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The Columbia University Libraries reserve the right to refuse to accept a copying order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. Author: Security Trust & Savings Bank Title: The cattle-raising industry of the Southwest Place: Los Angeles Date: 1921 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DIVISION BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET ORIGINAL MATERIAL AS FILMED - EXISTING BIBLIOGRAPHIC RECORD MASTER NEGATIVE # business 0302.1 3e2G 2-* p. «ll;iKrs. 2A\"' .. 'ii-n^Ctr?:'::;;;;:'- ^™ ■■• >=■ -„.„ s.,„-c..„. tra«iei ^-i'Tary.U.S. hcwof RESTRICTIONS ON USE: FILM SIZE: 35or)rn DATE FILMED: TRACKING # : TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: I^X IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA ^1^0 Ws ® IB IIB INITIALS: \A).\^) m^H QU^pi FILMED BY PRESERVATION RESOURCES, BETHLEHEM, PA. > _^. ^ ^T^. **:•«'. 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L^^ n ^^ Prepared by C. C. LINCOLN LotAngelm 1921 7) 3^ 5 . / J f For the shop handling one carcass per day, therefore, the net profit would be $47.10 per day or per carcass, which is 35.7% net if figured on the selling price of the carcass, or 68.7% if calculated on cost price. Average retail meat shops handle from four to five carcasses per week. Large dealers handle up to five and ten per day. While these profits seem unjustifiably high, retail meat dealers contend that in actual practice their net profits on all meat sales are considerably less than they appear in theory. It is said that at pres- ent pork sales often show a net loss, which must be counterbalanced by additional profits on beef. Butchers claim also that due to the insistence of housewives on small, choice cuts, considerable waste is experienced in trimming. They assert that they experience considerable loss from shrinkage due to the necessity of keeping meal in storage because there is not a uni- form demand for all cuts from a given J A^ SO NDJ PMAMJ J 1 SvpartiMat of Rassarcb A Sanric* Sacurit/ Tnict ft Sarii^t Bank CHART No. I Comparative Trends of Retail Meat Prices, Wholesale Meat Prices and Range Cattle Prices, 1914-1921 (Scale is arranged logarithmically to reflect relative changes) [15 I m I i V\ carcass. It is also contended that few cutters are sufficiently skillful to cut out of a carcass the percentage of good meat shown to be possible by Swift & Com- pany's scale, indicated above. Whatever the facts, examination of the records of R. G. Dun & Co. reveals that there have been no failures among Los Angeles meat dealers in the past year. Marketing and Packing The marketing of beef in the Southwest is done either by local butchers, or through packing-houses at the main cen- ters of population. In California con- sumption of beef so nearly equals pro- duction that the packer's task is largely one of local distribution. Although there are stockyards for the assembling and distribution of cattle at Denver, Colo., and at Portland and Seattle in the Northwest, they are un- known in the Southwest. Cattle ap- parently ready for market are shipped to the meat centers and sold directly to packers for slaughtering, or if not in killing condition on arrival, are sold to dry-lot feeders in the vicinity, who fatten the animals on alfalfa hay or beet tops for a few months, and then turn them over to the packers. It is claimed by many that the mar- keting of beef in this region is handi- capped by the absence of a union stock- yards with improved packing and canning equipment, at some such center as Los An- geles. There is no central point at pres- ent to which cattle may be shipped for segregation into "feeders" and "market fat." Consequently it is contended that stockmen are much at the mercy of the buyers, who are usually agents of the packers. In the absence of a central cat- tle market, these men go out to the ranges and drive their bargains with the individ- ual raisers, who are often ignorant of prices and general market conditions. The buyers will select the best of the herd and leave the ranger with a poor grade of cat- tle on hand. Many of these rejected ani- mals will be shipped down to feed-lots in the valleys and at the packing centers. Among them will be old cows and runty steers which could not be fattened by even the most expensive dry- lot feeding. If there existed stockyards for proper seg- 161 regation, with well-equipped packing es- tablishments close at hand, these poorer animals could be culled out and slaughtered inunediately as "canners." This would prevent the waste of much good feed. It is thought by some that a union stockyards would do much to break the power of large buyers who are now able to "bear" prices to a certain extent through the inability of shippers to find a competi- tive market for their offerings. On the other hand some of the largest cattlemen do not favor the establishment of stockyards, claiming that through them the packers would secure even a stronger hold on the market. One of our largest producers in the South, Mr. Fred Bixby of Long Beach, is at present opposing a plan of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce to have a union stockyards established at this center. Mr. Bixby, an ex-president of the California Cattlemen's Association, contends that such stockyards would fall into the control of the large packers and become a means of dictating prices to the producer. With the beef crop of the state regularly gathered into stockyards, Mr. Bixby declares, the supply would be deter- mined easily at the beginning of each market day, and whenever a surplus be- came apparent, interleagued packers could force owners to accept whatever they pleased to offer. Freight charges would make impossible the shipment of stock to other markets and high feed charges at the stockyards would make it unprofitable to hold for better prices. Mr. Bixby also contends that there is no market for Cal- ifornia beef other than for local consump- tion, and therefore no need of concentrat- ing cattle for shipment out of the state. Though cattle are slaughtered and sold by butchers in even the smallest towns, the chief beef marketing centers of this region, south of San Francisco and Ogden, and west of Denver, are Los Angeles and Phoenix. Los Angeles handles about five times as many cattle annually as Phoenix, and slightly outranks her nearest rival in the West, San Francisco. The demands of the San Francisco market are augmented by the regular purchases of the naval supply base at Mare Island, amounting to some 20,000 head per annum. There are other minor packing centers in the San Joaquin Valley and along the coast of Soutfiern California, but these are rela- tively unimportant except for supplying local demands. The following figures, most of them obtained from reliable sources, are be- lieved to be fairly accurate estimates of cattle slaughtered in cities of the Southwest, with a comparative figure for San Fran- cisco: Skufhter of Cattle and CaWet 1920 Lo8 Angeles, including Vernon 154,056 head Phoenix, Ariz. 30,318 Pomona 6,705 San Diego 10,000 Anaheim 6,800 Santa Barbara 3,000 Fresno 1,950 212,829 San Francisco 126,321 The slaughter for the state of California during 1920 was 495,167 cattle and 86,044 calves, or a total of 581,211 head. Packing at Los Angeles is largely in the hands of six large concerns, two of which (Cudahy & Company and Wilson & Com- pany) are local establishments of members of the so-called "Big Five" at Chicago. The large independent companies are the Hauser Packing Company, the California Dressed Beef Company, the Standard Packing Company and the New Market Company. The packing-houses of Los Angeles draw cattle from the entire southern part of the state, as well as from the coast ranges as far north as Monterey County, and from the San Joaquin Valley south of Stockton. In the more northerly districts Los Angeles buyers come into competition with buyers from San Francisco, either overbidding or underbidding each other according to price quotations at their re- spective bases. Because of the slight sur- plus shipped East every year (averaging about 25,000 head), Los Angeles buyers, with the shorter rail distance to the Middle West packing centers of St. Joseph, Kansas City and St. Louis, ordinarily have the ad- vantage. Besides the slaughter of cattle produced in the southern part of California, the packers of Los Angeles kill large supplies drawn from Arizona, Utah, Idaho, Texas and Nevada. Of 94,665 head shipped to California abattoirs from these and other states last winter, Los Angeles took 48,575, or 51%, while 34,754, or 37%, went to San Francisco. It should be stated that the total for last year was considerably above the seasonal average. During Feb- ruary, 1921, there occurred the unusual phenomenon of a higher price for cattle on the Pacific Coast than at Chicago, with resulting heavy importations. Prices The outbreak of the war in 1914 saw the almost immediate rise in beef prices in this country. The uptrend was at first gradual, but became increasingly steeper. To meet the enormous demand of the European countries for beef, and with the supplies of India, Australia and Russia cut off, the United States, Argentina and Canada were called upon greatly to in- crease production. The producers of America, stimulated by propaganda of the Food Administration, and probably even as much by soaring prices, rose to meet the emergency. Our exports of beef increased tremendously. A shortage was created in this country and prices ad- vanced rapidly, until they reached a peak in July, 1918, of lie per pound, 83% above the pre-war level of 6c. The end of the war saw some hesitation in the market, with prices holding fairly even at 10c. But the expected deflation was not yet to come. Export demands continued and during the period of extravagance in the country the public insisted upon plenty of everything, at any cost. Prices advanced again until they reached their highest peak of 12c in March, 1920, 100% above normal. Such prices were enjoyed by the stockmen only for a short time, however, when the long-feared but unprovided-for deflation began in April. From then until within the past few weeks the curve has been steadilv down- ward, reaching the pre-war level in June, 1921, and dropping below it in July. At this date, August 1 5th, a slight recov- ery in beef prices is noticeable at Chicago, though the market at Los Angeles is as yet unchanged. Various factors have combined to force the rapid decline of beef prices. First came a reaction by the public, consequent [17 r to the era of heedless extravagance in this country. People began to buy smaller cuts of meat and fewer of them. Exports fell away, declining from 6,023,338 pounds of fresh beef exported from the United States in March, 1920, to 508,230 pounds exported in March, 1921. The accumulations of overproduction were thrown upon the market, the speculative element collapsed, and the ever-steadying by-product market disappeared. Cattle loan associations which had advanced large amounts of money to cattlemen demanded liquidation and settlement, and more cattle were thrown on to a badly overflooded market, until the price was forced down to below cost of production. Figures showing the relative decrease in farm prices of beef cattle in each of the important cattle states of the country, published by the United States Depart- ment of Agriculture, are of interest in de- termining which of the cattle states have suffered the most radical price recessions. An examination of these figures would show that the greatest declines for the pe- riod ending May were experienced in Illi- nois and Kansas, where the farm value of cattle dropped from about $10.00 to $6.20 per 100 pounds, or nearly 40%. The aver- age decline for the country as a whole was 33%. In California the recession was a little under the average, 32.3%, while South Dakota and Arizona seem to have been the most fortunate of the states in the matter of prices, suffering declines of only 20.6% and 22.2%, respectively, up to May of this year. Dedine of By-Product Prices It has been stated that one of the causes of decline in cattle prices has been the drop in by-product values. This has been especially true in the case of hides, and it goes a long way in explaining why the packer was not able to pay more for cat- tle on the hoof this spring, with his sell- ing price of dressed beef at 15%c, than he paid in 1913, with dressed beef at 12%c. It should be understood that the packer ordinarily depends upon the value of by- products to pay more than the cost of dressing. The normal cost of slaughtering and dressing a beef is about 10% of its value. Upon an $80.00 steer it would be 181 therefore about $8.00. Hie usual value of by-products (hides, oflFal and fat) from such an animal is about $15.00. Ac- cordingly in ordinary times when paying S80.00 for a steer, the packer deducts $7.00 as by-product values over and above cost of slaughtering, and reckons $73.00 as his cost price of the beef dressed. At pres- ent, due to the low level of by-products, he is unable to deduct anything, but must add about $2.00 for cost of dressing, over and above the amount he can realize from the sale of by-products. Hides, which are the most valuable by- products from cattle, brought about 15c per pound before the war. At the end of 1919 the price went up to over 30c per pound (green hides, California steers), and during the spring of 1921 declined to about 5c per pound. Other less im- portant by-products declined in value as well. The price of edible tallow dropped 467c, from 1234c per pound in 1920 to 6%c in 1921. Oleo stearine declined from 1314c to 934c (25%), fertilizer (dried blood) from $8.20 to $2.55 (89%) per unit, and tankage from $7.12^^ to $2,371/2 (67%), during the same period. Obviously, with the decline of by-prod- uct values, the spread between packers* buying prices and selling prices became greater. Through the courtesy of two of the largest packing establishments in Los Angeles, it has been possible to gather figures showing the changing relation be- tween the cost of steers to the packer and his selling price, during the past nine years. The following selections from the table are typical: Packers Baring Price Packer* SelUac Price i2y4c 14 17% 15% Prieeef Ridee oa Spread Same Date 15c 20 31 8 70% 65 51 110 Date 1913 7%c 1917 8H 1919 (Sept.) 11% 1921 (May) 7% It will be seen that in 1913 when pack- ers were paying 7l^c per pound for cat- tle delivered, and hides were at 15c, they were selling dressed beef at 12%c. This allowed a margin of 70% to cover wastage and profit. At the end of 1919, when hides reached their highest point, beef which cost the packer ll%c on the hoof, was sold at 17%c when dressed, a mar- gin of only 51%. Examining the figures for recent months, it appears that in May, 1921, when the cost of cattle to the packer was 7^c per pound (the same as in 1913), and hides were below 8c, the selling price of dressed beef for the same date was 15%c. The margin in this case was 110%, compared with one of 70% in 1913. Plainly the price of hides at any given time has a direct effect upon the relation be- tween cattle and dressed meat prices. That the difference between packers' buying and selling prices varies inversely with the price of hides, is clearly shown by the accompanying Chart No. II. As the price of hides gradually declined from 1919, the trend of difference between cost and selling price was upward. Soon after the hide market reached its lowest point in 1921, that difference reached its peak. Despite the influence of receding by- product values, the trend of wholesale beef prices has followed closely the price of cattle on the hoof. Wholesale beef prices went up with cattle prices in 1918, and every decline in cattle prices since has been reflected promptly in wholesale quo- tations. The fact that the percentage of decline during the last few months has been less is accounted for by the low value of by-products. Chart No. I, which is sympathy which has existed between range presented on Page 15, illustrates the caltle prices and packers' selling prices, respectively, and seems to corroborate the contention of packers that they are not re- sponsible for the present high prices of meat. Butchers in Los Angeles make the as- sertion that certain cuts of beef can be had at their shops more cheaply today than they could be purchased before the war. This is true of the cheaper cuts, such as boiling meat. An examination of pe- riodical price quotations advertised by the butchers during the war period and down to date, reveals the fact that whenever the good cuts of beef went up in price, the 1919 JAN FEB UAR APR UAT JOKE JUL AUG SEP OCT NOT DEC JAN rE3 MAI ! APR MAT JUN JUL AUG 120 1910 ^ 19 2 1 / X >v^ 110 J / \ / y TBS ,^ / \ / 56 / \ / ib > / }t ,..-'' \ .^ s.. / 60 /'■" *^ ^ "W 30* B *^, '""i V. «5 N ^"^ ^ V \ 20 \ -^ S IC L *5 V Ifl \ 1 ^ 1 V ■^ / ""^ 5 ^if^ Departaant of Reaaarch * SerTic* CBA RT K. >. II .Security Truat k S«TlBsa Bftak. CHART No. II (A) Percentage of Difference Between Cattle Prices and Wholesale Beef Prices (B) Value of Hides During the Same Period [19 cheaper cuts went down. The two curves representing the respective price trends form a somewhat symmetrical figure. The high points in the curve representing steaks and roasts are opposite the low points in the curves depicting pot roast and boiling meat prices. The reason is obvious: people developed extravagant teistes during the war and the aftermath period, and many still demand the choice cuts. The modern housewife does not find time to cook roasts and boiled meats, though these in fact have a higher food value than do steaks and chops. Seventy- five per cent of a beef carcass, however, is of these cheaper cuts of meat. They must be disposed of in some manner, and the butcher reduces their selling price in proportion to the rise in demand (and price) of the more popular cuts. The re- sult is that at present boiling meat and pot roasts can be had at from 5 to 10c per pound, while porterhouse and club steaks average about 65c. On the whole, retail prices are still 32% above normal, though they have declined some 37% since the peak of July, 1920. Meanwhile range cattle prices declined 50%, to a point below normal, and whole- sale prices declined 34%, to a point only 6% above that of 1914, in spite of the low value of by-products. Clearly retail meat prices have not been keeping pace with cat- tle and wholesale prices in the long-awaited recession. It is true, however, that retail prices reached their highest point two to three months later than cattlemen began to receive their top prices, and this may be the basis of a hopeful prediction that retail prices are merely delaying the drop accordingly. Financing the Cattle Industry The cattle industry is financed both by banks, which make loans directly to stock raisers, and by privately-operated loan as- sociations, which purchase and endorse cattle paper for rediscount through the banks. A cattle loan is secured by the promissory note of the borrower, together with a chattel mortgage on his livestock and equipment, and sometimes by a mort- gage on his real estate. 10^ 9 8 n 7 JAN ICT MAB APR MAY JUNE JULY AUG SEPT OCT NOV DEC __*« ^^'^ "--'2 >' -V B — -• <■ i^^r \ \ N ^ X, X \ V \ \ \ ^ \ ^ 1911 •1920 \ > V ^^0^ **^^ A ^^^ ^^^^_ ^ Depart) ment o f Resei arch & Servl ca Secu rliy T rust ft Savlr igt Baa Ic 20] CHART No. Ill Showing (A) Seasonal Price Variations in Cattle Prices for the Ten-Year Average, 1911-1920 (B) Price Variations for the Year 1920 . In the stock raising regions of the Middle West, financing through loan asso- ciations is undertaken extensively by large packing companies, who are interested in keeping the industry in a heallhy condition to the end that there may be a steady flow of livestock to the packing-houses. In Southern California and Western Arizona cattle loan associations have only recently appeared. Cattlemen have heretofore re- lied almost entirely upon bank loans and upon money advanced by private individ- uals. In the southeast region of Arizona, where cattle raising is most intense in that state, stockmen have been financed by loan associations operating from the Middle West packing centers. Most of these com- panies are controlled by packing interests. In the past few years a comparatively small number of cattle loan associations have begun business in Southern Califor- nia, with offices at Los Angeles. Most of them are closely allied with packing inter- ests. Only one of the number has thus far handled a considerable volume of busi- ness. These cattle loan associations have come into existence mainly on account of the difficulties experienced by cattlemen in se- curing bank loans. Banks have been proverbially cautious in accepting cattle paper. Livestock security is necessarily of changing value, inspection is difficult and expensive, renewals are usually requested, and enterprises too often of a speculative nature. Interest of Packers in Loan Associations Meat-packing companies, however, are vitally interested in the maintenance of steady production of cattle on the ranges and the fattening of beef by feed yard op- erators. They have, therefore, encouraged and assisted the incorporation of cattle loan associations in stock raising centers, for the better financing of the industry. These associations on the whole develop highly efficient organizations. The officers ordinarily include practical cattlemen and experienced livestock buyers, who are familiar with every angle of die industry. Stockmen actively engaged in raising cat- tle are made managing directors, inspectors are appointed in the range districts, and accurate records of pasturage and weather conditions, quality of breeds, and preva- lence of disease are collected, with other in- formation of interest to the business. Through such organizations cattle loan as- sociations are equipped to render valuable service both to cattlemen and to the com- munity which is interested in the sound development of the livestock industry. One danger in extensive financing by cattle loan associations, however, lies in the tendency on the part of some of these institutions to advance money too liberally, sometimes on full value of cattle security, in order to "boost" the business. Such practices result in disaster to borrowers and cause instability in the market when risky loans are called in before stock can be profitably disposed of. Unhappy re- sults of this kind are being experienced at present, because cattlemen are forced to liquidate in a depressed market heavy bor- rowings made during the period of in- flated values. Another element of danger in loan association finance is said to exist in the opportunity which is aff"orded the packers, through their control of such com- panies, to keep borrowing stockmen in their power. The cattle industry is ordi- narily operated on a large scale. The cattleman must make heavy borrowings for the purchase of stock and the payment of running expenses. If banks are pre- vented by legal restrictions or by cautious boards of directors from advancing the re- quired funds, the stock raiser is dependent upon the loan associations, and conse- quently upon the packers who financially underwrite these associations. If he bor- rows funds for the purchase of stock or feed, and is caught at maturity of the loan with a dull market, it is to his interest to hold for higher prices. The market may be below his cost of production, in which case liquidation would mean an actual loss. In such a case the packer controlling the association which advanced the loan, could demand immediate pay- ment, and perhaps foreclose on the mort- gage, either bidding in the cattle at a low price or forcing their sale on a depressed market. It is believed, however, that such prac- tices on the part of packers are exceed- ingly rare. Accusations come mostly from disgruntled breeders or feeders who, [21 through mismanagement or speculation, have not been able either to meet their ob- ligations within a reasonable length of lime or to show prospects of ever paying out. Packers are more interested in main- taining a constant and stable market than in realizing occasional profits by forced sales, and it is to be doubted that they often use their financial control over stock- men to force down cattle prices. How Loans are Made The method of making loans to cattle- men by banks and loan associations is J , fairly uniform. The prospective borrower ^ files a written application, accompanied by a sworn statement of his financial con- dition. The statement includes a descrip- tion of the stock which he proposes to of- fer as collateral, his facilities for taking care of them, real estate owned or leased, and outstanding mortgages or obligations. The bank or loan association checks up on this statement by private inquiries, and county records are examined to determine whether the applicant's statements are cor- rect as to outstanding obligations. A cattle inspector is then sent out to count and examine the borrower's stock. He re- ports as to quality of breeds, condition of pastures, facilities for taking care of the stock, and the general reputation and ability of the applicant. If, upon receipt of the inspector's report, the loan is granted, the borrower is required to sign a promissory note for the amount advanced, and to execute a chattel mortgage on the stock and its increase, feed on hand, and sometimes on equipment and real estate. Although banks and the more conservative loan associations refuse to loan more than from 50% to 75% of the value of stock given as collateral, less careful associa- tions consider that an ample margin of safety lies in the probable increase of the herds, i.e., in birth of calves and increase in weight of steers. I Cattle loans run ordinarily for six /months. This term is adequate for the I "feeder," who buys full-grown steers from the range and fattens them for beef in three or four months. His period of turn- over is short. The stock breeder, however, usually requires a longer period for liqui- dation, and consequently must secure re- 22] / newals, (wherein lies the chief defect in the present system of financing). Renew- als require new paper and new inspection of stock, adding further expense to the negotiation, and the semi-annual payment of interest keeps the stock raiser in a con- stant state of unrest, making it difficult for him to delay the sale of stock until the best prices are obtainable. Yet it is through the short-term feature of cattle pa- per that banks and cattle loan associations are given their best means of protection. They may refuse to renew loans, after six months, to borrowers who do not show evi- dence of being able to meet their obliga- tions. As a matter of practice, however, it is usually understood that stock breeders may secure a reasonable number of renew- als of their notes, since it is, of course, to the interest of the lender to carry them un- til a time when their cattle may be dis- posed of at a profit and all obligations met in full. Such renewals should be granted with caution, however, and only after careful inspection has been made of cattle securing the loan, condition of the pasture, and a forecast of beef prices. Failure to check up on borrowers in this way, and a loo liberal policy in accepting cattle paper by some of the banks and loan associations last year, has placed them in such a po- sition that they must either repeatedly re- new inadequately secured loans, until cat- tle prices shall have recovered, or foreclose and take heavy losses. The gross profits derived by cattle loan companies is measured by the difference between the interest collected from bor- rowers and the discount rate of the bank through which the paper is liquidated. The average cost of making cattle loans, including inspection, is estimated at 1% of the amount of the loan. The prevailing interest rate imposed by cattle loan asso- ciations at the present time is 10%, some- times with additional charges amounting to from 1%) to 2%, "to cover cost of in- spection." The rates at which banks are now discounting cattle paper range from 7y2% to 814%. The cattle loan asso- ciations therefore have a possibility of making a gross profit of from 1%% to 414% on each loan. The usual profit is said to be 2%. Cattle paper is self-liquidating. It is short-term paper and when endorsed by re* I 1 liable cattle loan associations becomes good "two-name" paper. It should there- fore enjoy a high degree of liquidity. Loan associations dealing in cattle paper may handle large amounts, running into the millions of dollars annually, with comparatively small working capital. When these associations grant loans which are too large for discount through any one bank, such loans are parcelled out among several banks, much after the man- ner of the Lloyd insurance risks. Banks accepting parts of individual loans, how- ever, must do so with extraordinary care, since the division of the cattleman's note and mortgage into parts affords opportu- nity for sharp practices. When Money is Needed The peaks of activity in cattle loan dis- counts are reached in the spring and fall seasons of the year. Cattlemen usually need money for the purchase of new stock for the ranches in April and May. Holders of leased ranges ordinarily pay their rent in the fall. This is also the usual time for settlement of ordinary bills for groceries, feed and supplies. Figures showing the volume of cattle paper dealt in monthly during 1920 and 1921 by loan associations in this region indicate that last year such associations advanced to cattlemen approximately $5,000,000, the largest advances having been made in May and November. For the first eight months of 1921, loans from the same sources have amounted to about $2,000,000, the largest aggregate amount for any one month occurring in April. The value of cattle paper now outstand- ing on the books of local cattle loan asso- ciations is thought to be less than $2,000,000. Reports from the Federal Reserve Bank of the Twelfth District indicate that the volume of live stock paper redis- counted through banks so far this year has been about $24,000,000, ranging between $3,500,000 and $4,500,000 per month. The largest advances were made in April and June. The total value of live stock paper held by the Federal Reserve Bank on the last day of June, 1921 (the latest date for which figures are available) was $14,633,000. The figures published by the Federal Reserve Banks include all classes of livestock paper. Separate records of cattle paper are not kept, but cattle loans undoubtedly constitute the larger part of the sum of all livestock loans in this dis- trict. Shortage of Cattle Much has been said recently of the shortage of beef cattle in this country, and official surveys indicate that there are in fact less cattle per capita now than there were in 1920, though the shortage is less marked in California and Nevada than in other stales. The actual shortage in num- bers for individual districts is estimated by livestock associations approximately as fo^OWS: c.ttto Shoruge. 1921 •• Compared with 1920 Northern States 0% Southern States 50% Central States 25% California 10% Nevada 0% Census figures for California show the number of beef cattle in the state to have been 1,229,086 in January, 1920. Unfor- tunately it is difficult to compare these fig- ures with those of the 1910 census, since the count for the latter year was taken as of April 15, three and one-half months later in the year than that for 1920. The 1910 count, therefore, included a large number of spring calves which would not have been taken in the 1920 census. On the other hand, the figures for 1910 were, of course, reduced by the number of cattle slaughtered between January 1 and April 15. Probably the best comparable records available are those of the Bureau of Crop Estimates, United Stales Department of Agriculture, which publishes cattle census figures periodically. A study of these records indicates that while there is an actual shortage of cattle in the United States as a whole, it is not as great as live- stock publications make it out to be. Perhaps the best way of determining whether or not the cattle supply is below normal, is on a per capita basis. Figures for Arizona, Nevada, and the average for the United States as a whole may be com- puted on this basis as follows: De- Per 1000 Per lOOO crease Cattle Inhabl- Cattle Inhabi- or In- ^ ... 191* tants 1920 tanu crease Califotnia 1,339,000 563 1.634,000 477 —15% Arizona 796.000 389 1.000,000 299 —23% N'-vaHa 432,000 527 535.000 691 +S1% United State*.. 41.178.434 446 44,75O,O0Q 433 -5.2% [23 ( More significant than the slight per cap- ita decrease in the total number of beef cattle in the country, however, is the com- paratively large decrease in the number of cows, i.e., reproductive stock. The census shows that there were 100,000 less cows in California in 1920 than in 1910, a decrease of 33%, when there should have been an increase of 44%, to keep pace with the population. The reason for this is found in the fact that stockmen, hard pressed for money, and unable to secure loans to carry them through, have been selling cows as well as steers for beef. The California Cattlemen's Associa- tion estimates that in California the nor- mal ratio of cows to cattle slaughtered is 25%, while this year it has been 38%, and predicts a further shortage of breed- ing stock next year. Consumption of beef in this state is ap- proximately 500,000 head per year. At the time of the census (January, 1920), there were 441,000 cows of calf-bearing age (2 years and over) available. On the basis of a 70% calf production, about normal for the state, these would yield 308,000 calves per year, about 25% of which should be kept for breeding pur- poses, leaving 231,000 calves to grow up for beef. Of the 441,000 breeding cows now on farms and ranges, one-fifth, or 88,000, would be available for slaughter each year, since a cow is not kept for calf bearing after it is 5 years of age. There are also about 800,000 dairy cattle in the state. These will supply about 10% of our beef, or 200,000 head, this year. From the three sources of supply, therefore, we would obtain 231,000, 88,000 and 200,000 head, respectively, or a total of 519,000, against a consumption of 500,000. The apparent margin of 19,000 is just about sufficient to cover the regular annual 4% loss from disease and 24] exposure. Obviously, therefore, if there is any considerable decrease in the number of breeding cows which were available last year, the coming supply of beef in this slate will be less than that of previous years. Consumption Below Production Compensating for the decreased pro- duction of beef cattle in the country dur- ing the past year, and probably a cause of any such shortage, is the decreased con- sumption of beef. The per capita con- sumption of beef in 1919 was 60 pounds. In 1920 it had dropped to 56.4 pounds, a decline in one year of 6%. More startling than these are the figures for the period from 1910 to 1920. During this time beef consumption per person in the United States decreased from 78 pounds to 56.4 pounds, a decline of 27%. Decrease in consumption has been, therefore, much greater than decrease in production, and this without taking into consideration the almost complete cessation of beef exports. From these facts it would appear that although there is a slight numerical short- age of cattle this year, with prospects of an even smaller number on the ranges next year as a result of present slaughter- ing of breeding stock, the situation cannot be regarded as alarming from a food stand- point. There is no danger of a meat famine. When the supply of beef be- comes scarce, relative prices will cause people to eat less beef and more pork and mutton, or even substitutes for meat. As measured by demand there is no short- age of supply at the present time. Either demand must be brought back to normal by an adjustment of retail meat prices to popular buying power, or the supply even further reduced, before the economic law can operate to raise cattle prices. ^ I « -^ An Offer of Service The Department of Research and Service of the Security Trust & Savings Bank is prepared to furnish complete and accurate information regarding any line of business, whether commercial, agricultural or industrial, of Los Angeles and Southern California. The services of this Department are offered, free of charge, to anyone desiring such information, and the Depart- ment will make detailed surveys and reports for the benefit of those interested. The work of the Department is carried on by men specially trained in research, and familiar with the business and financial conditions of this section. A well-equipped library is maintained by the Department to facilitate its services. ■4.-^>-^i^i*^'-.jS INTENTIONAL SECOND EXPOSURE r' ii ^ iTi More significant than the slight per cap- ita decrease in the total number of beef cattle in the country, however, is the com- paratively large decrease in the number of cows, i.e., reproductive stock. The census shows that there were 100,000 less cows in California in 1920 than in 1910, a decrease of 33%, when there should have been an increase of 44%, to keep pace with the population. The reason for this is found in the fact that stockmen, hard pressed for money, and unable to secure loans to carry them through, have been selling cows as well as steers for beef. The California Cattlemen's Associa- tion estimates that in California the nor- mal ratio of cows to cattle slaughtered is 25%, while this year it has been 38%, and predicts a further shortage of breed- ing stock next year. Consumption of beef in this state is ap- proximately 500,000 head per year. At the time of the census (January, 1920), there were 441,000 cows of calf-bearing age (2 years and over) available. On the basis of a 70% calf production, about normal for the state, these would yield 308,000 calves per year, about 25 9? of which should be kept for breeding pur- poses, leaving 231,000 calves to grow up for beef. Of the 441,000 breeding cows now on farms and ranges, one-fifth, or 88,000, would be available for slaughter each year, since a cow is not kept for calf bearing after it is 5 years of age. There are also about 800.000 dairy cattle in the state. These will supply about lO^V of our beef, or 200,000 head, this year. From the three sources of supply, therefore, we would obtain 231,000, 88,000 and 200,000 head, respectively, or a total of 519,000, against a consumption of 500,000. The apparent margin of 19,000 is just about sufficient to cover the regular annual 4% loss from disease and exposure. Obviously, therefore, if there is any considerable decrease in the number of breeding cows which were available last year, the coming supply of beef in this stale will be less than that of previous years. Consumption Below Production Compensating for the decreased pro- duction of beef cattle in the country dur- ing the past year, and probably a cause of any such shortage, is the decreased con- sumption of beef. The per capita con- sumption of beef in 1919 was 60 pounds. In 1920 it had dropped to 56.4 pounds, a decline in one year of 6%. More startling than these are the figures for the period from 1910 to 1920. During this time beef consumption per person in the United States decreased from 78 pounds to 56.4 pounds, a decline of 27%. Decrease in consumption has been, therefore, much greater than decrease in production, and this without taking into consideration the almost complete cessation of beef exports. From these facts it would appear that although there is a slight numerical short- age of cattle this year, with prospects of an even smaller number on the ranges next year as a result of present slaughter- ing of breeding stock, the situation cannot be regarded as alarming from a food stand- point. There is no danger of a meat famiiie. When the supply of beef be- comes scarce, relative prices will cause people to eat less beef and more pork and mutton, or even substitutes for meat. As measured by demand there is no short- age of supply at the present time. Either demand must be brought back to normal by an adjustment of retail meat prices to popular buying power, or the supply even further reduced, before the economic law can operate to raise cattle prices. An Offer of Service The Department of Research and Service of the Security Trust & Savings Bank is prepared to furnish complete and accurate information regarding any line of business, whether conunercial, agricultural or industrial, of Los Angeles and Southern California. The services of this Department are offered, free of charge, to anyone desiring such information, and the Depart- ment will make detailed surveys and reports for the benefit of those interested. The work of the Department is carried on by men specially trained in research, and familiar with the business and financial conditions of this section. A well-equipped library is maintained by the Department to facilitate its services. 24] -h r MPa".« ' j g t m^M^ ' -^.i. -^ ^■".m ' \ T :rj m V COLlMhIA I'NIVIRSITV LIBRARITS lius h...l IN ciiK .'11 tlu Jatc irKliuitid kli.w. ..r .if tlu cxpirati.-n of a dctiiuic ixiu.J .itttr tlic a.itt ..t bi.rn.win.c, .is pr..vKk.i hv the lihiarv riilcs or by >pccial arr.in.c«.mtnt xMth the I.ihr.iri.m in ih.ii.i;L. DATE BORROWED DATE DUE DATE BORROWED DATE DUE t':i»(P''M ,H,iMi-,K I U' 5'ockfoo. Co/if.* /OjrtflirH* END OF TITLE