The 
 **Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano'' 
 
 REV. EDWIN J. AUWEILER, O.F.M. 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 Submitted to the Faculty of Letters of the Catholic University 
 
 of America in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements 
 
 for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 JUNE, 1917 
 
CoIumtJia ®nitier2(itp 
 in tfje Citp of i^etu |9orfe 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
The 
 "Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano" 
 
 BY 
 
 REV. EDWIN J. AUWEILER, O.F.M. 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 Suhmiited to the Faculty of Letters oj the Catholic University 
 
 of America in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements 
 
 for the Degree oj Doctor of Philosophy 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 JUNE, 1917 
 

 MATIONAL CAPITAL PRESS, INC., WASHINGTON, 0. 
 
^ 
 
 ^r- 
 
 ■3:^ CONTENTS 
 
 PAGB 
 
 1. Preface 5 
 
 2. History of the Chronicle 7 
 
 3. Life of Jordan of Giano 20 
 
 4. Preparation of the Latin Text of the Present Edition ... 45 
 
 5. Apparatus Criticus 54 
 
 6. BibHography 61 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The Clironicle of Eriar Jordan of Giano needs no in- 
 troduction to the student of Franciscan history and 
 literature, nor does the offer of a new edition with an 
 English translation stand in need of an apology. The 
 earlier editions of Voigt, in " Abliiandhmgen der Philolo- 
 gisch-Kistorischen Klasse der Koniglich Sachsischen 
 Gesellschaft der Wissenschaf ten, " Leipzig, 1870, of the 
 Analecta Franeiscana, Quaracchi, 1885, are fragTnentary 
 and, besides, quite inaccessible to the general reader. 
 The edition of Dr. Boehmer in the Collection d 'Etudes 
 et de Documents sur L'Histoire Religieuse et Litteraire 
 du Moyen Age is comi)lete and a model of scientific ac- 
 curacy. It shares, however, with the other editions the 
 drawback of addressing itself exclusively to the scholar 
 and student. 
 
 In the proposed edition an attempt will be made to 
 combine the high standard of Boehmer 's edition with 
 greater usefulness for the general reader. It will com- 
 prise the Latin text and its first translation into English. 
 A special call seems to exist for the latter, if only to com- 
 plete the cycle of early Franciscan Literature in the vei-- 
 nacular. 
 
 That the Chronicle of Jordan amply repays study and 
 perusal goes without saying. Though mainly a historical 
 work, it is by no means without literary value. Many 
 of its quaint and inimitable chapters might worthily 
 adorn the best pages of the Fioretti, and even among 
 the "Knights of St. Francis's Round Table" it would 
 be difficult to find a more lovable and human character 
 than the "little, swarthy man with the jocund heart," 
 who speaks to us from the refreshing pages of this 
 chronicle. 
 
 Every care has been employed to make the edition 
 perfect. The viare magnum, of Franciscan litera- 
 
 5 
 
6 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 ture — at once the delight and the despair of the student — 
 has been carefully examined tlioiigh, I must say, with 
 disappointing results. This is owing to the unique char- 
 acter of the present Chronicle. Jordan is an authority 
 who confers light upon others ; little lustre can be shed 
 upon his work by his contemporaries and successors. 
 
 The introduction to the forthcoming edition of the 
 Latin text is submitted as a dissertation to the Faculty 
 of Letters of the Catholic University of America. The en- 
 couragement given by this faculty to constructive edi- 
 torial work on the parf of graduate students, in prefer- 
 ence to the usually unprofitable discussions of philological 
 quisquilia, first directed my choice to the Chronica Fratris 
 Jordani. 
 
 I gladly offer my grateful acknowledgments to the 
 Librarian of the Library of Congress and his assistants, 
 who so generously placed at my unstinted disposal moat 
 of the works indispensable to the completion of this study. 
 
 Washington, March 31, 1917. 
 
HISTORY OF THE CHRONICLE OF 
 JORDAN OF GIANO. 
 
 ''Once upon a time when I was telling the brethren 
 some stories about the coming of the first friars into 
 Germany and about their lives and their deeds, the breth- 
 ren were greatly edified and I have been urged by many, 
 many a time, to write down what I had told them as also 
 other events that I might be able to call to memory and 
 the years of the Lord when the brethren were sent to 
 Germany and during which this or that thing happened. 
 And 'because it is like the sin of witchcraft to rebell: 
 and like the crime of idolatry to refuse to obey' (I Kings, 
 XV, 23), I resolved to gratify the devout wish of the 
 brethren, mainly at the behest of Brother Baldwin of 
 Brandenburg, who, of his own free will and also at the 
 command of Brother Bartholomew, then minister of Sax- 
 ony, offered himself to do the writing. 
 
 "It is then in this year of the Lord 1262, after the 
 Chapter of Halberstadt, celebrated on the Sunday of 
 Jubilate, that we remain in the place where the Chapter 
 had convened, and, myself dictating and Brother Bald- 
 win doing the writing, I endeavored to give the best 
 possible satisfaction." (Prologue.) 
 
 In these words Jordan himself inforrhs us of the 
 occasion that gave rise to the writing of his chronicle, 
 of the time and place where and when it was composed 
 and of the method employed in its composition. At the 
 same time he relieves us of all doubt about the original 
 manuscript of his work: an autograph copy of it never 
 existed. But are the extant manuscripts the original 
 handiwork of Brother Baldwin of Brandenburg? They 
 are not, as their description will show. 
 
TlIK MANUSCRIPTS. 
 I. The Manuscript of Berlin = B. 
 
 This doscri])tion follows tlie Introduction to tlic edition 
 of Boehmer, wlio, in turn, adopted the description of the 
 manuscript (B) given by Dr. Perlbach in Neues Archiv 
 fiir alt ere Deutsche GeschicMskunde, 6, pp. 606-612, and 
 translated into French by P. Sabatier, Speculum Perfec- 
 tionis, p. CLXXXVII. 
 
 1. "The manuscript Theol. Lat., quarto, 196 of the 
 Royal Library of Berlin, forms a large volume consisting 
 of 150 leaves of parchment 280 x 260 mm., solidly bound 
 in boards covered with leather whose original white- 
 ness has now turned quite black. On the back of tlie 
 volume are two labels, one of white paper, bearing 
 the following title, written in a hand of the XVIIth 
 century: Chronica Ordinis Minorum S. Francisci Scripta; 
 the other is of red paper bearing the present cipher, or 
 bookmark: iMs. Theol. Lat. qu. 196. On the inside we 
 find the old bookmark of the Archives of Konigsberg: 
 No. 689. The first leaf shows the following annota- 
 tions : Ms. Theol. Lat. 196 (cipher of the Berlin Library), 
 further, in a hand of the XlVth or XVth centuries : 
 XXVI. pars veteris legende s. Francisci et pliira de multis 
 Sanctis fratrihus et est f rat rum minorum in thorun. Item 
 miracula de indulgencia porciuncule. Item quomodo 
 fr aires intraverunt alem,aniam, frandam, ungariam. 
 Below, by another hand of tlie XVth century: pater 
 XXIm. (probably the ancient cipher of the volume when 
 in the library of the Franciscans of Thorn). Then fol- 
 lows, another time, the title of the book, in a third hand 
 of the XVth century: pars veteris legende sancti Fran- 
 cisci et plura Sanctis fratrihus (!), etc. Below this one 
 reads: Ace. 10, 219 (register of accessions of the Berlin 
 Library), then, by a hand of the XVIIth century: 92 
 (cancelled) and: B. o. At the end of the page one finds, 
 
Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 9 
 
 as also on F. IbOb, the stamps of tlie Archives of Konigs- 
 berg and of the Library of Berlin. 
 
 2. The manuscript lias no fly-leaves either at the be- 
 ginning or at the end, but the text starts immediately, 
 without title, on the reverse of F. 1 with the words : 
 Fac secundum exemplar, and up to F. 1316 it exhibits the 
 famous oomi^ilation of Avignon which is also preserved 
 for us in the manuscripts : A'^atiean, Lat. 4354, Liegnitz 
 12, and of the University of Lemberg 131. 
 
 3. From F. 131-142 we find several items concerning 
 the Indulgence of the Portiuncula. At the end, beginning 
 Avith F. 142 and ending with 150/>, we have, without any 
 title, the Chronicle of Jordan. 
 
 4. We need not analyze in detail the content of Fs. 
 1-142, for this work has been done twice in Neiies Archiv 
 fiir alt ere Deutsche Geschichitskunde, 6, p. 606-612, by 
 Dr. Perlbach, and in Verzeichnis der lateinischen Hand- 
 schriften der kdniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, II, 2, p. 
 786-788 by Dr. Valentin Rose. Our interest centers on 
 the question where and when our manuscript was written. 
 The first part, according to Dr. Rose, is from a French 
 hand of the middle of the XlVth century. Folios 
 139-142 (top part), are added by a different hand, in very 
 small characters but of the same type. The handwriting 
 of Fos. 142-1506 (the Chronicle of Jordan) is, indeed, of 
 the same period of time but of dilTerent character, and 
 the ink used has become quite faded. Another important 
 remark must be made: The volume consists of fifteen 
 quires of ten leaves each, but only quires I-XIII are 
 numbered, the fifteenth quire lias been inserted after the 
 book had already been bound; as a matter of fact the 
 covers of the binding spread a trifle. 
 
 5. What conclusion is to be drawn from all this? That 
 the various parts of our manuscript volume are of various 
 epochs and from various regions. Folios 1-142 (top 
 part) were written in France as is evidenced, among other 
 things, by the manner of spelling the German names. 
 
10 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 Thus, on F. 123b tiie copyist makes missia of Nusski; tor- 
 gune of Torgowe {To'rgau) ; Mandeburch of Magdeburg; 
 kiris of Kyritz. The Chronicle of Jordan, however (Fols. 
 142-150&), has been added, most probably, in Gennany 
 and by a German writer which, again, is proven by the 
 orthography of German names. The German copyist 
 evidently wished to utilize two leaves of the volume that 
 had remained blanks and for this purpose he inserted be- 
 tween them a few more leaves of parchment without 
 taking into account that the volume would thus grow too 
 thick for the binding. Even thus he had only ten leaves 
 at his disposal and it was impossible to add another quire 
 without breaking the binding. It is the more striking 
 that the text concludes with the last line on Fo. 1506 quite 
 close to the cover and without any of the signs employed 
 to denote the end. This quite external evidence is suffi- 
 cient to give rise to the suspicion that our manuscrii)t 
 cannot well be more than a considerable fragment, rather 
 than the complete text of the Libellus Jordani. 
 
 6. So far Dr. Boehmer (Intr. I-XIV). His argumen- 
 tation that the writer cannot have been a member of the 
 friary of Thorn seems rather unconvincing. The fact that 
 we find only two remarks m'ade by these friars of Thorn 
 (on the margin of Fo. 124), surely does not prove any- 
 thing for or against the origin of the chronicle of Jordan 
 (on Fos. 142-1506) in the community of Thorn. Marginal 
 notes have always been frowned upon by book-lovers ; 
 the friars are no exception. We must content ourselves 
 with the statement that the manuscript of the Chronicle 
 of Jordan was added towards the end of the XlVth cen- 
 tury by a German copyist, but we cannot trace the exact 
 history of the fragment. (Boehmer, p. XV.) 
 
 7. ' ' But is the text of the manuscript, such as it is, an 
 exact and complete reproduction of the original? It is 
 not. It takes but a cursory reading oi the folios 142-1506 
 to perceive that the copyist worked quite hastily. He had 
 the intention of marking the beginnings of every para- 
 graph by ornamented initials ; but, time being wanting, 
 
Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 11 
 
 be left a blank for tbese initials. Moreover, be bas fre- 
 quently-written one word a-top of anotber and a few 
 times lie bas skipped entire lines of tbe original." (Jjoeli- 
 mer, p. XV.) 
 
 8. We need but inspect tbe critical apparatus of Boeli- 
 mer to convince ourselves tbat tbe writer of oodex B 
 worked indeed ratber bastily. Tbe spelling of Italian 
 names is incorrect ; we find liini using sucb names as 
 Palmero for Palme) io, t'visio instead of Tervisio, Tlia- 
 nierino for Chamerino, tarpinis for Carpinis (tbe Ana- 
 lecta edition, bowever, remarks : In codice plerumque lit- 
 terae t etc eodem modo scribuntur ! P. 13, u. 2). We find 
 Buxuam for Brixnant, li'polim for Herhipoliui, nornudio.m 
 for Wormatiam. Of otber blunders tbere is a-plenty. 
 Tbus tbe codex (B) bas, in Cbap. 32, uiri spiritus for 
 jurisperitus! Jlbertus insanus for Alhertus Pisanus! In 
 Cbap. 37 we find vaUe for valde, in Cbap. 49 a Deo for 
 adeo, in Cbap. 53 plfhra for pulchra, in Cbap. 55 volun- 
 tatem for novitatem, in Cbap. 58 perfectus for profectus, 
 in Cbap. 59 stupendus for stupidus, etc. Otber mistakes 
 are mentioned and corrected in tbe cbapters on tbe prepa- 
 ration of tbe Latin text and in tbe critical 'apparatus of 
 tbe present edition. Tbe ratber accidental origin (erf. § 5, 
 above) of tbe manuscript, bowever, explains, and, to some 
 extent, excuses tbese "lapsus pennae." None of tbem 
 are of vital importance, and none of tbem are beyond tbe 
 reacb of easy detection and correction. 
 
 Tbe furtber remarks of Boebmer repeat tbe arguments 
 for tbe incompleteness of tbe codex B, and need no par- 
 ticular mention, since all doubt about tbis question bas 
 been settled by tbe discovery of codex K. 
 
 The Manuscript of Karlsruhe = K. 
 
 Tbis MS. is described in an article preceding tbe new 
 edition of tbe same by Fr. Lemmens, Archivum Fra/ncis- 
 canum Historicum, Vol. 3, 1910, pp. 45-55; also in Boeb- 
 mer 's Introduction to tbe Cbroniele, pp. XVI-XIX. 
 
12 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 "The second part (of the Chronicle of Jordan) was at 
 last discovered in the Landesbil)liotliek of Karlsruhe, 
 codex 357. It consists of only six folios (205 by 142 mm., 
 Boehmer, p. XVI), the first four of which exhibit our 
 chronicle, while the last two bring a Catalogue of the 
 Saints of the Order. On the first folio and on part of the 
 second we find the fragment of the Chronica Jordani, 
 beginning with the words, ''et uno socio pro ministro 
 postulando'' of Chap. 58 and continuing with the remain- 
 ing chapters on folios two and three, ending on folio four 
 with the words, '*In Lipzk electus fuit fr. Ulricus de 
 Indagine et celebravit capitula," etc. These folios are 
 tlie fragment of a manuscript written in the XVth cen- 
 tury, the first part of which has not yet been discov- 
 ered. In the year 1786 our fragment was purchased by 
 the librarian of the "Landesbibliothek" from the books 
 left by the noted writer, Julius von der Hardt, of Helm- 
 stadt, and it has been re-bound but recently." {Arch. 
 Franc. Hist., 3, p. 48.) 
 
 The fragment was first published by Fr. Leonard Lem- 
 mens, 0. F. M., in the Jahrbuch der Sdchsischen Fran- 
 ziskanerprovinz ro»i heiligeoi Kreuz, Diisseldorf, 1906. 
 It was added to the edition of B'oehmer, 1908, and again 
 published in the volume of the Archiniw F ranciscanum 
 Historicum, from which we have been quoting. The slight 
 differences between this latter edition and Boehmer 's are 
 noted in the critical apparatus of the present edition. 
 The importance of the Karlsruhe fragment does not con- 
 sist in the new material otfered for a collation of its text 
 with that of the codex B ; for K brings only Chaps. 58-62 
 of the Berlin manuscript. The fragment K is priceless, 
 however, as the only source, s'o far available, for the con- 
 tinuation and close of the Chronicle of Jordan, which 
 breaks off so suddenly in the Berlin fragment. The dis- 
 covery of K gave ns for the first time the complete text 
 of Jordan 's work. 
 
Chronica Frafris Jordanl A Giano 13 
 
 Indirect Sources of the Text. 
 
 The Chronicle of Jordan was copied many times, and 
 has been the source from which all subsequent historians 
 of the Order drew their material for tlie chapters on the 
 development of the German province. Thus, fortunately, 
 a number of witnessed can be adduced from whose writ- 
 ings additional light falls on the pages of Jordan. These 
 witnesses are : 
 
 1. Fr. John Komerowski, a Polish friar, wlio compiled 
 at tlie beginning of the XVIth century two historical 
 works, one of which is entitled, Tractatus cronice fratrum 
 Minorum observancie a tempore Const anciensis concilii 
 et specialiter de Provincia Polaniae per fratrem JoJian- 
 nem de Komeroivo ejusdem ordinis minimum. It has 
 been published by Heinrich Zeisberg in the Archiv fiir 
 Osterreiohische Geschichte, Vol. 49, pp. 314-425. 
 
 The second work might be called an extension of the 
 former, and is named Breve Memoriale ordinis fratrum 
 Minorum rectorum ipsius ordinis et contingentium in 
 ordine, etc., etc. It was published by Xaveri Liske and 
 Antoni Lorkiewicz in Monumenta Poloniae Historica, 
 Vol. 5, Lemberg, 1888. Both editions have been used in 
 the preparation of the Latin text of this edition. 
 
 2. Fr. Nicolaus Glassberger, a German, composed, 
 about 1508, a lengthy chroiiicle Avhich gives detailed 
 informaition about the origin of the German province of 
 the Franciscan Order. For this Glassberger was in- 
 debted to our Jordan, whose chronicle, however, is fre- 
 quently quoted as scripta Fratis Balduini de Bruns- 
 ivick. Many passages are copied verbatim; in others 
 Glassberger alters the text to suit his own conceptions of 
 Latin style. I have used the edition of the Analecta Fran- 
 ciscana, Vol. 2, Quaracchi, 1887. 
 
 3. The other historians of the Order who have used, 
 either directly or indirectly, the Chronicle of Jordan are 
 Fr. Fransiscus Gonzaga, De Origine Seraphicae Religi- 
 
14 Chronica Frafrls Jorddul A Glano 
 
 onis; Fr. LiK^as Wadding, in the Annales Minorum; Fr. 
 Fortunatus Hueber, Menologiuui Magnum; the autlior of 
 the Chronica Anonyma; Fr. Benedetto Mazzara, Leggen- 
 dario Francescano, and others of minor importance. 
 Glassberger seems to have had a copy before him thai 
 was enriched by additions of Baldwin of Brandenl)urg 
 (Brunswick) ; Gonzagu's text gives certain indications of 
 being derived from Jordan through the Chronicle of 
 Glassberger. Whether Wadding had before him the 
 original Chronicle as written by Baldwin of Brandenburg 
 or some other redaction of it is a moot ([uestion that will 
 liardly ever be decided satisfactorily. Hueber and 'Mixz- 
 zara have quoted from Wadding. It would be beyond the 
 scope of this introduction to follow Boehmer in his 
 lengthy and laborious investigation of the problem aris- 
 ing from the question what particular text was used by 
 these Tarious historians. His labors do not result in any 
 definite and unquestionable conclusions. All that we can 
 gather from them is the fact that the texts employed 
 were not of uniform characteT, and this is easily explained 
 by the words of Jordan in his prologue: "If I have 
 committed errors in dating various events — and I am now 
 old and a fallible man — I crave forgiveness from the 
 reader, admonishing him to correct and set right my 
 statements wherever I be found mistaken. Likewise any- 
 one who desires to embellish the style of the writer and 
 the roughness of my dictation has my best wishes. For 
 it is sufficient to have given the material to more compe- 
 tent writers and such as are experts in the art of composi- 
 tion." There can be no doubt that Jordan's brethren, in 
 the course of time, availed themselves of the privilege so 
 artlessly granted by our chronicler, and that is the very 
 simple reason that we find ladditions and details in some 
 of Jordan's successors that are omitted in others. Nor 
 is there any need of learned discourses to explain the 
 attribution by some of the chronicle to Brother Baldwin 
 of Brandenburg (Brunswick). It is certain that no inde- 
 
Chroiica Fratris Jordani A Giano 15 
 
 ])en(lent chronicle of Baldwin of Brandon])iu-g ever ex- 
 isted; later writers Irave simply preferred to name tlie 
 chronicle after the writer rather than after the dictator 
 of the same. The variant ''Brunswick" for "Branden- 
 burg-" is merely the result of the prevailing carelessness 
 in spelling German names, especially on the part of 
 Italian, but also on that of other authors, German as well 
 as non-German. 
 
THE EDITIONS. 
 
 I. The Edition of George A'oigt. 
 
 The first edition of Jord'an's Chronicle appeared in the 
 fifth volume of "Abhandlungen der philologisch-histori- 
 schen Klasse der Koniglich Sachsischen Gesellschaft dei- 
 Wissenschaften," Leipzig, 1870, under the title "Die 
 Denkwiirdigkeiten (1207-1238) des Minoriten Jordanus 
 von Giano. ' ' It was prepared, not from any of the exist- 
 ing manuscripts but from a copy of the Berlin codex, 
 which copy was made in the Archives of Konigsberg by 
 order of V'oigt 's father, the ' ' celebre Je'an V'oigt, prof es- 
 seur d'historie et archiviste a Konigsberg" (Boehmer, 
 Introd. 1) . A careful study of George Voigt 's edition will 
 convince any reader that Sabatier was quite correct in 
 his statement, ''Une simple oomparaision de I'edition 
 (Ge'orge V'oigt 's) avec notre manuscript (Codex B) 
 prouve de la f a^on la plus elaire qu 'il est la source de la 
 copie de Voigt (father). Elle montre aussi que la copie 
 de Voigt etait excellente, car on n'y trouve que de rares 
 fautes de lecture a corriger, tandis que presque toutes les 
 erreurs que I'editeur fait disparaitre de son modele se 
 retrouvent dans notre manuscript." {Spec. Perf., In- 
 trod., p. CXCI.) 
 
 Voigt 's introductory study is an excellent piece of work, 
 ■and even now indispensable to the student of Franciscan 
 Litterature. Boehmer 's remarks: ''Le texte est precede 
 d 'une longue et savante etude : celle-ci renf erme des ob- 
 servations excellentes, mais elle montre aussi que la per- 
 spicacite ne saurais preserver des erreurs. Le gout des 
 combinaisons ingenieuses pent egarer meme des cher- 
 c'heoirs prudents, et les amener a prendre pour des re- 
 sultats solides des hypotheses Imsardees" (Introd. 1, p. 
 X), may be justified, but it is rather ungenerous. Voigt 
 did not have the advantage of utilizing the immense 
 amount of critical work that has been done since his 
 times, and of which Boehmer was the beneficiary ; he was 
 
 -J 
 
 16 
 
Chrouica Fnitrl<i JorcJani A G'unio 17 
 
 a pioneer, and liis pioneer work lie did with admirable 
 thoroii^imess and indefati^-able indnstry. If he has in- 
 dulged in "eombinaisons ingenienses," and if he has car- 
 ried them occasionally too far, he has, on the other hand, 
 given the most valuable indi(^ations and directions for his 
 successors — directions that none has followed more con- 
 scientiously than Boehmer. That Voigt, with the scant 
 material available to him, could anticipate so much that 
 has since been securely established is to his permanent 
 credit, and we may well pardon him his blunders. 
 
 Less allowance ought to be made for the dense and 
 bitter prejudice that mars his observations on St. Francis 
 himself, his first biographers, and the later historians of 
 the Order. Voigt might well have served as a model for 
 such an uncompromising hypercritic as Nino Tamassia in 
 his famous "St. Francis of Assisi and His Legend" 
 (Translation by Lonsdale Ragg. London: T. Fisher Un- 
 win, MCMX). To judge by Voigt, the biographies of St. 
 Francis are a web of lies and superstitious inventions, 
 the work of a band of accom]ilished swindlers and falsi- 
 fiers of the truth. Voigt is a warm admirer of our Jor- 
 dan, but less on account of his simple good faith and piety 
 than because of his alleged and altogether fictitiou's scep- 
 ticism regarding the holiness of St. Francis and the 
 reality of his wonderful deeds. It would be idle to follow 
 Voigt in his vagaries — ^they have long since been dis- 
 counted and are gladly ignored by a less bigoted but more 
 sympathetic time. It was mainly with a view of exposing 
 and correcting the attacks of Voigt that the second edi- 
 tion of the Berlin fragment of our Chronicle was prepared 
 and published by the Fathers of the College of St. Bona- 
 venture, Quaracchi, 1885. 
 
 II. The Edition of Quaracchi. 
 
 This edition is based on the manuscript of Berlin which 
 had since been discovered, according to Sabatier, 1. c, by 
 Dr. Holder-Egger, the famous collaborator of the Mouu- 
 
18 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 merit a Germaniae Historica {Spec. Perf., Intr., p. 
 CXCII). Fr. Victor Albers, O.F.M., collated the codex 
 B with Voigt 's edition, and the result of his work, in which 
 he was assisted by Fr. Henry Denifle, O.P., was published 
 in the first volume of the Analecta Franciscana, Qua- 
 racchi, 1885. 
 
 Boehmer justly blames this edition for lack of scien- 
 tific accuracy and for the absence of critical acumen. 
 Notwithstanding these deficiencies, the Quaracchi edition 
 is a notable achievement, and deserves honorable mention 
 in these introductory remarks. Some of its readings are 
 better than those introduced into the edition of Boehmer, 
 and I have adopted them in my owm. A full account of 
 these is given in the chapter on the preparation of the 
 present text and in the critical apparatus. The preface of 
 the Quaracchi edition is a masterly refutation of Voigt 's 
 exaggerations and an illuminating essay on historio- 
 graphy in the Franciscan Order. 
 
 III. The Edition of Henky Boehmee. 
 
 The two preceding editions have been completely super- 
 seded by the third, prepared with every imaginable care 
 by Dr. Heinrich Boehmer, then professor of the Uni- 
 versity of Bonn, and published in Vol. VI of the "Collec- 
 tion d 'Etudes et de Documents sur I'Historie Religieuse 
 et Litteraire du Moyen Age," Paris, Librairie Fisch- 
 bacher, 1908. 
 
 An exhaustive introduction precedes the text of the 
 Chronica ; it is copiously annotated, and brings for the 
 first time an index, "si non copiosus, saltem sufficiens ' ' 
 (Fr. Bihl, Arch. Franc. Hist., 2, p. 648). 
 
 The merits and occasional demerits of this edition will 
 be discussed in the following i3aragraphs of this introduc- 
 tion, and their mention need not be anticipated here. 
 
 To sum up the results of this chapter : 
 
 1. The original of the Chronica Jordani, written by 
 
Chyonica Fratris Jordani A Giano 19 
 
 Brother Baldwiu of Brandenburg after the dictation of 
 Jordan, no longer exists. 
 
 2. The two codices B and Iv are copies of the same, 
 made at a much later date than that of the composition of 
 the chronicle. 
 
 3. Other copies, enlarged by various unknown succes- 
 sors of Jordan, existed, and from these the extracts of 
 Komerowski, Glassberger, Gronzaga, and Wadding are 
 derived. 
 
 4. The first edition of Voigt was made from a tran- 
 script made by his father from the Berlin manuscript. 
 
 5. The latter was first published in the Analecta Fran- 
 ciscan a, while the edition of Boehmer brings the entire 
 chronicle as exhibited in l)oth codex B and K, with numer- 
 ous additions and corrections, more or less felicitous, re- 
 sulting from a careful collation with the corresponding 
 passages of the above-mentioned historians. 
 
 6. The present edition will follow the lines of Boeh- 
 mer 's standard work. 
 
THE LIFE OF JORDAN. 
 
 Apart from the Chronicle of Jordan, there is only one 
 other source for the biography of this author, viz., the 
 tliree letters on the invasion of the Tartars preserved in 
 the Chronica Major a of Matthew of Paris (M. G. SS. 
 T. XXVIII, p. 207 SS.). The Catalogus Sanctorum Fra- 
 triini Minorum, written about 1335 and publislied by 
 Father Leonard Lemmens in Fragmenta Franciscana 
 (Rome, 1903), p. 38, merely mentions his name: In 
 Provincia Saxoniae Fr. Jordamis de Italia. The 
 Chronica XXIV Generalium (Ed. Anal. Franc, T. 
 Ill, p. 237) mentions him among the saintly members of 
 the Saxon province: In Madehnrch f rater Jor- 
 damis de Italia. The narratives in Gonzaga {De Ori- 
 gine, Ed. 1587, p. 661 ss.), who, according to Boehmer, 
 drew from Glassberger (see Boehmer 's edition, Introd., p. 
 LII) ; Glassberger, Anal. Franc, T. II, p. 19 ss.; Hueber, 
 {Menologium, columns 1110 and 2100) ; Wadding, Annales 
 T. I, p. 247; Mazzara {Leggendario Francescano, T. XI, 
 p. 43, Ed. 1722), are mere transcripts and extracts from 
 Jordan's Chronicle, and tell us absolutely nothing that is 
 not contained therein. 
 
 Jordan is all too reticent about himself, and we cannot 
 but regret that he has naught of the vanity so naively dis- 
 played by his famous -confrere, Fr. Salimbene de Adam. 
 He tells nothing about the date of his birth, his family, 
 and the important events of his life, except incidentally 
 and in as far as they have any bearing on the history of 
 his mission to Germany and his subsequent administra- 
 tion of various important offices in the Order. Thus we 
 are informed at the very outset of Jorda-n's Chronicle 
 that in 1262, when he dictated his work to Fr. Baldwin of 
 Brandenburg, he was "jam senex et debilis" (Prologus, 
 p. 2, 1. 5, Ed. Boehmer). At the time of the famous Chap- 
 ter of 1221 he was a deacon, which allows us to place the 
 
 20 
 
Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 21 
 
 date of his birth in about 1195, or within a few years 
 sooner or later. According to his own statement, he was 
 born in Giano, a small village in the valley of Spoleto. 
 Even our distinguished chronicler has not been able to 
 lift it above its undisturbed obscurity, and it is not men- 
 tioned in the Umbria Francescana of P. Nicola Ca- 
 vanna. The excellent automobile map of Giovanni Mari- 
 eni assigns to it the rank of a "Oap'oluogo di Commune," 
 but shows it at a respectful distance from any railroad or 
 other good road. We barely find it mentioned in the his- 
 tory or legendary lore of the Franciscan m'ovement ; the 
 Provinciale Ordinis Fratrum Minorum (edition of 
 Eubel, Quaracchi, 1892) of 1343 tells us that the friars had 
 a small residence there. 
 
 Whether or not Jordan received his clerical education 
 in the Franciscan Order is a matter of uncertainty. All 
 we know is that he was in major orders in 1221. Accord- 
 ing to Glassberger, he was received into the Order by St. 
 Francis himself: ^^Et quia fratri Jordano liumanum 
 aliquid acciderat — puta quia heatissimum patrem, qui et 
 ipsum ad ordinem receperat, in mundo viventem homi- 
 nem infirmum vide rat et noverat, etc.," an assertion 
 which there is no reason to doubt. In this case his en- 
 trance into the order must have taken place before the 
 journey of the Saint into the Orient, about which Jor'dan 
 gives us much detailed infornmtion in Chapters 10-15 of 
 his Chronicle. Boehmer argaies from the fact that he 
 mentions his ordination to the priesthood (Chap. 30) 
 that Jordan Would doubtlessly have informed us of his 
 ordination to the deaconship if this had taken place in 
 the Order, which reasoning seems to carry little weight 
 when we consider the habitual reticence of Jordan about 
 the private events of his life. In Chapter 18 we are told 
 that he attributes the absence of personal acquaintance 
 with the Martyr-Friars of Marocco to his own neglect of 
 the opportunities of making it. He must have belonged, 
 then, to the Order at the time of their mission in 1218 or 
 
22 Chronica Fratris Joidaui A Giano 
 
 1219, so that we may place the time of his reception no 
 later than 1217 or 1218. 
 
 We leave the realm of conjecture in 1221, at the so- 
 called Chapter of Mats, in wiiich Jordan took i>art : ' ' Tale 
 etiim capitulum tarn in fratrum multitudine quam minis- 
 frantium soUemnitaie non vidi in- or dine" (Chap. 16). 
 This cbapter was to deteTmine the future career of our 
 author. Without any desire on his part — ^on the contrary, 
 entirely against his inclination — he was assigned to the 
 much-feared expedition into Germany. How this came 
 about he tells us himself in his own inimitable way. Inci- 
 dentally, we 'are informed tbat he had been assigned to 
 another province, and tbat the friars of the same, know- 
 ing his delicate health, endeavored to retain him in Italy. 
 All the more admirable, therefore, is his heroic obedience, 
 and we may well believe Glassberger, who tells us in his 
 chronicle: "Fuit idem f rater Jordanus . . . vir 
 magnae obedientiae qui in fratre minore nulla signa 
 sanctitatis sine ohedientia venerabafur aut alicujus mo- 
 menti reputabat" {Chronica, Anal. Franc, T. II, p. 54). 
 Far more significant than the amusing turn of affairs 
 that brought about Jordan's appoi'i¥tment for the German 
 mission is the passage: ''F rater autem Caesarius ipsum 
 secum ducere modis omnibus aff'ectahat" (Chap. 18). 
 The sterling qualities of the man were apparently well 
 known to his superiors, and especially to Fr. Caesarius 
 of Speyer, who seems to have been his personal friend 
 and who was held in highest esteem by our Jordan. Un- 
 der the leadership of this saintly man, the little band of 
 volunteers assembled in various houses of the Order in 
 Lombardy and awaited the commands of this their new 
 minister, who, as Jordan tells us, left St. Francis witli 
 great reluctance and obtained his permission to abide 
 with him for three more months in the beloved valley of 
 Spoleto. When the time at last had arrived for starting 
 on the difficult journey, Caesarius called together Broth- 
 ers John of Piano Carpinis, Barnabus, the German, and 
 
Chronica Frafris Jordani A Giano '23 
 
 some others and sent tliem ahead to Trent, in order to 
 provide a good reception for the other friars, who fol- 
 lowed in small parties of two or three. 
 
 All arrived before the Feast of St. Michael, September 
 29, 1221, and were kindly received and well treated by 
 Bishop Adelbert of Ravenstein (1219-1223). Some of 
 the friars remained in Trent; the others continued the 
 journey and arrived at Bozen, still in the Diocese of 
 Trent, where the Bishop entertained them and g-ave them 
 the faculty to preach in his diocese. Thence the journey 
 proceeded to Brixen, where again they found and enjoyed 
 the good graces of Bishop Berthold, of that place. After 
 leaving Brixen, they entered the mountainous regions 
 and endured many hardships. At first they came to 
 Sterzing(en), where they met with but very cold treat- 
 ment, and had to continue their weary way hungry and 
 unrefreshed. The next station mentioned by Jordan is 
 Mittenwalde, and this is one of the few instances where 
 his memory deceives him. Greiderer detected this error, 
 and corrects him in his "Germania Franciscana" (Oeni- 
 ponte, 1777).' 
 
 The friars spent the night, then, either in Lueg or 
 Gries, according to Greiderer ; Boehmer mentions Gossen- 
 sass, Gries or St. Jodocus, villages sitnated between 
 Sterzing and Matrey. However this may be — ^and it cer- 
 tainly is of minor importance — the friars resumed their 
 journey the next morning, and with great difficulty and 
 
 lifis non obstantibus Chronicon istud (Jordani) deficit circa sta- 
 tionem nocturnam a fratribus, Brixina moventibiis, prima die fixam; 
 gratis enim asserit illos circa meridiem Sterzingam tetigisse et castra 
 nocturna in loco Mitteivald metatos esse. Ratio: Locus Mittewald 
 Brixinam inter et Sterzingam sedet quattuor horis ab eo, et tribus ab 
 ilia amotus: ergo a iratribus, nisi illis iter cancrinum imputaveris ut 
 diversorium nocturnum attactus non fuit. Fratres inter Sterzingam 
 et SteinacMum in loco forte Brenner, Lueg sive Griess noctem tran- 
 segisse faciUus credam. XJnde nee opinioni Hueberi subscribo qui 
 eosdem Sterzingae pernoctasse affirmat nam prolixum iter prima die 
 confectum, aliasque circumstantias a Chronico MS. tactas minime 
 salvat. Tum Minoritae quorum auctoritati chronicon innititur facil- 
 lime potuerunt oblivisci nominis loci in quo de nocte haeserunt cum ut 
 plurimum alienigenae extiterint" (p. 15). 
 
24 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano, 
 
 suffering they reached Matrey, now Deutseh-MatreL on 
 the Brenner. Here at last they found some charitable 
 souls who provided them with bread, and, as Jordan tells 
 us, rather ruefully, "quia tempus raparum tunc erat, 
 mendicando rapas quod pani deerat, rapis suppl eve runt" 
 (Chap. 21). 
 
 Being thus ''rather filled than fed" {magis referti 
 quam refecti), they proceeded, passing through many 
 villages and castles smd monasteries until they reached 
 Augsburg. Boehmer acknowledges the correctness of 
 this itinerary. According to his account, they followed 
 the ancient Roman road from Wilten-Innsbruck to Augs- 
 burg in preference to the Brenner road. They turned 
 towards the west, passing Zirl, and then in a northerly 
 direction they traversed the mountain pass of Scharnitz, 
 whence they arrived successively at Mittenwald, Parten- 
 kirchen, Schoengau, and finally Augsburg. Bishop Sieg- 
 fried III of' Eechberg, who ruled here at that time, gave 
 them a most affectionate welcome. So favorable was the 
 impression they made on the Bishop that he embraced 
 each one singly, while his nephew, the chancellor of his 
 diocese, even placed his residence at their disposal. The 
 same cordiality was shown to them by clergy and people 
 of the city. 
 
 On the Feast of St. Gall, October 16, 1.221, Brother 
 Caesarius of Speyer celebrated the first chapter in Ger- 
 many. At this chapter Jordan was sent, with Brothers 
 Constantine and Abraham, to Salzburg, where, according 
 to Greiderer (p. 15), they found high favor with the Arch- 
 bishop. Jordan remained here until the Chapter of 
 Worms, 1222. The icircumstances leading to his recall 
 are too typically "Jordanesque" to be passed over. 
 Brother Caesarius had sent two of the brothers on a visit 
 to Salzburg in order to notify the little community under 
 Jordan that "if they cared to, they might come to him." 
 Now, the brothers in Salzburg, who were entirely devoted 
 to holy obedience, were sorely puzzled about the wording 
 
Chronica Fratris Jordanl A Giano 25 
 
 of his order, namely, that "tliey might come if they cared 
 to come." After consulting one another, they decided: 
 "Let lis go and find out why, inasmuch as we want noth- 
 ing but what he wants himself, he did write to us after 
 this manner." And thus, in order to discover whether 
 they should leave Salzburg, they traveled all the way 
 from Salzburg to Worms ! The exceedingly diverting ad- 
 ventures of their journey one must read in Chapter 27. 
 In spite of Jordan's reticence on the point, there can be 
 little doubt that the wide-awake friar who feared that the 
 peasants' "God berad" would kill them that very day 
 and who met the threatened danger by his "useful decep- 
 tion" was our Jordan himself. The Feast of Pentecost, 
 May 22, 1222, they spent in a certain village, where 
 they attended the Holy Sacrifice and edified the villagers 
 to such an extent that ' ' they knelt down before the friars 
 and honored their very footprints. ' ' Traveling through 
 Wuerzburg, Mainz and Worms, the friars came to Speyer, 
 and there they found Brother Caesarius. Having told 
 him their grievance, ' ' why he had written to them in such 
 manner, ' ' he excused himself and explained his intention, 
 and thus he satisfied their scruples. 
 
 We do not hear that the residence in Salzburg was con- 
 tinued. Greiderer mentions it among the places accepted 
 by the friars, but "per modum sedis non stabilis;" that is, 
 merely as a station or hospice (p. 22). Certain it is that 
 Jordan was not sent back, since Brother Caesarius was 
 greatly in need of priests for his growing community, 
 which need was so pressing that a single priest, a novice 
 at that, had to travel between Worms and Speyer in order 
 to afford the brothers the consolation of attending Mass 
 on the high feast days and to hear their confessions. In 
 the same year, therefore, Caesarius had three of his com- 
 panions — Brother Palmerius de Monte Gargano, Abra- 
 ham, the Hungarian, and Andrew, the German, who be- 
 fore his entrance into the Order had been called Hart- 
 modus — promoted to the Priesthood, and in the following 
 
26 Chronica Fr<ifris Jordani A Giano 
 
 year, March 8, 1223, our Jordan also was ordained a 
 priest. According to Mazzara (XI, 44), he said his first 
 Mass at Speyer. For an entire summer he was ahnost 
 the only priest in the communities at Worms, Mainz, and 
 Speyer. Brother Thomas of Celano having been a})- 
 pointed custos of the residences in Mainz, Worms, Co- 
 logne, and Speyer, Jordan passed under the immediate 
 jurisdiction of this famous friar, also a warm friend of 
 the newly ordained. In the same year Brother Caesarius 
 of Speyer, overcome by yearning to be with St. Francis 
 and his companions in the valley of Spoleto, set out for 
 Italy with Brother Simon and some other companions, 
 leaving Brother Thomas of Celano as his vicar. At the 
 Chapter of Portiuncula he obtained from St. Francis or 
 Brother Elias a discharge from his duties as minister of 
 Germany. His administration had lasted for two years, 
 and he had faithfully performed the task that had been 
 assigned to him. The Order was now firmly established 
 in Germany. Caesarius 's successor was Brother Albert of 
 Pisa, who immediately upon his arrival in his new place 
 of activity convened a chapter at Speyer. This was cele- 
 brated on the Feast of Our Lady's Nativity, and was 
 attended by the first friars as well as the newcomers that 
 had been brought by Albert from Italy. We find our 
 Jordan as guardian of Speyer, and he had the honor of 
 celebrating the solemn High Mass of the chapter. Among 
 the ordinances of the same was a new division of the mis- 
 sion of Germany into the custodies of Franconia under 
 Brother Martins, Bavaria and Suabia under Brother 
 Angelus of Worms, Alsace under Brother James, and 
 Saxony under Brother John of Piano Carpinis. Jordan 
 seems to have been appointed guardian in Mainz, for we 
 find him in this office in 1224, when he was sent by 
 Brother Albert to Thuringia in order to establish houses 
 of the friars in that region. 
 
 With seven companions, he set out on this new mission 
 October 27, and arrived at Erfurt on St. Martin's day, 
 
Chrouica Frafris Jordaul A Giano '11 
 
 Novcnibcr 11, X'l'lA:. As it was winter aiul liie time iin- 
 l*a\(>iable for building, the friars were temporarily given 
 into the care of the priest who ministered to the lepers 
 outside the city walls until the citizens of Erfurt would 
 find better acconnuodat ion for them. The companions of 
 Jordan in this new field of labor were Brother Herrmann 
 of Weissensee, already a priest, Conrad of Wuerzburg, 
 a novice in subdeacon's order, Henry of . Wuerzburg, 
 also a TLOvice and subdeacon, and Arnold, a novice in 
 minor orders. Of lay brothers there were Henry of 
 Cologne, Gemot of Worms, Conrad of Suabia, and, sul)- 
 sequently, John of Cologne and Henry of Hildesheim. 
 
 In 1225 Jordan sent the lay brothers to various places 
 of Thuringia in order to sound the disposition of the 
 inhabitants concerning new establishments among them. 
 Brother Herrmann of Weissensee, the priest, followed 
 them in their mission. Herrmann had been chaplain of 
 tlie house of the knights of the Teutonic Order in Eisen- 
 ach before he joined the Friars Minor, and his entry into 
 this humble community did much to increase the favorable 
 impression the friars had made on the citizens of that 
 place. Wherever he preached the word of God the entire 
 city flocked together to hear him. Some difficulties aris- 
 ing on this account with the local clergy, he invited 
 Brother Jordan to Eisenach, and under Jordan's direc- 
 tion ever}i:hing was settled satisfactorily. Other houses 
 were founded or accepted in Gotha, Erfurt, Nordhausen 
 in Saxony and in Muhlhausen of the same country. 
 
 In the same year, 1225, Brother Albert sent Brother 
 Nicholas, a native of the Rhineland, to Jordan as adviser 
 and companion. Boehmer places this incident within the 
 year 1231, but does so obviously through an oversight 
 caused by a digression made in the narrative by Jordan, 
 who, in the preceding chapter (46), mentions the return 
 of thb friars to Miihlhausen, which happened in 1231, 
 after a temporary abandonment of this foundation. Jor- 
 dan sent Nicolaus to Erfurt, and seems to have been em- 
 
28 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 barrassed to no slight degree by the presence of this good 
 friar, wlio was a man of such profound humility and holy 
 simplicity ut {Jordamis) ipsum ferre vix posset et infra 
 sex Jiebdomadas venire Erfordiam non auderet! (Chap. 
 47). In the meantime, Brother James, custos of Saxony, 
 died at Magdeburg, and the friars applied for a successor 
 to Brother Albert of Pisa, Minister-Provincial of Ger- 
 many. The latter appointed the aforesaid Nicholas, and, 
 well knowing his profound humility, he dared not send 
 him the letters of obedience, but decided to approach him 
 in person. Coming to Erfurt, he called upon Jordan, and 
 it was evidently at the latter 's advice that he employ e.d a 
 method that could not well have been devised by any but 
 the fertile brain of our "little man with the playful 
 heart." Having summoned Brother Nicholas, he com- 
 municated his intentions to him, whereupon Nicholas 
 forthwith began to plead his ignorance of businjcss and 
 his lack of every qualification that makes a master or 
 prelate. Brother Albert pounced upon this expression, 
 and, feigning to be highly incensed, he retorted: "And 
 so you do not know how to be a master! Is this the way 
 you look upon us who hold office within the Order? Im- 
 mediately confess your guilt for having called the offices 
 of the Order masterships and prelatures, when, as a miat- 
 ter of fact, they are burdens and servantships!" And 
 when poor Brother Nicholas had humhly confessed his 
 fault. Brother Albert, as a penance, imposed upon him 
 the office of custos of Saxony! This office he retained 
 until 1227, when Albert w-as called to the General Chapter 
 convened after the death of St. Francis. Before his de- 
 parture, he held a chapter of the entire province of Ger- 
 many at Mainz, and at this chapter Brother Nicholas was 
 appointed Vicar-Provincial during Albert's absence. 
 Jordan continued as custos of Thuringia. 
 
 The events during the years 1227-1230 are highly com- 
 plicated and even more involved is their narration in 
 Chapters 51-61, so that we have to reduce it to some such 
 
Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 29 
 
 order as will enable iis to trace the various events of 
 Jordan's life until 1231. 
 
 Brother Albert of Pisa ceased to be minister of Ger 
 many at the General Chapter of 1227, and was succeeded 
 by Brother Simon of England, who liad been custos of 
 Normandy and was a ''great scholastic and theologian" 
 (Chap. 52). He held office till 1228, Avhen he was ap- 
 l)ointed by the new General, John Parenti, lector of 
 theology for the German Province, of which John of 
 Piano Carpinis then became minister. Now, in 1229 
 Brother John of Iilngland had been sent as first Visitor to 
 the Gennan Province. When John of Piano Carpinis de- 
 parted for the General Chapter of 1230 he instituted this 
 Brother John of England as his vicar ad interim. In 
 that Chapter, John of Piano Carpinis was absolved from 
 the ministership of Germany and was transferred in the 
 same capacity to the Province of Spain. Brother Simon 
 of England, then lector of theology, was reappointed 
 to the Provineialate, but died at Magdeburg June 14, 
 1230, before the letters of obedience reached him. The 
 German Province was therefore without a real superior. 
 Hence a chapter was convened at Worms, and our 
 Jordan was delegated to proceed to Italy to ask the Gen- 
 eral, John Parenti, for the appointment of a new min- 
 ister. John of England, who had been left as Vicar-Pro- 
 vincial by John of Piano Carpinis, seems to have relin- 
 quished office for reasons not mentioned in the Chronicle. 
 Perhaps he had left immediately upon receiving notice of 
 Brother Simon's appointment, he (John) being under 
 the impression that his vicarship had expired therewith. 
 At all events, we find him in Paris at the time of his insti- 
 tution as minister of Germany. 
 
 Jordan, having entrusted his custody of Thuringia to 
 the custos of Saxony, set out for Italy with letters of obe- 
 dience from Brother Otto, minister of the Rhine. Fol- 
 lowing the advice of Jordan, the General appointed John 
 of England, who still belonged to the Province of France, 
 
30 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 as Minister-Provincial of Germany, and at the same time 
 Jordan obtained the assignment of Brother Bartholomew 
 of England to the Lectorate of Theology in Germany, 
 which office had become vacant on the death of Brother 
 Simon. 
 
 On his return journey Jordan visited at Assisi liis 
 friend Thomas of Celano, from whom he received some 
 relics of the holy founder, St. Francis. According to 
 Glassberger {Anal. Franc, p. 53), they consisted of some 
 of the h'air and particles of clothing of the Saint. Jor- 
 dan's entry into the custody of Thuringia brought liim 
 the greatest triumph of his life, which he, in his humility, 
 attributes entirely to the respect for the Saint whose 
 relics he carried with him. We are permitted, however, 
 to differ in this opinion from our chronicler, and will not 
 be mistaken when we credit some of the extraordinary 
 honors he received at his entrance into the friary at 
 Eisenach to the joy of the brethren at the safe arrival of 
 the beloved and lovable superior. 
 
 No other arrangements having been made after the 
 departure of Brother John of England for Paris, Jordan 
 seems to have taken charge of the German Province ; for 
 it is he who, after the flattering reception at Eisenach, 
 visited the custody of Saxony and chose Brothers John 
 of Penna and Adeodatus to betake themselves to Paris 
 and serve as honorable escort to Brothers John of Eng- 
 land aod his companion, Bartholomew, the new lector. 
 
 After the arrival of the new Provincial, John of Eng- 
 land, our chronicler reassumed his duties as custos of 
 Thuringia, and doubtless took strenuous part in the 
 events thait culminated in the appeal of the Order against 
 the maladministration of the General, Elias, successor to 
 John Parenti. 
 
 We enter now upon the stormiest period in Franciscan 
 history — the times of Brother Elias. It is for this period 
 tliat Jordan furnishes most valuable information. Ac- 
 cording to his chronicle, the ambition of Elias, laudable in 
 
Chronica Frafris Jordani A Giano 31 
 
 itself, to finish as speedily as possible tlie magnificent 
 Church of St. Francis at Assisi and the extortionate de- 
 mands upon the brethren that resulted therefrom were 
 the immediate cause of general dissatisfaction. Elias 
 held not a single General Chapter for the space of seven 
 years ; he issued many decrees detrimental to tlie welfare 
 of the Order and unmercifully banished into remote prov- 
 inces the brethren who resisted him. Under the leader- 
 ship of Alexander of Hales and John of Rupella (always 
 according to Jordan), the friars decided upon a common 
 course of action. Matters were brought to a crisis when 
 Elias, in 1237, appointed a number of visitors whom he 
 selected for this delicate task, not in accordance with 
 their fitness but on the strength of their blind submission 
 to his despotic rule. 
 
 In 1238 the friars of the Saxon (Grerman) Province 
 appealed to the General, Elias, against the visitor who 
 had been imposed upon them. As their appeal naturally 
 fell on deaf ears, they commissioned Brother Jordan to 
 bring their grievances directly to the highest ecclesiastical 
 authority, the Pope himself. Jordan gives us a most 
 amusing description of his interview with the Holy 
 Father and the absolutely original diplomacy he employed 
 in order to gain a hearing from Gregory IX (Chap. 63). 
 We can hardly blame Sabatier when he says in Vie de S. 
 Francois d' Assise (18th Edition, 1896, XCVI) : "En 
 lisant so, chronique, on croit entendre les souvenirs d'un 
 vieux soldat, oil certains details sans valeur sont saisis et 
 presentes avec une puissance de relief extraordinaire, ou 
 le narrateur ne sait pas resister a la tentation de se mettre 
 en scene, au risque pdrfois d'emhellir un peu la seche 
 realite," and in the footnote: ''II ne me semhle pas 
 qu'on puisse regarder cow me rigoureusement exacte la 
 relation de Vent revue de Gregoire IX et de Jourdain" 
 ( Jord., 63) . The incident would indeed be almost incredi- 
 ble with anyone except our Jordan, but no one could read 
 his chronicle up to Chapter 63 without gaining the convic- 
 
32 Chronicd Frdfris Jordani A Giano 
 
 tioTL of the simple good faith and absolute truthfulness 
 of the narrat6r. At any rate, Jordan gained his point 
 and opened the way to a speedy presentation of the appeal 
 made by the friars who had assembled in Rome. The 
 result of the hearings before the Holy Father was the 
 order to the friars to return to their provinces and ap- 
 point there the members of a special commission of dele- 
 gates, who were to be taken from among those most inter- 
 ested in the needed reforms, and who were to assemble 
 four weeks in advance of the General Chapter to be held 
 in 1239. This commission of twenty fratres maturi et 
 discreti met in Rome at the time indicated. Wliether 
 Jordan belonged to it or not is not quite clear. He makes 
 no special mention of the fact, and I, for one, see in his 
 silence merely the natural omission of a statement that 
 is, from the whole context, to be taken for granted. It 
 would have been passing strange if the man best ac- 
 <iuainted with the burning questions of the time and wlio 
 had served as such an able delegate to the Curia before 
 liad been overlooked in their final settlement. The ordi- 
 nances passed in this General Chapter are briefly summed 
 up in Chapters 65-68. One of them was a new division of 
 the provinces, and it is very probable that it was this new 
 division that caused a reorganization of the extensive 
 German administration with the establishment of a sepa- 
 rate Custody of Poland and Bohemia. Such must have 
 been the case if the letters about the incursions of the 
 Tartars are from the hand of our Jordan, who, at least as 
 far as his chronicle is concerned, leaves us entirely in the 
 dark as to his whereabouts from 1239-1242. In vain have 
 I ransacked all available sources for a direct confirmation 
 of his stay in Poland and Bohemia. That most unsatis- 
 factory of chroniclers, John Komerowski, tells us in 
 his "Breve Memoriale" (Monum. Poloniae, T. V, p. 94) : 
 ''Doctor autem Myechovita, in cronica Polone dicit quod 
 Boleslaus Pudicus anno Domini 1237 persuasione geni- 
 tricis sue Grzimislave in annis puericie existens, ex Praga 
 
Chronica Fidfris Jordaui A Giano 33 
 
 f rat res Minor es Cracovlain induxit pro ecclesih monas- 
 ferioque locum ampliim dando et eadem omnia edifi- 
 carif de coctis lateribus suis impensis. In Toruniam in- 
 troducti sunt fratres per Popum magistrum Prussie et 
 els omnia edificavit anno Domini 1236. Cenohium Gnez- 
 nae Minorissarum et Monasterium fratrum Minorum Dux 
 Boleslaus Pyus Calisiensis fundavit et villis dotavit et 
 libertavit 1259. Et post alia loca suscepta sunt in Polonia. 
 In luniuiadislavia quidaui dux edificavit claustrum cum 
 civitate pariter." It appears, then, from this passage, 
 that the period of the introduction of the Order into Po- 
 land is to be found during the time that forms a gap in 
 the history of Jordan. It is also certain that this spread 
 of the Order into Poland and Bohemia proceeded from 
 the German Province, for both Jordan ( Chronica, Chaj). 
 55) and Komerowski (Tractatns Cronice, ed. Zeisberg, 
 p. 317) inform us that John of Piano Oarpinis: " Ordinis 
 sui dilatator maximus fuit. Minister enim f actus in Bo- 
 liemiam, in Ungariam, in Poloniam, in Daciam et Norive- 
 giam fratres misit." Moreover, the provenance from 
 the pen of Jordan of the letters (on the Tartar invasion) 
 has been fully discussed and seems sufficiently established 
 (chapter on preparation of Latin text). There seems, 
 then, to be no reason to doubt that Jordan, soon after his 
 return from the General Chapter of 1239, was appointed 
 superior of the newly fonned custody of Poland and 
 Bohemia, and that he administered this office till 1242, 
 when he was appointed Vicar-Provincial of the German 
 Province by the Minister-General, Haymo of Faversham, 
 who had presided at the Chapter of Aldenburg in that 
 year. I flatter myself to have discovered some additional 
 evidence for this. 
 
 In the same chapter of the '^ Chronica Majora" (M. G. 
 SS., XXVIII, 206-207), wherein Matthew Paris has in- 
 serted the letters of Jordan, there are two letters of Land- 
 grave Henry Easpe to his brother-in-law, Duke Henry II 
 of Brabant and Lonvain, that bear a -most remarkable 
 
34 
 
 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 resemblance, both in style and content, to the three letters 
 of Jordan. Thus, to take just some random examples, 
 we find in the first letter of the Landgrave ; 
 
 l*ci-icula aiiti(Hiitus in sci-ip- 
 turis Sauctiis jn-aedicta, jici- 
 catis nostri.s exigent il)ns nunc 
 pulliilant et erunipunt. . . . 
 
 Hiis etiani adjicinnis quod 
 magna pars ejusdem detesta 
 bilis gentis cum exercitu alio 
 illi.s adjecto Hungariani inau- 
 dita va.stat tvrauuide. 
 
 Veraciter enim et pleue uo- 
 bis constat quod eadem gens 
 Tartarorum circiter Octavas 
 Paschae terras Boemoruni 
 crudeliter et impetuose in- 
 vadet. . . . 
 
 Jordan, letter ;5, p. I'UJJ : 
 (inoniani agentibus jjeccatis 
 lioniinuni . . . diu praes- 
 (•i!a et i)raedicta venit trihu- 
 latio . . . (piae juxta I'eri- 
 tateni jam olim de se Scrip- 
 tura prelibatum testimonio. 
 
 Jordan, letter I, p. 207 : 
 Alii exercitui veuienti i)er 
 Hungariam occurerunt et 
 ja-aevalentes dicuntur modo 
 poiissinuun partem Hunga- 
 riae, expulso rege possidere. 
 
 Jordan, ihid: — 
 
 Isto autem anno venientes 
 ante Pascha in Poloniam bo- 
 nas civitates pluribus inter- 
 feetis optinneruut. 
 Procedentes de Polonia tiues 
 Tlieutoniae attigerunt. . . . 
 
 In both letters of the Landgrave we find the phrase : 
 
 Et ut multa paucis perstringamus . . . adeo op- 
 primitur, . . . cum dicti homines. . . . 
 
 In Jordan, second letter : 
 
 Quare vobis licet magna pericula, perstricto tanien sev- 
 mone, vestram duximus. . . . 
 
 In letter I of the Landgrave we are informed that: 
 Nos autem ininisterio praelatorum nostrorum, Predica- 
 torum et Minorum, crucem facimus, quia Crucifixi res 
 agitur, generaliter praedicari. . . . 
 
 In his second letter the same phrase recurs : 
 
 ■Nos vero de superni judicis honitate et misericordia 
 confisi humiliter sanctors viros Praedicatores et Minores 
 ut toti populo Christiano ducatui siibdito crucem, ora- 
 tiones afflictiones et jejunia praedicent, etc. 
 
CJtrotiicd Fratris Jorfhnii .1 G'lano 35 
 
 It is apparent from tliese letters of Landgrave Henry 
 tbat he availed himself of the aid of the Friars, Preachers 
 and Minor to arouse the attention of the princes of 
 Europe to the terrible menace threatening Christendom 
 through the irruptions of the Tartars, and that he en- 
 gaged them to preach the Cross against these barbarians. 
 Naturalh', the first one he would have turned to was the 
 Superior of the Custody of Thuringia, and this was, dur- 
 ing this critical time, our Jordan. One of Jordan's letters 
 opens with : Fratribus universis f rater R. de Ordine 
 PredicatontiiL et I{ordanus) de ordine fratriun Mino- 
 rum; the second, Illustri principi Henrico duci Brahantiae 
 frater Jordanus viceminister frutrum Minornm Regni 
 Boemiae et Polemie; the third, Karissimis Christi fideli- 
 bus universis . . . frater Jordanus ordinis fratrum 
 Minorum, vicarins prorincie Polemie. 
 
 Jordan, then, was (1) one of the preachers of a crusade 
 against the Tartars, and this at the behest of the Land- 
 grave of Thuringia. (2) To judge by the style of the let- 
 ters of Landgrave Henry, Jordan seems to have served 
 as his adviser and j^robably secretary in the composition 
 of his appeals. (3) Since one of Jordan's letters is 
 directed to Duke Henry of Brabant, and in view of the 
 words of Henry of Thuringia (I letter), "cum vobis 
 nostros nuntios iterato direxerimus, " it seems not im- 
 probable that he served as special ambassador of tlie 
 Landgrave to Duke Henry of Brabant. (4) It was very 
 probable, on account of Jordan's active interest in the 
 prevention of further devastations by the Tartars, that 
 his superiors appointed him to the perilous office of vice- 
 minister or custos of Poland, so that he might be the better 
 able to further the alliance against these savages, for 
 which all well-wishers of Christian civilization, the Em- 
 l^eror Frederic II for once included, were laboring at that 
 time. The evidence for all this is very strong, one might 
 even say conclusive. The only objection, and it is a diffi- 
 cult one to meet, is the complete silence of Jordan in his 
 
36 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 cliroiiicle. I do not attacli iniicli \alue to the argunien- 
 tum e silentio, yet it is remarkable that our chronicler 
 should not have one word to say al)oiit a i)eriod of liis life 
 that must have been filled with some of the most stirring 
 experiences that fell within even his adventurous career, 
 and which must have left a deep impression on his mem- 
 ory. But we must remember that Jordan can be most 
 provokingly reticent on otlier very important at^'airs that 
 surely came under his personal observations. He barely 
 mentions St. Elizabeth, tell us nothing about her life and 
 the persecutions she had to suffer at the hands of this 
 Landgrave Henry Raspe, whom Jordan must have known 
 so well; Caesarius of Speyer, his beloved and much ad- 
 mired friend, disappears entirely from the chronicle after 
 his return to Italy, and Jordan, who might have been a 
 most valuable witness to the later history of that famous 
 friar, gives us no particle of information about his tragic 
 fate or his death, which is still shrouded in sinister mys- 
 tery. He must have known the facts about John of Piano 
 Carpinis's journeys to Tartary and China, but, for all we 
 can gather from the recital of Jordan, the identity of this 
 associate-founder of the Franciscan Order in Germany 
 with the famous missionary would still be problematical. 
 Jordan's Chronicle, we must not forget, is the artless 
 story of a veteran told in all simplicity to the younger 
 generation ; we must not look in it for strict continuity or 
 completeness, least of all regarding events that might re- 
 dound to the personal glorification of the humble friar. 
 And tlius the reticence of Jordan may w^ell be considered 
 outbalanced by the extraneous testimony to his career in 
 Poland taken from the Chronica Majora. 
 
 The last notice about himself is given in Chapter 71 
 where we are told, as has been mentioned before, of his 
 appointment to the vicariate of the German Province by 
 Brother Haymo of Faversham. He held this office until 
 the arrival of the new Minister-Provincial, Brother Gott- 
 fried. Hereafter no mention is made of Jordan. We 
 
Clironicu Fr<ifrts Jordani A Giano 37 
 
 are told in the Prologue of his Chroiiiele that at the Chap- 
 ter of Halberstadt in 12G2, he yielded to the unanimous 
 request of liis confreres and dictated his memoirs to 
 Brother Baldwin of Bi-andenburg'. The date of his death 
 is unknown. Inasmuch as he describes himself in this 
 Prologue as ''jam senex et debilis" we will not go far 
 wrong in placing it within the immediately following 
 years. John Komerowski indeed tells us: "Ef f rater 
 Jordanus, prefatus, qui a principio scripsit cronicam 
 usque ad tempora Bonagratiae Generalis et Nicolai III." 
 (Tract. Cron. ed. Zeisberg, p. 316.) But, as Mr. Boeh- 
 mer remarks (Intr., p. XXIV), this merely proves that 
 Komerowski copied from a version of the chronicle that 
 contained the first chapters of the so-called "Continuatio 
 Saxonica," which, according to Lemmens (Arch. Franc. 
 Hist., Vol. 3, p. 49), may have been added by Baldwin of 
 Brandenburg, but which are certainly not a part of the 
 dictation of Jordan. 
 
 He found his last resting place in Magdeburg. Ac- 
 cording to Boehmer the first mention of this — other testi- 
 monies have been cited in the first paragraph of this 
 biography — is found in the: "Compilation d 'Avignon, 
 Fac secundum exemplar, voir le manuscript (B) de 
 notre text, f. 123: in Mandeburch f rater Jordanus de 
 Italia. On la trouve dans la Cliron. XXIA". Gener., p. 
 137 et dans Barthelemy de Pise, L. I., f r. 8 ; on ne pent 
 malheureusement pas fixer cette date exactement, car les 
 documents et le necrologe du convent franciscan de 
 Magdebourg qui devraient nous renseigner sont perdus. 
 Voir "Magdeburgische Gesehichtsblatter, " T. 5, p. 532. 
 "J'ai aussi cherche le nom de Jourdain dans toutes les 
 recueils de documents imprimes soit de la Saxe, soit de la 
 Thuringe. Mais je ne I'ai trouve nulle part." (Intr. 
 LXIII-LXIV.) 
 
 Very probably these sources, like so many other docu- 
 ments of Franciscan history, fell victim to the storms of 
 
38 Chronlcd Fratris Jordani A Guuto 
 
 the Reforiiiaiion and of tlic wars upon religions lionses 
 dnring the periods of "Enlightenment" and '"Josephin- 
 ism," not to mention the neglect of the friars themselves. 
 {Franziskanische Studien, Vol. 1, p. 65 ff.) 
 
 The "Chronica" is the best self-revelation of the char- 
 acter and disposition of our hero. Every page witnesses 
 to the accuracy of tlie i)ortrait painted in the words of 
 Glassberger : "This Brother Jordan, how^ever, was one of 
 the first friars sent by the Blessed Erancis into Germany. 
 He was a man. of dark complexion, small stature, of cheer- 
 ful heart, benevolent and ever ready for every kind of 
 good deed. He was a man of great obedience who re- 
 spected no mark of sanctity in a friar minor or accounted 
 it of any moment, without obedience. {Chronica, Anal. 
 Franc, ^"ol. 2, p. 54.) Obedience is indeed the key to 
 his whole life, from the moment when, in disregard of his 
 own most ardent wishes and tlie delicate state of his 
 health, he accepted the formidable mission to Germany, 
 to the last recorded act of his life, when at the wish of 
 the Provincial he dictated his memoirs to Baldwin, "quia 
 crimen ariolandi est nolle acquiescere et scelus idolola- 
 triae nolle obedire." Of Jordan's cheerfulness we are 
 given abundant evidence ; it falls like a friendly sunshine 
 athwart his weary wanderings across the length and 
 breadth of Germany, his travels to Italy, his meeting even 
 with the august head of Christendom, the Holy Father in 
 Rome. No matter how difficult or trying the situation, 
 he is never forsaken by the saving grace of humor and 
 can extract a smile from hunger, thirst and weariness 
 of soul and body. 
 
 Voigt seriously attempts to make our Jordan something 
 of a rationalist and sceptic regarding the miracles of St. 
 Francis and tlie universal belief in the sanctity of the 
 holy Founder. And this, forsooth, because Jordan does 
 not mention any of the wonderful deeds of the Saint with 
 the exception of the events narrated in Chapter 59. The 
 same sinister twist is given to the quite innocent expres- 
 
(liyoulcd Fnifris .Jonldul A (liana .')!> 
 
 sion of onr friend: "Et ex tunc f rater Jordamis hcatuiih 
 FraiiclscKin — in majori rcverentia cepit habere, etc." 
 
 It is hardly necossary to refute these oiitt*roi)i)ings of 
 dense prejudice in the mind of an otherwise most esti- 
 nial)k^ scliohir. It has been ably done hy the editors of i\\Q. 
 (^)uaraechi edition of our chronicle. Nowhere is the (tr<)a- 
 iiientuui e silent io of less value than in our Jordan, and 
 Voigt, in working it to death, permits his wishes to be 
 father of the thought. It took indeed all the preconceived 
 opinions of a mind entirely out of sympathy with Catholic 
 sentiment to establish such a theory, and no one would 
 have been more horrified and indignant than our Jordan 
 at seeing such a construction put upon his speech or his 
 silence. 
 
 Wadding (T. II.) and Melissanus de Macro (Suppl., 
 ]). 25(3-7) tell us that Jordan was among other things 
 " vir doctissimus et doctrinae parem habuit pietateni." 
 I agree with Voigt in his remark (p. 435), '^ ivdhrend ivir 
 freilicJi versucht sind seine einfache Frdmmigkeit holier 
 zu stellen." True as this is, Boehmer, on the other hand, 
 goes too far when he denies him all claim to a higher 
 clerical education. He writes: ''Jourdain avait la cul- 
 ture qui etait a cette epoque celle du bas clerge. Ce n'etait 
 pas un savant. ' ' The passages from the prologue, quoted 
 in support of this criticism, are merely the conventional 
 apologies affected by almost every writer. Undoubtedly 
 ' ' II sait aussi fort bien qu 'il n'ecrit pas un Latin elegant. ' ' 
 Nor am I going to vindicate for him Ciceronian or classic 
 Latinity. But I deny that "sitot qu'il essaye de se servir 
 de phrases un pen longnes, comme dans le Prologue de 
 son Libellus, son langue devient lourd ou off re meme des 
 defauts de construction." Far from being heavy, I ven- 
 ture to say that the Ijatin of Jordan is remarkably clear 
 and that no one with any reading knowledge of Latin and 
 a fair smattering of its medieval variety, need twice 
 peruse a single sentence of his Chronicle in order to make 
 out exactly what he wants to say. And this is no mean 
 
40 Chronica Frafris Jordani A Giano 
 
 praise which the present writer woiikl be (piitc liai)py to 
 deserve for himself. Jordan's Latin is the language of a 
 man impregnated with the diction of Holy Writ and not 
 without a certain knowledge of the Fathers. Such as it 
 is, he writes it with facility and mastery. Of course, if 
 we consider language merely for language's sake, he can- 
 not be numbered among the elect, but as a medium of 
 communication he handles his Latin well and effectively. 
 What Boehmer calls "vulgarism italiens" are common 
 usages of medieval Latinity. Certainly Boehmer has not 
 been very fortunate in selecting his specimens. The parti- 
 tives with "de" instead of the genitive are of quite re- 
 spectable antiquity and can be found frequently among 
 Latin writers of classical as well as post-classical time. 
 " De reliquiis," Chap. 59 (qui gavisus dedit ei de reliquiis 
 Beati Francisci"), can be paralleled by ''Date nobis de 
 oleo vestro quia lampades nostrae extinguuntur" (Matth. 
 25, 8), ''nisi mannm mitterent ad radicem" (Chap. 63), 
 finds its parallel in Luc. 9, 62: "Nemo mittens manum 
 suam ad aratrum." If these are "vulgarismes italiens," 
 they are certainly of quite venerable antiquity and not 
 at all peculiar to Jordan. Chapter l-t, we find Boehmer 
 taking exception to "verecundia" as an Italianism for 
 "vergogna;" but rerecundia, in the sense of "confusion, 
 disgrace," etc., is used in Ps. 43, 16: "Tota die rere- 
 cundia mea contra me est, et confusio faciei meae 
 cooperuit me ; " in I Cor. 6, 5 : " Ad verecimdiani vestram 
 dico. " In a similar sense we find it in Suetonius, Dom. 1 8 : 
 "Commendari se verecundia oris adeo sentiebat, etc.;" 
 Livy, 24, 42, 9 : '^Verecundia Eomanos tandem cepit, Sa- 
 guijtum sub hostium potestate esse." "Subito" (Chap. 
 15), in the sense of "all at once" or "quickly" may be 
 found in III Kings, 20, 40: "Dum autem ego turbatus 
 hue illucque me verterem subito non comi)aruit;" Luke 
 9, 39: "et subito claniat, et elidit, etc." Cic. Fam. Coel. 
 ad Cic. 8, 7 : " Breviores has litteras tabellario properanti 
 subito dedi." Whv should "venire" in Chai)ter 17 (iiuod 
 
Chronica Fiat lis Jordani A Giano 41 
 
 ordiiiis edillcatio in Tlicutoiiiam iiuu vcuissot) have to be 
 translated by ''reiissir"? And how can this be styled an 
 Italianism? The sense of the passage certainly implies 
 no more than: the si)read of the order had not yet reached 
 Germany. And the use of ''venire" is quite obvious and 
 natural. There is no reason to insist on an interpretation 
 like: '*The establishment of the order had not yet suc- 
 ceeded in Germany," as Boehmer seems to imply. Nor 
 can I see what fault is to be found with "in part em se 
 traherent" (Chap. 17). Cicero, F^ro vSylla, 77, has: "in 
 iminorum partem at(ju(' in parricidarum numerum trans- 
 ferre;" Mark, 6, 40: "Et discubuerunt in partem per 
 centenos. ' ' Coloss. 1:12: ' ' Qui dignos nos fecit in partem 
 sortis sanctorum." While these passages are not ex- 
 actly i^arallels, they at least render it doubtful whethei- 
 Jordan was imitating the Italian idiom ' ' a parte. ' ' Chap- 
 ter ly : "Praecipere per obedientiam" is ancient usage in 
 the language of religious life and no ''Italianism" what- 
 ever. The same might be said about "de licentia" (Chap. 
 19), although a similar usage, in place of "secundum," is 
 not unknown even to Suetonius, Tit. 5 : "De more rituque 
 priscae religionis ; ' ' and, Tib. 13 : " de consilii sententia. ' ' 
 Ca:»sar, B. G. : 8, 54: "de sententia adversariorum." 
 Other instances might be multii)lied. "Disponere" in 
 Chapter 10 and .Chapter 19, must not necessarih' be a 
 reflex from the Italian "disporre." Chapter 10: "His 
 itaque dispositis, — et redire disponeret — ;" Chapter 
 19: "et cum iter arripere disponeret" — . The usage 
 is quite frequent in Biblical Latin. Nor is it tabooed ])y 
 the ancients, as any good dictionary will show. The pas- 
 sage "ubi cum magna penuria de duobus buccellis et VII 
 rapis malum famis miserae et sitim gaudio cordis temper- 
 abant" (Chap. 21) is evidently a reminiscence of Genesis, 
 41, 57 : "lit emerent escas et malum inopiae temperarent." 
 "In sero" (Chap. 21) need not be a "vulgarism." 
 "Serum" is certainly a good, old substantive and if we 
 find Liv. 10, 28: "In serum noctis convivium i)roduc- 
 
42 CJuouicd Vtair'is Jorrhnii J Giano 
 
 tiuii," and "in sciuin. dimicationc i)r()tracta" (Suet. 
 Aug. 17), we may excuse Jordan for coining "quod in 
 sero renirent." In Chai)ter '27 we find " posuit se in 
 hancum/' wliicli latter word is also included in the list of 
 "Italianisms" by Boelimer. But "banciis" is used by a 
 goodly number of medieval writers outside of Italy as, 
 among others, the article "hancus" in the "Glossarium 
 Archaiologicum" of Henrrcus Spelmannus will demon- 
 strate. "Ciilpatus" resp. "culpare" translated by Boeli- 
 mer "hlamer" will be found used in tliis sense by such 
 ancient Italians as Plautus, Ovid, Horace, Suetonius, 
 Quintillian and others. We ought, then, readily forgive 
 our Jordan the employment of this "italianism." ^'♦S'e 
 infroDiiftere" (Chap. 58) may be the Italian "Intro- 
 mettersi," but we find it also in other, non-Italian writers 
 of the Middle Ages, as Ducange mentions under that 
 word. Among users of "attediare" (attaediare) we find, 
 according to Ducange, Joannes Major, "De Gestis Scoto- 
 rum," Ericus Upsalensis in "Historia Suecorum" and 
 others. How anybody can read a "vulgarism italien" 
 into " terminare" {Chains. 17 and 78), is a mystery to 
 me. It is good Latin. There are other expressions in 
 Jordan that do smack of Italian derivation and which 
 Boehmer does not mention, ex. gr. " passagio," " dis- 
 cutiat," "in continenfi/' " auscultavit" (in the sense of 
 ' ' inquiring ") , " dpnariatas,' ' ' ' scutellas, " " septimanis, ' ' 
 "importuna instantia;" but they are used in Latin writ- 
 ings in medieval times in every country of Europe and 
 certainly do not prove anything for or against the na- 
 tionality of their writer. 
 
 I have gone into some detail on the Latinity of Jordan 
 because Boehmer finds in these "Italianisms" the main 
 proof for the authenticity of the letters on the Tartar in- 
 vasions. Thus he says on j). LXII of his Introd. : ''Ce qui 
 est favorable a cette hypothese, c'est que I'auteur des 
 lettres etait selon toute apparence un Italien: (1) II com- 
 l)are I'etendue des deux custodies devastees par les Mon- 
 
Chronica Fratris Jonhnii A Giauo 43 
 
 gols a cello de la Tosciane et de la Lombardie; (2) II 
 emploie ime fois le partitif italien: "due custodie de frat- 
 ribiis iiostris." The latter fact, as we have seen, does not 
 prove anytliing, the "partitif" witli "de" is common to 
 all Romance languages and Jordan plainly uses it here as 
 a variation in style since he says : "Noveritis etiam quod 
 jam 5 con\entus Predicatoriim et due custodie de fra- 
 tribus nostris sunt penitus destructe." More weighty 
 is the comparison of the extent of the devastated terri- 
 tory with the Italian lands of Tuscany and Lonibardy. 
 It is certainly remarkable that a man who had spent the 
 greater part of his life in Germany should make for Italy 
 in order to find a comparison. But we must remember 
 that this particular letter is addressed to "Karissimis 
 Cliristi fidelibus uuiversis ad quod presens scriptum 
 pervenerit," and Jordan may well have inserted the 
 names of districts well known to every Christian in 
 Europe rather than some less famous namies. 
 
 Boehmer adds: "II faut aussi prendre en considera- 
 tion le latin tout a fait rustique des deux lettres." Rus- 
 ticity, if Jordan is really to be accused of it — which I deny 
 — is a very common complaint among medieval chron- 
 iclers, and is a rather weak criterion by which to decide 
 the provenience of a. document of those times. But we 
 have another and quite unmistakable touchstone for 
 Jordan's authorship. 
 
 As I read his chronicle the conviction grew on me that 
 the outstanding feature of his style is an excessive, or at 
 least quite disproportionate use of ablatives absolute and 
 other participial constructions. It cannot be accidental 
 that one may easily count some 500 such constructions in 
 the by no means lengthy document. Now the same prom- 
 inence is given to these constructions in the three letters, 
 the iirst one (in Boehmer 's edition) exhibiting some nine- 
 teen; the second, twenty -tive, and the one omitted from 
 B's edition, ten. Besides, as Fr. Bihl has justly said, 
 in the review of that edition, Arch. Franc. Hist., p. 649, 
 
44 Chronicd Ftdtris Jordani A Giano 
 
 the three letters are intimately coiiiiected in contents 
 and object. 
 
 And, if really ''the style is the man," it is one not nn- 
 worthy of our friend. He may not have had, as Boeh- 
 mer claims, ''pas regu de culture superieure," but he knew 
 how to say what he had to say, tersely, vividly and inter- 
 estingly. He is preeminently a man of action, a keen ob- 
 server ; in spite, or perhaps on account of his truly Fran- 
 ciscan simplicity, a shrewd diplomat, always full of ex- 
 pedients and never losing his presence of mind. That 
 he was a good organizer and efficient administrator was 
 well known to his sui)eriors, who entrusted tlie most im- 
 portant duties to him. These duties he performed well 
 and he is richly entitled to the one reference he makes to 
 his own merits, if, indeed, he intended to make one : ' ' And 
 this is your brother Jordan, who is writing this for you, 
 who in such wise came to Germany, who escaped the 
 furor Theutonicus which he dreaded so mucli and who, 
 together with Brother Caesarius and the other friars, first 
 planted the Order of Minors in Germany." (Chap. 18.) 
 
THE LATIN TEXT OF THE PRESENT EDITION. 
 
 In preparing the text of the present edition my steady 
 aim has naturally been to present as faithfully as ])os- 
 sible the original text of Jordan. How arduous a task 
 this is, easily appears from a study of tlie condition of 
 the only remaining MSS. Neither of the two fragments, 
 (B) and (K), exhibits an autograph of Brother Baldwin, 
 of Brandenburg, or even a good copy of the same. 
 
 I was confronted, however, by other difficulties. All my 
 efforts to obtain photographic reproductions of the two 
 codices failed on account of the chaos introduced into 
 postal communication by the present war. I had, there- 
 fore, to depend on the critical apparatus of Boeh- 
 mer's model edition. His text has been, throughout, the 
 standard along which the present text was revised and, 
 at least as far as good intention counts, improved upon. 
 I thought myself justified in placing absolute trust on 
 Boehmer's annotations, a reliance well founded on his 
 superb scholarship and painstaking research, of which 
 Van Ortroy says {Anal Bolland., T. 28, pp. 335-337) : 
 "Desormais on ne pourra plus citer I'oeuvre de Jourdain 
 que d'apres le texte fixe par le travail patient et sagace 
 de M. Boehmer. Son edition est conforme a toutes les 
 exigences modernes. On pourra, peut-etre, la perfecti- 
 onner par quelque decouvert heureuse; mais je donto 
 fort qu'il resulte une modification notable." 
 
 I cannot claim to have made such a "decouvert 
 heureuse;" yet my high respect for the distinguished 
 editor has not led me to follow him blindly. Every avail- 
 able means of verifying or correcting his numerous emen- 
 dations, corrections, insertions has been conscientiously 
 employed. The previous editions of Voigt and the An- 
 alec.ta Franciscan a have been carefully and painstakingly 
 collated with Boehmer's text. Every word has been 
 studied and weighed and the references to Glassberger's 
 Chronicle and — -as far as possible — to Komerowski have 
 been traced and verified, and, if necessary, corrected. 
 
 45 
 
46 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 I am well aware tliat only the inspection of the MSS. 
 or their photographs would have fully authorized me to 
 make some of my conjectures and changes, nevertheless 
 I have not hesitated to incorporate them in the text 
 wherever and whenever its present condition seemed to 
 demand it. What with the labors of ^^oigt, the Quaracchi 
 editors and Dr. Boehmer, it seems almost impossible that 
 any important feature or peculiarity of the codices should 
 have escaped discovery or mention in their critical ap- 
 paratus. The latter, to all intents and purposes, exhibits 
 the MSS. themselves. 
 
 A full account of all the most important variants and 
 readings both of the Codex (B) and (K) as well as of 
 the editions by Voigt, the Analecta and of the edition of 
 the Codex (K) by Fr. Leonard Lemmens in the Archivum 
 Franciscanum Hlsturicum, Vol. 3 (1910), is given in my 
 critical apparatus. Mere errors of the copyists and such 
 points as have been definitely settled by the previous edi- 
 tors have been omitted. Considering, however, the im- 
 possibility of basing my conjectures on personal investi- 
 gation of the MSS., I feel that some of the changes intro- 
 duced into the present text stand in nee'd of a more ex- 
 plicit justification than can be given in the necessarily 
 brief notes of the apparatus. 
 
 Every editor has been puzzled by the conclusion of the 
 second sentence of the Prologue (p. 1, 1.17, Ed. Bo.). 
 Vo. and An. tell us that codex (B) here gives evidence of 
 several corruptions in the text. Neither the one nor the 
 other tried to submit a satisfactory conclusion. An. tell 
 us simply : "nil conjectando immutavimus. ' ' Bo. inserts 
 the words: "desiderio (fratrum statui) satisfacere," 
 adding in the apparatus: "quaedam in (B) hie excidisse 
 patet." I have ventured to read: desidero satisfacere. 
 This is not at all unlike the Latinity of Jordan and saves 
 him from the rather awkward repetition of the phrase 
 used but a few lines before: "fratrum devoto desiderio 
 statui annuere." 
 
Chronica Frafris Joidiui'i A Giauo 47 
 
 On Chapter 5, p. ."), 1.1 {VA. Bo.), Boeluiicr icniaiks, 
 Api)aratus, note e: "ex i)lnrali : " niissi sunt nomen unius 
 fratris excidisse snspicor," and hence lie indicates a 
 lacuna in the text. I cannot agree with him on this point. 
 The ])liiral number seems to me sufficiently exphrnicd by 
 the words following: "cum fratribus 60 vel pluriluis." 
 I have, therefore, omitted the indication of a lacuna. 
 On pages 5-6 of the same chapter Boehmer introduces 
 the phrase: " quid am ex ipsis plagati" taken, without in- 
 dication, from the '"Breve Memoriale." 
 
 .Vnotlier quite unsatisfactory reading occurs in the 
 same chapter, p. 6, 1.2: "et quiclam denudati ad clKJicaiii 
 sunt ducti." Voigt, in the first edition, says: "Icli 
 wiisste das Wort, das liier otfenbar den Scliandpfahl be- 
 deutet sonst nicht nachzuweisen," to which Boehmer re- 
 plies (p. 6, note 1) : "Mais choreo ne signitie jamais pilori. 
 S'il y avait dans le texte chorda au lieu de chorea on 
 pourrait admettre que les freres subire la peine de la 
 chorda c'est a dire qu'ils auraient ete bernes. V. Ducange 
 a ce mot et J. Grimm, Eechtsaltertiimer, -4 ed., T. II, 
 p. 324. Mais chorea parait bien etabli. II faut sans 
 doute songer a une forme particuliere de ce qu 'on appelaii 
 la processio done a une peine d'honneur. C'est en tout 
 cas ce qui indiquerai la denudatio du frere.^ 
 
 I do not know what to do with: ad choream sunt ducti. 
 It defies translation.- "They were led to the dance" 
 
 IV. Grimm, 1. c. II, p. 305s. 
 
 2There is indeed a passage in Salimbene, Bd. Holder-Egger, M.G.S., 
 T. XXXII, p. 628, 1. 28-36, "Nam in precedentibus annis ab isto mil- 
 lesimo quidam molendinarii de Regio cum quadam calliditate et 
 mallcia petierunt et obtinuerunt a fratribus Minoribus aliquas tunicas 
 habituales et veteres. quas dicebant se velle ponere sub labore et 
 instrumento fuUonis, ut Inde meliores efficerentur; cavi qiiibiis postea 
 tfmpore carnisprivii in habitu fratrum Minorum aclvesperascente jam 
 die in strata publica rhoreiqando cantabant. Et banc stultitiam 
 faciebant instigante diabolo qui volebat, quod 'ponerent maculam in 
 electis' (Eccli. 11, 33), ut fratres Minores a transeuntibus crederentur 
 qui talia faciebant, et sic ordini in scandalum et in dedecus redunda- 
 ret." But the passage in Jordan describes a different scene. No matter 
 how one tries to explain ad choream. it makes no sense and eludes any 
 reasonable translation. 
 
48 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 seems impossible. I, therefore, venture to substitute 
 ''ad (■lioram," preferring a conjecture to an absurdity. 
 About this word we find the following in Ducange: 
 "Chora, Connnunia, Commune Juratorum in urbibus a 
 quibus mium lites judioantur: vox formata, ut videtur a 
 Ctiria: unde Choremanni (jui olim Curiales. Consuetu- 
 dines villae Arkarmn an, 1231, in Tabul. S. Bertini: 
 Hominibus nostris de Arkes legem jui'atam quae chora 
 vulgariter appellatur dedimus et concessimus in hunc 
 modum, etc. Infra: Jurare debent etiam omnes in villa 
 manentes Choram et legem villae. ' ' 
 
 If this is the correct reading, then the "Friars were 
 brought to the local tril)unal," which is in perfect accord 
 with the passage in question. It is very probable that the 
 15th century copyist, ignorant of the meaning of the word 
 "chora/' substituted the more familiar "chorea." 
 
 In Chap. 6, p. 6, 1.21, we are told that unas ex iisdem 
 (ratribus XV, vicibus ipse sic hraccas amiserat. Voigt, 
 Analecta and Boehmer, all refer here to Chap. 18 where 
 the number is reduced to VI vicibus. An. say: "Infra 
 Chap. 18, liabetur VI, sed apparet in codice ibi aliquid 
 esse erasum," and Bo., substituting XV from Glassberger 
 tells us, App. a., "VII B. radendo, ut videtur correxit : 
 \'I." Even Komerowski seems to have been staggered 
 by "XV vicibus" and saves himself by compromising on 
 "multis" vicibus. In spite of Boehmer and Wadding, 
 who has cpiindecies, I have adopted VI vicibus, which is 
 still a sufficiently large number to satisfy anyone. 
 
 In Chap. 7, p. 7, 1. 8, both Voigt and Boelimer substitute : 
 ■ut f rater Helias for the reading of (B) et f rater, etc. 
 But the Analecta justly remarks (p. 3, note 6, Ed. I), non 
 bene posuit ut pro et. It is true that with the substitution 
 of ^^t the historical uncertainty of the mission of Brother 
 Elias to the Orient vanishes immediately, but on this very 
 account I dare not adopt the reading. Jordan's doubt 
 about the two missions of 1217 and 1219 seems to extend 
 to the sending of Brother Elias also. The apparently 
 
(lironicd Fidfrls Jordnui A (innio 4'J 
 
 iDiiocont substitution of ut for et is of too far-reacliiiiu: 
 conscHiuenees to be lightly adopted. Moreover, the doubt 
 of Jordan seems to touch not only the time but also the 
 destination of the brotliers. I liave, therefore, followed 
 the Aualecta. 
 
 In Chap. 16, p. IG, 1.9, Boehmer takes Glassberger's 
 version and reads: "Dominus Keynerius dyaconus 
 cardinalis cum pluribus aliis episcopis et religiosis" 
 against B. and An., who read: "cum pluribus episcopis 
 et aliis religiosis." Eainerius Capocci is expressly calleil 
 a Cardmal-Deacou and hence it seems preferable to me to 
 retain the text of the codex and of the Analecta, altliough 
 Capocci was Bishop of ^"iterbo, but only from 124:3-1244. 
 (Moroni, 8, 62; G^ams, Ser. Episc, p. 737.) 
 
 Quite a difference of opinion has arisen about the cor- 
 rect reading of Chap. 17, p. 18, 1.10. A^oigt lias: larr/is 
 cereis, and calls Wadding's reading: ocreis meaningless. 
 For this he is taken to task by the Analecta, who prefer 
 Wadding's reading. Boehmer again introduces cereis, 
 which causes the following stricture by Fr. Bihl, Arch. 
 Franc. Hist., Vol. 2 (1909), p. 650: minus probatur — quod 
 cereis non mutaverit in ocreis quod adjectivo largis certe 
 melius correspondet ; ... I side, however, with Boeh- 
 mer. Cereis is evidently the reading of the codex. The 
 passage from Komerowski, Breve Mernoriale, quoted by 
 Boehmer, also confirms this reading: largis elemosinis 
 sanctorum limina visitant. Candles as votive offerings 
 are quite common from the earliest ages of the church 
 down to the. present time. The Catholic Encyclopedia, 
 Art. "Candles" tells us of the "pillars of wax" men- 
 tioned by Eusebius, Vita Constantini, IV, XXII. Can- 
 dles were and are commonly used to burn before shrines 
 towards which the faithful wish to show special devo- 
 tion. A curious medieval practice was that of offering 
 at any favored shrine a candle or a number of candles 
 equalling in measurement the height of the person for 
 whom some favor was asked. The practice can be traced 
 
50 Chronica F rati is Jordani A Giano 
 
 back to the time of St. Kadegund (f 5<S7), and later right 
 through the Middle Ages." (Vol III, p. 247). Hence 
 the reading cereis seems to me eminently in keeping with 
 the whole passage (also with tlie adjective largis) for 
 Bro. Elias in his speech manifestly intends to accentuate 
 the devotion of the German pilgrims, not some peculiarity 
 of dress of accoutrement. 1 liave, therefore, followed 
 Boehmer and adopted cereis. 
 
 In Chap. 27, p. 30, 1. 13, Boehmer substitutes "theu- 
 tonice" (from GrLassberger) for the reading of (B), 
 Voigt and Analecta: quotidie (cottidie), and lie adds in 
 the apparatus, note f., "quod melius ad sententiani (lua- 
 drat." I fail to see how this tallies more satisfactorily 
 with the thouglit of tlie sentence. Tlie "Theutonici" ex- 
 pressly answer to the begging of the brethren: Nos 
 Latinum non intelligimus ; and this in response to the 
 brother who "cepit Latina Ihvgua mendicare, — ^why then 
 should he have attempted to replace the brother who 
 " theutonice" mendicabat? The meaning is: that the of- 
 ficious brother came to th.e assistance of the one to whom 
 the office of alms-gathering had been assigned for that 
 day. Surely he did not expect better success from beg- 
 ging in Latin than Ihe brother who "theutonice" mendi- 
 cabat ! Yet this would follow if the reading "theutonice" 
 is adopted. I have, therefore, restored : quotidie. 
 
 In the same chapter (B), Voigt and Analecta have 
 "nicht iudisch." Boehmer amends this into ''Nicht 
 Diudisch." But Jordan tells us that the brother pro- 
 nounced these words '"corrupte," and the spelling " nicht 
 iudisch" is evidently liis attemi)t to reproduce this de- 
 fective pronunciation. It is better then to follow the 
 first editions, thcJugh tlie Analecta go too far in explain- 
 ing it as "non judaice." The resemblance is purely 
 accidental. 
 
 The addition in ('ha]). 51, p. 46, 1.9-14, taken by Boeh- 
 mer from Glassberger, is so unmistakably in the style of 
 Jordan that I have incorporated it into the text. The 
 writer of codex (B) was betrayed by the word capitulo, 
 
Chronica Frnfris Jordani A Giano 51 
 
 the last word in p. 148 of tlie MS.; he skipped the entire 
 passage preserved in Glassberger, which again closes 
 with the word capitiilo, and continued: f rater Johannes 
 Parens. This explanation of Dr. Boehnier is absolntely 
 convincing. 
 
 Two emendations are introduced into the text of Chap. 
 b^, p. -^S, 1.1.7, which are justly repudiated by Fr. Bihl in 
 Arch. Franc. Hist., Vol. II, }). 650. The reading, accord- 
 ing to (B) and the Analecta is: liomines tunc teinporis 
 propter ordinis novitatem et e(|uiti8 humilitatem, ex- 
 eniplo Christi potius asinantis (piam ecpiitantis, move- 
 bantur quam nunc propter assiduum fratrum usum ad 
 personas ministrorum. Of this Boehmer makes : propter 
 assiduum fratrum abusum equitandi! True, he follows 
 in this Glassberger, the Chronica Anonyma, and, we might 
 add. Wadding, who, as Voigt already noted, also has 
 propter ab usum equitandi. But this merely proves that 
 Glassberger, etc., misunderstood the passage altogether. 
 Jordan is far from implying any such abuse of the priv- 
 ilege of riding horseback on the part of the ministers of 
 his time. The chroniclers of later date, mentioned here, 
 simply read conditions of their own time into the inno- 
 cent words of our author. Fr. Bihl justly and quaintly 
 remarks : ' ' vox usus certe sufficiebat neque vox equitandi 
 plane mucronem attingit quia vertitur comparatio inter 
 asimiui Fr. Johannis de Piano Carpinis et personas min- 
 istrorum !" I have, therefore, restored the reading of the 
 codex and of Ihe two editions preceding Boehmer 's. 
 
 These remarks, I trust, will sufficiently justify my de- 
 jjartures from the text of Boehmer, or, at least, serve in 
 extenuation of my temerity in making them. 
 
 The various additions to the Chronica Jordani given 
 in Boehmer 's edition will be relegated to an appendix. 
 The so-called Continuatio Saxonica, in Lemmens 's edition 
 Continuatio I, up to 1295 may well be from the pen of 
 Fr. Baldwin of Brandenburg. Witli the first three chap- 
 ters the style of the Continuatio abruptly changes and 
 degenerates into a mere enumeration of Ministers-Pro- 
 
5:2 Chronica F)<itri.s Joirlanl A Giano 
 
 vincial and their toiiiire of office. Tjittle of importance or 
 interest is contained therein. But for the benefit of the 
 student it has been deemed advisable to append them. 
 They bring the history of the "Saxonia," at h»ast in bare 
 outlines, up to the year 1485. Tlie "Fragmenta Benoso- 
 wiensia" are entirely eliminated from this edition. Fr. 
 Bihl, Arch. Franc. Hist., Vol. II, has successfully refuted 
 tli(^ theory of Boehmer that such a work ever existed. 
 Their contents, moreover, are quite extraneous to the 
 matter of the Chronica Jordani. 
 
 The second appendix brings the two letters of Jordan 
 quoted in Boehmer, pp. 72-75. To these I have added a 
 third letter, taken from the same soun-e, Tlie Chronica 
 Majora of Mathew of Paris, M.G.S., T. XXN'III. In this 
 I have followed the arguments of Fr. Bihl, I.e. Tlie ob- 
 jection to its provenance from Jordan made by Boehmer: 
 *'Les auteurs de le troisieme doivent etre cherches en Al- 
 lemagne et plus exactment en Saxe. Or comme le Frater 
 Jordcimis se trouvait d'apres la seconde lettre, a cette 
 meme epoque en Boheme, on ne saurait 1 'identifier avee 
 le frere I. de la troisieme," is well answered by Bihl, 1. c, 
 "Quod Boehmer Jordani Janensi tribuat duas litteras 
 de Tartaris, 72-5 non vero tertiam eodem loco, scil. MG. 
 SS. XXVIII, 207 s., editam et inscriptam Fr. R. dc ordine 
 Praedicatoruni cf Fr. liordanus), de Ordine Minorum, 
 valde miramur. Quia auctores tertiae e])istolae (quae 
 non secus ac secunda est sine loco et nota temporis), non 
 magis in. Saxonia quaerendi sunt, uti vult Boehmer LXII, 
 quam in Bohemia vel Moravia. Fuerant utique in Sax- 
 onia, antequam litteras has scripserunt, cum dicant, L. C 
 XXVIII, 207s. : Narraverunt nobis ])rofugi de terra ilia 
 in Saxonia praecipue. . . . Deinde de invasionibus Tar- 
 tarorum lamentantur atque de Polonia, Moravia, Hun- 
 garia depopulatis lugent. Jordanus vero e Saxonia utique 
 venerat ! Praeterea tertia ilia epistola argumento suo 
 cum duabus aliis intime colligatur." 
 
CJiroHicd F nit I Is Joidcnii J (HiUKj v)'.\ 
 
 These arg-iimeiits seem to me (luite eouvincin,^- and liave 
 induced me to enter the third letter into this edition. These 
 letters furnish the only light on the im]K)rtant, though as 
 yet quite obscure, ('liai)ter in the life of our author. 
 
 The editions of Yo'i^i and P>()ehmer are to all intents 
 and i)uri)oses ''codices impressi" and retain all the idio- 
 syncrasies and peculiarities of spelling found in the manu- 
 scripts. I have eliminated them from the present text 
 and adopted the modern way of spelling Latin. Names 
 of cities and of persons liave been given in their modern 
 forms with the exception of tliose names whose Latin 
 eciuivalent is well known and generally accepted. Only 
 thus could I hope to fulfill my intention of 7naking tlie 
 present edition useful to the general reader. 
 
APPARATUS CRITICUS. 
 
 Exemplar liiijus novae editionis "Chronica Fratris Jordan! a 
 Giano" est editio Henrici Boehmer in "Collection d'Etiides et de 
 Documents sur I'Histoire Religieuse et Litteraire du Moyen Age. 
 Vol. VI, Paris, Lihrarie Fischbacher, 1908. 
 
 Abbreviationes: 
 
 B. = Codex Berolinensis, Bibliothecae Regalis, Theol. Lat. 196. 
 K. = Codex Karlsruhensis, Landesbil)lif)thek, 857. 
 
 Vo. = Editio Georgii Voigt, in "Abhandlungen der Konigl. Sach- 
 
 sischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften," Bd. 5, Leipzig, 
 
 S. Hirzel, 1885. 
 An. = Editio "Analecta Franciscana," T. 1, Ad C'laras Aquas 
 
 (Quaracchi), Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 1885. 
 Bo. = Editio Boehmer, supra citata. 
 Le. = Editio Codicis Karlsruhensis, P. Leonardi Lemmens, O.F.M., 
 
 in "Archivum Franciscanum Historicum," Ad Claras 
 
 Aquas, Coll. S. Bonav., T. II, 1910. 
 Gl. = Chronica Fratris Nicolai Glassberger, O.F.M., In 'Analecta 
 
 Franciscana," T. II, Quaracchi, Coll. S. Bonav., 1887. 
 Ko. = Tractatus Cronice, et: Breve Memoriale Joannis Kome- 
 
 rowski, O.F.M. 
 
 C. = Caput; P. =Pagina; l.=Linea; quae abbreviationes ordinem 
 
 editionis exemplaris Bo. ostendunt. 
 
 Prologus, P. 1, 1.1: An: aliquoties. — 1.4, An: mulioties. — 1.9, An: 
 idulolatriae. — 1.14, Vo: post — ; An: post — , addunt in calce: in 
 codice est lacuna; Bo., secutus B., nullam allegat lacunani. — 
 1.15, B: celebrato; Vo: celebrato {sic); An: celebrato (sic); Bo: 
 corr. celehralum. — 1.17, Vo: dcsiderio satisfacere; An: idem; 
 Bo: corr. desiderio (fratrum statui) satisfacere; addito, in 
 apparatu: quaedam in B. hie excidisse patet; Ego conjeci: 
 desidero satisfacere, quod Latinitati Jordani baud absonum 
 est. 
 
 P. 2, 1.1, Vo: et ipse velim, uni autem (absque puncto periodi); 
 An: velim, sin (absque puncto periodi); Bo: puncto periodi 
 concludit sententiam, continuat: Sin. — 1.2, Vo: nnus sapiens; 
 An: tninns; Bo: minus, addens in apparatu: B: unus; Ed. 2. 
 conjecit minus, cf. 2. Cor. 11, 23. — 1.5, Vo: errans; An: 
 erravi. — 1.9, Vo: sufficit wa???; An: ?iam. — 1.10, \ o : politis, sed 
 suggerit: peritis, idem An. — 1.18, Vo: confinxerunt ; An: con- 
 finxerunt; Bo. ex B.: confinxerint. 
 54 
 
Chronica Frafris JonUuii A Giano 55 
 
 C. 1, P. 3, 1.4, Vo: omittit eju.^. 
 
 C. 2, P. 3, 1.7, Bo: evangelio que: ^'<». ft An: (luod. 
 
 C. 2. P. 3, 1.0, An: calceanienti.s. 
 
 C 4, P. 4, 1.4, Po. ex Ko. uddit: (|iu)d (.sic). — 1.5, An: quid esftef. — 
 1.(5, Vo: quia heretici; sed ipse jam su.spicatu.s est (/?/a.v/, quain 
 emendationem An., Bo., ego adoptamus. — 1.7, Bo. addit ex 
 Ko: magistri (Parisienses). — 1.11, Bo: addit .sede {apostolica) 
 exKo. — 1.11, Bo: exKo: (ro»)firmatam. — l.ll,Vo: spirUuales 
 filios. 
 
 C. 5, P. 5, 1.1, Bo. in nota c., apparatus critici suggerit ex Gl. et 
 Ko. fraier, et post fraire.s suspicatur lacunam. Sed vide Intro- 
 diietionem, 4. — 1.11, Bo: addit: quidam ex ip^Ls plagati, quani 
 additionem nee Vo. nee An. habent. Sumpsit Bo. hancaddi- 
 tionem ex Breve Memoriale, sed uncis non inclusit. — P. 6, 
 1.2, Vo. Bo: Judecre; An: ludicre, quod substitui. 
 
 C. 6, P. 6, 1.10, B : d^isi = derisi (Bo.) ; Vo. et An : derisi; Ko : dimisfii; 
 Gl: divisi quam lectionem cum Bo. adoptavi quia. derisi mani- 
 feste contradicit verbis mox sequentibus sub silentio (1.11 et 
 12) — 1.13, B: mactarentur;\o: traciarenfur; Ko icaederentur. — 
 1.21, adoptavi: VI vicibus ex lectione B., C. 18. — P. 7, 1.4, 
 B : et hiis aliis; Vo : Et hiis aliis; An : FA hi aliis; Ko : et sic 
 continue his; Bo: His et aliis quam emendationem adoptavi. 
 
 C. 7, P. 7, 1.8, B: praecedenti, et; An: et; Vo. et Bo: substituunt ut; 
 sed vide Introd. 
 
 C. 9, P. 8, 1.2 et 3, Bo: ex Gl: Caesarius (conversus), similiter Ko. 
 
 C. 11, P. 9, 1-18, B: domino legum; Vo: divinarum legum; — P. 11, 
 1.10, Bo: sed (tantum) ex Ko. 
 
 C. 12, P. 11, 1.18, Bo., in apparatu, i, notat ad ricarionnn: add. 
 Gl. contra Vo. et An. qui hoc verbum in B. legisse videntur. — 
 P. 12, 1.10, Bo., An., Gl: Ha; Vo: ita.—V. 12, 1. 14-16, Bo. 
 addit ex Gl: {et e regione ille patri suo spiriiuali se hnmiliando 
 eundem reverentiae ciiltum eidem impend ehat), sed perperam. 
 
 C. 13, P. 12, 1.22-23, Vo. in apparatu: Hier fehlen offenbar einige 
 Worte; An: aliqua verba excidisse videntur; Bo. in apparatu: 
 B. hoc loco unam lineam excidisse patet. Supplevi cum Bo. 
 ex Gl: {Hec dixit fratribus qui cum sancto Francisco erant.) 
 
 C. 14, P. 14, 1.8, Bo: facto ei reverentia; videtur esse menda typo- 
 graphica.— P. 14, 1.11, Bo. ex Gl. et Ko. addit: magnus (domi- 
 nus). — 1.17, Vo: Ad que. 
 
56 Chronica Fratris Jordani A Giano 
 
 C. 15, P. 15, l.-i, \'o: furbacionibus-; An: liirhafioHihus. — 1.9, Vo. ct 
 An: rumoribus f/?/o.v; Ho: que. 
 
 C 1(), P. 1(), 1.!), B: cin)i pliiribus episcopis et aliis religosis; \o. 
 et An: idem; Bo: cum phtribu.s aliis epiacopis et religiosis. — 
 P. 17, 1.4 0, \o: liencdicfii.s (lotnimi.s (leufi nieut) qui — , et addit, 
 perperam, ad plene. (An., P. 6, adnotatio l.)~l-14, B: cii 
 pro tamen. An. legerunt in eodice cuvi et addunt fadn. 2, 
 P. G) "quod vel omittendum est, vel a lihrario suppositum 
 est pro verbo convenientium, abbreviate scriptum, ut acute 
 suspicatus est Vo." Er^o cum An. lego: convenientium, loco: 
 tamen quod Bo. desumpsit ex Gl. — 1.18, B: expederent, Ko. et 
 Gl. expenderent. 
 
 C. 17, P. 17, 1.20, Vo: cum jam.— P. 18, 1.3, Vo. et An: ad pedes 
 Heliae fratis; — 1.9, Vo: sepe; An: saepe; Bo: spe, qui error 
 typographicus esse videtur. — 1.9, Bo: addit ex Ko: {per) \,eT- 
 ram; Bo: {per terram no.s-tram cum) uncis includit, nescio 
 quare.— 1.10, An: ocrei.s loco cereis; Vo: cereis, Gl. et Wadding: 
 ocreis. — 1.12, B: post sanctorum habet transeunt quod est 
 deletum, (Bo.) — P. 19, 1.3, addidi cum Bo. ex Gl: imartyrii) 
 post desiderio. 
 
 C. 18. P. 19, 1.11, Vo. et An: ipsum pro ipsorum, quam lectionem 
 adoptavi. — 1.15, Bo: ut (et) ex Gl. — 1.18, quis est deletum in 
 B. — P. 20, 1.24, B: flam pro sanctain. (Bo.) — 1.27, B: ne si, 
 in loco raso. (Bo.) — 1.31, Vo. et An: consilia; Bo. legit in B: 
 cunsilio; Bo. ex Gl: consilium; secutus sum Vo. et An. — P. 21, 
 
 1.1, Bo. ad XV licibus: ita recte Gl; VII B. radendo ut 
 videtur correxit VI. 
 
 C. 19, P. 22, 1.2, B: ef Thoma, biscr; Gl: de Zelchio vel Celano; Ko: 
 de Ceperano sive Zelano; in Tractatu Cronice ://-a/er Thomas 
 de Ceperano. — P. 23, 1.1, B. et Gl: Vvisio; — 1.2, B: filii; — 
 
 1.2, G\:Colozon; Vo: Colaron. — 1.5, B: Palmero, sed vide P. 
 19, 1.22.— 1.5, B: Jordane de Vano.—P. 24, 1.1, Bo: legit 
 in B: quibus, et addit {dam) uncis inclusum. Sed An: quibus- 
 dam, et dicunt in adnotatione 4. ad P. 8: Ed. I. "quibus," 
 refragante eodice et contextu. — 1.2, Vo., An., Gl., et Wadding: 
 Solato, pro Sosato. — 1.4, B: 13 {tredecim); idem Ko. Secutus 
 sum Bo. qui in apparatu critico, nota e dicit: "Cum Augustae 
 jam fere 31 fratres numerentur, cf. infra c. 23, et unus tantum 
 laicus in itinere Cesario nomen dedisse dicatur, Gl. hoc 
 quoque loco meliorem lectionem exhibere puto." Jam 
 Voigt adnotavit: "Wadding 15." (P. 572, adn. 50.) 
 
C]iro)iic<i Fidfrls Jordani A Giano 57 
 
 C. ^20, P. 24, 1. 18, (il: qnindecim (XV)., (Bo.) 
 
 C '■21, P. '2.5, 1.1, Ho. po.st coftrocati.s addit ex (11: (/>(>.s7 her). — 
 l..'>-4. Bo. supplevil ex (il: {rclicll.s ihi (diijuihus fralrihiis pro 
 populi e(lifica1ii)ii(' ct alios) ({uain loctionem adoptavi cum 
 optinie .stylo Jordani ro.spoudoat et Bo., in apparatu critico, 
 nota r, dicat: ''lioc (|uo(|iie loco B. imam lineam videtur 
 omi.si.sse." — 1.16, Bo. ex (Jl. sui)|)let biicccllis (pduis).--^. 
 •26, 1.1, Bo. legit in B: milianorum; \\\. legenmt : milliurioruw ; 
 ita \o. et An. Ego cum Bo. ex (ill: miliurium, cpiia Jordanus 
 ipse 1.5 hahet miliare. 1.5, An: milliare. — 1.18, B: duos 
 dcnariatos; Vo: dtios dcuariaeos; Bo. ex (il: diuis dcuariatas 
 l)anis; cf. Ducange ad Verl)um. Adjectivum "denariatns" 
 vel "denariacus" non exstitisse videtur. 
 
 C. 2'2, P. 27, 1.1, Bo. ex (il. addit post domino (Syl)otone) sed, ut 
 ipse admittit, erronee; cf. Bihl, in Arch. Franc. Hist. 'J\2, 
 P. 650. > 
 
 C. 23, P. 27, 1.11, Bo. addit ex Gl: {in) ingrcssu.— 1.12, Vo: 
 capitulo prime; An in adn. -1, ad P. 9: Ircfio codicis ambiyua 
 est. — P. 28, 1.2, Vo: verbnm prime. 
 
 C. 24, P. 28, 1.10, Bo: in hono, quod videtur esse menda typo- 
 graphica. 
 
 C. 25, P. 28, 1.12, Bo: (//)al)ileni, quem secutus sum.— P. 29. 1.6, 
 Vo: minime pro miser icordia. 
 
 C. 26, P. 29, 1.13, An: arcfns. 
 
 C. 27, P. 30, 1.6, Bo. supplet scriptum (sit), sed superflue et nulla 
 auctoritate suffragante. — 1.13, Bo. ex (il: theutonice pro 
 quotidie, contra B., Vo. et An. — 1.17, B., \'o.. An: nicht 
 iudisch. — 1. 17-18, Vo: ''nichir' thentonici snhandi '\s-c*o." 
 Sed jam Voigt hie corruptelam adesse suspicatus est. — P. 30 
 1.25, B: utili sibi; idem Vo. et An; Bo : sue.—F. 31, 1.4, Vo: 
 similiter pro super, contra codicem. — 1. 10. iterum similiter 
 pro super. 
 
 C. 32, P. 33, 1.3, B: t'risio pro Tervisio. — 1.4, riri spiritus pro 
 jurisperitus. 
 
 C. 33, P. 33, 1.5, B: insanus pro Pisaniis. 
 
 C. 34, P. 34, 1.7, B: Tichmarus. 
 
 C. 35, P. 35, 1.7, Vo: eleomosinam. — 1.8, B: wltihns: Vo: voltihus. 
 
 C. 37, P. 35, 1.19, Bo. addit ex Gl: Johannem [de Piano Carpinis 
 custodem Saxoniae) et in apparatu critico, nota o, "scriba, 
 novam paginam incipiens, haec verba omisisse videtur." — 
 P. 36, 1.5, B: valle, pro valde; Vo: virtutuinque . 
 
58 CJironlcd F rati is Jurdanl A Giano 
 
 C. 38, P. 36, 1.8, B: Snxoniae, sed Bo. recte ox (Jl. suhstituit 
 Theutoniae. Jam Voi^t ad hiinc locum: "Der Irrtum ist 
 handreiflich". — 1.11, Bo. ex (il: (id) in Thiiringia etc. — 1.11, 
 li: reciperent, i>ed Bo. ex (il. Tccte: .su.sTipereL Jam An: (p. 
 12, n. 4.) Cod: reciperent, sed deinde collocaret. 
 
 C. 39, P. 36, 1.15, ex Gl. substitui Erfordiam pro B: Erfordie. — 
 1.16, Bo. ex (t1. addit (et) temi)u.s. 
 
 C. 40, P. 36, 1.21, Cum Bo. ex (il. supplevi: (cinn) fratre Jordano. — 
 Bo: Jordane. — 1.27, B. et Vo: Gernocus. An., ad locum, 
 (p. 13, n. 2.) "Ed. 1. Gertioni.s, sed ])otiu.s legendum esse Ger- 
 noius jam \ oigt suspicatus est. In codice plernmque litferae 
 t et c eodem modo scribuntur.'' — 1.27, Cum Bo: ex Gl. substitui 
 Suevus pro B., Vo., An: Sueviae. — P. 37, 1.1, B., Vo., An: 
 Jo — de Colonia. Secutus sum Bo. qui liabet: Jo(hannes). — 
 1.2, B: Hildn: An: Hilden; Bo: Hildenseim. 
 
 C. 41, P. 37, 1.20, B: si pro frafri. 
 
 C. 42, P. 38, 1.1, B: fratres 2; Vo: fratres 2; An: fratres duo; Bo: ex 
 Gl. recte substituit: 2(5) annis. — 1.2, B: auevis pro quevis, 
 
 C. 43, P. 38, 1.10, Vo: habitaverunt. — P. 39, 1.4, claustra; An., idem. 
 — 1.5, B: iantiim; Vo: famen. 
 
 C. 44, P. 39, 1.8, Bo. ex Gl: eodem (quoque anno); An. et \o: 
 (anno). — 1.20, (il. addit: ef usque hodie ibi manent. 
 
 C. 45, P. 40, 1.1, laid ex margine B. — B: sunt missi (superscriptio.) 
 — 1.12, post locaii Gl. addit: laid enim fratres sine assistentia 
 fratrum clericorvm fructnm in populo minime facere possunt. — 
 1.18, Vo: in ipsam, contra cod. (An. P. 14, n. 2). 
 
 C. 47, P. 42, 1.4, Vo: Ipse non est custos; sed recte, in adnotatione, 
 suggerit lectionem: Ipse est, est custos noster. (P. 537, n. 103). 
 — 1.9, An: Erfordiensem, vide postea, 1.16, Erfordiam. 
 
 C. 48, P. 42, 1.24, B: episcopus archiepiscopus. — P. 43, 1.8, cum 
 Bo. supplevi (quod) instabat. (Bo: cf. Gl: synodum quae 
 instabat). — 1.10, Vo. et An: (mitteretur). Cum Bo. supplevi 
 ex Gl: (accederent) . — 1.18, B., Vo., Bo: sompnis; An: somnis; 
 conjeci : sonunis. 
 
 C. 49, P. 44, 1.1, Vo: supplicaverunt, ex Wadding; An: idem, sine 
 mentione fontis; Ho: supplicavexunt, ex (il. — An: Erfordiensem. 
 — 1.14, Vo. et i\n: .se in officiis otnnibus insuffidentem. Jam 
 Voigt ex Wadding suggessit: seque mod is omnibus. — 1.24, su- 
 per ejus. — 1.24-25, Vo: obedientiam; sed An: obedietitia ex B. 
 
Chro)iic(i Fidfris Jordani A Giano 5*) 
 
 C. 50, P. 45, 1.13, Vo. et An: demleravit.—lMi, Vo. et An., omit- 
 tunt (siipradicta) quod cum Bo. supplevi ex Gl. — 1.'25, Bo. 
 supj)let ex Gl. et (eoi'). — P. 46, 1.2, Bo. supplet ex Gl: ministris 
 (et custodibvs.) 
 
 C. 51, P. 46, 1.9-14, Bo. ex Gl. supplet: In quo capitulo (frater Xi- 
 colaus a cusiodia Sa.ro7iiae absolidus vicarius est indiivhis et 
 ei frater Leonardus Lomhardus snccessit. Sicqve rebus or- 
 dinatis frater Albertiis cum fratribus quos elegerat ad gcnerale 
 capituluyn profectus est. In quo capitulo), et in apparatu 
 critico: B. novan paginam incipiens totam sententiam omisit, 
 voce capituli seductus. — 1.15,B: dnm. = dom'mum; Vo. om. 
 dominum corruptelam suspicatus ut dicunt An. P. 16, n. 2. 
 
 C. 53, P. 47, 1.8, Bo. supplet ex Gl.: (statim) indixit.— 1.10-11, 
 Bo: (sed propter causam sequenti ayuio fnit celebratum). Ad- 
 dit ad hunc locum: (app. cr. n. c.) "Ita Gl., B. iterum unam 
 lineam omisisse mihi videtur;" et ad verbum causam: "deest 
 unum verbum uti vrgentem ant necessariam.'" Retinui ad- 
 ditionem. 
 
 C. 54, P. 48, 1.4, B: demincciata. 
 
 C. 55, P. 48, 1.14, B: voluntatem; Vo. ex Wadding: novitatem; An. 
 idem, sine mentione fontis; Bo. ex Gl: novitatem. — 1.17, Bo: 
 (a6)usum (equitandi) ex Gl. et Chron. Anonym., sed erronee, 
 ut videre est in Introd. — 1.19, Bo. ex Gl: (secundario) factus. 
 — P. 49, 1.2, B: post Lothoringiam sequitur recepit deletum. 
 
 C. 57, P. 49, 1. 11, Vo. et An: capitulum Tkeutonorum. — 1.19, Vo. 
 et An: in eodem generali {capitulo). — 1.20, Vo: in duas; An: 
 duas; Bo: duos, quod errorem typographicum arbitror. — 1.22, 
 B: Theutoniam pro Saxoniam, quod jam Vo. et An. correx- 
 erunt; Bo. ex Gl. Saxoniam — 1.22, B: provincie; Vo: idem; 
 An: provinciae; Bo. ex Gl: provinciis. 
 
 C. 58, P. 50, 1.4, Bo. addit ex Gl: in Wormatia {celebratum). — 1.11, 
 Bo. addit ex Gl: {Ottonis) ministri. — 1.19, B., Vo., An: pro 
 lectore Anglicum. 
 
 C. 59, P. 51, 1.2, (omnia referunt ad versionem Jordani) K: ip.n in. 
 — 1.5, B., Vo. et An: venerunt; Bo. ex K. et Gl: convenerunt. 
 — 1.15, ipsis addit K. — 1.10, B: Jordanus stupendus; Cum 
 Bo. ex K. et Gl: stupidus. — 1.18, B: met.— 1.30, Cum Bo. 
 addo ex K: in praesenti {vita). Wadding habet in praesenti 
 came, ut jam notavit Vo. (P. 544, nota 136). 
 
60 Chronica Fratris Jordcmi A Giano 
 
 C. 60. V. 'A, XM, H. omittit (Johannc) Aii<rlico. Jam \'o. ex 
 Wadding supplcvit Johanne (1*. .544, ii. l.'JJ)j. — 1.3, Cum Bo. 
 ex K. et Gl: conducerent, pro B., Vo., et An: conduceret. 
 
 C. 61, P. 55, 1.1. B: hahuit: Cum Bo. ex K. et Gl: hahuerant; — 1.3, 
 B. et K: f Herat; Cum Bo. ex Q\: juerant. — Bo. puto ex B: 
 Allexander; cum Bo. ex K. et Gl. addo: {de Ales). 
 
 C. 6'-2, P. -'to, 1.1'2, Vo: suo convenienter j)r(){)osito; An: suo con- 
 venientes projjosito destinavit. 
 
 C. 63, P. 56, 1.4, K:exacti sunt; Ko: conati sunt; secutus sum Bo: co- 
 acfi sunt. — 1.5, B: videretur; jam Vo. conjecit: juberetur, 
 quod cum Bo. ex Gl. substitui. — 1.1''2, Cum Bo. ex K. et Gl. 
 {per vos) habundamus; (Ita K.) — 1.15, B: ex/iylaratus; K: 
 exhUerahis; An: ex hilar atufi. — 1.16, B. et K: renissent; Bo. ex 
 Gl: renissent. — 1.17, K: quot. — 1.25, Vo: nee nianum, refra- 
 gante Cod. (An. P. 19, n. 2.) — Hie desinit Codex B. 
 
 C. 64, P. 57, 1.5, K: deceptafioneyn, cum Bo. substitui discepta- 
 tionem. Forsan: decertaiionem. — 1.6, K: decepfate; cum Bo. 
 ex Gl. et Ko: disceptate. Vox deceptandi vel deceptationis 
 nullibi, nee in Ducange inveniri potest. 
 
 C. 65, P. 57, 1.18, Le. ex K: quot dictum est; Ko: iif dictum. — P. 
 58, 1.1, cum Bo. supplevi ex Gl: (et) quedam. 
 
 C. 66, P. 58, 1.6, Le://-. Helias. 
 
 C. 68, P. 58, 1.1, Le:/r. Johannes, et ita semper quando occurrit 
 verbum ''f rater.'' — P. 59, 1.1, Bo. et Le. ex K: quot. — 1.3, Bo. 
 ex Gl. supplet: (ipse) institutionem. 
 
 C. 69, P. 59, 1.8, K: bonus benignus; Bo. et Le. ex Gl: bonis. — 1.9, 
 Bo. ex Gl. supplet exstitit. — 1.11, Bo: in qua etiam et minister 
 electus est. Ego ut Le.— 1.14-17, Bo. addit ex Gl: {Temiit 
 tamen tria capitula antequam absolutus fuit, videlicet in Er- 
 fordia, Hyldenssheim et in Aldenburch in. quo fuit absolutus). 
 
 C. 70, P. 60, 1.1, Bo. in apparatu, a: Hyamo in margine corr. 
 Haymo K. 
 
 C. 72, P. 60, 1.13, K: bonvs. 
 
 C. 73, P. 60, 1.19, K. et Le: Roniam; Bo: Romanum. — 1.20, K: 
 tuseuntes. — P. 61, 1.3, K: d'oqui corr: aliqui. — 1.4, K. et Le: 
 obedientes; Bo: obedienter . — 1.4, K: mater; cum Bo. ex Gl. 
 substitui: matri quod et Le. 
 
 C. 75, P- 61, 1. 10, K: Ludonensi; Gl: Lugdunensi. — 1. 11, Bo. 
 ex Gl. addit Conradus {de Brunswic); — 1.13, K: Hallesi. 
 
 C. 76, P. 62, 1.1, ante Lugdunensi in K: de deletum. — eadem linea, 
 K: Crenscius. — 1.2, K: ipso. — 1.3, K: der Perma. 
 
 C. 78, P. 62, 1. 10, Bo. ex Gl. addit Conradus (de Brunswic) ex Gl. — 
 1.12, Bo. ex Gl. {quondam) minister. 
 
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VITA. 
 
 The writer of this dissertation was Ijorii in Bonn, 
 Rhine-Prussia, July 16, 1881. He received his primary 
 education at the public schools of his native city and 
 subseciuently took a course of studies at the commercial 
 sf'hool conducted under the ausi)ices of the Chamber of 
 Commerce of the same city (1895-1898). In 1899 he be- 
 gan his classical studies under i)rivate instructors and 
 completed these studies at St. Francis Seraphicus Col- 
 lege, Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1901. In the same year he en- 
 tered the Order of Friars Minor and followed the courses 
 in Philosoi)liy and Theology in tlie liouses of study of 
 his Order from 1901-1909. From 1909-1912 he taught the 
 Classics at St. Francis College in Cincinnati and from 
 1914-1917 at the College of the Holy Land in Washington, 
 D. C. He has been a graduate student at tlie Catliolic 
 University of America since 1914 under Dr. Maguire, 
 Dr. Gleis and Dr. O'Connor. 
 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
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 0035518529 
 
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