects from the open country, and ^schines pocketing his pay. Nor was this all: our state incurred the odium of the Thebans and Thessalians, while Philip reaped men's thanks for what was done. And to prove that this is the case, I beg to have read the decree of Callisthenes and the letter of Philip, from both which this whole matter will be made plain to you. Read it. "In the archonship of Mnesiphilus, at an extra- ordinary assembly summoned by the generals, by authority of the Prytanes and Senate, on the 21st day of Maemacterion, Callisthenes, son of Eteonicus, of the Phalerian township, moved : That no Athenian on any pretext sleep in the country, but in the city and in Piraeus, except those who have been ordered out on garrison duty; and that of these latter each shall maintain day and night the post assigned him : and whosoever shall disobey this decree, be he sub- ject to the penalties of treason, except he can shew an impossibility of compliance in his case; and on the question of impossibility, let the general of the ( 16 DEMOSTHENES [chap. heavy infantry, and the general of the administration, and the clerk of the senate adjudicate. Be it de- creed, moreover, to bring in all the property from the country with all possible dispatch, such as is within one hundred and twenty stadia to the city and Piraeus, such as is more than one hundred and twenty stadia off into Eleusis and Phyle and Rhamnus and Sunium. Moved by Callisthenes of the Pha- lerian township." And was it with these hopes that ye made the peace, or were these the promises this hireling made you ? Read now the letter which Philip subsequently sent hither. " Philip, king of the Macedonians, to the Athenian Senate and People, greeting. — This is to inform you that I have passed Pylae, and have made myself master of Phocis, and have introduced garrisons into the fortresses which voluntarily surrendered; while those that would not yield I have taken by storm, and having reduced the inhabitants to slavery have razed them to the ground. And hearing that you are making preparations to come to their aid, I have written to you, that you may give yourselves no farther trouble about the matter. For ye seem to me to be acting in a manner utterly irreconcilable with fair dealing, in having made peace and then marching to oppose me as though you had not done so, and this too when the Phocians were not even included in our mutual agreements. So, unless you abide by your stipulations, you will gain a march upon me in nothing but in having been the first to violate right." \ i \ ON THE CROWN. 19 42-47.] to be sent. A The fact was, the several states were diseased, partly through the venality and corruption of those engaged in politics and negotiation, and partly owing to the want of foresight of those in no office, le, the majority, beguiled by the careless indifference of every-day life; all being in fact in- fected with the malady, only each thinking that the evil day would not come upon themselves, but they should be able, whenever they liked, to maintain their own security at their neighbour's cost. The next step, I take it, was that, not only did the people find that in return for their continued and unseasonable heed- lessness they had lost their liberty, but the rufers also, and those who thought to sell everything else except their own selves, found that they had in fact sold themselves first. For instead of the friendly and hospitable tenns they had been accustomed to while receiving the wages of their hire, they now began to be called fawning flatterers, breakers of God's laws, and all such richly- deserved names. And this was perfectly natural : for no man, O men of Athens, spends his money in bribery for the good of the traitor, nor does he, after once gammg the results of his purchase-money, any longer consult the traitor about the rest of his concerns : else traitors would be the most enviable of men. But indeed, indeed, this is not the case : it is alto- gether and entirely the reverse. As soon as the man who IS seeking power obtains the control over events he becomes at once the master also of those who sold C2 20 DEMOSTHENES [chap. ON THE CROWN. 21 them to him : and then having had experience of their villany, then, I say, he hates, distrusts, and insults them. And remember, although it may be too late to retrieve events, it is never too late for the wise to learn the lesson they teach. Lasthenes was called the friend of Philip, until the time when he betrayed Olynthus: Timolaus until he ruined Thebes: Eudicus and Simus of Larissa until they subjected Thessaly to him. Then came the time when, driven from place to place, insulted, enduring every kind of misery, traitors covered the whole face of the land. Aristratus too in Sicyon, and Perilaus at Megara, what was their lot? Were not they too cast off? .Hence it most evidently appears, that to the man w^ho is most active in guarding his own country and is mos+ loud in his denunciation of traitors, you, ^schines, and your fellow-hirelings and traitors, do in fact owe it that you have secured to you the where- withal to make your gains ; and that you may thank the majority of these who hear me and those who oppose your designs that you are safe and in pay: since, had it depended on your own selves, long ago would you have been ruined. On the subject however of his conduct at that period, though much remains untold, I think more than enough has been said. For this ^schines himself is to blame : for having bespattered me with the stale dregs of his own rascality and crimes, of which it was necessary for me, in addressing many who are too young to remember the facts, to clear myself, it has been disagreeable to myself, and perhaps to you, to those /{i 47-54.] of you I mean who were well acquainted before I began with the way in which at that period he had hired his services to the enemy. And yet " relations of friend- ship" and " interchange of good offices" are the names he persists in giving to it: and it was but now that he was speaking of me as one " who objected to him his friendly relations with Alexander." I talk to you of friendly relations with Alexander ! Pray how came you by them? How had you deserved his conde- scension? "Good offices with Philip"! "friend of Alexander"! I could not use such words; I am not so insane— unless reapers and other hireling labourers are to be called the friends and associates of their employers ! But it is impossible, utterly false and im- possible ! Hireling— first of Philip and now of Alex- ander—I do call you, and all these call you. If you doubt it, ask them. Or better, I will ask them for you. Tell me, men of Athens, call you iEschines the hire- ling or the friend of Alexander? Do you hear^^;^at they say? I desire now to vindicate myself on the subject of the indictment itself, and give you a clear account of my conduct, in order that ^schines, however well he really knows them, may nevertheless hear the reasons I allege for my deserving the rewards awarded to me in this resolution of the senate, and yet greater rewards than these. Take and read me the indictment itself. ( Chrh reads.) "In the archonship of Chaerondas, on the sixth day of Elaphebolion, iEschines, son of Atrometus of 22 DEMOSTHENES [chap. ON THE CROWN. 25 the Cothocian township, lodged with the Archon an indictment for illegality against Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes, of the Anaphlystian township, for hav- ing proposed an illegal decree, to the effect that it is right to crown Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes,* of the Paeonian township, with a golden crown, and to make proclamation in the theatre at the great Dionjsiac festival, when the new tragedies are brought out, that 4he people crown Demosthenes, son of ' Demosthenes, of the Paeonian township, with a golden * crown, because of his virtue and the regard he has ' ever shewn towards all the Greeks and towards the ' Athenian people, and for his admirable conduct, and * because he has continued to do and to say what was ' for the best interests of the people, and is zealous 'to do whatever service he can.' All this that he proposed being false and illegal, the laws not allowing on the one hand false allegations to be placed among the public records, nor on the other to crown a man who has not passed his official scrutiny, whereas t^ ^ osthenes is a commissioner for the fortifications, and an administrator of the theoric fund. And besides, the laws forbid the proclamation of the crown m the theatre at the Dionysia when the new tragedies are brought out : but in case the Senate decree the crown, they enjoin its proclamation in the Senate- house ; and in case the state decree it, in the Pnyx at the Ecclesia. The penalty is laid at fifty talents. The witnesses to the summons are Cephisophon, son of Cephisophon, of the Rhamnusian township, ' and Cleon, son of Cleon, of the Cothocian township." The points in the bill proposed to you, men of 59-65.] stood, and entirely ignorant as they yet were of the gathering and growing evil, it is for you to consider what course it behoved the city to adopt and pursue, and to receive an account of this from me. For the man who made himself responsible for this part of the public administration was myself. . Now ought our state, jEschines, to have abandoned its high spirit and self- respect, and have ranged herself with Thessalians and Dolopians in assisting Philip to obtain for himself the supreme dominion of Greece, abolishing all the glories and the claims of her ancestors ? or perhaps hardly this, — for it were indeed shocking, — ^but what she saw would inevitably come to pass if none interfered to prevent it, and as it were perceived while yet afar off; ought she, I say, to have given no heed to this when it did come to pass? But I should like to ask him who finds most fault with what was done, what party he would have had the city join? that which helped to bring about the calamities and disgraces that have befallen the Greeks, with which one would identify the Thessalians and their associates ; or the party which sate idly by while these things happened, in the hope of reaping profit to them- gelves— in which we must class the Arcadians and Messe- nians and Argives ? And yet many of these, or rather all of them, have come off worse than we have. For if Philip upon his first success had forthwith departed peaceably and had subsequently kept himself quiet, offering no injury whatever to any single individual among either his own allies or the rest of the Greeks, 26 DEMOSTHENES [chap. even then there would have been grounds why those who did not oppose his proceedings should be censured and accused. But if he indiscriminately stripped all of their rank as nations, their dominion, and their inde- pendence, nay, even of their constitutional govern- ments, whenever he could, then I ask, how can you avoid awardbg the rery highest praise to the comisels you adopted at my instance? But to revert to the point of digression : What ought the city to have done, ^schines, when it saw Philip compassing for himself the dominion and absolute com- mand of Greece? Or what words, what enactments ought I, the minister of Athens, to have adopted, when I remembered that during the whole period up to the very day that I first addressed you, honour and gloiy and supremacy had been the stake for which my country had been ever contending, and that she had expended more treasure and more lives in the cause of every thing that is noble, and for the sake of the common interests of all, than the rest of the Greeks had expended severally upon their own selves; when I saw Philip himself, our great enemy, in the cause ot his ambitious lust of power, losing the sight of one eye, fracturing his collar-bone, maiming his hand and his leg, sacrificing any part of his body of which fortune might choose to deprive him, that with what remained he might live in honour and glory ? Surely none would venture to say it was meet that while the native of Pella, at that time an obscure and insignificant place had such greatness of soul as to aspire to the .sove- > I'k K <. 65-71.] ON THE CROWN. 27 reignty of Greece, and had conceived this high am- bition, that you, Athenians, beholding every day of your lives in all your debates and public spectacles the monuments of your forefathers' virtues, should be possessed of such meanness of spirit as to yield the freedom of Greece voluntarily and of your own free will in full surrender to Philip. Not a man, I am convinced, would say this. It remained for us then, it was necessary for us, to oppose to all his unrighteous aggressions a most righteous resistance. This you did from the first most rightly and most properly : and the mover of your decrees and the adviser of your counsels was myself, as long as I was in public office. I affirm it. But what ought I to have done ? For this is what I now ask you, putting out of the question every thing else, — Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, Halonnesus, — I mention none of these : and as to Serrium and Doriscus and the sack of Peparethus, and all the other injuries to our state, I ignore them altogether. Although you asserted that it was I who by harping on this theme threw odium on the persons involved ; whereas Eubulus, and Aristophon, and Diopeithes were the authors of the decrees about these events, and not myself, O you most unprincipled of disputants ! No, nor am I going to speak of them. But I ask, was the man who was appropriating Euboea, and making it an out- post against Attica, attacking Megara, seizing Oreum, sacking Porthmus, setting up Philistides as tyrant at Oreum, and Cleitarchus at Eretria, subjugating the Hellespont to himself, besieging Byzantium, de- 28 DEMOSTHENES [chap. 71-75] ON THE CROWN. 29 strojing some, revolutionizing others of the Grecian states, — was the man who was doing all this acting unjustly, breaking the treaties, dissolving the peace, or not ? Was it right that one should rise up among the Greeks to arrest him in this career, or not? If not, if it was meet and right that Greece should fall an unresisting prey before the eyes of all, while Athenians breathed and moved, then indeed it was superfluous in me to propose those bills, and superfluous in the city to adopt them; nay, I will grant all that was done to have been iniquitous and a criminal error on my part. But if it was right that some opponent should arise, who but the Athenian people ought that opponent to have been ? Such then was my public conduct : and when I saw Philip advancing to enslave all the world, I stood forward to oppose him, never ceasing to fore- warn and teach you not to abandon these things to Philip. But further, it was he that broke the peace by the seizure of the ships, and not our city, ^schines. And produce the decrees themselves and the letter of Philip, and read them in order. For from an ex- amination of these it will become manifest to whom? and for what, responsibility attaches. Kead. "In the archonship of Neocles, in the month Boedromion, at an extraordinary assembly sum- moned by the generals, Eubulus, son of Mnesitheus, of the Coprian township, moved. That whereas the generals have given information in the assemblv that Philip's officer, Amyntas, has carried into a ,>'■ Macedonian port and holds prisoners there the ad- miral Leomedon and the twenty ships sent under his orders to the Hellespont for the convoy of com the Prytanes and the generals take measures for the summoning a meeting of the Senate, and for the election of ambassadors to Philip, who may go and treat with him about the release of the admiral and the ships and the soldiers : and in case Amyntas has done this in ignorance, (to say) that the people will bear him no grudge for it ; and if from having detected the admiral in any offence against the regulations, that the Athenians will take cognizance of the act, and punish him according to the measure of his offence : but if neither of these is the case, but either the principal or the agent in the trans- action is guilty of a bare act of injustice, the ambassadors are to write home word of this, in order that the people, when made aware of it, may decide what step it is necessary to take." This decree then Eubulus proposed, not I ; and that that followed Aristophon, then Hegesippus, then Aristo- phon again, then Philocrates, then Cephisophon, then every body else : but I made no motion on the subject. Read the decree. "In the archonship of Neocles, on the last day of Boedromion, by authority of the Senate, the Prytanes and the generals opened the discussion by bringing up the report from the Ecclesia, that It was decreed by the people to elect an embassy to Philip about the restitution of the vessels, and to give them their instructions framed on the ' ^*te^ -Sf-nrfMi- -"is. 30 DEMOSTHENES [chap. decrees of the assembly. And they chose the following: Cephlsophon, son of Cleon, of the Anaphlystian township, Democritus, son of De- mophon, of the Anagyrasian to\\Tiship, Polycritus, son of Apemantus, of the Cothocian township' Done under the Prytany of the tribe Hippothoontis, proposed by the president Arlstophon, of the Colyttian township." Now as I exhibit these decrees, so do you, JEschines, shew what decree I proposed, that I am responsible for the war. But you cannot— for could you have done so, there is nothing you would now have been more ready to produce. Moreover, not even Philip blames me at all for the war, though he inculpates others. But read the actual letter of Philip. Philip's Letter. " Philip, king of the Macedonians, to the Athe- nian Senate and People, greeting.— Your ambassa- dors, Cephisophon and Democritus and Polycritus, came to me and discussed the liberation of the ships which Laomedon commanded. Now upon the whole I must say that you will be very simple folk, if you suppose that I am not aware that these ships, though professedly for the purpose of convoying the com from the Hellespont to Lem- nos, were in reality sent to assist the Sel}Tnbrians whom I am besieging, and who are not compre- hended in the covenants of friendship mutually agreed on between us. And these commands were •given to the admiral without the privity of the Athenian people, by certain persons in office, and I 75-80.] ON THE CROWN. 31 n others, who are now indeed in a private station, but who wish by all means that the people, instead of the friendship which at present subsists with me, should resume the war, and are indeed much more anxious for the accomplishment of this end than to aid the Selymbrians. And they imagine that to them such a result would be an income. This how- ever does not appear to me to be for your interest or mine. Wherefore I now restore to you the vessels which have been brought into my port, and for the future, if you choose not to allow your ma- gistrates to resort to disreputable dodges in their administration of public affairs, but punish them for it, I too will endeavour to maintain the peace. Fare ye well." In this letter he has made no mention of Demos- thenes, or of any charge against me. How is it then that while he accuses the rest, he does not allude to €^y of my acts? Because he would have been obliged to allude to his own acts of injustice, had he written anything concerning me. For with these I was closely connected, and to these I had offered a constant oppo- sition. I first decreed the embassy to the Peloponnesus, when he first began to steal towards the Peloponnesus ; then that embassy when he began to set a footing in Euboea; then the expedition to Oreum (embassies being now too late); and that to Eretria^ when he set up tyrants in these states. After this I sent out all the envoys by whose intervention Chersonesus was saved and Byzantium and all the allied states. Hence there resulted to you all that is most to be prized, / 32 DEMOSTHENES [chap. laudatory and honorary memorials, crowns, the admira- tion and gratitude of men : and among the injured, those who then followed your advice were rewarded by being ultimately preserved, while those who neglected it, often when too late remembered your warnings, and learned to esteem you not only as their truest friends but also as men of wisdom and more than human foresight : for all happened eventually as you had predicted. Further, the fact that Philistides would have given anything to obtam Oreum, and Cleitarchus to obtain Eretria, and Philip himself to secure these places for himself to be used against you, and to prevent any inquiry or ex- amination into the rest of his guilt ; this is known to all, and most of all to ^schines. For the ambassadors who then came to Athens from Cleitarchus and Philistides lodged at your house, ^schines, and it was you who entertained these men whom the state considered as enemies charged with an iniquitous and injurious proposal, but whom you received as friends. So that all your facts are false, you forger of calumnies, saying forsooth that I hold my peace when I have got my bribe, and cry aloud when I have spent it. But this is not your way at any rate : no ! you proclaim aloud when you make gain, and will never cease to do so, unless indeed our friends here make you cease by disfranchising you this day. So when you voted me a crown on these groimds at that time, and Aristonicus proposed the decree in the very same terms that Ctesiphon has now used, and when the crown was proclaimed in the theatre, 80-85. ON THE CROWN. 33 1 and I had the honour of having this proclamation twice made, Machines neither came forward to gainsay the proceeding, nor yet indicted the proposer of the measure. Take and read this decree too, " In the archonship of Chaerondas, son of Hegemon, on the twenty-fourth day of Gamelion, during the prytany of the tribe Leontis, Aristonicus, of the Phrearrian township, moved that, ' Whereas Demos- thenes, son of Demosthenes, of the Paeanian township, has rendered many great services to the Athenian people, and has both on previous occasions as well as at the present conjuncture aided many of the allies by his decrees, and has liberated some of the cities in EuboBa, and has ever been a well-wisher to the Athenian people, and has done and said whatever he could for the service both of the Athenians themselves and all the other Greeks: it is decreed by the Athenian senate and people to praise Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the Pa3anian township, and to crown him with a golden crown, and to proclaim the crown in the theatre at the Dionysia when the new tragedies are brought out; and that the tribe holding the prytany at the time and the judge of the show take measures for the proclamation of the crown.' Moved by Aristonicus, of the Phrearrian township," Now I ask, is there one among you who knows of any reproach or obloquy or ridicule having been drawn upon our state on account of this decree, aa this man asserts will now be the case should I be 34 DEMOSTHENES [chap. crowned ? And yet one is accustomed to suppose that when a man's deeds are fresh and familiar to all, if they be good they meet with favour, if the reverse with punishment. Now it appears mine met with favour on that occasion, not with blame or punishment. n1 Thus during the whole of the time preceding these events I am allowed to have done what was best for the state, as appears from the success which attended my speeches and motions in the Senate ; from the fact that my measures were carried into execution, and were tlie occasions of crowns being presented to the state and to myself and to all of you; and lastly, from the circumstance of sacrifices and processions being per- formed by you to the gods, implying that they were looked upon as successful. Accordingly, after Philip had been expelled from Euboea by your arms indeed, but aided by a home policy and course of measures which originated — yes! deny it if you dare, sir ! — with me, he began to seek some other outpost against our city. And observing that we import more com than any other people, he resolved if possible to make himself master of the trade, and accordingly set out for Thrace, and first demanded of the Byzantines, who were his own allies, that they should join him jn making war upon you : and on their refusal and protestation that these were not the terms upon which they had adopted his alliance, which was quite true, he drew his lines round their city, and station- ing his engines against it opened the siege. And events being such, I need not any longer ask what it behoved 85-90.] ON THE CROWN. 35 our state to do^ for it is manifest to all. But I ask who it was that succoured the Byzantines and saved them ? Who hindered the Hellespont from falling into foreign hands at that juncture? It was you^ men of Athens. And when I say you, I mean the state. And who was it that urged it upon the state and passed bills and conducted the business, and heart and soul devoted himself to the work ? It was I. And the amount of benefit these measures conferred on all, ye need no orator to teach you ; ye yourselves were taught to appreciate it by events. For the war that then ensued, besides bringing you much fair renown, gave to your daily life far more cheapness and plenty than the present peace which these worthy persons maintain against the interests of their country, in the hope of future gain, in which I pray God they may be disap- pointed, so as neither to participate themselves in tlie blessings vouchsafed to you, nor yet communicate to you the curses entailed upon themselves. Read to them the complimentary votes of crowns passed in honour of the city, as a consequence of these facts, by the Byzantines and the Perinthians, DECREE OF THE BYZANTINES. "In the priesthood of Bosporicus, Damagetus moved in the assembly, on the basis of a resolution of the Senate, that 'Whereas the Athenian people has in past times maintained a consistent friendship for the Byzantines and their allies and kinsmen the Perin- thians, and has rendered them many great services: d2 36 DEMOSTHENES [chap. and has at the present time, when Philip the Macedo- nian made war upon the comitry and the city for the destruction of the Byzantines and Perinthians, and laid waste the district and cut down the trees, by aiding us with a hundred and twenty ships and with food and arms and soldiers, rescued us from our great perils, and has restored our hereditary constitution, and our laws and our burial-places : it is decreed by the By- zantine and Perinthian people to give to the Athenians right of intermarriage, of citizenship, of acquiring land and houses, precedence at public spectacles, introduc- tion to the senate and the people immediately after the performance of the sacred rites, and to those who choose to reside in the city, immunity from all public burdens. Furthermore, to erect three statues of sixteen cubits high in the Bosporicum, representing the people of Athens being crowned by the Byzantine and Perin- thian people. To send, moreover, sacred embassies to the confederate festivals in Greece, to the Isthmian and Nemean and Olympian and Pythian games, and to proclaim the crown there to the effect "that the Athenian people has been crowned by us," in order that all the Greeks may know the virtue of the Athenians, and the gratitude of the Byzantines and Perinthians.' " Read too the vote of crowns by the inhabitants of Chersonesus. " The inhabitants of the Chersonesus who belong to Sestus, Eleus, Madytus, Alopeconnesus, crown the Athenian senate and people with a golden crown of sixty talents, and erect an altar to Gratitude and the 90-95.] ON THE CROWN. 37 Athenian people, for having been the author of the greatest of all blessings to the inhabitants of the Chersonesus, by having rescued them from the power of Philip, and restored to them their countries, their laws, their freedom, their religion. And hencefor- ward for ever the Chersonesus will not fail to be grateful and to do to Athens whatever service lies in its power." This they voted in pubhc assembly. Accordingly it was not only the preservation of Chersonesus and Byzantium, or saving the Hellespont from falling into Philip's control, or the honours that accrued to our state therefrom ; it was not these alone that my principles and my policy effected, but more, it shewed to the whole worid the high and noble character of our state, and the baseness of Philip. For all had seen how he the ally of the Byzantines was besieging their town— and what could be more disgraceful or more execrable than this ? Whilst you, who might justly have brought much complaint against them for their ill-feeling towards you in former times, did not only forget all grudge and reftise to abandon them when being injured, but even appeared as their preservers, thereby earning for yourselves the praise, good will, and honour of all men. And here I may observe, that whilst all know that our state has crowned many of her ministers, none could mention another mstance of one of her counsellors or orators conferring a crown upon the state except in my own case. I pur- pose now to shew that the abusive charges he brought agamst the Euboeans and Byzantines— calling to mind \ 38 DEMOSTHENES [chap. 95-100.] ON THE CROWN. 39 whatever had been untoward in their conduct to you — were vexatious and frivolous, not only because they were false, for that I presume you know already, but also because, were they ever so true, my method of administration was the most expedient. And to do this I wish to recount one or two of the honourable achieve- ments of the state that have fallen within your own memories, as briefly as I may. For 'tis ever the duty both of private individuals and of public bodies to model their future conduct according to what is noblest in their past. You then, men of Athens, at a time when the La- cedaemonians ruled by sea and by land, and occupied all the countries round about Attica with their Harmosts and their garrisons, namely Euboea, Tanagra, all Boeo- tica, Megara, ^gina, Cleonae, the other islands besides Eubcea and ^gina, our state being then destitute alike of walls and ships, you marched out to Haliartus, and then again not many days after to Corinth, though the Athenians of that day could have shewn many reasons for bearing ill-will both to the Corinthians and to the Thebans for their conduct durnig the latter part of the Peloponnesian war, had they chosen — but they did not choose to do so, far from it. And yet, JEschines, on both those occasions they had no motive of obligation, nor were they blind to the danger they were encoun- tering. But they did not on these accounts abandon those who had sought their succour, but chose rather in the cause of glory and honour to expose themselves to peril — a righteous and noble choice ! For to all men death is the end of life, even though a man hide and guard himself in his chamber : and 'tis the duty of the brave to engage in all glorious enterprises, throw- ing before him the shield of a good hope, and bear whatever God sends well and nobly. This is what your forefathers did, this is what the elders among you did, who, though the Lacedaemonians were neither friends nor benefactors, but on the contrary guilty of many great injuries to our state, yet when the Thebans victorious at Leuctra were endeavouring to destroy them, went to their rescue, neither dismayed by the strength and renown the Thebans then possessed, nor pausing to reckon up the evil acts of the men for whom ye were imperilling yourselves. For verily ye thereby declared to the whole of Greece, that what- ever trespass any one might have committed against you, ye reserve your anger against such an one for other times; and should their safety or their liberties be endangered, ye will bear them no grudge or reckon- ing. And 'twas not on these occasions alone that ye shewed this temper, but again when the Thebans were laying their hands upon Euboea, ye interfered to pre* vent it, and thought not of the injuries Themison and Theodorus had done you at Oropus, but succoured them too : that being the occasion when volunteer trierarcbs first came forward in the state, of whom I was one. But of this presently. And a noble thing it was in you to save the island; but yet more noble was it, after you bad become masters of their persons and their cities, to restore these in full to the very men 40 DEMOSTHENES [chap. who had wronged you ; never thinking of paying off old debts at a time when they were putting confidence in you. Now though I have numberless other things to mention on this head, I pass them by; sea fights, land expeditions, regular campaigns, both such as took place some time ago and those which you can remember, all of which our city has undertaken in behalf of the common liberties and safety of the rest of Greece. I ask then, after having seen the state in the midst of such great dangers ready to exert herself in the cause of others, what was it natural that I should ask and advise her to do, when the question concerned in a measure her own existence? To pay off an old score, I suppose, with those who were asking for deliverance, and seek some pretexts for abandoning the whole cause ? Should I not rather have deserved death at the hand of all, if I had even in word attempted to discredit the glorious memorials of our state? I say in word, for in effect you would not have allowed it, I well know. For had ye been inclined, what was there to prevent you? Had you not the power? had you not ready advocates of such a course in these men? I wish however to return to the part of my public administration which followed these events. And ob- serve here again what were the best interests of the state. For seeing, men of Athens, your naval power decayed, your wealthy men able by paying trifling simis to evade their share of the public expenses, whilst those of moderate or small means were being ruined, and further that the state was thus prevented from ON THE CROWN. 41 100-105.] taking advantage of such opportunities as offered; I proposed a law compeUing the rich to do their duty and exonerating the poor from a grievance, and secur- ing the greatest of all benefits to the state by maturing her preparations for action. And when indicted for proposing this law, I was acquitted in your court ; the prosecutor failing to obtain the fifth part of the votes. And yet what sums think you the first, second, and third classes of ratepayers offered, to induce me if possible not to propose the law, at all events to make affidavit for delay, and so allow it to drop ? sums, men of Athens, that I hardly like to name to you. And indeed they acted in this most naturally. For whereas according to former laws they had the equipment of one ship divided among sixteen, so that while they spent little or nothing themselves they were grinding down the poorer citizens, according to my law they had each to pay down a rate proportioned to his income, so that a man now found himself called upon for the outfit of two whole ships, who before had contributed the sixteenth part of one— for hitherto they had not called themselves " fitters," but " contributors." No wonder they offered any amount to have this de- feated and avoid being compelled to do their duty. Now read first the decree by which I rendered myself liable to the indictment, then the assessment lists ; the one according to the previous law, and the one according to mine. Bead. " In the archonship of Polycles, on the sixteenth day of the month Boedromion, during the prytany of 42 DEMOSTHENES [chap. the tribe Hippothoontis, Demosthenes, son of Demos- thenes, of the Paeanlan township, introduced a law relating to the trierarchy to be substituted for the previous one, according to which the companies of trierarchs were constituted. And the senate and the people voted it. And Patrocles, of the Phlyan township, indicted Demosthenes for illegality, and fail- ing to obtain the due proportion of votes, had to pay the five-hundred drachmae." Now produce that excellent assessment. '' That the trierarchs be called upon to equip their trireme by sixteens from the companies in the cen- turies, from the age of twenty to forty years, dividing the service equally." Now compare with this the assessment according to my law. " That the trierarchs be selected to equip their trireme according to their rated property, from ten talents upwards. And if a man's property be rated at more, let his service be proportionate as far as three vessels and a tender. And let those whose property is less than ten talents be proportionately rated, forming themselves into companies amounting in property to ten talents." Do you now think the service I rendered the poorer sort of you a small one, or that the bribe was a small one which the wealthy offered me to evade their duty. 'Tis not only in having refused to drop this measure that I pride myself, nor on being acquitted from the indictment, but rather on the beneficial nature of the law I proposed, 105-110.] ON THE CROWN. 43 and its having proved Itself such on experience. For during the whole war the naval expeditions were made under the operation of my law; and not once did a tiierarch supplicate the people as an aggrieved man, or take refuge in the temple of Artemis at Munychia; nor were any imprisoned by the naval commissioners; nor was any trireme overtaken from having dropt astern and so lost to the state, or left behind from being unable to put to sea. Whereas, under the operation of former laws, all these things were of frequent occur- rence. And the reason was, that the public services devolved upon the poor ; and many were the stoppages of public business that occun-ed in consequence. But I shifted the public services from the poor to the rich ; and consequently all went on as it should do. And I will add, that on these very grounds I claim your praise, Inasmuch as throughout I adopted that line of policy through which honour and glory and power accrued to the state; and ungenerous, unfeeling, or malignant are terms that apply ♦to no measure of mine, nor mean- spirited, nor discreditable to the state. Now it will be found that such as I was in respect of my country, such was I in what concerned the whole of Greece. For as m my own state I refused to pay more regard to the favours of the rich than to the rights of the many, so in Greece at large, I never prized the gifts or hospitali- ties of Philip above the common interests of the Greeks. I suppose now it remains for me to speak to the question of the proclamation and the auditing of my accounts. For the unvaried excellence of my adminis- 44 DEMOSTHENES [chap. tration, and my uniform patriotism and readiness to serve you, must I think have appeared from what I have said. And yet the most important points of my administration and conduct I pass by, feeling it incum- bent upon me, first, to render in order an account of the alleged illegality ; and then, even if nothing be said of the rest of my administration, to be content to re- member that this omission will not influence what each of you knows in his conscience to have been its character. Now, as for all that mass of verbiage which he jumbled together about the laws quoted against Ctesiphon, I sup- pose the greater part was as unintelligible to you as it was to me. I will state the just view of the case in a simple, straightforward way. So far am I from saying that I am irresponsible as regards my accounts, which he specifi- cally charged me with saying, that I freely acknowledge myself to be responsible, throughout the whole of my life, for an account of all that I have had the manage- ment and administration of: but for that part of my private property which I have promised and given to the people, I hold myself responsible for no account whatever, no, not for a single day,— hear you that, ^schines? — nor any one else, even though he were one of the nine archons. For what law is there so pregnant with injustice and ill-feeling, as to cause the man who contributes from his private resources and performs a public-spirited and generous action, not only to forfeit all thanks, but even to be brought before sycophant^^, and constitute them the auditors of his accounts? There 110-114.] ON THE CROWN. 45 is none. If iEschines says there is, let him produce it and I will be content and silent. But there is not, men of Athens : 'tis sheer sycophancy in this man, because when presiding over the public spectacles, I volunteered to support the cost myself, to say, " The council voted him their thanks before he had sent in his accounts." Accounts not of what I was responsible for, but of a voluntary contribution of my own, you sycophant! " Well, but you were also charged with the repair of the city walls," he says. Yes, and for this too I deserved the vote of thanks, for I bore the expense myself, and did not enter it against the state. For the entering of accounts, indeed, needs auditmg and revision, but a free gift deserves thanks and commendation. And 'twas on this account that Ctesiphon proposed that resolution about me. And that this is in exact accordance with the spirit of your habits and customs as well as laws, I can in many ways easily prove to you. For, in the first place, Nausicles, when acting as general, on account of the many personal sacrifices he had made, was often crowned by you: in the next place, when Diotimus, and then again Charidemus, presented you with the shields, they were crowned. Subsequently Neoptolemus, here present, being in charge of several public works' received honorary rewards for his voluntary contri- butions. 'Twere indeed disgraceful if a man holding any office should be either debarred by the conditions of his office from makbg presents to the state, or when made should, instead of receiving thanks, have to un- dergo an examination of ac-.ounts. 46 DEMOSTHENES [chap. To prove that I speak truth in this, take and read the actual decrees that were passed on the occasion. E-ead. " When Demonicus, of the Phlyan township, was Archon, on the twenty-sixth day of Boedromion, by authority of the senate and people, Callias, of the Phrearrian township, moved. That it is decreed by the senate and the people to crown Nausicles, the general of the heavy infantry ; because, on the occasion of two thousand Athenian heavy infantry being in Imbrus, to assist the Athenian residents in the island, when Philo, who had been elected paymaster-general, was prevented by the weather from sailing and distributing their pay to the aforesaid infantry, he, out of his own pri- vate property, supplied the sum required and did not charge it to the people : and to proclaim the crown at the Dionysia when the new tragedies are brought out." " Moved by Callias, of the Phrearrian township, on the reference of the prytanes by authority of the Senate : Whereas Charidemus, general of the heavy infantry, when sent to Salamis, and Diotimus, general of the cavalry, when certain soldiers had been stripped by the enemy in the fight by the river, at their own expense armed the young men with eight-hundred shields: it is decreed by the senate and people to crown Charidemus and Diotimus with a golden crown, and to proclaim it at the great Panathenaic festival during the gymnastic games, and at the Dionysia when the new tragedies are brought out. And that the thesmothetae, the prytanes, and the judges of the games take measures for the proclamation." 115-118.] ON THE CROWK. 47 Each of these, ^schines, was subject to scrutiny for the office which he held, but for the services for which he received the crown he was subject to no scrutiny. No more then am I : for I presume that the same prin- ciple under the same circumstances holds good in my case as in that of all others. I made a voluntary con- tribution : for this I received a vote of praise, not being subject to scrutiny for my voluntary contribution. I filled an office ; and for that I underwent scrutiny, not for the voluntary contribution I made. Aye, but, he will say, I was guilty of fraud in the office I filled. You, however, were present when the auditors intro- duced me, and brought no charge. That you may know, then, that this very man is my witness to having been crowned for services for which I was liable to no scrutiny, I would have the whole decree, proposed on my account, read aloud to you. For in prosecuting points which he omitted to indict, as found in the resolution, he will be convicted of mere malice. Read, " In the archonship of Euthycles, on the twenty- first day of Pyanepsion, during the prytany of the tnbe (Eneis, Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes, of the Anaphlystian township, moved: ^Whereas Demos^ thenes, son of Demosthenes, of the Pseanian township, havmg been commissioner for the repair of the fortifica-' tions, and having expended on the works three talents of his own money, has made a present of this to the people ; and when appointed to administer the theoric tund, added to the sum contributed by all the tribes 48 DEMOSTHENES [chap. a hundred minas for sacrifices, it is decreed b^ the Athenian senate and people to pass a vote of piaise on Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the P^anian township, because of his virtue and honourable con- duct which he has exhibited at all times to the Athenian people ; and to crown him with a golden crown, and to proclaim the crown in the theatre at the Dionysia when the new tragedies are brought out; and that the adjudicator shall take measures for the proclamation." Thus then you have the amount of my private con- tributions; against none of which have you brought an accusation. It is the reward which the councU says these entitle me to, that is the object of your attack. So that whilst you acknowledge the receipt of the gift to be lawful, you charge the repayment of thanks to be contrary to law. Vile and reprobate ! execrable and malignant !-where, in the name of heaven, will you find such a character, if not m such a man as this? To proceed to the point of the proclamation beinff made m the theatre : the fact that thousands have had such proclamations agam and again, and that I myself have been frequently crowned before, of this I say nothing. But are you actually so dense and stupid, ^schmes, as to be unable to understand that to the man who is crowned the crown is the same honourable distinction wherever it be proclaimed ; and that it is for the sake of those who confer it that this takes place m the theatre? For those who hear the proclamation are all thereby enkindled to become benefactors of the 118-122.] ON THE CROWN, 49 state,'and they commend those who make this grateful ack..owledgment rather than him who is being crowned For these reasons has our city sanctioned this law, Take and read me the law itself, " In case where any townships crown a man the proclamations of the crown are to be made in the respective townships, except where the Athenian peo- ple or the senate bestow the crown; these may be proclauned in the theatre at the Dionysia." You hear, ^schines, how clearly the law makes a« exception of those to whom the assembly or council decree crowns ; saying. Let proclamation be mad« of these. Why then, wretched man, do you bring these frivolous charges? why invent these falsehoods? Why not take yourself to Bedlam at once? But no, you do not blush to institute a suit in pure spite and not be- cause of any crime, garbling some laws and mutilating others, which ought to have been read out in their in- tegnty, especially before men who have sworn to give sentence according to the laws. And then, after all this you talk of what is to be expected in a patriotic man' just as if you had n»ade a contract for a statue and had .t returned to you deficient in some.of the points speci- hed m the contract; or as if a patriot was to be tested by a definition, and not rather by his whole conduct and public career. And you shout forth all kinds of indis, cnminate things, as if from a stroller's cart, thmgs which may be characteristic of you and your sort, but certainly "ot of me. And yet this too I would have you note, £ 50 DEMOSTHENES [chap 123-129.] 0^ TliE CKOWJJ. 51 men of Athens. I hold mei^e abuse to differ from accu^ sation in this : that whilst accusation implies some crimes which have their penalties assigned in the laws ; abuse involves calumnies only such as enemies love to heap upon one another according to their several dispositions. My belief has been that our ancestors built these /' courts, not to enable us to assemble you together, and then drawing from our private store of abuse, utter all kinds of scandalous things against one another; but rather that we might search out and convict whatever injustice any might have been guilty of against the state. But iEschineSj knowing all this, chose never^ theless to abuse me instead of accusing me. But in this respect also 'tis only fair he should receive an equal share himself also in return before he quits your court. And presently I will proceed to this, when I have asked him one question. Do men consider you an enemy to the state, ^schines, or to me ? Clearly to me. What then ? That punishment which you might have exacted from me, according to the laws, had I been guilty, you omitted to enforce, in the auditing of accounts, in accu- sations and in other modes of trial: but w'here in all respects I was guiltless, in virtue of the laws, of the natural and legal limit assigned to litigation, of the fact that I have been often tried on these grounds before, and never once convicted of any crime against you, and where more or less 'twas necessary that the state should come in for some share in the credit of the public ad- ministration ; is this the point of attack you have chosen? Beware lest you be found in reality the foe of these, and only mine in your own pretence. Having then pointed out what ought to be your conscientious and just verdict, it seems incumbent upon me, though naturally averse to recrimination, yet owing to the contumelious language used by ^schines, to re- quite his many falsehoods by the statement of a few simple facts about him, and to shew how the man's cha- racter and origin explain his aptitude for scurrility, and the way in which he has carped at certain expressions of mme, after using himself expressions that no decently modest man would haVe ventured to employ. For if ^acus, or Ehadamanthus, or Minos had been my ac^ cuser, and not a babbler, a pettyfogging knave, a worths less dmdge, I do not think he would have said such thmgs, or brought out such odious language ; apostro^ phismg the earth, and the sun, and ^rtue, and the rest, as if he was on the stage, and then again appealing to common sense and education for distinctions between nght and wrong : for you must remember this in his speech. Virtue, you wretch ! what have you and yours to do with virtue, or with distinctions between right and wrong? Pray, how and why are you entitled to appeal to them ? Or how dare you speak of education ? ^0 one really educated would speak of himself in such a way; and if he heard another doing so he would blush, while those who like yourself are destitute of it and have the clownish indecency to pretend to it, in the end only offend the better taste of their hearers, instead of wmning credit to what they say. Now, though I am at no loss for topics about you and What belongs to you, I confess I am at a loss as to which E2 ''r? tj^ DEMOSTHENES [chap. to bring forward first: whether I should tell how your father Tromes was a slave to Elpias, who taught letters by the Temple of Theseus, with his feet in stocks that he might not run away, and a collar roimd his neck. \h: how your mother by daylight nuptial caresses in the stew near the statue of the hero sumamed Calamites* managed to rear you with your fine figure and your playhouse accom- plishments. But all know this without my dwelling on it. Shall I mention how Phormion the piper, the slave of Dion of Phrearrium, made her quit her reputable trade ? But I am really afraid lest, if I mention these truths about you, I shall be thought untrue to my own sense of pro- priety in using such language. These topics then I will pass by, and begin with the acts themselves of the man's own life ; for they were no common acts, but such as the people denounces as traitorous. For it was quite lately — lately? say rather only the other day — that jEschines became an Athenian and orator, and by the addition of two syllables turned his father's name Tromes into Atrometus, and his mother's into the grand sound- ing Glaucothea: Empusa, as all know, was the name formerly given her, from her abandoned character, no doubt. But, nevertheless, so graceless and bad are you by nature, that though you had been changed into a freeman from a slave, and man of property instead of 4 pauper, by the favour of these good citizens, you are so far from shewing them any gratitude that you hire your- self out to plot their ruin. Now those points, which are matters of controversy whether his language might not * See Dissen's note on the reading and explanation of this passage. 129-134.] ON THE CROWN. 53 have been constmed as favourable to the state, I will omit: but that part of his conduct which was convicted of being favourable to the enemy, I will recal to your memory. Who among you remembers not the ejected citizen Antipho, who re-entered the town to ftilfil the promise he had made to Philip that he would bum our arsenals ? Well, when I found him concealed in the Pirseus and placed him at the bar of the assembly, this malignant man, crying and shouting that in a free state like ours 'twas not to be borne that I should insult unfortunate citizens and enter their houses without the authority of the law, caused him to be set free. And had not the court of Areopagus heard the facts, and seen your most inopportune ignorance, and instituted a second search, and apprehended the man and brought him before you, the wretch would have been rescued, and escaping your punishment, would have been sent out of the country by this grand talker here. As it was, you put him to tor- ture and then executed him ; as indeed it would liave been only right to have treated ^schines also. Accord- mgly the Areopagus, knowing this conduct of ^schines, after you had elected hun advocate in the matter of the temple at Delos, in the same blind infatuation which led jou so often to sacrifice the public good, and subse- quently taken the court of Areopagus into your counsels and referred the matter to their ultimate decision, forth- with repudiated him as a traitor, and ordered Hyperides to deliver the oration instead before the Amphictyonic council : and this too giving their votes solemnly on the altar— not one vote being given in favour of J^.schines. %'t' 54 DEMOSTHENES [chap. 135-138] ON THE CROWN. 55 And to prove the truth of what I state, summon me the evidence of the facts. [Affidavit read.) " The undersigned, Callias, of the Sunian town- ship ; Zeno, of the Phlyan ; Cleon, of the Phaleiian ; Demonicus, of the Marathonian, give evidence for Demosthenes, on behalf of their body, that when on an occasion the people elected ^schines to be advo- cate in the matter of the temple at Deloa before the Amphictyons, we, in our capacity of Areopagites, judged Ilyperides to be a fitter person to plead the city's cause, and Hyperides was sent accordingly." Thus then in rejecting jEschines from the office of Advocate and assigning it to another, the council made it clear to you that he was a betrayer of his trust and an enemy of his country. Here you have one event in the public life of this man in his youth, — very like, is it not, to those of which he accuses me. Now call to mind a second. When Philip sent Python the Byzan- tine, and along with him ambassadors from all his allies, to place our city, as he thought, in a disgraceful position and prove it to be in the wrong; then I, so far from yield- ing or giving way before the impudence and torrent of in- vective which Python poured forth on you, stood up and confuted him, and did not abandon the rights of the state, but proved Philip guilty of injustice so clearly that even his own allies rose to allow the truth of what I said: while this man was on Python's side and gave evidence against his countr}", and that too falsely. Nor was this enough : but again, on a subsequent occasion, he was apprehended on his way to Thrason's house in company with Anaxinus the spy. And you will allow that the man who was walking tete-a-tete with the emis- sary of our enemies and in* close converse with him had himself all the character of a spy and enemy to his country. And to prove the truth of my statement, sum- mon me the evidence of these facts. (Affidavit read.) " Teledemon, son of Cleon, Hyperides, son of Cal- Igeschrus, Nicomachus, son of Diophantes, give evi- dence for Demosthenes, and took oath of it before the generals, that they know that ^schines, son of Atrometus, of the Cothocian township, met and had an mterview with Anaxinus, who was judged to be a spy from Philip at the house of Thrason. This tesr timony was given before Nicias, on the third day of Hecatombaeon." Now though I have ten thousand other things to men- tion about him, I pass them by. For the case stands thus : I could point out many circumstances of this kind m which he at that period was found serving the cause of our enemies and vexatiously annoying me. But your remembrance of them is not accurate, nor is your indigr. nation such as the acts deserve ; but, on the contrary, you have allowed too much indulgence to an ill kind of temper, which prompts this and that man to supplant and calumniate the person who advocates your best in- terests ; sacrificing to the pleasure and gratification of listening to abuse the interests of the state. Wherefore It 13 an easier and safer course to enter the pay and service of the enemy, than to take one's station among your public ministers. 56 DEMOSTHENES [chap. Now the mere fact of his having, before the war broke out, manifestly sided with Philip against his coun- try, is, in itself, bad enough, heaven knows ; but forgive him, if you like, forgive him this. But afterwards, when our vessels had been seized in open day, the Cherson- iiese ravagedj Philip himself advancing upon Attica, and things were no longer left in doubt^ but war had been begun, not one single service rendered to you can this malignant, loud-anouthed fellow produce, not one single resolution, small or great, is there which jEschines pro- posed in behalf of the city^s weal. If he says there is, let him produce it, I will give him time. But no, there is not one: so that he is fairly placed on this dilemma — either he had no fault to find with my measures, and therefore did not propose any contrary ones himself; or else he was induced, for the sake of promoting the enemy's interests, to refrain from bringing forward any better measures. Are we to suppose then that he was equally averse to speaking and proposing measures when there was any mischief to be done? So far from it, that then none else could get in a word ! Now his other acts the city was able, it seems, to tolerate, and ^schines to escape detection : but there was one achievement, men of Athens, that was the crowning consummation of all, that to which he has devoted the greater part of his speech, detailing to you the decrees about the Amphis- seans of Locris, with a view to pervert the truth. But the truth, sir, is not to be perverted; you will never wash out the stain of what you there did, though you speak till doomsday. 139-143.] ON THE CROWN. 57 And I would appeal here before you, men of Athens, to all the powers that protect this land of Attica, and the Pythian Apollo, who is one of the ancestral gods of this city, and make my prayer to them, that if there be truth in what I say to you— and what I say now I said then that very day in the assembly when I first saw this bad man engaging in the matter, for I knew him, from the very first I knew him— they may give me happiness and welfare ;— but if, from enmity or a quan-elsome spirit, I now bring a false charge against this man, that they may strip me of every blessing ! Now why do I make this long and earnest pro- testation? Because though I have documents lying in the public chest, from which I shall give you the most convincing proofs of all I say, and though I well know that you remember the facts, yet I have still one fear, and that is that ^schines be thought too powerless to have really accomplished so much mischief, as on a former occasion when he caused the ruin of the poor Phocians by the false reports he brought home. For that Amphissean war which enabled Philip to advance to Elatea and to be elected head of the Amphictyons, and which overthrew the cause of Greece, was the result of this man's machinations ; and to him alone is due all the most grievous of our disasters. And then at the period I refer to, when I began to protest and vociferate in the assembly, "You are bringing war into Attica, Jilschines, an Amphictyonic war;" some who were in concert with him and sitting on the same benches, bade me be silent; others were amazed and 58 DEMOSTHENES [chap. 143-150.] .ON THE CBOWN. 59 thought that from personal motives of emnity I was getting up an empty charge against him. Now the real character of these events, men of Athens, and the reason why they were brought about, and the manner of them, I will now tell you, since then you prevented me. Ye will observe how well put together the in- trigue was, and will derive from my statement much assistance towards a right investigation of public affairs: and besides, you will learn how great Philip's ability for good or evil was. Philip saw that there would be no end or respite to his war with you, imless he were to set the Thebans and Thessalians at enmity with our city : and that as it was, notwithstanding the ill success and want of ability of your generals, he was suffering numberless ills from the mere continuance of the war and the privateers. For all export of the productions of his own country and all import of foreign necessaries was stopped ; and he himself at that time neither superior to you by sea, nor yet able to enter Attica by land, so long as the Thessalians would not join his march, nor the Thebans give him a free passage. \But it was his lot, in spite of his victories in the field over such generals as you sent out (for of them I speak not), to be the loser from the mere nature of the geography and the respective advantages of the two countries. Now he thought that if he were to attempt to persuade either the Thessalians or the Thebans for their own motives of enmity to march against you, they would not listen to him ; but if he could take up their common pretext for war, and so get himself chosen commander-in-chief, he thought he could more easily gain his end, partly by deceit and partly by persuasion. How then did he act ? He makes the attempt, observe how ingeniously, to involve the Amphictyons in war about the old quarrel of Ther- mopylae: for thus he conceived they would be most likely to stand in need of his interference. ^ Now if this proposal were mooted by any of his own sacred delegates, or those of his own allies, he thought it would create suspicion among the Thebans and Thes- saUans, and all would be on their guard: but if it were an Athenian and one sent from you who were opposed to him, who did this, he would easily escape exposure. And so it turned out. How then did he effect it? He hires this man. And all being in a state of ignorance and off their guard, according to the usual manner of conducting such affairs among you, this man was nominated secular delegate, and two or three voting for him, was proclaimed. And when he arrived at the Amphictyonic council as the accredited envoy of the state, forsaking and disregarding all other objects, he proceeded to compass the object of his hire ; and putting together and delivering at length plausible speeches and long stories about how the Cirrhean dis- trict had been originally consecrated, his hearers, the sacred delegates, being unused to speeches and unfore- seeing of the future, he persuades them to pass a resolution to make a survey of the district which the Amphissaeans claimed the right of farming as their own, but which ^schines alleged was part of the sacred 60 DEMOSTHENES [chap, ON THE CROWN. 61 territory : and this charge he made unprovoked by any action brought by them — the Amphissaean Locrians — against our state, not even that which he now alleges, a pretence which is wholly false. As ye may learn from this fact: it was impossible for the Locrians, aS you know, to bring an action against our state with- out a previous citation. Who ever made this citation ? When? inwhose arehonship? Mention any one who knows it to have been made ; produce him. You could not do so; but the whole pretence is null and false. So while the Amphictyons were making this survey at this man's instigation, the Locrians set upon them, and almost killed them all with their missiles, and some too of the sacred delegates they seized. And when once, in consequence of this, criminations and war had been stirred up against the Amphissaeans, first of all Cotty- phus was appointed to lead a troop of the Amphictyons themselves against them ; but finding that some did not come, and those who did eflfected nothing, the matter was at once referred at the next meeting of the council to Philip as commander-in-chief, by his creatures and the old disaffected party among the Thessalians and the other states. And they adopted a most plausible pretext: for they said they had only two alternatives, either to tax themselves and support a mercenary force and fine those who refused, or choose him as their conmiander. What need of many words? He was hereupon chosen commander. And immediately after this he collected a force and sets out as if going to invade the Cirrhean district, but reallv bids farewell 150-155.] to the Cirrheans and Locrians and seizes Elatea. Now if the Thebans on seeing this had not immediately changed their minds and sided with us, the whole weight of this disaster would have fallen like a moun- tain torrent upon our city. As it was, at least for the instant, the Thebans gave him a sudden check ; which we must ascribe in the first place, men of Athens, to the provident case of some of the gods for us, 'and secondarily, and as far as one individual could be in- strumental, to myself. And hand me up these decrees, and the dates of each occurrence, that my audience may be infonned what immense confusion this scoundrel caused without being punished for it. Now read the decrees. DECREE OF THE AMPHICTYONS. " In the priesthood of Clinagoras, at the spring meeting, it was decreed by the Pylagorse and the as- sessors* of the Amphictyons, and the general assembly of the Amphictyons, that whereas the Amphissseans mvade the consecrated territory and sow it, and pas- ture their herds upon it, the Pylagoraj and the as. sessors go and mark out its boundaries by pillars, and forbid the Amphissaeans for the future to invade it. ANOTHER DECREE. "In the priesthood of Clinagoras, at the spring meeting, it was decreed by the Pylagor^ and the assessors of the Amphictyons, and the general as- * Dissen understands by the ^ivt^pot in these decrees, the officers elsewhere termed ltpofjLvmovt XiTToJv Ktvdfiuira Km ctkotov rrvXagy KaKayyeXtly fiiy W6i fjij deXovTci fie. And wretch that you are, wretc{ied be the fate that I ^ 265-271.] ON THE CROWN. 103 pray the gods in the first place, and then all who hear me, to inflict upon you, rascally citizen and rascally stage drudge! Kead the affidavits. In my public relations, then, such was my character. In my private capacity, if you cannot all bear witness to my sociableness, and kindliness, and readiness to aid the needy, I am silent, nor would I speak a word, or produce evidence on this subject, or remind you of any prisoners I may have ransomed in the war, or any of your daughters whose dowries I may have eked out, or in short of anything else of such a kind. For my principle is this, I hold that he who rcr ceives a benefit is bound to remember it all his life, but he who confers it to forget it forthwith ; so will the one act the part of an honest, and the other of a truly liberal man. Whereas to be calling to mind and speaks ing of private services is very nearly akin to expro^ bration. This I will not do — ^nothing shall induce me, Whatever opinion men have conceived of me in these respects, I am content, I would now, quitting private matters, add a few words on those of a public nature. If you can point out, ^schines, any one man in any country visited by this sun, who has been guiltless (in your sense of guilt) of the tyranny first of Philip and now of Alex- ander, Greek or Barbarian, I grant all, I allow you to say it was my fortune or misfortune, whichever you like to call it, which has become the cause of all. But if among men who never saw me or heard my voice, very many have suffered very grievous calamities, not only 104 DEMOSTHENES [chap. individual men, but whole states and nations ; then how far juster and truer were it to consider the fortune as it seems of all mankind and the necessary tendency of events, — a tendency grievous indeed and much to be lamented — as the cause of these things. You, however, say nothing of these causes, but charge me with them as the man whose administration was coincident with them ; and this too well knowing that if not the whole, yet at least some portion of the calumny attaches to all, and most of all to you. For had I been individually invested with absolute power to consult for the emergency, you, the rest of the orators, would have had some grounds for throwing the blame on me. But if, as was the case, you were present in all the meetings of the assembly on each occasion, and the city proposed her interests to all for their common deliberation, and all agreed to adopt this line of policy, and most of all you, — for at least it was not from kindness to me that you consented to forego the hopes and admiration and honours which attended my career at that time, but clearly because you were forced to yield to the force of truth and had nothing better to propose, — is it not, I ask, an iniquitous and shameful thing in you now to bring up in accu- sation against me, measures which you confessed at the time you could not improve ? Now I observe that all other men adopt some such distinctions and arrange- ments as the following. A man voluntarily does wrong : anger and punishment for him. A man involuntarily falls into error: indulgence instead of punishment for him. Suppose neither from criminality nor even error i 271-277.] ON THE CROWN. 105 a man has committed himself to measures which all determine are expedient, but is unfortunate in common with all ; 'tis right not to reproach or revile such a one, but rather condole with him. All this will appear to be consonant not only with our customs, but also with the unwritten laws of nature and the dictates of the human heart, ^schines however has so far excelled all men in cruelty and sycophancy, that what he him- self mentioned as misfortunes, these he turns into matter of accusation against me ! And besides all this, just as though he had himself spoken throughout in the most straightforward and friendly spirit, he bade you be on your guard and watch me carefully lest I should evade or deceive you, calling me a person of dangerous cleverness, and magician, and sophisticator, and the like : as if in sooth when a man who speaks first fastens on another epithets that belong to himself, this would all be taken at his word, and his hearers would not rather inquire who or what the man may be himself who says all this. But I well know that ye are all acquainted with this man, and are assured that he rather than I deserves these epithets. And another thing I know, namely that my formidable cleverness — for grant that I have it for argument's sake, though my expe- rience tells me that the influence of the speaker is for the most part under the control of the hearer; for in proportion to your disposition and kindly feelings towards each, is the opinion ye form of his wisdom : but supposing I have some such habitude, you will find what I possess of it ever employed in public busi- S 106 DEMOSTHENES [chap, 277-283.] ON THE CROWN. 107 ness on your account, and never to your prejudice or my private ends : while that of jEschines has ever been displayed not only in pleading the cause of our enemies, but should any have annoyed or offended him in aught, directed against these. For he employs it for no just or patriotic end. For the true patriot would not ask the judges who come here in behalf of the public weal, to secure to himself the free indulgence of his anger or his enmity or any other passion, or make these the object of their care : no, he would rather pray that he might be naturally exempt from such feelings, or if he must have them, to have them mitigated and moderated. When then may the statesman and orator be vehement ? Whenever any great public interest is at stake, when- ever the matter is between the people and their enemies, then he may! then is shewn the genuine and true citizen. But having never once sued me on a public, or, I may add, private charge either on his own account or on that of the state, to come forward now and get up a plea against a crown and a vote of thanks, and spend so many words in urging it, this I say is a sign of private malice and envy and smallness of soul, and of no good quality whatever. And then to omit all pro- ceedings against myself and direct his attack against the defendant, surely this betokens consummate knavery. Indeed I cannot but suppose, ^schines, from all this, that a kind of rhetorical display and exercise of your voice was your motive for instituting this action, and not to prosecute any crime. jEschines, it is not the words of the orator that have value, or the tone of his voice, but identifying your principles with those of your fellow-citi- zens, hating those whom your country hates, and loving those whom your country loves. The man whose heart is thus disposed will be patriotic in all he says : while he who studies to please those from whom the state apprehends danger, fixes his hopes on a separate anchor, and cannot therefore look upon his own welfare as identical with that of the state. Mark the application : I ever made common cause with these who hear me, without any reservation or exclusiveness whatever. And did not you ? Prove it sir, if you can ! you who im- mediately after the battle went on an embassy to Philip, and therein caused all your country's disasters at that period, and that too after having on all previous occa- sions refused this employment, as all know. But who is it that cheats the state ? is it not he who speaks not what he thinks? Who is it that justly deserves the curses denoimced by the public crier? is it not the same? What greater crime can an orator be charged with than saying one thing and meaning another? Such is the character brought home to you ! And do you dare to open your lips or look these gentlemen in the face ? Think you they know you not ? Think you their slumber is so profound or their forgetfiilness so complete, as not to remember the words you publicly uttered in the assembly, protesting and declaring upon your oath that you had nothing whatever to do with Philip, but that I brought this charge against you out of private malice and with no ground of truth whatever? i 108 DEMOSTHENES [chap. But the moment the news of the battle reached us you forgot all this, and immediately confessed to and claimed friendly and hospitable relations with him, using these euphemisms for the relations of a hireling. For on what equal terms, on what just pretext, could iEschines, the son of Glaucothea the sorceress, be the ally or friend or acquaintance of Philip? I cannot see. The only explanation is that you had engaged yourself to him to ruin the interest of these gentlemen. And yet notwithstanding all this, convicted as you are thus openly of being a traitor, out of your own mouth and by the event, you retort this calumny and reproach upon me, who less deserve them than any one person you can mention. Many and glorious and important were the occasions, ^schines, on which the state has adopted and carried out successful measures through my instrumentality: and these it has in no wise forgot. For instance : when the assembly was proceeding to elect the orator who should deliver the fimeral oration over those who had fallen, when the events were fresh in the minds of all, they elected not you, though you were put forward, and were gifted with the most musical voice, nor Demades, who had just concluded the peace, nor Hegemon, nor any other person among you, but myself. And when you and Pythocles stepped forward with barbarous effrontery to charge me with your present accusations and calumnies, the assembly was only the more unani- mous in my election. And the reason of this you well know yourself, but nevertheless you shall hear it from 284-288.] ON THE CROWN. 109 me too. They were equally aware of the merits of both — of my patriotic zeal in the discharge of public business, and of your villany. For the very things which in the palmy days of the state you denied on oath, these in her reverses you admitted : so they concluded that men, who in a time of public calamity fearlessly spoke out their wicked thoughts, must have been their enemies all along, though they only now appeared to them in a true light. They conceived moreover that decency required that he who was to speak the praises of the slain and do justice to their worth, should not be one who had harboured under the same roof and drunk of the same cup with their foes, and should not, after feasting in the enemy's country, singing songs of victory over the calamities of the Greeks in company with those whose hands were dipped in their blood, come home to be honoured : they wanted one who would not feign tears of sorrow over their fate, but grieve for them at his very heart. This they could do with sincerity themselves ; this they knew that I could do, and this they knew that you could not do: and therefore they elected me and not you. Nor were the wishes of the assembly different from those of the fathers and brothers of the slain who were ap- pointed by the state to conduct the funeral: on the contrary, when the funeral feast had to be held at the house of some one who should be thought most nearly aUled to the dead on the principle observed throughout, they held it at my house. And justly ; for though they could each claim a nearer kindred with the dead singly, 110 DEMOSTHENES [chap. yet, collectively, none was more near akin to them than myself. For he who had been most nearly concerned in their safety and success, to him, after their melan- choly fate, the largest share of the grief felt for them collectively belonged. And read him this inscription which the city publicly decided upon putting over them, that you, JEschines, may know yourself even by this to be an unfeeling wretch, a base informer, and a foul villain. Read. (inscription). " These are they who for their country bore arms into the strife, and scattered the insolence of their foes. And fighting they saved not their lives, but made death the awarder of the prize to them all for their valour and their peril,* in defence of the Greeks, that they might not fix the yoke upon their necks and have to bear the hateful outrages of slavery. And their bodies, now they are rested from their manifold toils, their native land holds in her bosom, since this is the sentence of Jove upon mortals. To fail in no- thing and succeed in everything is for gods; but in life to avoid fate is not for mortals." J You hear, jEschines, that even this tells us that to fail in nothing and succeed in everything is for gods. It does not refer to the statesman the power of giving success to those who combat, but to the gods. Why then, O accursed wretch, dost thou revile me on this * See Dissen's commentary on this passage, though he inclines to the reading Xij/xoto« for SiifiaTos. 288-293.] ON THE CROWN* 111 ground, and say what I pray the gods to turn against the person of thee and thine ? But in all his accusations and falsehoods, men of Athens, nothing has shocked me more than that in men- tioning what has befallen our state at those periods, his feelings were not affected as those of a patriotic and upright citizen would have been : he shed no tears nor shewed the least sensibility of heart, but raised his voice and exulted and shouted out his words to give, as he no doubt thought, emphasis to his charges agamst me, but in reality exhibiting an unequivocal proof that the national disasters did not move him as they did the rest. And yet the man who asserts that he has a regard for the laws and the constitution, as he did just now, ought surely to give this if no other indication of it, sympathy viz. with his fellow-citizens in their sorrows as well as in their joy, and not in his political principles to have ranged himself on the side of our enemies. And yet this is what you have most conspicuously done, in affirm- ing that I was the cause of all, and that I brought the state into trouble, when in reahty, gentlemen, your zeal in the defence of the rest of Greece did not date from my administration or public policy* ^Had it done so, were you to allow me to arrogate to myself the glory of having induced you to oppose the gtowing dominion that was threatening Greece, you would indeed have granted me a greater boon than any that you ever yet bestowed. But neither can I affirm this, for 'twere a wrong against you, nor would you, I am well assured, concede it : nor would this man, if he had acted with a regard to justice, have 112 DEMOSTHENES [chap. 294-298.] ON THE CROWN. 113 allowed himself, for the sake of gratifying his enmity to me, to have impugned and calumniated the highest glory you can boast. But why reproach him with this when far fouler charges and falsehoods remain behind? The man who has accused me of Philippizing, — in the name of heaven what will he say next ? And yet I do positively assert, and will maintain, that if the question were fairly tried, all false and spiteful declamation apart, who in very truth are the men upon whose heads ought justly to fall the curse of having occasioned our misfortumes, they would be found in the several states among those who followed ^schines' example, not mine, those who, while Philip's power was still feeble and in- considerable, in spite of our frequent forebodings and ad- jurations and exhortations to what was best, for the sake of their own private gains, prostituted the public interests, severally deceiving and corrupting their fellow- citizens, until they enslaved them: — Daochus, Cineas, Thrasydaus among the Thessalians; among the Arca- dians, Cercidas, Hieronymus, Eucampidas; among the Argives, Myrtis, Teledamus, Mnaseas; among the Eleians, Euxitheus, Cleotimus, Aristsechmus ; among the Messenians the two sons of the accursed Philiades, Neon and Thrasylochus ; among the Sicyonians, Aris- tratus and Epichares; among the Corinthians, Deinar- chus and Demaratus ; among the Megareans, Ptoeodorus, Helixus and Perilaus; among the Thebans, Timolaus, Theogiton, Anemoetas; among the Euboeans, Hippar- chus, Clitarchus and Sosistratus. Daylight would fail me were I to tell the names of the traitors. All of these, men of Athens, represent in their particular states the principles which ^schines and his friends maintain among you : profligate, fawning hypocrites, villains that have each mutilated his country's most sacred interests, squandering away her liberties over their cups, first to Philip, now to Alexander, measuring their happiness by their appetites and their lusts ; while liberty and in- dependence—names that to the Greeks of old were the very definition and standard of what is good— were betrayed and overthrown. From any share in this foul villainy and notorious conspiracy, or rather betrayal, men of Athens, to give it its right name, of the liberties of the Greeks, our city was acquitted among the states of Greece In con- sequence of my measures, and I was acquitted among you. And then do you come and ask me to shew cause why I should be crowned ? I answer that at a time when all the public men of Greece, beginning with yourself, were corrupted, first by Philip and then by Alexander, I was the only exception; neither oppor- tunities, nor fair words, nor magnificent promises, nor hope 'nor fear, nor any other motive, excited me or allured me to betray one tittle of what I judged right and expedient for my country: never In counselling you did I follow the example of these men, and let my counsels incline in the balance towards my own private gains; but In uprightness and uncorrupted In- tegrity of soul have I done everything : and presiding over more weighty interests than any of my cotem- porarles, my public conduct throughout has been pure I 114 DEMOSTHENES [chap* 299-305.] ON THE CROWN. 115 and just. These, sir, are the grounds on which I claim to be crowned. For that building of a fort and digging of a trench which you chose to cavil at, while I main- tain that they deserved your approbation and thanks-^ who will deny it?— yet at the same time I do not mention them in the same day with my public admin- istration. No ! it was not with bricks and stones that I fortified our city,-nor is it upon these that I most pride myself: if you fairly inquire what my fortifica- tions were, you will find they were arms, cities, lands, harbours, ships, horses, and soldiers to fight in defence of them. These were the defences I threw before Attica, as far as human foresight could; with these I fortified the country, and not the circuit of the Piraeus only and the city. Nor was I defeated by the calcu- lations of Philip, far from it, nor by his preparations; but it was the generals of our allies and their forces that were defeated by fortune. What are my proofs of this ? Clear and manifest. Hear them I What ought the weU-affected citizen to have done? he who with all foresight and zeal and uprightness was serving his country? Ought he not on the side of the sea to have made Euboea the shield of Attica, and Boeotia on the land side, and on the Peloponnesian frontiers the states thereto adjacent? Ought he not to have taken precautions to ensure the convoy of com being brought safely to the Piraeus by securing the friendliness of all the powers along its whole course? Ought he not to have guaranteed some of our posses^ sions by sending out succours, and seconding these at home by speeches and motions, such as Proconnesus, and Chersonnesus, and Tenedos, — while of others he conciliated the good-will and alhance, such as Byzan- tium, Abydos, Euboea? And then of the powers on the enemy's side, ought he not to have withdrawn from them the chiefest, . and therewith supplied the deficiencies of ourselves? Now all this was accom- plished by my decrees and public measures, all which, if submitted to an impartial examination, will be found, men of Athens, well advised and most justly carried out, the several opportunities being in no case over- looked by me from negligence or ignorance or dis- affection; nor, in short, any thing that came within the capability and calculation of one mdividual omitted. But if the power of some deity or of fortune, or the incapacity of generals, or the villainy of the betrayers of their countries, or all these causes put together, marred the working of the whole until it finally ruined us, how does this prove the guilt of Demosthenes ? But if there had been some one man in each of the states of Greece such as I was among you according to my position, nay, if Thessaly had had a single individual and Arcadia a single individual of sentiments the same as mine; not one either of the Greeks outside Ther- mopylae or of those within would have experienced their present calamities; but they would all, in the secure possession of their freedom and independence, have fearlessly continued to dwell in their own lands, owing these great and important blessings to you and the rest of the Athenians through my instrumentality. IIG DEMOSTHENES [chap. 306-311.] ON THE CROWN. 117 Such, ^schines, was the course it behoved the really noble aud patriotic citizen to adopt, — a course which, if successful, would have made us most unquestionably the greatest of nations, aye and justly ; but which, at- tended as it has been with other results, has at least left us our honour, and the glory of hearing neither our country nor her principles reproached by any, but only fortune accused for having determined matters thus. This he ought to have done : and now I will tell you what he ought not to have done. He ought not to have deserted the interests of the state and hired himself to the foe, intent on promoting all that favoured them instead of what was good for his coun- try : he ought not to have enviously maligned the man who undertook to advocate and decree, and was de- termined to maintain, measm*es worthy of the state; and if any one had privately offended him, have re- membered and harboured it; nor have indulged in an unjust and insidious inactivity, as you did, and still often do. For there is a kind of inactivity, a right and proper inactivity, beneficial to the state, which you, the majority of our citizens, most innocently maintain. But this is not the inactivity which iEschines exhibits ; far from it : his inactivity consists in withdrawing him- self whenever he thinks good, and he often does think good, from public business, and then waiting till he sees you quite tired of some persevering orator, or till some reverse at the hands of fortune or other provok- ing accident, such as are common to the lot of man, has happened. Then he would seize the opportunity and suddenly come down upon us like a gale after a calm, and after exercising his voice and culling the flowers of his rhetoric, he strings them all together in one clear tenor, while they convey no advantage to the state nor the acquisition of any one good thing, but only ruin to some unfortunate individual, and com- mon disgrace to all. Yet surely, after so much pains- taking and practising, iEschines, did these proceed from an honest heart, one that sought his country's weal, some fruit ought to have appeared, genuine and good and advantageous to all— political alliances, an increased exchequer, a mart established, good laws passed, or a blow struck at those false men who had declared themselves our foes. For in the former times all these things would have been noticed and ap- preciated, and the days that have now gone by gave many opportunities to the patriotic man to dis- play his patriotism— in none of which will you appear to have distinguished yourself, neither among the first nor among the second nor the third nor the fourth nor the fifth nor the sixth, nor in any class whatever, much less as a contributor to your country's strength. For what alliance under your conduct ever accrued to the state? what assistance or accession of good favour or renown? what embassy, or service by which the state was raised in honour? what business, domestic or international, over which you were placed ever suc- ceeded by your agency? what ships, or ammunitions, or arsenals, or raising of forts, or levying of cavalry, or in short what useful thing whatever did you bestow ? 118 DEMOSTHENES [chap. 311-318.] ON THE CROWN. 119 When did you ever shew any public spirit in giving pecuniary assistance to rich or poor ? Never ! But per- haps if our friend was unable to do this, there was at least the will and the good intention ? Where ? when ? You most iniquitous of men, not even when all who had ever at any time spoken from the tribune were subscribing for the public safety, when last of all even Aristonicus offered the sum he had collected to recover his civil rights, not even then did you come forward or make the least contribution : not for want of means, for how could you plead poverty after inheriting the property of Philo your kinsman, amounting to more than five talents, and receiving the two talents sub- scribed as a memorial by the first class of rate-payers for services rendered in mutilating my law about the equipment of Triremes ? But that I may not be led on from subject to subject so as to lose the thread of my discourse, I will drop this matter. I think I have said enough to shew that it was not from poverty that you did not contribute, but from your anxiety not to do any thing inconsistent with the principles you espoused. Wherein then did you display all your bravery and your finery ? Whenever you had occasion to say any- thing to the prejudice of these gentlemen, then you favoured us with your fine voice, your gifted memory, your excellent acting — a very Theocrines of tragedy. You proceed to make mention of the great men of former days: and I commend you for so doing. But it is not fair or just, men of Athens, that my opponent, taking advantage of your veneration for the dead, should criticise me by their side and compafe me with them while I am still living among you. For which of you knows not that against all men during their lifetime there is more or less a feelmg of envy ? whereas the dead, no man, not even an enemy, hates. And notwithstanding this law of our nature, am I now to to be examined and judged of by my predecessors ? God forbid ! 'tis neither just nor equitable, ^schines ! Compare me rather with yourself, or with any one else of those who have identified their principles with yours and are yet among the living. And take this too into your account: whether it be more creditable or expedient for the state to make her obligations to our ancestors, transcendant as they are and more than words can tell, serve to depreciate and detract from the meritorious services of men of the present generation, or to extend to all who shew in aught a zeal for their country, a participation in your honours and your benevolence. And yet, if necessity may excuse the remark, my public conduct and prin- ciples, when rightly viewed^ will appear to have had the same object proposed to them as those of the esteemed men of other times; while yours corresponded rather with the aim of those who then laboured to bring them by their false charges into disrepute. For it seems that in those days also there were some to cavil at the living while they extolled the dead— the task of malicious envy, and the same as that you have now undertaken! Then do you say that I in no way re- semble them? Do you resemble them, ^schines? 120 DEMOSTHENES [chap. Does that brother of yours? or any other of our pre- sent orators? For my own part I say that none of them do. But with the Hving, good sir,— good sir by courtesy, not to give you your proper name,— compare the living, and with his contemporaries, as you do m all other cases, poets, or dancers, or wrestlers. Philammon was not refused his crown at the Olympic games because he failed to equal Glaucus the Carystian and some others among his predecessors ; but inasmuch as he surpassed all who entered the lists against him, he was crowned and proclaimed victor. And I now chal- lenge you to look at me by the side of the present orators, by the side of yourself, by the side of any one of them you like. I do not shun comparison with any ; for among them, when the best things were at the option of the state, and a trial of patriotism was pro- posed to all, I stood forth as the best and most powerful counsellor, my bills and laws and embassies were al- lowed to direct everything; while none of you were anywhere to be seen, unless it was to insult these gentlemen. But when things happened which I would to heaven might not have happened, and counsellors were no longer in request, but rather men who would obey orders and would hire themselves against their country, and would pay their court to foreigners, then you and each of your set came into vogue with your great and splendid equipages^ while I was powerless, I allow, but still a friend at heart, far more than you, to these gentlemen. There are two requisites, men of Athens, indispensable to the naturally good citizen : speaking generally to avoid 318-324.] ON THE CROWN. 121 as much as possible the odium of egotism — when in power to maintain a noble bearing and the dignity belonging to the state's ministers ; in all other times and actions to bear a patriotic spirit. This a man may do : power and mfluence are out of his control. This spirit ye will find that I have maintained in singleness of heart. For mark me: neither when my surrrender was de- manded, nor when sued by the Amphictyonic council, nor when goaded by their threats, nor when allured by their promises, no, not when they set at me these execrable men like so many savage beasts, did I forget my loyalty to you. I had chosen from the first a straightforward and righteous path of policy— to promote the honour, the power, the glory of my country, to labour for her aggrandisement, to dedicate myself to her cause. I do not, when our enemies prosper, wear a smilino- radiant face, pacing the market and shaking men by the hand, and telling the good news to all who are likely to report it yonder ; but tremble when I hear the successes of my country, sighing and droopmg my head Hke these impious men, who tear and rend our state as having themselves no part or parcel in it, and look abroad, and whenever they see another triumph- ing on the ruins of Greece, approve and say it will be their endeavour to preserve this state of things for ever. Do not then, ye Powers of Heaven, do not consent to this; rather, if it may be, put a better heart and mind into these men : but if this may not be, If they i.jiaitratiw>,'-..,aijiiBataiij 122 DEMOSTHENES ON THE CROWN. Cambridge, September 1853. are indeed beyond all cure, then destroy them utterly, root and branch, by land and sea, each and all of them ; but to us who remain, grant a speedy deliverance from the terrors that hang over us, and the blessings of a secure and lasting peace. MACMILLAN AND CO.'S LIST OF NEW AND IMPORTANT (>;-v. \^. THE END. CAMBRIDGE! PPTNTED BY METCALFE AND PALMER. 1. A Treatise on Elementary STATICS In the Press. 2. Recently PuhUshed, by the same Author, A Treatise on the DIFFEEENTIAL CALCULUS ■ ^^o^vn 8vo. cloth, 10s. 6d. BE POUND APPENDED TO RENDER ANOTHER <( << To THE DIFFERENT CHAPTERS WILL iiXAMPLES SUFFICIENTLY NUMEROUS TO T,r>XT^ BOOK UNNECESSARY. The examnll L \ ^^^^^^ ANOTHER exclusively from the Coiwr^^^^^^ ^^'"^ ^^^^"^^^^ ^l^ost Papers.-Zp^E^^CE! ^' ^"^ University Examination A Treatise which witt tav^ t™,^ THE EARLY PARTS OF THE TOTimv EXPLANATIONS IN VL.C.NO AN. CANNOT rZ\lZ'^^.^\^^tL7^^ .'S"^ ' Fop rr^. ^""^^'^^ 'Journal of Educatio7i. CALC.L.S-WE HAVE ZsZ:TrlL^^',':^^^^-^-"^ ™^ AS THE FR^Ei,T:'—AtAen.;:i^;.Ccai.-- --^i^aaaw^- a Macmillan and Co.'s List of New Educational Works, THKING'S GKAMMAES. 14. 1. The Elements of GRAMMAR taught in English. By the Kev. E. THRING, M.A., Fellow of King's College, 18mo. bound in cloth, 2s. Cambridge. 15. 2. THE CHILD'S GRAMMAR. Being the substance of the above, with Examples for Practice. Adapted for Junior Classes. 18mo. limp cloth, Is. Extracts from Reviews, Athenaeum. N(yv. 13, 1852. ** A very successful attempt to exhibit the principles ^ not merely of English Grammar^ but of language in general, within a very short compass, and at the same time with a simplicity adapted to the com- prehension of children. The Rules are not stated in the bare uncon- nected manner in which most Grammars give them, but follow one another in natural order, and are united together by explanatory remarks, so as to form a compact, well-defined system. As the explanation of the prin- ciple in each case precedes the rule founded upon them, the latter may he easily understood ami easily remembered. Both rules and definitions ewe stated with great precision and clearness, besides being printed in striking type. At the foot of the page, questions on the text are given for the use of the teacher. The book cannot be too strongly RECOMMENDED OR TOO WIDELY CIRCULATED. ItS PRICE IS SMALL AND its VALUE GREAT." English Review. July, 1852. " The conception of this work is altogether novel : and we cer- tainly can believe that it holds out a prospect of gi^'ing notions on Grammar which is not easily attainable on other systems. We strongly recommend the Grammar to the attention of those who are interested in Education." THRING'S GRAMMARS, opinions of- Continued. Spectator. October 4, 1851. " A very able book it is, both in substance and form. Mr. Thring has seized the essential principles of Grammar as contained in speech and the ideas about which we speak. He has exhibited these principles primarily and more fully in English Grammar, but illus- trated them by occasional references to other languages. He has managed to do this by means of leading rules in large type, with explanations or questions in smaller, without departing from the manner of a first Educational Book." Christian Times. Jtily 23, 1852. " The larger work alluded to in the title of this little Grammar was favourably noticed in this Journal at the time of its publica- tion, and described as *a genuine contribution to the w'ants op THE age.' To this opinion we still adhere, and are pleased to welcome the reappearance of its substance in another form. The definitions and illustrations are at once correct and simple ; and the questions at the foot of each page are well adapted to exercise the intelligence of the learner and to lead to a thorough acquaintance with the contents of the little manual." British Quarterly. August, 1852. " Small books and treating only as they profess upon the ' Ele- ments of Grammar,' but presenting them with much clearness and skill, so as not to repel by the artificialness but rather to interest by the naturalness of the mode in which the knowledge is com- municated." Nonconformist. Nov. 26, 1851. " He has, wdth beautiful simplicity, analyzed our forms of lan- guage, and explained with great clearness, how from them have originated the parts of speech, and the cases of nouns, moods of verbs, and so on and for this the teacher and learner will thank him.. ..We acknowledge with gratitude the service he has rendered so practical and sensible. The author has successfully attempted to show how Grammar is to be taught." 8 Macmillan and Co.'s List of New Educational Works. 9 THRING'S GRAMMARS, OPINIONS of—Continued. Guardian. October 29, 1851. '• Is a very clever and scientific little Book.'* John Bull. Nov. 5, 1851. " The technicalities of ordinary Grammars are relieved by fa- miliar catechetical conversations which elicit their meaning and pave the way for the intelligent application of the principles of Grammar." Nonconformist. June 23, 1852. " Mr. Thring's former work * The Elements of Grammar' has received general commendation : and we are persuaded that such commendation wUl be yet more earnest and emphatic as the book becomes better known and tested by use. The shorter Grammar now published resembles its predecessor in being thoroughly scientific and genuinely simple. It contains the substance of a larger work, relieved of every thing which, though useful to the teacher, might confuse a beginner, and would not be wanted tUl a more advanced stage. Rules are given, in every case only as the expression of results, reached by the learner in the study of successive principles ; and to each rule are appended Examples — and generally rhymed examples, which are happily managed, and wOl both interest the pupil and facilitate the remembrance of the lesson. The ability and labour necessary for the production of a little book like this are not estimable by those who have neither studied language tho- roughly, nor tried to extract from the arbitrary rules and confused modes of common grammars the matter suited to the apprehension of beginners. The method of Mr. Thring's Grammar is the MOST RATIONAL WE HAVE SEEN ; AND IT IS WORKED OUT WITH SIMPLICITY, PRECISION, AND COMPLETENESS." The Educator. " Written with great skill." Feb. 1852. English Journal of Education. •* We strongly recommend this Grammar to the attention of those who are interested in Education." 16. (( ^SCHYLI EUMENIDES. The Greek Text with English Notes : with an Introduction, containing an Analysis of C. 0. MuUer's Dissertations; and an English Metrical Translation. By BERNARD DRAKE, M.A., Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, Editor of " De- mosthenes de Corona." gvo. cloth, Is. Qd. " ^900■-♦*- 14 Macmillan and Co.'s List of { BARNARD SMITH'S ARITHMETIC, OFimO-S ^-Continued. Rev. C. Scott, M.A., of St. John's College, Cambridge, Mathe- matical Master of Wimborne Dorset Grammar School. " As far as the Arithmetic is concerned it is the best book on the subject I have seen. The definitions and explanations are full and easily comprehended. It places in a more prominent light than any other Arithmetic I have seen, the difficulties which all boys meet with and endeavour to pass over without comprehending." Educational Times, March, 1853. " It is a good solid volume of upward of 500 pages, including eighty pages of valuable Appendices, in the form of Senate-House Examination Papers, and Answers to the Examples It IS OXE OF THE REALLY GOOD BoOKS WHICH THE WORLD RECEIVES ONLY WHEN A TEACHER OF THE FIRST CLASS SITS DOWN TO DISCLOSE THE EXTENT OF HIS KNOWLEDGE AND THE SECRET OF HIS SUCCESS. Every anticipation raised by the title-page is honourably fulfilled by the text." Educator, ^ay, 1853. " 'Llie detmitions are**Tf*' *h€ examples ^^t^^"! chosen. ar/I t^o illustrati*^'^" •^*' the "process. .- .-.^^