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Columbia ?Hnibergitp intljeCitpof^etugorfe LIBRARY s \ .* I *f HISTOllY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. \ •' «» 1 /J iy HISTORY OF THE r.iRi PROGRESS AND SUPPRESSION ii OF TlIK REFORMATION IN ITALY IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY: INCLUDING A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN THE ORISONS. , BY THOxMAS M^CRIE, D. D. WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH: AND T. CADELL, STRAND, LONDON. M.DCCC.XXVIL PREFACE. PRINTF-n nV A UAI.FOUR AMI ( O. A CONSIDERABLE number of years has elapsed since I was convinced that the reformed opinions had spread to a much greater extent in Italy than is commonly supposed. This conviction I took an opportunity of making public, and at the same time expressed a wish that some individual who had leisure would pursue the inquiry and fill up what I considered as a blank in the History of the Re- formation. Hearing of none who was willing to accept the invitation, I lately resolved to arrange the materials relating to the subject which had oc- curred to me in the course of my reading, with the addition of such facts as could be discovered by a more careful search into the most probable sources of information. To some of the quarters from which the most interesting information might be expected, I enter- :L6 4i20 VI rilEFACE. PREFACE* Vll tallied no hope of finding access ; nor shall I in- quire at present why the late revolutions which have led to the fuller disclosure of the mysteries of the Spanish, should have sealed up those of the Roman Inquisition. Unfortunately none of the Italian protestants in the sixteenth century thought of recording the facts connected with the religious movement which issued in their expulsion from their native country ; a task which was not al- together neglected hy those who were driven from Spain for their attachment to the same cause. Writers of the Roman Catholic persuasion, on the other liand, ai)pear to have agreed, from an early period, to pass over a subject at once ungrateful and dangerous ; or, if they did touch it, to repre- sent any agitation which took place as exceedingly slight and transient, and as produced by a few in- dividuals of no note or consideration, who had suf- fered themselves to be led astray by fondness for novelty. Facts which contradicted this representa- tion were indeed to be found in writings composed during the struggle, but these were afterwards care- fully suppressed; and the Lnle.v Exjmrgatorius of Rome was itself reformed in some instances, with the view of preventing it from being known that certain individuals had once been branded with the stigma of heresy. In these circumstances, the modern historian, if he does not choose to rest in general statements, must have recourse to the tedious process of examining the epistolary corre- s])ondence of those wlio lived in that age, the me- moirs of private individuals, and dedications and prefaces to books on various subjects; while at the same time he must take care that the editions which he consults are original or at least unmuti- lated. The labour attending this task has been in no small degree lightened by the numerous and valu- able collections relating to literary and ecclesiasti- cal history whicli John George Schelhorn, the learn- ed superintendent and librarian of Memmingen, published in Latin and in his native tongue, during tlie first half of the eighteenth century. Some of his statements respecting the progress which the Reformation had made in Italy brought forward Cardinal Quirini, the honorary and learned keeper of the Vatican Library ; and, as is usual in such cases, truth was elicited from the controversy which ensued. In 1 765 the Specimen Italice Eefor. matcc of Daniel Gerdes, well known by his general History of the Reformation, made its appearance, in which that indefatigable writer collected all the facts which he had met with connected with that subject. Though labouring under the defects of a Vlll niEFACE. PKEFACE. posthumous ])u})lication, this work is of great utili- ty, and has induced later Italian writers to hring forward facts which they might otherwise, like their predecessors, have passed unnoticed. Had I seen this work earlier, it might have saved me much trouhle; hut I do not regret the circumstance of its having come so late into my liands, as I wns led, in the ahsence of such a help, into researches which I would liave hecn tempted to decline, hut which liave enahled me to supply in part its defects, and to correct some of the mistakes into which its au- thor had inadvertently fallen. The Historia Reformationis llcctlcarum Kccle- smnm, hy Kosius de Porta, has furnished me with a numher of important facts respecting the Italian refugees. To throw light on the settlements which they formed in the (irisons I have given a sketch of the history of the Reformation in that country, which I trust will not he unacceptahle to the reader. It has not heen in my power to procure several Italian works, which I have reason to think would have helped to illustrate parts of my subject. Some of the most curious and valuable of those quoted in the following pages I had the opportunity of examin- ing in Holland, and particularly in the library of the venerable iMons. Chevalier, one of the pastors of the French church in Amsterdam, whose un- IX common politeness I have to acknowledge, in not only allowing me the freest use of his books, but also in transmitting to me a number of extracts wliich I had not time to make during my short stay in that city. Amidst sudi a multiplicity of facts, as to many of which I had not the advantage arising from a comparison of different authorities, I do not flatter myself that with all my care I have kept free from mistakes ; and shall feel obliged to any one who shall put it in my power to correct the errors which I may have committed. It was my intention, even after the work went to the press, to include in this volume an account of the progress and suppression of the Reformation in Spain. This I have found impracticable, and accordingly have reserved that part of my under- taking for a separate publication. I regret this de- lay the less, that it will enable me to avail myself of an extensive collection of Spanish books which has been lately purchased by the Faculty of Advo- cates. FAlinhyrgh, Mh May, 1827. I ■vt. CONTENTS. I'HAPTKR I. ST.TE or „E,.,o,0>, ,H ,TA,.V BErOHE THE E„A Or THE UE """' FOR3rATlO.V t iHt RE- 1 CHAPTER ir. IKTRODLCTIOX OF THE REFORMED OPIVIOXS TKTO ITAT Y AND CAUSES OF THEIR PROGRESS . *'AE1, AND 29 CHAPTER rrr. PROGRESS OF THE RFFnonriTT^ ^^ STATF. .X. J REFORMED DOCTRINE IN THE DIFFEREVT STATES AND CITIES OF ITALY . "^-"tNT 67 CHAPTER IV. 3.ISCELLANE0i:s FACTS RESPECTING THE STATF n. FORMED OPINIONS IN ITALY . '''^ """^ «^- • . . . 138 CHAPTER V. MPPRESSION OF THE REFORMATION IV ITAT Y 189 % .* Xll CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. FOREIGN ITALIAN CIIUIICHES, WITH ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE REFORMATION IN THE ORISONS .... ■lilll ■ ^ • » APPENDI INDEX Page 308 109 427 HISTORY^ I. \ OP THE N, Ah. IIEFORMATION IN ITALY. CHAPTER I. STATE OF RELIGION IN ITALY BEFORE THE ERA OF THE REFORMATION. IT is an undoubted fact, though it may appear improbable to those who are imperfectly acquaint- ed with ecclesiastical history, that the supremacy claimed by the bishops of Rome was resisted in Italy after it had been submitted to by the most remote churches of the West. The diocese of Italy, of which Milan was the capital, remained long in- dependent of Rome, and practised a different ritual, according to what was called the Ambrosian Li- turgy. It was not till the eleventh century that the popes succeeded in establishing their authority at Milan, and prevailed on the bishops of that sec 2 IlISTOllY OF THE llEKOKMATION IN ITALY. to procure the archi-episcopal pall froin Rome. When this was first proposed, it excited great in- dignation on the part of the people as well as of the clergy, who maintained that the Ambrosian church, according to the most ancient institutions, was free and indej)endent ; that the Roman pontiff had no right to judge or dispose of any thing connected with it ; and that they could not, without incurring disgrace, subject to a foreign yoke that see which had preserved its freedom during so many ages.* As the supremacy of the bishop of Rome met with strenuous opposition, so were there individuals in tile darkest age who resisted the progress of those superstitions which proved the firmest sup- port of the pontifical power. Among these was Claud, bishop of Turin, who, in the ninth century, distinguished liimself not only by his judicious com- mentaries on Scripture, but also by his vigorous op- position to the worship of images and pilgrimages to Rome ; on which account he, with his followers in Italy, have been branded as Arians by popish his- torians, who are ever ready, upon the slightest pretexts, to impute odious opinions to those who have dissented from the dominant church. f • Petri Damiani Opusc. p. 5. The archbishop of Milan having consulted Roboald, bishop of Alva, the latter replied, that '^ he would sooner have his nose slit" than advise him to comply with the demand of pope Honorius — " quod prius sustineret nasum suum scindi usque ad oculos quam daret sibi consilium ut susciperet Roraae stolam," &c. (Ughelli Italia Sacra, torn. iv. p. 189.) t Dupin, Hist. Eccl. tome vii. p. 3. Simon, Hist. Crit. du N. Test. chap. xxv. VVeiemanni Memorab. Hist. Eccles. torn. i. p. 761. i IIlbTOJt V Ol THE HEFOKMATION IN ITALY. 3 Soon after the bishops of Rome had secured the obedience of the Italian clergy, and silenced the op- position which arose from Turin, their attention was called to a new class of opponents. Those Christians, known in history by the several names of Vaudois, AValdenses, and Albigenses, who con- demned the corruptions by which the church waa now everywhere infected, penetrated through the Alps into Italy ; and had already, in the year 1180, established themselves in Lombardy and Puglia, where they received frequent visits from their bre- thren in other countries.* At an early part of the thirteenth century they were to be found in the ca- pital of Christendom. In the year 1231, pope Gre- gory IX. published a furious bull against them, ordaining that they should be sought out and de- livered to the secular arm to be punished, and that such as harboured them should be declared in- famous, along with their children to the second generation. The senator, or chief magistrate, of Rome set on foot an inquisition agreeably to the mu- nicipal laws of the city, in consequence of this bull, which was also sent by the pope to the archbishop of Milan, with injunctions to see it executed in his diocese and those of his suffragans, where heresy had already made an alarming progress. That it had also spread in Naples and Sicily appears from a letter to the pope by the emperor Frederick II. Legtr, Hist, des Eglises Evangeliques, part. ii. p. 20^. i 4 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. who condemned such as were convicted of heresy to the fire, but allowed tlie bishops to show mercy where they thoui^lit it i)ro[)er, prov^ided the tongues of those who were pardoned were cut out, so tliat they mii^lit not ag;n\n blaspheme.* At Genoa, and in some of the neighbouring cities, they had tlieir houses and other receptacles in which they assembled, with their barl)s or religious teachers.f Notwith- standing the ])ersecutions to which they were ex- posed, the Waldenses maintained themselv^es in Italy ; they kept up a regular correspondence with their brethren in other countries; and in the four- teenth century they had academies in Lombardy, which were frequented by youth, and supported by contributions, from churches of the same faith in Bohemia and Poland. :f In the year L'iTO, the Vaudois who resided in the valleys of Pragela, finding themselves straitened in their territories, sent some of their number into Italy to look out for a convenient settlement. Having dis- covered, in Calabria, a district uncultivated and thin- ly peopled, the deputies bargained with the proprie- ■ Rainaldi Aniial. ad ann. 1231, ii. xiv. 18 — 20. Compare the first Document in the Appendix to Allix's Remarks on the History of the Ancient Churches of Piedmont, pp. 297, 298. t VWusmanni Memor. Hist. lorn. i. p. 1096. Mons. Court de Go- belin, in his Diciionnaire Ettjrnolog-ique, says that the Vaudois were called Barbcts, ^' parce que leur pasteurs s'appelloient Barbe du mot Venetien Barhuy un ancien, un chef a Barbe." X Wolfii Memor. Lect. torn. i. 312. Beze, Hist. Eccl. des Eglises Ref. de France, tome i. pp. 35, 36. Perrin, Hist, de Vaudois, part. i. pp. 2iO— 242. 1 HISTORY OF THK KKPOnMATION IN ITALY. 5 tors of the soi], in consequence of which a number ot their brethren emigrated thither. AVithin a short time the place assumed a new appearance ; villax^es rose in every direction ; the Jiills resounded with die bleating of flocks; and the valleys were covered with corn and vines. The prosperity of the new settlers excited the envy of the neighbouring villagers, who «-ere irritated at the distance which they preserved, and at their refusal to join with them in their revels ami dissipation. The priests fin.ling tliat they receiv- ed nothing from them but their tithes, which they l'.-'H regnlarlyaccordingtothe stipulationenteredinto with the proprietors ; and j>erceiv,no that they prac- tised none of the ceremonies usual at the interring of their dead, that they had no images in their cha- pels, did not go in pilgrimnge to consecrated places. anl 6 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOX IN ITALY. and after subsisting for nearly two centuries, it was basely and barbarously exterminated.* It is a curious circumstance, that the first gleam of light at the revival of letters shone on that re- mote spot of Italy, where the Vaudois had found an asylum. Petrarch first acquired the knowledge of the Greek tongue from Barlaam, a monk of Cala- bria ; and Boccacio was taught it by Leontius Pi- latus, who was a hearer of Barlaam, if not also a na- tive of the sameplace,and for whom his grateful pupil procured an appointment among the professors of Florence.! The example and the instructions of two individuals, however eminent for genius and popu- larity, could not impart a permanent impulse to the minds of their countrymen, or overcome the ob- stacles which at that time opposed the cultivation of ancient letters. But the taste which they had been the means of creating w^as revived, in the beginning of the fifteenth century, by those learned Greeks whom the feeble successors of Constantine sent to the papal court, to implore succours against the over- whelming power of the Turks, and who were induced to teach their native language in different parts of Italy. The fall of the eastern empire, and the tak- ing of Constantinople in 1453, brought them in greater numbers to that country, while it added im- • Perrin, i. 190. Leger, P. ii. chap. i. p. 7. Morland, Hist, of the Evang. Churches of Piedmont, p. 194. t Sismondi, Histoire des Repubhques Itahennes, tome vi. pp. 160 162^ 16S_170. Boccaccio calls Barlaam a native of Thcssaly, (Thessalonicensis) but Petrarch says he was a Calabrian, although he affected to be a Greek. (Hodius de Griecis lllustribus, p. 2—5.) HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 7 mensely to the stock of manuscripts, which indi- viduals had for some time before been in the habit of procuring from the east.* And the art of print- ing, which was invented about the same period, from Its novelty, and its tendency to multiply the num- ber of copies of a book indefinitely and to afford them at a cheap rate, gave an incalculable accelera- tion to the human mind in its pursuit of knowledge. Ancient literature was now cultivated with the greatest enthusiasm ; it spread with amazing rapidity through Italy, and surmounting the Alps, reached witliui a short period the most northern extremities of i^uro]>e. 77]e liumau mind was roused from the shunber by which it had been oppressed for ages ; its faculties were sharpened by the study of languages • tlie stores of ancient knowledge were laid open ; the barbarism of the schools was exploded ; and opin^ edL';Sa7;t^;?''f"' '""^'.'^^.'^^^'^ -««-- has been ascrib- conqueror. (H.to.e^^LfaLT^^^^^^^ Lt^TisI ^x^^ of ancient literature languished after his death it is u't k/ that u was afterwards revived by the arrival "natl of Gre'^ ' and what was the fall of Constantinople but the caL Ironh /T ' calamities which at fir-f m,i„. i ..: , <=»wstrophe of those to which their sue sfo" w trLtrTed r'«" h" " ''''' ^"'^' the wreck of their literary trersures ? "■ '"'' "^"^"'^ "■"! ^m 8 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 9 ions and practices which had long been held sa- cred, and which a little before it would have been deemed impious to suspect, were now openly called in question, opposed, and repudiated. The rise of the papal monarchy, and the corruption of Chris- tianity may be traced in a great measure to the i.^- norance and barbarism which fell on Western Eu- rope, and increased during the middle ages : the revival of letters, by banishing the darkness, broke the spell on which the empire of superstition rested, and opened the eyes of mankind on the chains with which their credulity had suffered their spiritual rulers to load them. A taste for letters does not, indeed, imply a taste for religion, nor did the arrival of the former necessarily infer the reformation of the latter. Some of the worst of men, such as pope Alexander VI. and his sons, encouraged literature and the arts ; and in the panegyrics which the learned men of that age lavished on their patronesses, we find courtezans of Rome joined with ladies of the most il- lustrious birth.* The minds of many of the restor- ers of literature in the fifteenth century were com- pletely absorbed by their favourite studies. Their views often did not extend beyond the discovery of an old manuscript, or printing and commenting on a classical author. Some of them carried their admiration of the literary monuments of pagan Greece so far as to imbibe the religious sentiments • Kosroe's Life of Leo X. vol. i. p. 3S.5, 336. vol. ii. 220. which they inculcated ; and in the excess of their enthusiasm they did not scruple to give a species of adoration to the authors of such '* divine works." * Others showed by their conduct that they were as great slaves to worldly passions as other men, and ready to support any establishment, however cor- rupt, which promised to gratify their avarice, their ambition, or their love of pleasure. Lorenzo de Medici, the munificent patron of letters, and him- self an elegant scholar, testified the most extrava- gant joy at his son's being elected a cardinal at seven years of age,f and gave the destined pontiff an edu- cation better fitted for a secular potentate than the / head of the church ; a circumstance which probably contributed more to bring about the Reformation than all the patronage he lavished on literature and the arts. Bembo and Sadoleti were both apostoli- cal secretaries, and in their oflficial character com- posed and subscribed the most tyrannical edicts of the court of Rome. The former, of whom it has been said, that he *« opened a new Augustan age, emulated Cicero and \'irgil with equal success, and • Marsil. Ficini Pref. in Plotinum ; et Epist. lib. viii. fol. 14L Sismondi, Hist, des Rep. Ital. tome viii. p. 238-9. Roscoe's Life of Lorenzo de Medici, vol. i. p. 1G2, 163, 169. Ginguene, Hist. Litt. d'ltalie, tome iii. p. 362. t Roscoe's Life of Leo X. vol. i. p. 19. Another learned man did not scruple to write, on the occasion of this advancement, in the fol- lowing strain : " Semen autem Joannis ejusdem, in quo benedicentur omnes gentes, est Joannes Laurentice genitus, cui adhuc adolescen- tulo divina providentia mirabiliter Cardineam contulit dignitatem, futuri pontificis auspicium." (Ficini Epist. lib. ix. fol. 159. Venet' U95.) 10 HISTOUy OF THE REFOKMATION IN ITALY. recalled in his writings the elegance and purity of Petrarca and of lioccaccio," has his name affixed to the infamous Bull, vindicating the sale of indul- gences ; and the latter disgraced his elegant pen by drawing and signing the decree which condemned Luther as a heretic, ordaining that, if he conti- nued obstinate, he should be seized and sent to Home, and authorizing the sentence of excommu- nication and interdict to be pronounced against all powers, civil or ecclesiastical, (the emperor excepted,) secular or regular, dukes, marquises, universities, conuuunities, who should receive or harbour him.* 7^iius did these two polite scholars share between them the responsibility of measures which had it for their object to crush the most glorious attempt ever made to burst the chains of despotism ; and in compensation for the stigma in- flicted upon literature by the conduct of its repre- sentatives, we must be contented with being told, that they " first demonstrated that the purity of the Latin idiom was not incompatible with the forms of business, and the transactions of public affciirs." There are, I doubt not, persons who will be gra- tified with the infonnation which I have it in my power to afford them, that, before the Reformation, there were sums issued from the exchequer of the Vatican, as salaries to learned men, whose task it was to reform the hullarhuu, by picking out all the solecisms which had crept into it, and substitut- • Uoscoe's Leo X. vol. iii. app. no. cli. and clix. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 1 1 ing purer and more classical words in their room * \V\\o knows to what advantages this goodly work of expurgation would have led? What elegant reading would not the papal bulls have furnished to our modern literati, if the barbarous reformers had not interfered, and, by their ill-timed clamour, turned the public attention from words to things — from blunders in grammar to perversions of law and gospel ! But though many of the revivers of literature intended nothing less than a reformation of religion, they nevertheless contributed greatly to forward this desirable object. It was impossible to check the progress of the light which had been struck up, or to prevent the new spirit of inquiry from taking a direction towards religion and the church. Among other books which had long remained unknown or neglected, copies of the sacred writings in the ori- ginal languages, with the works of the Christian fathers, were now eagerly sought out, printed, and circulated, both in the original and in translations ; nor could persons of ordinary discernment and can- dour peruse these without perceiving, that the church had declined far from the Christian stand- ard, and the model of primitive purity, in faith, worship, and morals. This truth forced itself on the minds even of those who were interested in the * " Ante paucos annos, Ilhonia.', ex arario pontificis, eruditis ali- quot salarium dari solitum est, qui, e pontificuni Uteris, soloecisnios toUerent." (Erasmi Rotenl. Apologia, refellens suspiciones D. Jaco- bi Latomi, p. 16. Lovanii, 1519.) 12 HISTOUV OF THE REFORMATION IX rrALY. support of the existing corruptions. Tliey felt that they stood on iin^olid ground, and trembled to think that the secret of their power had Ix^en discovered, and was in danger of becoming every day better and more extensively known. This paralysed the exertions which they made in their own' defence, and was a principal cause of tliat dilatory, vacillat- ing, and contradictory procedure which characteris- ed the policy of tlie court of Rome in its first at- tempts to check the progress of the reformed opin- ions. The poets of the middle ages, known by the name of l^roubadours, had joined witfi the Vaudois in con- demning the reigning vices of the priests; and se- veral of tlie superstitious notions and practices by which the clergy increased their power and wealth were assailed in those lively satires, which were written in the ancient language of Provence, but read by the inhabitants of Italy and Spain. It is a curious circumstance, and may be considered f:s re- flecting honour on a sect whic'h has been so umner- cifully traduced by its adversaries, that the Noble Lei/fofi, and other religious poems of the Vau- dois, which are among the earliest and rarest mo- numents of Provencal poetry, contain fe^v of those satirical reflections on the clergy, which abound in the writings of their contemporaries who remained in the Romish church. " Indulgences, (says one of the latter,) pardons, God and the devil,— all, the priests make use of. To some they allot paradise by their pardons: others they send to hell bv their HISTORY OF THE REFOKMATIOX IN rfALY. 13 exconnnunications. There are no crimes for which pardon cannot be obtained from the monks : for money they grant to renegades and usurers that sei)ulture which they deny to the poor who have nothing to pay. To live at ease, to buy good fish, fine wheat-bread, and exquisite wines, is their great object during the whole year. God grant me to be a monk, if salvation is to be purchased at this price !" " If God (says another troubadour,) save those whose sole merit lies in loving good cheer, and i)aying their court to women — if the black monks, the white monks, the templars, the hospitallers, gain heaven, then St. Peter and St. Andrew were great fools to submit to such torments for the sake of a paradise which costs others so little."* From the earliest dawn of letters in Italy, the corruptions of the Roman Church had been dis- covered by persons who entertained no thought of renouncing her communion. Besides the severe allusions which he has made to this subject in dif- ferent parts of his immortal poem,t Dante wrote • Si iTionge niers vol dieus que sian sal, Per pro manjar ni per femnas tenir, Ni mongc blanc, per boulas a mentir, Ni per erguelh Temple ni Espital, Ni canonge per prestar a renieu. Bene tene per fol sanli Peir', sanh Andrieu, Que sofriro per Dieu aital tunnen, S'aquest s'en van aissi a salvamen. (Raymond de Castelnau : Renouard, Choix des Poesies Orig. dea Troubadours, tome iv. p. 383.) t Paradiso, Cant. 9. 18. 29. 32. Inferno, Cant. 19. In this last pass- 14 HIbTOKY OF THE KEFOltM ATION IN ITALY. a treatise in defence of the emperor against the pa- pal claims, in which he proves that the imperial power was undivided and independent of the Roman see, speaks disrespectfully of tiie reigning pope as a decretalist and no divine, and inveighs against his predecessors and their defenders, as notorious for amhition, avarice, and imprudence, and as per- sons, who showed themselves to be children of iniquity and the devil, while they boasted that they were sons of the church. * Petrarch and Boccaccio euii)loyed, each in his own style, their wit and hu- mour in exposing the frauds, and lashing the vices of the clergy ; not sparing the dignitaries of the church and the sovereign pontiffs themselves. They were followed by others of tlieir countrymen, both in prose and verse ; and the lampoons against priests and friars which became common in other countries were imitations, and in many instances translations, of those of the Italian poets and satir- ists. In the beginning of the fifteenth century, age, as elsewhere, the poet asserts that Rome is meant by Babylon, in the book of the Revelation. Quella, ehe con le sette teste nacque, Et da le diece coma hebb' argoniento. Fin che virtute al suo raarito piacque. Fatto v' havete Dio d'oro et d'argento, Et che altr' e da voi a I'idolatre, Se non ch'egli uno, et da voi n'orate cento ? • Wolhi Lect. JVIemor. torn. i. 498 — 301. ii. 683, 695. The Mo- nnrchia of Dante was translated from the original Latin into Italian by Marsilio Ficini toward the close of the fifteenth century. Though not printed, it was put into the Index Prohibitorius of Rome for the year 15.59. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 15 Laurentius \'alla, " who rescued literature from the grave, and restored to Italy the splendour of her ancient eloquence," * wrote against the pretended donation of Constantine, and various papal abuses. This learned Italian had advanced far before his age in every species of knowledge : as a gramma- rian, a critic, a philosopher, and a divine, he was equally distinguished. His scholia on the New Testament, in which he proposes numerous correc- tions on the Vulgate, display an intimate acquaint- ance with the Greek language ; and in his dialogue on free-will he defends with much acuteness the doctrine on that subject, and on predestination, af- terwards espoused l)y Luther and Calvin, f The freedom of his sentiments exposed him to the re- sentment of the patrons of ignorance ; and Valla was condemned to the flames, a punishment from which lie was saved by the protection of Alphonsus V. of Arragon. :j: Contemporary with Valla was Poggio Bracciolini the author of an eloquent and pathetic description of the martyrdom of Jerome of Prague, of which he was an eye-witness, who employed his wit in exposing the vices of the clergy, and the ignorance and absur- dities of the preachers of that time, in his dialogues on avarice, luxury, and hypocrisy. That such free doms should have been permitted in a pontifical • Erasmi Epist. lib. vii. ep. 3. t Lauren tii Vallae Opera, Basiles, 1540, fol. ^ ^^Z'- "'f • ^'^'' "^PP- ^^^' ^'^2. Wolfius, ut supra, ii 7 Gin guene. Hist. Litter, d'ltalie, tome vii. p. 349. '"" :l ,-2 16 HISTORY or THE KKFOKMATION IN ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 17 secretary, must excite surprise ; and tolerant and friendly to learned men as Nicholas V. was, it is probable that Poggio would have suffered for his temerity, had he not secured the protection of his master, by writing an invective against his rival, the anti-pope Amedaeus.* The writings of Baptista, the modern poet of Mantua, who flourished in the end of the fifteenth century, abound with censures of the corru[)t manners of the court of Rome, which deserve the more credit, as they proceeded from a friar, whose verses are at least as nuich distinguish- ed for their moral purity as for their classical ele- gance.f It has been common to place the Florentine monk, Jerome Savonarola, among the witnesses of the truth before the Reformation ; and some have called him the Luther of Italy.:|: Others have de- scribed him as an ambitious fanatic and turbulent demagogue, who, by laying claim to the gift of prophecy and inmiodiate intercourse with heaven, sought to excite the people against their rulers, • Giiiguene, vol. vii. p. 308, 313, 319. Shepherd's Life of Poggio Bracciolini, pp. 88, 428. t .... Venalia nobis Templa, sacerdotes, altaria, sacra, coronte, Ignes, thura^ preces ; ccelum est venale, Deusque. Ite lares Italos, et fundamenta nialorum, Romuleas arces et pontificaha tecta, Colluviem scelerum, ^c. (Baptista Mantuanus, lib. iii. De Calam. Temp.) X M. Flacii lUyrici Testes Veritatis, p. 890. Henr. Hottingeri Hist. Eccl. Sec. XV. part. iv. p. 62. Wolfii Lect. Memor. torn. i. p. 800, 801. civil and ecclesiastical, and to gratify his own ambition, by humbling his superiors. In this light, his character has been drawn, not only by the in- terested advocates of the court of Rome, but also by the warm admirers of the house of Medici, whose attempts to establish their dominion over Florence he vigorously resisted.* It cannot be denied that the mind of Savonarola was strongly tinged with the superstition of the age in which he lived, while the fervour of his zeal for piety and liberty appears to have subjected him to the illu- sions of an over-heated imagination ; but on the other hand, the best and most enlightened men of that time bear unequivocal testimony to his sanctity, integrity, and patriotism, as well as to the irresisti- ble i)ower of his eloquence. f Besides denouncing the tyranny of the court of Rome, and calling for • Roscoe's Lorenzo, vol. ii. p. 2G9, and Leo X. vol. i. p. 278. t Marsilii Ficini Epistolae, lib. xii. f. 197. Joan. Fr. Pici Miran- dula^ Opera, toui. ii. p. 40. Philip de Comines, liv. iii. chap. v. Guicciardini, Istor. lib. iii. J. F. Picus, de Injusta Excommu- nicatione. Pro Hier. Savonarolae Innocentia ; apud Wolfii Lect. Memor. ii. 3A — 48. Thomas Erastus published, in 1569, " Defensio Libelli Hieronymi Savonarola^ de Astrologia Divinatrice, adversus Christ. Strathmionem." In 1674, Jaques Quetif published the letters of Savonarola, with a life of the author by Jo. Fr. Picus, illustrated witli notes of his own. John Francis Budieus, in his youth, published a dissertation unfavourable to the Florentine monk, of which he afterwards, with great candour, wrote a refutation. Both dissertations are printed in his Parerga Historico-Theologica, pp. 280 — 398. HaliE Magd. 1703. Compare Schelhorn, Ergoetzhch- keiten aus der Kirchenhistorie und Litteratur, t. i. p. 198, ike. The modern writer who has given the most impartial account of Savona- rola is Sismondi. (Hist, des Rep. Ital. tome xii. jmssiin.) Specimens of his eloquence may be seen in Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, loni. vi. pp. 1160 — 1162. 18 HISTORY or THE REIOIIMATION IN ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 19 nSnt a reform in the manners of the clergy, he has been represented as holding the doctrines afterwards taught hy Luther, concerning justification, the com- munion under both kinds, indulgences, and human traditions ;* but the passages in his writings usually referred to, do not appear to me to support this alle- gation. The invectives of Savonarola were quench- ed by the flames in the year l-iOS ; but this did not prevent others of his countrymen from reiterating those complaints against tlie corrujition of the see of Rome, which were the true cause of his death. From the time of the council of Constance, a re- formation of the church, both in its head and mem- bers, had been loudly demanded. This demand was repeated, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, in the council which the pope was compelled to con- vocate ; as appears not only from the decrees which tliat assembly passed during its sitting at Pisa, but also from the orations delivered in it, after it was transferred to the Lateran and sat under the eye of the supreme pontifl*. Among these, the most noted were the speeclies of Egidio of \^iterbo, ge- neral of the order of Augustinians, and John Fran- cis Pico, the learned and pious count of Mirandula, both of whom denounced, with singular freedom and boldness, the abuses which tlireatened the ruin of the church, and the utter extinction of religion, f • Flaciiis and ^\'oltiiis, ut supra. t The speech of Ep;itlius is published by Gerdesius, Hist. Reform, torn. i. app. no. v. ; that of Picus, by Roscoe, in his Life of Leo X. vol. iii. app. no. cxlvi. See also Wolfii Lect. Memor. torn. i. pp. 30—35. It would be unsuitable here to enter into a mi- nute detail of the ecclesiastical grievances which were the subject of such general complaint and remon- strance. Suffice it to say, that all of them existed in an aggravated form in Italy, if we except certain exactions levied by the popes on other countries from which she was exempted. The vices of the clergy, the neglect of religious instruction, the ig- norance of the people, the sale of ecclesiastical of- fices, and the prostitution of sacred things to worldly purposes, had grown to the greatest height among the Italians. The court of Rome had become more corrupt than any of the secular courts of Europe, by the confession of writers who owned its authori- ty, and of such as, from the official situations which they held in it, were admitted into all its secrets. The unprincipled and faithless character of its po- licy was proverbial. It was a system of intrigue, cabal and bribery; and its ministers, while they agreed together in duping the world, made no scruple of deceiving and supplanting one another whenever their personal interests came to be con- cerned. The individuals who filled the papal chair for some time before the Reformation openly in- dulged in vices over which the increasing know- ledge of the age should have taught them in point of prudence to throw a veil. During the pontifi- cate of Sixtus IV. we are presented with the horrid spectacle of a supreme pontiff, a cardinal, an arch- bishop, and other ecclesiastics, associating them- selves with a band of ruffians to murder two men 4 20 HISTORY OF THE llEFOUMATIOX IN ITALY. who were an honour to their age and country, and agreeing to perpetrate this crime during a season of hos])itality, within the sanctuary of a Christian church, and at the signal of tlie elevation of the host. Alexander VI. was so notorious for his profli- gate maimers and insatiahle rapacity, that Sannazza- ro has compared him to the greatest monsters of an- tiquity — to Nero, Caligula and IIeli()ga!)alus. Julius II. was more solicitous to signalize himself as a soldier than a hishop, and by his andjition and tur- bulence kept Italy in a state of continual warfare. And Leo X., though distinguished for his elegant accomplishments, and his patronage of literature and the arts, disgraced the ecclesiastical seat by his voluptuousness, and scandalized all Christendom by the profane methods of raising money to which he had recourse, for the purpose of gratifying his love of pleasure and his passion for magnificent extravagance. To this rapid sketch I shall add the description of the papal court, drawn by the pen of an Italian wlio lived in the age of the Reformation, in whose writings we sometimes find the cojnousness of Livy combined witii the deep-toned indignation against tyranny which thrills our hearts in perusing the pages of Tacitus. The reader need not be told that the following passage was struck out by the censors of the press before the work was allowed to be published in Italy. " Having raised themselves to earthly power on this basis and by these methods, the popes gradually lost sight of the salvation of HISTORY or THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 21 souls and divine precepts ; and bending their thoughts to worldly grandeur, and making use of their spiritual authority solely as an instrument and tool to advance their temporal, they began to lay aside the appearance of bishops, and assumed the state of secular princes. Their concern was no longer to maintain sanctity of life, no longer to pro- mote religion, no longer to show charity to man- kind ; but to raise armies, to wage wars against Christians, to perform the sacred mysteries with tlioufjhts and hands stained with blood, to ac- cumulate treasures ; and with the view of drawing money from every quarter, new edicts were issued, new arts invented, new stratagems laid, spiritual censures fulminated, and all things, sacred and profane, sold without distinction and without shame. The immense riches amassed in this way, and scattered among the courtiers, were followed by pomp, luxury, licentiousness, and the vilest and most abominable lusts. No care was taken to main- tain the dignity of the pontificate ; no thought be- stowed on those who should succeed to it : the reigning pope sought only how he might raise his sons, nephews, and other relations, not merely to immoderate wealth, but to principalities and king- doms ; and instead of conferring ecclesiastical dig- nities and emoluments on the virtuous and de- servinsT, he either sold them to the best bidder, or lavished them on those who promised to be most subservient to his ambition, avarice, and voluptu- ousness. Though these things had eradicated from II I 22 HISTORY OF THE IlEFORMATIOX IX ITALY. the iiiiuds of men all that reverence which was once felt for the popes, yet was tlieir authority still sus- tained to a certain degree hy the imposing and po- tent influence of the name of religion, together with the opportunity which they had of gratifying princes and their courtiers, hy bestowing on them dignities and other ecclesiastical favours. Presuming on the respect which men entertained for their office ; aware that such as took arms against them incurred general infamy, exposed themselves to the attack of other powers, and reaped little advantage in the issue ; and knowing that, if victorious, they could make their own terms, and, if vanquished, they would escape on easy conditions, they abandoned tliem- selves to their ruling passion of aggrandizing their friends, and ju-oved for a long time the instruments of exciting wars, and spreading conflagrations over the whole of Italy."* On the other hand, the obstacles to ecclesiastical reform, and the reception of divine truth, were nu- merous and formidable in Italy. The Italians could not, indeed, be said to feel at this period a super- stitious devotion to the see of Rome. This did not originally form a discriminating feature of their na- tional character : it was sui)erinduced ; and the formation of it can be distinctly traced to causes which produced their full etiect subsequently to the era of the Reformation. The republics of Italy in the middle ages gave many proofs of religious in- * Guicciardini Paraliponiena, ex autographo Florentino recensita, pp. 40—4.8. Ainstel. 1663. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 23 dependence, and singly braved the menaces and ex- communications of the A^itican at a time when all Europe trembled at the sound of its thunder. That quick-sighted and ingenious people had, at an early period, penetrated the mystery by which the emptiness of the papal claims was veiled, while the opi)ortunity which they enjoyed of narrowly in- specting the lives of the popes, and the real motives by which they were actuated in the most imposing of their undertakings, had dissipated from their minds those sentiments of veneration and awe for the holy see which continued to be felt by such as viewed it from a distance. The consequence of this, under the corrupt form in which Christianity every- where presented itself, was the production of a spirit of indifference about religion, which, on the revival of learning, settled into scepticism, masked by an external respect to the established forms of the church. And in this state did matters remain un- til the middle of the sixteenth century, when, from causes which will be seen, superstition and igno- rance took the place of irreligion and infidelity, and the popes recovered that empire over the minds and consciences of their countrymen which they had al- most entirely lost. If there were few heretics in Italy, or if those who swerved from the received faith were less eagerly inquired after and punished there than in other countries, it was because the people did not give themselves the trouble to think on the subject. Generally speaking, devotion, even according to the principles authorized by the Ro- 24 HISTORY OF Tin: IIKI ORMATIOX in ITALY. IIISTOllY OF THF: reformation in ITALY. 25 man churcli, was extinct among the Italians. They were not attached to the churcli cither hy a lively faith or an ardent enthusiasm, hy the convictions of the understanding or the sentiments of the heart. The only religion of tlie statesmen was their secu- lar interest ; the learned felt more respect for Aris- totle or Plato, than for the sacred scriptures or the writings of the Christian fathers ; and the people, always imder the influence of their senses and ima- gination, were attracted to the services of the church hy the magnificence of its temples, and the splendour and gaiety of its religious festivals.* On a superficial view of the matter, we might he apt to think that a people who felt in the manner which has heen descrihed, might have heen detached without much difficulty from their ohedience to the church of Rome. But a little reflection will satisfy us, that none are more impervious to conviction, or less disposed to make sacrifices to it, than those who have sunk into indifference under the forms of reli- gion ; especially when we take into view the aliena- tion of the human mind from the spiritual and huinhling discoveries of the gospel, as these were brought forward, sim])ly and without disguise, in the preaching of the first reformers. Experience too, has shown, that men whose hearts were cold and dead to religion, have turned out as keen and bitter persecutors as the most superstitious and bigoted, when their peace has been threatened by • Sismoiidi, Hist, dcs Rt'p. ItaL tome viii. pp. 237 — 2i0. the progress, or their minds galled by the presenta- tion, of truths which they hated as well as disbe- lieved. But this is not all. The want of religious principle was, on the present occasion, supplied by national vanity, and a regard to interest ; two prin- ciples which had been at work for more than a century before the Reformation, in strengthening the attachment of the Italians to the Roman see. The removal of the papal court to Avignon had greatly diminished the wealth and importance of the city of Rome. After the return of the popes to their ancient seat, and the revival of the pon- tificate from the deadly wound inflicted on it by the schism of the anti-popes, the Romans congratu- lated themselves on the recovery of their former distinction. In this feeling their countrymen in general participated ; and, the passion for political liberty by which they had been animated having subsided, they seemed to think that the loss of the ancient glory which Italy once enjoyed as the mistress of the world was compensated by the flattering station to which she was now raised as the head of Christendom. AVhen the councils of Pisa, Con- stance, and Basle, attacked the corruptions of the Roman court, and sought to abridge its extensive authority, the Italians were induced to come for- ward in its defence. They felt themselves dis- honoured as a nation by the invectives which the reformers of that age pronounced against the Italian vices of the pontiffs. And they saw that the reforms which were so eagerly pressed, would k'i 26 IIlSTOllY OF THE llEFORMATION IN ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 27 cut off or drain those pecuniary resources by which they hoped to be enriched. The popes \vere careful to foster this spirit. By a system of artful policy, the bishops of Rome had taken care, that the power which they had gra(hially acquired over all the na- tions of the west, should not be empty or unpro- ductive. The wealth of Europe continued to flow in various channels to Rome, from which it was distri- buted through Italy. Under tlie name of aimats, the pope received the first year s produce of all ecclesi- astical livings after every vacancy. lie drew large sums of money for the confirmation of bishops, and for the gift of palls. His demands on the clergy for benevolences were frequent, besides the extraor- dinary levy of the tenths of benefices, on pretence of expeditions against the Turks wliich were sel- dom undertaken. Add to these the sums exacted for dispensations, absolutions, and indulgences, with the constant and incalculable revenue arising from law-suits, brought from every country by appeal to Rome, carried on there at great expense, and pro- tracted to an indefinite length of time. The pope had also an extensive right of patronage in every country to which his authority reached. He pre- sented to all benefices which came under the name of reserved, and to those vacant by translation, or by the death of persons who died at Rome or within forty miles of it, on their journey to or from that city. * These, if not sold to the highest bidder, * Robertson's Charles V. vol. ii. pp. 118 — 150, 273. Llorenle, Hist.de rinquisition d'Espagne, i. 239 — 256. Rymer's Foedera, vols. x. were generally conferred on Italians, upon whom the i)ope could rely with more implicit confidence than on foreigners, for extending his authority, or supporting him in those contests in which his ambition often involved him with the secular powers. In consequence of the influence which the court of Rome had come to exert in the political af- fairs of Europe during the fifteenth century, almost every sovereign strove to procure for his near rela- tions, or at least for some of his subjects, seats in the sacred college ; and this was usually purchased by the gift of the richest benefices within his king- dom, to those who, from their situation or connex- ions, had it most in their power to serve his inter- ests. There was not an Italian state or town which did not, on these accounts, depend on the papal court ; nor a prince or great family which had not some of its relations in offices connected with it. The greater part of the learned either held benefices, or enjoyed pensions which they drew from them. Italy was a land of priests. Though the states of the church, properly so called, even after they had been enlarged by the warlike Julius, were confined within narrow bounds ; yet the pontiffs had taken care to preserve their paramount power over those districts or cities which withdrew from their go- vernment, by transferring the power over them to particular families, under the title of vicars of the and xi. Appellatio Univers. Paris. ; apud Richer. Hist. Concil. Gen. lib. iv. p. ii. cap. iv. § 15. Georgii Gravamina, pp. 363, 522. Kappe, Nachlcse Ref. Urkunden, P. ii. pp. 399, 435, P. iii. pp. 2i6— 350. 28 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 29 church. Indeed there were few places in Italy to which they had not at one time or another advanced a claim founded on ancient grants or endowments ;* and provided any prince had testified a disposition to withdraw his allegiance from the see of Rome, it would have hecn easy for the pope to reviv^e his ancient claim, and having launched the sentence of excommunication, to add the forfeited possessions to the patrimony of the church, or to hestow them on some neighbouring rival of the rebellious heretic, f "When these things are taken into consideration, it will be matter of surprise, that the reformed doctrine made so nuu'h progress in Italy as we shall find it to have made ; and we are able to account for the mistake into which some writers, guided by theory rather tlian fact, have fallen, when they assert that it had few or no converts in that coun- try, t • Franc. Ouicciardini Paralipomcna : Discorso Icvato del tutto via delliiistoria ncl quarto Hbro, pp. 35 — 42, 44. f So late as the year 15,55, the pope, Paul IV. not only excom- municated Marco Antonio Colonna, and deprived him of the dukedom of Palieno, but ordered a legal process to be commenced in the aposto- lical chamber, against Philip II. king of Naples, as a schismatic and favourer of heresy, inferring, if proved, that he should be deprived of the crown of the two Sicilies, as a fief of the Holy See; and sentence would have been pronounced against him, had not the Duke of Alva advanced with his troops from Naples to Rome. (Llorente, ii. 172_181.) i " Peu de personnes prirent le parti de Luther en Italic. Ce peuple ingenieux occupe d'intrigues et de plaisirs n'eut aucun part a ces troubles." (Voltaire, Essai sur les Moeurs, chap, cxxviii.) Vol- taire is not the only author who has committed this error. CHAPTER II. INTRODUCTION OF THE REFORMED OPINIONS INTO ITALY, AND CAUSES OF THEIR PROGRESS. A CONTROVERSY, which had been carried on for several years with great warmth in Germany, and which was at last brought before the papal court for decision, deserves notice here, as having contri- buted, in no small degree, to direct the attention of the Italians, at an early period, to the reformed opinions. A monk of Cologne, a convert from Ju- daism, either from hostility to learning, or with the view of extorting money from his countrymen, ob- tained a decree from the imperial chamber, ordain- ing all Jewish books, with the exception of the Bi- ble, to be committed to the flames, as filled with blasphemies against Christ. John Reuchlin, or Cap- nio, a learned man of Suabia, and the restorer of Hebrew literature among Christians, exerted him- self, both privately and from the press, to prevent the execution of this barbarous decree. His suc- cessful opposition exposed him to the resentment of the monks, and sentence was pronounced against him, first by the divines of Cologne, and afterwards i' 30 HISTORY OF THE llEFORMATION IN ITALY. by the Sorborine at Paris. Reudiliii appealed to Rome, and tlie friends of learning determined to make his cause a common one. Erasmus and other distinguished individuals wrote warmly in his fa- vour to their friends at Rome, of whom they had some in the sacred college. The monks exerted themselves with equal zeal to defeat a party which they had long hated, and from whom they had much to dread. No cause of the kind had, for a long time, excited such general interest. On the one side were ranked the monks, the most devoted clients of the papal throne ; on the other, the men who had attracted the admiration of Europe by their talents and writings. The court of Rome was averse to offend either side, and by means of those arts which it knew so well how to employ in delicate cases, protracted the affair from time to time. During this interval, the monks and their supporters were subjected to the lash of the most cutting satires ; * and the ultimate sentence, enjoining silence on both parties, was scarcely ratified, when the controversy between Luther and the preachers of indulgences arose, and was brought before the same tribunal for decision.! The noise excited by the late process had fixed the attention of the Italians on Germany ; the facts which it brought to light abated the contempt with • Of these the most celebrated was the work entitled, Epistola? Obscurorum Virorum, the joint production of several learned men. t Maii Vita lleuchlini, jxissim. Schlegel, Vita Georgii Spalatinl, pp. 21, 25. Sleidani Comment, tom. i. pp. 105 — 109, edit. Am Ende. Bulffi Hist. Univ. Paris, tom. vi. pp. 47 — 57. i 1 IIISTOllY OF THE IIEFORIMATION IN ITAEY. 31 which they had hitherto regarded the inhabitants of that country ; Luther had taken part with Reuch- lin ;* and some of the keenest and most intrepid de- fenders of the latter, such as Ulric Hutten, declared at an early period in favour of the religious opinions of the former. It was not to be expected that a dispute managed by a friar, in an obscure corner of Germany, against the sale of indulgences, a traffic which had long been carried on under the auspices and for the profit of the see of Rome, would at first attract much atten- tion in Italy. But the boldness of his own mind, and the provoking impudence of his antagonists, having led Luther to persevere in his opposition, and gra- dually to extend his censure to other abuses, his name and opinions soon became the topic of ge- neral conversation without the limits of his native country. Two years from the time of his first ap- pearance against indulgences had not elapsed, until his writings found their way into Italy, where they met with a favourable reception from the learned. It must have been highly gratifying to the Reformer to receive the following information, in a letter ad- dressed to him by John Froben, a celebrated printer at Basle. " Blasius Salmonius, a bookseller of Leipsic, presented me, at the last Frankfort fair, with several • Luther declares himself decidedly in favour of Reuchlin, in a letter to Spalatin, written in 1514, according to Aurifaber, (Epist. Luth. tom. i. p. 8.) but as early as 1510, according to Walch. (Lu- thers Saemtliche Schriften, tom. xxi. pp. 518—521.) A letter from him to Reuchlin is to be found in lllustrium Virorum Epistolae ad Joanncm Reuchlin : Liber Secundus, Hagenoap, 1519; sig. C 3. I 32 HISTOKY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. treatises composed by you, wliicli being approved by all learned men, I immediately put to the press, and sent six luuidred copies to France and Spain. They are sold at Paris, and read and approved of even by the Sorbonists, as my friends have assured me. Se- veral learned men there have said, that they of a long time have wished to see such freedom in those who treat divine things. Calvus also, a bookseller of Pavia,* a learned man,and addicted to the muses, has carried a great part of the impression into Italy. He promises to send epigrams written in praise of you by all the learned in Italy ;t such favour have you gained to yourself and the cause of Christ by your constancy, courage and dexterity." t A letter has also been preserved, written about this time by an individual in Rome, and applauding the spirit • The person referred to in the text was Francesco Calvi, often mentioned in the letters of Erasmus, and highly praised by Andrea Alciati, the civilian, and other learned men. (Tiraboschi, vii. 365.) Speaking of the difficulty of disposing of books in Italy, Cii>lio Cal- cagnini says, in a letter dated from Ferrara, " 17 kal. Febr. 1525 ^ " Unus fuit Calvus, ejus Calvi frater qui rem impressoriam curat Roniiu, qui non pecuniam sed librorum permutationem obtuUt." (Cal- cagnini Opera, p. 115.) t Schelhorn (Ama^nit. Hist. Eccles. et Liter, tom. ii. p. 624) has published a copy of verses in praise of Luther, composed at Milan in 1521, which conclude thus : Macte igitur virtute, pater celebrande Luthere, Communis cujus pendet ab ore salus : Gratia cui ablatis debetur maxima monstris, Alcida^ potuit qua? metuisse manus. + Miscellanea Groningana, tom. iii. pp. 61—63. F-oben's letter is dated " Rasilea.^ d. 14. Februar. 1519." A letter to the same purpose by AVolfgangus Fabricius Capito, dated " 12. kal. Martii, 1519," is inserted in Sculteti Annal. Reform, p. 44. A 1 fi\ HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 33 and writings of Luther.* Burchard Schenk, a Ger- man nobleman who had embraced a monastic life, and resided at Venice, writes on the 19th of Sep- tember, 1520, to Spalatinus, chaplain to the elector of Saxony : " According to your request, I have read the books of Martin Luther, and I can assure you that he has been much esteemed in this place for some time past. But, the common saying is, 'Let him beware of the pope !' Upwards of two months ago ten copies of his books were brought here and instantly purchased, before I had heard of them ; but in the beginning of this month, a mandate from the pope and the patriarch of Venice arrived, prohibiting them ; and a strict search being instituted among the booksellers, one imperfect copy was found and seized. I had endeavoured to obtain that copy, but the bookseller durst not dispose of it."f In a letter written during the following year, the same person states that the senate of Venice had at last reluc- tantly consented to the publication of the papal bull against Luther, but had taken care that it should not be read until the people had left the church. :j: Two circumstances of a curious kind appear from this cor- respondence. The one is that Schenk had a commission from the elector of Saxony to purchase relics for the collegiate church of Wittemberg ; but soon after the period referred to, that commission was revoked and * Riederer, Nachrichten fiir Kirchengelehrten und Biicherge- schichte, tom. i. p. 179. t Seckendorf. Hist. Lutheranismi, tom. i. p. 115. i Ibid. p. IIG. I "t tii HISTORY OF THE llEFOlOrATlOX TX ITAT.Y. the relics sent back to Italy to be sold at what price tliey would brin<^ ; " for, (writes Spalatinus) here even the common peo])le so desi)ise them, as to think it sufficient, as it certainly is, if they !)e taught fr )ni scripture to have faith and confidence in God, and love to their neighbour."*' The other fact is, that the person employed by Schenk to collect relics for the elector was W^rgerio, afterwards bishop of Capo d'Istria, and legate from the pope to the German princes, but who subsequently renounced i)opery, and became zealously instrumental in spreading the reformed doctrine in Italy and elsewhere. The cha- racter given of him at this early period of his life is worthy of notice, as the popish waiters, after his defection, endeavoured in every possible way to dis- credit his authority and tarnish his reputation. Schenk describes him as " a most excellent young man, who had distinguished himself among the stu- dents of law^ at Padua, and was desirous of finishing his studies at Wittemberg, under the auspices and patronage of the elector Frederic"! In spite of the terror of pontifical bulls, and the activity of those who w^atched over their execution, the writings of Luther and Melanchthon, Zuingleand Bucer,continued to be circulated, and read with great avidity and delight, in all parts of Italy. Some of them were translated into the Italian language, and, to elude the vigilance of the inquisitors, were published under disguised or fictitious names, by * Schlegcl, Vita Spalatini, p. 59. Scckend. toni. i. p. 223. + Seckend. "/ supra. HISTOTIY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITAEY. 35 which means they made their way into Rome, and even into the palace of the Vatican ; so that bishops and cardinals sometimes unwittingly read and praised w^orks, w^iich, on discovering their real authors, they were obliged to pronounce dangerous and heretical. The elder Scaliger relates an incident of this kind, which happened when he w^as at Rome. *' Cardinal Seraphin, (says he) who was at that time counsellor of the papal Rota, came to me one day, and said, * We have had a most laughable business before us to-day. The Common Places of Philip Melanchthon were printed at Venice w^ith this title, jxir Messer Ippqfilo da Terra Negra,'^ These Common Places being sent to Rome, wx^re freely bought for the space of a whole year, and read with great applause ; so that the copies being exhausted, an order w^as sent to Venice for a fresh supply. But in the mean time a Franciscan friar, who possessed a copy of the original edition, discovered the trick, and denounced the book as a Lutlieran production from the pen of Melanchthon. It was proposed to punish the poor printer, who probably could not read one word of the book, but at last it was agreed to burn the copies, and suppress the whole affair.' "f A similar anecdote is told of Luther's preface to the * Schwcnizerd, which was his original name, signifies in German, as Mclauchlhon does in Greek, and Terra Ncgra in Italian, hJack earth. The Italian translator of the Common Places is supposed to have been the celebrated critic, Ludovico Castelvetro.' (Fontanini, Delia Eloquenza Italiana, pp. 490 — aOf)-) t Scaligerana Secunda, art. Rota. See also Brucker, Miscel. Hist. &c. P. ii. pp. 32.3, 333. f 36 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY, epistle to the Romans, and his treatise on justifica- tion, which were eagerly read for some time as the productions of cardinal Fregoso.* The works of Zuingle were circulated under the name of Coricius Cogelius ;t and several editions of Martin Bucer's commentary on the* l\salrns were sold in Italy and France as the work of Aretius Felinus. In this last instance, the stratagem was used with the con- sent of the author. " I am employed (says Bucer, in a letter to Zuingle) in an exposition of the Psalms, which, at the urgent request of our brethren in France and Lower Germany, I propose to pub- lish under a foreign name, that the work may be bou^>-ht by their booksellers. For it is a capital crime to import into these countries books which bear our names. I therefore pretend that I am a Frenchman, and, if I do not change my mind, will send forth the book as the production of Aretius Felinm, which, indeed, is my name and surname, the former in Greek, and the latter in Latin."t It is one thing to discover the errors and abuses of the church of Home, and it is another, and a very * Vergerii Adnot. in Catal. Hipret. Ronuc, 1559. t Gerdesii Ital. Ref. pp. 12— U. Zuinglius is introduced under the name of Abydenus Cora/Ius in the Index of Rome for 1559. X Le Long, edit. Masch, vol. iii. p. ii. p. 5<20. Colomesii Nota? in Scaliger. Secund. p. 538. Fontanini, Delia Eloquenza Ital. p. 490. The work was printed first at Strasburg in 1529, under this title: ♦• Psalmoruni Libri quinque ad Ebraicam veritatcm versi, et familiari explanatione elucidati. Per Aretium Felinum Theologum." The dedication to the Dauphin of France is dated, '^ Lugduni iii. Idus Julias Anno m.d.xxix." HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 37 different thing, to have the mind opened to perceive the spiritual glory and feel the regenerating in- fluence of divine truth. Many who could easily discern the former, remained complete strangers to the latter, as preached by Luther and his associates ; and it is not to be expected that these would make sacrifices, and still less that they would count all things loss, for the excellent knowledge of Christ. Persons of this character abounded at this period in Italy. But the following extracts show that many of the Italians " received the love of the truth," and they paint in strong colours the ardent thirst for an increase of knowledge, which the perusal of the first writings of the reformers had excited in their breasts. " It is now fourteen years (writes Egidio a Porta, an Augustinian monk on the Lake of Como, to Zuingle) since I, under the impulse of a certain pious feeling, but not according to knowledge, withdrew from my parents, and assumed the black cowl. If I did not become learned and devout, I at least appeared to be so, and for seven years dis- charged the office of a preacher of God's word, alas ! in deep ignorance. I savoured not the things of Christ ; I ascribed nothing to faith, all to works. But God would not permit his servant to perish for ever. He brought me to the dust. I cried, Lord, what wilt thou have me to do ? At length my heart heard the delightful voice, ' Go to Ulric Zuingle, and he will tell thee what thou shouldst do.' O ravishing sound ! my soul found ineffable peace in that sound. Do not think that I mock 2 '^ *%,Ms»n=*-" 3SSiip;a-'Ji»^%as*)BH»tV*^ I 4 .'38 HISTORY OF THE llEFOUMATION IN ITALY. you ; tor you, nay not you, but God by your means, rescued nie from tbe snare of the fowler. But why do I say me >' For I trust you have saved others along with me." * The meaning of Egidio is, that, having been enlightened by the writings of the Swiss reform- er whicli providence had thrown in his way, he had imparted the knowledge of the truth to some of his brethren of the same convent. In another letter he adjures Zuingle to write him a letter which might be useful for opening the eyes of others be- longing to his religious order. " But let it be cau- tiously written, (continues he) for they are full of pride and self-conceit. Place some passages of scripture before them, by which they may perceive liow much God is pleased at having his word preached purely and without mixture, and how highly he is ofleiided with those who adulterate it and bring forward their own opinions as divine."! The same spirit breathes in a letter addressed by Balthasar Fontana, a Carmelite monk of Locarno, to the evangelical churches of Switzerland. " Hail, ye faithful in Christ. Iliink, oh think, of Lazarus in the gospels, and of the lowly woman of Canaan, who was willing to be satisfied with the crumbs which fell from the table of the Lord. As David came to the priest in a servile dress and unarmed, so do I fly to you for the shew-bread and the armour laid • Epistola iEgidii a Porta, Comtnsib, Dec. 9, 1525; apud Hottiii- .'OJ, Hist. Eccl. Sec. xvi. torn. ii. p. (>n- f Ibid. p. Iti. '.4fl HISTORY or THE 111: FORMATION IX ITALY. 39 up in the sanctuary. Parched with thirst I seek to the fountains of living water: sitting like a blind man by the wayside, I cry to him that gives sight. With tears and sighs we who sit here in darkness, humbly intreat you who are acquainted with the titles and authors of the books of know- lege, (for to you it is given to know the mysteries of the kingdom of God) to send us the writings of such elect teachers as you possess, and particularly the works of the divine Zuinglius, the far-celebrated Luther, the acute Melanchthon, the accurate Eco- lampade. The prices will be paid to you through his excellency, Werdmyller. Do your endeavour that a city of Lombardy, enslaved by Babylon, and a stranger to the gospel of Christ, may be set free."* The attention which had been paid to sacred li- terature in Italy, contributed in no small degree to the spread of the reformed opinions. In this as well as in every other literary pursuit, the Italians at first took the lead, though they were afterwards outstripped by the Germans. From the year 1477, when the psalter appeared in Hebrew, different parts of scripture in the original continued to issue from the press; and in the year 1488, a complete He- brew bible was printed at Soncino, a city of the Cremonese, by a family of Jews, who, under the adopted name of Soncinati, established printing- * " Apud Conuim, 15th December, 1526." Another letter from the same individual, dated '' Ex Locarno Kal. Mart, anno 1531," is pubhshed by Hottinger, Hist. torn. vi. par. ii. pp. 618, 620, 271. Tempc Helvetica, torn. iv. p. 111. 4 iWEf f'S'a*^"* ,Sii!l 1SF'« ""rf*" * ' 1 40 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. presses in various parts of Europe, including Con- stantinople. This department of typography was almost entirely engrossed by the Jews in Italy, un- til the year 1518, when an edition of the Hebrew scriptures, accompanied with various readings, and Rabbinical commentaries, proceeded from the splen- did press which Daniel Bomberg had recently erected at \^enice. * A minute investigation of the remaining docu- ments of tliose times, shows that the knowledge of Hebrew was not quite extinct among Christians in Italy, anterior to the revival of letters. An individual now and then had the curiosity to acquire some in- sight into it from a Jew, or had the courage to grapple, in his own strength, with the difficulties of a lan- guage whose very characters wore a formidable as- pect; and individuals, who, like Fra Ricoldo of Flo- rence, and Ciriaco of Ancona, travelled into Turkey, Syria, and adjacent countries, picked up some ac- quaintance with other languages of the east. In the literary history of Italy, during the early part of the fifteenth century, several persons are spoken of as Hebrew and Arabic scholars ; the most distinguish- ed of whom was Giannozzo Manetti, a Florentine, who drew up a triglot psalter, containing a Latin translation made by himself from the original.f * De Rossi, De Heb. Typogr. Origin. Wilhehn Fried. Hctzels Ge- schichteder Hebraischen Sprache und Litteratur, pp. 143 — 176. Le Long, Bibl. Sac. edit. Mascli, vol. i. par. i. Baueri Crit. Sac. pp. y:iO, 232. f Tiraboschi, Storia dclla Lctteratura Italiana, torn. vi. pp. 792, (>7f). HISTORY OF THE REFOKMATION IN ITALY. 41 But the study of Hebrew in Italy, properly speaking, was coeval with the printing of the Hebrew scrip- tures ; and it was facilitated by the severe measures taken by Ferdinand and Isabella, at the instigation of the inquisitors, against the Jews, which induced many of that people to emigrate from Spain to Italy, where, from lucrative motives, they were favourably received by the popes.* John Pico, count of Miran- dula and Concordia, was one of the first students of the oriental tongues among his countrymen. Of the enthusiasm with which this prodigy of learning applied himself to the study of Hebrew, Chaldaic, and Arabic, his letters afford the most satisfactory evidence ; f and judging from his writings, the pro- ficiency which he made in the first of these languages was considerable.:]: The names of the persons from whom he received lessons were Jochana and Mith- ridates ; the last of whom refused to teach him Chaldee, until he took a formal oath that he would not communicate it to any person. § This enthu- siastic scholar was deceived by some of the Jews who frequented his house, and had certain manu- scripts, probably Rabbinical, palmed upon him as the * Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, liv. vii. chap. xxix. sect. iv. — vii. Sadoleti Epist. lib. xii. pp. 5, 6. Llorente, Hist, de I'lnquisition d'Espagne, tome i. pp. IGl — 170. t Opera Joannis et Jo. Francisci Pici, torn. i. pp. 367-8, 382, 385, 387, 388. X See his Heptaplus, dedicated to Lorenzo de Medici; Opera, torn. i. § Opera, torn. i. p. 385; torn. ii. p. 1371. Colomesii Italia et His- pania Orientalis, pp. 10 — 17. 42 HISTORY OF THE HEFOllMATIOX IN ITALY. HISTOKY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 43 genuine works of Zoroaster, and other eastern sages.* The same thing happened to his contemporary and countryman, Nanni or Annius of Viterbo, who pub- lished a number of f^ibulous works as the authentic productions of Berosus, Manetho, Fabius Pictor, Archilochus, Cato, and Megasthenes ; at least it seems more probable that he was the dupe of others and of his own credulity, than that he should have practised a fraud, which must have cost him im- mense labour, and required a knowledge of tlie learning of the east, which we can scarcely suppose a European of that age to have possessed.! John Francis Pico inherited his uncle's taste for He- brew literature, and other scholars arose who cul- tivated it, not indeed with greater zeal, but certainly with greater success. Germany had the honour of giving to the world the first elementary work on Hebrew which was written by a Christian, or in the Latin language, in the grannnar and lexicon of John Reuchlin, print- ed at Pfortzheim, in the year 1506 ; but as early as 1490, the Book of Hoofs, or lexicon of the cele- brated Jewish grammarian, David Kimchi, was published in the original at Venice, t Francis Stan- car of Mantua, who afterwards embraced the pro- testant religion, and excited great stirs in Poland, • Opera, toni. i. p. 307. Simon, Lettrcs Choisies, tome ii. p. 1S8. t Tiraboschi, torn. vi. par. ii. p. 17. X Hirts Orientalischc und Excgetische Bibliothek, tom. i. pp. 3.5, 4i. G. Laur. Bsueri Hermeiieiitica Sacra, p. 17o. n published a Hebrew grammar in 1525.* Felix of Prato, a converted Jew, who published a Latin translation of the Psalms in 1515, appears to have been the first Christian in Italy who taught He- brew, being invited to Rome for this purpose in 1518, by Leo X.f About the same time Agathias Guidacerio, a native of Catano, also taught it at Rome, from which he was called by Francis I. to be professor of Hebrew in the Trilingual college at Paris, in which Paolo Paradisi, or Canossa, his coun- tryman, and, like him, the author of a work on He- brew grammar, afterwards held the same situation.:|: As early as 1514, a collection of prayers was printed in the Arabic language and character at Fano, in the ecclesiastical states, at a press which had been founded by the warlike pontiff Julius IL§ Previous to this, an edition of the Koran in the ori- ginal language had been begun, and a part of it at least printed at Venice, by Pagnino de Pagninis.|| But the principal work in this language, so far as biblical literature is concerned, was published by Augustine Justinian, bishop of Nebio in Corsica, * Tiraboschi. tom. vii. p. 1087. Hetzels Geschichte der Heb. Sprache, p. 1C9. t Ibid. p. 1083. Colomesii Ital. Orient, p. 19. Le Long, edit. Masch, vol. i. part i. p. 97, vol. ii. part ii. p. 534. X Prefat. in Lib. Micblol, per Agathiam Guidacermm.— Parisus in Collegio Italorum, 1540. Conf. Colome.ii Ital. Orient, pp. 60, 68—70. § Schnurreri Bibliolheca Arabica, pp. 231—231. II Ibid. pp. 402—404. v\ ■? 44 HISTOllY or THE llErOllMATIOX IN ITALY. in a polyglot psalter, containing the Hebrew, Chal- daic, Arabic, Greek and Latin ; printed at Genoa in the year 1516, and intended as a specimen of a polyglot bible, which the anthor had been long en- gaged in preparing for the press.* This work pro- cured him an invitation from Francis I. to teach the oriental tongues at Paris.f Juan Leon, a native of Elvira in Spain, better known as an historian by the name of Leo Africanus, and who afterwards went to Tunis, and relapsed to Mahometanism, instruct- ed many of the Italians in Arabic; and, amongothers, Egidio of Viterbo, a prelate more distinguished by his elegant taste and extensive learning, than by his wearing the purple, and who promoted oriental studies among his countrymen both by his example and his patronage. :j: Certain deputies sent to Rome, from the Christi- ans of Abyssinia, during the sitting of the Lateran council in 1.512, were the means of introducing into Europe the knowledge of the Ethiopic, or, as they called it, Chaldean language, in which their coun- trymen continued to perform the religious service. In consequence of instructions received from them, * Detlic. Justiniani atl Lconem X. Le Long, edit. Masch, vol. i. par. i. p. 400. t Tiraboschi, vii. 1067. Coloniesii Ital. Orient. 31 — 36. Sixt Se- nensis Bibl. Sacr. p. 3'27. J Widnianstiidter's Dedication to the Emperor Ferdinand, of his edition of the Syriac New Testament. Compare the testimonies to Egidio's merits collected by Colomies. (Ital. Orient, pp. 11 — 46.) HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 45 John Potken, provost of St. George's, at Cologne, was able in 1513, to publish at Rome, the psalter and song of Solomon in Ethiopic, with a short in- troduction to that language.* At a subsequent pe- riod, a learned abbot of that country, named Tesso- Sionis Malhesini, or, as he called himself in Europe, Peter Sionita, who resided at Rome under the pa- tronage of cardinal Marcello Cervini, prevailed on Pierpaolo Gualtieri, and Mariano Vittorio, after- wards bishop of Rieti, to learn his native tongue ; and with their assistance, and that of two of his own countrymen, he published the New Testament in Ethiopic at Rome, in the year 1548. Four years after this, the first grammar of that language was given to the public by Vittorio.f It may appear strange, that no part of the Syriac version of the scriptures should as yet have come from the i)ress. Bomberg intended to print the gospel according to Matthew, from a copy of the four gospels in that language which was in his possession, but delayed the work in expectation of obtaining additional manuscripts.if Teseo Ainbro- gio, of the noble family of the Conti d'Albonese, a doctor of laws, and canon regular of St. John's of * Le Long, edit. Masch, vol. i. par. ii. pp. 146-7. t Tiraboschi, vii. 1073. Le Long, edit. Masch, vol. i. par. ii. pp.152— 154-. Colomesii Ital. Orient, pp. 107-8. art. Marianus Victorias Re- atinus. Michaehs's Introd. by Marsh, vol. ii. part i. p. 612. X Postel, Linguarum duodecim Alph. Introd. sig. Biiij. Parisiis, 1538. Conf. Tostelli Epist. prefix. Vers. N. Test. Syriaci : Vien. Austr. 1555. I iW Img^M 46 IIISTORY OF Tin: REFOiniATIOX rX ITALY. the Lnteran, received instructions in Ethiopic, from the Abyssinians who visited Rome in 1512, and was initiated into the Syriac hinguage, by one of three individuals, Joseph Acurio, a priest, Moses, a deacon, and Elias a sub-deacon, whom Peter, patri- arch of the Maronites, had sent as a deputation to Rome, soon after the advancement of Leo X. to the pontificate. From that time, Ambrogio became passionately fond of these languages, and being ap- pointed to teach them at liologna, gave a specimen of his qualifications for that task in his Introduction to the Chaldaic, Syriac, Armenian, and ten other languages, w^ith the characters of about forty difler- ent'^alphabets.* Various untoward events i)revent- ed him from executing his favourite design of pub- lishing the gospels in Syriac, which, at an acci- dental interview, he devolved on Albert Widman- stiulter, the learned chancellor of Easter Austria, who afterwards accomplished the w^ork. In the year 1552, Ignatius, patriarch of Antioch, sent Moses Mardineus, as his orator to the Roman pontiff, to obtain, among other things, the i)rinting of an edition of the Syriac New Testament, for the use of the churches under his inspection. The ora- tor exerted his eloquence in vain at Rome, Venice, and other places of Italy ; and, after wasting nearly three years, was about to return home in despair, • Introauctio in Chalilaicam liu-iiam, Syriacam, &cc. Papia^, 1539. Tiraboschi, vii. 1068—107^2. Hrnr. a Porta, (Prof. Lin-iiannn Ori- ental, apud Acad. Ticin.) Do Ling. Orient. Pncstantia, p. 1^9. HISTORY OF THE REPORMATION IN ITALY. 47 when he was advised to ap})ly to Widmanstiidter^ by wliose zealous exertions the work was published in 1555, at Vienna.* Thus was Italy deprived of the honour of giving to the world the New Tes- tament in the best and most venerable of all the ancient versions. The first edition of the Septuagint came from the Aldine press in 1518, under the direction of Andrew of Asolo. In 1516, Erasmus published at Basil his edition of the Greek text of the New Testament, accompanied with a Latin translation formed by him- self ; to which his fame gave an extensive currency in Italy. And in 1527, Sante Pagnini of Lucca publislied his Latin translation of the whole I^ibJe, which had excited great expectations, from the re- putation which the author enjoyed as a Hebrew scholar, and its being known that he had spent up- wards of twenty-five years on the w^ork. The publication of the scriptures in the original languages, and in various versions, was followed by illustrations of them which were neither without merit nor utility. The work of Pietro Colonna, commonly called, from his native place, Galatino, from which later writers on the Jewish controversy have drawn so mucli of their materials, was not the less useful, that it was afterwards found to be chiefly a compilation from the w^ork of another au- * Detlic. et Prapfat. in N. Test. Syriac. Vien. Austr. 1355. Assemani Bibl. Orient, tom. i. p. 535. Le Long, edit. Masch, vol. i. par. ii. pp. 71 — 79. Michaelis's Introd. by Marsh, vol. ii. p. ii. 8, 535 — 540. f 48 HISTORY OF THE UEFORMATION IX ITALY. thor * Besides his own paraphrases, Erasmus published the notes of Laureritius Valhi on the New Testament, which came recommended to the Italians as the work of one of their countrymen who had distinguished himself as a reviver of let- ters, but whom Bellarmine afterwards called, not without reason, the precursor of the Lutherans, f The scriptural simplicity which characterises the commentaries of cardinal Cajetan, and a few others, form a striking contrast to the writings of the scholastic divines who preceded them. Cardinal Sadolet's commentary on the epistle to the Ro- mans was the work of an orator, who wished to correct the barbarisms of the vulgate, and combat the tenets of St. Augustine, t The works of Au- gustine Steuchi, or Steuco, of Gubbio, discover an extensive acquaintance with the three learned lan- guages, mixed with cabbalistical and Platonic ideas. I shall afterwards have occasion to speak of the commentaries of Folengo. Isidoro Clario, a Bene- dictine abbot of Monte Cassino, who was ad- vanced to the bishopric of Foligno, published the vulgate, corrected from the original Hebrew, and » De Arcanis Catholica.- Veritatis, OrtoiiJe, 1518. See the account of the Pngio Fidei of Raymond Martini, afterwards given in the history of the Reformation in Spain. t Simon, Hist. Crit. des Commentateurs du N. Test. pp. 484— 487. X Ihid. pp. 550— 55G. Sadolet was thrown into great distress, in consequence of the Master of the sacred palace refusing to approve of his commentary. (Tirahoschi, Storia, torn. vii. pp. 313—315.) HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 49 Greek, and accompanied with preliminary disserta- tions and explanatory notes ; but the work did not a])pear until 1542, when the progress of heresy had alarmed his brethren, the consequence of which was, that the w^ork underwent the process of ex- purgation, and the prolegomena were suppressed. * He gave great offence by saying in his preface, that he had diligently corrected the version of the Old Testament by the Hebrew, and of the New by the Greek verity, f The author had also availed him- self of the notes of the protestants, but tacitly; '* for in the time in which he wrote, to cite a protestant author was an unpardonable crime," as Tiraboschi has candidly owned. " Heresy (says another modern writer) was a pest, the very touch of which creat- ed horror ; the cordon of separation or precaution was drawn all around ; Clario did not dread the contagion for himself, but he dreaded to appear to have braved it, and his prudence excuses his pla- giarism." :|: By means of these studies the minds of the learned in Italy were turned to the scriptures, and prepared for taking part in the religious controversy which arose. Individuals in the conclave, such as Egidio, Fregoso and Aleander, were skilled in the sacred tongues, which were now studied in the palaces of bishops and in the cells of monks. All were not concerned to become acquainted with the treasures * Riveti Opera, torn. ii. p. 91 G. X Ginguene, tome vii. p. 36. t Tiraboschi, tom. vii. p. 348. £ # ,>0 HisTOitY oi Tin: iu:roR:MATio\ in italy. liid in thost' books wliich they turned over by night and bv ](Y or mi', kkioumation ix italy. ill the* history of the fifteenth century. *" It was pleaded, that the diH. t - ivvilirc la sacra Scrittura il tradurla in lingua volgare, says Passavanti, in his Sfccrhw di vera Fcnitcn^n, quoted by Fontanini, p. ""t Lt- Long doubts if there ever ^vas such a version. (Bibl. Sac. toni. i. p. 33^2. edit. 3.) Fontanini denies its existence. (Delia KI04. Ital. p. 073.) , . ,M • I • § Fragments of such translations ^vere to be found m hbraries during the lifternth century. Malenni expressly mentions one of them, whicli contained, he says, - cose euormi, que non lice ser dicte, no da esscr le-nute " (D. Abbate (Jiov. Andres, Dell' Originc d'ogni Letteratura, tomo XIX. p. 200.) (Jirolamo -quarzafico, a learned man, who wrote a pret^ice to the edition of the Bible in 1477, says: - VenerabilisDommus IIISTORV OF THE llEFOK AIATION IN ITALY. ryS printed at Venice so early as the year 1471,* and is said to Iiave gone through no fewer than nine editions in the fifteenth and twelve editions in the sixteenth century ;f a proof that the Italians were at least addicted to reading in their native tongue, if there did not exist among them at that time a general desire for the word of God. We find an additional proof of this in the Italian versions of parts of scripture, which appeared about the same period.]: Malermi's translation, like those on which it was founded, was made from the vulgate, and writ- ten in a style unsuited to the sixteenth century. A Nicolaus de Malermi faulde Malerhi) sacra Biblia ex Latino Italice reddidit, cos iniitatus, qui vulgarcs antea versiones, si sunt hoc nomine, et non potius confusiones nuncupantur, confecerunt." (Lettera Critica dal Signor Abbate N. N. all' Erud. Padre Giov. degli Agostini, p. 8. Koveredo, 173P.) * Fontanini, p. 673. De Bare (Partie de la Theologie) p. 89. It was printed " Kal. Aug. 1 171," by '' Vind. de Spira," and contains a prefatory epistle by Nicolo di Malhcrbi. Another version of the Bible was printed In the month of October of the same year, without notice of the translator, printer, or place of printing. (Dibdin's .Edes Al thorp, vol. ii. p. U. Bibl. Spencer, vol. i. p. 63.) t Foscarini, Delia Letteratura Veneziana, vol. i. p. 339. Dr. Geddes says it went through thirteen editions in the space of less than half a century. (Prospectus of a New Translation, p. 103.) Andrew Ri- vet possessed a copy of the edition printed in 1477. (Opera, torn, ii, , p. 920.) Pere Simon, who is not always so accurate as a severe critic on the works of others should be, speaks of Malermi's version as pub- lished for the first time in lall. (Hist. Crit. de V\ Test. pp. 371, 598. edit. 1G80.) % The two following are mentioned by MafFei : " Li quattro volumi de gli F:vangcli volgarizzati da frate Guido, con le loro esposizioni fatte per Frate Simone da Cascia, Ven. U8C." " L'Apocalisse con le chiose de Nicolo da Lira ; traslazione di Maestro Fcderico da Venezia, lavorata ncl 1391., e stampata Ven. 1.519." (Esame del Sig. ^L^rchese Scipionc Maffoi, p. 19. lloveredo, 1739.) ■ ^K ,54 IIISTOUV OF THE UEl OK Af A TION IN ITALV. version less barbarous in its diction, and more faithful to the original, had long been desired by the learned. This was at last undertaken by Antonio Brucioli. a native of Florence, who added a knowledge of He- brew to those classical attainments for which the in- habitants of his native city had long been celebrated.* After distinguishing himself among the academicians of his native city, he was driven into exile in conse- quence of an unsuccessful resistance to the usurpa- tions of the Medici, in which he had taken part, and travelled in France and Germany, from which he returned with his mind improved, and an ardent desire to enlighten his native country. But in the year 1529, he was forced a second time from Flo- rence, and narrowly escaped with his life, having incurred the suspicion of lieresy. At A^mice, wliere he found an asylum, and where two ])ersons of the same name, his brothers or kinsmen, established a ju'inting office, he published his translation of the scriptures, and conunentaries on them. He was the author of several other works, philosophical and re- llgious,ani()ng which was a collection of liymns.f His version of the New Testament made its appearance in the year 1530, and was followed at intervals, dur- * Aretiiio, in a Utter to him, Nov. 7, 1537, says : " Voi scte huomo scnza pare no rinttlligentia de la lingua Ilebraica, Gra?ca, Latina, e ( lialilca." t An interesting account of Brucioli's life and writings is given by Sclielhorn, an author to whom the history of the Reformation is greatly indebted, in his work, Ergcitzlichkeiten aus der Kirchen- hiotorit und Litteratur. There is also a pood article on him in Maz- /.uihelli Snittori Ital. tomo ii. parte iv. HISTORY OF THK REFORMATION IN ITALY. a 5 ing two years, by translations of the rest of the sacred books.* It is not evident, that Jirucioli ever for- maUy left the communion of the church of Rome, but his prefaces to the different parts of his version, in which he extols the utility of such works, and vindicates the common right of Christians to read the word of God in their own language, are written in the style and spirit of a protestant. His Bible was ranked among prohibited books of the first class in the index of the council of Trent, and all his works, " published or to be jmblished," were for- mally interdicted. f But before this i)rohibitory sentence was issued or could be carried into exe- cution, his translation was eagerly read, and contri- buted greatly to increase religious knowledge in Italy. " Although Italy be the fort and power of * Le Long, Bibl. Sac. par. ii. p. 125-6. edit. Bocrneri. Wolfii Nota? ad Colom. Ital. Orient, p. 59. Gerdes. Ital. Ref. p. 190. Miscell. Gron- ingana, torn. ii. p. 658. Simon, Hist. Crit. de V. Test. 1. ii. chap. 2^2. and Disquis Crit. p. 193. There is confusion among some of these authorities, in enumerating the dates of printing, which I do not stop to examine. t Fontanini, in Ids work, De/lu Ehquen^a Italiaun, (p. 305.) says that Brucioli translated and commented on the Bible " alia Luterana." Scipio Maffei says, '' I'Autore — nelle prefazione parla da Prutcstanii." Brucioli, in the dedication of his translation and exposition of Job, (a. 1534.) calls Margaret, queen of Navarre, the great patroness of the reformed, " the refuge of oppressed Christians." Charles du Moulin says, he was condemned as *' one that spoke neither well nor ill of God" — " doctus et pius I talus, Antonius Brucioli, confinatus Vene- tiis, et damnatus nee bene nee male de Deo loqui." (Molimei Collat. Evang. p. 142.) Tiraboschi accounts for the opposition made to his version, " per le moltc eresic, di cui egli imbratto la stcs^sa vcrsioiie, c pill ancora il diffuso comento in sette tomi in foglio, chc poi diedc in hice.'' (Storia, tomo vii. p. 404.) 56 iiTSTom' OF Tfir, ur.FomiATiox in italy. the pope's doctrine and empire, since Ills authority is there most stron«!;ly confirmed in the minds ot the people, (say the divines of (ient-va. in an answer to the cardinal hishop of Lucca,) yet the li«^ht coidd not he i)revented from penetratini;- it in dillerent quarters, and makini;- the scales to fall from the eyes of many hlind .md cliained ca])tives, hy means of an Italian translation of tiie scriptures hy Brucioli, which apiK-ared at that time, and which they did not then iudtre it advisahle to sui)press, as they have since attempted to do." ^ Such was the avidity ot the puhlic for the scriptures at this period, and the dis- position of the learned to ^i;ratify it, that other Italian versions were called for and in-oductMl in the course of a few years after the ai)pearance of lirucioli's. The J5il)le puhlished hy Sante Marmocchini, was rather a revisal of Brucioli's than a new version.t Fra Zaccario followed Marmocchini in his trans- lation of the New Testament. '., Massimo Teotilo, in his version of the New Testament, {) professes it as his object to preserve the purity of the Italian language, which had been neglected by other trans- lators ; l>ut both he, and Filippo Rustici, who published a version of the Bible, [j defend, in their prefatory and subjoined discourses, the translation of the scriptures into vulgar languages, and w^rite in every respect like protestants. ^[ f Printed at Venice in 1 538. § Printed at Lyons in 1551. • Gerdcsii Ital. Ilef. p. 15. J Printed in 151.2. 11 Printed in 15G2. HGerdes. Ital. Ref. pp. 329, ;U0. Abbate D. Giovanni Andres, ut snpra, pp. 2*2-3. Henr. a Porta, He Ling. Orient, p. 71. IIISTOUY OF THC IIEFOHMATIOX IX ITALY. 57 I'he protestant opinions were also propagated in Italy by the intercourse carried on by letters and travelling between it and the countries which had embraced the Reformation. It had long been the cus- tom for the (rermari youth to finish their education, esj)ecially in law and medicine, at Padua, Bologna, and other Italian universities. The Italians in their turn now bei^an to visit the schools of Switzerland and (lermany, whose literary reputation was daily advancing; and many of them were attracted to Wltteinberg by tJie fame of Alelanchthon, who w^as known to most of the learned in Italv, and with vvliom Rembo and Sadoleti did not scruple to main- tain a friendly correspondence by letters.* The effects of this intercourse were so visible that it was repeatedly conijdained of by the more zealous de- fenders of tlie old religion ; and a waiter of that time gives it as his advice, " that a stop should be put to all commerce and intercourse, epistolary or other- wise, between the (lermans and Italians, as the best means of preventing lieresy from pervading all Italy."! War, wh it'll brings so many evils in its train, and proved such a scourge to Italy during the first half of the sixteenth century, was overruled by provi- dence for spreading the gospel in that country. The • Melanchthon, Epist. coll. 368, 373, 712, 728, 733, 758, edit. Lond. t Busdragi Epistola de Italia a Lutheranismo preservanda ; in Serin. Aniiq. torn. i. p. 324. It has been supposed, that Vergerio con- cealed himself under the feigned name of Gerardus BusdragriSj and that the whole letter is a piece of irony. .'>8 HISTORY or Tin: Ul.lOirMATlOX IN' ITALY. UlSTOHY OF THE IIEFOUMATION IX ITALY. 59 troops which Charles W brought from fTerniany to assist him in his Italian expeditions, and the Swiss auxiliaries who followed the standard of his rival Francis I., contained many protestants.* With the freedom of men who have swords in their hands, these foreigners conversed on the religious controver- sy with the inhabitants on whom they were quarter- ed. They extolled the religious liberty which they enjoyed at home, derided the frightful idea of the re- formers which the monks had impressed in the minds of the people, talked in the warmest strains of Lu- ther and his associates as the restorers of Christia- nity, contrasted the jnirity of their lives, and the slender income with which they were contented, with the wealth and luxury of their opponents, and ex- pressed their astonishment that a peopleof such spirit as the Italians should continue to yield a base and im- plicit subjection to an indolent andcorrui)tpriestIiood, which sought to keep them in ignorance, that it might feed on the spoils of tlieir credulity. The impression which these representations were calculated to make on the minds of the people, was strengthened by the angry manifestoes which the poj)e and emperor pub- lislied against each other. Clement cliarged the emperor with indifference to religion, and complain- ed that he liad enacted laws in various parts of his dominions, which were highly injurious to the in- terests of the church, as well as derogatory to the honour of the I lolv See. Charles recriminated, bv * Robertson's Charles Y. vol. ii. ]>. :io6. iurtlis. Ital. Rcf. ]> 17. accusing the pope of kindling afresh the flames of war in Europe, that he might evade, what was uni- versally and loudly called for, the reformation of the church in its head and members ; he wrote to the cardinals to summon a general council for this pur- pose ; and threatened that, if this were not done, he would abolish tlie jurisdiction of the pope through- out Spain, and convince other nations, by his exam- ple, that ecclesiastical abuses might be corrected, and the ancient discipline of the church restored, without the intervention of papal authority.* Nor did the emperor rest in threatenings. His general, the duke of Bourbon, liaving entered the papal territories, Rome was taken and sacked, and the pontiff, after enduring a siege in the castle of St. Angelo, was obliged to surrender to the impe- rial troops, by which he was kept for a consider- able time as a captive. According to the accounts given by Roman Catholic historians, the Germans in the emperor's army behaved with great modera- tion towards the inhabitants of Rome after the first day's pillage, and contented themselves with testify- ing their detestation for idolatry ; the Spaniards never relented in their rapacity and cruelty, tortur- ing the prisoners to make them discover their trea- sures ; while the Italians imitated the Spaniards in their cruelty, and the Germans in their impiety.f • Pro divo Carolo ejus nominis quint©, Apologetic! libri duo ; Mogunt. 1527. Sleidan, Comment, torn. i. pp. 332—336, edit. Am Knde. De Thou, Hist. lib. i. sect. II. t Guicciardini, II Sacco di Roma; and the authorities quoted by Sismondi, Hist.des Rep. Ital. tome xv. pp. 27J.-6. (Jo IIISTOIIY OF TIIL: RKFOllMATIOX IN ITAIA. A scene whicli wns exhibited during the siege of the castle, will convey an idea of the indiu:nity shown to all which liad been held sacred in the Roman see. A j)arty of (lernian soldiers, mounted on horses and mules, assend)led one day on the streets of Rome. One of them, named (irunwald, distinguished hy In's majestic countenance and stature, being attired like the i)oi)e, and wearing a triple crown, was plac- ed on a horse richly cai)arisoned. Others were ar- rayed like cnrdinals, some wearing mitres, and others clothed in sciU'K t i.v white, according to the raidv of those whom they personated. In tiiis form they marched, amidst the sounding of drums and fifes, and accompanied with a vast cnumurse of people, with all the ])omp and ceremony usually observed in a pontifical procession. Wlien they passed a house in which any of the cardinals was confined, Grun- wahl blessed the people by stretching out his fingers in the manner i)ractised by the pope on such occa- sions. After some time he was taken from his horse, and borne on the shoulders of one of his comj)anions on a pad or seat prepared for the purpose. Having reached the castle of St. Angelo, a large cup was put into his hands, from which lie drank to the health and safe custody of Clement, in whicli lie was pledg- ed by his attendants. lie then administered to his cardinals an oath, in which he joined ; engaging, that they would yield obedience and faithful allegi- ance to the emperor, as their lawful and only prince, that thev would not disturb the peace of the em- pire by intrigues, but, as became them, and accord- 2 niSTOHV Ol Tin: HKFOUMATION IX ITAFV. (il ing to the precepts of scripture and the example of Christ and his apostles, would be subject to the civil j)owers. After a speech in which he rehearsed the civil, parricidal, and sacrilegious wars excited by the po][)es, and acknowledged tliat providence had raised up the emperor Charles to revenge these crimes, and bridle the rnge of wicked priests, the pretended pontiff solemnly promised to transfer by testament all liis authority and power to Martin Lu- tlier, tliat he might remove all the corruptions which liad infected the apostolical see, and completely refit the sJiip of St. Peter, that it might no longer be the sport of the winds and waves, through the unskil- fulness and negligence of its governors, who, intrust- ed witli the helm, had spent their days and nights in drinking and debauchery. Then raising his voice, he said, " All wlio agree to these things, and are willing to see them carried into execution, let 'them signify this by lifting up their hands ;" upon which the whole band of soldiers, raising their hands, ex- claimed, " Long live Pope Luther ! Long live Pope Luther !" All this was performed under the eve of Clement VIL* 111 other circumstances, such proceedings would have been regarded in no other light than as the un- bridled excesses of a licentious soldier}-, and might have excited compassion for the captive pontiff. • N'arratio Direpticnis Expugiiata^ Urbis, ex Italico tran&lata a tasparo narthio, apud Fabricii Ccntifol. Lutheran, torn. i. pp. 96—98. 'i'he principal facts in tliis narrative are confirmed by the popi-h wtil-rs, Cocblceus, Spor.danus, &c. l1 % " m 14 I i Gi> msTOUY 01 THl, KKKOUMATIO.N- IN ITALY. But at this ti.ne all were convinced, that the wars which had so long desolated Italy were chiefly to he ascrihed to the an.hition and resentment ot the popes J and the conduct of Clement in provokn.g a powerful enemy, whom he was incapable ot resist- ing, appeared to he the effect of a judicial mtatua- tion. The disasters which betel the papal see and the city of Rome were interpreted as marks of divine displeasure, and those who insulted over them were regarded as heralds employed to denounce the nidgments of heaven against an incorrigible court, and a city desecrated and defiled by all manner ot wickedness. These were not merely the sentiments ot the vulgar, or of such as had already imbibed the re- formed opinions. They were enterlained by digni- taries of the Roman church, and uttered within the walls of the \'atican. We have a proof of this 111 a speech delivered by fetaphylo, bishop of Sibari, at the first meeting of the apostolical Rota held atter Home was delivered from a foreign army. Havnig described the devastations committed on the city, the bishop proceeds in the following manner : " But whence, I pray, have these things proceeded? and why have such calamities befallen us ? Because all flesh have corrupted their ways : because we are citizens, not of the holy city Rome, but of Babylon the wick- ed city. The word of the Lord spoken by Isaiah is accomplished in our times, ' How is the faithful city become an harlot ! It was full of judgment and holiness, righteousness formerly dwelt in it; now sacrilegious persons and murderers. Formerly I HISTORY OF THE UEFOKMaTIOX IN IT.\1.Y. Gj it was inhabited by a holy nation, a peculiar people ; but now by the jieojile of Gomorrah, a depraved seed, wicked children, unfaithful priests, the com- panions of thieves.' Lest any should suppose that this jirophetic oraclewas fulfiJledlong ago in the over- throw of the Babylonish Jerusalem by the Roman tin[)erois, ^^espasian and Titus, seeing the words appear to refer to the time in which the prophet lived, I think it proper to observe, agreeably to ec- clesiastical verity, that future things were set be- fore the eyes of the prophet's mind as present, 'i'his is evident from the sacred Avritings througli- out : ' The daughter of Zion shall be forsaken mid made desolate by the violence of the enemy,' This daughter of Zion, the ajiostle Jolin, in tlie l)ook of Revelation, explains as meaning not Jerusalem but tlie city Rome, as ai)pears from looking into his description. For John, or rather the angel, explain- ing to John the vision concerning the judgment of the wliore, represents this city as meant by Baby- lon. ' The woman (says he) whom thou sawest is that great city which reigns (he refers to a spiritual reign) over the kings of the earth.' He says :— ' She sits on seven hills;' which applies properly to Rome, called, from ancient times, fhe seven-hilled cifij. Siie is also said to ' sit on many waters,' wliich signify i)eople, nations, and various languages', of which, as we see, this city is composed more' than any other city in the Christian world. He says also, 'She is full of names of blasphemy, the mo- ther of uiuleanness, fornications and abominations ■ ii4 IHSTOKY OV Tlli. IIKI'OKM ATlOX IX ITALY. of the cartli; This supersedes the necessity of any more speeiiic proof, that Rome is tlie city referred to ; seeing these vices, though they prevail every- where, have fixed their seat and empire with us."'^^- If such were tlie impressions made on the mind of a bishop by this event, and if such was the huiguage held within the hearing of the sovereign pontiff, what must have been the feelings and the language of those who were less interested in the support of the ecclesiastical monarchy, and who were still greater sufferers from the ambition and tyranny of those who administered its affairs? Tiie mysterious veil of sanc- tity, by which the minds of tlie vulgar had been long overawed, was now torn off ; and when revealed, the claims of the priesthood appeared to be as arrogant and unfounded as their conduct was inconsistent with the character which they had assumed, and with the precepts of that religion of which they professed to be the teachers and guardians. The horror hither- to felt at the name of lieretic or Lutheran in Italy began to abate, and the minds <.>f the people were prepared to listen to the teachers of the reformed doctrine, who in their turn were emboldened to preach and make proselytes in a more open manner than they had yet ventured to do. *' In Italy also, (says the historian of the council of Trent, speaking of this period,) as there had neither been pope nor papal court at Rome for nearly two years, and as *Oratiohabita atl Auditores Rotic, de causis Excidii Urbis Ilomai, anno ViST; inter lleriim (Jcrmaii Scriptorts, a Schardio, torn. ii. p. 6\:i, ^c. \\ olHi L( ct. Moil or. torn. ii. p. 300. HISTORY OF TllK KErOKMATlON IX ITALY. 65 most looked on thecalamities wliich had fallen on both as the executionofa divine judgment, on account of the corruptions of its government, many listened with avi- dity to the Reformation ; in several cities, and particu- larly at Faenza, which was situated within the terri- tories of the pope, sermons were delivered in private liouses against the church of Rome; and the number of those named Ljitherans, or as they called themselves ErangelicaLs, increased every day."* That these sermons were not entirely confined to private houses, and that the reformed doctrine was publicly ])reach- ed in Italy before the year 1530, we learn from the liighest authority. " From the report made to us, (says pope Clement VII.) we have learned with great grief of heart, that in different parts of Italy, the pestiferous heresy of Luther prevails to a high degree, not only among secular persons, but also among ecclesiastics and the regular clergy, both mendicant and non-mendicant ; so that some by their discourses and conversation, and what is worse, by their public preaching, infect numbers with this disease, and greatly scandalize faithful Christians, living under the obedience of the Roman church, and observing its laws, to the increase of heresies, the stumbling of the weak, and the no small injury of the catholic faith."f These appearances, while they gave alarm to the friends of the papacy, excit- *Fra Paolo, IH.t. du Concile de Trente, p. 87, edit. Courayer. >V ith this the statement of Giannone exactly agrees. (Ili&t. Civ. de Naples, torn. iv. p. 1 10.) t Uaynaldi Annales, adann. 1^30. I I. 66 HISTOllY OF THE UErOllMATlON IN ITALY. ed hopes in the hreasts of those who had espoused the cause of the Reformation. Both calculated on the national character of the Italians ; and it was a connnon remark, that as the plague, on account of the intenser lieat of an Italian sky, was more violent in that country than in Germany, so Luther- anism, if it seized on the minds of the Italians, which were more ardent and vivacious than those of the Germans, would rage with greater impetuosi- ty and violence,* HISTORY OF THE UEFOIIMATION IN ITALY. 6? • Campcgii Cardiiialis Oratio ad orclincs Imperii Norimberg. ; apud Seckeiidorf, lib. i. p. 2SD. Busdragi Kpistola ; in Scrinio AutiqiiariO;, torn. i. par- »• P- 3'^^- P' CHAP. III. rUOGIlESS OF THE REFORMED DOCTRINE IN THE DIFFERENT STATES AND CITIES OF ITALY. Having given a general account of the intro- duction of the reformed opinions into Italy, and the causes which led to this, I now proceed to trace the progress which they made through the different states and cities of that country. Feri^ara is entitled to the first notice, on account of the protection which it afforded at an early period to the friends of the Reformation, who fled from vari- ous parts of Italy, and from foreign countries. Un- der the government of its dukes of tlie illustrious house of Este, Ferrara had for some time vied with Florence in the encouragement of learning and the fine arts. Ariosto lived at the court of Alfonso I., as did Bernardo Tasso, and at a subsequent period, his more ilhistrious son, the author of Jerusalem Delivered, at the court of Ercole II. ; and in con- sequence of this, the genealogy and achievements of tlie dukes of Ferrara have been transmitted to pos- terity by the first poets of that age. Hercules had re- ceived a good education, and was induced by personal judgment and feeling toyield that patronage to learn- ed men which contemporary princes paid as a tribute I' 68 HISTOUY or TIU: llKl'OKMATIOX IX ITALY. to fashion, and out of regard to tlieir own fame * The house of Este had in several late instances been ill repaid for the devotion which they had shown to the interests of the see of Rome ; but the reason al- ready mentioned, as attachin<^ the Italian princes to the pope, overcame the sense of the injury. Ippolito, a younger son of Duke Alfonso, and afterwards his nephew, Ludovico, were cardinals ; and from time innnemorial a branch of the family had occu- pied a place in the sacred college.f Accordingly, Alfonso had proved a faithful ally to Clement during the humiliating disasters to which he was exposed ; and his successor Hercules, though more eiiliirhtened in religious matters than his father, avoided any thing which might give offence to the supreme i)ontiiF. In the year 1527, Hercules II. married Renee, daughter of Louis XII. of France ; and the coun- tenance which the reformed opinions obtained at the court of Ferrara, is chiefly to be ascribed to the influence of that amiable and accomplished princess. Distinguished for her virtue and ge- nerosity, of the most elegant and engaging man- ners, speaking the French and Italian langua- • Civlii Calcagnini Opera, pp. 77, IIG, lU, 175. The eulogium which Calca<^iiini has pronounced on him, is justified by the account of a conversation between them respecting the choice of a tutor to the duke's son. (lb. p. 168. Conf. pp. 160-162.) t Puffendorf, Introd. Hist. Europ. p. 606. Black's Life of Tasso, \. 34-8. 'i'o this Ariosto alludes ; 'Twere long to tell the names of all thy race, That in the conclave shall obtain a place. To tell each enterprize their arms shall gain, A\'hat conquests for the Roman church obtain. (Orlando Furioso book iii.) HISTORY OF THE REFOKMATIOX IX ITALY. 69 ges with equal purity, aud deeply versed iu the Greek and Roman classics, she attracted the love and admiration of all wlio knew her.* Before leavnig her native country she had become acquaint- ed With tlie reformed doctrine, by means of some of those learned persons Mho frequented the court of the celebrated Margaret, queen of Navarre; and she M-as anxious to facilitate its introduction into the country to which her residence was now transferred P or some time she could only do this under the co- vert ot entertaining its friends as men of letters which the duke, her husband, M-as ready to encour- age, or at least to wink at. 'J'he first persons to whom she extended her protection and hospitality on this principle, were lier own countrymen, whom the violence of persecution had driven out of France Madame de Soubise, the governess of the duchess liad introduced several men of letters into the court of France, during the late reign.f She now resided at the court of Ferrara, along with her son, Jean lie Partlienai, sieur de Soubise, afterwards a princi- l)al leader of the iirotestant party in France ; her •laughter, Anne de Partlienai, distinguished for her elegant taste ; and the future husband of this young lady, Antoine de Pons, count de Marennes, who adhered to the reformed cause until the death of liis wife.j In the year 1534, the celebrated French * Muratori, Aiiticliita Estensi, torn. ii. p. 368. Tirabosclii Storia toni. vii. par. i. p. y?. Calcagnini Opera, pp. 149, 150, + Oeuvrcs dc Clement Marot, torn. ii. pp. 182-181.. A la Have, t Ibid. pp. 178-181. Bayle, Diet. art. Soubise, J. de Partheuai. J'.* t I r Imui 70 nisTOiiv oi- Tiir, iti- iou.matiox in itai.v. poet, Clement Marot, fled from his native comitiy. in c'onseciiience of the persecution excited hy the • placards, and after residing for a short time at the court of the queen of Navarre in Uearn, came to Ferrara.* He was introduced by Madame de Sou- hise to the duchess, who made him her secretary,! and his friend, Lyon Jamct. finding it necessary soon after to join him, met with a reception ecpially gracious.t About the same time, the celebrated re- former. Join. Calvin, visited Ferrara, where he spent some months under the assumed name of Charles Heppeville. Tie received the most distinguished at- tention from the duchess, who was confirmed in the protestant faith by his instructions, and ever after retained the highest respect for his character and talents.^ In the year 1.536, the duke of Ferrara entered iuto a league with the pope and emperor, by one of the secret articles of which he was bound to remove all the French from his court; and in conse- quence of this, the duchess was obliged reluctantly • In the biographical ami critical preface to the Hague e.lition of Marof3 works, by Le Chevulk r Gonlon de Percd (un.ler which name, Nicole Lcglet ,lu Fre.mo,j is supposed to have concealed himself,) it is stated, that the famous Diana of Poitiers, afterwards mistress ot Henry 11. instigated the persecution against Marot, in revenge for some satirical verses, which he had written on her for deserting him. (Tom. i. pp. 25, 76.) tOeuvres de Marot, torn. i. pp. 73-79. Bcze, Hist. Eccl. torn. i. p. 22. Le Labourcur, Addit. aux Mem. de C'astelnau, p. TIC. Noltenu Vita Olympiio Moratir, pp. fiO-G2. edit. Hesse. { Nolteii, ut supra, pp. 65-6T. S Bcza, Vita Calvini. Muratori, Antichita Estcnsi, torn. ii. p. 3S9. nuchat, Hist, de la Reform, de la Suisse, tome v. p. 620. The mis- statements of Varillas and Moreri respecting Calvin's visit to Italy jre corrected by Bayle, Diet, ut supra. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. 71 to part with Madame de Soubise and her family * Marot retired to Venice, from wliich he soon after obtained permission to return in .safety to liis native country.! It is not improbable, that he was induc- ed at first to take part with the reformers from re- sentment at the opposition which the clergy made to every sj)ecies of literature ; but his attachment to the protestant doctrine was greatly increased durmg his residence at Ferrara, if we may judge from tlie strain of the letters and other pieces which proceeded from his pen at this time, and which breathe the spirit of martyrdom. Probably he would have shrunk from the fiery trial, if he had been ex- posed to it; but it does not follow from this, either that the sentiments referred to are not noble, or that the poet was not in earnest wlien he uttered them, t • Epitres de Rabelais, p. 1 8. Marot has described with much ten- derness, the distress which the duchess felt on this occasion, in an c'pistle to the queen of Navarre : Ha, Marguerite ! escoute la soufFrancc Du noble cueiir de Renee de France; Tuis comme sanir plus fort que d'esperancc Console — la. Tu S9ais comment hors son pays alia, Et que parens et amis laissa la ; Mais tu ne s^ais quel traitement elle a Kn terre estrange. Elle ne voit ceux a qui se veult plaindre. Son ceil rayant si loing ne peult attaindre, Et puis les monts pour se bien lui estaindre Sont entre deux. . _ , (Oeuvres, tome ii. 317-8.) t In the title to his 21st Cantigue, he is said to be "banni de t ranee, depuis chasse de Ferrara, et de la retire a Venise 1536." (Oeuv- mentT^ "' ^' ^^^' ''''™^* ^''™'' '' ^^' ^^'^' ^^^^^' ^'^* ^^^''^^^ ^^^- t The account which he gave of his faith in his poetical epistle [¥■' 72 HISTORY OF THE llKFOim ATIOX IX ITALY. Lyon Jaiuet was allowed to remain with tlie dudiess, probably as a person less known than Marot, and discharged the duty of secretary to Renee after the departure of his friend.* Several individuals who were decidedly favour- able to the Reformation obtained a place in the uni- versity of Ferrara, which was now fast recovering its former lustre, after having suffered severe- ly from the civil wars, in which the family of Este had for many years been involved.f But the re- formed doctrine was propagated chiefly by jneans of those learned men whom the duchess retained in her family for the education of her children. This was conducted on an extensive scale, suited to the liberality of her own views and the munifi- cence of her husband. Teachers in all branches of polite letters and arts were i)rovided. In the gal- axy of learned men which adorned the court of adclressed to his prosecutor, Mons. Boucliar, in 1 jy5, diftlrs widely from tliat which is contained in his epistle addressed to Francis I. in 1336. (Oeuvres, tonic ii. p. 39. comp. p. 107.) His willinj^ncss to suf- fer niaityrdoni, which his biographer, after Bayle, has sneered at, i* expressed in the following lines : Que pleust a 1' Flternel, Pour le grand bien du pcuple desole. Que leur desir de nrion sang fust saoule, Et tant d'abus, dont ils se sont numis, Fussent a cler descouverts et punis, O quatre fois et cinq fois bien heureuse La mort, tant soit cruelle et rigoureuse ! Qui feroit seule un million de vies Sous tels abus n'estre plus asservies ? * Oeuvrcs de Marot, tome ii. p. 1 30. Bayle, art. Marot, Clement, fin the beginning of the sixteenth century, there were so many English students at the university of Ferrara, as to form a distinct nation in that learned corporation. (Bersetti Hist. Gymn. Ferrar. apud Tiraboschi, tomo vii. p. 119.) 1 i HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 73 Ferrara, were Celio Calcagnini, Lilio Giraldi, Bar- tolomeo Riccio, Marzello Palingenio, and Marco Antonio Flaminio, men whose minds were elevTited above the superstitions of the age, if they were not disciples to the protestant faith. * During a vi- sit which tlie pontiff, Paul III., paid to Ferrara, in the year 1543, the Adelphi of Terence was acted by the youth of the family, and the tliree daughters of the duke, the eldest of whom was only twelve and the youngest five years of age, performed their l)arts with great applause, f His Holiness was not then aware of the religious sentiments of the mas- ters by whom the juvenile princesses liad been qualifi- ed for affording him this classical amusement. Chi- lian and John Sinaj)i, two brothers from Germany, instructed them in Greek, and being protestants, imbued their minds with sound views of religion. :j: Fulvio Peregrino IMorata, a native of Mantua, and a successful teacher of youth in various parts of Italy, liad been tutor to the two younger brothers of duke Hercules, and having returned finally to Ferrara in 1539, was re-adinitted to his professoi- sliip in the university. § Like most of his learned * Noltenii Vita Olympiir Morata?, pp. 67—87, ed. Hesse. t Muratori, ut supra, ii. 368. J Opera Olympian Morat«, pp. 7G, 97, 203, 205. § Nolten, ut supra, pp. 14 — 17. His works in Italian and in Latin are mentioned by Tiraboschi, (Storia, tomo vii. pp. 1197— 1200) and by Schelhorn. (Amoen. Eccl. et Lit. torn. ii. p. 647.) A warm eulogium is passed on him by Calcagnini, (Opera, p. 156.) and by Bembo. (Epist. Famil. apud Schelhorn.) Bembo, in a letter '' a M. Bernardo Tasso, Secretario della Signora Duchessa di Ferrara," May 27, 1529, speaks of " Maestro Pellcgrino Moretto," as having said some injurious things of his prose works. (Lettere, tomo iii. p. 226. Milano, 1810.) Ill 74 iiisTOTiv or Tin: hkfoioiation in itai.y. countryiiien, Morata's mind liad been engrossed with secular studies during tlie first part of his lite, hut having met withCelio Seeundo Curio, a refugee from I'iedmont, he imbibed from him the knowledge of evangelical truth and a deep sense of religion.* Es- teemed as he was for his learning and integrity, he became still more celebrated as the father of Olyni- pia Morata, one of the most learned females of the age, whom lie educated with a zeal prompted by parental fondness and professional enthusiasm. In conseciuence of her early proficiency in letters, Olympia was chosen by the duchess to be the com- panion of her eldest daughter, Anne, with wlioui she improved in every elegant and useful accom- plishment ; and although she afterwards acknow- ledged tliat her personal piety suffered from the bustle and blandishments of a court, yet it was dur- inir her residence in the ducal i)alace that she ac- ([uired that knowledge of the gospel which support- ed her mind under the privations and hardships which she afterwards liad to endure, f We have no means of ascertaining tlie number of protestants at Ferrara, which i)robably varied at different times, in consequence of the fluctuating politics of the duke, and the measures of religious constraint or toleration which were alternately * Fulvio calls Curio his " divine teacher, — one sent of God to in- struct him, as Ananias was sent to Paul." (Xolten, Vita Olynipiie Moratie, p. 17, 18, cd. Hesse. Opuscula Olympiit ISIoratte, pp. 94-, 96, edit. Basil. 1.S80.) t Coelii Secundi Curionis Araneus, pp. 1^3, I51-. Basil. lo41- 1II8TOKV OF THE KEFORMAIIOX JX ITALY. 75 adopted by the other states of Italy. One account liientions, that they had several preachers as early as the year 1528;* but whether they were per- mitted to teacli i)ublicly or not, we are not inform- ed. Iliat their labours were successful, is evident from the number of distinguished persons who either im])ibed the protestant doctrine, or were confirmed in their attachment to it, at Ferrara. To the in- stance of this among the natives of France already mentioned, may be added riubert Languet, an ac- complished scliolar, and one of the first, or at least soundest, politicians of ln*s age.f The most emi- nent of the Italians who embraced the reformed faith, or who exposed themselves to the suspicions of the clergy by the liberality of their opinions, resided for some time at the court of Ferrara, or were indebted in one way or other to the patronage of Kenee. MoDENA was also under the government of the house of Este, and most probably owed its first ac- quaintance with the reformed opinions to tlie same cause which introduced them into Ferrara. Some of the Modenese were among the early correspond- ents of Luther.i Few cities of Italy in that age could boast of having given birth to a greater num- ber of persons eminent for talents and learning than JModena. It reckoned among its citizens four of the most accomjilished members of the sacred col- lege, (including Sadoleti,) Sigonio, the celebrated * Tempe Helvetica, torn. iv. p. 138. t Langueti Epistolje, lib. i. part, ii.pp. lll,26i. Hala*, 1G99. J Gerdcsii Italia Reformata, p. 61. I pif If i / 76 HISTORY OF Tin: REFORMATION IX ITALY. aiiti(iiiaiy, Castelvelro, a critic of great aciiteiiess, and iiiaiivothers, wliose names occur frequently in the history of Italian literature. Modena possessed one t)f tliose academies whicli sprung uj) in such great numbers in Italy during tlie sixteenth century, and threw into shade the old and endowed seminaries of science. This owed its origin to an opulent physician of the name of Grillenzone, who lived with his five brothers and tlieir families in one house, which was open at all times to learned men. Religious topics were not excluded from the discussions of the Acca- demia del Grillenzone, and some of its most distin- guished members inclined to the opinions of the re- formers. Muratori, in his Life of Castelvetro, repre- sents the ecclesiastical proceedings instituted against this learned body as originating solely in one of those feuds in which the literati of that age were not unfrequently involved with the priests and friars ; but more accurate investigation has shown that they had a deeper foundation. The academy had incurred strong suspicions of being tainted with heresy as early as 15,^37, on account of a book circulated in the city, which had been con- demned as heretical, but whicli the academicians defended as sound and worthy of approbation.* Two years after this, the inquisitor of heretical pravity was directed by a pap(d rescript to make diligent inquiry after the adherents to the new opi- nions among the different religious orders establish- * For a fuller account of the dispute occasioned ])y this book, Ti- rahoschi (torn. vii. p. KJS.) refers to Bihliotcca (fcn/i Serif fori Mo- denes i ; a work vvliich I have not been able to see. 1 msTOltV Ol- THK UKIOKMATKJN IX ITALY. 77 «! in tliis city.* I„ UiO, Paolo Ricci, or Lisia I-ileuo, as he was also called, a native of Sicilv who had imbibed tiie reformed doctrine, came to' Aiodena, where his reputation for learning secured Mm a cordial reception. He made it his business to fmd out the friends of the new opinions wI,o were scattered in the city ; and having prevailed on tlien. to meet jjrivately in a particular house, acted as then- teacher. His instructions soon inade ad- ditional converts ; and gathering courage with their numbers, the new preachers mounted the pulpit •••nd drew crowds to their sermons. This produced a great sensation in the city ; the scriptures were eagerly consulted, and the subjects in dispute be- tu'ee.1 the clun-ch of Rome and her opponents were treely and generally canvassed. « Persons of all classes," (says a contemporary popish writer,) " not only the learned, but also the illiterate and women. Avhenever they met in the streets, in shops, or in churches, disputed about faith and the law of Christ and all promiscuously tortured the sacred scriptures' quoting Paul. Matthew, John, the Apocalypse, and all the doctors, though they never saw their writ- ings "f The news of the success of the gospel at Modena reached Germany, and drew a letter of congratulation and advice from Bucer. t The * Spondani Aiinal. ad an. I J39. t fronaca SiS. di Alcssandro Tassoni, apud Tiraboschi, torn. vii. ■ 168. G.ngucK- translates the passage into good Frencl., and give. as ,,s own description of ,he fact, without appearing to be aLc liat (his was the eon.mon language of Roman Cathohc writers of that 'ng on religious subjects. (Hist. Litt. d'ltahe, p. 36i.) . Buceri Script. Anglic, p. 687. '1- 7H lUSTOUY OV TlIK KKIOKM aTION IN ITALY- ewy nuulo lou.l cmplaints ; and Uicci being t^L.ul.a in tl.e neighbouring village o Staggu rthe orders of dnke Hercules, was con.lucted as ^ i^oner to Ferrara, and forced to „.ake a pubhc Station of his opinions. ^"^ ^'--^ -7,'^ l,i,„ „„, others had alrea.ly taken deei. i-oo n. the n u s of the Mo.lenese, who testified then- uuhg- " ion at the treatn.ent of their favourite preacher, ylblicly deriding the priests, and on so.ne « - cnMons obliging them to come down tron. the Hd^.* I.> tl-se practices the populace were not ^ ' -1 i.u tl..> known sentiments of a little encouraged by the Knou. ...„„,,,. the acaden.icians, who did not ccmceal hei con tern, of the ignorance and profligacy ot the clergy. C Xl Morma-, then bishop of Modena, complam^^ „f this in a letter addressed to cardinal Coutarcne t m'i, and adds, that it was the common report, that " the whole city was turned Lutheran, t FioiiKXCE had lately seen two of her citizens advancedto the papal throne; an intimate connex- ion subsisted between her and Rome ; a"'!''!" Y. l.lded x.p her liberties to Cosmo de Med.c, who exercised the supreme authority, under the title of Grand Uuke of Tuscany. On these accounts, the ,eforined doctrine was never permitted to make_grc.it progress in Florence. Uut so early as 1.52o the L.mtes concerning religion were agitated there, ,,;, nuuiy of the Florentines had embraced the new opinions.t Brucioli and Teofilo, already mentioned ;^rn;:H."avo,.n..Kpi..c.a.i....,.ceUx.vi. «a- "'ts»;:£ ,^::;;i:;tiit:i;: Hn.i. L.. anno U.S. I i niSTOHY OF THE IJKIOKMATIOX IX ITALY. 79 as translators of the scriptures, and Carneseca and Martyr, of whom we shall afterwards have occasion to speak particularly, were natives of Florence ; nor Mere there wanting several of their fellow-citizens who sighed for religious reform and liberty but who, despairing to find it at Jiome, chose a voluntary banisliment, and an uncertain and uncomfortable abode in foreign countries.* Bologna, in the sixteenth century, formed part of the territories of the church, and from it the su- preme pontiffs issued some of the severest of their edicts against iiere.sy. IJut this did not prevent the light \vhidi was shilling around, from penetrating in- to that city. The university of Bologna was one of the earliest, if not the very first, of the great schools ot Europe, and the extensive privileges enjoyed by Its members were favourable to liberal sentiments, and the projiagation of the new opinions in religion' The essentia] principles of liberty, equally obnoxious to political and ecclesiastical despots, were boldly avowed in public disputations before the students, at a time when they liad fallen into disrepute in those states of Italy which still retained a shadow of their former freedom, f John Mollio, a native of Montalcino in the territory of Sienna, was a l.rincipal instrument of promoting the gospel at Bo- logna. He had entered in his youth into the order of Minorites, but instead of wasting his time, like ilie most of liis brethren, in idleness or superstition, * Geravia, he came, about the year 1533, to liologna. Certain propositions which he advanced in his lectures, relating to justification by tailh and other points then agitated were oppos- ed by Coruelio, a professor of metaphysics, who, being foiled in a public dispute which ensued be- twect. them, lodged a charge of heresy against his opponent, and procured his citation to Home. Mol- lio defended himself with such ability and address, that the judges appointed by Paul III. to try the cause we're forced to ac.piit him, in the way ot de- claring that the sentiments which he had maintained were t"rue, although they were such as could not be publicly taught at that time without prejudice to the apostolical see. He was therefore sent back to Ho- locnia, with an admonition to abstain tor the future from explaining the epistles of St. Paul. But, con- tinuing to teach the same doctrine as formerly, and with s^iU greater applause from his hearers, cardi- nal Campeggio procured an order from the pope to remove him from the university, f The state of religious feeling at liologna is de- . lUstoire acs Martyrs, f. <-'.U, c.Ut. U97. folio. Zanclui Kpist. Jib. ii. col. 'JTH. t Pantalcon, Kcnuu in EccL Cn.t.lib. ix. i. iOo. HISTORY OF THE llEFOUMATION IN ITALY. 81 picted ill a letter as singular in its style as in its matter, which some inhabitants of that city address- ed to John Planitz, who had come to Italy as am- bassador from the elector of Saxony to Charles V. Having mentioned the report that he was sent to intreat the emperor to use his influence with the pope to call a council for the reformation of the churcli, an object which had been long and earnest- ly expected by all good men, they proceed in the following manner :— " If this be true, as we trust it is, then we offer our thanks to you all, to you for visiting this Babylonian land,— to Germany for demanding a council, — and especially to your evan- gelical prince, who has undertaken the defence of the gospel, and of all the faithful, with such ardour, that, not content with restoring the grace and liberty of Christ to his native Saxony and to Germany, he seeks to extend the same blessings toEngland,France, Spain, Italy, and the churches in every other coun- try. We are quite aware, that it is a matter of small consequence to you whetiier a council is as- sembled or not, seeing you have already, as becomes strenuous and faithful Christians, thrown off the ty- rannical yoke of antichrist, and asserted your right to the sacred privileges of the free kingdom of Jesus Christ, so that you everywhere read, write, and pub- licly preach at your pleasure ; the spirits of the pro- phets jointly hearing and judging, according to the apostolical rule. We are aware also, that it gives you no uneasiness to know, that you are loaded in foreign countries with the heavy charge of heresy, but that on G I 82 aiSTOKY OF THi: UKI-OKMATIOX IN ITAI.V. the contrary, you esteem it matter of jay and eternal gloriationto be tl.e fn>t to sailer reproaches, impris- onment, and fire and swor.l, for tl.e name of Jesus. It is tlierefore plain to us, that, in urging the convoca- tion of such a synod, you do not h.ok to the adyan- ta.n. of the (Jennans.but that.oheying the apostohcal injunction, you seek the adva.Uage and salvation of other people. On this account all Christians pro- fess themselves under the deepest ohligations to you, and especially we of Italy, who, in propor- tion to our proximity to the tyrannical court, (alas. we cherish the tvrant in our boson.,) are bo«..d to acknowlclge the-divine blessi.ig of Y^-^^l^^^ « We beseech and obtest you by the ta.th ot Lhnst (tbou..h you are sufficiently disposed to this already, and nees Dia/nha de Gesfis Pauli III. Parnesii nubilh ed at Bresca in ,7*o. To this two able replies wfe T^ •' ont bv" Joan Rudolphus Kiesling, entitled, EpistolL GeslisP^uHTeZld c..n^,one^EccUsi. s^^CanHbu., Lipsi., n*r; and th T^tby jussu fmt, Tertn, sed ab eodem negkcio. Tiguri, 1748. 86 iiisroRY oi ini-. ur.rouMATios in italv. pie wlKM.he becanu- prin.ntc of all Englau.l ; ami anlinal Carafla, wl.cn he afterwards ascynded papal thnnus un.le.- U,e title of Paul U -, m t - LL. which he had,iven to h.s IH'f--- ^^ the list of prohibited books. * The protestauts. h v et,did nit overlook this d..euuK.nt. A copy o' IdvieebeiuiA-senttotiennauyJ it was published n LaU::.-;.. : prefatory epistle, ''X ;^U^-''-;;X the aeade,uy of Str..shur, ; and in Gern.an by L h , amnnpanied with anin.advers.ous, n. w nch, a uon TtlK-r Lirieal ren.arks, he says, that the cardm^^^^ contented then.selves with ren.ovn.g- the sn.all tv^ ig., "^.ile they allowed the trunk of eorruption to ren.au ln.oleste.l, and. like the Pharisess of old, stra.ned a flies and swallowe.l can.els. To set tins belore the eyes of his readers, he prefixed to his book a pr.ut, m which the pope was represented as seated on a ngh throne, surrounded by the cardinals, who held u. tlctr ands long poles with foxes' tales fixed to then, hk broo.ns, with which they swept up a..d dow,. the rooni. Pallavicini is displeased with this measure of the pope, who, " by ordering a refornmt.on ot « In „n,^itii, "+Tiyit' usually called Matth,n,s Flacius Ilhjricns. He was the principal compiler of the Ecclesiastical History known by the title of Ce»turkv Magdehur^enses, and of the Cafahgus Tc.stinm VentaUs. An early and still valuable work on biblical interpretation, entitled CUxvi. Sacrw Scripturcf, is the production of his pen. His account of his own life, under the title of Historia Adionum ,t Cerlaminum, which abounds in anecdotes of his time, is exceedingly rare. HISTOUY OF THE REEOHMATION ,N ITALY. 95 Altieri, though a native of Aquila, a city of Naple. had fixed Jus resitlence in Venice, where he acted for some time as the secretary of the Enghsh am hassador to the Venetian republic, and aftefj V agen for the protestant princes of Germany He was distinguished for his ardent devotion to Uie fe IrTo :; f ""'•^^■''^•''. "'^ ««->--tuations enabled him to advance in various ways— by the enistolarv correspo,4.1eiice which he carried on w t,? t J^ and by the advice and active support which he w«« always ready to afford to his cointrvmen who Z embraced or were inquiring after th; truth.* 1542 that Its friends, who had hitherto met in pri- vate for mutual instruction and religions exercise held deliberations on the propriet/of orZ^ hemselves into regular congregations, and aTem^ h^-^g^n pnblicf Several n.einbers of the senate" were favourable to it, and liopes were enter a ned at one time that the authority of that bod; w^' be interposed in its behalf. This produced a Tetter from Melanchthon to the senate in the year 1538 1 which he expresses his high satisfaction at ha^grl- ceived in onnation from Braccieti. a Venetian who had come to study at Wittenberg, that man honour able persons among them entertained a favourable iol'". ^""'"- ^'"- "■"• ""• '■ '''■ ^^''endorf, iib. iii. pp. t Gerdes. Ital. Ref. p. 67, 9(3 HISTOllY OV THK UKFORMATION IX ITALY. opinion of the reform of ecclesiastical abuses which had been made in (Germany. After a sliort statement of the cautious manner in which the reformers had proceeded, and their care to repress popuhir tunudts, and avoid dan-erous innovations, and after suggest- inc. some considerations to show that various cor- ruptions liad been introduced into the church, the re- former adds : " Sucli shivery surely ought not to be established, as that we should be obliged, for peace's sake, to approve of all the errors of those who go- vern the church ; and learned men especially ought to be protected in the liberty of expressing then- opinions and of teaching. As your city is the only one in the world which enjoys a genuine aris- tocracv, preserved during many ages, and always hostilJ to tyranny, it becomes it to protect good men in liberty of thinking, and to discourage that unjust cruelty which is exercised in other places. Wherefore, I cannot refrain from exhorting you to emplov vour care and authority for advancing the divine' glory, a service which is most acceptable to God." * Had Venice been treated by the court ot • Melanchthonis Epistohe, coll. 150-Ui, edit. Londini. Schelhorn (Aman. Liter, ton. i. p. 4<2o.) suspects that Melanchthon .-as no on terms of such intimacy with the senators of Venice, as to address a letter to them, and is of opinion, that it was addressed A on this he retired to a village in the territories of the duke of Savoy, where he was employed in teach- iiig the children of the neighbouring gentlemen. Having gone one day in company with some of his patrons to hear a Dominican monk from Turin, the j)reacher, in the course of his sermon, drew a frightful picture of the German reformers, and, in Jiroof of its justness, gave false quotations from a work published by Luther. Curio went up to the friar after sermon, and producing the book, which he had along with him, read the passages re- ferred to, in the presence of the most respec- table part of the audience, who, indignant at the impudent misrepresentations which had been palm- ed on them, drove their ghostly instructor with dis- grace from the town. Information was immediate- ly given to the inquisitor, and Curio was appre- • Stupani Oratio de CsUi Secundi Curionis Vita atque Obim ; in bchclhorni Amccn. Liter, torn. xiv. pp. 32g Xi6. 104 HISTORY OF Tin: llErOUMATIOX IX ITALY. hended and carried a prisoner to his native city, when his meditated journey to Germany, and his abstracting of the relics at St. Jk'uigno, were pro- duced as aggravations of his crime, and strong pre- sumptions of his heretical pravity. As his friends were known to i)ossess great influence, the admini- strator of the bishopric of Turin went to Rome to secure his condemnation, leaving him under the charge of a brother of cardinal Cibo, who, to pre- vent any attempt at rescue, removed him to an in- ner room of the prison, and ordered his feet to be made last in the stocks. In this situation, a per- son of less fortitude and ingenuity would have given himself up for lost ; but Curio, having in his youth lived in the neighbourhood of the jail, devised a me- thod of escape, which, through the favour of pro- vidence, succeeded. His feet being swoln by con- finement, he prevailed on his keeper to allow him to have his right foot loosed for a day or two. By means of his shoe, together with a reed and a quan- tity of rags which lay within his reach, he formed an artificial leg, which he fastened to his right knee, in such a manner as that he could move it with ease. He then requested permission to have his other foot relieved, upon which the artificial foot was in- troduced by him into the stocks, and his left foot was set free. }3eing thus at liberty, he, during the ni<-ht, opened tlie door of his apartment, felt his way through the passages in the dark, dropt from a window, and having scaled the walls of his prison with some difficulty, made his escape into u HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 105 Italy. As he extracted the fictitious limb from the stocks, and took it to pieces, before leaving the prison, his persecutors could not account for his escape, and circulated the report tliat he had effect- ed it by magic; upon which he published an account of the whole affair in a dialogue, interspersed with humorous and satirical strictures upon some of the popish errors.* After remaining some months with his family at Sale, a remote village in the territory of Milan, he was drawn from his retirement by his former friends, and placed in the university of Pa- via. As soon as this was known, orders were sent from Rome to apj)reliend him, but so great was the favour in which he was held by the principal inha- bitants of the place, and by the students, many of whom came from other seminaries to attend his lectures, that he was protected for three years from the attempts of the inquisitors ; a guard, composed of his scholars, accompanying him to and from his house every day, during a great part of that time. At last, the pope threatening the senate of the town with excommunication, he was forced to retire to Venice, from which he removed to Fer- rara. The labours of Curio were blessed for open- ing the eyes of many to the corruptions and errors of the Roman church, during his journeys through * It is entitled, " Ca?lii Secundi Curionis Pasquillus Ecstaticus, una cum aliis etiam aliquot Sanctis pariter et lepidis Dialogis;" without date or place of printing. The book was reprinted at Geneva, in 1667; which is the edition I have used. The Dialogue relating to his escape from Turin, is inserted by Schelhorn in the second volume of his Amocnitates Hist. Eccles. ct Hist. pp. 759—776. 10() HISTORY OF Tin: UEFOUMATION in ITALY. Italy, and the ternpoiary residence which lie made in several parts of it, especially in the Milanese.* Natives and Su iey had for some time belong- ed to the crown of Spain, and were now govern- ed by separate viceroys under the emperor Charles V. In Calabria, which formed one of the depart- ments of the king(k)rn of Naj)les, the Vaudois still existed ; and the doctrine of Luther and the other reformers spread extensively in the Neapoli- tan territory, and especially in its capital. It is suj)j)osed to have been first introduced there by the German soldiers, who, after the sack of Rome, obliged Lautrec, the French general, to raise the siege of Naples, and continued to garrison that city for some time.f A rigorous edict, published by Charles V. in the year 1536, by which he charged Don Pedro de Toledo, his viceroy over Naples, with the punishment of all who were infected with lie- resy, or who inclined to it, was intended to extir- pate the seeds sown by these foreigners.:}: The Germans were succeeded by an individual, who, according to the account of a contemporary po- pish historian, *' caused a far greater slaughter of souls than all the thousands of heretical soldiery."^ This was Juan Valdez, or, as he is sometimes called, Valdesso, a Sj)anish gentleman, who went to Ger- many along with Charles V.,by whom he was knight- ed and sent to Naples, where he acted as secre- * Stupani Oratio, ut supra, p. 349. t Anton. Caraccioll, Collect, de Vita Pauli IV. p. 239. J Giannone, Hist. Civ. de Naples, liv. xxxii. chap. 5. § Caraccioli, Collect, ut supra. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. 107 tary to Don Pedro de Toledo. In tracing the pro- gress which the Reformation made in Spain, we shall have an opi)ortunity of showing how the religious oi>inions of Valdez were formed. His character was admirably adapted to produce an impression favour- able to the new opinions. Possessed of consider- able learning and superior address, fervent in piety, gentle in disposition, polite in manners, and eloquent in conversation, he soon became a favourite with the principal nobility, and with all the enlightened men, w^ho, at certain seasons, resorted in great numbers to the Neapolitan me- tropolis. Valdez did not take on him the office of a preacher, and he is an example of the extensive good which may be done by one who keeps himself strictly within the sphere of a private station. By his private instructions, he not only imbued the minds of many distinguished laymen with the knowledge of evangelical truth, but contributed ma- terially to advance the illumination and to stimulate the zeal of others, whose station gave them an op- portunity of preaching the gospel to the people, or of instilling its docrines into the minds of the in- genuous youth whose studies they superintended * Among these were Ochino and Martyr, two indi- viduals of whom it is proper to give an account, as they produced a strong sensation in their native country, and distinguished themselves afterwards in the reformed churches on this side the Alps. * Caraccioli, ut supra. Giannone, ut supra. Schelhorni Araoen. Hist. Eccl. toni. ii. p. 49. Simleri Oratio de Vita, Martyris, sig. b iij. 108 HISTORY OF THE KKFOUMATIOX IN ITALY. BtTiiarcliiio Ocliiiio, or, as lie is soinetiines called, Ocello, was boni in the year 1487, at Sienna, a city of Tuscany, of obscure j)arents. Feeling from his earliest years a deep sense of religion, he devoted himself, according to the notions of that age, to a monastic life, and joined the Franciscan Observants, as the strictest of all the orders of the regular cler- gy. For the same reason he left them, and in 1534 became a mend)er of the Capuchin brotherhood, which had been recently established according to the most rigid rules of holy living, or rather volun- tary humility and mortification.* During his mo- nastic retirenu'nt, he acknowledges that lie escaped those vices with which his life might have been tainted if he had mixed with the world ; and from the studies of the cloister, barren and unprofitable as they were, he reaped a i)ortion of knowledge which was afterwards of some use to him ;f but he failed completely in gaining, what was the great thing which induced him to choose that unnatural and irksome mode of life — peace of mind and assur- ance of salvation. But let us hear his own account of liis feelings, and of the manner in which a change was first wrought on his sentiments concerning religion. " When I was a young man, I was un- der the dominion of the common error by which • De Vita, Religione et Fatis Bernardini Ochini Senensis ; in Ob- serv. Select. Liter. Halenses, torn. iv. pp. 409-414. The author of this Life of Ochino was Burch. (Jottlieb Struvius. Some popish writers had incautiously stated that Ochino was the founder of the Capuchins, a heretical blot which their successors were eager to remove. + Ochini Dialogi, torn. ii. p. 374. Basil. 1563. 1 i HISTORY OF THE HEFORMATION IN ITALY. 109 the minds of all who live under the yoke of the wicked Antichrist are enthralled; so that I believed that we were to be saved by our own >vorks, fast- nigs, prayers, abstinence, watchings, and other th.ngs of the san.e kind, by which we were to make satisfaction for our sins, and purchase heaven, hrough the concurring graee of God. Wherefore, hemg anxious to be saved, I deliberated with my- self what man.a.r of life I should follow, and be- l.evmg: that those modes of religion were holy which n-ere a,,i.roved by the Roman church, which I re- garded as infallible, and judging that the life of the fnars of 8t. Lrancis, called de observantia, was above all others severe, austere and rigid, and, on that ac- count, more perfect, and conformable to the life of Chnst I entered their society. Although I did not find what I had expected, yet no better way pre- senting itself to my blinded judgment, I continued among them, until the Capuchin friars made theirap pearance, wlien, being struck with the still greater austerityoftheirmodeofliving.Iassumedtheir habit m spite of the resistance made by my sensuality and carnal prudence. Being „ow persuaded that I had f-nind wliat I was seeking, I said to Christ, ' Lord >f I am not saved now, I know nothing more thai 1 can do. In the course of my meditations, I ^^'as often perplexed, and felt at a loss to recon- cile the views on which I acted with what the &cnj,tures said about salvation being the gift of God through the redemption wrought by Christ ; but the authority of the church silenced these scruples and ,n proportion as concern for my soul became 110 HISTORY OF THE REFOIllVrATION IN ITALY. more intense, I applied myself with greater diligence and ardour to those bodily exercises and mortifica- tions which were prescribed by the doctrine of the church, and by the rules of the order into which I had entered. Still, however, I remained a stranger to true peace of mind, which at last I found, by search- ing the scriptures, and such helps for understand- ing them as I had access to. I now came to be satisfied of the three following truths : fiVHt, that Christ, by his obedience and death, has made a pie- nary satisfaction, and merited heaven, for the elect, which is the only righteousness and ground of sal- vation ; secondly, that religious vows of human in- vention are not only useless, but hurtful and wick- ed ; and, thirdly, that the Roman church, though calculated to fascinate the senses by its external pomp and splendour, is unscriptural and abomina- ble in the sight of God."* In Italy it was not the custom, as in Germany, for the regular clergy to preach : this task was per- formed exclusively by the monks and friars. The chapters of the different orders chose sucli of tlieir number as possessed the best pulpit talents, and sent them to preach in the principal cities during the time of Lent, which was almost the only sea- * Bcrnardini Ocliini Rcsponsio^ qua rationem reddit discessus ex Italia. Vcnet. 151-2. Ep. Dcdic. ; apud Obscrvat. Select. Halenses, torn. iv. pp. il2— 41i. Epistre aux Magiiifiques Seigneurs de Sicnc, parBernardiu Ochin. Avec un autre Epistre a Mutio Justinopoli- tain, 154i. Tliis second epistle is a translation of the work first men- tioned. See M. Aug. Beyeri Memor. Libr. Rariorum, pp. 259—261. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. Ill son of the year in which the people enjoyed re- hgious instruction. Ochino attained to the highest distmction in this employment, to which he was chosen by his brethren at an early period. His ori- ginal talents compensated for his want of erudition. He was a natural orator ; and the fervour of his piety and the sanctity of his life gave an unction and an odour to his discourses which ravished the hearts of his hearers. - In such reputation was he iield, (says the annalist of the Capuchins, after O- chino had brought on them the stigma of heresy) that he was esteemed incomparably the best preach- er of Italy ; liis powers of elocution, accompanied with the most admirable action, giving him the com- plete command of liis audience, and the more so that his life corresponded to his doctrine.''* His external appearance, after he had passed middle age, contributed to heighten this effect. His snow-white head and beard flowing down to his middle, with a pale countenance, which led the spectators to sup- pose that he was in bad health, rendered him at once venerable and deeply interesting.! He never rode on horseback or in a carriage, but performed all his journeys on foot ; a practice which he continued after he was advanced in years. When he paid a visit to the palaces of princes or bishops, he was always met and received with the honours due to one of superior rank; and he was accomj^anied, on his • Bzovius, apud Bock, Hist. Antitrin. torn. ii. p. 485. + Graziani, Vita Card. Commendoni, lib. ii. cap. 9. 4 112 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. departure, witli the same marks of distinction ; yet, wherever he lodged, he retained all the simplicity and austerity of the religious order to which he belonged.* As a preacher, he was admired and followed equally by the learned and illiterate, by tlie great and the vulgar, diaries V., who used to attend his sermons when in Italy, pronounced this high encomium on him : " Thixi man would make the stones weep !"t Sadolet and J3embo, who were still better judges than his imperial majesty, assign- ed to Ochino the palm of popular elo(pience4 At Peruana, he prevailed on the inhabitants by his dis- courses to bury all their animosities, and bring their litigations to an amicable settlement. And in Na- ples, he preached to so numerous an assendjly, and with such persuasive eloquence, as to collect at one time for a charitable purpose the almost incredible sum of five thousand crowns. ^ The fame of the pious and eloquent Capuchin was so great, that the most respectable inhabitants of Venice, in the year 1538, employed cardinal Bem- bo to procure him to preach to them during the en- suing Lent, 'ilie cardinal wrote to Vittoria Colon- na, marchioness of Pescaro, begging her to inter- • Grazidni, nt supra. t Schrockh, Christlicbe Kirchengeschichte seit der Reformation, torn. ii. p- 780. X Sadoleti Epist. in Oper. Aonii Palearii, p. 558. edit. Halbaucri. Card. Quirini Diatriba, pnuftx. Epp. Reg. Poli, torn. iii. p. Ixxxvi. § Annali de' Fratri iMinori Capucoini coniposti dal P. Zaccaria Bo- verio da Saluzzo, e tradotti en volgarc dal P. F. Benedetto Sanbene- detti da Milano, torn. i. p, til. Venct. 1613. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 113 cede with Ochino, over whom she had great influ- ence, to visit Venice, all the inhabitants of which place were inflamed with the most passionate desire to hear him.* He went accordingly, and the recep- tion he met with is described by the elegant pen of Bembo. In a letter to the marchioness, dated from W^nice the 23d day of February 1539, he says: " I send your highness the extracts of our very reverend Frate Bernardino, to whom I have listen- ed, during the small part of this Lent which is over, with a pleasure which I cannot sufficiently express! Assuredly I never have heard a preacher more useful or holier than he. I do not wonder that your highness esteems him so much as you do He discourses very differently from, and in a more Christian manner than, any other that has mounted the pul])it in my day ; and with more lively charity and love, brings forth truths of superior excellence and usefulness. He pleases every body above mea- sure, and will carry the hearts of all with him when he leaves this place. From the whole cityl send your Inghness immortal thanks for the favour you have ^»o»e us ; and I especially will ever feel obliged to you.'' t In another letter to the same lady, dated the loth of March, he says : ^* I talk with your highness as I talked this morning with the rever- end father, Frate Bernardino, to whom I have laid open my whole heart and soul, as I would have done to Jesus Christ, to whom I am persuaded he no' YmT "' '^'"''" ^'"^^'' ^°^- ''' P- ''^'' Op--' -ol. viii. Mila- t Ibid. p. 109. lU inSTOKV oiTiir. UIUOUMATION' ix itai.v. is accrptable and dear. Never have I had the plea- sure to speak to a holier man than he. I sh..ulcdro Cordova, and the .Manjuis do Ttrra- nova, one of ll.e gran.loes of P,,ai„. were forced to ,Io penance for in- tcrlering with the inquisition. ( Morcnte, ii. 82— S8.) + Lloronic, ii. l<2,t, iy<). II ; 124 HISTORY OF THE UEFOUMATIOX IN ITALY. newsituatioii as aFlorentine, on account of an ancient grudge between the Lucchese and the inhabitants of Florence; but with such prudence did he conduct him- self, that he was as much esteemed as if he had been a nativ^e of Lucca. One object which engaged the par- ticular attention of Martyr was the education of the noviciates in the priory, whose minds he was anxi- ous to indjue with the love of sacred literature. For th'*s purpose he established a private college or seminary, to which he drew such teachers as he knew to be both learned men and lovers of divine truth.* Paulo Lacisio, a native of Verona, taught the Latin language; Celso Martinengho, of the noble family of the counts of that name, taught Greek ; and Ema- nuel Tremellio, who afterwards distinguished him- self as an oriental scholar, gave instructions in He- brew. Martyr himself applied the literary know- ledge which the young men imbibed from these sources to the elucidation of the scriptures, by read- in"* lectures to them on the New Testament and the Psalter; which were attended by all the learned men and many of the patricians of Lucca. He also ])reached publicly to the people ; confining himself to the gospels during Advent and Lent, according to the usual custom of the monks, but taking his subjects from Paul's epistles during the rest of the year. By means of these labours a separate church w^as formed in that city, of w4iich Martyr became pastor; and many, including individuals of the first * Cclio Secuiulo Curio resided for some time at Lucca, where he taught in the university, having been recommended to the senators by the duchess of Ferrara. (Stupani Oratio, ut supra, pp. 3t3, 314.) HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 125 respectability in the place, gave the most decided proofs of genuine piety and ardent attachment to the reformed faith.* AVhile these things were going on, pope Paul III. paid a visit to Lucca, accompanied by the emperor, who was at that time in Italy. It was feared that the enemies of Martyr would embrace that opportunity to inform against him, and that liis life would be brought into danger ; but he was not molested, pro- bably because it was deemed impolitic and prema- ture to attack an individual whose reputation and authority were at that time so high among the inha- bitants. About the same time. Martyr received a visit from cardinal Contarini, as he passed through Lucca, on his return from Germany, where he had been in the character of papal legate. They had a confidential conversation on the state of the church, and on the sentiments of the German reformers.f The SiENNESE contained many converts to the reformed doctrine. Ochino, in the course of his preaching tours, frequently visited Sienna, which was his native place. But the person to w^hom the inhabitants of this city were most indebted for their illumination was Aonio Paleario, a native of Veroli in Campagna di Roma, who was on a footing of in- timacy with the most learned men in Italy. About the year 153i he was nominated public teacher of Greek and Latin by the senate of Sienna, where he * Simler, ut supra, sig. b iij. t Ibid. sig. b iiij. 126 HISTORY OK THK RKFOUMATIOX IN ITALY. afterwards read lectures on philosophy and Belles Lettres. Having studied the scriptures, and read the writino's of the German reformers, his lectures on moral pliilosoi)liy were distinguished from those of liis colleagues hy a liberal tone of tliinking. This was not more gratifying to the students than it was oftensive to those who adhered obstinately to tlie old ideas.* Cardinal Sadoleti, in the name of his friends, set before him the danger of his giving way to innovations, and advised him, in consideration of the times, to confine liimself to the safer task of clothing the peripatetic ideas in elegant language.f This prudential advice was not altogether conge- nial to the open mind of Paleario, and the devotion which he felt for truth. The freedom with which he censured false pretenders to learning and reli- gion irritated a class of men who scruple at no means to oppress and ruin an adversary, and who eagerly seized the opportunity to fasten on him the charge of heresy4 His private conduct was watch- ed, and expressions which had dropped from him in the unsuspecting confidence of private conversation were circulated to his prejudice. He liad laughed at a rich priest who was seen every morning kneel- ing at the shrine of a saint, but refused to pay liis debts.§ " Cotta asserts, (says he, in one of his let- ters) that, if I am allowed to live, there w^ill not be * Palcarii Opera, p. ."^27. ctlit. Halbaueri, Jena*, 1728. t Ibid. pp. 33G, 539. X Ibid. pp. 88, Of), .5-^3— 5:}1, a38— 513. § Ibid. p. 545. .- 'ViSm -'.'.V-fSSB^SVffl HISTORV OF THE nF.FORMATION IN rrAI.V. 127 a vestige of religion left ir, the city. Why ^ Be cause being asked one day ^vhat was the first ground on which men should rest their salvation, I replied, Unist ; being asked what was the second, I replied, Clinst ; and being asked wliat was the third, I re- plied, Christ."* But Paleario gave the greatest of- ience by a book which he wrote on the Benefit of the death of Christ, f of which he gives the follow- ing account in his defence of himself pronounced before the senate of Sienna. " There are some per- sons so S0U1-, so morose, so censorious, as to be dis pleased «hen we give the highest praise to the author and God of our salvation, Christ, the king of all na tions and people. ^Vhen I wrote this very year in the Tuscan language, to show what great benefits accrue to mankind from his death, it was made the ground of a crnninal accusation against me ! Is it possible to utter or conceive any thing more shameful ? I had • Palcarii Opera, p. 519. t ;J"l>i« book was printed in 1513 in Italian, under tl.e title // Be- »W,. 71'";, '"f '"'' ^f^'-'"^^^ translated into Spanish and trend,. (Schelh. Ama>n. Eccl. torn. i. pp. 1,5-159. Ergoetz- hchkeiten vol. v. p. 27.) An Account of its contents is given in Rie- derer Naclirichten zur kirchen-gelelirten, torn. iv. pn. 121 235- 2il. Vergerio says of it : " Many are of opinion that there is' scarce- ly any book of this age, or at least in the Italian language, so sweet so pious, so simple, so well fitted to instruct the ignorant and weak' especially in the doctrine of justification. I will say more, Reginald lole, the British cardinal, the intimate friend of Morone was cs teemed the author of that book, or a part of it, at least it 'is known that he, with Haminio, Priuli, and his other friends, defended and circulated it. (Amcen. Eccl. ut supra, p. 158.) Laderchio asserts that Flamn.io wrote an apology for the Bene/ido. (Ai.nal. xxii. f. !l 128 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. said, that since he in whom the divinity resided, has poured out his life's blood so lovingly for our salvation, we ought not to doubt of the good will of heaven, but may promise ourselves the greatest tran- quillity and peace. I had affirmed, agreeably to the most unquestionable monuments of anticjuity, that tliose who turn with their souls to Christ crucified, connnit tliemselves to him by faitli, acquiesce in the promises, and cleave with assured confidence to him who cannot deceive, are delivered from all evil, and enjoy a plenary pardon of their sins, l^'hese things appeared so grievous, so detestable, so exe- crable to the twelve — I cannot call them men, but — inhuman beasts, that they judged that the author should be committed to the flames. If I must un- dergo this punishment for tlie foresaid testimony ; (for I deem it a testimony rather tlian a libel ;) then, senators, nothing more happy can befal me. In such a time as this I do not think a Christ- ian ouirht to die in his bed. To be accused, to be dragged to prison, to be scourged, to be hung up by the neck, to be sewed up in a sack, to be ex- posed to wild beasts, is little : let me be roasted before a fire, provided only the truth be brought to light by such a death.*'* Addressing his ac- cuser, he says : '' You accuse me of being of tlie same sentiments witli the Germans. Good (xod, what a vulgar charge ! Do you mean to bind up all the Ger- mans in one bundle ? Are they all bad ? — Though you should restrict your charge to their divines, still • Palearii Opera, pp. UU, 102. 9 IllSTORV OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 129 it would be absurd. Are there not many excellent divines in Germany ?_Bnt your accusation, though full of trifling, has nevertheless a sting, which, as pro- ceeding from you, is charged with poison. By Ger- mans, you mean Ecolainpade, Erasmus, Melanchthon, Luther, Pomeran, liucer, and others who have in- curred suspicion. But surely there is not a divine among us so stupid as not to perceive and confess, that the writings of these men contain many things' worthy of the higliest praise, many things gravely, accurately, and faithfully stated, repeated from the early fathers, who have left us the institutes of sal- vation, and also from the commentaries of the Greeks and Latins, who, though not to be com- pared with those pillars, are still of use for interpre- tation. ' liut do you approve all that the Germans have done ?' This, Otho, is like the rest of your ques- tions ; yet I will return an answer to it. I approve of some things : of others I disapprove. To pass by many things, I praise the Germans, and consider them as entitled to public thanks, for their exer- tions in restoring the purity of the Latin tongue, ^vhich till of late was oj)pressed by barbarism and poverty of speech. Formerly sacred studies lay ne- glected in the cells of idlers, who retired from the world to enjoy their repose : (and yet, amidst their snoring, they contrived to hear what was said by us in cities and villages :) now these studies are in a great measure revived in Germany. Chaldaic, Greek, and Latin libraries are erected ; books are beautiful! ly printed ; and honourable stipends are assigned to K 130 HISTORY or THE UEFORMATIOX IN ITALY. divines. AVliat can be more illustrious ? what more glorious ? what more deserving of perpetual praise ? Afterwards arose civil diseords, intestine wars, com- motions, seditions, and otlier evils, which, for the sake of charity and brotherly love among Christians, I deplore. Who does not praise the former ? who is not displeased with the latter ?"* The eloquent defence of Paleario, of which one is at a loss whether to admire most tlie boldness and candour,or the prudence and address, triumphed over the violence and intrigues of his adversaries. He was, however, obliged soon after to quit L-^ienna ; but though he changed the place of his residence, he did not escape from tlie odium which he had incur- red, and we shall afterwards find him enduring that martyrdom which he carl}' anticipated, and for which it appears to have been his object all along to ])re- pare his thoughts. AVe may form some idea of the extent to which the reformed o])inions had spread in Sienna, from the nund)er of individuals belonging to it, wdio, at a subsequent period, submitted to a vo- luntary exile on their account, among whom were Lactantio Ragnoni, Mino Celso,f and the Soccini, who became celebrated by giving their name to a new sect. TliePiSAXOand the Duchy of Mantua were both imbued in no small degree with evangelical doctrine. Its converts were so numerous in the city of Pisa, * Paloarii Opera, pp. 92 — 95. -f- Giannone, Hist, de Naples, torn. iv. p. J 49. Schelhorn, Diss. (\c Mino Celso, pp. 18, Gl. insTORV OF Tin: reformation IN ITALY. 131 tliat in tlie year 1543 they formed themselves into a cliurch, and had the sacrament of the Lord's sup- J)er celel)rated among them. * In a brief addressed to the cardinal of Mantua in the year 1545, his ho- h'ness, Paul III. signifies, that he had received infor- mation, tliat certain ecclesiastics, as well as illite- rate i)ersons and mechanics, in the city of Mantua, had presumptuously dared to dispute and doubt of matters pertaining to the catholic faith and the sa- cred institutions of the church of Rome, to the de- struction of their souls and the great scandal of others. f Locarno is a city of Italy, and the capital of a pro- vince or bailiwick of that name, situate on the lake Maggiore, in the southern confines of the Alps. It was one of four provinces wliich Maximilian Sforza, duke of Milan, in the year L513, gave to the Swiss cantons as a renunieration for the military aids which they had furnished him ; and was governed by- a i)refect, whom the cantons sent by turns every two years. Thougli the territory was small, its inha- bitants were possessed of considerable wealth, deriv- ed from the riches of tlie country in their neighbour- hood, and from their being the carriers in the trade which was i>rosecuted between Italy and Switzerland. So early as the year 1526, the reformed opinions were introduced into it by Baldassare Fontana, whom we iiave already had occasion to mention, j: The number * Siiiileri Oratio, iit supra, sig. biiij. f Raynaldi Annales, ad an. 1543. i See before, p. 38. 132 insTouv oi' Tin: kkioumation in ii ai.v. of converts was for some time very sinall. '• 'inhere are hut three of us here (says that zealous and (Un- voted servant of Christ, in a letter to Zuin«,de) who have enlisted and eonfeder|)a<:^atini»' the truth. J5ut Midian was not van- (juished hy the multitudes of hrave men who flocked to the standard of (Jideon, hut hy a few se- lected for that purpose hy (iod. Who knows hut he may kindle a oreat ihc cmt of this inconsiderahle smoke ? It is our duty to sow and plant : the Lord must o-ive the increase."* 'Hie seed often re- mains lon«»* hid in the gnmnd. Twenty years elaps- ed })efore the fruit of the prayers and lahours of these oood men made its appearance ; and it is not imiu-ohahle that, hefore this happened, they had all o-one to receive their reward in a hetter world. In the year 1546, l^Miedetto Locarno returned to his native place, after he had heen long employed in jn-eaching the gospel in various ])arts of Italy, and in the island of Sicily. His exertions to enlighten the minds of his townsmen were zealously second- ed hy John Beccaria, conunonly called tlie apostle of Locarno, a man of good talents and excellent cha- racter, who by reading the scrij)tures, withont the aid of a teacher or any human writings, had discover- ed the principal errors and corruptions of the church of Rome. To these were soon added four indivi- duals of great respectability, and animated by the true spirit of confessors — Varnerio Castiglione, who » Jo. de Muralto, Oratio de rersecutione Locarncnsium : in Tempc Helvetica, torn. iv. p. HI. msTOUY ov TIIF. RF. FORMATIOX IX ITALY. 15.3 .^.•"•'■.1 noiti.er fi,„c „or labour in promoting the truth, Lu.h.via, Ituncho, a citizou, 'J'ad.leo a Dunis a l.hvMc.a,.. who, as we'll as Ru„ch„, ,vas a youuiJ )uan„f jrenius an.l undauute.l resolution, and Mar! tuio a Muralto, a doctor of laws, and a person of ..oble hirth who had jrreat influence in the bailiwick. In the course of four years, the i)rotestants of Locarno had increased to a numerous .hurch, which was retru- larly organi^^ed, and had the sacraments administer ed u. ,t by a pastor whom they called from the church of Ch.avenna.* The daily accessions which it re ccived to its numbers excited the envy and chagrin of the clergy, who were warmly supported by the prefect appointed, in the year 1.549, by the popish canton of Underwald. A priest belonging to the neighbounngbailiwickofLugano,whowas employed to declaim fron. the pulpit against the Locarnian Protestants, loaded them with calumnies of all kind« and challenged their preacher to a public dispute on the articles controverted between the two churches He was completely silenced on the day of trial • and' to revenge his defeat, the prefect ordered Beccaria nito prison. This step excited such indignation in the city, that the prisoner was immediately enlarrr ed, and the enemies of the protestants were obliged IhemT "" "°'"' ^'''""'^^'' oppoitunity to attack ISTRiA, a peninsular district on the gulf of Ve nice, belonged to the Venetian republic. It is men- • Muralto, Oratio, ut supra, pp. I42-H4; conf. p. ISO. T Ibid. pp. 144 — 148 r "i 134 IIISTOTIY OF THE REFOUMATIOX IX ITALY. tioiicd separately, and in this place, because it was the last spot which the light of the Ueturniation vi- sited in its progress through Italy, and because it gave birth to two distinguished protestants, both of whom were bishops of the Roman Catholic church, and one of them a papal legate. Pierpaolo Verge- rio was a native of Capo d' Istria, and sprung from a family which had shared in the literary rep^itation of the fifteenth century. We have already liad oc- casion to notice him as a young man of promising talents and excellent character, who felt a desire to visit Wittenberg for the purpose of fmishing his studies.* Having devoted himself to the study ot law, he obtained the degree of doctor from the uni- versity of Padua, where he acted for some time as a professor, and as vicar to the Podesta, and after- wards distinguished himself as an orator at Venice.f Such was his fame for learning and address, that pope Clement VII. sent him into Germany as his legate to Ferdinand, king of the Romans, at whose court he remained for some years, advancing the interests of the court of Rome, and opposing the progress of Lutheranism.t On the death of Clement, his sue cessor Paul III. recalled \^ergerio, and after receiv- ing an account of his embassy, sent him back to Germany, where he had interviews with the Ger- man princes and with Luther, respecting the pro- posed general council. On his return to Italy in * See before, p. 31. t Tiraboschi, vii. 375-6. J Sleidaii (lib. vii. torn. i. p. 395) represents Vergerio as sent to Ferdinand in 1630 ; Tiraboschi says it was in 1532. (Tomo vii. p. 377.) IIISTOllY or THE Ili:i ORMATION IN ITALY. 135 15C6, he was advanced to the episcopal dignit}^ being made first bishop of Modrusium in Croatia,' a see in the patronage of Ferdinand, and afterwards of Capo d'Istria, his native place. Having gone into France, he appeared, in 1541, at the confe- rence of Worms, in the name of his Christian Ma- jesty, but, as was believed, with secret instructions from the pope.* It is certain, that he drew up at this time an oration on the unity of the church, in opposition to the idea of a national council, which was desired by the ])rotestants. His mind appears to have received an impression in favour of the Reformation during his residence in Germany. Protestant writers assert, that the pope intended to confer a cardinal's hat on him at his return, but was diverted from this by the suspi- cions raised against his soundness in the faith, lliis is denied by Pallavicini and Tiraboschi ; but they allow that the pope had received information against him, as having cultivated undue familiarity with the German heretics, and spoken favourably of them ; and that, on this account, means were used to oblige him to return to Italy, and to convince him that he had incurred the displeasure of his superiors. This is confirmed by the letters of cardinal Bembo. In a letter to his nephew, who appears to have held a high official situation in the Istrian government, the • This is asserted by Father Paul, (lib. i.) and Sleidan, (lib. xiii. torn. 11. 204) but contradicted by Pallavicini, (hb. iv. cap. 12) and iiraboschi. (Utsup. p 380.) Courayer supports the former, in his notes on Father Paul's History. 136 HISTORY or the reformation in italy. cardinal signifies that he was " in a manner con- strained by the bishop of Capo (Vlstria to recom- mend some of his rehitions, who, though inno- cent, as he alleged, liad been thrown into i)rison;' This was on the 24th of September, 1541 ; but on the 1st of February following, he expresses his sa- tisfaction that his request had not been granted ; and adds, " I hear some things of that bishop, which, if true, are very bad — that he not only has ])ortraits of Lutherans in his house, but also in the causes of certain citizens, has eagerly sought to favour in every way the one party, whether riglit or wrong, and to bear down the other.'* It was no easy matter for a person in W^rgerio's circumstances to relinquish the honourable situa- tion which he held, and to sacrifice the flattering prospects of advancement which he liad long che- rished. Besides, his convictions of the truth were still imperfect. When he first retired from the bustle of public life to his diocese, he set about fi- nishing a work which he had begun, " Against the apostates of Germany,'' tlie publication of which might dissipate the susi)icions which he had in- curred ; but, in the course of writing, and of ex- amining the books of the reformers, his mind was so struck with the force of the objections which it behoved him to answer, that he tlirew away the pen, and abandoned the work in despair. He now sought relief by vmbosoming himself to his brother, Gio- * Bembo, Opere, tomo ix. pp. 288, 201.. i history of the reformation in ITALY. 137 vanni Batista Vergerio, bishop of Pola, in tlie same district. The latter was thrown into great distress by tlie comnmnication ; but, upon conference with his brother, and hearing the reasons of liis change of views, especially on the head of justification, he became himself a convert to the protestant doctrine. Tlie two brothers now concerted a plan for enlight- ening their dioceses, by conveying instruction to the people on the leading articles of the gospel, and withdrawing tlieir minds from those ceremonial services and bodily exercises, in which they were disposed to place the whole of religion. This they were able to effect in a good degree by means of their own personal labours, and the assistance of some individuals who had previously received the knowledge of the truth ; so that before the year 1546, a great part of the inhabitants of that dis- trict had embraced the reformed faith, and made considerable advances in the knowledge of Chris- tian doctrine.* Beside the places which have been specified, ad- herents to the reformed opinions were to be found at this time in Genoa, in Verona, in Cittadella, in Cremona, in Brescia, in Civita di P>iuli, in An- cona, in various parts of the Roman territories, and in Rome itself.f * Sleidan, lib. xxi. torn. iii. pp. 150—152. Ughelli ItaUa Sacra torn. V. pp. 3tl, 391. ' + Gerdesii Specimen Italia? Reformatae. Martyris Epistols. Zan- chii Epistolae. Melanchthonis Epistolse. 138 HISTOUV OF THE IIKFORMATIOX IX ITALY. f CHAPTER IV. MISCELLANEOUS FACTS IlESPECTIXG THE STATE OF THE REFORMED OriNIOXS IX ITALY. Having given a general view of the introduction of the reformed doctrine into Italy, and traced its progress through the principal states and cities of that country, I shall collect in this chapter some facts of an interesting kind, whieli could not he fitly interwoven with the preceding narrative. The first class of these relates to the (li.sj)utus ludiappily introduced among the Itnlinn })rotestants, hy which they were divided among themselves, and thus he- came an easier prey to their connnon enemy. It is well known, that a controversy arose at an early period hetween the t^\'o principal reformers respecting the ])resence of Christ in the sacrament of the supper ; Luther insisting that the words of institution ought to be understood in a literal sense, while Zuingle interpreted them figuratively. At a conference held at Marburg in the year 1529, and procured chiefly I)y the influence of Philip, landgrave of Hesse, the two parties, after HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 139 ascertaining tliat their sentiments liarmonized on all other i)oints, agreed to bear with each other, and to cultivate mutual peace and good will, notwith- standing their diOerent views of this single article. But tJie controversy broke out afresh, chiefly through the ill oflfices of some forward and injudicious friends of Luther, and being inflamed by publications on both sides, laid the foundation of a lasting division between the churches of Switzerland and Upper Ger- many. After the deatli of Zuingle, his opinions were vigorously defended by Ecolampade, Bullinger, and Calvin. The protestants of Italy had been equally indebt- ed to the two reformers for the knowledge wliich they had obtained of the truth. If the circum- stance of the works of Zuingle having been chiefly composed in Latin gave an advantage to his opin- ions, by contributing to their more extensive cir- culation, this was counterbalanced by the celebri- ty of Luther's name, and the numbers of his coun- trymen who frequented Italy, and carried his opin- ions along witli them. It would appear, however, that the Italian protestants were generally favour- able to the opinion of the Swiss reformer. This may be concluded both from their writings, and from the fact, that by far the greater number of those who were obliged to leave their native coun- try sought an asylum in the protestant cantons of Switzerland.* * Vergerio had more connexion with the Germans than most of hzs countrymen ; and yet we find Paulus Ebenis, a professor of Wit- 140 IIISTOKY OF THE llEFORMATIOX IN ITALY. Tliat this dispute was warmly agitated among the jirotestants of Modena, Bologna, and other parts of Italy in 1541, we learn from three letters ad- dressed to them in the eourse of that year by Bueer. This reformer had all along been a strenuous friend to peace and concord between the contending par- ties. It seems to have been his sincere belief tliat there was no real difference of sentiment between them ; and although he evidently inclined to the explications given by the Swiss divines, yet in his efforts for i)acification, he alternately employed the phrases of both sides, a method which threw an ob- scurity over his writings, and is not tlie best calcu- lated for promoting conciliation between men of enlightened understanding. However, the advice which he imparted on the present occasion was in the main sound, and does great honour to his heart. In a letter " to certain friends of the truth in Italy,"* he says : " I hear, my good brethren, that Satan, who has afflicted us long, and with great defection in religion, has begun to disturb you also ; for it is said, that a dispute has arisen among you respect- ing the eucharist. This grieves me exceedingly. For, what else can you expect from this controversy than what we have experienced to the great damage of our churches ? Dear brethren, let us rather seek tenberg, writing of him as follows, in a letter dated June 21, 1556 ; '' Jam ca^nabimus cum Tctro Paulo Vergerio, qui fuit Justinopoli- tanus episcopus, et nunc vocatus a duce Alberto proficiscetur in Bo- russiam. Eum audio non dissimulanter probare sententiam Calvini." (Scrinium Antiquarium, torn. iv. p. 713.) * « Augusti 17, 1541." HISTORY OF THE llEFOItM ATIOX IN ITALY. 141 to embrace Christ in the eucharist, that so we may live m him and he in us. The bread and the wine are symbols, not things of such great mystery. This all confess ; but God forbid that, on the other hand, any should imagine that eini)ty symbols are ex- hibited in the supper of the Lord ; for the bread whicli we break is the j)articipation of the Lord's body, and not bread oiily.—Avoid strifes of words • suj)port the weak. While our confidence is i)laced m Christ, all is well : all cannot at once see the same things. Studiously cultivate concord. The God upon whom we call is not the God of division. Thus live, and advance, and overcome every evil."* In another letter to the same persons,! after giving his views of the subject, this amiable man adds : " This is my opinion on the whole matter in dispute. If I have not explained n.yself with perspicuity, the reason is, that from constitution, and owing to the defects of my education, I am apt to be obscure and perplex- ed, and also that I write in haste, and witliout the helps necessary for discussing such a subject ; which indeed appears too clearly in all my writino-s I desire to avoid giving offence, whenever it is law- ful ; yet, were I able, I would wish to explain as clearly as possible those things which it concerns the church to know. I exhort you, beloved bre- thren, to avoid in these questions, with all possible care, a spirit of curiosity and contention. Let those who are strong in knowledge bear with the weak : • Buceri Scripta Anglicana, p. 686. t '' Anno \3U. 23. Decemb." 1 1.2 HISTOIIY OF TITF. IIEFORMATION IN FfAI-Y. 'I let the weak pay due (leferei)ce to the strong. We ought to know nothing but Christ and him crucifi- ed. All our exertions ought to be directed to this, that he may be formed more fully in us, and por- trayed in a more lively manner in the whole of our conduct, ^'ou ascribe too much to me. I know my own weakness. Express your love by praying to (Jod for me, rather than by praising me."* In a letter to the i)rotestants at Bologna and Modena, he says : " The too sharp contention which has taken place among lis in (Jermany respecting this sacrament was a work of the flesh. AVe thought, that Luther fixed Christ glorified to earthly signs by his too strong language ; he and his friends, on the con- trary, thought that we acknowledged and gave no- thing in the supper but bread and wine. At length, however, the Lord has brought us to a happy agreement, both in words and as to the matter ; so that botli i)arties should speak honourably of these myteries, and that the one should not appear to ascribe to Christ what is luiworthy of him, nor the otiier to celebrate the Lord's supper without the Lord.— I beseech you, keep this agreement along with us; and if in any instance it has been injured, restore it, imitating our conduct in what is of Christ, and not in what is of the flesh : this should be the oidy dispute and contest among saints."t But the controversy was carried on with the greatest heat within the \'enetian territories, where the protestants had all along kept up a close corres- • lUicori Script. Ansl. !>• 6«"- t IWd- P- 689. HISTORY OF TIIF. REFOU.AIATIOX IX ITALY. 143 pondencewith the divines of Wittenberg, and where a so there were individuals not disposed to yield im- phot submission to the authority of any name, how- ever h,gl. a„,, venerated. We learn tin's from the letter wlncJi the excellent Baldassare Altierl address- ed in the nan.e of his brethren, to Luther, and from Mlncli I have already quoted.* The following ex- tract contains also some additional particulars'as to .estate of the refonned cause in that qnarter of Italy at the period when it was written.f " There IS another afiair which daily threatens our churches with impending nun. That question concerning the Lord's supper, «-hich arose first in Germany. |.nd afterAvanls was brought to us, alas ! what dis- turbances has it excited ! what dissensions has it produced ! what offences to the weak, what losses to the church of God, 1ms it caused ! what impedi- "lents has it thrown in the way of the propagation of the glory of Christ ! For if i„ Germany, where there are so many clmrches rightly constituted, -^nd so many holy men, fervent in sj,irit and eminent for every kind of learning, its poison has prevailed so ar as to form two parties througl, mutual alterca- tion, (for although it behoved sud, things necessarily to happen, yet are they to be guarded against as m.ch more is the prevalence and daily increase of this plague to be dreaded with us ? AVith us, where tliere are no public assemblies, but where every one • See before, p. 98. f '' Kal. Dec. 6, 1542." 144 HISTORY OF THE IIEFOIIMATION IN ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 145 is a cliiircli to liiniself, acting according to his own willand pleasure; theweak exalting themselves above the strong beyond the measure of their faith, and the strong not receiving the weak, and ])earing with them in tlie spirit of meekness and gentleness, mind- ful tliat they are themselves encompassed with the same infirmity and sin, instead of wliicli they proud- ly neglect and despise them : all would be teachers instead of disciples, although they know nothing, and are not led by the Spirit of God. There are many teachers who do not understand what they say or whereof they affirm ; many evangelists who would do better to learn than to teach others ; many apostles who are not truly sent. All things here , are conducted in a disorderly and indecorous man- ner." Altieri goes on to state, that Bucer had writ- ten them that concord was established between the two parties in Germany, and had exhorted the friends of truth in Italy to lay aside their con- tentions, and with one mouth to glorify him who is the God of peace and not of confusion, add- in<»\ that Melanchthon was about to publish a de- fence of the agreement. This intelligence, he says, had filled them with joy, and on a sudden all was harmony and peace among them. But of late again, at the instigation of the great adversary of the truth, certain foolish and unreasonable men had embroiled matters, and raised new disputes and contentions. He therefore begs Luther to write to them ; for though they were not ignorant of his opinion on the disputed question, (to which they meant to adhere as most consonant to the words of Christ and Paul) and although they relied on and rejoiced at the information of Bucer, yet they were anxious to be certified of the mode of concilia- tion from himself, to whose opinion they paid a higher deference than to that of any other indivi- dual, and to receive from him the above-mentioned defence, or any other books lately published relating to that subject or to the general cause. The letter contains the warmest professions of regard for the reformer, and of solicitude for the success of the re- formation in Germany; " for," says the writer, '' whatever befalls you, whether prosperous or ad- verse, we consider as befalling ourselves, both be- cause we have the same spirit of faith, and al- so because on the issue of your affairs depends our establishment or overthrow. Be mindful of us, most indulgent Luther, not only before God in your ardent prayers, that we may be fill- e t Altieri's letter, as quoted above, pp. U3, 1 U ; Bock (Hist. Antitr. 11. 405) refers to the academy at Venice, and its form and constitution, which allowed great liberty in starting doubts, and examining opi. nions, as confirming the accounts of the rise of Socinianism in that state. But the learned writer does not appear to have been aware, that academies of this description, and founded on the same princi- ples, were in that age common throughout Italy. 152 HISTOllY OF THE UEl OllMATlON IN ITALY. iiate of Venice in the year 1538, and from whicli a quotation has ah-eady been made, shows that the antitrinitarian tenets had then gained admission in- to that state.* ** I know, (says he) that very differ- ent judgments have always prevailed in the world respecting religion, and that the devil has been in- tent from the beginning on sowing impious doc- trines, and inciting men of curious and depraved minds to corrupt and overthrow the truth. Aware of the dangers arising from this to the church, we have been careful to keep within due bounds ; and while we have rejected certain errors more recently introduced, have not departed from the apostolical writiuiTs, from the Nicene and Athanasian creeds, nor even from the ancient consent of the catholic church. — I understand there has lately been intro- duced among you a book of Servetus, who has re- vived the error of Samosatenus, condemned by the primitive church, and seeks to overthrow the doc- trine of the two natures in Christ by denying that the Word is to be understood of a person, when John says, ' In the beginning was the word.' Al- though my opinion on that controversy is already in print, and I hav^e condemned the sentiment of Servetus by name in my Conunon Places, yet I * Bock, in giving an account of this letter, has expressed himself in such a way as may lead his reader to think that Melanchthon had signified his havi'ig heard that ahove forty persons in the city and territories of Wnice, distinguished by their rank and talents, had embraced Servetianism. (Hist. Antitr. ii. 407.) Nothing of that kind appears in the copy of that letter which is now before me. HISTOllY or THE UEFOllMATIOX IX ITALY. 153 have thought it proper at present to admonish and obtest you to use your utmost exertions to persuade persons to avoid, reject, and execrate that impious tenet." Having advanced some considerations in sup- port of the orthodox doctrine on that head, he adds, " I have written these things more largely than the bounds of a letter admit, but too briefly, consi- dering the importance of the subject. My object was to let you know my opinion, not to enter at length into the controversy ; but if any one desires this, I shall be ready to discuss the question more copiously."* The representations of Melanchthon failed in checking the progress of these opinions. In a letter to Camerarius, written in 1544, he says : " I send you a letter of ^^itus, and another written from A^enice, which contains disgraceful narratives ; but we are admonished, by these distressing exam- pies, to j)reserve discipline and good order with the greater care and unanimity."! And in another let- ter to the same correspondent, dated on the 31st of May 1545, he writes : " I yesterday returned an answer to the theological question of the Italians, transmitted by Vitus last winter. Italian theology abounds with platonic theories ; and it will be no easy matter to bring them back, from that vain- glorious science of which they are so fond, to truth and simplicity of explication.:]: Socinian writers have fixed the origin of their sect at this period. According to their account. * Melanch. Epi^t. coll. 150— lol. i Ibid. col. 8J2. t Ibid. col. S35, 154 IIISTOllY OF THK RCIOIIMATIOX IN ITALY. ui)war(ls of forty individuals of great talents and learning were in the habit of meeting in priv^ate conferences or colleges within the territories of Venice, and chiefly at ^"icenza, to deliberate on the l)lan of forming a j)urer faith, by discarding a num- ber of opinions lield by protestants as well as i)a- I)ists ; but these meetings, being discovered by the treachery of an individujil, were dispersed in the year 1516; some of the members having been thrown into prison, and others forced to flee into foreign countries. Among the latter were Liielius Socinus, Camillus Siculus, Franciscus Niger, Ochino, Alci- ati, Gentilis, and Blandrata. These writers have gone so far as to present us with a creed or system of doctrine agreed upon by the collegiates of Vi- cenza, as the result of their joint inquiries and dis- cussion. * Historians distinguished for their research and discrimination have rejected this narrative, which, it must be confessed, rests on very doubtful autho- rity, t It was first published a century after the * Liibieiiiccii Hist. Reforni. Polonictu, pp. 38, 39. Sandii Bibl. Antitrin. p. 18; et Wissowatii Narratio adncx. pp. 209, 210. t Moshcim, (Ecclcs. Hist. cent. xvi. sect. iii. part ii. chap. iv. § 3,) and Fueslin, (Beytragezur Erlauterung der Kirchen-refor. Gescliich- ten des Schweizerlandes, tom. iii. p, 327,) do not consider the narra- tive as entitled to credit. Bock, (Hist. Antitrin. tom. ii. pp. 401- — 416,) and Illgen (Vita La-lii Socini,pp. 8—14,) admit its general truth, whife they acknowledge its incorrectness as to particular facts. A modern writer has pronounced Mosheim's reasons " extremely weak," and *' ex- tremely frivolous;" and maintains the opposite opinion on the grounds which Bock has laid down in his history of the Antitrinitarians. (Rees's Histurical Introduction to the Racovian Catechism, pp. xx — HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 155 time to which it refers, and by foreigners and per- sons far removed from the sources of information. No trace of the Vicentine colleges, as they have been called, has been found, after the most accurate research, in the contemporary history of Italy, or in the letters and other writings of learned men, popish, protestant, or socinian, which have since been brought to light. No allusion is made to the subject by Faustus Socinus in any part of his works, or by the Polish knight, who wrote his life. * The ambitious designation of " colleges," applied to the alleged meetings, is suspicious ; while the mistakes respecting the individuals who are said to have com- posed them, give to the whole narrative the air of at best a story made up of indistinct and ill-understood xxiv.) Bock was an industrious and trust- worthy collector, but very inferior in critical acumen to Mosheim, and he has brought forward no fact in support of his opinion which was not known to his prede- cessor. * Lubieniecius professes to have taken the account " ex La^lii So- cini vitae Curriculo, et Budzinii comment. MSS." But he does not quote the words of these documents, which were never given to the world. Mr. Rees says, *' Andrew Wissowatius may himself be re- garded in the light of an original authority." (Ut Supra, p. 'xxii.) But how a writer, who was born in 1608, could be an original autho- rity for what happened in 1.54G, it is difficult to comprehend; nor does AVissowatz pretend to have taken this fact from any original documents of his grandfather, Faustus Socinus, which, if they had existed, would undoubtedly have been communicated to Samuel Pryzcovius, when he undertook to write the life of the founder of the sect. The work of Pryzcovius was translated into English, and published under the following title :— " The Life of that incomparable man, Faustus So^ cinus Seneusis, described by a Polonian Knight. London, printed for Richard Moone, at the Seven Stars, 1653." The epistle to the reader is subscribed " J. B." ; /. e, John Biddle. 156 HISTORY OF THE llKl OllMATIOX JX ITALY. traditioiinry reports. Ocliiiio, Cainillo, and Ni«^'er, had left Italy before these assemblies are represented as having existed, and the writings which the first of these continued for many years after that pe- riod to publish, coincided exactly with the sentiments of the Swiss reformers. Livlius Socinus belonged to Sienna ; there is no evidence of his having resided at Venice ; and, although we should suppose that he visited that place occasionally, it is not probable that a young man of twenty-one could possess that authority in these assemblies which is ascribed to him by the narrative we are examining. Besides, the part assigned to him is at variance with the whole of his conduct after he left his native coun- try. Though it is evident that his mind was tinc- tured with the tenets afterwards called socinian, yet so far was lie from courting the honours and dan- gers of a heresiarch, that he uniformly propounded his opinions in the shape of doubts or difficulties which he was anxious to have removed ; and he continued till his death, notwithstanding tlie suspi- cions of heterodoxy which he had incurred, to keep up a friendly intercourse, not only with his coun- trymen. Martyr and Zanchi, but with IMelanchthon, Bullinger, and even Calvin. The assemblies sup- pressed within the \\'netian territories in the year 1546, were those of the protestants in ge- neral ; and it was as belonging to these, and not as forming a distinct sect, that the friends of Servetus were at that tune exposed to suf- l nrsTOTjv or THE reformation ix ttai.v. 157 l^^^n-ng. Such are the reasons which incline me to reject the narrative of the socinian historians. Jiut wlule thereis no good ground for thinkinp- tliat he favourers of the anti-tnnitarian tenets in^Italy had ormed themselves into societies, or dio-ested I regu ar systen. of belief, it is und niable' tt . -nnber of the Italian protestants were, at th ne iy probable that they were accustomed to confirm one another m the belief of them when they oc 1 -nally met, and perhaps to introduce them as topics of discussion into tlie common meetings of the pro testants and by starting objections, ^to shake th^ convictions of such as adhered to the commonly r! ceived doctrines. This was exactly the line of con- cluct pursued by tliem after they left their native country especially in the Orisons, where the expa- triated Italians first took refuge. Soon after their arrival, disputes arose in the Grison churches re- spccting the trinity, the merit of Christ's death, he perfection of the saints in this life, the necessity and use of tlie sacraments, infant baptism, the re- surrection of the body, and similar articles, in which the chief opponents of the common doctrine, both pnvily and openly, were natives of Italy, several of whoin afterwards propagated their peculiar opinions in Transylvania and Poland. * Subsequently to the year 1546, adherents to anti-trinitarianism were •De Porta, Hist. Ref.EccIes.Rh.Tticarum;aniul Bock Hist An r: ^st^, :;!:-• ^-^^ -^--'e Mi "it I 158 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. Still to be found in Italy. Such of them as had fled maintained a correspondence with their friends at home, and made converts to their opinions by means of their letters. * About the year 1553, the learn- ed visionary, William Hostel, published at Venice an apology for Servetus, in which he mentions, that this heresiarch had many favourers among the Ita- lians, t And in the year 1555, pope Paul IV. issued a bull against those who denied the doctrine of the trinity, the proper divinity of Christ, and redemption by his blood, t I close this part of the subject with the words of a learned and judicious Italian, who left his native country for the gospel, and laboured with great zeal, and not without success, in oppos- ing the spread of this heresy. " It is not difficult to divine," says he, " whence this evil sprung, and by whom it has been fostered. Spain produced the hen ; Italy hatched the eggs ; and we in the Ori- sons now hear the chicks pip." § Another class of facts which I have thought de- serving of a place in this chapter, relates to illus- trious females who favoured the new opinions, al- though their names are not associated with any public transaction in the progress of the Reforma- tion through Italy. The literary historians of Italy • lllgen, Vita L^lii Socini, p. 58. t Bock, ut supra, pp. 539—542. + Bullarium llomanum ab Angel. Mar. Cherubino, torn. i. p. 590. § Zancbius, apud Bock, ut supra, p- 415. I have not observed these words in the writings of Zanchi. I "-TOnv 01.. T„B nKPOUMATlOX IN ITALV H9 nrN Ti • J ^ literature and the fine niul wliose relioion w^c r.f ^ century, »d. r„ our „go „.c behold the ..,,„,,„„, 'J -"■ ".. ^-.4™of ht:j;r* ,r;;;tr pa.,,„ Where I .,„,. ,„H.e. .he L, uZa ^fjC •my beeome more lemu^ and holv bv a si„2 f versatio,, with s„,„e women. I„ C' '"i'"™" nuth in Italy, whose names have ' S'^""-!'. Hist, des Rep. .ritalie, torn. vii. p. 23. t toIeng,us .n Psalmos; apud Gerdesii Ital. Ref p. ^ei. IfiO IIISTOUY OF TTIF, RF.FOUMATIOX IN ITAI-Y. come down to us, were chiefly of the higher ranks, and had not taken the veil. The first place is due here to Isahella Manricha of Bresegna, who end>raced the reformed doctrine at Naples under Valdez, and exerted herself zealously in promoting it. Having given proofs of invinci- ble fortitude by resisting the solicitations and threats of her friends, this lady, finding that it behoved her either to sacrifice her religion or her native country, retired into Germany, from which she repaired to Zurich, and finally settled at Chiavenna in the Gri- sons, where she led a life of poverty and retirement with as nuich cheerfulness as if she had never known what it was to enjoy affluence and honours. * One of the greatest female ornaments of the re- formed church in Italy was Lavinia della Rovere, daughter-in-law to the celebrated Camillo Ursino, « than whom I know not a more learned, or, what is still higher praise, a more pious v/oman in Italy," says Olympia Morata. The epistolary corres- pondence carried on between these two female friends is highly honourable to both. We learn from it the interesting fact, that Lavinia, while she resided at the court of Rome, not only kept her conscience unspotted, but employed the influence of • Simlcri Oratio, ut supra, sig. b iij. Bock, ii. 524. To this lady Cclio Secundo Curio 'htened Italians, we have an example in Celio Calcagnini, " one of the most learned men of that age."f Ilis friend Peregrino Morata had sent liim a booiv in defence of the re- formed doctrine, and rcqnested his opinion of it. The reply of Calcagnini M'as cantions,l)nt safficiently intelligible. " I have read (says lie) the book relating to the controversies so nuich agitated at present;^ I • Raynalili Aiinal. ad ami. Ial9, IJG-J. rallavicini, apiiil Gerdcs. Ital. Uel'. pp. 91 — 93. 1 have not adducoil llie examples of Foscarari, bishop of Moilena, and San Fehcio, bisliop of Cava, with several others, wlio have been ranked among the favourers of the reformed opinions by Schelhorn ! (.Vmcf n. Ecelcs. torn. i. p. lol ;) because I am not aware that lie had any other ground for doing this than the fact that tliese distinguished prelates were thrown into the prisons of the Inquisition by that violent pontiff, Paul IV. + Tirabo«hi, vii. 16.'!. + 'I' I'iraboiiehi thinks that Morata was himself the author of the book. (vii. 1199.) HISTOKY OF THE UEFOIiSIATION IN ITALY. 183 have thonght on its contents, and weighed them in the balance of reason. I find in it nothing which may not be ai)proved and defended, but some things, which, as mysteries, it is safer to suppress and conceal tliau to bring before the common i)eople, in as much as they pertained to the primitive and infant state of the church. Now, wlien the decrees ot the fathers and long usage have introduced other n.odes, what necessity is there for revivin^ it is (hnigerous to treat such things before the* midtitude and in i)ub- lic discourses, I must deem it safest to * sj)eak with the many and think with the few,' and to keej) in mind the advice of Paul, ' Hast thou faith ? have it to thyself l)efore God/ '" In this manner did the learned Aj)ostolical Protonotary satisfy liis con- science ; and very ])robably he was not aware, or did not reflect, how much weiidit self-interest threw into one of the scales of '' the balance of reason." The temporizing maxim in which he takes refuge was borrowed from his intimate friend Erasmus ; and it is curious to fmd it here employed to jus- tify the sentence j)r()nouncerrr\-n^r THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 185 Jioii Of the conduct of mankind will I .n. .fr • i ever i ^ ^""'''" ^''^^^ ""'' ^^"^ ^^^ ^^ when- to" r ' "''''' »^-^^-^^^ or a hardship ei dim to u erve from the straight path of duty M^.ich he t luibjassed indfrinonf l« i t ^ '* ^^^^n ineir the nrincio " , tl.scerned, and to act on '-uao-o " T ,f , expressed in plain Ian- e,"a^c, Let us do evil that good may co.ne." tl.e Xr: ";'^""""^7 ^"^^•'■^■"^'>' «'-- that . V "P-n'ons, if they did not take deen root, ^vere at least widely spread in Ita v T.^ number of those «.|„. f J '^''«' '« Jtaly. The desired nnl ? ' " *""" '"''''''' ^^^ ^"^ther. c^v 1 f f '"• •''"'' ^^'^'" "'«"''^ h«ve been w filch piom.sed to be successful, M-as so great that if at Kii head, or ,f the court of Rome had been gu y of a,.y such aggression on the political rights of ts neighbours as itconmiitted at a future pezfod Jtaly might have follo^ved the example of Ge ma "y. and Protestant cities and states have Tet on the south as .ell as the north of the A PS " Tl le prospect of this filled the n.inds of the friends on^l-.it f%']? "' ''''" P^"' '''■' Sadolet complain, that the ears of his holiness ;vere so pre- • Bajlc, Die art. Acon.ius ; ad.iition in English translation. " I ) 18G HISTORY OF THE REFORMATTON IN ITALY. occupied with the false representations of iUitterer^, as not to perceive that there was " an ahnost univer- sal defection of the minds of men from the cliurch, and an inclination to execrate ecclesiastical authori- ty."* And cardinal Carafla signified to the Siinie pope, " that the whole of Italy was infected with the Lutheran heresy, which had been embraced not only by statesmen but also by many ecclesiastics/'f No wonder, in these circumstances, that the ar- dent friends of the Reformation should at this period have cherished the sanguine hope that Italy would throw off the papal yoke. " See (says one) how the gospel, even in Italy, where it is so much borne down, exults in the near prospect of bursting forth, like the sun from a cloud, in spite of all opposi- tion."t " ^\'llole libraries (writes Melanchthon to George, prince of Anhalt) have been carried from the late fair into Italy, though the pope has publish- ed fresh edicts against us. But the truth cannot be wholly oppressed: our captain, the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, will vanquish and trample on the dragon, the enemy of God ; and will liberate and go- vern us."^ This issue of the religious movement in his native country was hailed with still more enthu- * Raynakli Ann. ad an. 1539. t Spondani Annal. ad an. loV2. 1 Gabrieli Valliculi, De libcrali Dei Gratia, et servo hominis Ar- bitrio. Norinib. io'SO ; apud IJock, lliai. Antitrin. ii. 39C. § Epistoki', col. 303. Tliis letter has no date ; but from compar- ing its contents with Sleidan, Comment, tom. ii. p. 187, it appears to have been written in 1510. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 187 siastic feelings by Ccdio Secundo Curio, in a dialogue composed by him at the period now referred to, and intended to prove that the kingdom of God or of the elect is more extensive than that of the devil or of the reprobate. He introduces his interlocutor, Mai- nardi, as saying : "If the Lord shall continue, as he has begun, to grant prosperous success to the gospel, the delectable embassy of reconciliation and grace, we shall behold the whole world thronging, more than it has ever done at any former period, to this a- sylum and fortified city, to Jesus Christ, the prince of it, and to its three towers, faith, hope, and charity; so that with our own eyes we may yet see the king- dom of God of much larger extent than that which the enemy of mankind has acquired, not by his own power but by the providence of God." " O blessed day ! O that I might live to see the ravishing pro- spect realized !" exclaims Curio. — " You shall live, Celio, be not afraid ; you shall live to see it. The joyful sound of the gospel has within our own day reached the Scythians, Thracians, Indians and Af- ricans. Christ, the king of kings, has taken pos- session of Rha^tia and Helvetia : Germany is under his protection : he has reigned, and will again reign in England : he sways his sceptre over Denmark and the Cymbrian nations : Prussia is his : Poland and the whole of Sarinatiaare on the point of yield- ing to him : he is pressing forward to Pannonia : Muscovy is in his eye : he beckons France to him : Italy, our native country, is travailing in mRTH : and Spain will speedily follow. Even the il 188 IIISTOKY OF THE llKl OKMATION IN ITALY. Jews, as you perceive, have abated tlieir former aversion to Christianity. Since they saw that we acknowledge one God, the creator of heaven ai d earth, and Jesus Christ wlioin ]w sent ; that we wor- ship neither images, nor symbols, nor j)ictures ; that we no longer adore mystical bread or a wafer as God ; that they are not despised by us as formerly ; that we acknowledge we received Christ from them; and that there is access for them to enter into that kingdom from which they are secluded, as we once were — their minds have undergone a great cliange, and now at last they are provoked to enui- lation."* The striking contrast between this pleasing pic- ture and the event which soon after took ])lace, ad- monishes us not to allow our minds to be dazzled hy flattering appearances, or to build theories of faith on prospects which fancy may have sketched on the deceitful horizon of public opinion ; and we should recollect, that though persecution is one means, it is not the only one, by which the march of Christianity has been, and may yet again be, checked and ar- rested. * Coclius Sccundus Curio, Dc Aniplitudiiic Ucgiii Dei ; in Scheie hornii Amtrii. Liter, torn. xii. pp. 594, 393. HISTORY OF THE UEFORMATION IN ITALY. 189 CHAPTER V. SUPPUESSIOV OF THE UEF010r.\TrON[ IM ITALY. It was in the year 15-i2, that tlie coiut of Rome first became seriously alarmed at the proo-ress of the new oi)iiiions i„ Italy. Engrossed by^foreigu politics, and believing that they could at any time put down an evil which was within their reach, the l)oi)e and his counsellors had either disregarded the representations wliich were made to than on this head as exaggerated, or contented themselves with is- suing prohibitory bulls ai.d addressing to the bishops of the suspected places monitory letters, which \vere defeated by the lukewarnmess of the local magis- trates, or the caution of the obnoxious individuals. But in the course of tlie year referred to, the clergy and particularly the friars, poured in their complaints from all parts of the country, as to the danger to winch the catholic faith was exposed from the bold- ness of the reformers and the increase of conventicles At the head of these was Pietro Caraffa, commonly cal- led the Theatine cardinal, from an order of monks of winch he was the founder, a prelate who made high pretensions to sanctity, and distinguished himself 190 HISTORY OF THK REF01lM.\TIOX IN ITALY. by liis violence, wlien he afterwards mounted the pontifical throne, under the name of Paul IV. He laid ])efore the sacred college the discoveries he had made as to the extent to which heresy had taken root in Naples and spread through various parts of Ita- ly ; and convinced them of the necessity of adopting the speediest and strongest measures for its extermi- nation * It was resolved to proceed in the first place against such of the ecclesiastics as were understood to favour it, among whom Ochino and IMartyr were the most distinguished ; but as these individuals were in possession of great popularity, and had not yet made open defection from the catholic faith, spies were placed round their i)ersons, while a se- cret investigation was instituted into their past con- duct, with the view of i)rocuring direct evidence of their heretical opinions. Such a deep impression had the sermons delivered by Ochino at Venice made on the minds of the citi- zens, that they joined in an application to the pope to grant them an opportunity of hearing him a second time. His holiness accordingly directed the cardinal of Carpi, who was protector of the order of Capuchins, to send him to preach at Ve- nice during Lent in the year 1542 ; and at the same time instructions were given to the apostolical nuncio to watch his conduct. The whole city ran in crowds to hear their favourite preacher. It does not ap- pear that he used greater freedom in his discourses * Caracciolus, De \ iia Tauli IV. p. '^HO. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 191 on the present occasion than he had used on the former; but a formal complaint was soon made against him, of having advanced doctrines at vari- ance with the catholic faith, particularly on the head of Justification.* On his appearance before the nuncio, however, he was able to defend himself so powerfully against his accusers, tliat no plausible pretext could be found for proceeding against him. Perceiving that he was surrounded by spies, he exert- ed a greater circumspection over his words in the pul- pitfor some time; but having heard that Julio Teren- tiano, of Milan, a convert of Valdez, with whom he had been intimate at Naples, was thrown into pri- son, he could no longer restrain himself. In the course of a sermon, at which the senators and princi- pal persons in the city were present, lie introduced that subject, and broke out in these words : " What remains for us to do, my lords? And to what purpose do we fatigue and exhaust ourselves. If those, O noble Venice, queen of the Adriatic, if those who preach to you the truth, are to be thrown into prisons, thrust into cells, and loaded with chains and fetters ? What place will be left to us ? what field will remain open to the truth ? O that we had liberty to preach the truth ! How many blind, who now grope their way in the dark, would be re- stored to light !" On hearing of this bold appeal, the nuncio instantly suspended him from preaching, * Palearii Opera, p. 29 1. The same thing is stated by Ochino him- self in his Apology to the Magistrates of Sienna, republished at the end of the second volume of his Prediche, 192 HISTORY OF THE iu:roK:\rATiox ix italy. HlSTOUY OF THE IIEFOUMATION IN ITALY. 193 * t and reported the matter to tlie pope. But the ^"e- netiaus were so iiriportuiiate in his helialf, that the interdict was removed after three dnvs, and lieajraiu appeared in the pulpit.'* Lent being enckd, he went to Wrona, wliere he assembled those of his order wlio were intended for tlie function of preachinj^', and commenced readiniif to tliem a course of lectures on the Epistles of Paul. I^ut he had not proceeded far in this work, when he received a citation from Rome to answer certain charges founded on his lec- tures, and on the informations of the nuncio at Ve- nice.f Having set out on his journey to the capital, lie had an interview at J]ologna with cardinal Conta- rini, then lying ou his death-bed, who assured him tliat he agreed with the protesiants on the article of justification, though he was oj)posed to them on the otherpoints of controversy. - In the month of Au"-ust, Ocliino went to Florence, where he received infor- mation that his death was resolved on at Rome, upon whicli he retired to Ferrara, and being assist- ed in his flight by the duchess Renee, escaped the hands of the armed men who liad been dispatched to apj)rehend liim, and reached (leneva in safety.5 • Boveiio, Annali de Capuccini, torn. i. p. 42G. I H)icl. p. 427. :J:Ocliii!0, Prcdicho, torn. i. num. 10. This fact has hccn stron,'>ly dtnied hy Bovcrio, (ut supra,) and hy Card. Quirini, (Diatrih. ad vol. iii. Epist. Poli, cap. ix.) Btccatcllo says, he was i)rcsent at the in- terview, and that the cardinal, who was very weak, merely requested a share in Ochino's prayers. (Ibid. p. cxxxvii.) § Ochino has himself given an account of his departure from Italy and the reasons of it, in his answer to Muzio, which is reprinted at The defection and flight of Ochino struck his countrymen with amazement, proportioned to the adnn'ration in which they had held him.* Claudio Tolomeo, one of the best epistolary writers of his age, in a letter which he addressed to him, says that the tidings of Jiis defection from the Catholic to the Lutheran camp, had completely stunned him, and aj)peared to him for some time utterly false and incredible.! The lamentations of the Theatine cardinal were still more tragical, and may be quoted as a specimen of that mystical and sublimated devo- tion which, at this i)eriod, was combined with a spirit of ambition and bigotry, in a certain class of the defenders of the i)apacy. " What has befallen thee, Bernardino? What evil spirit has seized thee, like the reprobate king of Israel of old ? My the end of the second volume of his Prcdiche. Lubieniecius and San- dius represent him as having gone to Rome, and in the presence of the pope to have reproved from the pulpit the tyranny, pride, and vices of the pontifical court. The latter adds, that in a sermon he brought forward a number of arguments against the doctrine of the trinity, deferring the answer to them till another time, under the pre- tence that the hour had elapsed ; but as soon as he left the pulpit, he mounted a horse which was ready for him, and quitting Rome and Italy, eluded the inquisitors. This is a ridiculous story, evidently made up from the manner in which Ochino brought forward the antitrinitari- an sentiments a little before his death. * In a letter to Melanchthon, dated from Geneva, on the 1 1th of Feb. 1.5i3, Calvin says: ^Ulabemus hie Bernardinum Senensem, mag- num et pneclarum virum, qui suo discessu non parum Italian! com- movit. Is, ut vobis suo nomine salutera ascriberem, petiit." (Sylloge Kpist. Burnian. tom. ii. p. 230.) t Tolomeo, Lcttere, p. 237. Vencz. 1565. Schelhorns P>goetzHch- keiten, tom. iii. p. 1006. O 194 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. father, my father ! the chariot and the charioteer of Israel 1 whom a little ago we with admiration be- held ascending to heaven in the spirit and power of Elias, must we now bewail thy descent to hell with the chariots and horsemen of Pharaoh ? All Italy flocked to thee ; they hung upon thy breast : thou hast betrayed the land ; thou hast slain the in- habitants. O doting old man, who has bewitched thee to feign to thyself another Christ than thou wert taught by the catholic church ? Ah I Ber- nardino, how great wert thou in the eyes of all men ! oh, how beautiful and fair! Thy coarse but sacred cap excelled the cnrdinaFs hat and the pope's mitre, thy nakedness the most gorgeous apparel, thy bed of wattles the softest and most delicious couch, thy deep poverty the riches of the world. Thou wert the lierald of the liighest, tlie trumpet sounding far and wide ; thou wert full of wisdom and adorned with knowledge; the Lord placed thee in the garden of Eden, in his holy mount, as a light above the can- dlestick, as the sun of the people, as a pillar in his temple, as a watchman in his vineyard, as a shep- herd to feed his flock. Still your eloquent discour- ses sound in our ears— still we see your unshod feet. AVhere now are all your magnificent words con- cerning contempt of the world ? Where your in- vectives against covetousness ? Thou that didst teach that a man should not steal, dost thou steal ?"* * Bock, Hist. Antitrin. torn. ii. p. 405. Quirini Diatr. ad vol. iu. Epist. Toli, p. m. HI8TOKY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 195 In this inflated style, which cardinal Quirini calls " elegant and vehement," did Caraflfa proceed until he had nearly exhausted all the metaphors in the Fhwcrs of the saints. Ochino was not silent on his part. Beside an ai)ologetical letter to the magistrates of his native city of Sienna, and another to Tolomeo, he publish, ed a large collection of his sermons, and various po- lemical treatises against the church of Rome, which, being written in the Italian language and in a po- pular style, produced a great effect upon his coun- trymen, notwithstanding the antidotes administer- ed by writers hired to refute and defame him.* His flight was the signal for the apprehension of some of his most intimate friends, and a rigorous investigation into the sentiments of the religious order to which he belonged ; some of whom made their escape, and others saved their lives by recanting tiKMr opinions. The pope was so incensed by the apostasy of Ochino, and the number of those who were found implicated in his heresy, that he propos- ed at one time to suppress the order of Capuchins.t Martyr, in the mean time, was in equal danger at Lucca. The monks of his order, who were irri- tated by the reformation of manners which, as ge- neral visitor, he had introduced among them, were * A list of Ochino's works is to be found in Hayni, Biblioteca, toni. ii. p. ClG,&c. inObscrvat. Halenscs, torn. v. p. 65, &c. and in Bock, ut supra, p. 515, &c. His principal antagonists were Girolarao Mu- zio, the autlior of Lc Mentite Ochinianc, and Ambrogio Catarino, who wrote Remedw a la pcstiknie dutirina di Bernardo Ochino. t Bock, ut supra, p. 4^6. f 19(i IlISTOllV OF THE UEFOUMATIOX IN ITALV. forward to accuse hiin, and acted as s})ies on his con- duct. For a whole year lie was exposed to their secret machinations and open detraction, against which he could not have maintained himself, if he had not enjoyed the favour of the Lucchese. * With the view of trying their disj)osition, his enemies obtain- ed an order from Rome to a])prehend one of his friends who was confessor to the Auo-ustinian con- vent, as one susj)ected of heresy. Some noblemen, who admired liis piety and were convinced of his innocence, forced the doors of his prison, and set him at liberty ; but having fallen and broken a limb in his flight, he was again taken and conveyed to Rome in triuniph. Encouraged by this success, they lodged a formal accusation against Mar- tyr before the papal court ; messengers were sent through tlie different convents to exhort the monks not to allow the opportunity of recovering "• their ancient liberty," by inflicting punishment on their adversary, to escape ; and a general congregation of the order being convened at Genoa, he was cited instantly to attend. Aware of the prejudice which liad been excited against him, and warned by his friends that snares were laid for his life, he re- solved, after deliberation, to avoid the danger, by withdrawing himself from the rage and craft of * See before, p. 123. In the course of the inquiries wliicli lie had instituted, several individuals had been deprived of their offices on account of gross delinquencies, and the rector-general of the order, with some others, was condemned to perpetual confinement in the islands of Tremiti. (Simler, Oratio dc Martyrc, sig. b iij.) ! HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 197 his enemies. After allotting a part of his library to the convent, he committed the remainder to Cristo- foro Trenta, a patrician of Lucca, with the view of its being sent after him to Germany ; and having set the affairs of the convent in order, and commit- ted the charge of it to his vicar, he left the city se- cretly, accompanied by Paolo Lacisio, Theodosio Trebellio, and Julio Terentiano, who had been re- leased from prison. At Pisa he wrote letters to cardinal Pole, and to the brethren of the monas- tery at Lucca, which he committed to trusty per- sons to be delivered a month after his departure. In these he laid open the grievous errors and abuses which attached to the popish religion in ge- neral, and the monastic life in particular, to which his conscience would no longer allow him to give countenance; and, as additional grounds for his withdrawing, referred to the odium which he had incurred, and the j)lots formed against his life. At the same time, he sent back the ring which he had been accustomed to wear as the badge of his office, that it might not be said that he had appropriated any part of the property of the convent to his private use. Having met with Ochino at Florence, and settled with him their respective routes, he set out, and travelling cautiously and with expedition by Bologna, Ferrara, and Verona, reached Zurich in safety, along with his three companions.* They had not been long there when they received an in- * Simler, Oratio de Martyre, sig. b iiij. [ 198 HISTORY or THE KEFOKMATIGN IN ITALY. vitatioii from Biicer to come to Strasburg, where they obtained situations as professors in the aca- demy. From that place IMartyr wrote to the re- forirjed church oF Lucca of which he had been pas- tor, stating the reasons which had induced him to quit his native country, and encouraging them to persevere in their adherence to the gospel which thev had embraced.^ It was no sooner known that Martyr had fled, than a visitation of the monastery over which he had presided was ordered, with tlie view of ascer- taining the extent to which it was tainted with his heretical opinions. A great many of the monks were thrown into prison, and, before a year elaps- ed, eighteen of them had deserted Italy and re- tired to Switzerland.! The protestant church which had been formed in the city, though dis- couraged by the loss of its founder, and exj)ose(l to the threats of its adversaries, was not dispersed or broken up. Under the protection of some of the principal persons of the state, it continued to hold its meetings in private, enjoyed the instruction of regular pastors, and increased in knowledge and even in numbers. In a letter addressed to them, more than twelve years after he left Lucca, and on the back of a disastrous change in their situation, • Marty ris Epist. universis Ecclesitt Lucensis fidelibus, 8 Calend. Jan. 1.543 ; in Loc. Commun. pp. 750 — 752. He about the same time published an Exposition of the Apostles Creed in Italian, to render to all an account of his faith. (Simler, ut supra, sig. cj.) f Simler, ut supra, sig. b iiij. HISTOllY OF THE REFOllMATlOX IX ITALY. 199 iVIartyr says, " Such progress have you made for many years in the gospel of Jesus Christ, that it was unnecessary for me to excite you by my letters, and all that remained for me to do was to make ho- nourable mention of you everywhere, and to give thanks to our Heavenly Father for the spiritual blessings with which he had crowned you. To this I had an additional motive, from reflecting that my hand was honoured to lay the foundations of this good work, in weakness I confess, but still, by the grace of Christ, to your no small profit. My joy was in- creased by learning that, after my labours among you w^ere over, God provided you with other and abler teachers, by whose prudent care and salutary instructions the work begun in you was advanced." ^ One of the teachers to whom Martyr refers was Celio Secundo Curio, who had obtained a situation in the university. The senate protected him for some time in spite of the outcries of the clergy ; but the pope having, in the year 1543, addressed letters to the magistrates complaining of this, and re- quiring them to send him to Rome to answer charges which had been brought against him from various quarters, they gave him private intimation to con- sult his safety. Upon. this he retired to Ferrara, whence, by the advice of the duchess Renee, who furnished him with letters of recommendation to the magistrates of Zurich and Berne, he quitted Italy, and took up his residence at Lausanne. In • Martyris Epistola ad fratres Lucenses, anno 1556; in Loc. Com- mun. p. 771. r wo HISTORY OI THE KErOlJ^rATION IN ITAEV the course of the same year he returned for his wife and children, whom lie had left !)ehind liim : on which occasion he made one of those escaj)es which, though well authenticated, throw (ui air of romance over tlie narrative of his life. The inf[uisition liad Just been erected at Rome, and its familiars, scat- tered over all the country, had tracked the route of Curio from the time he entered Italy. Not ventur- ing to api)ear in Lucca, lie stoj)ped at the neighbour- ing town of Pessa until his family should join him. While he was sitting at dinner in the inn, a cap- tain of the papal band, called in Italy Barisello, suddenly made his appearance, and entering the room, commanded him in the j)ope's name to yield himself as a prisoner. Curio, despairing of escape, rose to deliver himself uj), unconsciously retaining in his hand the knife with which he had been carviiiir. The Barisello seeing an athletic figure api)roacIiing him with a large carving knife, was seized with a sudden panic, and retreated to a corner of the room ; upon which Curio, who possessed great })re- sence of mind, walked deliberately out, passed with- out interruption through the midst of the armed men who were stationed at the door, took his horse from the stable, and made good his flight.* There had long been in Italy, as well as in France, individuals, called inquisitors, whose employment it was to conduct the examination of persons charged with heresy; but they acted under the bishops, to * Stupani Oratio tie S. C. Curione^ ut supra, pp. 31 1, 345. -■ m ♦ \i 1 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 201 whom the power of regulating the jn-ocess, and pronouncing judgment properly belonged. In the early part of the sixteenth century, there was no separate and independent court for trying such causes in either of these countries, as there had lone been in Spain. The want of such a powerful en- gine for suppressing free inquiry, and preserving the authority of the church, had been strongly felt since the new opinions spread so widely in Italy. The bishops were in some instances lukewarm ; they were accessible to the claims of humanity or of friendship ; their forms of process were slow and open ; and the accused individual often escajxnl be- fore they could obtain from the civil power the ne- cessary order for his arrest. On these accounts the erection of a court of inquisition had been for some years eagerly pressed by the more zealous Roman- ists, with cardinal Caraffa at their head, as the only means of preserving Italy from being overrun with heresy. Accordingly, poi)e Paul III. founded at Rome the congregation of the Holy Office, by a bull dated the 1st of April 1.543, which granted the title and rights of iiiquisitors^general of the faith to six cardinals, and gave them authority, on both sides of the Alps, to try all causes of heresy, with the power of apprehending and incarcerating sus- pected persons, and their abettors, of whatsoever state, rank, or order, of nominating officers under them, and appointing inferior tribunals in all places, with the same or limited powers.* * Limborch's Hist, of the Inquisition, vol. i. p. 1.51; Chandler's transl. Llorcntc, Hist, de Tlnquis. torn. ii. p. 78. It f T 202 HISTORY OF THE REFOFMATIOX IX ITALY. This court instantly conuiienced its operations within the ecclesiastical states ; and it was the great object of the popes, during the remainder of this century, to extend its power over Italy. The se- nate of Venice refused to allow a branch of the in- quisition to be set uj) within their territories ; but they yielded so far as to admit inquisitors to take the direction of trials for heresy, in the way of prohibiting them to pronounce a defmitive sentence, at least in the case of laics, and providing that certain magistrates and lawyers should be al- ways present on such occasions, to examine the witnesses, and protect the citizens of the republic against injustice and avarice concealed under the cloak of zeal for religion.* The popes found less opposition in the other states of Italy. In places where they did not succeed in their attempts to set up a local tribunal, they obtained liberty to em- ploy their agents in searching for suspected persons ; and prevailed with the authorities to send such as were accused, especially if they were either ecclesi- astical persons or strangers, to be tried by the inqui- sition at Rome. Even the senate of Venice, jealous as it was of any interference with its authority, yielded, in some instances, to requests of this kind.f No court ever knew so well as that of Rome how to combine artifice with violence, to desist • Busdragi Epistola; Scriniuni Antiquar. torn. i. pp. 321, 32G, 327. Thuani Hist, ad an. 1548. t Beztc Icones, sig. Hh. iij. Hist, des Martyrs, f. 444, 446. Ge- neve, 1597. t 1 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 203 for a time from urging its claims without relin- quishing them, and dexterously to avail itself of events which crossed its wishes in any instance, for the purpose of advancing its general designs. The A^eapolitans had twice successfully resisted the es^ tablisliment of the inquisition in their country, at the beginning of the sixteenth century. In 1546, the emperor Charles V., with the view of extirpat- ing the Lutheran heresy, renewed the attempt, and gave orders to set up that court in Naples, after the same form in which it had long been established in Spain. This measure created the greatest discontent, and one day as the officers of the inquisition were conducting some individuals to prison, the inhabi- tants, having released the prisoners, rose in arms, and broke out into open tumult. The revolt was sui)pressed by military force, but it was judged prudent to abandon the design. Nothing could be conceived more agreeable to the court of Rome than this formidable tribunal ; yet they took the part of the people against the government of Naples, and encouraged them in their opposition, by telling them that they had reason for their fears, be- cause the inquisition of Spain was extremely severe, and refused to profit by the example of that of Rome, of which none had had reason to complain during the three years in which it had ex- isted.* They pursued the same line of policy when Philip II., at a subsequent period, endeavoured to * Liinborch, vol. i. p. 143. Llorente, torn. i. p. 332; ii. 118, 121. ;! 204 HISTORY OF THE llErORMATION IN ITALV. establish his favourite tribunal in the duchy of Milan. Tlie reigning pontifF, Pius IV., was at first favourable to that scheme, from which he anticipated effectual aid to his measures in keeping down the reformed opinions ; but finding that the xMilanese were deter- mined to resist tlie innovation, and had engaged the greater part of the Italian bishops on their side, liis holiness told the deputies who came to beg his in- tercession in their favour, that " he knew the ex- treme rigour of the Spanish inquisitors," and would take care that the inquisition should be maintain- ed in Milan as formerly in dependence on the court of Rome, " whose decrees respecting the mode of pro- cess were very mild, and reserved to the accused the most entire liberty of defending themselves." * This language was glaringly hypocritical, and (piite irre- concilable with the conduct of the reigning pontifF, as well as that of his predecessors, wdio had all sup- ported the Spanish inquisition, and given their for- mal sanction to the most cruel and unjust of its modes of procedure. But it served the purpose of preserving the authority of the holy see entire, and of reconciling the minds of the Italians to the court which had been lately erected at Rome. The Roman inquisition was founded on the same principles as that of Spain, nor did the forms of process in the two courts differ in any essential or material point; and yet the horror which the inhabitants of Italy had con- ceived at the idea of the latter induced them to sub- mit without reluctance to the former : so easy is it, by • Limborch and Llorciite, ut supra. IllSTOIlY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 205 a little management and humouring of their preju- dices, to deprive the people of their liberties. The peaceable establishment of the inquisition in Italy was decisive of the unfortunate issue of the movements in favour of religious reform in that country. This iniquitous and cruel tribunal could never obtain a footing either in France or in Germany. The attempt to introduce it into the Netherlands was resisted by the adherents of the old as well as the patrons of the new religion ; and it kindled a civil war, which, after a bloody and protracted struggle, issued in rending seven flourish- ing provinces from the Spanish crown, and esta- blishing civil and religious liberty in them. The ease with which it was introduced into Italy, show- ed that, whatever illumination there was among the Italians, and however desirous tiiey might be to share in those blessings which other nations had secured to themselves, they were destitute of that public spi- rit and energy of principle which would have ena- bled them to shake off the degrading yoke by which they were oppressed. Popish historians do more homage to truth than credit to their cause, when they say that the erection of the inqui- sition was the salvation of the catholic relio-ion in Italy. * No sooner was this engine of tv- ranny and torture erected, than those who had ren- dered themselves obnoxious to it by the previous avowal of their sentiments, fled in great numbers from a country in which they could no longer look • Pallavicini, Utor. Concil. Trent, lib. xiv. c. 0. 206 HISTORY OF THE IIEIOKMATION IN ITALY. for protection from injustice and cruelty. The pri- sons of the inquisition were -^Trywhere filled with those who remained behind, and who, accordmg to the policy of that court, were retained for years ni silent and dark durance, with the view of inspiring their friends with dread, and of subduing their own minds to a recantation of their sentiments. With the exception of a few places, the public profession which had been made of the protestant religion was sup- pressed. Its friends, however, were still numer- ous ; many of them were animated by the most ar- dent attachment to the cause ; they continued to encourage and edify one another in their private meetings ; and it required all the exertions and vio- lence of the inquisitors during twenty years to dis- cover and exterminate them. It was natural for the protestants, when over- taken by the storm, to retreat to the court of Fer- rara, where they had found shelter at an early pe- riod! But the court of Rome had taken the pre- caution of gaining over the duke, and securing his co-operation in its measures against the reformers. The elfects of this change were firs^. felt at Modena. We have already adverted to the countenance which the reformed opinions received from the members of the academy erected in that city. To detach persons of such celebrity from the protestant party, four of the most eminent members of the conclave were now employed. Sadolet corresponded with Lu- dovico Castelvetro, who was regarded as the most influential person in the academy, and exerted all his eloquence to persuade him and liis colleagues to HISTOllY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 207 persevere in their obedience to the see of Rome.* The affair, however, was managed chiefly by the moderation and address of cardinal Morone, who was at this time bishop of Modena, and generally thought to be no enemy to ecclesia^tical reform. Being desirous that such of his flock as had been infected with the new opinions shoukl be reconciled to the church in the easiest manner,f he prevailed on his colleague Contarini, whose views coincided with Ills own, to draw up a formnlary of faith to be subscribed by them. This he pnt into the hands of some of the leading persons who were inclined to the reformed doctrine, and listened with much con- descension to the objections which they started against particular expressions in it. Their objec- tions related chiefly to the sacraments ; the docu- ment having been expressed in such a manner as to be satisfactory to them, so far as it related to matters of faith4 Among the persons consulted by the bishop were Don Hieronymo da Sassolo, and Don Giovanni Poliziano, called also de' Berettari, a priest, a mem- ber of the academy, and distinguished as an Italian poet, who having been summoned to Rome on a charge of heresy, and not appearing, was laid under an excommunication, from which, however, he had been lately relieved through the interces- * 'IV Tiraboschi, tomo vii. pp. 169, 170. t Bcccatelli, Vita del Card. Contarini, sect. 33. t Letter from Card. Morone to Card. Contarini, 3d July 1 542. (Poll Epist. vol. iii. p. ccJxxxiv.) Morone says : « Ben priego V. S. ileveren- diss. non lascia che qiiestc niic letterc vadino in niano d'altrc, che del- li suoi fcdcli Sccrctari." E 208 HISTORY or the ueioumation in mwlv. sioii of li-ieiids * To give tlie greater solemnity to the transaction, cardinals IMorone, Contarini, Sado- leti and Cortese, with several other ecclesiastics of rank, assembled at Modena, in September 1542, when the formulary was subscribed in their presence by the members of the academy and the princii)al citizens. Franciscus Portus, a native of Candia, who at this time read lectures on Greek in the city, gave great offence by absenting liimself on the day of subscription ; but he appears to have afterwards set his name to the articles.f This accommodation of the difft- rences at Modena was, however, of short (hiration. In the year 1544, two Conventual friars of the order of St. Francis, the one named Pergala, and the other Pontremolo, were thrown into prison, and sul)jected to punishment for venthig the new opinions from the pulpit; and the academicians again incurred the suspicion of heresy4 Tlie most obnoxious of these was Filippo Valentino, u young nobleman of great precocity of intellect and versatility of genius.^^ Pellegrino Erri, a mem- ber of the academy, having received an alfront from • Muratori, Vita dtl Castclvetro ; Operc Critichc, p. IS. t Ibid pp. 1% '20. Tiraboschi, vii. 170. To this affair cardinal l»ole probably refers, when, in writing to Contarini, he tells him that the n.archioness of Pcscara gave thanks to God, " per il gran dono di eharita, il qual risplende piu in quello santo negozio di Modena. (Toli Epist. vol. iii. p. 58.) t Tiraboschi, vii. 171. , , • t Castelvetro says, that at seven years of age he composed letters m a stvle worthy of Cicero, and sonnets and canzoni which would have done honour to a poet of mature age. He coukl repeat rcrbaiim sennons or lectures which he had heard only once ; and had the principal poets in Latin and Itahan by heart. (Afuratori, ut supra, pp. '^,'2^2.) HISTORY OF THE REFOKMATION IN ITALY. 209 some of the members, went to Rome, and gave in- formation to the Holy Office, that the literati of his native city were generally disaffected to the catholic church, and that some of them were industrious in disseminating their heretical sentiments in private.* In consequence of this, the pope addressed a brief to the duke of Ferrara, stating, that he had received information, tliat the Lutheran heresy was daily gaining ground in Modena, and that the author and prime cause of this was that son of wickedness, Filippo Valentino, on which account his holiness, knowing how grieving this must be to a person of the duke's piety, requires him to cause the said Fi- lippo to be immediately seized, and to detain him at the instance of the pope ; so that, the ringleader being quelled, his accomplices might be reduced to obedi- ence, and a stop put to the alarming evil.f Erri returned to IModena in the character of apostoli- cal commissary ; and attended by an armed force, That Erri was a man of learning, and acquainted with ifebrew, appears from the following work : '^ Sahni di David, tradotti con bellissimo e dotissimo stile dalla lingua Ebrca, nella Latina e volgarc, dal S. Pellegrino ileri Modonesse." The dedication by the author, to Conte Fulvio llangone, is dated " Di Modena il i de Gennaio, 1568;" but the work was published at Venice in 1573, with a preface by Giordan Ziletti. Riederer, who has given extracts, both from the translation and notes, says : " Ich bin versichert, wenn man das Buch genauer priifen wolte, man wurde viele Spuren eines heimhchen Pro- testanten, der doch noch die ausere Gemeinschaft der Rom. Kirche beybehalten und der Inquisition sich nicht bios geben wollen, darin- nen Hnden." (Nachrichten zur Kirchen-Gelerten und Bucher-Ges- chichte, tom. iv. p. 28.) The learned writer was mistaken in suppos- ing Heri to be a protestant. t Piaynaldi Annal. ad an. 154.5. 210 HISTOKY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. which he had procured from the civil power, came one night to the house of Filippo to apprehend him. The latter having received warning of the design, had made his escape ; but his books and papers were seized by the inquisition, which proved the occasion of great trouble to many of his fellow-citizens, and especially those who had lived on terms of the greatest intimacy with him. After remaining for some time concealed, Filippo had sufficient influence to get himself elected to the office of podesta, or chief magistrate, of Trent, which protected him from tlie attacks of his enemies* Matters being quieted in his native city, he ventured to return to it in the course of a few years ; but in the year 1556 a new storm arose. The inquisitors commenced a strict search after heretics, and many were committed to prison. Ludovico Castelvetro, Filippo A^ilentino, his cousin, Bonifacio, provost of the cathedral church of Modena, and Antonio Gadaldino, a printer, were cited, as persons of the greatest note, to appear before the office of the Congregation at Rome. The two last were apprehended and conducted under a guard to the capital, where they were thrown into the prisons of the inquisition. Gadaldino w^as con- victed of having sold heretical books at Modena, and detained in prison. Bonifacio Valentino, having confessed his errors, made a solemn and public re- cantation in the church of Minerva at Rome, on the Cth day of May 1558, and being sent back to Mo- * Muratori, ut supra, pp. 21—23. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 211 dena, went through the same ceremony, on the 29th of that month, in his own cathedral church. Castelvetro and Filippo Valentino, perceiving the danger to which they were exposed, had consulted their safety by flight, in consequence of which sen- tence of excommunication was passed against them at Rome for contumacy.* AVhile these measures were taken at Modena, the papal court was still more intent on extirpating the reformed opinions in Ferrara, which they regarded as the great nursery and hotbed of heresy in Italy. In the year 1545, his holiness addressed a brief to the ecclesiastical authorities of that place, requiring them to institute a strict investigation into the con- duct of persons of every rank and order, who were suspected of entertaining erroneous sentiments, and after having taken the depositions, applied the torture, and brought the trial as far as the definitive sen- tence, to transmit the whole process to Rome for judgment.! The distress caused by the execution of this mandate was greatly increased by a base ex- pedient lately adopted for discovering those who wavered in their attachment to the church of Rome. A horde of commissioned spies were dispersed over Italy, who, by means of the recommendations with which they were furnished, got admission into fami- lies, insinuated themselves into the confidence of in- dividuals, and conveyed the secret information which * Tassoni Cronaca MS. ; apud Tiraboschi, vii. 1169. t Raynaldi Annal. ad an. 154.5. 212 HISTORY or Tin: iiki ormatiox in ITALY. they obtained in this way to the inquisitors. As- suming a variety of characters, they haunted the company of the learned and illiterate, and were to be found ecjually in courts and cloisters.* A num- ber of excellent persons at Ferrara were caught in the toils spread by these pests of society. They succeeded in alienating the mind of the duke from the accomplished Olympia Morata, who, having left the palace on the death of her father,-|- to take charge of her widowed mother and the younger branches of the family, was treated in a very harsh and ungrateful manner by the court ; and would have suffered still worse treatment, had not a German stu- dent of medicine married her and carried her along with him to his native countrv-t The persecution became more severe, when, on the death of Paul III., the papal chair was fdled by cardinal DelNIonte, under the title of Julius III. While this indolent pontiif wal- lowed in voluptuousness,^ he signed, without scruple or remorse, the most cruel orders which were dic- tated by those to whom he intrusted the manage- ment of public affairs. In the year 1550, the reformed • Calcagnini Opera, p. 169. Olympiic Moratte Opera, pp. 102, 111. In writings of that time, these spies are called Curycccans. Vide Sui- dtp Lex. voc. KuovKotioi. t He died in 1548. X Olynipiir iMoratic Opera, pp. 93—95. Noltenii Vita Olympian, pp. 122—125. Her husband's name was Andrew Gruntliler, whose Hfe is to be seen in Melch. Adam. Vit. Medic. Germ. Conf. Englerti Franconic. Acta, vol. ii. p. 269. Nolten says that the duchess also was alienated from her ; but Olympia herself does not state this. § Bayle, Diet. art. Julius III. Tiraboschi, vii. 27. ■ f^ ... 1A HISTORY OF THE llEFOKMATION IN ITALY. 213 church, which had subsisted for a number of years at Ferrara, was dispersed ; many were thrown into pri- son, and one of their preachers, a person of great pie- ty, was put to death.* Olympia Morata writes on this subject :f '* Wq did not come here with the inten- tion of returning to Italy ; for you are not ignorant liow dangerous it is to profess Christianity in that country where antichrist has his throne. I hear that the rage against the saints is at present so vio- lent, that former severities were but child's play compared with those which are practised by the new pope, who cannot, like his predecessor, be moved by entreaties and intercession." And in another letter, she says :t " I learn from lettei^s which I have lately received from Italy, that the Christians are treated with great cruelty at Ferrara ; neither high nor low are spared ; some are imprisoned, others banished, and others obliged to save their lives by flight." The success of these measures in abolishing the face of a reformed church, and silencing all opposition to the established faith, in Ferrara, did not give sa- tisfaction at Rome. All this availed nothing in the eyes of the clergy, so long as there remained one * Actiones et Monimenta J^Iartyrum, f. IG3. Joan. Crispin. 1560, 4to. Olympiic Moratte Opera, p. \02. t To Celio Secundo Curione: Olympia.^ Oper. p. 101. J To Chilian Senapi : Ibid. p. 143. conf. p. 158; where, after speaking of some of her acquaintance who had weakly renounced their faith, she says to Vergcrio, " jNlatrem vero meam constantem fuisse in illis turbis, Deo gratias agimus, eique totum acceptum referimus. Eam oravi, ut ex ilia Babylonia una cum sororibus ad nos proHcisca- tur." f I 214 niSTOllY OF THE IIKFOUMATION IN ITALY. individual, occupying the place nearest the prince, who scrupled to yield obedience to their authority. The high rank and distinguished accomplishments of the duchess of Ferrara aggravated, instead of extenuating, the ollence whicli she had given to the clergy, who resolved to humble her pride if they could not subdue her firiuness. Rente, while she did not conceal her partiality to the re- formed sentiments, testified great dissatisfaction at the late persecution, and had exerted herself in every way within her power to protect those who were exposed to its violence. Repeated and strong representations were made by the pope to the duke, her husband, on this head. He was told that the minds of his children and servants were cor- rupted, and the most pernicious example held out to his subjects ; that the house of Este, which had been so long renowned for the purity of its faith and its fealty to the holy see, was in danger of con- tracting the indelible stain of heresy ; and that if he did not speedily abate the nuisance, he would expose himself to the censures of the church, and lose the favour of all catholic princes. In consequence of this, Hercules pressed the duchess to avert the dis- pleasure of his holiness by renouncing the new opi- nions, and conforming herself to the rites of the established worship. As she persisted in refusing to sacrifice her convictions, recourse was had to fo- reign influence. Whether it was with the view of overcoming the reluctance which her husband tes- tified to proceed to extremities, or of atibrding him a plausible excuse for adopting those severe mea- IIISTOllY OF THE llEFORMATION IN ITALY. 215 sures which he had previously agreed to, the pope procured the interference of the king of France, who was nephew to the duchess. Henry II. according- ly sent Oritz,* his inquisitor, to the court of Ferra- ra. His instructions bore, that he was to acquaint himself accurately with the extent to which the mind of the duchess was infected with error ; he was then to request a personal interview with her, at which he was to inform her of the great grief wliich his most Christian Majesty had con- ceived at hearing that '^ his only aunt," whom he had always loved and esteemed so highly, had in- volved herself in the labyrinth of these detestable and condemned opinions ; if, after all his remon- strances and arguments, he could not recover her by gentle means, he was next, with the concur- rence of the duke, to endeavour to bring her to rea- son by rigour and severity : he was to preach a course of sermons on the principal points on which she had been led astray, at which she and all her family should be obliged to attend, *' whatever re- fusal or objection she might think proper to make :" * This appears to have been the same individual of whom we read at an earlier period of the history of France. *^ Notre Maiire Oris," tlie Inquisitor of the faitli, was in the year 153i, sent to Sancerre to search for heretics ; but the inhabitants, aware of his fondness for good cheer, treated him with such hospitality that he reported them to be a very good sort of people. His depute, Ilocheli, returned with the same report. Upon which the Lieutenant Criminel, cha- grined at missing his prey, said, that '^ good wine would at any time make all these fellows quiet." (Beze, Hist, des Eglises Ref. de France, torn. i. p. 20.) But " Notre Maitre" was then but young, and had not yet tasted blood. 1 '216 HISTORY OF THE REFOllMAl ION IN ITALY. if this proved unsuccessful in reclaiming her, he was next, in her presence, to entreat the duke, in liis majesty's name, to " sequester lier from all so- ciety and conversation," that she might not have it in her power to taint the minds of others, to re- move her children from her, and not to allow any of the family, of whatever nation they might be, who were accused or strongly suspected of heretical sentiments, to ai)proach her ; in fine, he was to bring tliem to trial, and to pronounce a sentence of exem- plary punishment on such as were found guilty, only leaving it to the duke to give such directions as to the mode of process and the infliction of the punishment as that the affair might terminate, so far as justice permitted, without scandal or bringing any public stigma on tlie duchess and her depend- ents.* The daughter of Louis XII., whose spirit was equal to her piety, spurned these conditions, and refusing to violate her conscience, her children were taken from under her management, her confidential servants proceeded against as heretics, and she her- self detained as a prisoner in the palace, f Renee could have borne the insolence of Oritz, but felt in the keenest manner the upbraidings of her husband, who, without listening to her exculpations, told her she must prepare herself to conform uncondi- tionally, and without delay, to the practices of the • Le Laboureur, Additions aux Memoircs dc Michel de Castelnau, turn. i. p. 7 17. t Ibid. y. 7 IS. I HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 217 Roman church ; — an unnatural demonstration of zeal on the part of Hercules, which the court of Rome rewarded, at a subsequent period, by de- priving his grandson of the dukedom of Ferrara, and adding it to the possessions of the church.* The duchess continued for some time to bear with great fortitude the harsh treatment which she received, aggravated as it was by various acts of unkindness from her husband ; but, on the accession of that tru- culent pontiff; Paul IV., in the year 1555, the perse- cution began to rage with greater violence ; and it would seem that the threats with which she was anew assailed, together with the desire which she felt to be restored to the society of her children, in- duced her to relent and make concessions.! On the death of the duke in 1559, she returned to France and took up her residence in the castle of Montar- gis, where she made open profession of the reformed religion, and extended her protection to the perse- cuted protestants. The duke of Guise, her son-in- * Giovannandrca Barotti, Diftesa dcgli Scrittori Fcrraresi, p. 112. Muratori, Annali ditalia, toiu. x. pp. 553 — 558. + Calvin, in a letter to Farel, says : " Dc Ducissa Ferrariensi tristis nuncius, et certius quani vcllcni, minis et probris victam cecidisse. Quid dicam nisi rarum in proceribus esse constantia} exemplum." (Senebier, catalogue des Manuscrits dans la Bibliothcque de Geneve, p. 274-5.) Mons. Senebier informs us that this letter is dated '' du 1 Novembre," and he places it under the year 1554; but as Calvin speaks in it of the defence which he had written for the Consensus, or agreement, among the Swiss churches respecting the sacrament of the Supper, and as the dedication of that work is dated, Nonis Januarii 1556, the letter to Farel was most probably written in 1555. (Calvi- ni Opera, torn. viii. p. G60.) 218 HISTORY OF THE IIEFOIIMATION IN ITALY. law, having one day come to the castle with an armed force, sent a messenger to inform her that, if she did not dismiss the rehels whom she harhoured, he would batter the walls with his cannon, she boldly replied, ** Tell your master, that I will myself mount the bat- tlements, and see if he dare kill a king's daugh- ter."* Her eldest daughter, Anne of Este, " whose integrity of understanding and sensibility of heart were worthy of a better age,"f was married to the first Francis, duke of (juise, and afterwards to James of Savoy, duke of Nemours, two of the most determined supporters of the Roman catholic reli- gion in P'rance ; and if she did not, like her motlier, avow her friendship to the reformed cause, she ex- erted herself in moderatiuir the violence of both her husbands against its friends.:]: Next to the dominions of the duke of Ferrara, the papal c(jurt felt most anxious for the suppression of the reformed doctrine within the territories of the Venetian republic. On the flight of Ochino, a ri- gorous inquisition was made into the sentiments of the Capuchins residing in that part of Italy. ^ For • Bayle, Diet. art. Ferrara, note F. •f- Coiidorcet, Elogc tie Chancclier d'Hopital. :j: Bayle says that she became zealous against the Hugonots dur- ing the League, which he imputes to the remembrance of the assas- sination of her first husband by Poltrot ; but he produces no autho- rity for his assertion. Calcagnini, lliccio, Paleurio, Rabelais, St. Marthe, De Thou, and Condorcet, have vied with each other in ex- tolling this amiable princess. There is a beautiful letter of Olympia Morata, addressed " Annie Estensi, principi Guisianae," in the print- ed works of the former, pp. l.'iO — 133. § Bock, Hist. Antitrin. torn. ii. p. 496. ^ HISTORY OF THK REFORxMATION IN ITALY. 219 several years after this, the pope ceased not to urge the senate, both by letters and by nuncios, to root out the Lutheran heresy which had been embraced by many of their subjects, especially in Vicenza. Car- dinal Rodolfo, who was administrator of the bishop- ric of Vicenza, showed great zeal in this work ; but the local magistrates, either from personal aversion to the task, or because they knew that their supe- riors did not wish the orders which they had pub- licly given to be carried into execution, declined lending the assistance of the secular arm. Informa- tion of this having been conveyed to Rome, the pope, in 1546, addressed a long and earnest brief to the senate, in which, after complimenting them on their zeal for religion and fidelity to the holy see, and telling them that innovation in religion would lead to civil dissensions and sedition among them, as it had done elsewhere, he complained loudly of the conduct of the podesta and capitano of Vicen- za, who, instead of obeying the commands which had been repeatedly given them, allowed the Lu- theran doctrines to be openly professed before the eyes of their masters, and of the univer- sal council which had been called, and was now assembled at Trent, chiefly for the purpose of extir- pating these heresies ; on which account his holi- ness earnestly required the doge and senators to en- join these magistrates more peremptorily to com- pensate for their past negligence, by yielding every assistance to the vicars of the diocese in seizing and 4 220 HISTORY OF THE REFOllMxVTION IN ITALY. punishing the heretics * The senate complied with this request, and issued orders which led to the dis- sipation of the church at \^icenza.f They adopted similar measures in the rest of their dominions. In the year 1548, an edict was published, commanding all who had books opposed to the catholic faith to deliver tliem up within eight days, at the risk of being proceeded against as heretics ; and offering a reward to informers4 Tliis was followed by great severities against the protestants in Venice, and in all the territories of that republic. " The persecution here increases every day," writes Altieri. " Many are seized, of whom some have been sent to the galleys, others condennied to perpetual imprisonment, and some, alas ! have been induced, by fear of punishment, to recant. Many also have been banished along with their wives and children, while still greater num- bers have fled for their lives. jVlatters are come to that pass, that I begin to fear for myself; for though I have frequently been able to protect others in this storm, there is reason to apprehend that the • llaynaltU Annales, ad an. loiG. t Ibid. This is the persecution by which Sacinian writers say that their colleges were dispersed. (See before, p. 151.) But the only he- resy mentioned in the apostolical brief, or by the annalist, is the Lu- theran ; and it is reasonable to suppose, that, if it had been known that antitrinitarians existed in that place, they woulil have been spe- cified, as we find they were in a subsequent bull. (See before, p. 158.) { Thuani Hist, ad an. 1548. Surius, apud Bock, Hist. Antitrin. torn. ii. p. 4lerior strictness of its regula- tions and celerity of its movements * A single fact is sufficient, in the absence of other evidence, to prove the unrelenting severity practised in the Lchy of Mantua. A person allied to the duke being seized by the inquisition on suspicion of he- resy, his highness begged the chief inquisitor to set him at liberty. This request was refused by he haughty monk, who replied that he acknow- dged the duke as his lord, but that the pope, for whom he acted in this cause, possessed a power paramount to that of any temporal prince. Some days after the duke sent a second message, press- ing his former request, when the inquisitor repeat- ed his refusal, and showing the keys of the prison told the messengers that if they chose to re ease the prisoner by force, they would do it at their peril.t ^Ve have 'an equally striking and more horrid proof of the fury with which P^-'J^-^.-f^^^^, Faenza. A nobleman, revered for his high birth rrdistinguished virtues, fell under the suspicion of the inqixisitors of that city as a Lutheran. Af- ter being long detained in a foul prison, he was put rthrtfrturi Not being able to extort -njiun what they wished, the inquisitors ordered the infer- nd operation to be repeated, and their victim ex- pired among their hands. The report of this bar- . LimborcVs History of the Inquisition, part iij^f "" t Eglinus aa Bullingerum, 2 Mart. 1569: Do Porta, a. 486. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 239 barous deed spreading through the city created a tumult, in which the house of the inquisition was attacked, its altars and images torn down, and some of the priests trodden to death by the incensed mul- titude.* The persecution was also severe in the duchy of Parma ; the duke having entered into a treaty with that violent pontiff, Paul IV., by which he delivered up the properties and lives of his in- nocent subjects to the mercy of the inquisition.f The flourishing church at Locarno was a great eye-sore to the popes, distant as it was from Rome. In the measures taken for its suppression it was necessary to proceed with much caution ; as it in- eluded persons of wealtli and high respectability, and as the sovereignty of the place belonged to the Swiss cantons, some of which were protestant, and all of them jealous of their authority. From the year 1 549, when tlie disputation, formerly mention- ed, X took place between a priest of Lugano and the chief Locarnese protestants, every means was taken to excite odium against the latter in the minds of their fellow-citizens, and to involve them in quar- rels with the inhabitants of the neighbouring dis- tricts and with the government of Milan. Beccaria, their most zealous advocate, though dismissed from prison, was exposed to such personal danger, that he deemed it prudent, by the advice of his friends, to • Id. ad eund. 29 Mart. 1569 : De Porta, p. 487-8. t Fridericus Saliceus ad BuUingerum, 10 Jan. 1558 : Ibid. torn. ii. X See before, p. 133. i .*. I 2i0 HISTORY OV THE nElOUMATIOX IX ITALY. banish himself, and retire to Chiavenna.* Next to him the individual most obnoxious, from his talents and activity, was Ta.l.leo a Dunis. His fame as a physician having made his advice to be sought tor throughout the adjacent country, he found it ne- cessary to remove to a more centrical place witli- in the Milanese. No sooner was it known that he was without the protection of the Swiss confederacy than his old antagonist, the priest of Lugano, in- formed against him as a ringleader of the heretics, to the incpiisitor at Milan, who sent a party to inter- cept and seize him on one of his professional jour- neys. Being warned of his danger, he secured liim- self by retreating hastily to the mountains. Trust- ing, however, to his innocence, or to the powerful iiUerest of the families which he attended, he after- wards appeared voluntarily before the inquisitor, and was so fortunate as to be dismissed, on condi- tion of his quitting the Milanese, and confining his medical aid for the future to his native district, f During four years the protestants at Locarno were subjected to every species of indignity short of open violence. They had for some time desisted from emploving the priests to confess their sick, and from burying their dead, after the popish manner, with torches and the cross ; and they had their children baptized by ministers whom they brought for that purpose from Chiavenna, when they had no pastor of their own. The increase of the pro- • Muralti Oratio, in Tcnipc Helvetica, tom.iv. p. 16.5. ■\ Ibid. p. 1 19. fii I HISTORY OF THK REFORMATION IX ITALY. 241 testants lessened in this way tlie gains of the mer- cenary priesthood, who endeavoured to move heaven and eartli against the innovators, as at once sacrile- gious and unnatural. They circulated the base re- port that the protestants were guilty of tlie most licentious jiractices in their secret meetings; and such calumnious rumours, while they met with ea.sy credit from the ignorant and superstitious multi- tude, were encouraged by others wlio were too en- lightened not to know their falsehood. In the mean time a deep plot was laid by one Walther, a native of tlie popish canton of Uri, who was at that time town-clerk of Locarno, and some years after was banished for Jiolding a treasonable correspondence with tlie duke of Alva, governor of Milan. He fbrged a deed, purporting that the senators, citizens, and inhabitants of the town and bailiewic of Locar- no, bound themselves by oath, to the seven popish cantons, that they would adhere to the pope and tlie Koinan religion, until the meeting of a general council. This paper, after being kept secret for several years, was sent, as a genuine deed, to an assembly of the seven cantons, held in March 1554, who, without making any inquiries, immediately passed a decree, that all the Locarnese should agreeably to their bond, make confession to the priests during the ensuing Lent, that they should give their names to the superior of the church, and that the rites of sepulture should be denied to those who had not received mass on their death-bed.* • -March 10, Uo4. Muralti Oratio, pp. ]iO-l J2. R 242 HISTORY OF THE REVORMATIOX IN ITALY. The promulgation of this decree at Locarno came on the Protestants as a thunderbolt. They instantly dispatched a commissioner to the protestant cantons with instructions to represent the utter falsehood of the alleged bond on which the decree proceeded, and to intreat them, as their joint temporal superiors, and as professors of the same faith, to exert their influence to avert the ruin which threatened two hundred heads of families, who had never swerv- ed from their allegiance, and against whom no occasion or fault had been found, except concern- ing the law of their God. In consetpience ot this representation, the deputies of the protestant can- tons, having assembled at Aran, wrote to those ot the popish persuasion, desiring them not to pro- ceed farther in the affair of Locarno until the meeting of the next diet of the confederacy, nor to take ally step which would infringe the rights of the protestant cantons in that territory. lo defeat this interposition, the enemies of the per- secuted Locarnese industriously circulated through Switzerland that they were not entitled to the pro- tection of the protestant cantons, inasmuch as they were infected with Servetianism, anabaptisin and other fanatical opinions. * Being informed of this • 1..1 n moaern Swiss historian, who, speaking . This report has uusle. a noaern S« ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ of Locarno, says :— L«^li"s ei r du cette centre, une ^^^^^^^^ J:^:T::1 adherens Zwingli ct de ♦-"I""- ^'•"Vv,„reux Bcccaria dcvint a Locar- ^"':;r ( n- tl^r t"N lloSrVar Hen. Zseho.Ue, trad, no, ^c. ("'^'O';^ ''^ j,^„^,„3 s„einus «as only born m n;o?'ai;lr:t L ZIJ evidence that his «nc. Lelius ev.r visited Locarno. I 4 I HISTORY OF THE REFOKJIATION IN ITALY. 243 by their commissioner, they transmitted to Zurich a confession of their faith, in which tliey avowed their agreement with tlie reformed churches concerning the Trinity, the incarnation and mediatory work of Christ, Justification, and the sacraments ; which had the effect of silencing this unfounded calumny. Two general diets were held in the end of the year 155i, for discns.sing tliis subject. The fictitious bond was unanimonsly set aside ; but when they came to the main point, the enemies of the reformed at Locarno insisted that it should be decided by the majority of votes in the diet, contrary to the rule usually observed in questions relating to religion. Ottaviano Kiverda, bishop of Terracino, who had been sent as papal nuncio, stimulated the popish de- puties to violent measures, Avhile those of the pro- testant cantons were influenced, partly by jealousy of one another, and i)artly by dread of interrupting the peace of the confederacy. The matter was refer- red at last to arbiters chosen from the two mixed can- tons, wlio gave it as their judgment, that the inhabit- ants of Locarno, who were free from crime, should either embrace the Roman catholic religion, or leave their native country, taking with them their families and property ; that they should not return thither, nor ])e jicrmitted to settle in the territories of the seven catholic cantons; that those chargeable with reproaching the Virgin Mary, with anabaptism, or other opinions contrary to both confessions, should be pnnished; that this sentence should be intimated to the prefect of Locarno ; and that it should be carried into effect by deputies sent by the seven catholic can- 244 tllSTOUY OF THE llKl OUMATIOX IN ITALY. tons, provided those of the four protestant ones refus- ed to take part in the affair, or absented then.selves. A-vainst this decision the deputies of Zuneh protest- ed! declaring that, though they were resolved to abide by the league and not to exeitc any eonnno- tion, they could not agree to have this sentence ni- tinuited in their name, and still less to take any share in carrying it into execution ; which protest was afterwards formally approved of by their consti- tuents. It was no small part of the indignity of- fered to the protestauts by this decree, that Locarno was that year under the government ot Isaiah Reuchlin, tlie prefect appointed by the canton of Zurich. This excellent man, who had already ex- perieiiccd repeated vexations in the discharge of his office from the violence of the Roman Catholics, was thrown into great perplexity by the intelligence of what was concluded at the diet ; from which, however, he was relieved by instructions from home to regulate his conduct by the protest taken by the deputies of his native city. * So bent were the popish cantons on the execution of their edict, and so much were they afraid lest any thing might intervene to prevent it, that they ordered their deputies to cross the Alps in the depth of win- ter On their arrival at Locarno the latter assembled the inhabitants, and in a threatening harangue told them, that, having by their rebellious and perverse innovations in religion disturbed the peace, and nearly broken the unity of the Helvetic body, they • Mural ti Oratio, pp. 1j2 — I'iO. 1 HISTORY OF THE HEFORMATION IX ITALY. 245 might justly have been visited with exemplary pun - ishment, but that the diet, graciously overlooking their past faults, had ordained a law by which their future conduct should be imperiously regulated. The decree liaving been read, the municipal autho- rities immediately gave their consent to it by their subscriptions : the inhabitants, being divided in sen- timent, were allowed till next day to give in their answer. On the following morning such as were re- solved to adhere to the popish religion appeared before the de])uties, and l)egging forgiveness for any thing in their ])ast conduct which might have been offensive, promised an entire obedience and conformity to the laws for the future. In the afternoon, the protest ants, in a regular order, two men, followed by their wives, walking abreast, the women carrying their infants in their arms and leading their little children, and those who were most respectable for their rank tak- ing the lead, proceeded to the council-room, where tliey were received by the deputies with marks of indecent levity, instead of that re.^pect and sympathy to which their appearance and prospects entitled them. One of their number, addressing the depu- ties in the name of his brethren, said, That beinff heavily accused of embracing novelties and danger- ous opinions, they begged leave humbly to declare that they professed that faith which was prefigured under the Old Testament, and more clearly revealed by Christ and his apostles ; that after searching the scriptures, and comparing the Latin and Italian trans- lations, with prayer for divine illumination, they 246 HISTORY OF THE llEFOlOrATION IX ITALY. had oin])race(l that doctrine which was summarily comprehended in tlie apostles creed, and rejected all human traditions contrary to the word of God ; that they disclaimed Novatianism and all novel opi- nions, and held in ahhorrence every thing that fa- voured licentiousness of manners, as they had often protested to the seven popish and four protestant cantons; that, committing themselves to Provi- dence, they were prepared to sutler any thing ra- ther than foment strife, or be the occasion of war in the confederation; that they had always preserved their allegiance to the confederate cantons inviolate, and were%villing to spend their blood and treasure in their defence ; that they threw themselves on the generosity and mercy of the lords of the seven can- tons, and supplicated them, in the bjwels of Jesus Christ, to take pity on such a multitude, including delicate females and helpless infants, who, if driven from their native country, nmst be reduced to the greatest distress; but that whatever resolution might be come to respecting this, they intreated that a rigorous investigation should be made into the crimes, affecting their honour and the credit of their religion, with which they had been charged ; and that,^f found guilty, they should be punished, according to their demerit, with the utmost sever- ity. With hearts as rigid and haughty as the Alps which they had lately passed, the deputies replied to this touching and magnanimous appeal,** We are not come here to listen to your faith. The lords of the seven cantons have, by the deed now made known to HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 247 you, declared what their religion is, and they will not suffer it to be called in question or disputed.* AMierefore say, in one word. Are you ready to quit your faith, or are you not ?" To this the protest- ants with one voice replied, " We will live in it, we will die in it;" while the exclamations " we will never renounce it"—" it is the only true faith"— ^' it is the only holy faith"—" it is the only saving faith," con- tinued for a considerable time to resound from dif- ferent parts of the assembly, like the murmurs which succeed the principal peal in a thunder storm. Before leaving the room they were required indi^ vidually to give their names to the clerk, when two hundred persons immediately came forward with the greatest alacrity, and with mutual congratula- tions.f Perceiving that they could look for no favour from the deputies, who sternly refused them per- mission to remain till the rigour of winter was over, the protestants made preparations for their departure, and sent Taddeo a Dunis before them to request an asylum at Zurich from the magistrates of that city. But they had still to suffer greater trials. Kiverda, the papal nuncio, following up his success in Switzerland, appeared at Locarno. Having ob- tained an audience of the deputies, and thanked them in tlie pope's name for the care they had testified for the catholic faith, he requested, first, that they should • " das wollen sie unarguieret und ungedisputieret haben." t Muralti Oratio^ pp. IGO— 164. w 248 HISTORY Ol- THE IIEIOKMATION IN ITALY. require the Grison League to deliver up the fugi- tive Bec-caria, that he might be punished for the darin- crime which he had committed iu corrupting the faith of his countrymen ; and, secondly, that they would not permit the Locarnese em.grants to carry along with them their property and children ; but that the former shouUl be forfeited, and the latter retained and brought up in the faith of tlie church of Rome. 'IMie ^ IIISTOUY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 249 eminence. Barbara di Montalto, the wife of the first i)hysician of the place, having incurred liis greatest resentment, he prevailed on the depu- ties to issue an order to apprehend her for blas- phemies which she liad uttered against the sacrifice of the mass. Her husband's house, whicli had been constructed as a place of defence during the violent feuds between the Guelphs and Ghibellines, was built on the Lake Maggiore, and had a concealed door, which it required the strength of six men to move, opening upon the water, where a boat was kept in waiting, to carry off the inmates upon any sudden alarm. Tliis door he had caused his ser- vants to open at night, in consequence of an alarm- ing dream, which led him to apprehend danger, not to his wife indeed, but to himself. Early next morning the officers of justice entered the house, and bursting into the apartment where the lady was in the act of dressing herself, presented a war- rant from the deputies to convey her to prison. Rising up with great presence of mind, she begged them, with an air of feminine delicacy, to permit her to retire to an adjoining apartment, for the purpose of putting on some article of apparel. This being granted, she descended the stairs, and leaping into the boat, was rowed off in safety, before the eyes of her enemies, who were assembled in the court-room to receive her. Provoked at this disappointment, the nuncio and deputies wreaked their vengeance upon the husband of the lady, wlioni they stripped of his property. Not satisfied pi r 250 HISTORY OF THE IlEFOUMATIoy IX ITALY. with this, they amerced in a large sum two mem- bers of the reformed church who had refused to have their children baptized after the popish forms. But the severest punishment fell on a poor trades- man, named Nicolas, who belonged to the reformed church. He had been informed against, some time before, for using, in a conversation with some of his neighbours, certain expressions derogatory to the Virgin Mary, who had a celebrated chapel intlie vi- cinity, called Madonna del Sasso ; and the prefect Reuchlin, with the view of silencing tlie clamours of the priests, had punished his imprudence, by con- denniing him to an imprisonment of sixteen weeks. Tliis poor man was now brought a second time to trial for that ollence, and, after being put to the tor- ture, had sentence of death passed upon him, which was unrelentingly executed by order of the depu- ties, notwithstanding the intercession of the Roman catholic citizens in his behalf. * The protestants had fixed on the 3d of March, 1555, for setting out on their journey ; and so bitter had their life been for some time, that, attached as they were to their native place, they looked forward to the day of their departure with joy. But before it arrived, they received intelligence which damped their spirits. The government of Milan, yielding to the instigations of the priesthood, published an edict, commanding all their subjects not to en- tertain the exiles from Locarno on their journey, • Muralti Oratio, pp. 157, IGi— 170. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 251 nor allow them to remain above three days within the Milanese territory, under the pain of death ; and imposing a fine on those who should afford them any assistance, or enter into conversation with them, especially on any matter connected with religion. Being thus preduded from taking the road which led to the easiest j)assage across the Alps, they set out early on the morning of the day fixed, and after sailing to the northern point of the Lake Maggiore, passed the Helvetian bailliages, by the way of Bel- linzone, and before night came on, reached Rogoreto, a town subject to the Grison League. Here the Alps, covered with snow and ice, presented a bar- rier which it was vain attempting to pass, and obliged them to take up their winter quarters, amidst the inconveniences necessarily attending the residence of such a number of ]}ersons among stran- gers. After two months, the thaw having opened a passage for tljem, they proceeded to the Grisons, where they w^ere welcomed by their brethren of the same faith. Being offered a j^ermanent residence, with admission to the privileges of citizenship, near- ly the half of their number took up their abode in that country ; the remainder, amounting to a hun- dred and fourteen persons, went forward to Zurich, the inhabitants of which came out to meet them at their approach, and by the kind and fraternal reception which they gave them, consoled and re- vived the hearts of the sad and weary exiles. * * Muralti Oratio, pp. 171, 172. Sleidan, torn. iii. lib. xxvi. p. 506. Sclidhorn makes the number of those who reached Zurich J 33. (Er- 252 HISTORY Ol- THE llEl'OUMATION IN ITALY. In the inean time tlie city of Locarno rejoiced at the expulsion of therefornied.as if it had been the remov- al of a plasiue ; l)ul this exultation was ot short con- tinuance. 'The most industrious part of the commu- nity being expelle.1, the trade of the place began to languish. As if visibly to punish the cruelty with which tliey had acted towards their brethren, their lands were laid waste during tiie succeeding year by a tempest, while the pestilence raged with still more destructive violence among the inhabitants. To these calamities were added intestine animosi- ties and dissensions. The two powerful tamihes ot the J?uchiaclii and Uinahli, wlio had been leagued ao-ainst the protestaiits, now became competitors for the superiority of the neighbouring village of Bn- sa-o, vacant by the expulsion of the Orelli ; and ui support of their claims, they raised hands of armed men, attacked each other, and committed depreda- tions mi the peaceable inhabitants ; in consecpience of which the Swiss government was obliged to main- tain a garrison at great expense in Locarno. * Hard as was the fate of the Locarnese protestaiits, it was mild, compared with that of their brethren in the interior of Italy, who had no friendly power to save them from the vengeance of Kmne, and no asy- lum at liand to which they could repair when re- fused the protection of their own governments. To retire in a body was out of the question ; they were -otzlidikoitcn aus der Kirchcnhistorio uml Litiratur, torn. iii. p. 1 102.) A few inrsons attacheil to the reforii.c.l .loctriue sliU rcinain- uil at Locarno. (Uo I'orta, ii. 3Ki.) • Muralti Oratio, p. 1 7 1-5. r r ! iiisTOjjY or Tin: reformation in italy. 25.'i obliged to fly singly ; and when tlicy ventured to return for the purpose of carrying away their fami- lies or recovering the wreck of their fortunes, they were often seized by the familiars of the inquisition and lodged in the same prisons with their brethren whom they had left behind them. AVliile tlie pro- fession of the truth exposed persons to such hardships and perils, we need not wonder that many were in- duced to recant, while still greater numbers, with the view of avoiding or allaying suspicion, gave ex- ternal countenance to a worshi]) which they inward- ly detested as superstitious and idolatrous. This was the case at Lucca. Averse to quit their native country, and to relinquish their honours and posses- sions, trusting in their numbers and influence, and deceived by the connivance of the court of Rome at their private meetings for a course of years, the pro- testants in that republic became secure, and began to boast of tJieir superior resolution in maintaining their ground, while many of their brethren had ti- midly deserted it, and suffered the banner of truth which had been displayed in different quarters of Italy to fall. But this pleasing dream was soon to be dissipated. Scarcely had Paul IV. mounted the pai)al throne wlien orders were issued for the sup- pression of the Lucchese conventicle ; according to a preconcerted plan, its principal members were in one day thrown into the dungeons of the inquisi- tion ; and at the sight of the instruments of tor- ture the stoutest of them lost their courage, and were fain to make their peace with Rome on the 4 ■.hi 254 HISTORY OF TIIF. IlETORMATION IN ITALY. easiest tcr.ns which they couhl purchase. Peter ^lar- tyr, whose apology for his flight they had with chfh- cilty sustained, and whose example they had re- fused to follow when it was in their power felt deeply afilicted at the dissipation of a church in which he took a tender interest, an.l at the sudden defection of so many persons in whose praises he had often heen so warm. In a letter which he ad- dressed to them on the occasion, he says IIow can I refrain from lamentations, when I think tiutt such a pleasant garden as the reformed church at Lucca presented to the view, has heen so laid waste hy the cruel tempest as scarcely to retain a vestige of its former cultivation. Ihose who did not know you might entertain tears that vou would not he al.le to resist the storm ; it never could have entered into my mind that you woiUd fall so foully. After the knowledge you had of the fury of antichrist, and the danger which hung over your l,eads,-when you did not choose to retire, by availing yourselves of what some call the com- nmn remedy of the weak, hut which, m certain .-ircumstances, I deem a prudent preca«tion,-those who had a good opinion of you said, < These tried and brave soKliers of Christ will not fly, because thev are determined, by their martyrdom and blood, to open a way for the progress of the gospel in their native country, emulating the noble examples which are given every day by their brethren in France, Belgium, and England.' Ah, how much have these hopes been disappointed ! A\ hat mat- r 4 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALV. 255 ter of boasting has been given to our antichristian oppressors ! But this confounding catastrophe is to be deplored with tears rather than words."* The seeds of the reformed doctrine were not how- ever extirpated in Lucca. We find the popish writers complaining that, in the year 1562, the heretics in that city kept up a correspondence with their brethren in foreign countries, by means of merdiants, who imported protestant books from Lyons and Geneva. f At Naples, the protestants enjoyed a reprieve from persecution, during the dissensions excited by the renewed attempts to introduce the Spanish in- quisition.t- But the people were satisfied with the abandonment of this measure by the Neapolitan government, which, in its turn, not only forgave the pope for fomenting the late opi)osition to its mea- sures, but entered into a treaty with him, in which it was agreed to take common measures for rooting out the new opinions. In consequence of this, a rigorous search after heretics commenced in the capital, which Avas afterwards extended to other parts of the kingdom. Many were thrown into pri- son, and not a few sent to Rome to be subjected to the fiery ordeal. Two things conspired with this violence to ruin the reformed cause in Naples. The first was, the coming of certain adherents of anabaptism and arianism, who got introduced to * Martyris Loc. Com. p. 771-2. t Raynaldi Annalcs, ad an. 1562. t See before, p. 203. Gon^alo de lllescas, Historia Pontitical y Ca- tliolica. Parte ii. pp. 313 — 315. M 25() HISTORY OF THE HKIOUMATION IN ITALY. the secret meetings of the protestants, and made disciples to their peculiar tenets.* The second was, the practice uhich some of them indulged, of at- tending the popish worship, partaking ot mass, and conducting then.selves in public in every respect as if they had been papists. These have been called Valdesians by some writers, because they just. hed themselves by appealing to the example ot ^ aldez, and to the advice which he gave those whom he had instructed in the doctrine of justification, but whose minds were yet trammelled by preju- dices in favour of the church of Rome and the ancient rites. This practice, which became dai y more general as the persecution increase.l, not only oireiulcd those conscientious individuals who shun- ned the popish worship as idolatrous, hut it gradu. nllv wore o(V from the minds of the confornnsts the h.Lessimis of that faith which they had embraced, and prepared then, for sacrificing it on the slight- est temptation. Notwithstanding all their caution, not a few of them were seii^ed as suspected per- sons, ami purchased their lives by recanting those truths which they had professed to hohl m the hicrhest estimation. ]5ut this was not all : having on"ce incurred the jealousy of the inquisitors and exposed themselves to the malice or avarice of in- formers, some of them were seized a second tune, and subjected to tortures and a cruel death, as re- lapsed heretics.! Afraid of incurring the same • Life of the Marquis of Vico, chap. vii. p. 13. Lon.l. 163.5. t Ibid. p. 11. HISTORY OF niK REFOIiJIATIOX IN ITALY. 257 punishment, or actuated by a desire to enjoy the pure worship of God, a considerable number of protestants agreed to quit Italy, ; but when they came to the Alps, and stopped to take a last view of their beloved country, the greater part, struck with its beauties, and calling to mind the friends and the comforts whicli they had left behind, aban- doned their purpose, parted with their companions, and returned to Naples ; wliere they liad scarcely arrived, when tiiey were thrown into prison, and liaving submitted to penance, spent the remainder of their lives distrusted by those around tlieni, and preyed upon by remorse and a consciousness of self-degradation. * ^Yben the reformed opinions had been sup- pressed in the cai)ita!, the Neapolitan government permitted the inquisitors to roam through the country like wild beasts let loose, and to devour its innocent subjects. Of all the barbarities of which Rome was guilty at this period, none was more horrible than those wliich M'ere inflicted on the descendants of the ancient Waldenses. It would seem as if she wished to exceed the cruelties com- mitted during the dark ages, in the crusades wliidi Simon de Montfort, of bloody memory, liad con- ducted against the ancestors of that people, under the consecrated banners of the church. Tlie Waldensian colony in Calabria Citerioref had increased in the sixteenth century to four thou- • Life of the Marquis of Vico, chap. x. p. 21. t See before, p. 1. S 258 HISTOllY or the RFVORMATTOX in ITALY. sand persons, who possessed two towns, Santo Xisto, belonging to the duke of Montalto, and La CJuardia, situate on the seacoast. Cut olV from intercourse with their Invthren of the same faith, and destitute of the means of education for their pastors, this simple people, at the same time that they observed their own forms of worship, had gradually become habituated to attend on mass, without wliich they found it difficult to maintain a friendly intercourse with the original inhabitants of tlie place. Their curiosity was awakened by hearing that a doctrine bearing a strong affinity to that of their fathers was propagated in Italy ; they eagerly sought to become ac(iuainted with it, and being convinced that they had erred hitherto in countenancing the popish worship, they applied to their brethren in the valleys of Pragela, and to the ministers of Geneva, to obtain teachers who should instruct them more perfectly, and organize their churches after the scripture pattern.* No sooner was this known at Rome than the sacred college sent two monks, Valerio Malvicino and Alfonso Urbino, into Calabria, to suppress the churclies of the Waldenses, and reduce them to the obedience of the Holy See. On their first arrival, the monks assumed an air of great gentleness. Hav- ing assembled the inhabitants of Santo Xisto, they tofd them, that they had not come with the view of hurting any person, but merely to warn them in a friendly manner to desist from hearing any teachers * Zanchii Epistolir, lib. ii. p. '100. HISTORY OF THE REI OUMATION IX ITALY. 253 but those appointed by their ordinary ; that if they would dismiss those who had led them astray, and live for the future according to the rules of the Roman church, they had nothing to fear; but that, if they acted otlierwise, they would expose themselves to the danger of losing their lives and property, by in- curring the punishment of heretics. They then ap- pointed a time for celebration of mass, which they required all present to attend. But instead of com- plying witli this injunction, the inhabitants, in a body, quitted the town, and retired to the woods, leaving beliind them oidy a few aged persons and children. Concealing their chagrin, the monks im- mediately went to La Gnardia, and having caused the gates to be shut, and assembled the inhabitants, told them that their brethren of Santo Xisto had re- nounced their erroneous opinions, and gone to mass, exiiorting them to imitate so dutiful and wise an example. Tlie poor simple people, crediting the re- port of the monks, and alarmed at the danger which they held out, complied ; but no sooner did they ascertain tlie truth, than over\vIielmed with shame and vexation, they resolved instantly to leave the place with their wives and children, and to join their brethren who had taken refuge in the woods ; a resolution from which they were with difficultv diverted by the representations and promises Jf Salvatore Spinello, the feudatory superior of the town. In the mean time the monks procured two companies of foot soldiers to be sent into the wooih who hunted the inhabitants of Santo Xisto like 260 irisTOiiY oi- nil', imuoumation in itai.v. beasts of prey, aiul Imvinp; aiscovere.l their lurking place, fell on them vith erics of yt,»mazx,,annnaxx>, « Murder then., murder then.." A part ot the tugi- tives took refuge on a n.ountai... and having secured themselves on the roeks, demanded a parley M.th tl.e captain. After intreating hini to take pity «.. them, their M-ives andchildreu,theysaid, that they and then- father, had h.habiled that country for several ages, without having given any person cause to c.nnp am of their conduct ; that if they coukl .lot he allowed to re.uain in it auy longer, without reuouncmg the.r ilh, they hoped they would he per.nitted to ^.t,re to son.e ..ther country ; that they would go, by sea Z land, to any place which their superiors were pleased to appoint ; that they would engage not to 'urn ; a..d that they would take no n.ore along w th then. tha.. what was necessary for the.r sup- t ou the journey, for they were ready to part •th their piiperty rather than do violence to hen "use enees by practising idolatry. They .mplored •to withdraw his n.en, and not oblige thenj re- ic antly to defend themselves, as they could not answer for the consequences, if reduced to despa.r. I ead of listening to this reasonable ofler and e- p^ . it to his superiors, the captain ordered his " n tt advance by a defile, upon which those on the hill attacked the..i, killed the greater part, and put the rest to flight.* , ■.- 1 • .,or. i nn 199— 202. Pcriin relates * Pcrrin, Hist. ^^- ^ ^^^^^ l'^^' ^^^^ ' ^vL taken place after this umler the year 1 560, and speaks of it as ha^ ing 1 IILSTOllY OF THE IIEFOIIMATION IX ITALY. 2Gl It was iiniiiediately resolved to avenge on the whole bod}' this unpremeditated act of resistance on the part of a few. Tlie monks wrote to Naples that tlie coun- try w\as in a state of rebellion, upon which the vice- roy dis])atched several companies of soldiers to Ca- labria, and, to gratify the pope, followed them in ])crson. On his arrival, listening to the advice of the inquisitors, he caused a proclamation to be made delivering up Santo Xisto to fire and sword, which obliged the inhabitants to remain in their conceal- ments. By another proclamation, he offered a par- don to the bannilii, or persons proscribed for crimes, (who are a numerous class in A^aples,) on the con- dition of their assisting in the war against the here- tics. This brought a number of desperate characters to his standard, who, being acquainted with the re- cesses of the woods, tracked out the fugitives, the greater i)art of whom were slaughtered by the sol- diers, while the remainder took refuge in the ca- verns of the high rocks, where many of them died of hunger. Pretending to be displeased with the severity of military execution, the inquisitors re- tired to some distance from the place, and cited the inhabitants of La Guardia to appear before them. Encouraged by the reports which they had heard, the people complied ; but they had no sooner made their Louis Paschal came to Calahria. But I suspect he has placed it too late. At least the author of Busdragi Epistola, which is dated loth l^ecembcr, 15o8, speaking of the progress of the reformed doctrine in Italy, says: '' Nam quotidie aliquid novi sentitur, nunc in hac civi- tutc, nunc in ilia. Calabria miper fere tota tumultuata est." (Serin. Antiq. tom. i. p. 322.) 2G2 HISTORY OF THE UEFOUMATION in ITALY. appearance,tliaiiseventyof them were seized and con- ducted in chains to Montalto. They were put to the question by the orders of the inquisitor Panza, to in- duce them not only to renounce their taith,but also to accuse themselves and their brethren of having com- im'tted odious crimes in their religious assemblies. To wrinir a confession of this from him, Stefano Car- lino was tortured until his bowels gushed out. Ano- ther prisoner, named \\Tminel, having, in the extre- mity of pain, promised to go to mass, the inquisitor flattered himself that, by increasing the violence of the torture, he could extort a confession of the charge which he was so anxious to fasten on the pro- testants. But though the exhausted sufferer was kept during eight hours on the instrument called Mc^ //('//, he persisted in denying the atrocious calumny. A person of the name of Marzone was stripped naked, beaten with iron reds, dragged through the streets, and then felled with the blows of torches. One of his sons, a boy, having resisted the attempts made for his conversion, was conveyed to the top of a tower, from which they threatened to precipitate him, if he would not end)race a crucifix, which was presented to him. He refused; and the inquisitor, in a rage, ordered him instantly to be thrown down. Bernardino Conte, on his way to the stake, threw awav a crucifix which the executioner had forced into his hands ; upon which Panza remanded him to prison, until a more dreadful mode of punishment should be devised. He was conveyed to Cosenza, where his body was covered with j)itch, in which he HISTOKY OF THE REFOUMATIOX IN ITALY. 26S was burnt to death before the people.* The manner in which those of the tender sex were treated by this brutal inquisitor, is too disgusting to be related here. Suffice it to say, that he put sixty females to the torture, the greater ])art of whom died in prison in consequence of their wounds remaining undressed. On his return to Naples, he delivered a great num- ber of protestants to the secular arm at St. Agata, where he inspired the inhabitants with the greatest terror ; for, if any individual came forward to in- tercede for the prisoners, he was inunediately put to the torture as a favourer of heresy. t Horrid as these facts are, they fall short of the barbarity perpetrated on the same people at ]VIon- talto in the year 1560, under the government of the Marquis di Buccianici, to whose brother, it is said, tlie pope had promised a cardinal's hat, provided the province of Calabria was cleared of heresy. I shall give the account in the words of a Roman catholic, servant to Ascanio Caraccioli, who witnessed the scene. The letter in which he describes it was pub- lished in Italy, along with other narratives of the bloody transaction. " Most illustrious Sir, — Having written you from time to time wiiat has been done here in the affair of heresy, I have now to inform you of the dreadful justice which began to be executed on these Lutherans early this morning, being the 11th of June. And, to tell you the truth, I can compare * Pcrri»i, ut supra, pj>. 202— 20 1. t Ibid. p. 205-6'. '2iji IIISTOUY 01- THE UEFOUMATION IN ITALY. it to nothing but the slaughter of so many sheep. They were all shut up in one house as in a sheep- fold. The executioner went, and bringing out one of them, covered his face with a napkin, or heiida, as we call it, led hiui out to a field near the house, and causing him to kneel down, cut his throat with a knife. 'i'hen taking olf the bloody napkin, he went and brought out another, whom he put to death after the same manner. In this way, the whole number, amounting to eiglity-eight men, were butchered. I leave you to figure to yourself the lamentable spectacle ; for I can scarcely refrain from tears while I write ; nor was there any per- son who, after witnessing the execution of one, could stand to look on a second. The meekness and patience with which they went to martyrdom and death was incredible. Some of them at their death professed themselves of tlie same faith with us, but the greater part died in their cursed obsti- nacy. AH the old men met their death with cheer- fulness, but tlie young exhibited symptoms of fear. I shudder while I think of the executioner with the bloody knife in his teeth, the dripping napkin in his hand, and his arms besmeared with gore, going to the house and taking out one after another, just as a butcher does the sheep which he means to kill. According to orders waggons are already come to carry away the dead bodies, which are appointed to be quartered, and hung up on the public roads from one end of Calabria to tlie other. Unless his holiness and the viceroy of Naples coimuand the IIISTOUY OF THE REIOIIMATION IN ITALY. 265 marquis de Buccianici, the governor of this province, to stay his hand and leave off, he will go on to put others to the torture, and multiply the executions until he has destroyed the whole. Even to-day a decree has passed that a hundred grown up women shall he put to the question, and afterwards ex- ecuted ; so that there may be a complete mixture, and we may be able to say, in well-sounding lan- guage, that so many persons were punished, partly men and partly women. This is all that I have to say of this act of justice. It is now eight o'clock, and I shall presently hear accounts of what was said by these obstinate people as they were led to ex- ecution. Some have testified such obstinacy and stubbornness as to refuse to look on a crucifix, or confess to a priest ; and they are to be burnt alive. The heretics taken in Calabria amount to sixteen hundred, all of whom are condemned ; but only eighty-eight have as yet been put to death. This people came originally from the valley of Angro- gna, near Savoy, and in Calabria are called Ultra- montani. Four other places in the kingdom of Naples are inhabited by the same race, but I do not know that they behave ill ; for they are a simple unlettered people, entirely occupied with the spade and plough, and, I am told, show themselves suffi- ciently religious at the hour of death."* Lest the reader should be inclined to doubt the truth of such * Tantalcon, Rcrum in Eccles. Cicst. Hibt. f. 337-8. Dc Porta, ii. SOi)— 312. 266 HISTORY OF the llErOIlMATION IN ITALY. horrid atrocities, the following summary account of them by a Neapolitan historian of that age, may be addeci. After giving some account of the Calabrian heretics, he says : -Some had their throats cut, others were sawn through the middle, and others thi-own from the top of a high clitf : all were cruelly but de- servedlv i)ut to death. It was strange to hear ot their obstinacy ; for while the father saw his son put to death, and the son his father, they not only gave .0 symptoms of grief, but said joyfully that hey would be angels of God : so much had the devil, to whom they had given themselves up as a prey, de- ceived them."* , IW the time that the persecutors were glutted with blood, it was not difficult to dispose ot the prisoners who remained. The men were sent to the Spanish galleys ; the women and children wcn^esod for slaves ; and, with the exception of a tew w ho renounced their taith, the whole colony was exter- minnted+ '' Many a time have they afthcted me froin my youth," may the race of the Waldenses say, .niany a tin.e have they afflicted me from my youth. My blood,— the violence done to me and to my flesh, be upon" Rome ! While the popes exerted themselves in the sup- pression of the reformed doctrines in other parts ot Italy, it may be taken for granted that they were . Tommaso Costo, Seccnda Parte del Compcndio dell 'Istoria di ""Tt 'h' u; supra, p. 200-7. Hist, dcs Martyrs, f. .16, a. i HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 267 not idle within the territories of the cliurch. It has !)eeii observed, that the procedure of the in- quisition was milder in Italy than in Spain ; but both the statement of the fact, and the reasons by which it is usually accounted for, require to be qualified. One of these reasons is, the policy with ^vhkh the ItaHans, including the popes, have al- ways consulted their pecuniary interests, to which they postponed every other consideration. This however will be found to hold true as to their treat- ment of the Jews, rather than of the Lutherans. The second reason is, that the popes being tempo- ral princes in the states of the church, had no oc- casion to employ the inquisition to undermine the rights of the secular authorities in them, as in otlier countries. This is unquestionably true; and it accounts for the fact that the court of inquisition, long after its operations had been suspended in Italy, continued to be warmly supported by papal in- fluence in Spain. But at the time of which I write, and during the remainder of the sixteenth century, it was in full and constant operation, and the popes found that it enabled them to accomplish what would have baffled their power as secular so- vereigns. The chief difference between the Italian and Spanish inquisitions at that period, appears to have lain in their policy respecting the mode of punishment. The latter sought to inspire terror hy the solemn spectacle of a public act of justice in which the scaffold was crowded with criminals. 268 HISTORY or THE REVORMATION IN ITALY. Except in the case of the remote and friendless Ca- lahrians, it was the object of tlie former to avoid all unnecessary publicity and eclat. With this view, the mode of punishment usual at Venice was some- times adopted at Rome ; as in the case of Barto- lommeo Fonzio. * In other cases the victims were brought to the stake singly or in small mimbers, and often strangled before being committed to the flames. The report of the uutos da fc of Seville and Valladolid blazed at once over Europe : the executions at Rome made less noise in the city, be- cause they were less splendid as well as more fre- quent ; and the rumour of them died away before it could reach the ear of foreigners. Paul III. threw many of the protestants into the prisons of Rome ; they were brought forth to execution by Julius III. ; and Paul IV. follow- ed in the bloody track of his predecessor. Under the latter the inquisition spread alarm everywhere, . De Porta, ii. 33. Hciacgger states that Fo.io was .Irowncd along with thirteen preachers of the gospel. (Diss, de M.racuhs Eeeles. Evang. § «.) I conjecture that this writer was misled by a cursory inspection of a letter, (then probably unpr.nted, from Frechtus to BuUinger, dated July 2i, li3H, wh.chsays:- Bar- tholoma^um Fontium Venetum. publiea fide s.bi a Romano 1 ont- fice data, Romam pervenisse et fidei sua- rationem dedisse, ac sta- tim ab Antichristo saceo impositum et Tiber, immersum m Don,.- nummortuum, in hujus locum XIII. emersisse evangchcos pr.d.- catores, qui Roma-, invito etiam Antichristo, Chr.stum annunctent. (Fueslin, Epist. Reform. Helvet. p. 177.) U is rather a serious m.s- take to confouud (mi:rgo with inimergu. i JIISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 2G9 and created the very evils which it sought to allay. Princes and princesses, priests, friars and bishops, entire academies, the sacred college, and even the holy office itself, fell under the suspicion of heretical l)ravity. The conclave was subjected to an expur- gatory process. Cardinals Morone and Pole, with Foscarari, bishop of IModena, Aloysio Priuli, and other persons of eminence, were prosecuted as heri- tics. It was at last found necessary to introduce laymen into the inquisition, '' because," to use the words of a contemporary Avriter, " not only many bishops, and vicars, and friars, but also many of the inquisitors themselves, were tainted with here- sy." * Much of the extravagance displayed at this time, is, no doubt, to be ascribed to the person- al fanaticism and jealousy of the pontiff, who sent for some of tlie cardinals to his death-bed, and re- commended the inquisition to their support with his latest breath. Such was the frenzied zeal of this infallible dotard, that, if his life had been spared a little longer, the poet's description of tlie effects of superstition would have been realized, " and one capricious curse enveloped all." Ir- ritated by his violent proceedings, and by the extortion and rapine with which they were ac- companied, the inhabitants of Rome, as soon as the tidings of his death transpired, rose in tumult, burnt the house of inquisition to the ground, • Bernini, Lstoria di tutte L'Heresia, secol. xvi. cap. vii. ; Piiig- blanch's History of the Inquisition, i. 61-2. 270 IIISTOIIY OF THE REFORMATIOX IX ITALY. after having liberated all the prisoners * broke down the statue which Paul had erected for himself, and dragging its members with ropes through the streets, threw them into the Tiber.f Pius IV. overturned several of the measures pur- sued by his predecessor; but this proceeded more from hatred to the house of Caralla than from mo- deration or the love of justice. His pontificate, in fact, exceeded that of Paul IV. in cruelty, being disgraced by the massacres in Calabria, and nume- rous executions in Rome, Venice, and other parts of Italy. In the room of that which had been de- molished in the tunuilt, he appropriated to the in- quisition a house beyond the Tiber, whicli had be- longed to one of the cardinals ; and added cells to it for the reception of prisoners. This was com- nundy called the Lutheran prison, and is said to have been built on the site of the ancient Circus of Nero, in which so many Christians were delivered to the wild beasts. Here it was that Philip Came- rarius, the son of Joachim Camerarius, and Peter Rieter de Kornburg, a Bavarian gentleman, were confined for two months during the year 15()5 ; having been seized when visiting Rome on their travels, in consequence of the information of a Jew, who mistook Rieter for another German, with whom he had quarrelled. But although the mis- * Amon^ these prisoners was John Craig, one of our Reformers, who drew up tlie National Covenant, in which Scotland abjured the popish religion. (Life of John Knox, ii. 55.) t Natalis Comes, Hist, sui Temporis, lib. xii. f. 2G3, 269. HISTORY or THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 271 take was acknowledged by the informer, they were detained as heretics, and obtained their Hberty only through the interference of the imperial ambassa- dor, accompanied with threats that the agents of Rome would be treated in the same manner in travelling through Germany.* Pompeio di Monti, a Neapolitan nobleman, who had been seized by the familiars of the inquisition, as he was crossing the bridge of St. Angelo on horseback, along with his relation, INIarcantonio Colonna, was lodged in the same apartment with Camerarius, who derived from liis conversation both Christian comfort and useful counsel to avoid the snares which the inquisitors were in tlie habit of spreading for their prisoners.f During the subsequent year Di Monti was sentenced to be burnt alive ; but, in consideration of a sum of seven thousand crowns beingadvanced by his friends, he was only strangled, and his body afterwards committed to the flames. 4: * Schelhorn, Vita Philippi Camerarii, pp. 8G— 101. Relatio de Cap- tivitate Romana, ike. Philippi Camerarii et Petri Rieteri, pp. 7 30 51—64. This last work was published by Camerarius himself, and contains a particular account of the examinations which he under- went, and the causes of his release, accompanied with documents. t Relatio, ut supra, p. 73- 1. They shared together the use of a Latin Bible, which the baron had procured and kept concealed in his bed. Camerarius having applied for a Psalter, to assist him in his devotions, the noted Jesuit, Petrus Canisius, by whom he was visited pressed on him the OJice of the Holy Virgin, as more conducive to edification; and, when it was declined, sent him AmaJis de Gaul and Cncsar's Commentaries, in Italian. (Ibid. pp. li, \5.) X Relatio, ut supra, pp. 7, 8. 272 niSTORV of the IIEFOUMATIOX in ITALY. Nor (lid the persecution slacken under Pius V. who was created pope in the year 156G. The name of this fierce and inexorable pontifT was Michele Ghisleri ; and the cruelties conniiitted during the two preceding pontificates are in no small degree to be ascribed to his infhience, as president of the inquisition, a situ- ation which he had held, under the designation of the Alexandrine cardinal, since the late establish- ment of that tribunal.- His elevation to the pope- dom was followed by a hot persecution in Rome and the states of the church. It raged with great vio- lence in Bologna, where " persons of all ranks were promiscuously subjected to the same imprisonment, and tortures and death."t " Three persons," says a writer of that time, '• have lately been burnt alive in that city, and two brothers of the noble family of Ercolani have been seized on suspicion of heresy, and sent bound to Rome." At the same time many of the German students in the university were imprisoned, or obliged to fly.^ The following de- scription of the state of matters in the year 1568 is from the pen of one who was residing at that time on the borders of Italy. '' At Rome some are every day burnt, hanged, or beheaded ; all the prisons and places of confinement are filled ; and they are obliged to build new ones. Tliat large city cannot furnisli gaols for the numbers of pious persons who * Thuani Hist. lib. xxxix. ad an. UG(J. Vita Philippi Camcrarii, p. 102. r^ n * t Thobias Eglinus ad Bullingcrum, 20 Dcccni. 1567: Ue 1 orta, ii. 460. T^ . . 11 * • X Epistola Joachimi Camcrarii, 16 ¥vh. \:a\G: ct Epist. 1 otn llietcri, prid. Id. Mali 1>G7 : Vita Phil. Camcrarii, pp. 17 ^, 107. IlISTOUY OF THE JIEFOKMATIOX IN ITALY. 27ti are continually apprehended. A distinguished per- .son, named Carnesecclii, formerly ambassador to the duke of Tuscany, has been committed to the flames. Two persons of still greater distinction, baron Ber- nardo di Angole, and count a Petiliano, a genuine and brave Roman, are in prison. After long re- sistance, they were at last induced to recant on a promise that they should be set at liberty. But what was the consequence ? The one was condemn- ed to pay a fine of eighty thousand crowns, and to suffer perpetual imprisonment; and the other to pay one thousand crowns, and be confined for life ill the convent of the Jesuits. Thus have they, by a dislionourable defection, purchased a life worse than death."* The same writer relates the follow- ing anecdote, which shows the base stratagems whicli llie Roman inquisition employed to get hold of its vic- tims. " A letter from Genoa to Messere Bonetti states, that a rich nobleman at Modena in the duchy of Fer- rara was lately informed against as a heretic to the pope, who liad recourse to the following method of getting him into liis claws. The nobleman had a cousin at Rome, wiio was sent for to the castle of St. Angelo, and told, ' Either you must die, or write to your cousin at Modena, desiring him to meet you in Bologna at a certain hour, as you wish to speak to him on important business.' The letter * Thobias Eglinus ad Bullingeruin, 2 Mart. 1568: De Porta, ii. ISO. 27^ inSTOllY OF THE UEFOIJMATIOX IX ITAI.Y. was dispatdieil, and the nobleman having ridden hi haste to Bologna, was seized as soon as he had dis- monnted from his horse. His friend was then set at liberty. This is dragon's game."* It is not my intention to write a martyrology ; but I cannot altogether pass over the names of those men who intrepidly displayed the standard of truth before tlie walls of Rome, and fell within the breach of the antichristian citadel. Faventino Fanino, or Fannio, a native of Faenza, within the states of the church, is usually, though not correctly, said to be the first who suOered martyrdom for the protestant faith in Italy. Having received the knowledge of tlie truth by reading the Bible and other religious books in his native language, he imparted it to his neighbours, and was soon thrown into prison. Tlirough the persuasion of his friends he purchased his liberty by recantation, which threw him into great distress of mind. On recovering from this dejection, he resolved to exert himself more zealously than before in discovering to his countrymen the errors by which they were deluded, and in acquainting them with the way of salvation. For this purpose, he travelled through the province of Romagna. His plan was, after succeeding with a few individuals, to leave them to instruct others, while he removed to another place ; by which means he disseminated extensively, in a short time, the ♦ Thol)ias Eglimis ad Bullii.geruni, 20 Mart. I.>(i8: ibid. p. ^87. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 275 knowledge of evangelical doctrine. He was at last seized at a place called Bagnacavallo, and conducted in chains to Ferrara. Neither threats nor solicita- tions could now move him to waver in his confes- sion of the truth. To the lamentations of his wife and sister, wlio came to see him in prison, he replied, ** Let it suffice you, that, for your sakes, I once denied my Saviour. Had I then had the knowledge which by the grace of God I have acquired since my fall, I would not have yielded to your entreaties. Go home in peace." Of Fannio's imprisonment, which last- ed two years, it may be said, that it fell out " to the furtherance of the gospel, so that his bonds in Christ were manifest in all the palace." He was visited by the princess Lavinia dellaRovere, by Olympia Mora- ta, and other persons of distinction, who were edi- fied by his instructions and prayers, and took a deep interest in his fate. AMien orders were issued to prevent strangers from having access to him, he employed himself in doing good to his fellow-pri- soners, including several persons of rank, confined for state crimes, upon whom his piety, joined with uncommon modesty and meekness, produced such an effect, that they acknowledged, after their en- largement, that they never knew what true liberty and happiness was, until they found it within the walls of a prison. Orders were next given to put him in solitary confinement, when he spent his time in writing religious letters and essays, which he found means of conveying to his friends, and several 27() HISTORY OF TTIK IIKVORMATIOX IX ITALY. of which were published after his death. So much were the priests afraid of the influence which he exerted over those who approached hiin, that both his prison and his keeper were repeatedly changed. In the year 1550, Julius III. rejecting every inter- cession made for his life, ordered him to be execut- ed. He was accordingly brought out to the stake at an early hour in the morning, to prevent the people from witnessing the scene, and being first strangled, was committed to the flames.* At the same tinie, and in the same manner, did Domenica della Casa Bianca suiter death. He was a native of Basano in the Venetian states, and acquir- ed the knowledge of the truth in Germany, whither he had gone in the army of Charles V. With the zeal of a young convert he endeavoured, on his return to Italy, to disabuse the minds of his deluded coun- trymen. After labouring with success in Naples and other places, he was thrown into prison at Piacenza, and refusing to retract what he had taught, suffered martyrdom with great fortitude, in the thirtieth year of his age.f We have already met repeatedly with Giovanni Mollio, the Bolognese professor, who was held in the highest esteem through Italy for his learning • Olympiic Morat.T Opera, pp. 90, 102, 107. Nolten, Vita Olyiti. MorataN pp. 127-131. Hist, des Martyrs, f. 18(i.7. Bczx Icones, sig. nil i.j. , , , t Hist, des Martyrs, f. 187, b. The following work I have not seen : " De Fannii Faventini ac Doniinici Hassanensis mortc, qui niiper ob Christum in Itaha Rom. PontiHeis jussu impie occisi sunt, brevis historia ; Fran. Nip;ro Hassancnsi auctore. 1.550." HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALV. 277 and holy life.* After the flight of his brethren Ochino and Martyr, in 1542, he was frequently in great danger, and more than once in confinement, from which he had always providentially escaped. But after tlie accession of pope Julius III. he was sought for with great eagerness, and being seized at Ravenna, was conducted under a strong guard to Home, and lodged in a strait prison.f On the 5th of September 1553, a public assembly of the inqui- sition was held with great pomp, which was attend- ed by the six cardinals and their episcopal assessors, before wliom a number of prisoners were brought with torches in their hands. All of them re- canted and had penances imposed on them, except Mollio, and a native of Perugia, named Tisserano. AMien the articles of accusation against Mollio were read, permission was given him to speak. He de- fended the different doctrines which he had taught respecting justification, the merit of good works, auricular confession, and the sacraments ; pronoun- ced the power claimed by the pope and his clergy to be usuri)C'd and antichristian ; and addressed his judges in a strain of bold and fervid invective, which silenced and chained them to their seats, at the same time that it cut them to the quick. '' As for you, cardinals and bishops," said lie, " if I were satisfied that you had justly obtained that power which you assume to yourselves, and that you had risen to See before, pp. 79, 119. t During liis imprisomnent he composed a connnentary on Genesis, ^vhieh is praised by Rabus. (Gcrdesii Italia Reform, p. 302.) 27H HISTORY OV Tin: llEFORMATION IN ITALY. your eminence by virtuous deeds, and not by blind ambition and tbe arts of profligacy, I would not say a word to you. But since I see and know on tbe best grounds, tliat you bave set moderation, and modes- ty, and bonour, and virtue at defiance, I am con- strained to treat you witbout ceremony, and to de- Clare tbat your power is not from God but tbe devil. If it were apostolical, as you would make tbe poor world believe, tben your doctrine and life would re- semble tbose of tbe apostles. Wben I perceive tbe filtb and falsebood and profaneness witb wbicb it is overspread, wbat cani tbink or say of your cburcb but tbat it is a receptacle of tbieves and a den of robbers? Wbat is your doctrine but a dream,— a lie forged by bypocrites ^ Your very countenances proclaim tbat your belly is your god. Your great object is to seize and amass wealtb by every species of injustice and cruelty You tliirst witbout ceasing for tbe blood of tbe saints. Can you be tbe successors of tbe boly apostles, and vicars of Jesus Cbrist-you wbo despise Cbrist and bis word, wbo act as if you did not be- lieve tbat tbere is a God in beaven, wbo persecute to tbe deatb bis faitbful ministers, make bis com- mandments of no effect, and tyrannize over tbe con- sciences of bis saints ? Wberefore I appeal trom your sentence, and summon you, O cruel tyrants and murderers, to answer before tbe judgment seat of Cbrist at tbe last day, wbere your pompous titles and gorgeous trappings will not dazzle, nor your miards and torturing apparatus terrify us. And m Testimmiy of tbis, take back that wbicb you bave HISTORY OF THE KEFORMATIOX IN ITALY. 279 given me." In saying tbis, be tlirew tbe flaming torch which he held in his hand on the ground, and extinguislied it. Galled and gnashing upon him with their teeth, like the persecutors of the first Christian martyr, the cardinals ordered Mollio and his com- ])aiiion, wlio a])proved of the testimony lie had borne, to instant execution. They were conveyed, accord- ingly', to the Cainpo del Fior, where they died with the most pious fortitude.* Pomponio Algieri, a native of Nola, in the king- dom of Naples, was seized when attending the uni- versity of Padua, and after being examined in the presence of the podesta, was sent bound to Venice. His answers, on the different examinations which lie underwent, contain a luminous view of the truth, and form one of the most succinct and nervous re- futations of the principal articles of popery, from scripture and the decretals, which is anywhere to be found. They had the effect of spreading his fame through Italy. The senators of Venice, from regard to his learning and youth, were anxious to * Hist, des Martyrs, f. 264-5. Gerdesii I tal. Reform, p. lOL. Zanchi gives the following anecdote of this martyr in a letter to Bullinger : " I will relate what (Mollio of) Montalcino, the monk who was af- terwards burnt at Rome for the gospel, once said to rae respecting your book, De origine erroris. As I had not read or seen the work, he exhorted me to purchase it ; ' and (said he) if you have not mo- ney, pluck out your right eye to enable you to buy it, and read it with the left.' By the favour of providence, I soon found the book without losing my eye ; for I bought it for a crown, and abridged it in such a character as that not even an inquisitor could read it, and in such a form, that, if he had read it, he could not have discovered what "ly sentiments were." (Zanchii Epist. Hb. ii. p. 278.) 280 lUSTOllY OF THE KEFOUMATION IN ITALY. set him at liberty, but as he refused to abandon his sentiments, they condemned him to the galleys. Yet yielding to the importunities of the nuncio, they afterwards sent him to Rome, as an acceptable pre- sent to the newly-elected pope, Paul I\'., by whom he was doomed to be burnt alive, in the twenty-fourth year of his age. The Christian magnanimity with which the youthful martyr bore that cruel death terrified the cardinals who attended to grace the spectacle. — A letter written by Algieri, in his pri- son at Venice, describes the consolations by which he was refreshed and upheld under his sufferings, in language to which I scarcely know a parallel. It appears from this interesting document, that the friends of evangelical truth were still numerous in Padua.* Equally distinguished was the constancy of Fran- cesco Gamba, a native of Como. He was in the habit of visiting Geneva for the sake of conversa- tion with the learned men of that city. Having, on one of these occasions, participated along witli them of the Lord's supper, the news of this fact reached home before him, and he was seized on the Lake of Como, thrown into prison, and condemned to the flames. His execution was prevented for a few days by the interposition of the imperial am- bassador and some of tlie Milanese nobility, during * The iiutuiiiaph of this IcUcr, together with the lacts rcspeeting the writer, were comnumicated l)y C'clio t^eeundo Curio to the histo- rian Henry I'antaleon. (Uerum in Eccles. Cnst. part. ii. app. 3'29— XV>. Conf. Bezic Icones, sit;. Ilh iij.) HISTORY OF THE KEFORMATION IX ITALY. 281 which interval his firmness was assailed by the so- phistry of the monks, the entreaties of his friends, and the interest which many of his townsmen of the popish persuasion took in his welfare. He mo- destly declined the last services of the friars, ex- l)ressed his gratitude to those who had testified a concern for his life, and assured the judge, M^io la- mented the necessity which he was under of exe- cuting the law, tliat lie forgave him, and prayed God to forgive him also. His tongue having been per- forated to prevent him from addressing the specta- tors, he kneeled down and prayed at the place of execution ; then rising, he looked round the crowd, which consisted of several thousands, for a friend, to whom he waved his right hand, which was loose, as the appointed sign that he retained his confi- dence ; after which he stretched out his neck to the executioner, who had been authorized, by way of favour, to strangle him before committing his body to the fire.* Godfredo Varaglia, though a Piemontese, and put to death in his native country, deserves a place here from his intimate connexion with Italy. He belonged to the order of Capuchins, and acquired great celebrity as one of their preachers. Inherit- ing from his father a strong antipathy to the Wal- denses, he received a mission to labour in their con- • 'I This account is taken from a letter written by a gentleman of Como to the martyr's brother. (Acta ct Monim. Marty rum, f. 270 — VJi2. Woltii Lcct. Memorab. tom. ii. p. 68C.) Gamba suffered on the 21st of Julv \o5i. 282 IIISTOIIV Ol- Tin: UErOHMATION IX ITALY. HISTORY OF THE KEFORMATION IX ITALY. 283 version, from vv^hich the highest hopes, founded on his elo({uence and zeal, were formed ; but the issue turned out very diil'erent, for he ])ecamc a convert to the opinions of his opponents, and, like another Paul, began to i)reach the faith wliich he had sought to destroy.* From that time he acted in concert with Ochino. When the latter left Italy, he and twelve others of his order were ai)])rehended and conveyed to Rome. As the suspicions against them were slight, or their interest i)owerful, they were admitted to make an abjuration of heresy in gene- ral terms, and confined to the capital on their parole for five years. At the end of tliat period \\araglia was persuaded to lay aside the cowl, and enter into secular orders. His talents had procured him the friendship of a dignitary of the church, from whom he enjoyed a pension for some time ; and his patron being appointed legate from the pope to the king of France in the year 1556, he accompanied him to that country. But his conscience not permitting him any longer to conceal his sentiments, he parted from the legate at Lyons and repaired to Geneva, where he accepted an appointment to preach the gospel to the Waldenses in the valley of Angrogna.f * Lcgcr, llistoire ties Ej^lises Vaudoises, p. 29. Hospiniari, by mis- take, makes Varaglia to have been the founder of the Capuchins. (Dc Grig. Monach. cap. ix. p. 297.) This order of monks was insti- tuted by Matthirus do Baschi. (Observationes Halenses, torn. iv. p. 410.) f This is the account which he gave of liimself on liis examination before the supreme court of justice at Turin. (Hist, des Martyrs, f. il8().) 1^^ Me had not laboured many months among that people, when he was apprehended, conveyed to Tu- rin, and condeuHied to death, which he endured with great fortitude on the 29th of March 1558, in the 50th year of his age. When interrogated on his trial as to Iiis companions, he told his judges that lie had lately been in company with twenty- four preachers, who had mostly come from Geneva ; and that the number of those who were ready to follow them was so great that the inquisitors would not find wood wherewith to burn them.* Ludovico Paschali was a native of Cuni in Pie- mont, and having acciuired a taste for evangelical doctrine at Nice, left the army to which he had been bred, and went to study at Lausanne. When the A\\aldenses of Calabria applied to the Italian church at Geneva for preachers, Paschali was fixed upon as eminently qualified for that station. Having ob- tained the consent of Camilla Guerina, a young wo- man to whom he had previously been affianced, he set out along with Stefano Negrino. On their ar- rival in Calabria, they found the country in that state of agitation which we have already described, and after labouring for some time to quiet the minds of the people and comfort them under persecution, they were both apprehended at the instance of the * The account of V^aragHa was transmitted to Pantaleon by CeHo Secundo Curio. (Rerum in Eccl. Gcst. pp. 334, 33.5. Hist, des Mar- tyrs, f. us — i21.) In 1j63, the nuncio Visconti wrote to cardinal Borromeo, that more than the half of the Piemontese were Hugonots. (Kpist. apud Gerdes. Ital. Ref. p. 94.) 2Hi IIISTOUY Ol Tin: UKIOUMATION IN ITALV. inc[iusit()r. xXegrino was allowed to perish of hun- ger in the prison. Paschali, after being kei)t eight months in confinement at (^osenza, was conducted to Nai)U's, from which lie was transferred to Rome. Ili^ sufferings were great, and he bore them with the most unconnnon fortitude and patience, as ap- pears from the letters, equally remarkable for their sentiment and pious unction, which he wrote from his prisons to the persecuted flock in Calabria, to his attlicted spouse, and to the church of Geneva. Giv- ing an account of his joiu-ney from C^osenza to Na- ples, he says : *' Two of our companions had been prevailed mi to recant, but they were no better treat- ed on that acnmnt ; and God knows what they will sufVer at Rome, where they are to be conveyed, as well as Manpiet and myself. The ^ood Spaniard, our conductor, wished us to give him money to be relieved from the chain by which we were bound to one another ; yet in addition to this he put on me a pair of handculTs so strait that they enter- ed into the llesh and deprived me of all sleep ; and I ibund that, if at all, he would not remove them un- til he had drawn from me all the money I had, amounting only to two ducats, which I needed for my support. At night the beasts were better treat- ed than we, for their litter was spread for them, ^v bile we were obliged to lie on the hard ground without any covering ; and in this condition we remained for nine nights. On our arrival at Naples, we wc;i'e thrust into a cell, noisome in the highest degree from the damp and the putrid breath of the prisoners." HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALV. 285 His brother, who had come fromCuni, witli letters of recommendation to endeavour to procure his liberty, gives the following account of the first interview which, after great difficulty, he obtained with him at Iconic, in the presence of a judge of the inquisition. ** It was hideous to see him, with his bare head and his hands and arms lacerated with the small cords with which he was bound, like one about to be led to the gibbet. On advancing to embrace him, I sank to the ground. ' My brother !* said he, * if you are a Christian, why do you distress yourself thus ? Uo you not know, that a leaf cannot fall to the earth without the will of God ? Comfort yourself in Christ Jesus, for the present troubles are not worthy to be compared M'ith the glory to come.' ' No more of that talk !' exclaimed the judge. AV^hen we were about to i)art, my brother begged the judge to remove him to a less horrid prison. * There is no other prison for you than this.' — * At least show me a little pity in my last days, and God will show it to you.' — ' There is no pity fur such obstinate and hardened criminals as you.' A Piemontese doctor who was present joined me in entreating the judge to grant this favour ; but lie remained inflexible. ' He will do it for the love of God,' said my brother. — ' All the other pri- sons are full,' replied the judge. — * They are not so full but that a small corner can be spared for iiie.' — * You would infect all who were near you by your smooth speeches.' — ' I will speak to none who au of .listinguisl.e.l virtue and liberal am.n.i.lislin.ents ;"* and Henibo speaks of l.in. in terms of the highest respect and afTection-t He was n.a«7• | " II resto del giorno pass,, con qucsta santa c utile couipapn.a de"Sig. Carnesecchi, e Mr. Marco Antonio Fla.uinio nostro. Utile io chiamo, perclK. la sera poi Mr. Marco Antonio da pasto a me e alia miglior parte .lella fan,i?Ua, ,le illo cibo qui non pent, .n tal ma- I HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 289 friend Flaminio, startling at the Ihoiiglit of leaving the church of Rome, stopped short in his inquiries, Carnesecchi displayed that mental courage which welcomes truth when she tramples on received pre- judices, and follows her in spite of the hazards which environ her path.* After the fliglit of Ochino and Martyr, he incurred the violent suspicions of those who prosecuted the search after heresy, and in 1546', he was cited to Rome, where cardinal de Ruriros. one of the inquisitors, was ordered to investigate the cliarges brought against him. lie was accused of cor- responding with the lieretics who had fled from justice, supplying suspected persons with money to enable them to retire to foreign i)arts, giving tes- timonials to schoolmasters, who, under the pretext of teaching the rudiments of knowledge, poisoned the minds of the youth with their heretical catechisms, and j)articularly with having recommended to the duchess of Trajettof two apostates, whom he praised to the skies as apostles sent to preach the gospel to the heathen. t Through the favour of the mild poii- tiff Paul III. the matter was accommodated, but Carnesecchi, to avoid the odium which had been excited against him, found it necessary to quit Italy niera che io non so quando io abbia sentito maggior consolatione, ne niaggior edificaiione." Lettere, il Card. Reg. Polo al Card. Gasp. Contarini; di Viterbo, alii ix di Decenibrc loH. (Poli Epibtola^ vol. iii. p. 42.) * See before, p. 171. t See before, p. 162. X Ladtrchii Annal. ad an, 1.jG7. U I I 290 IIISTOUY OI THE IlFrOllMATlON IN ITALY. for a season. After spending some time with Mar- garet, dueliess of Savoy, who was not unfriendly to the reformed doetrines, he Avent to France, wliere he enjoyed the favour of the new monarch, Henry II., and his queen, Catharine de Medicis. In the year 1552, he returned to liis native country, con- firmed in his opinions hy the intercourse which he liad had with foreign protestants,* and took up his residence chiefly at Padua, within the Venetian ter- ritories, hecause he was in k^ss danger there from the intrigues of the court of Konus and could enjoy the socie'ty of those wlio were of the same religicms sen- timents with himself. Paul IV. had not heen long seated on the papal throne when a criminal process was commenced against him. As he did not choose to put himself at the mercy of that furious pope, lie was formally sunnnoned at Rome and Venice, and failing to appear within the prescrihed term, the sen- tence of excommunication was launched against him, by which he was delivered over to the secular power to be punished, wlien taken, as a contu- macious heretic.f When (iiovanni Angelo de' Me- dici ascended the chair of St. l^eter, under the * Ladcrchiiis says he formed an intimacy with Philip Mclanclithon. But as the latter was never in France, Schelhorn thinks the person referred to might be Andrew Melanchthon, a relation of that reform- er, who was imprisoned for preaching in the Agenois. (Amtrn. Hist. Eccles. tom.ii. p. 19'2.) t The process against him was commenced October 25, 1557 ; the monitory smiimons was issued March 2I-, 155S ; and the excommuni- cation was passed April (i, 155<). ( Laderchius, ut supra.) .s. ■ '::< HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 291 name of Pius IV., Carnesecchi, who liad always lived on terms of great intimacy with the family of this pontiff, obtained from him the removal of the sentence of excommunication without being required to make any abjuration of his opinions. Tlie popish writers complain, that, notwithstanding these repeated favours, he still kept up his corre- spondence with Jieretics in Naples, Rome, Florence, \'enice, Pa(hia, and other ])laces both within and without Italy; that he gave supplies of money to Peter Gelid, a sacramentarian heretic, Leone Mari- onio, and others who had gone to Geneva; and that he recommended the writings of the Lutherans while he spoke degradingly of those of the catholics. On the accession of Pius V. he retired to Florence, and j)ut himself under the protection of Cosmo, the grand duke of Tuscany, justly dreading the venge- ance of the new pontiffl From papers afterwards found in his possession, it appears that he had in- tended to retire to Geneva, but was induced by the confidence which he placed in his protector to delay the execution of his purpose until it was too late. The pope despatched the master of the sacred palace to Florence with a flattering letter to Cosmo, and in- structions to request that he would deliver up Car- nesecchi as a dangerous lieretic, who had long la- houred in various ways to destroy the catholic faith, and been the instrument of corrupting the minds of multitudes. Wlien the master of the palace arrived, and delivered his letter, Carnesecchi was 292 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. sitting at table with the grand duke, who, to ingra- tiate himself with the pope, ordered his guest to be immediately arrested as a prisoner, and con- ducted to Ronie ; a violation of the laws of hos- pitality and friendship for wliich he received the warm thanks of his lioliness.* The prisoner was proceeded against without delay, before the court of inquisition, on a charge consisting of thirty-four articles, which comprehended all the i)eculiar doc- trines held by protestants in opposition to the church of Roine.t These articles were proved by witnesses, and by the letters of the prisoner, who, after defend- ing himself for some time, admitted the truth of the charge, and owned the articles generally. We have the testimony of a poi)ish historian, who consulted the records of the inquisition, to the constancy with which Carnesecchi adhered to his sentiments. *' With hardened heart (says he) and uncircumcised ears he refused to yield to the necessity of his circum- stances, and rendered the admonitions and the often repeated delays granted him for deliberation use- less, so that he could not by any means be induced * Thuani Hist, ad an. UOG. Ladercliius, who has inserted in his Annals the pope's letters to Cosmo, admits the truth of l)e Thou's narrative as to the manner of Carnesecchi's ai)prehcnsion, which he applauds, — " ex bene acta re et optima Cosmi mente." The letter demanding Carnesecchi is dated June 20, and the letter of thanks July 1, loG6. f The articles are given at large by Ladcrchius, in his Annals, from which they have been reprinted by Schclhorn, (Araocn. Hist. Eccles. torn. ii. pp. 197 — 205,) and by Gcrdesius with some abridg- ment. (Ital. Kef. pp. lU—liH.) HISTORY OF THE REFOR:NrATION IN ITALY. 293. to abjure his errors and return to the bosom of the true religion, as Pius wished, who had resolved, if lie repented, to visit liis ])ast crimes with a milder j)unisliment than they merited."* We will not run great risk of transgressing the law of charity by sujiposing that the inquisitors detained him fifteen months in prison with the view of having the credit of proclaiming liim a i)enitent; and that no confession would have saved him from a capital punishment. On the fid of October 1567, he was beheaded, and Iiis body committed to the flames.f It has been the barbarous policy of the church of Rome to destroy the fame, however well earned, and, if possible, to abolish the memory and blot out the verv names, of those whose lives she has taken away for heresy. When we consider that Flaminio did not altogether escape this occulta censura, and that his name was expunged from letters which were j)ublished after his death, though he was never formally convicted of heresy, and had seve- * Ladcrchiup, ut supra. t Laderchius, Annales ad an. 15G7. — Thuani Hist, ad an. 1566. Tiraboschi, Storiadella Lett. Ital. tomo vii. pp. 3Si-, 385. Laderchius says, the sentence was passed Aug. 16, and publicly read Sept. 21. Tiraboschi has given the date of the execution from Storia del Gran iJucato di Toscano, by Sig. Galluzzi, a work which I regret not hav- ing seen. Laderchius expresses great displeasure at De Thou for saying that Carnesecchi was condemned to the fire without saying whether he was to be committed to it dead or alive; and he asserts that the Roman church never determined that heretics should be burnt alive. But in his next volume he found it necessary to cor- rect his own error, and to admit the truth of what he had denied. (AnnaL torn, xxiii. f. 200.) 294? insTOiiY OF Tin: reformation in italy. IIISTOllV OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 295 ral friends in the sacred college, need we wonder that the name of Carnesecchi should have suffered the same fate ?* The suhject is curious, and it may not be improj)er to adduce an example or two. The celebrated Muretus was engaged in publishing a work which was intended to contain a poem in praise of Carnesecchi. In the mean time a prosecu- tion for heresy was commenced against the object of his panegyric, which threw the delicate author into great perj)lexity. Averse to lose the ode, but afraid to associate himself with a person suspected of heresy, he held a consultation on the subject, and the result was, that liis caution conquered his vanity and the poem was suppressed. f — Carnesecchi was the intimate friend of the learned printer Aldus Manu- tius, and was godfather to one of his sons ; but in a collection of the letters of Manutius, published af- ter Carnesecchi had incurred tlie heretical stigma, the o'odfather sinks into one Pero. In an edition of his letters published in 1 55S, the same scholar, writing to Muretus, speaks in the most kindly man- ner of /?M' Carnesecchi ; but in subsequent editions, * " Neque tamen occultam ccnsuram cfFugit, (Flaminius) ejus no- mine passim in e})istolis, quiu jwstca publicata' sunt, cxpuncto." (Thuani Hist, ad an. 15ol.) Schclhorn has produced a number of instances in illustration of the truth of De Thou's assertion. (Er- gotzlichkeitcn, torn. i. pp. 201 — 203.) t The passage relating to this subject is in a letter to Aldus Ma- nutius, and begins in the following characteristic strain : " Erat ad Pe- truin Tov Ir.ooK^iti (^finge ali()(), while deliberating about his re- moval to liologna,^' lie was caught in the storm which burst on so many learned and excellent men at the elevation of Pius V. to the pontifical chair. Being seized by Frate Angelo de Cremona, the inquisitor, and conveyed to Rome, he was commit- ted to close confinement in the Torre Nona. His book on the Benefit of Christ's death, his commend- ations of ()chino,|| his defence of himself before the senators at Sienna, and the susi)icions which he had incurred during his residence at that place and at Lucca, were all revived against him. After the whole had been collected and sifted, the charge at last • Epistoliv, lib. iii. 10, 17 : Opera Palcarii, pp. 5^25—^31, 550— 551. edit. Ilalbaiieri. + Epist. lib. iv. i : ibid. p. 563. + Ilalbaucr has given the diploma of the civic authorities, in his Life of Taleario, pp. 27— '29. § Tirabosclii, vii. 1451.. |l Pahaiii Opera, p. 10^2-3. HISTORY OE THE REFORMATION IN ITALV. 299 resolved itself into the four following articles :— that Jie denied purgatory ; disapproved of burying thedead in churclies, preferring the ancient Roman method of sepulture without the walls of cities ; ridiculed the monastic hfe; and appeared to ascribe justifi- cation solely to confidence in the mercy of God for- giving our sins through Jesus Christ.* For holding these opinions, he was condemned, after an imt prisonment of three years, to be suspended on a gibbet and his body to be given to the flames ; and the sentence was executed on the :3d of July 1570, in the seventieth year of his age.f A minute', whi( h professes to be an official document of the Dominicans ^vllo attended him in his last mo- ments, but which has neither names nor signa- tuivs, states that Paleario died confessed and con- trite.}: The testimony of such interested report- ers, tliough it liad been better authenticated, is not to be implicitly received ; as it is well kno'wn that they were accustomed to boast, withgut the slightest foundation, of the conversions which they made on such occasions.^ In the present instance • Laderchii Annales, torn. xxii. p. 202. t ^Vriters have varied as to the year of his martyrdom, wliich however may be considered as determined by an extract from a re- gister kept m San Giovanni de' Eiorentini di Roma, which was print- ed in Novelle Letterarie dell' Anno 17i5, p. 328, and reprinted by bchclhorn. (Dissert, de Mino Celso Senensi, p. 25-6'.) t Diss, de Mino Celso, p. 26. Tiraboschi, following Padra Lago- marsmi and Abbate Lazzeri, has adopted this opinion, but solely on the ground referred to in the text. § Conringius has shown this from a variety of examples. (Prce- tat. ad Cassandri et Wicelii Libr. de Sacris nostri temporis Contro- versiis, p. 148.; ■j,- ,»,; 300 iiisToiiY OF Tin: iii:roiiMATiox ix italy. HISTORY OF THE RKFORMATIOX IN ITALY. 301 it is contradicted })y tlic |)()j)i>h coiitiiiuator of the annals of tlic cliurcli, w lio drew his materials from the records of the inciuisilioii, and represents Pale- ario as dyini^- impenitent. His words are: '* When it aj)pe[ired that this son of 15elial was ohstinate and refractory, and could hy no means be recovered from the darkness of error to the lij^ht of truth, he was deservedly delivered to the fire, that, after suf- fering' its nu)mentary pains here, he mi«^ht !)e hound in everlasting flames hereafter."* The unnatural and disordered concei)tions which certain persons have of right and wrong prompt them to imi)art facts which their more judicious hut not less guilty as- sociates would have concealed or coloured. To this we owe the following account of Paleario's be- haviour on his trial before the cardinals of the in- quisition. " When he saw that he could produce nothing in defence of his pravity," says tlie annal- ist just quoted, " falling into a rage, he broke out in these words : ' Seeing your eminences have so many credible witnesses against me, it is unneces- sary for you to give yourselves or me longer trou- ble. I am resolved to act according to the ad- vice of the blessed apostle Peter, when he says, Christ sulfered for us, leaving us an example that we should follow his steps ; who did no evil, nei- ther was guile found in his mouth ; who, when he was reviled, reviled not again, when he sulfered threatened not, but committed himself to him that * LiuUrcliii Annal. toiii. xx. f. 20 1. judgeth righteously. Proceed then to give judg- ment — ])ronounce sentence on Aonio ; and thus gratify his adversaries and fulfil your oflfice.' "* Instead of supposing that the person who uttered these words was under the influence of passion, every reader of right feeling will be dis])osed to ex- claim, ** Here is the patience and the faith of the saints !" Before leaving his cell for the place of execution, lie was permitted to write two letters, one to ln*s wife, and another to his sons, Lampri- dio and Fedro.f They are short, but the more af- fecting from this very circumstance ; because it is evident, that he was restrained by the fear of saying any thing which, by giving offence to his judges, might lead to the suppression of the letters, or to the harsh treatment of his family after his death. They testify the pious fortitude with which he met his death, as an issue which lie had long an- ticipated and wished for, and that m armth of con- jngal and ])aternal afifection which breathes in all his letters. t- They also afiford a negative proof that the report of his recantation was unfounded ; for if he had really changed his sentiments, would he not have felt anxious to acquaint his family with the fact? and if his repentance had been merely feigned, would the monks have insisted on his noticing the subject when they granted him permission to write ? Paleario had, before liis apprehension, taken care * Laderchius, ut supra^ f. 206. . t He left two sons and two daughters. t The letters will be found in the Appendix. . %.\ •.f !% ^I 302 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. to secure his writinGfs against the risk of suppres- sion, by coininitting them to the care of friends whom he could trust ; and their repeated publication in protestant countries has saved them from those mutilations to which the works of so many of his countrymen have been su})jected. From his letters it appears that lie enjoyed the friendship and corre- spondence of the most celebrated persons of that time both in the church and iu the republic of letters. Among- the former were cardinals Sadolet, Jiembo, Pole, IVIaffei, Badia, Filonardo, and Sfondrati ; and among the latter Flaminio, Riccio, Alciati, \"ittorio, Lampridio, and liuonamici. His poem on the Im- mortality of the soul was received with applause by the learned.* It is perhaps no high praise to say of his Orations, that they placed him above all the moderns who obtained the name of Ciceronians from their studious imitation of the style of the Roman orator ; but they are certainly written with much elegance and spirit.f His Letter, addressed to the reformers, on the council of '^Frent, and his Testi- mony and Pleading against the Roman pontiffs, * Tiraboschi, toiii. vii. j)]). Mot — 14oC. Sadolet says of it, in a letter to Sebastian (iry]>hn?iiP, " Tarn gravitcr, tarn criulite, tarn etiani ct verbis et numeris apte et eleganter tractatuni esse ; nibil ut ferine nostrormn tcniporiun legerini, quod me in eo genere delectavit raagis." (Palearii Opera, p. G27 ; conf. p. 621..) t Morlioff says, "■ Longe aliter sonat quod Palcarius scribit, quani Longolius et alii inepti Ciceronis irnitatores." (Colleg. Kpistolic. p. 17.) Crenius has collected several testimonies to the merit of Pa- learius. (Animad. Philolog. ct Historic, part. ii. pp. 18 — 23. Conf. jMiscell. Groning, torn. iii. p. 02-.S. Des Maizeaux, Scaligerana, tSic. tom. ii. p. 183.) A Life of Paleario is in Bayle, and in Niccron. i 1} u HISTORY OF THE UEI ORMATIOX IN ITALY. 303 evince a knowledge of the scriptures, soundness in the faith, candour, and fervent zeal, worthy of a reformer and confessor of tlie truth.* His tract on the Benefit of the death of Christ was uncommonly useful, and made a great noise at its first publica- tion. Forty thousand copies of it were sold in tlie course of six years.f It is said that cardinal Pole had a share in composing it, and that Flaminio wrote a defence of it ;t and activity in circulating it formed one of the charges on which cardinal Mo- rone was imprisoned and Carnesecchi committed to the flames.^ AVhen we take into consideration his * The Letter appears to have hcen written with the view of heing sent along with Ochino, when he retired from Italy ; and one copy of it was addressed to Bucer and another to Calvin. Salig gave an account of It, without knowing the author ; (Historic der A ugspurgischen Con- fession, tom. ii. lib. v. p. (JG ;) but it was published for the first time in 1737, by Schelhorn, along with a short account of the martvrdom of the author. (Amwnit. Hist. Ecclcs. tom. i. pp. 125—462.) The other work, entitled Tcsiimonia ct Actio hi Ponlifices Rnnanos ct eorum Asscclas, though intended also by the author to be sent across the Alps, was first found in his hand-writing at Sienna in the year 15'Ki and printed in 160G at Lcipsic. (Halbauer, Vita Palearii, p. to.) 1 he only peculiar opinion which the author adopted was the unlaw- fulness of an oath in any case, which he endeavours to support at some length. (Opera, p. 317, c^c.) M'hen he calls marriage a sa- crament, he appears to me merely to mean that it was a divine or sa- cred ordinance. (Ibid. pp. 305, 315.) t Schelhorn, Ergotzlichkeiten, torn. i. p. 27. X Schelhorn, AmaMiit. Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 15G. Laderchii An- nal. tom. xxii. p. 32G. § Wollii Lect. Memorab. tom. ii. p. (^oQ. Schelhorn, ut supra, torn. ii. p. 205. The only writer for two centuries, so far as I know' who lias seen this rare work is Ileiderer. The proper title is : Trat- tato utilissimo del beneficio de Giesu Christo crucifisso, verso i Chris- tiani. \'enetiis apud Bernardinum de Bindonis, Anno Do. 154.3. 304- JIISTOUY OF THE REFOllMATIOX IX ITALY. talents, his zeal, the utility of his writings, and the sufFerings which he endured, Paleario must !)e view- ed as one of the greatest ornaments of the reformed cause in Italy.^ A numht'r of other excellent men suflered about the same tiinc with Carnesecchi iuid Paleario, of whom the most noted were Julio Zannetti and J5ar- tolonnneo liartoccio.j The latter was the son of a wealthy citizen of (Jastel in the duchy of Spoletto, and imhihed the reformed doctrine from Fabrizio I'om- massi of (iubbio, a learned young gentleman, who was his comjianion in arms at the siege of Sienna, j: On returning honie he zeidously i)roj)agate(l the truth, and made converts of several of iiis relations. Durino; a daiifjcerous sickness bv whicli he was at- tacked, he refused to avail himself of the services of the family confessor, and resisted all the arguments (Nacliriclitcn ziir Kirclieii-gelerten und Buclicr-geschichte, torn. iv. p. 121.) An answer was made to it by Aiiibrogio (atarinoj after- wards rewarded with an arclibisliopric. * The Italian works of Paleario, printed and in MS. including some poems, are mentioned by Tirabosclii. (Tom. vii. p. li.5G.) Joannes Matthanis Toscanns, the author of Pvjihis Ilnliw, who was a pupil of Paleario, composed the following verses, among others, on his mas- ter : Aonio Aonidcs Graios prompsere leporcs, Et quascunque vctus protulit Hellas opes. Aonio Latiie tinxerunt mellc C'amaMiiT Verba ligata modis, verba soluta modis. C^Uiu nee longa dies, ncc ((jua} scelcrata cremasti Aonii corpus) perdere flamnia potest. f Thuani Ilist. ad an. 15(>0. Mat. Flacii (atal. Tc-t. \\r\\. ap- pend. J In 1j.>5. HISTORY OF THE REFOiniATION IX ITALY. 305 by which the bishop of the diocese attempted to bring him back to the catholic faith ; upon which he was summoned, along with his com[)anions, be- fore the governor Paolo Mtelli. Though still weak with the effects of his distemper, he rose in the night time, surmounted the wall of the city by the lielj) of a pike, and esca[)ed first to Sienna and af- terwards to Wniice. Having ascertained by letters that tliere was no Iiope of his !)eing allowed to re- turn to his native place, or of his receiving support from his father, except in the way of recanting his o])inions, lie retired to Geneva, where he married and became a manufacturer of silk. In the end of the year 1567 wliile visiting Genoa in the course of trade, liaving imprudently given his real name to a merchant, lie was a])prehended by the in- quisition. The magistrates of Geneva and Berne sent to demand his liberation from the Genoese re- public, but before their envoy arrived the prisoner Ijad been sent to Rome at the request of the pope. After sulfering an imprisonment of nearly tvv^o years, he was sentenced to be burnt alive. The courage which liartocci had all along displayed did not forsake him in the trying hour. He walked to the place of execution with a firm step and un- altered countenance ; and the cry, Viltoria, vittoria ! was distinctly heard from him after he was wrap- ped in the flames.* But it is time to bring this distressing part of our narrative to a close. Suflfice it to say, that * Ilistoirc des Martyrs, f. 7 57, 7.58. X i '^1 306 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 307 during the whole of this century the prisons of tlie inquisition in Italy, and particularly at Rome, were filled with victims, including persons of noble birth, male and female, men of letters and mechanics. Multitudes were condemned to penance, to the gal- leys, or other arbitrary punishments ; and from time to time individuals were put to death. Several of the prisoners were foreigners, who had visited the country in the course of business or of their travels. Englishmen were peculiarly obnoxious to this treatment.* In the year 1595 two persons were burnt alive in Rome, the one a native of Sile- sia and the other of England. The latter, having in a fit of zeal oftered an indignity to the host when it was carrying in procession, had his hand cut off at the stake, and was then connnittcd to the fkimes. The nobleman from whose letter this fact is taken adds in a postscript, that he had just heard that * Hist, ties Martyrs, f. 758, a. I omitted to mention in the pro- per place, that Dr. Thomas Wilson, afterwards secretary to Queen Elizabeth, was among the prisoners who escaped in 1559, when the house of the inquisition was destroyed by the populace of Rome on the death of Paul IV. He had been apprehended in the preceding year on account of some things contained in his books on Logic and Rhetoric. After giving an account of this, in a preface to a new edition of one of these works in 1500, he adds facetiously: "And now that 1 am come home, this booke is shewed me, and I am de- sired to looke upon it and to amende it where 1 thought meete. Amende it? quoth I. Nay; let the book first amende itself, and make me amendes. For surely 1 have no cause to acknowledge it for my booke ; because I have so smarted for it. U the sonne were the occasion of the father's imprisonment, would not the father be of- fended witli him, think you }" &c. (Art of Ilhctorike, Prologue, sig. A 5. Lond. 1583.) I some other Englishmen were thrown into the inqui- sition at Rome.* Notwithstanding all these severi- ties, persons secretly attached to the reformed doc- trines were to be found in that country during the seventeenth century ; and some of our own coun- trymen, who had been induced to expatriate them- selves out of zeal for popery, were converted to the protestant faith during their residence in Italy.f * Letter from John, earl of GowTie, dated from Padua, the 28th of November 1595, and printed in the appendix to Life of An- drew Melville, vol. ii. p. 525-6. + Mr. Evelyn, in his travels through Italy in 1646, met with a Scotsman, an officer of the army, at Milan, who treated him courte- ously, and who, together with an Irish friar, his confidant, concealed their protestantism from dread of the inquisition. (Evelyn's Me- moirs, vol. i. pp. 215 — 217.) m 1 li 308 HISTORY OF THE REFOUMATION IN ITALY. CHAPTER VL FOREIGN ITALIAN CHURCHES, WITH ILLUSTRA- TIONS OF THE REFORMATION IN THE GRISONS. An account of those exiles wlio left Italy from attachment to the protestant cause forms an im- portant hranch of our undertaking. It is impor- tant, whether we take into view the testimony which was given to the autliority of religious prin- ciple and the reformed faith, hy the fact of so many persons quitting their homes and all that was dear to them in ohedience to its dictates ; or the loss which their ungrateful and deluded countrv sus- tained l)y their emigration ; or the benefits which accrued to those countries which opened an asylum to the unfortunate strangers, and treated them with hospitality and fraternal regard. It was calculated that in the year 1,550 the exiles amounted to two hundred, of whom a fourth or fifth part were men of letters, and these not of the meanest name."^ Before the year 1559, the num- ber had increased to eight hundred, f From that • Vcrgcrio, Lettere al Vcscovo di Lcsina: Dc Porta, ii. 3(i. t Busdragi Kpist. ut supra, p. 32'2. 14 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 309 time to the year 1568, we have ground to believe that the increase was fully as great in proportion ; and down to the close of that century individuals were to be seen, after short intervals, flying to the north, and throwing themselves on tlie glaciers of the Alps to escape from the fires of the inquisition. The settlements which the Italian refugees made in the Orisons claim our first notice. With a few exceptions they all visited that country in the first instance, and a great part of them made it the place of their permanent abode. This w^as chiefly owing to its proximity to Italy, and its aflfording them the best opportunities of corresponding w^ith the friends they had left behind them, or of^rati- fying the hope, to which exiles long fondly cling, of revisiting their natal soil, as soon as such a change should occur as would render this step prac- ticable and safe. But in choosing this as a place of residence, they must also have been influenced by the consideration that the native tongue of the in- habitants in the southern dependencies of the Orison republic was Italian, while a language bearing a near affinity to it was spoken over the greater part of the republic itself. The affairs of the Italian settlers in the Orisons are so interwoven with the progress of the Reformation in that country, that the former cannot be understood without some ac- count of the latter. I shall be the less scrupulous in entering into details on this subject, because it relates to a portion of the history of the reformed church which is comparatively little known anion i'*i 3 Of; t' 4 310 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. US ; for while the interesting fates of the Vaudois, who took refuge in the Valais and Pieniont, have attracted the attention of ecclesiastical historians to the Cottian or western range of the Alps, the Rheti- an or eastern has been in a great measure overlooked. To the south-east of Switzerland, in the higher region of the Alps, where these gigantic mountains, covered with ice and clouds, are cleft into narrow valleys, and around the sources of the Rhine and Inn, lies the country of the ancient Rhetians and modern Orisons. Secluded from the rest of the world, and occupied in feeding their cattle on the mountains, and cultivating corn and the vine within their more fertile valleys, the inhabitants who came originally from Italy had preserved their ancient language and manners, with little variation, from a period considerably anterior to the Christian era. During the middle ages they fell under the dominion of the bishops of Coire, the abbots of Disentis, and a crowd of other chiefs, ecclesiastical and secular, who kept them in awe by means of innumerable castles, the ruins of which are still to be seen in all parts of the country. Worn out by the injuries which they suf- fered from these petty tyrants, and animated by the example which had been lately set them by their neighbours the Swiss, the miserable inhabitants, in tlie course of the fifteenth century, threw ofl^ the yoke of their oppressors one by one ; and, having established a popular government in their several districts, entered into a common league for the de- fence of their independence and rights. The Orison I ■\ } HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 311 league or republic consisted of a union of three diss- tinct leagues, the Orey League, that of God's House, and that of the Ten Jurisdictions ; each of which was composed of a number of smaller communities, which retained the right of managing all its internal affairs, as well as of sending deputies to the general diet, whose powers were extremely circumscribed. In no nation, ancient or modern, have the princi- ples of democracy been carried to such extent as in the Orison republic ; and as the checks necessary to prevent its abuse were not provided by a rude peo- ple smarting under the recent effects of tyranny, its form of government, according to the confession of its own as well as foreign writers, not only created great dissensions, but led to gross corruption and bribery in election to offices and in the administra- tion of justice.* Toward the beginning of the six- teenth century, the Orison republic obtained a large accession to their territories by the possession of the Valteline, Chiavenna, and Bormio, fertile districts si- tuate between the Alps, and the Milanese and Ve* netian territories. The corruptions which had overspread the catho* lie church before the Reformation were to be found in the Orisons with all the aggravations arising from the credulity of a rude people utterly ignorant of letters. The clergy lived openly in concubinage, figured at revels, rode about the country in complete • Dc Porta, Hist. Ruf. Ecd. Rict. torn. i. p. 15; ii.264. Zbchokke, l>cs Schweizcr lands Geschiclitc, pp. 275—279. Id. traduit par Mon- iiard, pp. 222— 22 1. Coxe's Travels in Switzerland, vol. iii. let. 85, , »4 t w 312 HISTORY or THE RErOliMATIOX IX ITALY. armour, and claimed and enjoyed, under a republi- can government, a complete exemption from the laws, even when they were guilty of the most flag- rant crimes and outrages.* Bands of foreign i)riests, furnished with bulls from the i)ope, continually prowled about in search of vacant benefices ; and as they were ignorant of the language of the country, could do nothing but say mass in Latin. Preaching was unknown even among the native clergy for the most part, and when they did attempt it on theaj^ pearance of the reformers among them, their per- formances were such as to excite at once ridicule and pity.f In many of the communities the people were as ignorant as brutes. Half a centurv after the light of the Keformation had penetrated into the Rhetian valleys, tlie government found it necessary to issue a decree that the Roman catholic j)riests should recite the Lord's prayer, apostles creed and ten comiijandments for the instruction of the peo- * 111 the ciglitcciith century this exemption continued to be enjoy- ed in tlic Vahtline, not only by the clergy, but also by all who pur- chased permission from the Hishop of Coino to wear a clerical dress. (Coxe's Travels in Switzerland, vol. iii. p. I'AO.) t Theodore Schlegel, abbot nf St. Luke in the city of Coirc, vicar of the diocese, and one of the acutcst opponents of the Keforma- tion, in a sermon preached by him on C hristmas 1.523, told the peo- ple : *' St. John was the most excellent of all the Evangehsts on ac- count of his virginity, which enabled him to write in an elevated strain, and under divine inspiration concerning the Godhead. I5ut, you will say, Peter returned a good answer to the question of the Lord, when he said, Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God. I answer, he spoke this r.r (xtcriore conjvcfura, coviputaiionc, he had acfjuircd the knowledge of it from external things, when he saw him 1 j HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOX IN ITALY. 313 j)le. There were however a few honourable excep- tions both among the clergy and laity. The inhabitants of the Grisons first causfht their love of evangelical reform, as they had done their love of civil liberty, from the Swiss. A year had scarcely elapsed from the time that Zuingle embark- ed in the reform of the church of Zurich, when a schoolmaster at Coire, the capital of the league of God's House, became his correspondent, and inform- ed him that his name was known to many in that country, who approved of his doctrine, and were weary of the simony of the church of Rome.* He soon after received a letter to the same purpose from the Stadtvogt, or chief magistrate, of the town of Mayenfeld within the league of the Ten Jurisdic- tions. In the year 1524, the government of the Grisons imitated the example of the popish can- tons of Switzerland, who, as a means of checking the progress of innovation, had enacted laws for the reformation of the clergy. In a diet held at Ilantz, the capital of the Grey League, it was de- creed, among other articles, that parish priests should discharge their duty in instructing the people ac- walking on the sea and doing other w^onders; but he did not call him the Son of God from divine inspiration, as St. John did. As the in- carnation of Christ was brought about through the figures of the law, the promise of the Father and the writings of the prophets, so truly does he come into the hands of the priest in the bread in the service of the mass; and whoever denies the latter denies also file former." — The writer who has reported this passage adds : " May we not apj'ly to the preacher the adage. Anions cows an ox is an abb(ji V (Co- mander ail Zuinglium, an. L526 : De Porta, i. 48.) * De Forta, i. pp. 10—51. .11 314 IIISTOUV OF Tin: RKFOUMATIOX in ITALY. IIISTOUY OF THE REFOIIMATION IN ITALY. 315 cording to the word of God ; and tliat, provid- ed they failed in this or were unfit for it, the pa- rishioners should have lil>erty to choose others in their room. These regulations were evaded by the clergy, but they were the means of fixing the attention of the people on a subject to which they had hitherto been indifferent, and produced unfore- seen consequences of the greatest importance. The first public reformation in the Orisons took place in the years 1524 and 1525, when the inhabitants of the valley of St. Anthony, of Flesch, and of Ma- lantz, in the high jurisdiction of Mayenfeld, though surroiuided by powerful neighbours ad- dicted to popery, embraced with one consent the protestant doctrine and abolished the mass. * This produced so great an effect, that within a short time the new doctrine began to be preached by priests, and was eagerly listened to by the people, in various places throughout the three leagues. Among these preachers, the most distinguished were Andrew Sigfrid and Andrew Fabritz at Da- vos, the chief town in the league of the Ten Ju- risdictions ; and in the league of God's House, James Tutschet or Biveron, in Upper Engadi- na ; Philip Salutz or Gallitz, in Lower Enga- dina ; and John Dorfman or Comander, who, in consequence of the late regulations of the diet, had been chosen parson of St. Martin's church in the town of Coire.f The two last afterwards became col- * De Porta, i. o7— G8. t Ibid. pp. 58, 59, 7G — 7S. Suisse, toin. i. p. '2ri'i. Uiulitit, Hist, lie la Ucroiiii. ile la leagues at Coire, and they may with propriety be designed the joint reformers of the Grisons, having contributed beyond all others to the advancement of knowledge and religion in their native country. Comander was a man of learning, sound judgment, and warm piety. To these qualities Gallitz added great dexterity in the management of public busi- ness, an invincible command of temper, and uncom- mon eloquence both in liis native tongue and in Latin.* The conversion of John Frick, parish priest of Mayenfeld, was brought about in a singular man- ner. Being a zealous catholic and of great note among his brethren, he had warmly resisted the new opinions when they first made their appear- ance. Filled with chagrin and alarm at the progress which he saw them making in his immediate neighbourhood, he repaired to Rome to implore the assistance of his holiness, and to consult on the best method of preventing his native country from being overrun with heresy. But he was so struck with the irreligion which he observed in the court of Rome, and the ignorance and vice prevailing in Italy, that, returning home, he joined the party which he had opposed, and became the reformer of Mayenfeld. In his old age he used to say to his friends pleasantly, that he learned the gospel at Rome.f In the mean time the clergy, aroused from the slumbers into which they had sunk through indo- * De Porta, 1. 67, 79; ii. 278. t Schclhorn, Anurn. Hist. Ecd. ii. 237. Ruchat, i. 275. 4? 31() IIISTOIIV OF Tin: KKFOUMATIOX IX ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITAEY. 317 lence and the absence of all o])i)osition, had recourse to every means within their j)ower in order to check the progress of the new opinions. 15onds of adherence to the catholic faith were exacted from the parisli priests. 7'he most odious and horrid re- presentations of the reformers and their tenets were circulated among the ])eople. Individuals belonging to the anabaptists who had been banished from Switzerland came to the Grisons, and laboured to make proselytes among the reformed by i)reacliing uj) a purer and more elevated religion than that which was taught by Luther and Zuinglius, whom they put on a level with the poj)e. Tlie po])ish clergy secretly encouraged these enthusiasts,* at the sariie time that they made use of their excesses to excite prejudice against the cause of the Keforma- ♦ Their leader, who went by the name of Blaurok, in allusion to the colour of his cloak, was an ex-monk of the Giisons, who haihnade a nrreat noise in Switzerland. At Zurich he said, *' he would under- take to prove that Zuinglius had offered greater violence to the scrip- tures than the llonian pontiff himself." (Acta Senat. Tigur. apud De Torta, ii. SG.) The following is an extract from one of his letters : — " I am the door, he that enterelh in by me shall Hnd pasture; he that entereth by any other way is a thief and a robber. As it is written, ' 1 am the good shepherd, the good she])herd giveth his life for the sheep,' so I give my life and my spirit for my sheep, my body to the tower, my life to the sword, or the fire, or the wine-press to squeeze out the blood and flesh, as Christ gave his on the cross. I am ihc restorer of the baptism of Christ, and the bread of the Lord, I and my beloved brethren Conrad (Jrebel and Felix Manx, 'i'hereforc the pope, along with his followers, is a thief and a robber • and so also are Luther with his, and Zuinglius and Leo Juda, with their followers." (De Porta, ii. 8J).) Blaurok and his associates were ba- mshal from the Grisons in the year I.>li-J. y tion. * When the general diet of the republic met at Coire in the year 1525, the bishop and clergy presented a formal ac-cusation against Comander and the other reforming preachers, praying that they nn*ght be punished by the secular arm for propagat- ing impious, scandalous, and seditious heresies, con- trary to the faith of the catholic church durin^r fif- teen centuries, and tending to produce that rebel- lion and outrage which had lately been witnessed at Munster and other places. Comander having, in the name of his brethren, declared their readiness to vindicate the doctrine which they held against these criminations, a day was appointed for a conference or dispute between the two parties at Ilantz, in the presence of certain members of the diet.f The dis- pute which ensued added seven to the number of the reformed preachers, who were previously above forty ; while the articles which formed the subject of dispute having been printed and circulated throughout the valleys, multiplied their converts among the laity.t In the mean time an event occurred wliich had well nigh proved fatal to the reformed party. Irri- tated by the assistance which the Grisons had given to Francis I., the emperor and duke of Milan en- couraged the turbulent John de Medicis, marquis of Muss, to attack their southern territories. Hav- • De Porta, pp. 87—92. t Ruchat, i. 408—410. De Porta, i. 96—100. X Kucbat, i. 4 IT)— 416. De Porta, i. 102—130. '■J 318 HISTORY or THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. ing possessed himself of the castle and town of Chiavenna, he threatened to attack the Valteline. This obliged the republic to recall their troops from Italy before the famous battle of Pavia ; but having failed, after all, in recovering the castle, they had recourse to the mediation of the Swiss cantons. The deputies sent by the Swiss were keen Roman catholics, and asserted that they had it in charge from their constituents to obtain a pledge that heresy should not be permitted to spread in the Orisons, without which they could not co-operate in bringing the negotiations to a favourable issue. The marquis was ready to cover his ambitious project with the pretext of zeal for the church, and was besides un- der the influence of his brother, then an ecclesiastic in the Valteline, and afterwards raised to the ponti- fical chair under the designation of Pius IV. Avail- ing himself of these circumstances, the bishop of Coire prevailed on them to insert in the treaty an article, which provided for the maintenance of the an- cient iTligion and the punishment of all who refused conformity to it. An extraordinary diet was called to deliberate on this affair ; and so great was the in- fluence of the bishop and mediators, together with the anxiety of the nation to put an end to the war, that a majority of the diet voted for the article respect- ing religion. It was however warmly opposed by the representatives of several districts, including the city of Coire, which refused to affix its seal to the decree. Tlie manner in which the decree was expressed seems to intimate that it partook of HISTORY or THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 319 the nature of an understood compromise and tem- porary measure; for while it provided that the mass, auricular confession, and other rites should be observed, it added that " along vith these the gospel and word of God should be preached ;" and in declaring tliat non-conformists should be sub- jected to an arbitrary punishment, the diet " reserv- ed to itself the liberty of altering its measures upon being better informed by disputations, coun- cils, or any other way."* The first effect of this law was tlie banishment of Gallitz, whose talents and success rendered him peculiarly obnoxious to the abettors of popery. Several of his brethren were also obliged to retire from the country to avoid the processes intended against them. But the city of Coire, in spite of their bishop, maintained Comander in his situation; their example was followed in other places; and though the clergy endeavoured to push the advantage which they had gained, they found that a spirit was abroad in the nation too powerful for all their efforts, even when supported by legislative enactments. The subject was brought before the next national diet by the report of the commissioners appointed to attend the dispute at Ilantz ; and after consultation it was moved and agreed to, ** That it shall be free to all persons of both sexes, and of whatever condition or rank, with- in the territories of the Grison confederation, to choose, embrace, and profess either the Roman ca- • De Porta, i. 131— 13 i. .ii "fl 320 insrouv or Tin: IlKroI{^rATIO^r ix itat.v. tliolic or the Kv%'iii[^clical religion ; and tliat no one shall, publicly or priv.-itely, harass another with reproaches or odious speeches on accoimt of his religion, uinh^r an arl)itrary penalty.*' To tliis was a(hle-es was taken from the bishop of Coire and other ecclesiastics, and given to the people in their seve- ral communities. AA'here persons had bequeathed sums of money to churches and convents for offering anniversary masses and prayers for their souls, both they and their heirs were declared free from any obli- gation to make such payments for the future, "because no good ground could be shown for believing that this * Rucliat, i. ilG. Dc Porta, i. 146. Anabaptists and those of other sects, if they retaintil and propagated their errors after due information and admonition^ were subjected to banishment. iriSTOIlY OF THE IIEFOIIMATION IN ITALY. 321 \vi\H of any benefit to the deceased." It was de- creed that no new members, male or female, should henceforth be admitted into monasteries ; that the existing monks should be restrained from begging ; and that after a})propriating a certain sum for their support during life, the remainder of the funds should be returned to the heirs of those who originally bestowed them, and failing them be dis- posed of as each league thougljt best. The power of choosing their respective ministers was given to jiarislies.* All appeals from secular courts to the jurisdiction of the bishop were strictly prohibit- ed ; annats and small titles were abolished, and the great tithes reduced to a fifth part.f It thus appears that a great deal more was done on this occasion by the authorities of the Grisons, than merely recognising and sanctioning religious liberty. A national reformation was introduced, which so far as it went must have been attended with the most beneficial consequences to the state, and to individuals whether popish or protestant. The grand principle of the protestant reformation was in fact recognised by the legislature, when it declar- ed the sacred scriptures to be the only rule of reli- gion. Some of the grossest abuses of popery, and those which draw many others after them, were abo- ♦ The words of this article are : " Ad hinc etiam penes singulaa l^arochias esto suos pastores orani tempore eligendi, conducendi atque rursusquando lubitum fuerit, dimittendi." (De Porta, i. 130.) For- iDcrly the bishop of Coire had the power of appointing and removing the parish-priests throughout the whole of his diocese. + De Porta, i. US— 15!. Ruchat, i. 416, 417. i t 322 IIISTOIIY OF THE REFOllMATION IN ITALY. lislied. And the liberties of the Roman catliolics were secured, not only against attacks from the pro- testants, but also against the jiiore dangerous en- croachments and demands of their own clergy, and of a foreign j)riest who claimed dominion over both. It is impossible to read the document on which we are commenting witliout being convinced that there were at this])eriod in the Orisons statesmen of enlight- ened minds and liberal principles. The historians of that country have gratefully preserved the names of the individuals by whom the deed was drawn up, and through whose influence chiefly it was adopted by the supreme council of the republic. Two of them were distinguished above the rest — John Gul- er, whose name often occurs in the history of his country, and John Travers, neither of whom had at that time joined the reformers. The latter, who be- longed to a noble and ancient family of Zutz in Upper Engadina, had received his education at Munich, and improved his mind by travelling in diflerent parts of Europe. Ilis abilities and learning, adorned by the most unimpeachable integrity, secured the confidence of his coujitrymen, who intrusted him with the high- est oftices of the state and the management of their most delicate affairs. lie was equally distinguished as a soldier and a scholar, a politieian and a di- vine. The hrst book ever composed in the Oris- on language came from his pen,*' being a i)oem on the war against the marquis of Muss, in which he * It docs not appear that tins work was printed. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. 323 had himself commanded the forces of his country. The late period at which he renounced the connnu- nion of the church of Rome was beneficial to the reformed cause, as his colleagues in the senate, and his countrymen at large,"entertained on that account thelessjealousy of the measures which he proposed in favour of religious liberty. After adjoining him- self to tlie reformed church, he promoted its inter- ests with the utmost zeal. As the protestant mini- ster settled in liis native city was a young man, and met witli great opposition from the principal fa- milies of the place, Travers asked and readily ob- tained from the ministers permission to act as assist- ant to him. The whole country was struck with as- tonishment to see a man of such rank, and so renown- ed for his services in the senate, the field, and foreign courts, mount the pulpit. The Roman catholics tried to conceal the chagrin and alarm which they felt by circulating the report that he was mad or in dotage; but his performances soon put to silence these invidious and artful allegations.* The publication of the edict in favour of religi- ous liberty was followed by the rapid spread of the new opinions. The formation of churches was how- * De Porta, i. 229,233—211. Coxe's Travels in Switzerland, iii. 295 — 298. — A fine letter which GaUitz addressed to him on his appli- cation for liberty to preach, has been preserved. "O felicem terram qua? tales nanciscitur doctores et magistros !— Sed quae mcdestia est ista cxplodenda, imo quod facinus hoc, quod permittis tibi, petere a nol)is auctoritatem, quuni feccrit opus concionandi ? Tu, inquam, qui lUiietiic nostra} priinoribus auctor fuisti, veniam nobis conccdendi ut priidiccmus cvangdium/' ike. 324- HISTORY or the IIEFORMATION in ITALY. ever slower. This proceeded partly from the plan pursued by the first reformers, who, to use their own expression, "sought to remove idols from the hearts of the people before they removed them from the churches ;" and partly from the democratical nature of the government, which required the unanimous or at least general concurrence of each community previously to any change on the public worship. In the year 1527, the mass was abolished, images removed, and the sacrament of the supper celebrated after the reformed mode, in St. Martin's church at Coire, under the direction of Comander. The same thing was done at Lavin in Lower Engadina^ un- der the direction of Gallitz ; at Davos in the Ten Jurisdictions, under the direction of Andrew Fa- britz ; and at Ilantz in the Grey League, under the direction of Christian Hartman. And the example set by these places was soon imitated by others. The reformed religion was embraced earliest in the leao-ue of the Ten Jurisdictions, where it soon be- came almost universal. Within the league of God's House it prevailed generally in the neighbourhood of Coire, but it made little progress in Eiigadina and other places to the south until 1542, when the Ita- lian exiles arrived. In the High or Grey League the number of its adherents was smaller.* The reformed doctrine spread rapidly in the Gri- sons during the six years which succeeded innnedi- ately to the declaration of religious liberty; and had • l)c Porta, i. cap. 8. lluchat, i. 27 t, U7-8. Coxc, iii. 2^0— 233. i* i HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 325 it continued to advance as it began, the ancient re- ligion must soon have disappeared before it. Vari- ous causes contributed to arrest its progress. One of these is to be found in the languages of the coun- try. The Rhetian, Italian, and German languages were all spoken in the Grisons, and the inhabitants of two adjacent valleys were often incapable of un- derstanding one another. This of itself must have proved a great hiiulrance to the communication of knowledge at a time when the number of teachers was small. But this was not all. The Rhetian or Grison tongue is divided into two dialects, the Ro- mansh and the Lad in, and there was not a single hook in either of them at the time of the Reforma- tion. Nobody had ever seen a word written in that tongue, and it was the common opinion that it could not be committed to writing.* There can be little doubt that the rapid and extensive spread of the reformed doctrine among the inhabitants of the Ten Jurisdictions was owing in a great degree to their speaking the German tongue, and consequently having access to the scriptures and other books in their native language. The same remark applies to • De Porta, i. 19 ; ii. 403. Coxe, iii. 294. In addition to a collec- tion of words and phrases in Komansh, Ebel has inserted a dissertation on the history of that language, (which he calls "la langiie Hetrus- co-Uhetienne/') by Placidus a Specha, capitular of Disentis. From this it would appear that a number of old MSS. written in that lan- guage during the middle ages were preserved, the greater part of which, however, were destroyed when the French burnt the monas- tery of Disentis in 1799. (iManuel du Voyageur en Suisse, torn. i. pp. 318— 337.) ?l 326 irisTORY OF the hefotimation ix italy. the citizens of C x)irc and of some other places. Those who knew only the original hmgua^je of the country, were lonirconhned to oral instruction. The reformed ministers lahoured assiduously in supplying this de- fect, and tlicy at last i)ractically demonstrated the fal- lacy of an ignorant prejudice which the priests had eagerly cherished in the minds of the people. In tliis respect their country is under unspeakableohligations to them. Other nations owe their literature to the Reformation ; the Orisons are indebted to it for their ali)habet. But a nund)er of years elapsed be- fore the preachers, occupied with other labours and straitened in their finances, could bring their WTitings from the press, and by that time the de- sire for knowledge which the first promulgation of the reformed doctrines had excited must have been in some degree worn off from the minds of the people. A translation of Comander's German catechism into the Ladin by James Tutchet or Bi- veroni, printed at Puschiavo in the year 1552, was the first work which had appeared in the Rhetian laniTua^^-e. " At the si^ht of this work," says a his- torian then alive, " the Grisons stood amazed, like the Israelites of old at tlie sight of the manna." Bive- roni printed, in 1560, his translation of the New Testament into the same language, which w\as fol- lowed in 1562 by a metrical version of the Psalms, and a collection of hymns, composed by Ulrich Cam- pel.* ♦ De Porta, ii. W\ — 1-07. The Bible was published in the Ladin of Lower Engadina, for the first time, in 1079; and in the llomansh of the Grey League so late as 1718. (Coxe, iii. 301— 30i.) ' HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. SST Another cause was the poverty of the pastors, which inflicted a lasting injury on the reformed church.^ While the popish priests possessed for the most part the tythes, beside what they gained by private masses and confessions, the protestant ministers received a small stipend from their congre- gations, and in many cases were reduced to the ne- cessity of supporting themselves by manual labour. Gallitz, a man of liberal education, states, in one of his familiar letters, that he and his family had been for two years in great straits, were obliged to sleep during the night in the clothes which they wore through the day, seldom tasted flesh, were often without bread, and for weeks together lived solely on vegetables seasoned with salt. Ytt he trained his son for the church ; and when the young man had an advantageous offer made him during liis attendance at the academy of Basle, his father declared it would be impiety in him to accept it when there were so few capable of preaching to his countrymen in their na- tive language.! ^^^^t it was not to be expected that the first reformers would be succeeded by per- sons of the same nobility of mind. The con- sequence was, that the people in many parts of the country remained destitute of pastors, or * In Travellers Guides through the Grisons it is to this day a common direction, "If the town to which you come be catholic, call for the cure of the parish, who will entertain you hospitably ; if it be protestant, you may ask for the pastor, who will direct you to the best inn, for the salaries of the pastors are so sorry, and their houses Ro bad, that, however willing, they cannot show hospitality." t De Porta, i. 181, 186, 187. 328 HISTORY OF Tin: kefoumation in italy. were induced to receive illiterate persons of low character, who disgraced their office hy their mean- ness or their vices. ** Assuredly," says the excel- lent man last mentioned, '* covetous j)ersons are most cruel to themselves, while they choose rather to be witliout good pastors than to he at the expense of maintaining them. O the ingratitude of men, who a little ago cheerfully gave a hundred crowns for teaching lies, and now grudge to give twenty for preaching the truth !" * — Another radical defect of the Grison reformation consisted in neglecting entirely to provide the means of education for youth. This the reformed ministers exerted themselves to remedy, and they succeeded at last, not only in pro- viding parochial teachers for the chief towns, but in persuading the legislature to appropriate tlie re- siduary funds of such of the monasteries as were suppressed to the establishment of a national semi- nary at Coire. f These evils arose from or were ag- gravated by tiie political state of the country. I^roud of their liberty, the Grisons were weakly jealous of those common measures which were in fact neces- sary to preserve it ; while they roamed about their valleys without control they forgot that savages are free; and pleased to hear their mountains re-echo the votes which they gave at the election of a mu- nicipal landarnnKUt, or of a deputy to the diet, they • Gallicius ad BuUingeriinij 6 Mart. 1553: De Porta, i. 180. + This academy was opened in the year 154-2; the individual first placed at the head of it was John Pontisella, a native of Pregalia, for whom lUiIlinger, at the request of the Grison reformers, had obtained a gratuitous education at Zurich. (Ibid. i. 187, 192 — 197.) history of the reformation in ITALY. 329 (lid not perceive that tlieir voices were in reality at the command of a few men of superior intelligence, many of whom had sold themselves, and would sell tliem to the highest bidder. Foreign princes liad their constant pensioners in the Grisons ; the chief states- men were secretly in tlie interest either of the emperor or of the king of France ; and between the two fac- tions the country was at once distracted, corrupted, and betrayed. Nc^xt to his labours in reforming re- ligion, Zuingle is entitled to immortal praise for de- nouncing, at the expense of incurring the odium of liis countrymen, the i)ractice of hiring themselves out as mercenaries to fight the battles of foreign princes. The Grison reformers imitated his example and they met his reward : their countrymen, imagining that they were hirelings like themselves, punished them by reducing their stipends. * The churches in the Grisons were oruished citizens of the Grisons who resided in C'hiavenna was Hercules a Salice or de Salis, the descendant of a noble family, who had already gained great reputation as a soldier, and af- terwards rose to the first employments in the repub- lic, lie entertained Mainardi, who ])leased liim and the friends who frccpiented his house so highly, that they determined to have the obstacles which stood in the way of his remaining with them removed. The zealous lloman catholics insisted that it was a fundamental law of the democracy, that no religious service could be set up or observed in any commu- nity, town or village, without the formal permission of the majority of the inhabitants. The protcstants * Futslin, Fpist. Ktf. p. 254. Genlcbii Italia Kef. \). 307. t Vc Porta, i. 197 ; ii. U. ^^ Ibid. p. I.) t Gerdesii Ital. Ref. pp. 281— 28k De Porta, ii. 335, 495—500. X Those of Tirano, Rovoledo, Mellio, Morbegno, and Dubino, are particularly mentioned. § Coxe, iii. 102. De Porta, ii. 286, 287. HISTORY OF THK REFORMATION IN ITALY. 34.5 formed doctrine at Chiavenna and Caspan, than they began to exclaim against the edict of 1544. Xot being able, with any decency, to object to the first part of it, they directed their invectives acrainst the liberty which it granted to the Italian exiles to settle among them, exclaiming that it was disgrace- ful to the republic of the Grisons to give entertain- ment to hcnidtft}, (as they called them,) whom other Christian princes and states had expelled from their dominions. The popular mind was still farther inflamed by a crowd of monks who came from the Milanese, and especially by Capuchins sent by tlie bishop of Como, who in the fanatical harangues which they delivered during the time of Lent did all but. exhort the people to rebel against their rulers. Failing in their applications to the diet for a repeal of the obnoxious edict, the oppo- nents of the Reformation had recourse to the local government. In the year 1551 a petition was presented, demanding that it should be declared, agreeably to the spirit of an ancient law, that no exile or evangelical preacher should be permitted to remain above three days in the Valteline. Antho- ny de Planta, the governor, was a protestant ; but dreading, from the irritated feelings of the popu- lace, a massacre of the refugees, he gave his con- sent to the measure. In consequence of this, the preachers were obliged to retire for a time to Chia- venna ; and several distinguished individuals, both male and female, among whom were count Celso 346 iriSTOllY OF Tin: KErORMATIOX IX italy. IVIartiiienji^lio and Isabella Manricba, prepared to remove into Switzerland * The diet was highly offended at these illegal and disorderly proceedings, but contented itself with renewing in 1552 its for- mer edict, and charging the governor and vicar of the Valteline to see it strictly observed. The firmness of the government repressed, with- out allaying, the hostility of those who had gained the command over the passions of the Roman ca- tholics, which burst forth on the slightest occasions in acts of violence against the protestant preachers. They felt a strong hatred and dread of Vergerio, and during a visit which he paid to the Valteline in 1553, a deputation waited on the governor and insisted on the instant banishment of the bishop, adding, that if their demand was not complied with, " they would not be answerable for the scandals which might ensue." Understanding the meaning of this threat, Vergerio agreed voluntarily to retire ; " for," says he, " they meant to oppose me with the dagger, and pistol and poison." One of the basest methods * De Porta, ii. 50. Frederic tie Salis writes, June 20, 1559, that Isabella Maiiriclm (see before, p. I(i0) was still at Chiaveinia waiting for her household, and uncertain whether to remain in that place or to remove elsewhere. (Ibid. p. 34-3; conf. p. 170.) Annibale Caro ad- dressed a letter from Rome, April 27, 15i8, to this lady, who was then at Naples. There are four letters by the same learned man to her son George Manricha, from the last of which it appears that this young man was at Milan on the 18th of June 1562. (Lctterc Famil. del C'ommendatore Annibal Caro, tomo i. pp 269, 270, 293; ii. 16, 279. edit. 1572.) HISTORY OF THE RKFOR:\rATION IX ITALV. 347 adopted by the monkish trumpeters of sedition, was to impress on the minds of their hearers that it was unlawful for true catholics to hold civil in- tercourse witli lieretics, or to live with them as masters or servants, husbands or wives ; by which means they disturbed the peace and broke up the har- mony of some of the principal families in the coun- try. A Dominican monk of Cremona, named Fra Angelo, declaiming from the puljnt at Teglio dur- ing the festival of Easter 1556, accused the rulers of the Orisons of listening to heretical teachers, and gave a formal challenge to any of the evangelical party, offering to prove from the scri})tures that those who refused the mass were diabolical he- retics, and that their spouses were not legitimate wives, but worse than strumpets. On leaving the church the infuriated audience rushed to the protestant place of worship, attacked Gaddio the pastor, and ^rounded several of the protestants who attempted to defend him. Instead of call- ing Angelo to account for instigating this tu- mult, the Orison government invited him to Coire to maintain the dispute which he had provoked ; but, although offered a safe-conduct, he refused to make his appearance, and orders being afterwards issued to apprehend him, he made his escape into Italy. The procurator who appeared for those who had been active in the riot, did not deny that it was caused by the monks, and had the effrontery to declare before the judges appointed to examine .'US iiisroiiv or thk in:roiiMATiON ix itai.v. the aflair, " tlint tlirro would never !)e (piietness in the repiililie until that relif^ion of the devil (the I)n)testant) was externiinated." Vet so forhearinc^ was the ^overnrnent, that it not only passed over the tumult with ijnj)unity, l)ut saerifiein<^^ private interests, and in some de'^ree the eharaeter of the innoeent sullerers, to puhlie peaee, a^^reed that fJaddio sliould remove to anotlier plaee, althou^^h his con^^re^i^ation earnestly petitioned tor his heing allowed to eontiniu' with them.* This lenity was entirely thrown away on tlie enemies of the protestants l)otli within and without the repuhlie. At the very time that the ii^overn- nient was lahourin^- to allay animosities, two !)ro- tliers, Francesco and Alessandro Jiellinchetti, were seized in Italy. 'J'hey were natives of Her<^amo, wlio, on emhraeing the reformed reli<>'ion, Iiad re- tired into the Orisons and settled in the village of Berirun at the foot of mount Alhnla, where thev wrought an iron mine. Having paid a visit to their native place, they were thrown into the incjuisition, and proceeded against on a charge of heresy. On hearing of this tlie authorities of the Grisons im- mediately sent an ambassador to demand their libe- ration as citizens of the republic; and as the magis- trates of liergamo and the senate of Venice referred them to the inquisitors, they wrote to the prior of the Dominican monastery at Morbegno in the Valte- • Pc Porta, ii. Ii7— lif), 2()i— 272. HISTOUY OF Tin: KEI'OllMATIOX IX ITALY. 349 line to use his influence with his brethren to ob- tain the release of the prisoners ; but he paid no re- gard to the ai)plication. Upon this the diet met and came to a i)eremj)tory resolution, that if the two brothers were not released within the space of a month, all the Dominicans within the territories of the three leagues should be banished, and the pro- jxTty of the monastery of Morbegno, movable and immovable, forfeited and applied to the relief of the ])oor or to other pious uses. An extract of this deed being sent to the prior, the prisoners were im- mediately set at liberty/^" In the mean time the foreign monks who in- vaded the Valteline, confiding in the support of their governments, became every day bolder in their inv.ctives and macliinations against the public peace. Througli their influence persons of the first respectability for birth, probity and talents were not only excluded from civil offices, but deni- ed the rites of sepulture, prevented from building places of worship, and exposed to every species of insult. Seeing no end to this illegal and degrading- oppression, they at last resolved on laying their grie- vances formally before the government. Aware of the justice of their complaints, impressed with the equity of extending to the subject states that reli- gious liberty which had been found so advantageous to the governing country, perceiving that the threats * De Porta, ii. 272, 273. ' m 350 HISTORY OF THi: UEFOKMATIOX IX ITALY. of Strangers were heard above the voice of the law in their southern dominions, and convinced that it w^as high time to adopt decisive measures unless they chose to allow their authority to sink into ab- solute contempt, the diet, which met at Ilautz in the beginnino- of the year 15.57, unanimously adopt- ed tlie following decree, which, being ratified by tlie several comihunities, was enrolled among the fun- damental and standing laws of the republic. It was decreed, that it should be lawful to preach the sacred word of God and the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ in all places belonging to the Valteline, and to the coun- ties of Chiavenna, Bormio, and Teglio; that in those villages in which there was a plurality of churches, the Roman catholics should have their choice of one, and the other should be given to the protestants ; that in any village in which there w^as only one church, the Roman catholics should have the privi- lege of using it in the former part of the day, and the protestants in the latter; that each party should be allowed to i)erform all the parts of their worship, and to bury their dead, without opposition from the other; that the professors of the protestant faith should enjoy all honours and be admissible to all offices equally with their fellow-subjects ; that no foreign monk or presbyter, of w^iatever religious persuasion, should be admitted to reside w^ithin these territories unless he had been previously examined and approved by the ordinary authorities in the church to which he belonged— the ministers by the IIISTOKY OF THE KEFOllMATIOX IN ITALY. 351 protestant synod in the three leagues, and the priests by the bishop and chapter of Coire ; and that none should be admitted unless he declared his intention to reside at least for a year, and gave security for his good behaviour. In the course of the same year an act was passed, freeing the protestants from penal- ties for not observing the popish holydays. And in the following year two statutes w^ere enacted, one for extending to the subject provinces the law which prevented the admission of new members into monas- teries, and the other making stated provision for the pastors of the protestant churches. The former was not executed. In pursuance of the latter, a third of the ecclesiastic rents of Chiavenna was al- lotted to the minister of the reformed church in that village, which by this time included the half of the population. To the pastors in other places forty crowns a year were allotted, to be taken in the first instance from the benefices of absentees and pluralists, and failing these, from the revenues which the bishop of Coire drew from the Valteline, from the funds of the abbacy of Abundio, or, as the last resource, from the common funds of each parish.* This was the only legislative enactment by Miiich positive encouragement was given to the reformed religion in the Valteline ; but the pro- testant ministers derived little from it except en- vy, the clergy contriving by concealment, litigation • De Porta, ii. 273—276, 283—287. 352 IIISTOKY OF THE REIORMATION IX ITALY. and violence to retain nearly the whole of the funds. It was granted in consequence of the re- presentation of the protestants, wlio pleaded, that, though the minority in point of numbers, they con- tributed the largest proportion to the funds of the clergy, many of whom performed no duty, and the rest confined themselves chiefly to the saying of mass. As is usual on such occasions, those of the laity who contributed next to nothing were loudest in exclaiming, *' that they were taxed for upholding an heretical religion ;" while the clergy called upon «* the Italian deserters of monasteries" to imitate the example of the apostle Paul, who laboured witli his hands that lie might not be burdensome to tlie churches, and of the Egyptian anchorites, with Peter the hermit at their head ; and insisted that they could not be the followers of Christ and his apostles, in- asmuch as they did not work miracles nor live on alms.* I may mention here another act, passed at a later period, which gave great offence to the Roman catholics. The diet of the Grison re])ublic agreed to erect a college at Sondrio in the Valteline. f It did not partake of the nature of a theological seminary, but was confined to the teacli- ing of languages and the arts. The children of papists and protestants were equally admissible to it, and provision was made for teachers of both persuasions. But notwithstanding the liberal priu- * De Porta, ii. 287, 289, 5G0, 561. t Though not erected till 1584, this college was planned so early as 1563. (Zanchii Epist. lib. ii. p. .'^6.) HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 353 ciples on which it was founded, the clergy cried out against it as a Lutheran seminary; formal representations were made against it by the po- pish cantons of Switzerland and by the court of Milan ; and the republic was obliged to send back the principal, a learned and moderate man, whom they had brought from Zurich, and to remove the institution, after it had subsisted for only one year, to the city of Coire. * The Italian exiles were elated by the laws passed in their favour, and looked forward with sanguine hopes to the speedy triumph of the reformed cause in the Valteline ; but their ultramontane brethren, who were better acquainted with the genius of the inhabitants, and more indifferent judges of the op- position which might be expected from foreign powers, repressed their fervour, and wisely urged upon them the propriety of trusting for success' to the gradual illumination of tlie people, rather than to legislative decrees which required external force to carry them into execution, f The court of Rome was highly displeased from the beginning at the reception given to the Italian exiles in the Orisons ; but its displeasure was converted into a mingled De Porta, torn. li. part. ii. 32, 37, 48, 53, 57-8, 332. The erection of a snnilar seminary in IGU, but on a smaller scale, and without deriving any support from the funds of the Valteline, excited equal hostihty, and was made one pretext for the rebellion which followed soon after. (Ibid. pp. 252— 254., 322.) t De Porta, ii. 280, 281. 2 A 354i HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. feeling of indignation and alarm, when it saw the standard of evangelical truth planted in one of the suburbs of Italy, from which, if not speedily dis- lodired, it mi^ht be carried into the interior, and at once insult and endanger the head of the church ni his capital. The extirpation of the colony was re- solved on ; and to accomplish it the popes exert- ed themselves in securing the co-operation of the neighbouring catholic powers, especially the Spanish monarch, who had lately obtained the sovereignty of Milan. It is difficult to say M^iether ambition or bigotry had the ascendant in the character of Philip II., but l>oth principles led him to embark in this scheme with the utmost cordiality. The Valteline bordered on the Milanese, and had for- merly belonged to that dutchy. Philip, as well as the dukes who preceded him, had ratified the ces- sion of it to the republic of the Grisons, but that did not prevent him from cherishing the idea of recovering a territory which was the key to the communication between Milan and Germany, and the command of which would enable him at all times with safety to convey troops from Austria to his dominions in the north of Italy. P'or interfering with the affairs of the Valteline, he found a pretext in the plea, that it was necessary for him to avert heresy from the Milanese, which had already been to no inconsiderable extent tainted by that pestilential ma- lady. In no quarter of Italy had more cruel methods HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 355 been used to extirpate the new opinions than in the Milanese. Galeazzo Trezio, a nobleman of Laude Pompeia, while attending the university of Pavia, had imbibed the reformed doctrines from Maynardi, who acted at that time as an Augustinian preacher, and was confirmed in them by the instructions of Celio Secundo Curio. Having fallen into the hands of the inquisition in 1551, and retracted some conces- sions which he had been induced to make at his first ai)prehension, he was sentenced to be burnt alive, a punishment which he bore with the greatest for- titude.* The persecution became more general when the duke of Alva was made governor. In the year 1558 two persons were committed alive to the flames. One of them, a monk, being forced by an attending priest into a pulpit erected beside the stake to make his recantation, confessed the truth with great boldness, and was driven into the fire with blows and curses. During the course of the following year scarcely a week elapsed without some individual being brought out to suffer for heresv ; and in 1563 eleven citizens of rank were thrown into prison. The execution of a young priest in 1569 was accompanied with circumstances of peculiar barbarity. He was condemned to be hanged and dragged to the gibbet at a horse's tail. In conse- quence of entreaty the last part of the sentence was * The account of this martyr was furnished by Celio S. Curio to Pantaleon. (Uerum in Eccl. Gest. pp. 247-249. Conf. Hieronymi Ma- rii Kusebius Captivus, f. 105.) ■ r I 356 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. dispensed with ; but after being half-strangled, he was cut down, and refusing to recant, was literal- ly roasted to death, and his body thrown to the dogs.* In the year 1559 the government of Milan erect- ed forts on the confines of the ^"alteline. Under the coverof these the inquisitors entered the country, and astheydurst not seize the persons of the inhabitants, collected a large quantity of heretical books which they burnt with great solemnity. They were fol- lowed by a swarm of foreign monks, who, trusting to the garrisons as places of retreat, despised the edict which ])rohibited them from entering the country, and went about inflaming the minds of the people against the protestant preachers, and the rulers by whom they were protected and favour- ed. f A college of Jesuits also was established at Ponte, and maintained itself in spite of repeat- ed orders issued by the diet for its removal, t These strangers kept up a regular correspond- ence with the heads of their respective orders at * De Porta, ii. 293-6, iS6, iS8. Tlic following notice may be add- ed to what has been already stated respecting the duke of Man- tua. '^ Gulielnio duke of Mantua, by refusing to send some persons accused of heresy to Rome, incurred the serious resentment of the pope, who threatened to declare war against him if he j)erniittcd Mantua to become a nest for heretics. And beyond all doubt he woultl have attacked him, had not the princes of Italy prevailed on him by their intercessions to pardon the duke on his submission." (Bzovii Annal. ad an. 1560.) t De Porta, ii. 297— 'J99. t Ibid. pp. 302— 30 1. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITxVLY. 357 Como, Milan, Rome, and other places in Italy, the eftects of which were soon after made apparent. It has been already mentioned that Pius IV., who filled the papal throne between 1559 and 1566, had been a priest in the Valteline ; a circumstance which at once disposed him to take an interest in the af- fairs of that country, and made his interposition the more effective. In 15C1 his legate Bianchi, provost of Santa Maria della Scala at Milan, appeared at Coire. Supported by the presence and influence of Ritzio, the Milanese ambassador, the legate made a formal demand on the diet, in the name of his lioliness, that they should banish the Italian exiles from the Valteline and Chiavenna, allow free in- gress and egress to foreign monks, make no oppo- sition to the Jesuit college at Ponte, prevent the is- suing of books derogatory to the church of Rome from the press at Puschiavo, and in general over- turn all that they had done in relation to religion in that part of their dominions.* But the influence of Pius, who had not left behind him the odour of sanc- tity in the Grisons, was small, compared with that of his nephew, the celebrated cardinal Borromeo, archbishop of Milan. Thougli this prelate owed liis canonization more to his zeal for Catholicism than to his piety, yet his talents and the decorum of his private character rendered him by far the most formidable adversary that appeared against the protestant interest. It was the great object of • De Porta, ii. 301—571. 358 iiisTOiiY or Tin: ueformatiox in italv. his ambition from an early period of life to oppose an eliectual barrier to the progress of heresy, and to repair and prop the fabric of popery which he saw tottering on its base. AMth this view he applied himself to the removal of abuses in Italy ; intro- duced reforms into the morals of the clergy, parti- cularly of the monastic orders ; and erected semi- naries in which young persons of talents should ob- tain such an education as might qualify them for entering the lists with the protestants, and fighting them with their own weaj)ons. Hitherto those who had appeared as the champions of the church of Kome, though often not destitute of talents, w^ere almost always deficient in learning, and could do little more than ring changes, and that for the most part rudely, on the popular prejudices against inno- vation and in favour of the catholic church. But men of learning now came forward who could " make the worse ai)pear the better cause," — who, if theydid not convince by the solidity of tlieir arguments, could entangle the minds of their readers by their subtlety, or dazzle them l)y the sj)lcndour of their eloquence, and Mho couJd artfully withdraw attention from the real image of the church as she existed, to one which was the pure creation of their own imagina- tion. All the celebrated champions of the catholic faith, fromlkdlarmine toBossuet,i)rocceded from the school of Borromeo. It would liave been well if the cardinal had confined himself to methods of this kind ; but, beside abetting the most violent 3 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALV. 359 measures for suppressing the reformed opinions within his own diocese, he industriously fomented dissensions in foreign countries, leagued with men who were capable of any desperate attempt, and busied himself in providing arms for subjects who were ready to rebel against their lawful rulers, and to shed the blood of their peaceable fellow-citizens.* It is only a general account which I can here give of the course pursued for disturbing the peace of the Orisons, and expelling the refugees from the settlement which they had obtained in the Valteline. The goods belonging to citizens of the republic who traded with the Milanese were seized by the inqui- sitors, and applications for restitution and redress were almost in every instance refused or evaded. Merchants who visited that country were appre- hended on a charge of heresy, detained in j^rison, forced to purchase their liberty with large sums of money, or condemned to different kinds of punish- ment. Borromeo was not afraid to incarcerate the chief magistrate of the jurisdiction of Mayenfeld.f At last a new species of outrage, unheard of among* civilized nations, was resorted to. Bands of armed men haunted the roads of the Valteline, seized the j)rotestants unawares, and carried them into Italy. Francesco Cellario, the protestant minister at Mor- * The most serious of these charges is supported by the cardinal's letter of the 24th May 1584- to the nuncio Spezzani, published by (^uadrio, the catholic historian of the Valteline, and reprinted by De Porta. (Tom. ii. part. ii. pp. 33 — 35; conf. part. i. pji, 454,482.) t Ibid, ii. 455, 461, 482. 3C0 iiibTOiiv or THE heiohmation in italv. begno, was retuniiiig in 1568 from a meeting of the synod held at Zutz in Upper Engadina. He had scarcely left the town of Chiavenna, when some vil- lains rushed from a thicket on the margin of the lake Lario, forced him into a boat wliich they had ready, and conveying him first to Como and af- terwards to Milan, delivered him to the inquisition. Ambassadors were sent to demand the prisoner, but they found that lie had been sent to Rome, and were told by the duke De 'J'erranova, the governor, that his abduction was the work of the inquisi- tors, over whom he had no control.* After being detained nearly a year in prison, Cellario was tried by the inquisition at Jiome, and connnitted to the flames on the 20th of May 15G9.t '^^^^^ practice of manstealing now became a constant traffic in theVal- teline; and at every meeting of the diet, for a course of years, complaints were made thatsome personshad ♦Gabutius, in liis Life of Pius IV. gives the duke's answer in these woitls: " That the pope has an absolute and lawful power over all parts of the world to seize, as often as he pleases, and infliet merited punishment on heretics." (Laderchii Annal. tcni. xxxiii. (i, 198.) t Laderchius, ut supra. De Porta, ii. i04 — 176. The first of these writers gives, from the records of the inquisition, the sentence con- demning Cellario to be burnt alive. Gabutius says he recanted wlicn lie came in sight of the fire. De Porta, on the contrary, states that a native of the Grisons, who was in Home and witnessed the execu- tion, deponed, that the martyr en being taken from the fiery stake refused to confess, and was again thrown into the flames. — Cellario had been a Minorite monk of the order Be OLscrvaniia, and was twice imprisoned at Pavia. 'J'he first time, he was released on mak- ing some confession ; the second time, he broke his chains and made his escape into the Grii-ons in the year loJ8. HISTORY OF THE RErORMATION IN ITALY. 361 been carried off, including not only exiles from Italy but native citizens of the Grison republic* The in- vestigations into these acts of violence implicated in most instances the monks of Morbegno, who were in the habit of regularly giving such information to the inquisitors as enabled them to seize their prey.f Nor did they confine themselves to the service. After the abduction of Cellario, Ulixio Martinengho, count De Barclio, a learned and pious nobleman who had resided for a number of years in the Valteline, officiated in his room until the admission of Scipione Calandrino, a native of Lucca, whom the congrega- tion had chosen for their pastor. The monks, who had looked forward to the dispersion of that flock, were greatly irritated at their disappointment ; and two of them entering one day the church at Mellio, fired a pistol at Calandrino while he was in the act of preaching. An old man observed them levelling the piece, and gave warning to Calandrino, who evaded the shot ; upon which the rufl[ians stabbed the old man mortally, and rushingforward to the pulpit, wounded the preacher, and made their escape amidst the con- fusion into wliich the congregation was thrown.^: The most humiliating circumstance in the whole of this affair is the disgraceful timidity and irreso- lution witli which the Grison government acted. They sent ambassadors, they craved redress, they ordered investigations, and, on making discoveries, * IV Porta, ii. i77, 178, ISO, 482; part. ii. 7—9, .^0, 88, 96, t Ibid. ii. 45 J, 4j7, IGj, 483. ;|: Ibid. ii. iS3, iSl. 362 HISTORY OF THE llEI ORMATIOX IN ITALY. they passed threatening votes ; but tliey took no step becoming the character of a free people in de- fence of their violated independence and insulted honour. Tlieir neighbours showed tliem an exam- ple worthy of their imitation. Cardinal Borromeo, in one of his archiepiscopal visitations, entered the territories of Switzerland. The Swiss government, not relishing the visit, dispatched an envoy to re- quest the governor of the Milanese to recall him. No sooner had the envoy arrived at Milan, than he was seized by the inquisitor and thrown into pri- son ; but the governor, as soon as he learnt the fact, ordered his release, and treated him with marks of great respect. On being informed of what had liap- pened, the Swiss authorities sent a message to the governor, signifying that if the same post which brought the news of the imprisonment of their en- voy had not acquainted them with his enlargement, they would instantly have seized the cardinal and detained him as a hostage ; upon hearing which, his eminence retired from the Swiss territories with less ceremony than he had entered them. * If the authorities of theGrisons had acted in this manner — if they had, as they were advised, confiscated the property belonging to the inhabitants of Milan and Como, and retained it until their own merchants were indemnified for the losses which they had sus- tained y and above all, if tliey had issued peremp- tory orders to level the monaster)' of Morbegno with the ground, as a watchtower of spies and a den of * Fra PaoIO; Discoiso tlcll* In- ter, intimating the design on \vhich they had conic, and inviting them to meet with them, and '^ confer on tliose common articles of Christianity ahout which they were both agreed." The cliapter re- turned a poHtc answer, but dechned the meeting, " because there was a great gulf between them;" adding a number of exhortations to unity and against divisions, the drift of which it was not difficult io perceive. Hettinger, Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, torn. iii. IQZ, 791 : I)e Porta, tom. ii. cap. i. t That he was alive, and in Chiavenna or the neighbourhood of it, in 1555, appears from a letter of Julio da IVIilano to Bullinger, in which he speaks of him as requiring still to be narrowly wa°ched. (Fueslin,p. 357.) HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 373 It is certain that Socinus had interviews with Camillo at Chiavenna; and the resemblance be- tween their opinions, and the cautious and artful manner in which they uttered them, is very strik- big.* Finding themselves baffled in their attempts to propagate their peculiar tenets, the innovators had recourse to a device which had nearly proved suc- cessful. They got Celso Martinengho, Vergerio, and some other respectable names to subscribe a peti- tion for liberty to the Italian ministers to hold a synod of their own, distinct from that which met in the Orisons. In supi)ort of tliis proposal, they pleaded the difficulty of the journey across the Alps, the difference of languages, and certain rites practised by the Orisons which the Italians dis- liked, and which other reformed churches had laid aside. f ]3ut the measure was quashed by the wiser part, who saw that the preservation of the Italian • Illgen, Vita La?lii Socini, pp. 17,41. Bock, ii. 581-2. Hot- tinger, iii. 791. Fueshn, p. 35G. He Porta, ii. 86. t These rites were the use of unleavened bread in the eucharist, the pronouncing of the angelical salutation (commonly called Salve lic^ ffina) after the Lord's prayer, and the admitting of godfathers in baptism. In this last character Roman catholics were sometimes ad- mitted; and Paul Iter, the popish bishop of Coire, occasionally pre- sented the child for baptism to Comander. The ministers of the Grisons were not rigidly attached to any of these rites, and they dis- approved of the last-mentioned practice, though they scrupled to pro- hibit it, (especially after the violence manifested by the priests of the Valteline,) lest it should interrupt the friendly intercourse which subsisted between popish and protestant families. The Italians ex- claimed against every thing of this kind as syiobohzing with anti- christ. (De Porta, ii. 66, 226.) {■ ' "^1 374; iiistohy ov the ueformation in italy. churches, both from the arts of internal agitators and from the attacks of their popisli adversaries, depended on their maintaining tlieir union with the churches of the Grisons inviolate. * The noted antitrinitarians, Alciati and Blan- drata, stirred the ashes of the late controversy, during a visit which they paid to the Grisons in 1553, on their way from Italy to Switzerland. Af- ter this Michael Angelo Florio, minister of Soglio, and Jeronimo Turriano of Plurs, began to under- mine the faith of their hearers in the doctrine of the atonement bv ascribine: salvation solelv to the grace of God ; while the divinity of Christ was di- rectly attacked by others, particularly by Ludovico Fieri, a Bolognese, and a member of the church of Chiavenna. In 1561 the synod summoned these persons before them, and drew wp certain articles condemnatory of their opinions, which Florio and Turriano subscribed ; but Fieri, avowing his senti- ments, was excomnuuiicated and retired to Mora- via.f There were, however, still individuals se- cretly attached to antitrinitarianism, wlio continued to correspond with their friends in other countries ; and in 1570 the controversy was revived, in conse- quence of the arrival of some distinguished i)ersons belonging to the sect, Avho found it dangerous to remain any longer in Switzerland. Among these were Camillo Soccini, a brother of Lelius Socinus, Marctllo Squarciahi])o, a physician of Piombino, Bock, ii. 160. t Pc Torta, ii. 397, 197. IIISTOIIY or THE IIEFOIIMATION IN ITALY. 375 and Niccolo Camulio, an opulent merchant, who liberally patronised persons of this persuasion.* Their presence encouraged Turriano to resume his former course, in which he was joined by Sylvio,f the minister of Trahona, and some other indivi- duals. 13ut the proceedings of the synod which met at Coire in the year 1571 induced the strangers to withdraw from the Grisons. Turriano and the other ministers were deposed, but subsequently re- stored to their churches on making acknowledg- ments for their offensive behaviour, t Alciati and lllandrata visited the Grisons a second time in the beginning of 1579, but were ordered by the magi- strates instantly to depart, after which the coun- try does not appear to have been disturbed with these controversies.^ When we consider that the Italians were strangers, that they had obtained an asylum on condition of their joining themselves to the protestant church already settled in the coun- try and submitting to its discipline, and that the republic was subjected to great odium on account of the harbour and protection which it afforded them, we will be cautious in condemning the magistrates for expelling individuals who fomented discord and endangered the existence of the whole colony, by • Schelhorn, Diss, de Mino Celso, p. 35. Bock, ii. 483, 331, 576; conf. i. 907—910. De Porta, ii. 508, 543, 541. •f- Bartolommco Sylvio was the author of a tract on the Eucharist, printed in 1551. + De Mino Celso, pp. 35—37. De Porta, ii. t97— 502, 513, 555. § Ibid. ii. C32. r 376 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. propagating sentiments equally shocking to the ears of papists and protestants. Expulsion was the highest punishment which they inflicted ; and in one instance in which they threatened to proceed farther against an individual, named Titiano, who had provoked them, the ministers interposed and prevailed on them to desist from their intention. * I cannot, however, speak so favourably of the sen- timents entertained by many of the ministers re- specting the punishment of heretics. This question was keenly agitated after the execution of Ser- vetus at Geneva. Gantner, one of the ministers of Coire, maintained that heresy ought not to be punished by magistrates, and was warmly opposed by Eglin, his colleague. The dispute was brought under the consideration of the synod in 1571, which decided in favour of Eglin. It is true the proposition adopted by the synod re- fers to seditious heretics ; but several of the argu- ments on which it appears to have been grounded, and by which it was afterwards defended, would (if they had any force) justify the punishment, and even the capital punishment of persons who are chargeable with simple heresy, and consequently must have tended to lead those who held them into measures of persecution, f Though it appears from what has been stated, that a number of the Italian exiles were tainted with Arian- ism, yet several individuals among them have been • Dc Porta, ii. 76. t Ibid. ii. 533—510. Diss, dc Mino Ctlso, pp. 37 — U. > . HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 377 suspected of this without the slightest reason. Even Zanchi, who succeeded Mainardi,* has not escaped the suspicion with some writers,! although he was the individual selected by his brethren as most fit for opposing this heresy, a task which he perform- ed with distinguished ability. His assertion that he was " neither a Lutheran, Zuinglian, nor Calvi- nian, but a Christian," is what every person may adopt whose faith is founded on the word of God, and not on the wisdom and authority of men. The suspicions against Celso Martinengho and Vergerioj: appear to have originated entirely in their having at first taken part with Camillo against Mainardi, before they discovered the real sentiments of the for- mer. Martinengho afterwards enjoyed the confidence of Calvin during all the time that he was pastor of the Italian church at Geneva. Vergerio declared himself openly against the anabaptists, and gave * Mainardi died in the end of July 1563, in the 81st year of his age. (Zanchii Opera, torn. vii. p. 35.) He was the author of the three following works: (1.) Trattato dell' unica et perfetta sattisfattione di Christo, a. 1551. (2.) Uno pio et utile sermone della Gratia di Dio contra Ii meriti humani, a. 1552. (3.) L'Anatcmia della Messa. The question concerning the real author of this last work, which Bayle has discussed at great length, but unsatisfactorily, (Diet. art. Verge- rio,) had been previously settled by Zanchi. (Ut supra.) — I may add here, that Alessandro Trissino, a native of Vicenza, wrote a long let- ter to count Leonardo Tiene, exhorting him and his fellow-citi- zens to embrace the reformed opinions. It was dated from Chiavcn- na, July 20, 1570, and printed two years after. (Tiraboschi, vii. 383.) t liock, ii. 42G, 5G3. J Ibid. ii. 410, 551—553. Dc Porta, ii. 63, 151—156. m 378 IIISTOllYOr TIIC Ui:rORMATION IN ITALY. early warning of the defection of bis countrymen Socinus and Gribaldi to the opinions of Servetus.* The fate of this distinguished man was in some respects hard. He forfeited the high character which he had held in the church of Ilome,j witliout gaining the confidence of the protestants. By wav- ering between the sentiments of the Lutherans and Zuinglians, he incurred the displeasure of both. lie excited the jealousy of the ministers in the Ori- sons hy aflecting a species of ej)iscopal authority as superintendent or visitor of the Italian churches; and they complained that he had not laid aside the mitre, nor forgotten the arts which he liad learned at courts.:]: It is not imj)robable that, in addition to the finesse which has been supposed to enter in- to the Italian character, Vcrgerio had acquired from his employments the habit of using policy to accom- plish his ends, and that he felt some difiiculty in re- conciling himself to the simple life of a protestant pas- tor after the splendour and opulence to which he had been accustomed. But if he had not been attached to the Reformation, he would have listened to the proposals made to him by the court of Rome, which, though it would have preferred seizing his person, was not unwilling to purchase his faith. Though his writings were not profound, and his conduct was marked with versatility, protestants might have treated with a little more tenderness the memory of a man whose name lent at least a temporary ere- • Pt' Porta, ii. IJS, 1J9. f 15eiiibo, LcUero, tomo iii. p. 3S9. J l)c Torta, ii. I3i, I(i0~l66. 1 HISTORY OF THE RErOUlSJATION IN ITALY. 379 dit to their cause, and who gave the rare example of sacrificing worldly honours and aftluence to reli- gious principle. He died on the 4th of October 1565, at Tubingen in the dutchy of Wirtemburg, where lie had resided since the year 1553, although he repeatedly visited the Orisons during that inter- val.* Ludovico Castelvetro, of whom we have already spoken, w\as among the learned men who found a refuge from persecution in the Orisons. After the apprehension of liis brethren of the academy at Modena in 1557,t ^^e concealed himself in the ter- ritories of Ferrara until the death of Paul IV. In 1561, having ol)tained a safe-conduct, he was per- suaded to go to Home, along with his brother Oian- maria, to give an account of his faith, and had the convent of San Maria in ^'ia assigned to him as a prison, with liberty to receive his friends. But af- ter undergoing several examinations he deemed it prudent to withdraw in the night-time from the city, and escaped with great difficulty to Chiavenna, where he met his old friend Franciscus Portus. The sentence of excommunication was in consequence passed against him and his brother. Through the interest of his friend Foscarari, bishop of Modena, hopes were given him of a favourable issue to his process provided he would return to Italy ; but he * Salig, Hist. Auspurg. Confes. torn. ii. p. 1180. Bayle, Diet. art. Vergcrio. Dc Porta, lib. ii. cap. v. Gerdesii Ital. Ref. pp. 3ia— 3o0.' He was employed before his death in publishing a collection of his >vorks, the first volume of which was printed in 1603. The Apohgta pro Vvrgeriu advcrsvs Casam, by ^chclhorn, I have not seen. t See before, p. 211. I i HI 380 HISTORY OF THE IIEIOIIMATION IN ITALY. declined this as well as the proposals made by the nuncio Delfnio, who Avas sent into Switzerland to treat with him, Vergerio, and Zanchi. It was most probably the fears which he entertained for his safety, at a time when many individuals were sur- prised and carried off by force into Italy, that in- duced him to leave Chiavenna and repair to Lyons. But finding himself exposed to new dangers from the civil war, which then raged in France between the Catholics and Ilugonots, he retired to Geneva, and soon after returned to Chiavenna, where he opened a private school at the desire of some young students, to whom he read daily two lectures, one on Homer and another on the Khetorica ad Ilerennium. Encouraged by the reception which his brother had met with at the court of Vienna, he went there in 15G7, and put to press his celebrated commen- tary on Aristotle's Art of Poetry, which lie dedi- cated to the cmj^eror Maximilian II. But the plague breaking out in that place, he returned again to Chiavenna, where he continued till his death on the 21st of February 1571, in the sixty-seventh year of his age. Castelvetro was one of the great literary ornaments of his country ; an acute and ingenious critic ; and extensively acquainted with Provencal and Italian poetry as well as with the classics of Greece and Rome, to which he added the knowledge of Hebrew.* • Muratori, Vita del Castelvetro: Operc Critiebe, pp. 33—49. Tirabosclii, vii. 1 170—1173. Frcytag, Analcct. Libr. Uar. p. 219. Jacopo, tbe son of Giamnaria Castelvetro, wlio accoiupanied his father and uncle into exile, paid a visit to Edinburgh in the year 1592. (MS. in Bibl. Jurid. Edin. A. 1. 18.) ^ HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 381 It is now time that we should quit tlie Alps, and take a rapid survey of the Italian churches formed in Switzerland, and other countries to the north. At Zurich the exiles from Locarno obtained from the senate the use of a church, with liberty to cele- brate i)ublic worship in their own language. They enjoyed at first the instructions of their townsman Beccaria; but as he had come merely to supply their present necessities, after labouring among them for a few months, he resigned his place to a person of superior talents.* Returning to the Orisons, he took up his residence in the valley of Misocco, a part of the country which remained in a state of gross ignorance, and in which he was extremely useful, in the double character of school- master and preacher, until 1561 when he was ex- pelled through the agency of cardinal Borromeo ; after wliich he retired to Chiavenna.f Ochino was the person chosen to succeed Bec- caria at Zurich. After leaving his native country,^ he had remained for some time at Geneva, where he acquired the esteem of Calvin ; § but finding himself shut out from employment there, as the * Schclhorn, Ergotzlichkeiten, torn. iii. p. 11G2. t Beccaria, who also went by the name of Canesa, continued to vibit his flock in Misocco down to the year 1571. (Tcmpe Helve- tica, torn. iv. pp. 200-202. De Porta, ii. pp. 311—350: couf. p. 169.) X See before, p. 102. § Bunnanni Sylloge Epist. torn. ii. p. 230. Lettres de Calvin a Jaqne de Bourgogne, pp. 36, lOS; I- i -3 1- 382 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITAEY. S I 1 I I I only language of which he was master was the Italian, and none of his countrymen had as yet come to that place, he repaired to liasle, for the purpose of printing some of his works, and from that went to Augsburg. The magistrates of this city appointed him Italian preacher with an annual salary of two hundred florins, partly to provide for his support, and partly to gratify the mer- chants and other inhabitants who knew that lan- guage. * He accordingly conunenced preaching on the epistles of Paul, in the church of St. Anne, to munbers attracted by curiosity and by the report of liis eloquence. For the sake of those who could not understand him his discourses were translated into German and printed. But the emperor Charles v., having come to Augsburg with his army in July 1547, demanded that Ochino should be delivered up to him, upon which he fled, along with Fran- cesco Stancari, to Constance, whence he went by Basle to Strasburg. f Here he found several of his countrymen, and particularly his intimate friend Peter Martyr, with whom he repaired in the end of that year to England, upon the invitation of • Schelhorn, in his interesting collections relating to the life anil writings of Ochino, has published two decrees of the senate of Augs- burg ; in one of which, dated October 20, loi.^, they give permission to " Frater Bernhardin Ochinus," along with his brother-in-law and sister, to reside in the city ; and in the other, dated December 3, lo 13, they assign him the salary mentioned in the text as '* ^V^^lschcr Prc- dicant." (Ergotzlichkeitcn, torn. iii. p. 1141-2.) t Ibid. pp. 994—098, 11 12-3. Salig, torn. ii. p. 419. Seckcndorf, lib. iii. p. 013 ; et SuppUm. num. Ivi. "s ■^ HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. 383 arc]d)ishop Cranmer. Martyr obtained a professor's chair in the university of Oxford, while Ochino ex- ercised his talent of preacliing in the metropolis. But in consequence of the change of religion pro- duced by the death of Edward VI., both of them retired in 1554, the former to Strasburg and the latter to Basle.* From this place Ochino was call- ed to be minister of the Locarnese congregation at Zurich, to the charge of which he was solemnly ad- mitted on the 13th of June 1555, after making an orthodox confession of faith, and swearing to ob- serve the rites of the Helvetian church and the or- dinances of its synods. f Soon after tlie settlement of Ochino, his country- man Martyr came to Zurich, to fill the chair of theology and Hebrew wliicli liad become vacant in the university by the death of the learned Conrad Pellican. t This was of great advantage to the Lo- carnese congregation. His interest with the magi- strates and pastors of the city was exerted in their behalf; they had the benefit of his sound advice in the management of their internal affairs ; and he preached to them as often as Ochino was unwell or absent.^ They must therefore have sustained a great loss by his death, which happened on the 12th • Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 189. Burnet's Hist, of the Ref. vol. ii. pp. 53, 2K). Sanders, De Schism. Anglic, p. 319. t Schelhorn, Ergutz. tom. iii. p. 11G2. : He came to Zurich in July 1550. (Melch. Adam, Vitii^ Exter. rheolog. p. 49. De Porta, ii. 228.) § Zanchii Epist. lib. ii. p, 281.. 384 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. of November 1562, after an illness of a few days. Of all the Italian exiles none left behind him a- fairer and better-earned fame than Peter Martyr. He possessed eminently the good qnalities of his countrymen without the vices which have been as- cribed to them ; acuteness without subtlety, ardour without enthusiasm, and dexterity without cunning. In Italy he gave great offence by deserting the reli- gion of his ancestors and violating the monastic vow ; in England he was opposed to the champions of the catholic faith after the government had de- clared itself decidedly in their favour ; at the con- fei-ence of Poissi he appeared in support of the pro- testant doctrine, at a crisis when its adversaries trembled at the prospect of its success within the kingdom of France ; and at Strasburg he was in- volved in a dispute with those who maintained the peculiar sentiments of Lutlier on the eucha- rist with less moderation than their master had shown. But in none of these places did prejiulice, strong as it then was, and loud as it often lifted its voice, whisper any thing unfavourable to the per- sonal character of Martyr.* His piety and learning were recommended by modesty, candour, and gentle- ness of manners. As an author his talents were al- lowed by his adversaries ; and in the reformed church his writings were by general agreement placed next to * SpcakingofBuccr and Martyr, Walter IlatUlon exclaims: " O aurcum par scnuiu fclicissiiiuu mcmoria?, quorum doctriiuc testes libri sunt ab illis confcctiv,inoruni tot habuerunt approbatores quot unquam convictorcs invenirc potucrunt !" (lladtloni Lucubrationcs, p. 22i.) ^ IIISTOKV OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 385 those of Calvin for judiciousness and perspicuity. His last years were spent happily in the most unin- terrupted harmony and cordial friendship with his colleagues in Zurich. Bullinger, who loved him as a brother, closed his eyes, and Conrad Gesner spread the cloth over his face, while the pastor and elders of the Locarnian church wept around his bed.* The year in which Martyr died was remarkable for the death of one of his countrymen, whose name obtained still greater notoriety than his, though on difterent grounds. This was Lelius Socinus, who had for a number of years been a mem- ber of the Locarnese congregation.! He was born at Sienna in 1525, and educated under the eye of his father Mariano Soccini, the younger, a celebrat- ed professor of law. Having testified a decided partiality to the Reformation, he left Italy in 1548,:]: partly from regard to his safety and partly from a desire to see and confer with the leading divines of the protestant church, whose writings he had read • Josias Simler, who had been appointed his colleague in the theo- logical chair, drew up his life in the Oraiio de Vita ct Obita D. Petri Martyris Vtr-milii, to which we have repeatedly referred. There is a beautiful letter in commendation of him, written soon after his death, by Wolfgang Haller to Zanchi. (Zanchii Epist. ut supra.) Beside the collection of epistles appended to his Loci Comftiunes, a number of Martyr's letters were published by Gerdes, in his Scriniuvi Anti' guariuDi, torn. iv. •f Illgen, Vita Liclii Socini, p. 48. Fueslin, pp. 356, 358. t Cornclio, Camillo and Celso, three of the brothers of Lelius, embraced the same sentiments, and followed him at a later period in- to Switzerland ; as did also his nephew Faustus. (Schelhorn, De Mino Celso, p. 35. Bock, ii, 576, 577, 624.) 2c 386 HISTORY OF THE IlEI ORMATION IX ITALY. IIISTOUY or THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 387 with delight. He came to Zurich at an early pe- riod, and lodged with Pellican, under whom he com- menced the study of the Hebrew language. Be- tween 1549 and 1551 he resided at Wittemberg, after which he returned to Zurich, where he spent the remainder of his life, with the exception of what was devoted to short excursions into France, Poland and Italy. I have already given my rea- sons for thinking, that, before leaving his native country, he had not adopted the creed which has obtained from liim and his nephew the name of So- cinian ; and that his interviews with Camillo Re- nato at Chiavenna had great influence in leading his mind into that train of thinking.* Soon after his arrival in Switzerland he began, in his conver- sations and epistolary correspondence witli learned men, to start doubts as to the commonly received opinions concerning the sacraments and the resurrec- tion, and afterwards concerning redemption and the trinity. But he uniformly proposed these in the character of a learner, not of a teacher or dispu- tant, and as difficulties which he was anxious to have solved, not sentiments which he held or wished to patronise. The modesty with which he propound- ed his doubts, together with the eager desire he * The reader may compare the opinions of Camillo, as already stated, with the doubts started by Socinus in his correspondence with Calvin. The letters of Socinus indeed are not extant, but the sub- stance of them is preserved in Calvin's replies. (Calvini Epist. pp. 52, 57 ; Opera, tom. ix.) showed for knowledge, his courteousness, and the correctness of his morals gained hiin the esteem not only of Melanchthon and Bullinger but also of Calvin and Beza. If at any time he gave offence or alarm by the boldness with which he pushed his speculations into high and inscrutable mysteries, or by pertinaciousiiess in urging his objections, he knew how to allay these feelings by prudent con- cession and ample apologies ; and Calvin, after de- clining farther correspondence with him, was in- duced to renew it and to return a friendly answer to his doubts respecting the doctrine of the trinity.* In adopting this method toward the more learned reformers, it was probably the object of Socinus to ascertain what they could say against his opinions ; but in other instances he exerted himself in secretly making proselytes, and not without success, f He carefully concealed his sentiments respecting the trinity from the divines of Zurich.t On receiving warning from the Grisons, Bullinger, whose affec- tions he had gained, laid the matter before him, and in a very friendly manner advised him to remove the suspicions which had arisen as to his orthodoxy. Socinus protested that he agreed in all points with the church of Zurich, and complained of the reports • Colomcsii Opera, p. o02. Conf. Calvini Epist. p. 57 ; Opera, tom. ix. t Zanchii Praef. in Libr. de tribus Elohim ; Opera, tom. i. i Simler, Assertio Orthod. Doctrinoc de duabus naturis Christi, pra*f. p. 4. %■■ i 388 HISTOKY OF THE RKIORMATION IN ITALV. circulated to his prejudice; but on being dealt with more closely, he owned that he had indulged too much in abstruse and vain speculations, promised that he would p'uard against this for the future and subscribed a declaration of his faith which was sa- tisfactory to BuUinger.* Julio da Milano, wlio was one of those from whom the information had come, and knew the correspondence which Socinus held with the antitrinitarians in the Valteline, was sus- picious of the sincerity of his professions ; and though he promised to use his influence to induce his brethren to accept of the pledge which had been given, implored Ihillinger to watch over the purity of the Locarnese congregation.! After this Socinus was more circumspect ; Me find no more noise made about his opinions during his lifetime ; and there is every reason to think that he continued to commu- nicate, as he had formerly done, with the Ita- lian church in Zurich. But after his death, the antitrinitarians who had enjoyed his confidence, thinking themselves no longer bound to secrecy, proclaimed that he was of their sentiments, and as a proof of this, circulated such of his writings as were in their possession.:}: On hearing of his death, * lUgen, pp. iG— 5o. Bock, ii. 597— C02. -f Fueslin, pp. 353 — 359. { Bock has given an account of his writings. (Hist. Antitrin. tona. ii. pp. 635 — 654.) But Illgen has shown greater discrimination in distinguishing his genuine works from those which are supposititious, or were written hy others. (Vita La?hi Socini, pp. 71—85.) His work written on occasion of the punishment of Servetus, and entitled HISTOKY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 389 his nephew Faustus Socinus came from Lyons to Zurich, and took possession of his papers, which he afterwards made use of in composing his own works. To this, however, he applied his mind at a period much later; for he went immediately to Florence, where lie spent twelve years in the service of the grand duke of Tuscany, not in preparing his mind for the task of illuminating the world, (as the Polish knight who wrote his life has asserted,) but in the idleness and amusements of a court, as he himself has acknowledged.* " Martini BclHi Farrago de hiereticis, an sint prosequendi, et omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum," was first printed at Basle in 1553' The edition which I have examined wants the words " Martini Bel- lii Farrago" in the title, and was printed " Magdeburgi 1554." The following is a specimen of the style of reasoning: " Sujipose one accused at Tubingen, who makes this defence for himself, ' I believe that Christopher is my prince, and I desire to obey him in all things; but as to what you say about his coming in a chariot, this I do not believe, but believe he will come on horseback; and whereas you say that he is clothed in scarlet, I believe that he is clothed in white ; and as to his ordering us to wash in this river, I believe that this ought to be done in the afternoon, and you beheve it ought to be done in the forenoon.' I ask of you, prince, if you would wish your sub- ject to be condemned for this? I think not; and if you were present you would rather praise the candour and obedience of the man than blame his ignorance ; and if any should put him to death on this ground, you would punish them. So is it in the question under con- sideration. A certain citizen of Christ says, I beheve in God the Father and Jesus Christ his Son," &c. (De Ha^reticis, ike. p. 8.) —No copy has for a long time been seen of his " Paraphrasis in Initi- um Evangehi S. Johannis, scripta in 1561 ;" which contained the famed interpretation of that passage, " In Evangehi principio erat Dei sermo," &c. This Paraphrase must not be confounded with the '' Explicatio Initii Evangehi Johannis," which was the work of his nephew Faustus. * Bock, ii. 663, 60i. m^ !>-S 390 HISTORY OF THE llErOllMATION IN ITALY. The Locarnese exiles were surprised and dis- tressed at learning that so respectable a member of their church as Socinus had made defection from the evangelical faith ; but their surprise and distress were heightened by the discovery which was soon after made that their pastor had followed his ex- ample. Socinus had failed in making any impression on the mind of his countryman Zanchi;* but his acuteness and address were too powerful for one who was now advanced in years, and who, though possessed of good talents, had read but little on the- ology, in consequence of his ignorance of ancient and foreign hmguages. Without supposing him to have been the slave of popularity, Ochino could scarce- ly have failed to be flattered with the crowds which flocked to his preaching in Italy ; and he must have felt the change, when, on coming to a foreign coun- try, his hearers were necessarily few, from the cir- cumstance of their being confined to those who un- derstood his native tongue. Add to this, that he had taken up the idea that the divines of Zurich de- spised him for his want of learning, and though this appears to have been groundless, we have his own authority for saying that it soured his mind.t In this state of his feelings, he was more ready to lis- ten to the objections of his artful townsman, though they struck at the root of sentiments which had been the favourite topics of his sermons, and in which he had gloried most when he left the church * Zanchii Opera, toin. i. pra?f. ad fiiietn. t Ochino, Dialogo, in Schelliorn, Ergotz., torn. iii. p. 2030. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 391 of Rome. In 1558 Martyr received a letter from Chiavenna, stating that Ochino and the brothers of Lelius Socinus were secretly undermining the doc- trine of the merit and satisfaction of Christ. Even according to his own explanation, Ochino had for- saken his former views on that point ; but the matter was accommodated by the friendship and prudence of Martyr.* About the same time he gave great of- fence to some of the divines of Switzerland by one of his books ; on which occasion also, though the work was printed without their knowledge and was far from pleasing them, the ministers of Zurich in- terposed in his favour.f But he forfeited their pro- tection, and exhausted their forbearance, by a work which he published in the course of the year after his countryman Martyr died. It was printed pri- vately, not at Zurich but at Basle, and consisted of thirty dialogues, divided into two parts.t In the first part he proves, in opposition to a Jew, that Je- ♦ A letter which Ochino wrote on this occasion has been preserved by Do Porta, torn. ii. pp. 392, 393. '+ Schelhorn, ErgotzUchkeiten, torn. iii. p. 2164.. The book refer- red to was his Lahyrinlhi, in which he discusses the questions re- specting freewill and predestination. :;: Bemardini Ochini Senensis Dialogi XXX. Basileas 15C3. The work was printed from a translation into Latin by Castalio. It was afterwards disputed whether the work had undergone the examinatioH which the laws prescribed before its being printed. It appeared on investigation that the Italian original in manuscript had been put into the hands of Amerbachius, the rector of the university, who, not understanding the language, gave it to CeUo Secundo Curio, who denied that he had ever given it his approbation. (Schelhorn, Er- gotzlichkeiten, torn. iii. pp. 1185—1188.) 39J<5 iiisTOiiv or Tin: iii.roitMATiox ix italv. BUS is the true Messiah ; and on the i^eneral ar<^ii- ment his proofs are strong-, |)ut when he comes to defend the sacrifice and satisfaction of Christ he ar- gues feehly. It was, however, the second j)art of tlie Work, in which lie treats of polygamy and tlie tri- nity, wliich chiefly gave odence. The first of these questions is discussed in a dialogue hetween 'i'eli- poligamus, an advocate of polygamy, and Ocliinus. Every argument whidi had been urged in favour of the practice, or which the ingenuity of the author could devise, is put into the mouth of the former, vt^ho reasons at great length and with much elo- quence; while Ocliinus replies at once with brevity and feebleness, and in the end materiallv, thou^rh not in so many words, yields the point in dispute to his supposed antagonist. The dialogues on the trinity are conducted in the same manner. Some writers in- sist that Ochino cannot be charged with maintain- ing polygamy and antitrinitarianism ; but I think it nuist be difficult for any person impartially to read the dialogues without coming to a contrary conclu- sion.* Certain citizens of Zurich, on a visit wliich they paid to Basle, were told in a public company that their town would soon become a sink of vile liere- sies, as their ministers had already begun to write in favour of polygamy ; and on their resenting this as a calumny, they were silenced by the production * The dialogue on Polygamy has been published, and translated into our own language, among others, by the friends of that prac- tice. IIISTOUY OF Tin: REFORMATION IX ITALY. 393 of the work of Ocliino, wliich had been lately pub- lished. Keturning home, they called on the minis- ters to wipe off a disgrace which had fallen upon their order, and u])on the whole city.* The divines of Zurich had, at a former period, been greatly dis- pleased at the conduct of such of the German re- formers as had countenanced the bigamy of the land- grave of riesse,t which brought so much scandal on the whole evangelical body ; and they now felt both grieved and indignant at the conduct of their col- league. At the desire of the cliief magistrate, they translated the dialogue on polygamy into German, and laid it, with remarks on the other dialogues, be- fore the senate, which came to the resolution of ba- nishing him from the territories of the canton. Be- ing unable to prevent this sentence, he petitioned for liberty to remain during the winter ; but this was refused, and he was ordered to depart within three weeks4 The banishment of an old man of seventy-six, with four young children, in the depth of winter, was a severe measure, calculated to excite compassion for the suflerer ; and had Ochino left this feeling to its own operation, it is probable that the magi- strates and ministers of Zurich would have incur- red public odium. But he published an apology for himself, which was answered by the mini- * Schelhorn, Ergotzlichkeiten, torn. iii. 2160, 2161. + Fueslin, Epist. Rcf. pp. 198 — 200, 205. X Schelhorn, ErgOtz. iii. 2022, 2161, 2166, 2174—2179. jOI— 504. Bock, ii. 394 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN riALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 395 sters, and injured instead of helping his cause.* Beside the charges which he brought against the senate and pastors in general, he made a personal attack on I^ullinger, whom he represented as one who disliked all foreigners, especially Italians, wish- ed to ruin the Locarnese congregation, had opposed his election to be their pastor, and persecuted him because he would not worship him as a pope or a god. t Now all this was so contrary to the charac- ter of that divine ; and his kindness to exiles, his care about the Italian church, t the tenderness with which he had treated Socinus, and the respect which he had shown for Ochino himself, were all so well known, that the ministers scarcely needed to use their sponge in wiping off these aspersions, which served only to throw suspicion on the charges which accompanied them. Nor was Ochino happier in the defence of his book. His chief apology for the manner in which he had conducted the argument was, that " truth does not stand in need of many words like falsehood, for it can defend itself." § As • His apology, entitled '' Dialogo, Favellatori— Prudeiiza humana c Ochino," and the reply to it, entitled " Spongia adversus aspergi- nes Bernardini Ochini," are both published by Schelhorn in the third volume of his Ergotzlichkeiten. It would appear Ire m the re- ply that Ochino's apology was printed at that time, though Schelhorn thinks it was only circulated in manuscript. t Dialogo, ut supra, pp. 2021, 2029, 2030. X There is an excellent letter by him to the protestants suffering persecution in Italy, dated Gth January, lo(il, and published by Fueslin. (Epist. Ref. pp. 44o— 4o().) § " La verita non ha bisogno di raolte parole, sicome il mendacio ; impcroche la verita per se stessa si difendi, resiste, supera e trionfa ; ma il contrario e del mendacio." (Dialogo, ut supra, p. 201S.) if we were warranted to strip truth and place her on the pillory, to be insulted and pelted by the mob, w^hile we stood by and contented ourselves with crying out, " Great is the truth and will prevail !" Ochino alleges, that one chief reason of the keenness with which the ministers of Zurich had persecuted him was, that in the obnoxious dialogues he had exposed their errors, and pointed out the defects of their boasted reformation. But, as any thing of this kind was put into the mouth of the interlocu- tor whom he opposed, he by this allegation virtually acknowledged the deception which he had practised, and deprived himself of his principal defence. * Whatever the faults of Ochino were, it is im- possible to contemplate the termination of the career of a man who had been held in such high estima- tion, without feelings of deep regret. On coming to Basle, he was given to understand by the magi- strates that his continuing there would be offensive. After residing for some time at Mulhausen, he set out with the view of joining his countrymen of the antitrinitarian persuasion who had gone to Poland. • Dialogo, ut supra, pp. 2030 — 2034. Schelhorn is of opinion that Ochino's Dialogue on Polygamy is not original, and that the greater part of it was borrowed from a dialogue on the same subject, written in defence of Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, and published in 1541 un- der the fictitious name of Hulderichus Neobulus. (Ergotzlichkeiten, torn. i. pp. C31 — 63G ; iii. 213C — 2156.) There is certainly a striking coincidence between the extracts he has produced from this dialogue and that of Ochino, not only in argument but also in arrangement and expression. The charge of plagiarism is, however, weakened by the fact that Ochino was ignorant of the German language. *.lif 'it 4 396 IllSTOllV OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. But cardinal Borroiiieo, by express orders from the pope, wrote to cardinal Hosius to keep his eye upon him and prevent his settlement in that country, a service which was also given in charge to the nun- cio Commendone. In consequence of this, he was obliged to retire into Moravia, and died at Slacovia in the end of the year l^C^, after having lost two sons and a daugbter hy the plague, which then raged in that country.* The Locarnese congregation continued to flourish, and was provided with a succession of pastors, until the emigration from Italy ceased, and it was no longer necessary to have the j)ub]ic service perform- ed in the language of that country.f Some of the most distinguished families at this day in Zurich are descended from these exiles, who first intro- duced into it the art of manufacturing silk, set up mills and dye-houses, and so enriched the city by their industry and ingenuity that within a short time it became celebrated beyond the limits of Switzerland.:!: Basle had long been distinguished as a resort of learned men, wliich induced many of the Italian pro- testants to select it as the place of their residence. I can only name a k^w of them. Paolo di Colli, the father of Hippolytus aCollibus, a celebrated lawyer * Bock, ii. .501 — 308. t Hottinger, Iltbretiscbe Kirchcngcscliichtc, torn. iii. p. 762-3 : Gerdesii Ital. Ilef. p. 10. X Zschokkc, Schweizerlands Geschichtc, p. 258. Tempe Helve- tica, torn. iv. p. 1 73. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 397 and counsellor of the Elector Palatine Frederic IV., was a native of Alexandria in the Milanese, from which he fled in consequence of the discovery of a I)rotestant conventicle wliich was ke])t in his house.* Gulielmo Grataroli, a physician of Bergamo, was equally distinguished by his piety, by his chissical learning, and by his skill in his own art, on which he published several works, f Alfonso Corrado, a Mantuan, and said to have been the instructor of the wife of Alfonso duke of Ferrara, preached for some time in the Grisons, and published at Basle a commentary on the Apocalyj)se, " filled (says Ti- raboschi) with invectives and reproaches against the Roman pontiff.''^ Silvestro Teglio and Francesco Betti, a Roman knight, were both learned men.^ Mino Celso, a native of Sienna, is praised by Clau- dio Tolomeo, and an edition of the letters of that learned man was dedicated to him by Fabio Ben- voglienti.il Having left his native country from love to the reformed religion, he became corrector of the press to Petrus Perna, a Lucchese and long a * Adami Vitae Jureconsult. p. 207. Tonjol£p Moimnient. Basil. p. 124. t Thuani Hist, ad an. 1568. Beza^ Epistohe, pp. 218, 231. Speak- ing of Grataroli, Zanchi says : " In his native country he enjoyed an honourable rank and riches: his piety alone has impoverished him." (Epist. lib. ii. p. 390.) t Gerdesii Ital. Ref. pp. 231—234. De Porta, ii. 35. Tiraboschi vii. 383. ' § Teglio translated into Latin the Principe of Macchiavelli. Betti was the author of a letter to the marchioness of Pescaro, and afterwards a friend of Faustus Socinus. (Schelhorn, Dissert, de Mino Celso, p. 62. Bock, ii. pp. 665, 817.) II De Mino Celso Senensi, pp. U — is. 398 HISTORY OF THE IlErOR:srATION IX ITALY. celebrated printer at Basle, " whose memory (says Tirabosdii) would have been still more deserving of honour, if he had not tarnished it by apostasy from the catholic religion."* IMino Celso was the author of a rare work against the capital punish- ment of heretics, in which he has treated the ques- tion with great solidity and learning.f But the most learned person among the refugees who re- sided in this city, was Celio Secundo Curio, whom we have already met with repeatedly in the course of this history. At his first coming from Italy, the senate of Berne placed him at the head of the college of Lausanne, from which he was translated in 1547 to the chair of Roman Eloquence in the uni- versity of Basle. On that occasion the degree of doctor of laws was conferred on him sitting, a mark of respect which had been shown to none but Bucer. But greater honour w^as done him by the nund)ers who came from all parts of Europe to attend his lectures. He received an invitation from the em- • Storia, vii. 1 763. A Life of Perna was published at Lucca in 17G3, by Domenica Maria Manni. t It is entitled " Mini Celsi Senensis dc Hereticis capitali sup- plicio non afficiendis. Anno 1584." This is the edition I have consulted, but the work was first printed in 1577. The author mentions that he was led to treat the question in consequence of his finding it disputed among the protestants when he passed through the Orisons in 1569. In the work he points out the distinction be- tween the kingdom of Christ and secular kingdoms, examines the doctrine of scripture on the subject, produces testimonies from the fathers and reformers in favour of the opinion which he maintains, and shows that it is not inconsistent with the exercise of civil autho- rity in reforming and supporting religion. His reasoning is not con- fined to capital punishment. HISTORY OF THE IIEFOIIMATION IN ITALY. 399 peror Maximilian to the university of Vienna, from Vaivod king of Transylvania to Weissemburg, and from tlie duke of Savoy to Turin ; while the pope emplo}'ed the bishop of Terracino to persuade him to return to Italy, on the promise of an ample sal- ary, with provision for his daughters, and on no other condition than that of his abstaining from in- culcating his religious opinions. But he rejected these offers, and remained at Basle till his death in 1569.* Beside his writings on religious subjects, he published various works on grammar, and edi- tions of the Latin classics, accompanied w^ith notes, by which he did great service to Roman literature and education. Of all the refugees the loss of none has been more regretted by Italian writers than that of Curio.f The testimonies which they have borne to him deserve the more attention on this ground, among others, that some of the most im- portant facts concerning the progress and suppres- sion of the Reformation in Italy have been attested by him ; and the greater part of the narratives of Italian martyrs proceeded from his pen, or were sub- mitted to his revision before they were published by his friend Pantaleon. The children of Curio, female as well as male, were Idistinguished for their talents and learning, and among his descendants we * Stupani Oratio de Caelio Secundo Curione, ut supra, pp. 347 t Tiraboschi, Storia, tomo vii. pp. 1559—1561. Ginguenc, Hist. Litter, d'ltalie, tome vii. pp. 233 — 23G. 400 IIISTOUY OF THE llErORM ATION IX ITALY. find some of tlie most eminent persons in tlie pro- testant diureli."^' In takin": leave of Curio, I am reminded of his amiable and accomi)lislied friend Olympia Morata. On retiring into Germany,t she and her husband were kindly entertained by George Hermann, the enliirhtened counsellor of Ferdinand, king of the Ilomans, through whose influence they were oftered an advantageous situation in tlie Austrian domin- ions, which they declined on account of its being ]ncomj)atible with tlieir religious profession. In Schweinfurt, an imperial town, and the native place of her husband, Olympia resumed her fa- vourite studies, but the muses were soon disturb- ed by the trumpet of war. 'J'he turbulent Al- bert, marquis of Brandenburg, having thrown his forces into Schweinfurt, was besieged by the Ger- man princes. During the siege, which was te- dious and severe,^ Olympia was obliged to live in a cellar, and when the town was taken she escaped with great difficulty from the fury of the soldiers, and reached the village of Ilammelburg in a state of exhaustion. " If you had seen me (she writes to Curio) with my feet bare and bleeding, my hair dishevelled, and my borrowed and torn clothes, you would have pronounced me the queen of beggars."^ * It is sufficient to mention licre the names of Buxtorf, Gryna?us, Freyus,aiid Werenftls. (Stupani Oratio, pp. 3G3, 381, 398. Kyhine- riis. Vita Sam. Wercnfclsii, in Tempo Helvetica, tom. vi. p. 47.) t See before, p. 212. J Sleidan, tern. iii. pp. 410, 449, 468. § Olympitc Moratie Opera, pp. 160—162. Nolten, Vita Olympiie Moratte, pp. 138 — 147. i I HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IX ITALY. 401 In the mean time, her library, including her manu- scripts, was entirely destroyed. The counts of Er- bach showed her much attention during her adver- sity ; the Elector Palatine provided her husband with a place in the university of Heidelberg ; and her literary friends united in sending her books to fur- nish a new library. But her delicate constitution had received an irreparable shock from the agitation and fatigue which she had undergone, the symptoms of consumption became decided, and after a linger- ing illness, during which the sweetness of her tem- per and the strength of her faith displayed them- selves in such a manner as to console her husband who doated upon her, she expired on the 26th of October 1555, in the 29th year of her age.* She ceased not to the last to remember her ungrateful but beloved Italy, though every desire to return to it had been quenched in her breast from the time she saw the apathy with which her countrymen al- lowed the standard of truth to fall, and the blood of its friends to be shed like water in their streets. Before she was confined to bed, she employed her leisure time in transcribing from memory some of Iier poems, which she bequeathed to her friend Curio, by whom her works were published soon after her death. They consist of dialogues and letters in La- tin and Italian, and of Greek poems, chiefly para- phrases of the Psalms, in heroic and sapphic verse; • OlympitL' Morata? Opera, pp. 167, 177, 18 supra, pp. 148 — 163. 2 D 5 — 192. Nolten, ut 402 HISTORY or THE RKFOUMATTOX IN ITALY. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 403 all of them the productions of a highly cultivated and pious mind.* Strasburg, one of the free cities of Germany, opened its gates to the Italian refugees. Paolo Lacisio of Verona, highly praised by Kobortello for his skill in the three learned languages, came to it along with Martyr, and obtained the situa- tion of professor of Greek in the academy.f Je- ronimo Massario of Vicenza was about the same time admitted professor of medicine. This learn- ed man, beside what he wrote on the subject of his own art, was the author of a description of the mode of procedure in the court of inquisition at Rome. In this work he describes the trial of a fic- titious prisoner, whom he calls Eusebius Uranius, and puts into his mouth, during an examination which lasted three days, the principal arguments from scripture and the fathers against the churcli of Rome. Though it contains several facts, yet it is rather a controversial than an historical work, and much inferior in usefulness to the account of the Spanish inquisition by Gonsalvo-t The Italians were • Iler works were published in 15.5.'3, and went through four edi- tions in the course of twenty- two years. The first edition was dedi- cated to Isabella IManricha, and the subsequent ones to Queen Eliza- beth. t Simler, Vita Martyris, sig. b iiij. Gerdes, Scrinium Antiq. tom. iii. p. 17. Colomesii Italia Orientalis, pp. 67, 688. :;: It is entitled, " Eusebius Captivus, sive modus procedendi in cu- ria Roniana contra Lutheranos— per Ilieronymuni Marium. Basileic." The dedication is dated, " Basilete iiii. Nonas Novembris, Anno 1553." Colomies says that Ilieronynuis Marius is the disguised name not so numerous in Strasburg as to require the use of a church, but they met in private and enjoyed for some time the instructions of Jerom Zanchi.* This celebrated divine was a native of Alzano in the Ber- gamasco, and descended from a family distinguished in the republic of letters.f He was persuaded by his relation Basilio to enter a convent of Canons Regular, where he formed an intimate acquaintance withCelso Martinengho. They were associated in their stu- dies, in reading the works of Melanchthon, Bullin- ger, Musculus and other reformers, and in attend- ing the lectures of Martyr. They left Italy about the same time, and their friendship continued un- interrupted till the death of Martinengho. Having come to Geneva in 1553, by the way of the Ori- sons, Zanchi agreed to accompany Martyr into Eng- land ; but when about to set out for this country, he received an invitation to be professor of divi- nity in the college of St. Thomas at Strasburg. of Caelius Secundus Curio. (Des Maizeaux, Colomesiana, torn. ii. p. 594.) But Zanchi, in a letter to Musculus, expressly says that Mas- sario had gone to Basle to get the work printed. (Zanchii Epist. lib. ii. pp. 312, 317.) He died of the plague at Strasburg in 1564. (VVolfii Notffi in Colomesii Italia Orient, pp. 74, 75. Sturmii Institutiones Literata?, p. 140. Torun. Boruss. 1586.) • Zanchii Epist. lib. i. p. 131. t His father Francesco is enumerated among the historians of Italy. (Tiraboschi, tom. vii. p. 369.) His second cousins Dionigi, Grisostomo, and Basilio Zanchi, were all learned men. The last was reckoned one of the finest Latin poets in Italy, and a mystery hangs over the manner and cause of his death. It is supposed that he died in prison, into which he had been thrown by pope Paul IV. (Ibid, pp. 1182—1184; comp. pp. 387—389, and Roscoe's Leo X. vol. i. p. 76.) 404? HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. Tliis situation he filled with great credit and com- fort for several years, until, after the death of James Sturmius, the great patron of the academy, who liad been his steady friend, he was involved in controversy with some of the keen Lutherans, led on by John Marliach, who took offence at him for opposing their novel notion of the omnipresence of the luiman nature of Christ, and teaching the doc- trines of predestination and the perseverance of the saints. * In the midst of the uneasiness which this quarrel gave him, he rejected the j)roposals made to him by the papal nuncio, j but accepted, in tlie end of the year 1,563, a call from the Italian cliurch at Chia- veima. ^ In the beginning of 15()8 he came to the university of Heidelberg, where he taught during tea years ; but finding that the ])rejudice which he had encountered at Strasburg followed him to this place, he gave way to it a second time, and removed to Neustadt, where count John Casimir, the admi- nistrator of the Electorate Palatine, had recently * He gives an account of this dispute in his letter to the Landgrave of Hesse. (Opera, torn. vii. pp. I — 16. Zanchii Opera, torn. iii. epist. dedic. Conf. Melch. Adami Vitiv Exter. Theolog. p. Ii9.) John Sturmius, rector of the academy of Strasburg, and celebrated for the elegance of his Latin style, wrote a philippic against the adversaries of Zanchi, to which Melchior Speccer replied in a letter published by Schelhorn. In this letter he says: — *' Altcrum caput crimina- tionis tua? — Zanchium, suavissimas tuas delicias, vitam tuam, et ani- mulam tuam continet." (Erg()tzlichkeiten, torn. iii. p. 113G.) In a letter to Hullinger, Sturmius praises the learning, piety, courteous- ness, and placability of Zanchi. (Zanchii Epist. lib. ii. p. 2H7.) t Tiraboschi, vii. 3GJ). X De Porta, ii. U2—\'2\. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. 405 endowed an academy. He died in 1590, during a visit wliich he paid to his friends at Heidelberg, in the 76th year of his age. * The moderation of Zanchi has been praised by writers of the Roman catholic church, though his love of peace did not lead him to sacrifice or compromise the truth. His celebrity as a teacher procured him invitations from the academies of Zurich, Lausanne and Leyden. John Sturmius, called the German Cicero, was wont to say, that he would not be afraid to trust Zanchi alone in a dispute against all the fathers assembled at Trent. Nor was he less esteemed as an author af- ter his death. His writings, consisting of commen- taries on scripture and treatises on almost all ques- tions in theology, abound with proofs of learning; but they are too ponderous for the arms of a modern divine.t Lyons, in the sixteenth centuiy, was a i)lace of resort for merchants from all parts of Europe. The Italian ])rotestants in that city were so numerous, that the ])opes reckoned it necessary to keep agents among them to labour in their conversion. But so * Thuani Hist, ad an. 1590. Teissier, Eloges, torn. iv. pp. 99—103. Melch. Adami X'itic Exter. Theolog. pp. us— 153. A Life of Zan- chi by Sig. Conte Cav. Gianibatista GaUizioli, a patrician of Berga- niasco, was printed at lierganio in 1785. (Tiraboschi, vii. 369.) t His works were collected and printed in eight volumes folio, at Geneva, in 1613. Fridericus Sylburgius, celebrated as the author of several learned works, and the editor of many of the Greek and Jlo- man classics which came from the presses of Wechel and Commelin, was for some time the servant of Zanchi, to whom he was indebted for his education. (Zanchii Epist. lib. ii. pp. 4*0, 442.) 406 HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN ITALY. far were they from succeeding in this work, that Lyons came to be regarded at Rome as " the chief seat of heresy," and all who visited it fell under sus- picion.* Several editions of the New Testament, and other religious books in the Italian language, pro- ceeded from the Lionese press.f In the beginning of 1562, the Italians obtained permission to hold meet- ings for worship, and called Zanchi to be their mini- ster. The magistrates of S trasburg having refused to part with him, he, in the following year, receiv- ed another pressing invitation from the celebrated Viret, in the name of the protestant consistory at Lyons ; but he had previously engaged himself to the church of Chiavenna. When afterwards depriv- ed of the preacher whom they had chosen, Zanchi received a third call from his countrymen in Lyons, who were again disappointed.:): Antwerp was in tliat age reckoned the emporium of the world, and frequented by men of all nations. The reformed doctrine had been early introduced into it, and continued to spread among the inhabitants in spite of the severities employed for its suppression. J * Fontanini Biblioteca Italiana, tom.i. p. 119. t Besitle the translation of the New Testament by Massimo Teo- filo in 1551, an edition of Brucioli's was printed at Lyons in 1553, and an anonymous translation in 1558. Whether the Itahan and French translation by Ludovico Paschali, the martyr, was printed at Lyons or Geneva is uncertain. (Schelhorn, Ergotzlichkeiten, torn. i. pp. 417— 419.) + Zanchii Epist. lib. ii. pp. 287, 375—378, 390. § Gerdesii Hist. Reform, torn. iii. pp. 217,243. UISTOUY OF THE KKl ORMATION IN ITALY. 40? The Italian protestants satisfied themselves for many years witli meeting for worship along with the French church, which was erected in that city after tlie Netherlands threw off the Spanish yoke. But as their number had increased,* they resolved in the year 1580 to form themselves into a separate church, and invited their countryman Zanchi to be their pastor. With this invitation, though warmly second- ed by letters from the senate and ministers, he did not think it prudent to comply.f It is however pro- bable that they obtained Ulixio Martinengho \ for their minister ; for we find Zanchi, about this time, writing his opinion of that nobleman, at the desire of one of the ministers of Antwerp. "I know him well," says he, " and can, with a good conscience and be- fore the Lord, attest that he is incorrupt and well grounded as to doctrine, possesses no common share of learning, is unblamable in his life as a Chris- tian, zealous toward God, charitable toward his brethren, and distinguished for prudence and dex- terity in the management of business, which, as you well know, is a qualification very necessary in the rulers of churches. The only thing of which I * The Italian version of the New Testament by Brucioli was print- ed at Antwerp in the year 1338, accompanied with two prefaces, in which the advantages of reading the scriptures, and the propriety of translating them into the vulgar language of every people, are urged with great force. (Ergotzlichkeiten, torn. i. p. 408.) Schelhorn in this work has thrown much light on the hfe and writings of Brucioli. t Zanchii Epist. lib. ii. pp. 409 — 414, 424. t See before, p. 361. 408 IIISTOKY OF TIIK llEFOKMATION IN ITALY. cannot .speak is liis gift for preaching, for I never heard liim from the pulpit; but he s})eaks Italian well. O that I could spend what remains of my life in tlie company of this excellent servant of God ! Believe me, you will find him on acquaintance still better than he ai)pears to be ; sincere, frank, kind, oblig- ing, courteous, and one who adds lustre to the no- bility of his birth by the correctness of his morals as a Christian. I am sure he will greatly please your illustrious prince." * Of all the foreign Italian churches, none was so distinguished as those which were established in Geneva and in London. But as their affairs were intimately connected with those of the Spanish re- fugees who settled in these cities, I shall introduce the account of them into the history of the progress and suppression of the Reformation in Spain. For that work I shall also reserve the remarks I Iiave to make on the influence which the supj)ression of the reformed opinions had on the national literature and character of the Italians, which are applicable, with a very little variation, to those of the Span- iards. * Zaiichiud Joanni Taffino: Epist. lib. ii. p. Ul; conf. p. 3b(i. 1 TT>1> \ APPENDIX. No. I. Extracts from a Treatise of Gabriek VaUicuU, De Uberuli Dei Gra- iia, et Servo hominis Arhitrio.* To the very reverend father in Christ and worthy bishop of Luna, Doctor Sylvestro Benedetto of Sarsina, with the greatest respect and veneration, Gabriele Valliculi, in Jesus the only son of the Vir^-in, wishes grace by which we are freely justified, and peace, according to what the angels announced at the nativity of Christ, Peace on earth and good will towards men. I am placed in a strait betwixt two, being doubtful wliether I should keep silence respecting the free grace of God and the enslaved will of man, in which case death awaits me ; or whether I should treat of them, and run the risk of falling into the hands of the wicked. But the Holy Spirit teaches me that I should choose to fall • Nothing is known concerning tJie author of this book. It was jirinted at Nurenberg in the year 1536; but it had most probably been previously published in Italy. Melanchthon, in a letter to Veit Dietrich, written in 1530, says: '' In Italy there has arisen a new Luther, whose propositions I send yon." (Epistolae, p. 432. edit. Lugd.) But we have no evidence that he refers to the author of this book. Val- liculi ajipears not to have been a man of talents, but of warm pietv ; and most probably wrote this treatise after reading Luther's celebrated work Dc Servo Arbilrw. Silvestro Benetto, to whom it is dedicated, was the ne- phew of Thomas, bishop of Sarsina and Luna, succeeded his uncle in the l»ishopric in 1497, and died in 1537. (1 glielii Itaha Sacra, torn. i. p. 556.) The extracts are taken from Riederer, Nathrichten zur Kirchen-Gelehr- ten und Bucher-Geschichte, torn. iv. p. 112, &c. Aldorf, 1768. 410 APPEXDIX. into the hands of the wicked rather than to sin in the sight of God. Help mc, O Lord, thou who art my hope, my refuge, my leader, my justification, my protector and defender. All my safety and confidence is placed in thee, not in human aid, much less in the enslaved will of man. In thee alone, O God, have I hoped, and on this account shall never be moved. But why am I not confounded when the Holy Spirit cries in my ear, What fruit hast thou of those things whereof thou are now ashamed.'* It is because I come to thee, my Christ, (not to the enslaved will of man,) and my countenance is enlightened and not covered with shame. AVhen 1 am confounded by the enslaved will of sin in Adam, I will by the free grace of God fly from him to Jesus Christ my Saviour, and then I shall not be confounded. • • • • •Free an . ccpt the name of Jesus Christ. Let us fly then with the wings of a • These extracts are taken from a review of the original Italian in Rie- dcrcr, Nachrichten, torn. iv. pp. 239—211. See before, p. 333. 412 APPENDIX. lively faith into his embraces, when we hear him inviting us in these words. Come unto me all ye who are troubled and heavy-laden, and I will give you joy. What consolation, what delight can be compar- ed to that which is experienced by the person, who, feeling himself overwhelmed with the intolerable weight of his iniquities, hears such grateful and tender words from the Son of God, who promises thus mercifully to comfort him and free him from so heavy a burden ! }iut one great object wc should have in view is to be acquainted in good earnest with our weakness and miserable condition by nature ; for we cannot relish the good, unless we have tasted evil. Christ accordingly says. Let him that thirsteth come to me and drink ; as if he would imply that the man who is ignorant of his being a sinner, and has ne- ver thirsted after righteousncas, is incapable of tasting how sweet the Lord is, and how delightful it is to think and to speak of him and to imitate his most holy life. M'lien, therefore, through the instrumen- tality of the law, we arc made to see our infirmity, let us look to the benign physician whom John Baptist points out to us with the finger, saying, Jkhold the Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world ; who, I repeat, frees us from the galling bondage of the law, by abro- gutii.g and annihilating its bitter curses and threatenings, healing all our diseases, reforming our freewill, bringing us back to our pristine iimocence, and restoring in us the image of Ciod. If, according to St. Paul, as by Adam all died, so by Christ we are all revived, then we cannot believe that the sin of Adam, which we have by inheritance, is of greater efficacy than the righteousness of Christ, which in like manner we have inherited through faith. Once indeed, man might, with some show of reason, have complained that without his own instru- mentality he was conceived and brought forth in iniquity, and in the sin of his first parents, through whom death has reigned overall men ; but now all occasion of complaint is removed, since eternal life, toge- ther with victory over death, is obtained, in the very same method, without any instrumentaHty of ours, by the righteousness of Christ which is imputed to us. Upon this subject St. Paul has written a most beautiful discourse in Romans v. 12— 31. • • • From these words of St. Paul, it is clear that the law was given in order that sin might be known, and that we might understand thai it is not of greater efficacy than the righteousness of Christ, by which we are jus- tified in the iight of (iod ; for if Christ be more powerful than Adam, and if the sin of Adam was cajjable of rendering us sinners and chil- clren of wrath, without any actual transgression of our own, much more will the righteousness of Christ be able to justify us and make APPENDIX. 41. 'j us children of grace, without any good works on our part, works ch cannot be acceptable, unless, before we perfbnn tlen , .ve be 'nadegood and righteous through faith. ofourLrd^''"%7-^''''',^ ^'''^'''"' "'^^^^^^ '^'^ righteousness Of our Lord Jesus Christ, and make it our own by means of faith ^z:^'^'i''''''\ T ^^^""-^^ "- 'y - - w:ks,^'bu: ; tne merits of Christ; and let us live in joy and securitv • for hi^ wi h ^S^'X'T '''''''' ^'^^ ^^^^" ''^ seesusincorpo;ated Adam, hut as his own chddren, and constitutes us heirs of all his riches along with his legitimate Son. No. IH. Leifers written by Aonio Paleario^ to his r.ife an.l chilJren, on tU. morning of his execution,* Monclay tl.o 3.1 Jay of July, ujO. Our confraternity I.av.W been cal ed on Sunday night, i,nn,ediately preeeding Monday th 3d .lay of July Uro, in Tordinona.t Mr. Aonio Paleario of Veml esulent on the hill of Valdenza, was delivered into its hand! eTi- . emned to death in .1«. course of justiee by the n^inister 1;f e ho y>nqu.sa.on who having confessed and contritely asked pardon of Go.1 and of Ins glorious mother,, the Virgin Mary, and of all the our of heaven, said that he wished to die a good Christian, and to believe all that the holy Roman church believes. He did no ...ake any testament, except what is contained in the two under to his wife and children at the hill of Valdenza. • SeeW.<-ore, p. 301. These letters, with the in.r^lnctory memorial of the fnars, „^e reprinted in the ori^nal Italian by Schelho™, in D sortat-o do ,.„o Celso Senensi, pp. 2o-21, f™„. N„,.elle Leteraric dell Anno 1715, p. 328, &c. Firenzc. i" Torre Nona. 414 APPENDIX. Copies of the letters, verbatim. My Dkarkst Wife, I would not wisli that you nhould receive sorrow from my plea- sure, nor ill from my good. I'he hour is now come when I must pass from this life to my Lord and Father and (iml- I depart as joy- fully as if I were going to the nuptials of the Son of the great King, which I have always prayed my Lord to grant me, through his good- ness and infinite mercy. Wherefore, my dearest wife, comfort your- self with the will of (i(Kl, and with my resignation, and attend to the desponding family which still survives, training them up and pre- serving them in the fear of (lod, and heing to them a father and a mother. 1 am now an old man of 70 years, and useless. Our chil- dren must provide for themselves hy their virtue and their industry, and lead an honourahle life. Ood the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, and the communion of the Holy Si)irit, be with your spirit ! Romcy^idJuhjy 1570. Thy Husband, AoNio Palkari. The other letter follows, verbatim. LAMruiDio ANU Fkoro, bkloved childrkn, These my very courteous Lords do not relax their kindness to mc even in this extremity, and give me permission to write to you. It pleases Ctod to call me to himself by this means, which may appear to you harsh and painful ; but if you regard it properly, as happen- ing with my full resignation and pleasure, you will acquiesce in the will of God, as you have hitherto done. Virtue and industry I leave you for a patrimony, along with the little property you already pos- sess. I do not leave you in debt ; many are always asking when they ought to give. You were freed more than eighteen years ago ; you arc not bound for my debts. When you arc called upon to discharge them, have re- course to his excellency the Duke, who will not see you wronged. I have requested from Luca Pridio an account of what is due to me, and what 1 am owing. Take the dowry of your mother, and bring up your little sister as God will give you grace. Salute Aspasia and sis- APPKNDIX. 415 l^r Aonilla, my beloved daughtc-rs in the Lord. \ry hour approacl I he Spirit of (iod console and preserve you in his grace ' Home, 2dJnlf/, U70. Sui>erscription. grace Your Father, AONIO Pateari. To his .learest wife Alariceia Paleari, and to his belovd son, Lam- pn. ho a„,l tedro Paleari, at the hill of Valdcnza, in the suburbs of St. Catcnna, Xo. IV. Extract of a Letter written in prhon h,j V.mj^nu, Algie.ri to hi, friends in the University iif Piidua* To allay the pricf you feel on rny account, I am anxious to impart o you a s},are of my consolation, that we may rejoice together, and return thanks to the Lord with songs. I speak what to man will an. pear incredible: I have found honey in the bowels of the lion, (who will beheve .t .-) pleasantness in a dismal pit, soothing prospects of hfe .n the gloomy mansions of death, joy in an infernal gulf ' Where others weep, I rejoice; where others tremble, I am strong- the most distressing situation has afforded me the highest delight so-' luude an intercourse with the good, and galling chains rest. But in- stea.I of this deluded world believing these things, it will be rather dis- posed to ask m an incrclulous tone : " How, think you, will vou be able to endure the reproaches and threats of men, the fires, the snow, storms, the crosses, the thousand inconveniences of your situation ? Do you not look back with regret on your beloved native land your possessions, your relations, your pleasures, your honours ? Have vou forgot the delights of science, and the solace which it yielded vou under all your labours .> Will you at once throw away all the t,;ils watchings, and laudable exertions devoted to study from your childl hood .> Have you no dread of that death which hangs over you as if forsooth, you had committed no crime ? O foolish and infatuated man' who can by a single word secure all these blessings and escape death' 416 APPENDIX. yet will not ! How nule to be inexorable to tbe requests of senators the most august, pious, just, wise, and good ; to turn an obstinate ear when men so illustrious entreat you !" But hear me, blind worldlings, what is hotter than the fire which is laid up for you, and what colder than your hearts which dwell in darkness and have no light ? M'hat can be more unpleasant, per- plexed and agitated than the life you lead, or more odious and mean than the present world ? Say, what native country is sweeter than heaven, what treasure greater than eternal life? Who are my relations but those who hear the word of God ? and where shall riches more abundant or honours more worthy be found than in heaven ? Say, foolish man, were not the sciences given to conduct us to the knowledge of CJod, whom if it so be we know not, our labours, our watchings, and all our painful exertions are doubtless utterly lost. — The prison is severe indeed to the guilty, but sweet to the innocent, distilling on the one side dew and nectar, sending forth on the other milk and abundance of all things. It is a desert place and wild, but to me a spacious valley, the noblest spot on earth. Listen to me, un- happy man, and judge whether there be in the world a more pleasant meadow. Here kings and princes, cities and people, are presented to my view. Here I behold the fate of battles ; some are vanquished, others victorious, some trodden to dust, others lifted into the triumphal car. This is Mount Sion, this is heaven. Jesus Christ stands in the front, and around are the patriarchs, prophets, evangelists, apostles, and all the servants of God : he embraces and cljcrishes me, they en- courage me, and spread the sacrament; some ofter consolations, while others attend me with songs. Can I be said to be alone, while sur- rounded by so many and so illustrious attendants ? Here I find an intercourse which affords me example as well as comfort; for in that circle 1 behold some crucified and slain, others stoned and sawn asunder, some roasted, others fryed in the pan and in brazen vessels, one with his eyes dug out, another with his tongue cut oft', one be- headed, another maimed of hand and foot, some thrown into the fiery furnace, others left a prey to the ravenous birds. Here I have no fixed habitation, and seek for myself in the heavens the first New Jerusalem which presents itself. I have entered upon a path which conducts to a pleasant dwelling, and where I doubt not to find wealth, and rtliitions, and pleasures, and honours. Those earthly enjoynjents (all of them shadowy, and fading, and vanity of vanities, without the substantial hope of a coming eternity) which the supreme Lord was pleased to bestow upon me, have been made my companions and fo- APPENDIX. 417 lace. Now they bring forth good fruits. I have burned with heat, and shuddered with cold, I have earnestly watched day and night; and now these struggles have come to a close. Not an hour nor a day has passed without some exertion : the true worship of God is now engraven on my heart, and the Lord has filled me with joy and peacefulncss. Who then will venture to condemn this life of mine, and to pronounce my years unhappy? AV^ho so rash as to declare his labours lost who has found the Lord of the world, who has exchang- ed death for life ? " The Lord is my portion, saith my soul, there- fore will I seek him." If then to die be to begin a blessed life, why does rebellious man cast death in my teeth ? O how pleasant is that death which gives me to drink of the cup of God ! What surer earn- est of salvation than to suffer as Christ suffered ! # # * * * Be comforted, my most beloved fellow- servants of God, be comforted when tem))tations assail you; let your patience be perfect in all things, for suffering is our promised portion in this life ; as it is writ- ten, *' The time cometh, when he who slays you will think he docth God service." Tribulation and death therefore are our signs of elec- tion and future life: let us rejoice and praise the Lord that we are innocent ; for it is better, if sucli be the will of God, that we suffer for well-doing, than for evil-doing. Wc have a noble pattern in Christ, and the prophets who have spoken in the name of the Lord, whom the children of iniquity have slain. Behold we call those blessed who bore up under their trials. Let us rejoice in our innocence and righteousness: God will reward our persecutors, for vengeance is his. As to what they say concerning the Venetian nobility and senators, extolling them as the most august, wise, just, pious, pacific, and of the highest character and fame, I give this its due weight. The Apostle teaches us, " that we ought to obey God rather than man." And ac* cordingly, after first giving service to God, then and not till then are wc bound to obey the official powers of this world. I grant they are august, but as yet they require to be perfected in Christ; they arejust, but the foundation and seat of justice, Jesus Christ, is wanting; they are wise, but where is the beginning of wisdom, the fear of God ? they are called pious, but I could wish they were made perfect in Chris- tian charity ; they are called good, but I look in vain for the founda- tion of goodness in them, even God the supreme good ; they are called illustrious, but they have not yet received our Saviour, the Lord of glory. Lift up your eyes, my dearly beloved, and consider the ways of God ; the Lord has lately threatened with pestilence, and this he has done for our correction : if we do not receive hhn he will un- 2 K 418 APPENDIX. shcatli liis sword and attack those wlio rise up apjainst ('lirist, with sword, pestilence, and famine. These things, hrethren, have I writ- ten for your consolation. Fray for me: I salute with a holy kiss my masters Sylvio, IVrgula, Justo, along with Fidelis a Petra, and the j>erson who goes hy the name of Ltelia, whom though absent I knew, and the Lord Syndic of the university, with all others, whose names are written in the book of life. Farewell, all my fellow-servants of God ; farewell in the Lord, and pray earnestly for me. From the delectable garden of the Leonine prison, 21st July 1555, the most devoted servant of the faithful, the bound POMrONIUS Al.GIER. No. V. Extract of a Letter from Carnesecchi to FInminio* I liave received your letter, in which you enlarge both in the way of instruction and admonition on those topics which we have often discussed in conversation ; and I return you my sincere thanks, as in duty bound, for the affection and good will you have displayed to- wards me. When I reflect on the bitter animosities, and furious dis- cord, which these disputes on ecclesiastical matters have engendered, and on the license with which the contending parties have inveighed against each other, forgetful of their own credit, as well as the good of others, and violating the duties of charity, which requires us to ab- stain from offending any professed Christian, I am charmed with the mildness and moderation which you have shown, never casting abuse upon your adversaries, or wounding them with cutting sarcasm, but contenting yourself with pronouncing their sect execrable ; and, in full possession of your temper, commending such of them as are dis- • This letter is priutetl at length in Schelhorn, Amoenitates Ilistorla; Ecclosiasticip ct Literariap, torn. ii. pp. 155 — 170. It is the only production of Carnesocchi's pen whitli I have met witli. As my ohject is merely to give the reader an idea of his character, I have not inserted that part of the letter which enters into the merits of the controversy respecting the encharist. APPENDIX. 419 tinguished for their talents, and superior to the rest in modesty and manners. Conduct like this was highly approved of among the an- cients, and has adorned our own age, as well as that which preceded It. We are told that Jovianus Pontanus commended the studies of all, and never abused the character of any man, either in public or private. M. Sabellicus would not revenge himself upon his opponents by retorting even their most violent and malevolent taunts, although he was by no means deficient in the graces of a copious and fine style; a display of good nature which has led some over-rigid critics to form too low an estimate of his talents. Pomponius La>tus, an inhabitant of Rome, did not trouble himself with entering the lists against those who had unjustly attacked him with their calum- nies. Not to mention others in our own times, are not Nicholaus Leonicus and Jacobus Sadolctus striking examples of modesty and forbearance? But with respect to the Philelphi, the Poggii, the Valla? and others, (for I will not mention by name any of the present age,) what contumelies have they not thrown out against their an- tagonists in defamation of their character? You, however, content yourself with barely mentioning the names of those person's who in your opinion have departed from the purity of religion, and treat the points you condemn with accuracy and mildness. As to the question Itself, I will, for the purpose of enabling us to consider it with greater attention, state, with your leave, what has occurred to me in opposi- tion to your sentiments, and expect that you will take this in good part, observing, according to your piety and learning, whether I have adduced any thing in support of the other side. As in all discussions of this kind, the discovery of the truth ought to be the grand aim, you should remove every obstacle that stands in the way of its attain- ment, all respect to customs, prescription of time, and authority of human institutions, and pressing on to this one point, steadily fix your eyes upon its light, that you may not, by walking in darkness, stumble into error. You recommend me to read certain volumes, at once numerous and bulky, but afterwards inform me, and I take it exceedingly kindly in you, that in order to spare trouble on my part you think it sufficient to rest your cause solely on the authority of Irenaeus, an ancient and highly approved writer. To have sought out and perused all the books you named, would have indeed proved a difficult and inconvenient, and even Herculean labour. If, as be- comes an impartial judge, I should read the writings of the opposite party in order to know the arguments they make use of in their defence. 420 APPENDIX. Iww could I ever ilischarge bo weighty a task ? For you well know the conseciiunces of contentions, disputes, and altercations such as these, when both parties wish to be victorious ; how they search out every argument that may confute their opponents, and devise whatever may favour or assist their own cause. It is well known that this itch of disputation is equally strong on both sides— in perverting truth as well as in overthrowing falsehood ; and hence it happens, that even truth, by being mixed up with artifice, has become suspected, as if by this crafty policy the understanding were depraved, and the simplicity of truth destroyed. Let us then pass over these, and giving to each his due, proceed to weigh with diligence and accuracy the testimony of those ancient writers who have treated the subject with most judg- ment and impartiality. You had no occasion, in writing to me, to esta- blish the authority of Irentcus's works, or to comm.end the author so warmly ; for 1 know well the universal esteem in which he and his writings' are held, and am myself an admirer of both. I often regret that hh works have not reached us in the original (ireek, which, as ai^pearet from the extracts inserted in the books of Eusebius, Epipha- nius, and others, he seems to have written with much fluency and elegance. I am astonished that a certain learned writer has express- ed a doubt, whether he wrote in Greek. As to those of his writings which have been translated into Latin, (such as it is,) I cannot vouch for their fidehty to the original, but certainly the j^tyle is by no means good or chaste ; for the translator makes use of unmeaning words, and his foreign idiom necessarily mars the understanding of the reader. iJut in this, as in many other cases, we must take what we can get, not what we would wish ; and in those books which have been^'publishcd, there is a good deal of discussion on subjects of great importance. Let us for a moment examine the excerpt from the fourth book of Iremeus against heretics. It is necessary, however, for the understanding of whatever is said, that we know the design, the occasion, and the subject ; for otherwise the mind of the reader will wander, and be unable to receive any certain information. For example, Christ says, " Without me ye can do nothing ;" to commit sin is to do something; does it therefore follow that without Christ no sin is committed ? Again lie says, *' Give to every one that ask- eth ;" are we therefore to give some heretic or other what he may ask for a base and villainous purpose ? I could bring forward many ex- amples of this kind, but these will explain what 1 mean. • • • • Nor does the universal agreement of the catholic church concerning ceremonies, among the (J reeks, the Armenians, the Indi.ns, and, if APPENDIX. 421 you please, the Ethiopians, help the matter ; for the frequency or ex- tent of its use is no defence of a corrupt ])ractice. 1 1 is evident that in every nation carelessness in preserving^truth and pure doctrine, ignorance of the polite arts, and the turbulency of the times have ob- structec^ the fruits of true religion and piety. Consider, I jtray you, what is now the universal oj)inion concerning a barbarous style.'' Shall we condemn those who exploded the rude diction which had long been in use, and introvluced a better and more elegant one in its room? JJut I need not enlarge on this subject to one of your learn- ing. The rest of your letter consists in several accusations, which, though in some respects severe, I do not impute to you, but to those who prefer defending falsehood to embracing truth. These per- sons, if they had common sense, would consider that no reproaches are more futile and ridiculous than those which recoil, or at least are easily thrown back on the head of the author. In your letter you censure with great severity and justice the obstinacy of those who remain blindly attached to their own opinion, cloak their pride under a false zeal, arrogantly accuse general and established customs, and, a£ you add, are actuated by fears of losing worldly dignities and emoluments. All of these are pestilent things; and I grant that general and ancient custcni ought to be retained, lest the very foundations be sapped ; but this is the very question in dispute, and it remains still undeterm.ined, Wlio have transgressed or opposed the cathohc agreement ? You say that some have their minds puffed up with contumacy, and are blinded by zeal, too confident in their bold- ness, ambitious, avaritious. Let it then, I would say, be determined who are the individuals chargeable with this. We know too well how bitterly each party reproaches the other, and how faf this evil has proceeded in these dissolute and undisciplined times ; and according- ly we should consider what is true, proper and laudable, attending to what ought to be done, not to what has been done by this or that person. Thus after deliberation, let us pronounce our sentiments concerning the subject, and then, if we think proper, concerning the persons. Of these, as 1 have already signified, I will say nothing, either in the way of accusation or defence; for what Horace said of the Trojan war, may, if I am not mistaken, be justly applied to this controversy: liiacos intra muros jjcccatur ct extra. A man of probity will consider wlut he says of another, k.,t he 422 APPENDIX. spread abroad any ill-t'ouuded reports. 1 am led to mention this from your naming Bucer, of whom you seem to speak from the re- port of some malevolent person, and not from your own knowledge. I have heard many and various accounts, both respecting the man, and that affair in reference to which you wish to depreciate him in my esteem. Many letters celebrate the piety and learning of Bucer ; and it is well known how zealous he has been in healing the wounds of the church. 1 have been informed that he is of a mild temper, and by no means pertinacious, litigious, or severe, although so firm in the cause of the truth as not to be drawn from its defence by any respect either to dignity, fortune, or life. But, as I have already said, we are not to judge of persons but of things. You have my reply to your letter, less accurate, and perhaps less to your mind, than you expect- ed. 1 hope you will take it in good part, and that it will not pre- vent you from prolonging the discussion, if you think proper, and con- tinuing to repeat your instructions and advices. For in the cool dis- putations of friends, though they should happen to differ in senti- ment, the truth is often discovered, and, contrary to expectation, is elicited by the very contention, as fiire by the collision of flints. Adieu. No. VI. LtetterJ'roni Ofi/rn/iia Morata to 3[adonna Cheruhina Orsini.* My Dearest Lady Ciiekudina, To the letter I have already written you, I wish to add a few lines for the purpose of exhorting you to pray to God that he would give you strength, lest, through fear of those who can kill the body only, you of- fend that gracious Redeemer who has suffered for our sakes ; and that he would enable you gratefully to confess him, according to his will, before this perverse generation, and ever to keep in remembrance the words of David, " I hate the congregation of sinners,and will not sit in • Translated from the original Italian, in Olympiie 31oratac Opera, pp. 218—222. Basilcac, lo80. APPENDIX. 423 the company of the wicked." I am weak, you will be apt to say, and cannot do this. Oh do you imagine that so many saints and prophets, that so many martyrs, even in our day, have remained tirm in their own unaided virtue, and that it was not God who gave them strength ? Then consider that those whose weakness is mentioned in the scrip- tures did not continue always infirm. St. Peter's denial of his Mas- ter is not recorded as an example for our imitation, but in order to display the great mercy of Christ, and to show us our own frailty, not to excuse it. He soon recovered from his weakness, and obtained such a degree of strength, that he afterwards rejoiced to suffer for the cause of Christ. From these considerations we should be induced, when we are sensible of our infirmity, to apply by prayer to the phy- sician, and request that he would make us strong Provided we pray to him, he will not fail to perform his promise ; only he does not wish us to be idle and unemployed, but to be continually exercising our- selves with that armour of which St. Paul speaks in the sixth chapter of his epistle to the Ephesians. We have a powerful enemy who is never at rest, and Christ by his example has showed us that he is to be overcome by prayer and the word of God. For the love of Christ, then, who has redeemed you with his precious blood, I entreat you to study diligently the holy scriptures, praying that the Lord would enable you to understand them. Mark how frequently and with what ardour the great prophet David prays, " Lord, enlighten me teach me thy ways — renew in me a clean heart ;" while wt, as if we were already perfect, neither study nor read. Paul, that illustrious apostle, tells the Philippians, that he did not yet understand, but was still engaged in learning. We ought to be advancing from day to day in the knowledge of the Lord, and praying all the time with the apos- tles that our faith may be increased, and with David, *' Hold up my steps in thy ways." W^e have ourselves to blame for our weakness, because we are continually excusing it, and neglecting the remedies which Christ has prescribed, viz. prayer and his word. Do you think that, after having done and suffered so much from love to you, he will not fulfil the gracious promises he has made by granting your petitions for strength? Had he not intended to bestow it, he would not have invited you by so many promises to ask it ; and lest you should entertain any doubts on this point, he has sworn that all that you request of the Father in his name shall be given you. Nor does he say that he will give this or that thing, but every thing you soli- cit ; and St. John declares that he will bestow whatever we ask ac- cording to the will of God. Now is it not agreeable to his will that 2 424 Ari'KNDlX. we desire of hini faith and fortitude sufficient to enable us to conftsa him ? Ah ! liovv backward are we, and how ready to excuse ourselves ! We ought to acquaint the physician with our disease, in order that he may cure us. Oh, is it not the proper office of Christ to save us froni our initjuities, and to overcome sin ? Knock, knock, and it shall be opened to you. Never forget that he is omnii)otent, and that, before your hour is arrived, no one shall be able to touch a liairof your head ; for greater is lie that is in us, than lie that is in the world. Do not be influenced by what the majority do, but by what the godly have done, and .still do to this day. May the word of the Lord be a lanip to your feet, for if you do not read and listen to it, you will fall before many stuniblin;^-blocks in the world. I beg you to read this letter to Vittoria, exhorting her by precept and by example to honour and confess (iod : read also along with her the holy scri])tures. Entreat niy dear lady Lavinia to peruse frequently a portion of them, and so she will experience the efficacy of the word ofCiod. The Lord knows that I have written these exhortations with sincere concern for your salvation, and I beg of you to read them with the same feeling. I pray (iod that you may be enlightened and fonified in Clnist, so as to overcome Satan, the world, and the flesh, and to obtain that crown which is given only to those who overcome. I have no doubt but that, in following my admonitions, you will find the Lord strengthening you. J)o not consider that it is a womrin only who is giving you advice ; but rest assured that God, speaking by my mouth, kindly invites you to come to him. All false opi- nions, all errors, all disputes arise solely from not studying the scriptures with sufficient care. David says. Thou hast made me wiser than all my enemies by thy law. Do not listen to those who, despising the commandments of (Jod and the means which he has appointed for their salvation, say. If we be predestinated, we shall be saved, altliough we neither pray nor study the IJible. lie who is called of God will not utter such blasphemy, but will strive to obey Gcd, and avoid tempting him. The Lcrd has done us tlie honcrr and the benefit to speak to us, to in^itiuct and console us by his word, and sliould we despi:»e such a valuable treasure? lie invites us to draw near to him in prayer ; but we, neglecting the cpportu- nity, and remaining inactive, are busied with dij-putes concerning the high counsels cf Ciod, and the things which are to ccnic to pass. Let us use the remedies he has prescribed, and thus jirove ourselves to be olcdient and predestinated childrtn. Head and observe how highly God weuld have his word prized. Faith, j^ays Paul, ccmes by APrENDIX, 425 heanng, and hearing by the word of God. Charity and faith I assure you, would soon become cold, were you to remain idle. And It IS not enough, as Christ remarks, to have begun ; we must per- severe to the end. Let him that stands, says Paul, take heed lest he fall. J entreat you, for the love of Christ, not to confine yourself to the maxuns of men, but to conduct yourself according to the word of God ; let It be a lamp to your feet, otherwise Satan will be able to deceive you in a variety of ways. Deliver these admonitions to my sister also. Never consider who the person may be that speaks to you but examine whether she speaks the words of God or her own words ; and provided the scriptures, and not the authority of man be your rule, you will not fail to discover the path of duty. Ask' seek, knock, and it will be opened to you. Draw near to your heavenly spouse, contemplating him in the Bible, that true and bright mirror in which shines all the knowledge which is necessary for us. May God, for the sake of Christ, grant that I have not written in vain, i he pain in my breast has been considerably increased by the excr- tion, but I sincerely wish I were able by my death to assist you and others in the things which pertain to salvation. Do me the favour to send me a single hne, to acquaint me with the state of your Your Olympia. No. VII. Letter of Ol^mpia Morata to Cdio Secundo Curio. My Dj- arest Father Celio, You rr.ay conceive how tenderly those who are united by true, that is. Christian friendship, feel for one another, when I tell you thit the perusal of your letter drew tears from my eyes; for on learning that you had been rescued from th^ jiws of the grave. I wept for joy May God long preserve you to be a blessing to his church. It grieves me much to hear of the indisposition of your daughter, but I comfort myself with the hopes you entertain of her recovery. As to myeclf my dear Celio, I must infcrm you that there are now no hopes of my surviving long. No medicine gives me any relief. Every day, and indeed every hour my friends look for my dissolution. It is probable 426 AP1»EN1)1X. this may be the last letter you will receive from me. My body an.l stren-th are wasted ; my appetite is gone; night and day the cough threatens to suttbcate me. The fever is strong and unremitting, and the pains which 1 feel over the whole of my body, deprive mc ot sleep. Nothing therefore remains but that I breathe out my spirit. But so long as life continues, I will remember my friends, and the benefits I have received from them. I return my warmest thanks to you for the books you sent me, and to those worthy men who have bestowed upon me such valuable presents. Had I been spared I would have shown my gratitude. It is my opinion that my departure is at hand. I commend the church to your care ; O let all you do be directed to its advantage. Farewell, excellent Celio, and do not distress yourself when you hear of my death ; for 1 know that I shall be victorious at last, and am desirous to depart and be with Christ. My brother, about whom you inquire, is making proficiency in his studies, though he needs the spur rather than the curb. Heidelberg seems deserted on account of the numbers who have died of the plague or fied for fear of it. My husband sends his compliments to you. Salute your family in my name. 1 send you such of the poems as I have been able to write out from memory since the destruction of Schweinfurt. All my other writings have perished. 1 request that you will be my Aristarchus, and polish them. Again farewell. From Heidelberg.* • Curio received this letter by the same post which brought him the in- telligence of the doatli of the amiable writer. It was the last exertion she made. On looking over what she had written, she i)erceived some mis- takes, and insisted on transcribing it; but, after making tlie attempt, was obliged to desist, and said to her husband, with a smile whicli almost un- nerved him, " I see it will not do l" INDEX. A. ^ curio, Joseph, 46. Albigcnites. See \raldenses. Alciaii^ Paolo, I5i, 302, 374, 375. Aleandcr Cardinal, 49, 81-, 88. Alexander VI., Pope, 8, 20. Alexandrine Cardinal. See Pius V. Algirri, Pomponio, 279-280, 415. Alticri, Baldassare, 83, 94, 95, 98, 100, 14,3-146, 151, 22U-221., 370. Alva, Duke of. 355. Amhrogio, Teseo, 45, 46. A,ico,ux, Progress of Reformation in, 137. Andrew of Asolo, 47. Angela, Frate, 298, 347. Angole, Baron Bernardo di, 273. Annius of Viterbo, 42. Antitrinitarianism in Italy, 148-158. hi the Grisons, 365-376. Arahic language, studied in Italy, 41. ^ B. Badia, Cardinal, 84, 302. Baptista 3Iantnanus, iQ. Bartoccio, Bartolommeo, 304, 305. Beccaria, John, 132, 133, 239, 248 381. BcUinchctti, Francesco and Alexan- dre, 348,349. Bcmbo, Cardinal, 9, 10, 57, 73, 112- 115, 120, 135,136,288,302. Bcnedetti. See Locarno, Benedetti. Bcrettari de*. See Poliziano. Bergamo, Progress of Reformation in, 97. Betti, Francesco, 397. Beua, Theodore, 387. Bianca, Domenica della Casa, 276. Bianchi, legate of Pius IV., 357. Biveion. See Tutschet, James. Blandrata, Georgius, 154, 374, 375. Blatcronc, Maco, 297. Bocaccio, 6, 7, 14. Bologna, Progress of Reformation \n. 79-88. Bomherg, Daniel, 40, 45. Bonfadio, Jacopo, 121. Borromco, Cardinal, 3.57-9,362, 381 396. ' Bracciolini, Poggio, 15, 16. Brescia, Progress of Reformation in, 97, 137. Brucioli, Antonio, translator of the Scriptures, 54-56, 78, 400, 407. Buccianici, Marquis di, 263, 265. Bucer, Martin, 34, 36, 77, 83. 118, 129,140-142,144,145,197,303, 384. Bullinger, Henry, 139, 222-4, 227, 273, 328, 329, 331, 370-2, 385, 387, 388, 394, 403. Buonarici, Angelo, 180, 181, 302. C. Cujetau, Cardinal, 48. Calabtia, Waldenses in, 4, 257. 428 INDEX. CalandrinOt Scipionc, 301. CalcagniHi, Celio, 73, 91, 182-181., 218. Calvin, John, 70, 139, Ul, loO, 193, 217, 227, 212, 303, 377, 381, 385, 3ft7. Cilvns, (Calvi) Francesco, 32. Ciimcrariiis, Joachim, 153, 270, 272. Cumcrarius, VWxWy, 270, 272. Oimillu Renato. See Renato. Ciinosa. See Paradisi Paolo. Cajmio. See Renchlin. Caraccioli., (Jalea/.zo, 121. Carafii, Caniinal, St, 8(>, lOG, 18G, 189, 193, 19->, 201. See Paul IV. Curlino, Stefano, 2G2. Carricsccch'h (Carncseca) Pietro, 79, 94, 121, 171,175,273, 287-2%, 303, 418. Cnro, Annihale, 3iG. Ctrpi, Cardinal of, 190. Qua, Delia, papal Nuncio, 226. Ciscrta, Giovanni Francesco, 121. Cmntir, Count John, 105. Oistchdro, (fianniaria, 279. Custclvdro, Jacopo, 280. OistclvctrOy Ludovico, 7(>, 206, 209, 210,211,379,380. Castiglioni\ Varnerio, 132. Ccllar'io, Francesco, 359, 360. Cdso, 3Iino, 130, 397, 398. CcrvinU Cardinal. See 3Iarcellus II. Chaldaic language, studied in Italy, 41, U. Charles V., the Emperor, 58, 59, Gl, 81,100,106, 112,203, 276,317, 382. Chiavcnna, 336, 340, 311, 368, 370, 379, 404, 406. Ciriaco of Ancona, 40. Cittadclla, Progress of Reformation in, 137. CluriOy Isidoro, 48, 40, 51. Clamh Bisliop of Turin, 2. Coire, Rishops of, 310, 317, 321, 351, 373. Colre, Town of, 313, 315, 321, 375, 376. Clement VII., Pope, 58, 60, 61, 62, 65, 68. 134, 288. Colli, Paolo di, 396, 397. Colonna, Marco Ant«)nio, 28, 271. Colonua, Vittoria, marchioness of Pescaro, 112, 163- 165. Cotnandtr, John, 313, 314, 315,317, 319,321,326, 329,371,373. Comu, 37, 280, 336, 345. ConUirnii, Cardinal, 78, 8I-, 120, 125, 178,179,102, 207, 2()H. Conte, Bernardino, 2(;2. Ccrmllo, James, 102. Corrada, Alfonso, 397. Cottcsc, Cardinal, 84, 208. Cosmo. Sec Tuscany, grand duke of, 383. Craig, Jolui, 270. Cratimcrj Archhishoj), 383. Crcma, Batista de, 101. Cremona, Progress of Reformation in, 137. Curio, (Curione) Celio Secundo, 74, lOl-lOG, 187, 188, 199, 200, 355, 391, 398-400, 403, 425. D. Dante, 13, 52. Dorfmun. See Comander, John. Duni!!, Taddeo a, 133, 240, 247. E. Ecolampadf, John, 39, 129, 139, 117. Egidio of Viterho, 18, 44, 40. Eglinus, Thohias, 272-274. Elias, an Ahyssinian, 46. Erasmus, 30, 47, 48, 87. 129, 173, 184. Erastiis, Thomas, 88. INDEX. 429 Erri, Pellegrino, 209-210. Este, Anne of, 74, 218. Ethtnpic language, studied in Italy, 41., 45. F. Fuhrif-, Andrew, 314, 324. Eacnza, Progress of Reformation in, 88, 89. Fanino, (Fannio) Farentino, 274- 276. Felicia, San, hishop of Cava, 182. Felix of Prato, 43. Ferrara, Progress of Reformation in, 67, 75. Suppression of Reforma- tion in, 211-213. Fcrrara, Hercules II., Duke of, G7 -70,73,78, 167,209,214-218. Ferrara, Renee, Dutchess of, 68- 72, 172, 192, 199,214-218. Fieri, Ludovico, 374. Fikno, Lisia. See Ricci, Paolo. FiLmardo, Cardinal, 302. Flacio, 3Iatteo, 94. Fluminio^ Marco Antonio, 73, 118, 121, 127, 168-177, 180, 288,289, 293, 295, 302, 303, 418. Florence, Progress of Reformation in, 78, 79. Florio, 3Iichele Angelo, 374. Folengo, Giamhatista, 48, Io9, 180. Font ana, Balthasar, 39, 39, 131, 132. Fonzio, Bartolommeo, 268. Foscarari, Bishop of JModena, 182, 269, 379. Fossianeus, Jerom Niger, 102. Framcsco of Calahria, 366, 367. Francis I. of France, 43, 44, 58, 100, 317. Frederick II., 3. Fregoso, Cardinal Federigo, 36, 49, 84, 120, 179, 180. Fregoso, Ottavlano, doge of Genoa, 179. Frick, John, 315. Friuli, Progress of Reformation in, 137. Frohen, John, printer, 31. G. Gadaldino, Antonio, printer, 210. Cniddio, Paolo, 343, 347, 348. Gajbri, Cesare, 342. Galateo, Jeronimo, 236. Galaiino, (Colonna) Pietro, 47. Gallitz, (Salutz) Philip, 311., 315, 319,324,327, 328,333. Gamha, Francesco, 280, 281. Gantner, 376. Genoa, Waldenses in, 4. Progress of Reformation in, 137. Gent His, Valentino, 134. Gesner, Conrad, 385. Ghislcri, Michele. See Pius V Giber t, Archhishopof V^erona, 84. Giraldi, Lilio, 73. Gonzago, Cardinal of Mantua, 120, 123, 226. Gon::ago, Julia, Dutchess of Trajet- to, 162, 163, 289. Grataroli, Gulielmo, 397. Greek language, taught in Italy, 6. Gregory IX., Pope, 3. Grillcnzonc, a physician of JModena, 76. Gri?nani, Giovanni, 181, 182. Grisone, Annihale, 225, 22Q, 228. Grisons, 157, 230, 251, 308, 380. Grnnthler, Andrew, 212. Grnnxoald, a soldier personating the pope, 60, 61. Gualtieri, Pierpaolo, 45. Gnarino, Francis, 102. Guicciardini, the historian, 20-22. Guidacerio, Agathias, 43. t 430 INDEX. INDEX. 431 M Iff Gnlrlauda^ Julio, 833. Gnler, John, 322. Guise, Francis, duke of, 217, 218. H. Hurtman, Christian, 324. Hebrew language, cultivated in Italy, 29, 39-56, 383. Henry II. of France, 215, 290. Hercukt, II. See Fen-ara, Duke of. Jlosius, Cardinal, 396. Hutton, Ulric, 31. I. Ignatius^ Patriarch of Antioch, 46. Imola, Progress of the Reformation in, 88, 89. Istria^ Progress of Reformation in, 133-137. Sui>pressi(m of Refor- mation in, 224. Jamct, liVon, 70, 72. Jeronimo of Mantua, 366, 367. Jochana, a teacher of Hehrew, 41. Julius II., Pope, 20, 43. Julius III., Pope, 212, 268, 276, 277. Justinian^ Atigustine, 43, 44. K. Kimchi^ David, 42. Lacisio, Paulo, 12t, 197, 402. Lampi idio^ 302. Landolfo, Rodolfiuo, printer, 342. Languet^ Hubert, 75. Lentulo^ Scipione, 344. Leo X., Pope, 20, 46, 102. Lcon^ Juan, (Leo Africamis) 44. Licher^ Thomas. Sec Erastus. Locarno, Progress of Reformation in, 131-133. Suppression of Reforma- tion in, 239-252. Locarno, Bcnedetti, 122, 123, 132. LongoUusy Christopher, 137. Louis XII. of France, 6S, 216. Luccdy Progress of Reformation in, 1 23- 1 25. Suppression of Reforma- tion in, 253-255. Lupctino, Raldo, 94, 235, 236. Luther, Martin, 30, 31, 33, 34, 37, 39, 61, 75, 86, 87, 91, 98-100, 129, 134, 138, 139, 142-148, 173, 316, 384. Lyonsj Italian church in, 405, 406. M. Majeiy Cardinal, 302. Mainatdi, Agostino, 338, 341, 355, 368, 370, 372, 377. Malcrmi, (Malerbi) Nicolo, 52, 53. Malhesiniy Tesso-Sionis, (Peter Sio- nita,) 45. JMauctliy Giaiuiozzo, 40. Mamicha, Isabella, 160, 346, 402. Mantua, Progress of Reformation in, 130, 131. Mantua, (lulielmo, duke of, 356. Mauutius, Aldus, 294, 295. Manzolli, Pier Angelo, 73, 167, 168. MarceUus II., Pope, 45, 164, 165. Mardiueus, Moses, 46. Alarhach, John, 404. IMannocchini, Sante, 56. Marot, Clement, 70-72. Martinengho, Celso, 124, 346, 373, 377, 403. MartinengUo, Ulixio, count de Bar- cho, 361, 407,408. Martyr, Peter, (Pietro Martire Ver- migh) 79, 107, 117-120, 123, 124, 125, 168, 172, 190,195-199,254, 277, 382-385, 391, 402, 403. Mar zone, 262, Massario, Jeronimo, 402, 403. Maturo, Bartolommeo, 332, 333. Medici, Angelo de. See Pius IV. Medici, John de. Marquis of Muss, 317. Medici, Lorenzo de, 9. Mclanchthon, Philip, 34, 35, 39, 57, o. 87, 91-96, 129, 144, 145, 148, Ochino, (Ocello) Bernardino, 107- 150-153, 156, 186, 193, 290,387, 117, 119, 122, 125, 154, 156, 164, ,,^/^^* „ 165, 168, 172, 190-195, 197, 298, i»///./«r.r. Progress of Reformation in, 303, 381-383, 390-396. 100-106. Suppression of Reforma- OrcUo, Lucia di, 248. tion in, 353-365. oW/r, Inquisitor of Henry II., 215. Milan, Dukes of, 317, 354. 216. Milano, Julio da, 191, 331, 338, Orsini' Sec Ursini. 339, 341,342,372,388. Mithridatcs, Teacher of oriental Ian- gufiges, 41. Modcna, Progress of Reformation in, 75-78. Suppression of Reforma- tion in, 206-211. P. Padua, Progress of Reformation in, 97. Pagnini, Sante, 47. Pagnino de Pagninis, 43. Modena, Bishops of. See Morone Paleario, Aonio, 125-130, 218, 297. and Foscarari. Mol/io, John, 79, 80, 119, 276-279. Montalto, Barbara di, 248, 249. Monte, ('ardinal de. See Julius III. Monti, Pompoio di, 271. Montferat, Count, 103. 304, 411,413. PaUaviciui, 86, 173. Palingenius. See Manzolli, Pier An- gelo. Panza, Inquisitor, 262, 263. Paradisi, (Canossa) Paolo, 43. Morata, Fulvio Peregrino, 73,74, /^^mr/d/H', Family of. 342, 3t3, 368. ^^*^' ^^^- Parma, Duke of, 239. Morata, Olympia, 74, 160, 212, 213, Parthcnai, Anne de, 69, 74. 218, 275, 400, 402, 422-426, Parthenai, Jean de, sieur de Soubise, MoreU, John, 175. cp, Morone, Cardinal, 78, 100, 101, 178, Paschali, Ludovico, 283-287, 406 207, 208, 269, 303. Paul HI, Pope, 73, 84, 97, 100, ilfo^f^, an Abyssinian deacon, 46. 125, 131, 134, 176, 185, 201, Muralto, 3Iartino a, 133. Muretus, 294. Musculus, 403. Muzio, Girolamo, 229. N. 212, 268, 289. Paul IV., Pope, 28, 86, 158, 190, 217, 239, 253, 268, 270, 280, 290, 306, 379, 403. See CarafTa. Cardinal. Pcllican, Conrad, 383. JVfl/jZtr^, Progress of Reformation in, Perez, Jnan, 121. 106-123. Suppression of Reforma- Pcrna, Petrus, printer, 397, 398. tion in, 255.257. Pescaro, JMarchioness of. See Co- Navarre, Margaret, Queen of, 69- lonna. ^^ ' -P''^^*J'atriarchoftJjeMaronites,46. ^egri, Francesco, 154, 156, 339, P^///w«o, Count, 273. 340, 370. Petrarch, 6 14 52. Negrino, Stefano, 283, 284. PhUip II. of Spain,' 342, 354 Nicholas v., Pope, 16. pi^o, John, count of Mirandula, 41. 432 INDEX. P'tcoy John Francis, count of Mir- andula, 18, 42. Pisano^ Progress of Reformation in, 130. Plus IV., Pope, 191, 201., 270, 290, 291, 3 IH, 357, 3()0. Pius v., Pops 272, 291, 293, 298. Plantitz, John, 81-83. Pole, Cardinal, Hi, 85, 120, 127, l(>i, 173, 175-179, 197,208,269, 288, 302, 303. Pulhiano, Don Ciiovanni, 207. Ponsy Antoinc de, count de Ma- rennes, 69. Pontkdla, John, 328. Porta, Egitlio a, 37, 38. Port us J Franciscus, 208, 379. Postti, William, loB. Poikcn, J(»hn, 45. Priul'h Aloysio, 127, 2(59. Q. Qriirini, Cardinal, 85, 8G, IGj, 178, 195. R. Ragnoni, Lattantlo, 130. Raugonc, Madonna Helena, of Ben- tiv'oglio, 161, 162. Rennlo, Camillo, 154-, 156, 339, 31-0, 367.373, 377, 386. Rente. See Ferrara, Dxitchess of. Reuehliriy Isaiah, 244, 250. Rcnchlin. (Capnio) John, 29, 30,42. Ria% (Lisia Fileno) Paolo, 77, 78. Riccio, Bartolomr,ie<», 73, 302. Ricctto, Antonio, 233, 234. Ricolilo, Fra, 40. Ru'tcr, Peter, de Kornburg, 270, 271. Rivcnhh Ottaviano, bishop of Ter- racino, 243, 217, 248. Rodolpho, Cardinal, 219. Rome, Progress of Reformation in, 137. Rosalina, Catarina, 248. RosselU, Lucio Paolo, 92. Rove re, Lavinia della, IGO, 101, 275. Runcho, Ludovico, 133. Rustlci, Filippo, 56. S. Sjdolet, Cardinal, 9, 10, 48, 57, 75, 84, 87, 88, 112, 126, 178, 185, 206, 208, 288, 302. Salice, Frederica, 230, 316. Salke, Hercules a, 230, 231, 310, 341. Sulmonius, Blasius, 31. Salutz. See GuUitz, Philip. Sannazzaro, 20. Sasullo, Don Ilieronymo da, 207. Sauli, Theodorina, (Theodora,) 170. Savonarola, Jerome, 16-18. Savoy, Duke of, 103. Savoy, Margaret, Dutchess of, 290. Seafiger, the eUler, 35. Scfienk, Burchard, 33, 34. Sehlegel, Theodore, 312, 313. Seftonberg, Cardinal, 88. Scrimger, Henry, 227. Sega, Francesco, 233, 234. Seraphin, Cardinal, 35. Servetus, Michael, 149-152, 366, 376, 378. Sfroiidati, Cardinal, 302. Sicily, Progress of the Reformation in, 122, 123. Siculus, Camillus Renatus. See Rc- nato. Sienncsc, Progress of the Reformation in the, 125-130. Sigfrid, Andrew, 314. Sigismund, a German, 97. Sigonio, Carlo, 75. Slnapi, Chilian, 73. Siuapi, John, 73. SioJiita, Sec Malhesini. INDEX. 433 Sixtus IV., Pope, 19. Socciui, Camillo, 374, 385. Soccini, Celso, 385. Sopcini, Cornelio, 385. Socciui, Mariano, 385. Socinus, Faustus, 155, 242,369, 389. Socinus, UvVms, 154, 156, 212, 372, 374, 378, 385-389, 391, 394. Sociniatiism. See Antitrinitarianism. Soncinati, Printers, 39. Soruuzo, Bishoj) of Bergamo, 229, Souhisc, Madame de, C9-71. See Parthenai. Spalatinus, .33, .34. Spinello, Salvatore, 259. Sj)iuula, Francesco, 234. Sjjtra, Francesco. 227, 228. Stancar, Francis, 42, 340, 370, 382. Stapliylo, Bishop of Sibari, 62-64. Stello, Toniaso de Santo, 228. Steuchi, (Steuco) Augustine, 48. Sturrnius, James, 401. Stunnius, John, 86, 405. T. Tasso, Bernardo, 67, 73. Teglio, Silvestro, 397. Te(>/ilo, Massimo, 56, 78, 406. Terentiano, Julio, 191, 197, 339. Tisserano, 277. Toledo, Don Pedro de, A'iceroy of Naples, 106, 107. Tolomco, Claudio, 193, 195. Tojiimassi, Fabrizio, 304. Trovers, John, 322, 323. Trebellio, Theodosio, 197. Trcniellio, Emanuel, 124. Trciita, Cristofero, 197. TrevisanOy Progress of Reformation in, 97. Trczio, Galleazzo, 355. Troubadours, 12, 13. Turriano, Jeronimo, 374, 375. Tuscany, Cosmo, grand duke of, 78, 291, 292. 2 F Tutschct, (Biveron) James, 314, 326. r. Ursino, (Orsini) Camillo, 160. UrsinOy Madonna Cherubina, 161, 422. Ursino, Madonna Magdalena, 161. V. Valdez, (Valdesso) Juan, 106, 107, 116, 117, 118, 121, 122, 163, 172, 191, 256, 288. Valenlino, Bonifacio, 210. Valentino, Filippo, 208-211. Valla, Laurentius, 15, 48. Valliculi, Gabriele, 409. Valtcline, 336, 342-376. VaragUa, Godfredo, 281-283. Vaudois* See Waldenses. Venice, Progress of Reformation in, 89-100. Suppression of Reforma- tion in, 218-237. Vcrgerio, Giovanni Batista, bishop of Pola, 137, 225, 226. Vcrgerio, Pierpaolo, bishop of Capo d'Istria, 34, 57, 134, 137, 139, 140, 213, 225,227, 2:iO, 333-335, 346, 370, 373, 377, 379, 380. Vcrmincl^ 262. Verona, Progress of Reformation in, 97, 137. Viccntino, Progress of Reformation in, 97. Suppression of Reforma- tion in, 219. Vittorio, 3Iariano, 45, 302. Vitus, (Veit) Theodorus, 91, 148, 153, 104. Voragine, Jacopo da, 52. W. Waldenses, Settlement of, in Italy, 3-6. Extirpation of, 257, 266, 282, 283, 344. Walthcr, Town-clerk of Locarno, 241. 434 INDEX. Widmamtddter ^ Albert, 4G, 47. Wihon, Dr. Thomas, 306. Z. Zaccario, Fra, 56. Zutichi^ Basilit), 403. ZafK'fii^ Dionif^i, ■1-03. Zancftiy Fraucesco, 403. Zanc/tiy Grisostomo, 403. Zancfii, .Jeronirao, 156, 341, 377, 380, 390, 403, 408. Znnnctn, Julio, 304, 305. Zirgler^ James, 91. Zuivglc, Ulrich, 34,36-39, 118, 132, 138, 139. 147, loU, 313, 316, 329. FINIS. PRINTED BY A. BALFOUR AND CO. 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