Columbia 23nttier^itp tntl)eCttpof3!ettjgork LIBRARY PURCHASED FROM THE WILLIAM C. SCHERMERHORN MEMORIAL FUND DISSERTATIONS SUBJECTS RELATING " ORTHODOX" OR " EASTERN •CATHOLIC- COMMUNION. BY WILLIAM PALMER, Ml., FELLOW OF ST. MARY MAGDALEN COLLKGE, OXFORD, AND DEACON. LONDON: JOSEPH MASTERS, ALDERSGATE STREET, AND NEW POND STREET. MDCCCLin. 1^^ <^ -^r 4 LONDON : PUINTKI) IIT JOSKPH lUASTKRS AVI) n AI.IIKIISOATK STRRKT. ^ CENSORS OF THE PRESS IN RUSSIA, OR TO WHATEVER AUTHORITIES, SPIRITUAL OR CIVIL, ARE ABOVE THE CENSORS, STljis Volume is submittcU, WITH THE WISH TO LEARN WHETHER A TRANSLATION OF IT, WOULD BE PERMITTED TO APPEAR IN THAT COUNTRV. C i\ T E N T S. DISSERTATION I. Of the distinctive title, present state, and apparent prospects of the " Orthodox '' Communion ......... I DISSERTATION II. Of the present apparent conflict between "Orthodoxy " and "Catholicism " 9 DISSERTATION III. The Aspect of the Russian part of the " Orthodox " Church at the com- mencement of the Reformation of Luther ; being " An Account of the religion of the Muscovites, written by John Faber for Ferdinand King of the Romans, to whom he was Confessor,'" a.d. 1525 . . . .32 DISSERTATION IV. Destinies of the Slavonic Empire. — Probation and failure of John IV. (the first solemnly crowned Tsar of Muscovy) in the sixteenth century . 46 DISSERTATION V. Destinies of the Slavonic Empire. — Probation and failure of the Tsar Alexis >r Michaelovich, with the Nobility and Hierarchy of Russia, in the seven- teenth century .......-■.■ ^ I DISSERTATION VI Of Civil Government, Obedience, and Liberty, in relation to orthodox Christianity ...-•• ..... 74 VI CONTENTS. PACE DISSERTATION Vll. Rellections on the riglit method of conductinj^ religious controversy . . 96 DISSERTATION VIII. Remarks on tlie present state of particular controversies between the " Orthodox " and the " Roman-Catholic'' Churches . . 102 /i. Of the Procession of the Holy Spirit 102 ill. Of the Roman and Papal Supremacy 105 III. Of Western Baptisms without Trine Immersion .... 107 IV. Of the Controversy respecting Priests applying the Holy Chrism 113 V. Of Azymes 117 VI. Of the Form of Consecration in the Liturgy . . . .118 VII. Of the position of the Great Oblation 121 VIII. Of Communion under one kind only ...... 123 IX. Of the state of the Saints before the last Judgment . . .124 X. Of Purgatory . . . . . • • • • .124 XI. Of Indulgences . . . . • • • • • .126 xn. Of the Last Unction 130 XIII. Of the Celibacy of the Clergy 132 XIV. Of the Latin Fasts 132 XV. Of the free use of the Holy Scriptures 135 XVI. Of Church Services in a tongue no longer understood by the people 136 XVII. Of Persecution .......••• 139 XVIII. Of the existence of reputed Saints and Miracles in both Com- munions . • . • • • • • .143 XIX. Of Immutability and Novelty, as characteristic of the two Churches respectively .... • • ... 144 DISSERTATION IX Of the bearing of the theory of Doctrinal Development on the controversy between the Orthodox and the Roman-Catholic Churches . . .147 DISSERTATION X. On the Controversy respecting the Procession of the Holy Ghost 154 DISSERTATION XI. Certain Opinions prevalent in the Greek part of the Eastern Orthodox Church res))ecting Baptism .......•• lt»3 CONTENTS. Vll DISSERTATION XII. Translation of a Memorial presented to the Patriarch of Constantinople, Kyr Kyr Anthitnus, July the 24th, N.S., 1851 178 DISSERIATION XIII. Four Documents, three against and one for the practice of rebaptizing Western Christians .184 I. Extracts from the " Travels of Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch,'' (being a narrative of that Patriarch's first journey to and stay in Russia, from a.d. 1654 to 1656,) written by his Archdeacon, Paul, in Arabic, and published in English by the Oriental Trans- lation Fund 1^^ II. Extracts from the MS. Acts of the Synod held at Moscow, a.d. 1666—1667, for the deposition of the Patriarch Nicon . .188 III. "A Letter [dated August 31, 1718,] to the Emperor Peter I. from Jeremiah III., Patriarch of Constantinople, directing that Lutherans and Calvinists coming over to the Orthodox Greek Faith are not to be rebaptized, but are to be anointed with Holy Chrism " . . • . • • • • . I J7 IV. " A Constitution of the Holy Church of Christ [a.d. 1756] defending the Holy Baptism given from God, and spitting upon the Baptisms of the heretics which are otherwise administered " . 199 DISSERTATION XIV. Of the word and doctrine of Transubstantiation 204 DISSERTATION XV. Of the necessity of Confession to a Priest 227 DISSERTATION XVI. On the Septenary Number of the Mysteries or Sacraments . . , 236 DISSERTATION XVII. Of the Invocation and Worship of Saints, and especially of the Blessed Virgin '^^'^ DISSERTATION XVIII. Of the Worship or Veneration of Icons and Relics 261 Vlll CONTENTS. PACK DISSERTATION XIX. Of Credulity and Superstition ........ 272 DISSERTATION XX. Of Formalism, as imputed to the Eastern Church ..... 284 DISSERTATION XXI. Of the parallel and contrast existing between the Reforming Sectaries of the West and the Anti- Reforming Sectaries of the East of Europe 296 DISSERTATION XXII. An Enumeration of certain things which seem to be desirable for the Eastern Orthodox Church 305 DISSERTATION XXIII. Of the duty of making special concerted Prayers for the reunion of the Eastern and Western Churches : And of a future Qicunipiiical Synod . 312 DISSERTATION XXIV. Of the Apocaly)itic Epistles addressed to the Seven Churches nf Asi.-t . ."^22 u DISSERTATIONS ON SUBJECTS REI.ATINf: TO THE ORTHODOX" COMMUNION DISSERTATION I. OF THE DISTINCTIVE TITLE, PRESENT STATE, AND APPARENT PROSPECTS OF THE " ORTHODOX '^ COMMUNION. After the destruction of the Temple of Solomon at Jerusalem four heathen nations, the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian, the Greek, and the Roman, successively subjugated and occupied the fairest portion of the then inhabited earth, (t^5 olxoy/xe'vrjj,) the portion which contained within itself the germs of that human civilization, and of that divine religion which were in after ages to overspread the whole globe. None of those four nations ever really ruled over the whole inhabited earth, or the whole eartli then built upon with fixed dwellings ; but all of them claimed and aspired after universal empire ; each of them in turn swallowed up and surpassed in extent of dominion its predecessor ; and each in turn gave or continued the name of " the world " {r^g olxou/x-svijj) to that por- tion of the world (the most central and the most important) which owned its sway. In the days of the fourth Empire, the Roman, the Most High set up a fifth Empire, the kingdom of heaven upon earth, or, in other words, the Christian Church, which aspired, like those four which it followed and in part supplanted, to subject to itself the whole habitable earth, that is, to become visibly oecumenical, universal, or Catholic, in respect of places, and countries, and B a OF TtlE niSTINCTIVE TITLE nations, and invisibly or spiritually universal in a still wider sense, embracing retrospectively and prospectively the elect of all races and of every religious dispensation. The oIhov[x,svyi or world of the Roman Empire, being a compact mass, and consisting of the countries lying around the Mediter- ranean, was from the foundation of Constantinople or new Rome divided into two great halves or lobes, the " Eastern " and the " Western," Empires within an Empire, at first united, after- wards separate and even hostile; in one of which the Greek, in the other the Latin tongue predominated. The Christian Church converting and incorporating into itself the population of the Roman world, and triumphing openly in the time of Constantine, and thenceforth entering into close relations with the civil Empire, became itself also oecumenical in the Roman sense, that is, the Church of the Roman v;orld, (r^j olxou|X5v>);,) and with the Roman Empire came to be outwardly distinguishable into two great masses or lobes, the '^ Eastern " and the " Western,'' the " Greek " and the "Latin." The Western Roman Empire being overrun by barbarous na- tions came to an end ; but its language, laws, and civilization, and the religion of its Christian inhabitants being communicated to those nations which overran it, it was in a certain sense restored and revived in the Frankish and in the German-Roman Empires of the West. Thus the oixouju,=v»j or habitable world, instead of being curtailed, expanded wdth the changes of the West ; and the Church which expanded with it, and which was in great measure the cause of its expansion, still preserved its aspect of Western geographically, of Latin m ritual and language, and of Roman from the seat of its central government. From the middle of the ninth at the earliest, or of the eleventh century at the latest, the Churches of the original Eastern and of the renewed Western Euipire, which had been before as two great lobes of one body, were separated in communion the one from the other. Still, the idea of there being but one olxoup.evij or civilized world, consisting of the double Roman Empire, survived ; and also the idea of there being but one Church, corresponding to the oBcumenicity of the double Roman Empire, and aspiring in principle to be also Catholic or universal in the widest sense, subsisted still on both sides. OF THE "ORTHODOX COMMUNION. 6 The Western part of tlie civil and religious " world " lost some ground in Africa and in Spain from the inroads of the infidels, and gained still more by the accession of the Teutonic and Scandinavian nations, partly after but chiejly before the sepa- ration of the two Chui'ches. The Eastern part of the civil and religious world suffered much greater losses from the inroads of heresy and Mahometanism, and gained more in extent, but less in population, by the gradual accession of the Slavonian tribes and countries ; and these losses and gains of the Eastern Church occurred imrtly before but mainly after the separation of the two Churches. With some inconsiderable and temporary exceptions, those civil and rehgious developments and expansions which arose out of the destruction and restoration of the Empire of the West and the conversion of the Teutonic nations, continued to be geogra- phically Western in relation to the Eastern Empire and Church. And those expansions of Christianity and of the ideal civil oixou- jxevrj, or world, towards the North, which were owing to the Eastern Church and Empire, were all still geographically Eastern in relation to the Western Church, so that these two distinctive epithets of " Eastern " and " Western " down to the fall of Constantinople in the fifteenth century lost nothing of their relative propriety. In like manner, the Western developments and expansions carried with them everywhere both ecclesiastically and civilly the use of the Latin tongue, the Latin ritual, and much of Latin law and civilization. And the Eastern expansions carried with them ecclesiastically if not the Greek tongue yet at least the Greek ritual, and civilly from the first much of Greeco-Roman law and civilization, and eventually (after the fall of Constanti- nople in 1453,) the idea of a Slavonic representation, restora- tion, and enlargement of the Grseco-Eastern Empire analogous to the revival and enlargement of the Latin Western Empire by the Franks and Germans. Thus the two Churches, which originally corresponded to the two lobes of one united Roman " world " and Empire, and whose union outlasted the civil separation of the East and West, survived at length each of them those parts or subordinate Empires in the Roman duality with which they had been respectively connected, B 2 4) OP THE DISTINCTIVE TITLE and came to be associated with a new civil duality, the Gcr man Latin and the Grrcco-SlavoniCj in a wider and expanded world or oUov jxivr), without there ensuing in consequence down to the end of the fifteenth century any change of relative atti- tude in the two bodies, or any considerable impropriety in the continued application of their former distinctive titles of Greek and Latin, Western and Eastern, to each Communion respectively. But the discovery of America, the circumnavigation of the globe, the vast extension of commerce, conquests, and colonies, over all parts of its surface, has expanded the ideal oixou/xs'v); to its natural and utmost possible extent. The " world," the ha- bitable or civilized world, that world, or society, which has been expanded and improved out of the "world" of the Roman Empire, is now, though not equally so in all parts, nor reduced under one rule, yet in a true sense commensurate with the accessible surface of our planet. And Christianity having had the benefit of this vast expansion, and having become in some sense commensurate with the new and modern oixou/xe'vjj, that is, with the whole surface of the habitable globe, the result is that the distinctive terms of " Eastern " and " Western " as applied to any particular Churches or Communions can have no longer any geographical but only an historical propriety. And the relative position of the two Churches themselves has hereby undergone a most material change. Instead of two great compact masses of Christians lying the one over against the other, their duality of language, I'ite, races, and geographical position corresponding with the two halves of what was prac- tically considered as the world, nearly equal in the number of their Bishops and Christians, balancing one another in vicissi- tudes of fortunes, in their gains and losses, we have since the sixteenth century one Church only of the two become some- thing like universal, incapable in consequence of being called any longer with geographical propriety " Western " by its rival, and incapacitating its rival from being any longer called " Eastern " with respect to it, embracing, surrounding, interpenetrating, and overwhelming the other from on all sides ; while that which was before the Eastern remains sullenly on the defensive, one compact territorial mass as before ; an enormous mass in ex- or THE "orthodox communion. o tent, no doubt, but without any prospect of rivalling the quasi- universality of the Roman Communion. The titles of " Greek " and " Latin " too have lost much of their distinctive propriety when applied to the two rival Com- munions. A Communion which now contains within its pale millions of Christians using Liturgies of Oriental origin in the Greek, Syriac, Armenian, and other tongues, cannot be called strictly or exclusively Latin. Nor can a Communion which embraces several other nations and languages besides the Greek, each performing Divine worship in its own tongue, and in which, out of seventy millions of Christians, perhaps sixty-four millions are Slavonians, and pray in the Slavonic tongue, be properly called Greek, merely because its ritual is derived in great mea- sure (by no means exclusively,) from Greek sources, and be- cause it was once (and that not within its present limits,) closely united with the Grseco- Roman Empire. At the present day the only distinctive epithets in use which are not manifestly inapplicable or defective are those of " Ro- man," " Roman-Catholic,'' or " Catholic" on the one side, and those oS '' Orthodox-Catholic," or ''Orthodox" on the other. The titles of " Catholic " and " Orthodox " are indeed claimed and used by both Communions; but practically the one side insists on the title and idea of Catholicism, the other on the title and idea of Orthodoxy. And it is this latter word, and the idea which it represents, which must sooner or later come into final conflict with the word and idea of Catholicism, as evolving itself from the Roman Supremacy. And thus much of distinctive titles. We may now offer a brief sketch of the present state and probable future prospects of the so-called "Orthodox^' Communion. This Communion in respect of population has now about seventy million souls, under rather less than three hundred Bishops. It has five Patriarchates; of which one, that of Alexandria, the first anciently in dignity after old Rome, has now only five thousand souls, and one suff'ragan Bishop, while the most recent, that of Russia, has perhaps fifty million souls; that of Constantinople having eleven million, that of Antioch (ifty thousand, and that of Jerusalem twenty-five thousand. There are also several lesser independent or autocephdious 6 OF THE PRESENT STATE Churches, as those of Cyprus, of Austrian Scrvia, of Monte- negro, and of the kingdom of Greece, and the Lavra of Mount Sinai. Six languages are used in this Communion in the Services of the Church on a large scale, namely, the Hellenic, Georgian, Slavonic, Arabic, Wallachian, and Turkish ; and three or four more may be used in particular localities, namely, the Lettish, Esthonian, German, and Chaldean or Syriac. In the Turkish Empire the hierarchy are jealously controlled by an infidel power, and cannot proselytize, nor even educate freely their owu people. They cannot hold synods. Yet they exercise by con- cession from the infidel government a certain jurisdiction over their people, from whom they are required as tax gatherers to collect certain dues which were formerly payable under the Greek Emperors for their own support. In Austria the "Or- thodox'' are under a Roman-Catholic Christian government, which without any very outrageous violence has found means to unite more than three millions of Christians originally " Or- thodox" to the Roman Church. A like success had attended in former times the efforts of the Sovereigns of Poland and Lithuania ; and still attends, on a smaller scale, those of the French Consuls in Syria and other parts of the Levant. In the Russian Empire the " Orthodox " Church is governed by a standing spiritual Synod, the members of which, seven or eight in number, are nominated and removed by the Crown : nor are any other synods of the Clergy permitted to meet for delibera- tion, or to make canons. All the oflficers or servants of the Synod, and those of the Diocesan Bishops, are nominated, paid, and removed by the civil government, and are under its imme- diate orders : and all the real and funded property belonging to the Church, as well as all Educational funds and establishments, spiritual as well as secular, are under the control of the same. The population of that territorial area which is occupied by the " Orthodox" Church is " Orthodox " in very different pro- portions. In Great Russia it may be regarded as almost one homogeneous mass. In the Danubian provinces also, and in the kingdom of Greece, the '' Orthodox " form the great bulk of the population. In Georgia, and in European Turkey, the "Orthodox" Christians arc as two-thirds of the whole, the remaining third being Mahometan. In Austrian Servia they OV THE "ORTHODOX COMMUNION. 7 are mixed with Uniats and other Roman -Catholics. In Asiatic Turkey they are a small minority : while in Egypt and Syria they hardly exist as a native population, being outnumbered not only by the Monophysites, but also in many places even by the Uniats or others of the Roman-Catholic Communion. Such being the present state of the " Orthodox " Commu- nion, its destinies may be said to be practically wrapped up with those of the Slavonic race, and so again with those of the Russian Empire. And we may affirm it to be probable that in the course of time it will, through the Russian power, regain the whole of those countries which formerly constituted the Grseco-Eastern Empire ; and not only so, but that it will cover the whole of Asia to the uttermost shores of the Eastern and Southern Ocean ; while North America, Australia, and the vast and numerous islands scattered between New Holland and China, will be filled by a people or race partly Protestant or infidel, and partly Roman-Catholic, of Anglo-British origin. It is also highly probable that the ignorance and want of education and learning now complained of among the " Or- thodox " Clergy of the Levant will gradually disappear under more favourable circumstances, and that they, no less than their brethren the Russian Clergy, will become worthy of being compared with the most enlightened Clergy of the West. Looking forward to such a development of the " Orthodox " Church, there will still remain to be considered the following questions : After all, will not the " Orthodox " Communion, when it shall have spread over the whole of Asia, be as far as ever from being visibly universal or Catholic in that sense in which the Roman-Catholic Communion is universal even now ? Will it even then send out missionaries, or will its mission- aries have any success, beyond the limits of the Russian or other " Orthodox" empires or states ? Will it be more able than it has been hitherto to preserve any part of its population which may pass under a Roman-Catholic ruler from being persuaded or forced to submit to Rome ? Will it evolve from among its clergy any enlightened and zealous reaction against the spread of that immorality and infi- delity which accompanies civilization, such as we have seen in 8 or Tiii; riiosi'ECTs of tiii: "orthodox" communion. the Western Church, and especially in the Galilean, which at the very time that France, as a nation, was apostatizing from Christianity, could send out missionaries to preach the Gospel in China ? Will its relations to the civil power \n the immense Slavonic Empire, or in the states into which after centuries that Empire may be divided, be such as arc compatible with the true mission and spiritual efficiency of an Apostolic Hierarchy ? Or, will it be upon the whole the political instrument of a worldly or infidel state-supremacy, which will find its only antagonist in the Roman Pontiff, and which, being raised to such an unparalleled height of worldly greatness, will attempt to put down by force Roman-Catholic Christianity, and so, perhaps, set a crowning seal to its truth ? These are the questions which will suggest themselves to the mind of any Latin who feels his own strength in the word and idea and consciousness of " Catholicism," and who cannot con- template any other alternative ; such as that of Russian Emperors and Bishops returning from the spirit and examples of the Peters, Catherines, Procopovichcs, and Leforts, to the spirit and principles of such sovereigns as St. Vladimir, and Vladimir Monomachus, Alexander Nefsky, Demetrius Donskoy, and Michael Theodorovich, of such counsellors as the priest Silvester and Alexis Adashefl", and of such hierarchs as the Patriarch Nicon. DISSERTATION II. ON THE PllKSKNT APPARENT CONFLICT BETWEEN "ORTHO- DOXY" AND "CATHOLICISM." As there is cue God and Father, one Lord Jesus Christ, one Holy Ghost, and one Baptism, so also there is One Body of the Church, the essential attributes of which are all inseparably united together. The Church is Hohj : the same Church is Catholic, or Universal: the same is Apostolic: the same is Orthodox, or rightly -believing : the same is One. If there can be two Gods, one Almighty and the other all-merciful, then there may be two Churches, one Catholic or Universal, and the other Orthodox. Yet at a certain point of time, or between two certain points of time, we see that great body of the visible Catholic or Oecumenical Church, which from the division of the (Ecumenical Roman Empire (Trjj oUou|U,lvr)c,) was distinguished superficially into two branches, Eastern and Western, Greek and Latin, without detriment to its essential unity, splitting into two sepa- rate and hostile communities, one of which insisting upon " Orthodoxy'' was nevertheless unable to enforce that Orthodoxy upon the consciences of men by the weight of manifest Catholi- cism, the other insisting at the time on the Roman pre-eminence and the indivisible unity of the Church (and now also upon the note of a greater appearance of Catholicism,) was little careful or able to meet the charge brought against it with regard to Orthodoxy. The Eastern section of Christendom in condemning the Latins urged openly that they had become heterodox, and assumed or unplicd tacitly thai therefore they could not be Catholic, while their own Eastcin Church, in spite of any appearances to her 10 ON TUE PUESENT APPARENT CONFLICT BETWEEN disadvantage, must be also Catholic, because she was unquestion- ably Orthodox. The Latins retorted that having on their side the See of Peter (to which was attached the unity and Catho- licity of the Church), they must therefore, in spite of any appearances to their disadvantage, be also Orthodox, while the Easterns refusing to follow them, and so breaking off from unity, could not really have any advantage in respect of Ortho- doxy, whatever appearances they might think they had in their favour. Each side had its own strong point, on which it insisted : neither side answered fairly or adequately to the objection of the other. Each alike dissembled the point of its own apparent dis- advantage, and trusted to that point on which it felt itself strong to overbalance and hide its weakness. Under such circumstances if the two contending bodies had been at the first equal in strength the one to the other, and had remained so since, the two forces would have absolutely neu- tralized one another, and it would have seemed to us now that either there is no such thing in existence as the Church of the Creed, at once Orthodox and universal, (the two destroying one another,) or else that the two conflicting bodies are both equally the Church, that is parts of the Church, their conflict and ex- ternal separation being only a superficial accident and disease, and not reaching to the essential orthodoxy and Catholicity inherent in them both. But whatever may have seemed to be the case at the first separation, when the two sides were in point of extent and in the number of their Bishops nearly equal, (though even then the dignity of the elder Rome and the pre-eminence of the See and Martyrion of Peter turned the balance of mere authority much in favour of the West,) there is certainly no such equality exist- ing now. As time has gone on the evidences of Eastern supe- riority in respect of Orthodoxy have remained much what they were, while changes have taken place in the world and in Chris- tendom which have greatly increased the advantages of the Westerns in respect of Catholicism. The so-called " Catholic" or '' Roman- Catholic" Church appears now plainly to all men to be really Catholic or universally diffused (and this is one part nt least of the idea of Catholicism,) in a "orthodoxy" and "CATHOLICISM." 11 degree in which the so-called " Orthodox'^ Church does not appear to be so. This is a fact, about which there can be no doubt, and no mistake. But on the other side it is onhj to those who think so that the so-called " Orthodox'^ Church appears to be really orthodox in a degree in which the so-called " Catholic" Church does not appear to be so ; or that the apparent identity of the spirit of domination in Christian Rome with that of Pagan Rome, and the perpetual self-preaching of the Roman See seem to be strong arguments against the Roman side. If one is forced to choose upon such data alone, it is clear that we may more easily and more properly suspect of error even the strongest convictions of individuals or minorities as to a deep question of orthodoxy or heterodoxy, than doubt the common sense and sight of all men as to the advantage of superior visible Catholicity, which is a plain matter of fact. Either then our personal or inherited opinion that the self- called " Orthodox " Church is really orthodox, and the self-called " Catholic " Church heterodox, umst be sacrificed and reversed, so as to make a superior Orthodoxy about which we can doubt submit to a superior Catholicism about which we cannot doubt ; or else, if we cannot rid ourselves of our convictions, and yet see the absurdity of supposing a greater apparent Catholicism to be for centuries opposed to true Catholicism and to Orthodoxy, we must infer that the opinion and assumption of there being an essential difference between the two sides (seeing that it leads to such difficulties and absurdities,) is itself false : and we must re- concile the conflicting phsenomena of superior Orthodoxy on the one side and superior Catholicism on the other by supposing that the quarrel and schism of the East and West, of the Greeks and Latins, is superficial only, and not essential ; and that in some way or other both parts together have continued since their quarrel to constitute the Universal Church, just as they did be- fore the quarrel ; and that their true inward unity has no moi-e been broken by their long-standing outward schism, than the true inward unity of the Latin Church was suspended or broken by its disruption into two or even three outward Obediences during seventy years, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Against such an hypothesis as this there are, no doubt, for- midable objections : 12 ON THE rilKSENT Arr.VRENT CONFLICT 15ETWEEN In the first place tlie Latins, fully conscious of their own ad- vantage in the present position of the controversy, will be for- ward to argue that the outward as well as inward unity of the Church is necessarily always visible and perfect, or, at the least, not liable to such obscuration and interruption as this theory supposes, nor for so long a time : that the theory in question is clearly and peremptorily rejected by both parties ; so that any one maintaining it rests upon the merest private judgment against all that either is or pi'etends to be authority : in fine, that one must choose simply between the two. If it is impossi- ble to embrace as oecumenical an " Orthodoxy " which plainly is not oecumenical, you must be content to stifle all misgivings and receive as orthodox a "Catholicism" which may possibly be or- thodox, even though it has strong appearances, and the voice of a large minority, and private judgment against it. The Easterns, on the other hand, little used to abstract con- troversy, are either insensible to the disadvantages of their the- ological position, and careless to improve it ; or, if they ever feel that Rome has some advantage, this excites only a perplexity and indignation like what they may feel at the temporary exal- tation and tyranny of infidel Empires. Truth, they say, is not at any moment, nor even during any given course of centuries, to be measured by mere geographical extent, or by numbers : nor, so long as God^s promises given to the true Church are ge- nerally and sufficiently accomplished to Orthodoxy, is another community, which plainly rebels against the oecumenical law, to be preferred merely because it is larger, even though it may con- tinue to be larger for centuries. Rather, on the contrary, the very zeal of those who are perpetually crying, " The Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord are we," and who in this zeal are ever compassing sea and land to make one proselyte, is a great sign that they are far from the true Temple of the Lord, and rather like to the Jews of old, who boasting of the Temple, and confidently identifying it with themselves as children of Abraham, but making it subservient to their own wills, destroyed the true Temple, and crucified as a bla5>i)hemer against the Temple the Lord of the Temple Him- self. While, on the other hand, the Orthodox, though failing greatly, no doubt, in respect of that zeal and charity which they "orthodoxy" and " catiioltcism/' 13 ought to show for the conversion of the worhl, and for the re- union in one of all Christians, yet in this are faulty only as almost all men in this evil age (and the Latins equally with others,) are faulty with respect to all virtues and duties which are simply debts to God and man, and which find no adventi- tious incitements from interest, ambition, or rivalry, within our- selves. This is what is said on both sides : and once more we must allow that the Latin arguments are the stronger. For, in spite of all that can be said, if the true Church is " u city set on a hill, which cannot he hid,'' it must be perplexing to the eyes of a man seeking the true Church to see at once two hills and two cities more or less answering in appearance to what he seeks : and it must sound paradoxical to such an one to hear himself in- vited to the smaller city and to the lesser hill, rather than to the greater. Even a Greek Christian must feel this, if he chances to hear a member of t\c Nestorian Church, now reduced to sixty thousand souls in the mountains of Kurdistan, use his own ar- gument that the true Church is not to be discerned by mere extent or numbers. And though there is, doubtless, a vast dif- ference between the self called "Orthodox" Church and the Nestorian, yet, so far as this argument goes, the difference is not in kind but only in degree. They are both minorities; the one a very small, the other a very large minority ; the one making a preposterous demand, the other a less exorbitant de- mand on private judgment to unite with it against a greater apparent authority. But if a certain degree of inferiority in num- bers and extent reduces the claim of the Nestorian Church to an absurdity, then it is clear that any degree of such inferiority must involve some disadvantage to that Church or side to which it at- taches. And that this is so is further shown by the fact that men of virtue and piety are often found to pass from the Eastern to the Roman-Catholic Communion : and such men almost always give this as their chief reason, that the apparent authority and universality of the Roman-Catholic Church outweighs the self- asserted Orthodoxy of the Easterns who are only a minority : while no instance, perhaps, or scarcely any instance, can be adduced even of an individual Latin Bishop, Priest, or layman of acknoivledged piety and learning passing over to the Eastern 14 ON THE PRESENT APPARENT CONFLICT BETWEEN Church from a conviction that it alone is Orthodox, and there- fore, in spite of all appearances, also Catholic. Notwithstanding, however, the above objections from the two sides, and the confessed advantage of the Latins if one is forced to a choice, the theory that the two bodies together constitute the Catholic Church may still be true, and to be accepted. The existence of great difficulties and objections against it is no reason for rejecting it, unless we arc also convinced that those difficulties and objections are greater than those which make against either the exclusive Greek or the exclusive Latin theory. For, without describing them at length, it is plain that the phsenomena of the Eastern Church (to say nothing of internal phsenomena within the Latin Church herself, or of the view any man may take of particular controversies,) do oppose consider- able difficulties to the exclusive Latin theory, difficulties not to be summarily dismissed in a couple of lines. On the other hand, it is also plain that the phseuomeua of the Latin or Roman-Catholic Church oppose still greater difficulties to the exclusive Eastern theory. The question then is not whether the difficulties and objections making against the third theory (that the two Churches are after all intrinsically one, and their estrangement only superficial,) are great, but whether they are greater than those which lie against either the exclusive Greek or the exclusive Latin theory, and especially against the latter which is confessed to be the stronger of the two. If any one agrees with the writer that, upon the whole, the difficulty of supposing that the Greek and Latin Churches together still continue to constitute now after their quarrel, as before, the universal Church, is less than the difficulty of sup- posing that either the Greeks or the Latins are simply and absolutely cut ofi" (as the Arians, Nestoriaus, and Monophysites have been cut off,) from Orthodoxy and Catholicism, to such a one it will be natural to inquire what signs there may be in ecclesiastical history, or in the present language and feelings of Greeks and Latins respectivelj^, to corroborate that theory which he is inclined for its own sake to accept. I. In the first place, it must strike every one as extraordinary, and contrary to all experience of ecclesiastical history, if cither "orthodoxy" and "CATHOLICISM." 15 the Greek or the Latin Church had really fallen into heresy, that the process of their outward alienation and separation should have been so gradual and indistinct, extending from Photius to Cerularius, and even beyond, over a space of more than two hundred years : whereas in the case of all other heresies there have always been holy and learned Bishops and Doctors who denounced them as such from the very time of their first ap- pearance, and who from first to last constantly refused to com- municate either with the hei'etics themselves, or with such as from weakness communicated with them, till they procured the complete and final condemnation of the heresy by the Church at large. But in this case Photius himself, who so publicly and with such effect anathematized the maintainers of the Filioque when he had reasons for attacking Rome, had only a little be- fore, when it suited him to be at peace, thought himself justified in writing that the Greeks and Latins diff'ered only " Trsp] ju-jxpw!/ Tivoov," alluding then unquestionably to this same difi"er- ence of the Filioque as much as, or more than, to any other. And on the other hand, if the denial of the Filioque by the Greeks was a heresy, (as was maintained afterwards by the Papal Legate Cardinal Humbert, who absurdly charged them with having expunged it from the Creed,) then how could the Popes of Rome come, as they did by their Legates, into the East after Photius and the Easterns had so publicly condemned the Filioque as an error and even as heresy, and take part in and preside in Eastern Councils without saying a word in defence of the truth or for the condemnation of error on this point ? dis- sembling upon it altogether, deposing Photius only on grounds of irregularity, without hinting any suspicion of his orthodoxy, reciting the Creed in the form defended by his Anathemas, and even, as it seems, silently assenting to the repetition of the same Anathemas against the insertion of the addition ? Again, if the Latins were heretics, how could the Greeks so publicly and so repeatedly, from the time of Photius to the pre- sent day, offer to make union with them if only the interpola- tion were omitted from the Creed, without insisting on any condemnation or retractation of the doctrine itself as heresy ? And on the other hand, if the Greek denial of the Filioque was heresy or heterodoxy, how could Pope Leo IIL by setting up in 16 ON THE PRESENT APPAKENT CONFLICT BETWEEN his two silver shields or tables a public protest against that ad- dition to the Creed which was pressed for by the envoys of Charlemagne, have been showing his love for orthodoxy, and his care lest it should be tampered with ? " Hjec Leo posui amore. et cauteld orthoduxce Fidei." Or if it were schism and apostacy from the unity of the Catholic Church for the Easterns to resist the See of Peter when afterwards it countenanced and adopted and even enjoined that novelty, how could the same Pope Leo IIL who has just been mentioned insist that both he, the Pope himself, and all other Catholic Christians were so subject to the decrees of the CEcumenical Councils forbidding all altera- tion of the Creed, that if they inserted the clause m question, however orthodox they might think it, they would make it im- possible for any man afterwards either to teach, or sing, or say the Creed without blame ? Or how could another Pope, John VIIL, half a century later, write to Photius, as he did, agreeing with him on this point, condemning strongly the authors of the innovation, and only demanding time and patience on the part of the Easterns, till they should be able to correct in the West so great a prevarication ? Or, how could the same Pope, after having summoned to Rome the Apostles of the Slavonians, St. Cyril and St. Methodius, accused as heretics by German Bishops for refusing the interpolation and condemning the doc- trine it embodied, how, I say, could the same Pope, John the Eighth, have justified those holy men merely because Rome had not yet herself adopted, though she tolerated in others, the in- terpolation ? IL Assuming it to be true (what it would need a separate dissertation to prove at length,) that the alienation of the two Churches was owing in great measure to a spirit which grew up gradually within each of them from below, and that, important as were the acts and motives and pretexts of Photius and Ceru- larius and the Byzantine Court (and especially the matter of the Filioque,) on the one side, and the swellings of Papal Supre- macy on the other, still the main forces causing the ultimate separation were rather of a popular kind, consisting in national antipathies between the German-Latins, and the Greeks and Slavonians, and mixed with these ritual prejudices and anti- pathies, then, in whatever degree any man comes to see and "orthodoxy" and "CATHOLICISM." 17 understand this, he will he the more strengthened in the opinion that there is not, prohahly, besides at the root of this vast and unhappy and long-standing schism any essential theological error either on the one side or the other, but rather moral and spiritual degeneracy on both sides, which has been permitted to work out its own punishment. Because iniquity abounded therefore the love of the brethren waxed cold : and those power- ful natural principles of alienation and divergence which though they had early apj)eared in the Church, and had been on the increase, had yet for centuries been overcome and held to- gether into unity by grace, have rent the visible Church, like the twelve tribes of Israel of old, into two great separate branches. III. But to leave these general considerations, and to come to matters of fact and history : we find that even after Cerularius, and down to the present day, both the Latins and the Greeks have shown many signs of a deep consciousness that their rivals still belong to the Catholic Church in a sense in which no other heretics or schismatics can be said to do so. As for the Latins, we see this truth well illustrated by the inconsistent expressions of Pope Gregory VII. and Pope Urban II. in proposing and preaching the first Crusade. As it were in the same breath Pope Gregory VII. writes that a main object with him is to force upon the Eastern Church, which differs from us about the Holy Ghost, and by the instigation of the devil falls away from the Catholic faith, the decision of the faith of Peter, while Pope Urban exhorts all the West to dehver from the oppression of the infidels in Palestine our dear breth- ren, our very true brethren, and co-heirs of the heavenly king- dom ; to save the Church of God from sufi'ering loss to the faith ; to defend the Eastern Church, from which hath flowed all our salvation, which suckled us with the divine milk, and first delivered to us the sacred doctrines of the Gospel. And again : their object is at once to promote the general interest of Christianity, and the most desirable exaltation of our Latin Church in particular. With the like inconsistency, the Crusa- ders, when they first took the city of Autioch, restored with much honour the Greek Patriarch to his chair, thinking this, as William of Tyre writes, more agreeable to the Canons and to c 18 ON THE PRESENT APPARENT CONFLICT 15ETWEEN the constitutioas of the holy Fathers, than to elect and conse- crate a Patriarch of our own Latinity : though scarce two years after, changing their minds, they obliged him to retire to Constantinople, and set up a Latin Patriarch. And when they took Jerusalem and Palestine they made a Latin Patriarch there and a Latin Hierarchy at once, expelling the Greek : and at Constantinople, and throughout a great part of the Levant, how they treated their '' dear brethren,'^ their " very true brethren," and " co-heirs of the heavenly kingdom," how they did to their Churches exactly what the Turks had done to them in Palestine, and created everywhere a Latin hierarchy, needs not here to be described. But in the way of Latin admissions in favour of the Eastern Church, no stronger testimony can be conceived than that afforded by the Council of Florence itself, at which, though for the future the Greeks were to submit absolutely to Rome, yet for the past the existence of their Church, of the Greek or Eastern Church as distinguished from the Latin, with all her Saints, was retrospectively recognized. The Pope had recognized the Patriarch of Constantinople as a brother before the opening of the Council, and the other Patriarchs as the legitimate posses- sors of their Sees ; and " a holy union of the two Churches " was thought afterwards to have been concluded without either of them retracting or yielding to the other, both appearing, on explanation, to have all along virtually meant the same thing. Such was the account given by Latin Bishops returning from the Council ; and such is the footing on which those Uniats who have accepted the terms of the Council of Florence stand even at the present day with regard to the non-united Church of their ancestors from the time of Cerularius to the formation of the Unia. And some Latin writers connected with the Uniats, seeing the retrospective latitude of the terms accorded to them, and desiring at once to veil the theological consequences of such latitude, and to make the bridge between the two Com- munions as serviceable for the future as possible, have been emboldened to attempt the most curious and extensive falsifica- tions of history, writing down the whole Eastern Church, in spite of the bitter animosity of so many centuries, as having been all along devoted to the Pope and to " Catholicism," in "orthodoxy'^ and "catholicis:m." 19 their sense of the word, down to the very formation of their Uniat congregations ; and the Russian Church, more especially, as having been perfectly " Catholic " down to the time of the Metropolitan of Moscow Photius. Some authors prolong its orthodoxy even to the time of Peter the Great ! Lastly, not the weakest testimony is the continued use of the expressions " Greek Church," and " Eastern Church,'^ as distinguished from " Latin Church,'' and "Western Church," and of " the Greeks," or " the Easterns," as distinguished from " the Latins," or " Westerns." The force of this language was felt and pointed out by one of the most powerful of modern Ultramontane writers, the Count Joseph De Maistre; and he suggested as a remedy for its evil tendency the substitution of the epithet " Photienne." After the publication of his treatise the Greek or Eastern or Orthodox Churches were no longer to be called by any of these titles, but were to become " les Eglises PhotienneSy" and therefore, of course, manifest nullities. But it is more reasonable, perhaps, to think that the theory of a talented writer, when it conflicts with language rooted in con- tinuous history and in the popular use and mind and conscience of all Christendom, is thereby shown to be false, than to expect that the world will remodel its language so as to sustain the theory of an individual, even though that theory should be em- braced by the whole Roman -Catholic or Latin Communion. An Anglican theory may require that the Anglican Church should, within her own dioceses at least, be orthodox and Catholic, and an individual or a party may do their best to give her such titles ; but the use and conscience of the world at large will continue to refuse them. A Greek theory may lead a Greek to dissemble the strength accruing to the Latins from their greater apparent universality, and from their possession of the title " Catholic," and of the idea which it embodies ; but this advantage will not therefore cease to exist and to be felt, and even to convert occasionally Greeks and Russians to the Roman Communion, so long as the two Churches remain in their present respective attitudes. And in like manner the advantage, such as it is, which is given to the Easterns by the continuance to the present day even among the Latins of the popular distinction of the Latin Church from the Greek, and of 20 ON THE PRESENT APPARENT CONFLICT BETWEEN the Western from the Eastern, is one of which it is beyond the power of either individuals or parties to deprive them. On the side of the Easterns their continued admission of the existence of the Latin Church as a part of the true CathoHc Church is manifest not only from their conduct on all public occasions, whenever there has been any communication with a view to reunion, but also from the common use of the same or similar language to what has been mentioned above in the ease of the Latins: and this in a much greater degree. Indeed the doubt most likely to arise in the mind of any one who atten- tively considers the popular use of language among members of the Eastern Communion (joined with the almost total absence of zeal for the conversion of the Latins,) is not whether they admit the true life of the Uoman-Catholic Church, but whether they do not unwittingly doubt or deny their own. The Latins nnmistakeably associate both the title and the idea of Catholicism with their own Church, and only by a little lingering incon- sistency betray a consciousness of doubt in having narrowed their Catholicism to its present definition : but the Easterns by taking for themselves, as they do, local and particular titles, such as " Eastern," " Greek," or " Grceco-Russ," as distinctive of their Church and religion, by conceding practically the Greek epithet " Catholic" as a distinctive appellation to the Latins, and by showing so little disposition to dwell either upon the word or the idea for themselves, go far to admit that they are merely a particular Church, or an aggregate of particular Churches ; that is, (so far as there may be in them any radical hostility to the remaining complement of Catholicism,) either schismatical or heretical, or both. But this is move than we want : it is enough for our purpose to say that the popular speech and ideas of the Easterns abundantly recognize the Roman-Catholic Church as a part, at least, of the true Catholic Church. No better instance, perhaps, can be adduced of this than the observation so com- mon in the mouths of Easterns, and not of ignorant people only but of the most learned of their clergy and laity, that there have been but Seven General Councils, and that other Councils held since have not been of equal authority " because of the division of the Churches :" or again, that a General Council now is impossible (that is, among themselves, or among the Latins,) " ORTHODOXY " AND " CATHOLICISM^' 21 for the same reason. It is true that this same admission seems to have been made also by the Latins in favour of the Greeks when they were wilhng that the Council of Florence, if only it were accepted, should be reputed and called the " Eir/hth General Council :" and the galleys of Pope Eugenius and of the Synod of Basle racing against each othei*, and contending for the accession of the Greeks, hint something of the same sort. But of Greek admissions in favour of the Latins, one of the most remarkable in modern times is that contained in the Acts of the Synod of Bethlehem held under Dositheus Patriarch of Jerusalem in 1672. This Synod, in speaking of the Church, repeatedly distinguishes the " Western " from the " Eastern" and both from " the ivhole Catholic Church ;" and blames the Lutherans and Calvinists for having invented heresies, and for having gone forth from " that Church" (the Western or Latin cer- tainly,) " in which their ancestors abiding had obtained salvation." Yet with all these mutual admissions, or half-admissions, in favour of one another, the two Churches are practically at war. The Latins in the middle ages, without any shadow of reason, from mere hatred, re-baptized the Easterns in Poland and Ger- many ; and still reconcile them individually as schismatics or heretics, or as both. And the Easterns in turn reconcile Latin proselytes as from heresy to the true Church, in Russia anoint- ing them with Chrism, like Arians or INIacedonians, in the Levant even Baptizing them, like Jews or Turks or Heathens. As for the Latins, who are the stronger party, their conduct towards the Greeks is both politic and necessary : for any other conduct would be in fact to concede to them the main question between the Churches. But as regards the Greeks, who are the weaker party, and as regards the interest of that truth which they think they represent, it will be worth while to consider the origin of their present custom, and its effect on their controver- sial position, and the question what would be the bearing and tendency of a contrary practice. The complete cutting oflF from the Catholic and Orthodox Church of any body of men who are truly and simply heretics, and the practice of reconciling them, if they return, whether in a body or as individuals, as has been done with Arians, Mace- donians, Nestorians, Monophysites, and others, is as far from 22 ON TIIK I'UESblNT APPARENT CONl'LU'T P.ETWEEN liaviug auy bud clicct uu the Cliiu'ch liersoli', as is the cutting away of dead wood far from hurting a living tree. On the con- trary, for the Churcli to have remained in Communion with death would have affected her own life. But if we suppose a case where there is disease in any part of a living body but not death, so that the diseased part remains still a living part, then the effect of a total severance of the more sound part from the diseased will have a contrary and pernicious effect both on the sound part and on the diseased. For the diseased part will have no longer any influence in contact with it to correct it ; and the sound part will be mutilated, or it may be, even destroyed by losing its coherence with those other parts which are no less necessary than itself (it may be even more necessary,) to the perfection or life of the whole body. Any one can understand this in the case of a natural living body. And thus, even if the Eastern Church were to the Latin in extent and importance as two thirds to one third, and were spread over the whole globe, and possessed the idea and the title of " Catholic," still, if the Latins wei-e not really and mortally heretics essentially as well as by mere form, it would have been a most uncharitable and per- nicious fault to separate them altogether from Communion as heretics, and abandon them to their error, and so lose all chance of influencing them. But much more is this the case when they arc not only not essentially heretics, but possess so large a share and interest in the universal body, and such great superiorities in some respects, that the Eastern Church in cutting them off not only loses all influence over them, but seems even rather to bring into question her own existence than to affect theirs. On the other hand, if the sound part were to remain in union with the diseased, and by contact to preserve its influence, then even a smaller part which should be sound and healthy might correct disease and renew health even in a larger, always supposing that there was no careless or indifterent toleration of the disease or error. As things now are, the Eastern Church has absolutely no in- fluence on the Western. She has cut herself off: and the Western, being materially the stronger and larger of the two, strengthens herself by this very separation in her errors, and boldly calls on all to choose the one Communion or the other. "ORTHODOXV" AND "CATHOLICISM." 23 But let any one consider what would be the prospect for " Or- thodoxy," if only one national Church of the present Latin Com- munion, (let us suppose the Gallican,) without withdrawing from the rest, confessed the common fault, and called upon the rest to join in amending it ; or, amending it at once for itself, received for the future only those laity and clergy from other branches of the Latin Communion, who, on examination, should be found to be ])ersonally free from the disposition to defend error ? Would not such a state of things be most hopeful ? And should we not expect to see immediately individuals in other Latin Churches both of the clergy and laity avowing their agreement and sympathy, and so moving from all quarters the whole body towards amendment ? But if any one local Church of the present Latin Communion would probably by such con- duct exert so great an influence, and form so hopeful a party, what would not be the influence of the Eastern Church, of one whole third part of Christendom, if only she had preserved, or if she were now to restore her coherence, and so were to become capable of having influence at all ? Certainly there can be no doubt that, if she has truth on her side, she would speedily effect the reformation of the West. This attitude might be taken up by the Eastern Church if she were in practice to adopt some such rule as the following ; that — " If any persons coming from the Latins seek to communicate in anij Orthodox Diocese, such persons shall first be examined, and if they are found willing to recite the Creed in the Canonical form, and personally free from malicious opposition to Orthodoxy on that and other points, they shall he received as brethren, without troubling them for the existence of faults which they acquiesce in only under the idea of authority, but are personally not unwilling to see reformed." Such an attitude towards the Latins, an attitude of half-ex- communication and half-recognition, would correspond with that view which we have shown to be taken of the Latin Church by the conscience of the Eastern, (namely, that on the great point it is materially, or in point of outward form, heretical without being intrinsically so, and on other points maintains certain grave errors and corruptions which yet are not heresies ;) and it would give the Eastern Church (without any recognition of error small 24 ON THE PRESENT APPARENT CONFLICT BETWEEN or great,) the prospect of exerting a salutary and healing in- fluence over the whole West, and of restoring the unity of the whole body. But it may be objected that such a course is new, unheard of, inconsistent, impracticable ; a mere scheme of human policy, in- vented after a separation of a thousand years to suit the appa- rent difficulties of the case. It is no such thing. Whatever force there may be in the arguments which have been now alleged in favour of such a course, it has another and an anterior claim upon the attention of all members of the Eastern Church, namely this, that it is the view which was first taken, and by the holiest and wisest men, in their own Church after the completion of the Schism. For after the full ascertainment of the depth of the differences between the East and the West, after the mutual anathemas of the Archbishops of old and new Rome, after the time not of Photius only but of Cerularius, when in consequence of the Latins still continuing from long habit as individuals to recognize the Eastern Church, and to seek the Communion from its Clergy, the question arose how they ought to be treated, and some said in one way, and some in another, and this question was referred to the most holy and learned Bishops of the Eastern Church, such as Theophylact of Bulgaria and Demetrius Choma- tenus, the reply and sentence of such men was this : that the Latins applying for Communion should be examined individu- ally, and if not found malicious maintainers of the errors con- demned by the Church, should be received as brethren. But it seemed more consistent and logical to certain Canonists (especially to Theodore Balsamon,) to reason thus : " We ex- communicate the Pope of Rome for certain errors : all the West- erns adhere to him, and to his errors ; therefore all the Westerns are to be treated simply as other heretics, and a Form must be ])rovided for their abjuration and reconciliation :" (for the gall of bitterness had not yet drenched the Greeks so deeply as to settle the point that the Latins were as heathens and unbaptized : it was enough then for general practice that a Form should be pro- vided for their reconciliation.) For their reconciliation to what ? let us ask ; (and let the reader attend to this question :) To the Catholic truth of the Catholic or Universal Church, as in the case of all other heretics ? No ; but to the Catholic truth or Ortho- " ORTHODOXY AND " CATHOLICISM." 25 doxy of the " Eastern''' or " Greek,'' that is, of a particular would- be universal Church : an attempt and a pretension by its own language (necessarily employed) self-refuted and self-condemned. Thus the shortsighted reasonings of controversial Canonists were preferred to the judgments of Saints : the absolute separa- tion of the two Churches has been fixed and stereotyped in the Eastern as well as in the Latin Church-law and ritual : the de- finition of the primary sacrament of Baptism itself, and the grace of regeneration for the larger part of Christendom, has been made to depend upon the variable will of men, upon the allowance or non-allowance of necessity or economy by spiteful rivals, galled by the sense of their inferiority. Rome profits by the error ; " Orthodoxy " sufiiers by it. Heathens and Turks and Sectaries sneer, and draw arguments from the divisions of the Apostolic Church against Christianity itself; and " the Son of God," as was foretold by Thcophylact, has " suffered a great damage in that heritage which is given Him among the Gentiles." Here follows an extract from the Answers of Demetrius Cho- inatenus, Archbishop of Bulgaria (a.d. 1203,) to Constantine Cabasilas, Archbishop of Dyrrachium. " Question. How are the Azymes ofi'ered by the Latins to be accounted of, as common or holy? And in like manner of the vessels, priestly robes, and the like, which are used for their Service ? And is it justifiable in them to wear rings ? " Answer. Canons Ixx. of the Holy Apostles, xxxvii. of the Synod of Laodicsea, and Ix. of the Synod of Carthage, mention the Azymes of the Jews, and Azymes sent on festivals to the faithful from the heretics, and forbid the faithful to re- ceive these, or to keep common festivals with them that send them. But the Latin Azymes are mentioned nowhere by any Canon, for this reason, as it would seem, that it was later that the abuse of celebrating in Azymes came into the Roman Church. However, since this custom came up, many of our people, of an excessive zeal, have in private writings among themselves exploded this as a monstrosity. Nor this only, but 26 ON THE PRESENT APPARENT CONFLICT BETWEEN also the doctrine held by the Latins about the Procession of the Holy Ghost they have absolutely condemned as strange and erroneous. And many other customs of theirs, as departures from the tradition of the Catholic Church, they have reckoned as abominations, and have rejected. Some nevertheless, who have taken the matter more mildly, have been willing to use condescendence towards them for the other points, knoiving the stiff and haughty character of the nation, and the mixture they have among them in many respects of barbarous manners, but in one point only, that of the Procession of the Holy Ghost, would by no means condescend to nor allow them. One such is the most wise Theophylact of Bulgaria, of blessed memory ; who in his treatise sent to the Deacon and Canstrisius Nicholas, afterwards Bishop of Melesova, after blaming such as compauied with them [the Latins] indifferently, and disused their own customs altogether, and after enumerating their apparent faults, proceeds as follows : " ' I for my own part think that some of these things need no correction at all, some others only a slight correction, and such as if any one were to obtain, he might do the Church some little satisfaction ; or if it were not to be obtained, the failure would involve no great damage. But what seems to me to be the main thing to make Communion with the Latins to be shunned by right-minded people, and what, if it remain un- corrected, threatens great damage to that inheritance of the Son of God which He has received among the Gentiles, this I will state and explain to you, as well as I am able.' And fur- ther on : ' This therefore is the capital error, and what, to use Solomon's words, makes them run into a snare of hell, the innovation which they have made in the Creed, teaching that the Spirit proceeds from the Father and from the Son.' And after a good deal more : ' But whereas many have also against the offering of Azymes a very hot zeal, hotter than fire itself, and would sooner part with their lives than give up their opinion on this point ; while some also indulge their own passion, and it seems to Paul a snare of the devil ; what one ought to reply to these we will state by-and-by, so as to chastise the immo- derate zeal of the former, and to show to the latter that that is really low which refuses to come down.' And again, after "orthodoxy" and "CATHOLICISM." 27 much more : ' If the Westerns then maintain any error of doc- trine endangering the faith which we have received from the Fathers, (such as is their addition to the Creed concerning the Holy Ghost, which is most dangerous,) whoever admits this as not needing correction, is himself not to be tolerated : not though they speak big words from their throne which they, lofty themselves, set up loftily on high ; not though they advance the confession of Peter ; not though they dwell on the blessing given upon that confession ; not though they shake in our faces the keys of the kingdom.' And again, after a good deal more: ' Wc will not therefore cither for the Azymes or for the Fasts contend obstinately against the obstinate self-will of their na- tion : for this is only to clap one tile against another, and try to make it stick, without putting any thing of moister temper between which might perhaps cement them together. Nor, still less, on account of the rest of the points enumerated, on which when they admit that they practise what is objected to them, except the eating of things strangled, (for this religious Latins endure not so much as to hear named, no more than we do ourselves ; no more than fornication, or robbery ; though the more savage and bestial among them may do it,) they seem to many to be guilty of unpardonable transgressions. Such judg- ments, I think, are not to be assented to by any man who is versed in ecclesiastical history, and has learned that it is not every custom which can sever from the Church, but that only which leads to a difference of dogma. And these things, which our wonderfully wise judges will have to be such great errors, are most certainly nothing more than customs, some of them introduced of pious feeling, as the custom of kissing the pave- ment of the church, (for we must not listen to that satanical calumny that the Latins reject the veneration of Icons,) others out of economy and condescension possibly to spiritual, but at any rate to bodily infirmity, as the allowance of their monks, when unwell, to eat flesh-meat, and that in moderation, and as becomes spiritual persons. But if some make this too general, as a thing indifferent, their case may demand other language, which does not apply to those who in the first instance intro- duced on grounds of reason this condescendence. And other customs there are, which for certain other reasons have come to be rooted m the Latin Churches. Of which none can separate 28 ON THE PRESENT APPARENT CONFLICT BETWEEN US from them. No : at least not if the case be judged by such as are willing to follow the rules of the Fathers. ^Vnd if I should not be obliged to go to too great length, and go near to writing a history, I could enumerate to you thousands upon thousands of instances of customs allowed by the ancient Fa- thers in order to win the souls of their brethren. For they knew the duty of not pleasing themselves, but striving every one to please his neighbour, for good, unto edification. But now (alas for our dropsical tumour of pride,) we say And who is rrnj neighbour ? and cast down thousands upon thousands that really stand, that we may have our own will.' Afterwards he severely inveighs against them that indiscriminately and im- moderately revile the Latin usages, and reckon them as en- ormous and excommunicable errors. " So from the contents of this most wisely written com- position we may understand, that as regards every nation which has received the Gospel of Christ, we ought as little as possible to notice any defects which there may be in their usages ; but, contrariwise, any strange and erroneous doctrines we ought very jealously to suspect, and flee from them as from eating cancers, which St. Paul mentions, or as from any other dangerous and contagious diseases. Since mere usages have not, but evil doctrines have such force as to separate us from them. Wherefore neither the Azymes con- secrated by the Latins, nor the vessels which receive these and which are used by them in their ministration, nor consequently their sacred vestments, nor any thing of the same kind, shall by us be accounted defiled. How should it, when they are sealed by the invocation of the Lord's name, and hallowed, as we hear, by the holy Prayers of James the Lord's Brother ? But if any one object that if the Azymes of the Latins are not de- filed, there will be no harm to us if we go a step further, and partake of them, we answer, that since, as has been said above, this custom of Azymes, together with others, is now rooted in the Western Churches, even as among ourselves the custom of offering and consecrating leavened bread, departure from their own respective customs will be impossible for Christians on either side, unless the one side should ever choose to go over to the other, and embrace its Communion; [that is, in this respect, so as to observe in common with it tJie same usage of " ORTHODOXY " AND " CATHOLICISM." 29 Azymcs or leavened bread for the future.] Nevertheless, as they consider what wc consecrate, so we also consider what they consecrate to be holy. And wc are not wrong. For the Ordi- nations even of heretics are admitted by the Orthodox, according to the tradition of the Fathers, when the persons Ordained by heretics either are Orthodox, or become so afterwards." .... " Question. Is it any harm for a Bishop to enter the churches of the Latins, and to worship in them, on any occasion when he may be invited by them ? And should he give them the xarajtAao-Tov, [that is, the 'Avri^capov or blessed bread,] when they are present at the Liturgy in the holy and Catholic Church ? "Answer. Some of the Latins there are who do not at all differ from our customs either doctrinal or ecclesiastical, but are, as one may say, in this respect double-sided or neutral. As then it is our duty, and agreeable to piety, stiffly to oppose them that essentially differ from us, especially in the point of the doc- trine of the Procession of the Holy Ghost, so on the other hand to use condescendence towards them that are not such, and to go with them into their churches, will be no fault in the Bishop who is charged v.'ith, and aims after, such economy as befits a steward of souls. Wherefore he will both go, when invited, to their churches without scruple, (for they too, no less than we ourselves, are worshippers of the holy Icons, and set them up in their churches,) and will give them freely the Antidoron when they are present in the Catholic Church and come up to receive it. For this custom may have the effect of gradually drawing them over altogether to our holy usages and doctrines. Italy itself is thickly studded with churches of the holy Apostles and Martyrs, the chief of which is the cele- brated Church of Peter the Chief of the Apostles at Rome. Into these churches our people go freely, priests and laymen alike, and make their prayers to God, and render to the Saints who are honoured in them their due relative veneration and honour. And by doing this they incur no manner of blame, the churches in question being all under the Latins. We re- member that there were some Questions asked a good many years ago by Mark Patriarch of Alexandria, of blessed memory, and Answers written to the same by Theodore Balsamon, late Patriarch of Antioch. Among these there was one Question re- 30 ON THE PRESENT APPARENT CONFLICT BETWEEN latiug to Latin captives, namely, whether sucli ought to he admitted, when they come to the Catholic churches and seek to partake of the divine Sacraments ? and subjoined to this an Answer altogether forbidding that the aforesaid Latins should be admitted to receive the divine Communion at the hands of our priests. The Answer professed to ground itself upon the holy Scripture, and quoted that saying of the Lord, ' He that is not with Me is against Me; and he that gathereth not with Me scattereth.' This Answer however was disapproved of by many of the most eminent men who were living at that time, as showing too great harshness and bitterness, and an unjustifiable tone, in blaming the Latin forms and customs ; ' because all this,^ they said, ' has never been read or decreed synodically, nor have they ever been publicly rejected as heretics ; but both eat with us, and pray with us. And any one,' they said, 'may readily prove the justness of this reasoning from Canon xv. of the holy Synod which is called the First and Second of Constantinople. And again because this very fact of the Latins coming to us, and seeking to communicate at our hands of the holy Oblation which is made with leavened bread, shows plainly that they cannot think much of their Azymes, nor make any great point of sticking to them : else they would not come to our celebra- tion of the Divine Mysteries.' These too, in order to support their own view from the Gospel, alleged what was said by St. John to the Lord, ' We saw,' he said, ' one casting out devils in Thy name, and we forbade him, because he followeth not with us. And Jesus said unto him, Forbid him not : for ivhosoever is not against us is for us.' They urged also in addition that the words ' He that is not ivith Me is against Me :' are plainly and exclusively intended by our Saviour for the devil, as the con- text of the Gospel in the same place shows. For as Satan is an enemy from the beginning, and abides unchangeable in his malice, and is absolutely incapable of repentance, in this sense he, not being with the Lord, is against Him, and fi'om so being has his name Satan, or adversary : inasmuch as the Lord loveth Ilis own creation and gathereth it to Himself, but Satan hateth it and scattereth. But the words ' He ivho is not against us is for us .•' are spoken in reference to a man who, though he follows not Jesus, yet emulates them that do follow Him, and in His "orthodoxy'' and "CATHOLICISM." 31 name casts out devils, and so from walking apart may easily change to following. For for mere hviman infirmity there is a remedy, namely, conversion and repentance, and to change from what is worse to what is better. They appealed also to the judgment on this same subject of Theophylact, the most wise Archbishop of Bulgaria, which we have given in an abridged form above in another of our Answers, and which discourses of condescension and economy in a manner worthy both of admi- ration and of praise. And so they who argued against the opinion of Balsamon, as has been related, were judged to have insisted piously and reasonably for giving the preference over inflexible harshness to economy, in order that so, instead of cast- ing down, we may gently and gradually win our brethren, for whom our common Saviour and Lord shed His own most pre- cious blood." — Leunclavii Juris Grceco-Romani, t^c, a.d. 1596. Tom. /., ;j. 318—323. DISSERTATION III. THE ASPECT OF THE RUSSIAN PART OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION OF LU- THER ; BEING ** AN ACCOUNT OF THE RELIGION OF THE MUSCOVITES, WRITTEN BY JOHN FABER, FOR FERDINAND KING OF THE ROMANS, TO WHOM HE WAS CONFESSOR.'^* A.D. 1525. " The Muscovites follow the Christian faith which they say was first preached to them by the Apostle St. Andrew the brother of Simon Peter. Also all that was decreed under Constantine the Great by the three hundred and eighteen Bishops at Nice of Bithynia, in the first Nicene Council, and all the tradition and teaching of Basil the Great and St. John Chrysostom they believe to be so sacred, authoritative, and authentic, that it has never been lawful for any to depart therefrom so much as a hairsbreadth, any more than from the Gospel of Christ itself. And such is their sobermindedness, that whatever has once been decided by the holy Fathers in their Councils, no one of their profession ever dares to make a question of it afterwards. But if any difficulty either about faith or ritual matters arise, it is all referred to the Archbishop and the rest of the Bishops, to be determined solely by their judgment. Nor is any thing left to the variableness and diversity of popular opinion. For the Priest's lips keep the law of God, and the law is to be sought at * This account is translated from the Latin text of a book intitled " De Rus- sorum, Moscovitarum, et Tartarorum Religione, 8fc., Spirce, Anno mdlxxxii." p. 170. Its author, John Faber, was a German Dominican, of great note for his numerous and powerful writings against the Lutherans, from the title of one of which, and for distinction's sake, he was sometimes surnamed " Malleus H(preticorum." He was Canon of Constance on the Rhine, and afterwards Bishop of Vienna. He died in the year 1541. ASPECT OF THE RUSSIAN CHURCH, A.D. 1525. 33 his mouth. Tiicy bave an Archbishop who has his Chair as Primate in the city of ]\Iosco\v, where is the residence of the Emperor. There are also many Bishops besides, as one at Nov- gorod, another at Rostoff, another at Souzdal, another at Vladi- mir, another at Smolensk, others at Riazan, Kolomna, Vologda, Tver, &c., who have each their own separate dioceses. All these Bishops acknowledge the above-mentioned Archbishop as their head : and the Archbishop, before the Patriarch of Con- stantinople fell under the tyranny of the Mahometans, had always acknowledged that Patriarch as his superior; (though they confess that before him again the Roman Pontiff, as successor of Peter, has ever and of right held precedence.) Nor at the present day is the Emperor of the Russians unmindful of this relation, but is sttll very attentive in keeping up the same pious respect ; for it is his custom, even to this present, to send alms year by year to the Patriarch of Constantinople, to help him to live and to wait patiently for the end of his Egyptian bondage. Among the Muscovites the law and rule is that Priests and all clerks are to be ordained by Bishops only. Nor can any mere Presbyter ever give Confirmation.* " These same, that is the Bishops, are they that on Holy Thursday consecrate and make the Chrism and the Oil which are afterwards used in Baptism, in Confirmation, and in the Anointing of the sick. They too alone institute and deprive Priests : nor can they ever be judged or censured by laymen : in which respect they do well, keeping before their eyes St. Paul's teaching to Timothy, where he says, 'Against an Elder receive not an accusation but before two or three witnesses.' So not even the Emperor himself ever interferes respecting the punish- ment of Clerks : for this they with one accord affirm and teach belongs only to the Bishop, to rebuke and punish those who by the order of the Gospel and their call into the Lord's inheri- tance have been placed under his jurisdiction. The Bishops * A mistake, which may possibly have arisen from the Russian informant's not having understood the technical use of the word Confirmatio among the Latins, The author continues, giving his own inference, thus : " Hoc enim muneris Episcopo soli iucumbere asserunt, ut, posteaquam tinctus aqua adultus fiat, per impositionem manuum Episcopi et signaculum crucls adeptse fidei testimonium reddat, firmeturque per unctionem quae in fronte fieri solet." D 34 ASPECT OF THE RUSSIAN CHURCH AT THE have also their Vicars and Officials, hkc ours, who exercise juris- diction over those subject to them, and administer justice in ecclesiastical matters. The Bishops also are maintained from tithes, as has been aj)pointcd by God : they possess estates which have been legally granted to them : they are lords of manors and castles. The rest of the Priests live from certain tithes, oblations, and various other sources derived both from the living and from the dead. For they have Benefices founded for them, the patrons of which are spiritual as well as lay per- sons. However in this matter they are stricter than we, who are often only too lax : for they do not easily give any Ecclesiasti- cal office, or confer any benefice, unless the man be ascertained to be fit by really competent persons, that is to say, by the Bishops or their Vicars. The Bishops have their own house- holds consisting both of nobles and of others. And assuredly it is on these, that is, the Bishops, that the whole religion of the Russians turns, either to stand or fall. They celebrate the Di- vine Mysteries often, and especially when they hold any meeting with their Emperor. For the insignia of their Order they use a staff and a mitre, as is the manner of our Bishops. The abste- miousness of them all, the Archbishop as well as the other Bishops, in meat and drink is great and most remarkable, and indeed above all praise, falling not short of that of the monks of those regions, who are exceedingly numerous ; and these arc all bound by their rule never so much as to taste flesh for food. Not far from the city of Moscow there is a very great monastery in which there are generally about three hundred brethren living together under the Bule of St. Basil the Great ; where is the tomb of the holy Abbot Sergius (the founder), which is visited by multitudes of strangers even from the most distant provinces. For it has become famous by a vast number of miracles which have been wrought at it, and which well deserve the admiration of Christians. Of which I shall be content here to mention one only, a most notable one, which occurred there only a few years ago, when two blind men had their sight restored to them. For that Abbot during his lifetime exhibited such signs of sanc- tity, that men readily persuaded themselves and believe that he has now great power with God, and can obtain many things for men by his prayers. And so they pay frequent visits and in BEGINNIN^G OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 35 great numbers to his tomb, and honour it with singular devotion. For indeed all the monks and nuns who are in their monasteries, and who are all under one and the same rule of the Black Habit, as it is called, live with such strictness of religion as to win not merely admiration but the very deepest reverence. Nor is the vow counted so light a matter with them as it is now-a-days among us. But when any one has once gone into a monastei-y he can never afterwards under any pretext, or by any indulgence whatever, leave it, or disengage himself from his vow. The vows which they make are threefold, as with us, of obedience, poverty, and chastity, which if any one breaks and leaves his monastery, and is afterwards taken, his punishment for so hein- ous an offence is imprisonment for life. So sacred are the vows held with them : insomuch that great as is the authority of the Archbishop and Bishops among the Russians, they have no power whatever to make any relaxation in such matters ; the Scriptures, they say, of both Testaments teaching that men who vow must also perform unto the Lord their vows. And so naturally they think too much of chastity to allow either monks ever to marry wives or nuns to be married to husbands ; that being forbidden by the Apostle Paul, and by the whole Church. A man who has married a maid of good reputa- tion is with them ordained to the Priesthood, but cannot be received as a monk. But a Bishop or Priest who has been ordained unmarried can never marry, but must live in celibacy. If any one be guilty of concubinage (a crime however which is of the rarest among the Russians,) he is condemned by the Bishop to the severest punishment, and is deprived of his benefice. And when any Clerk has lost his wife, whom he married at the first, by death, he can never marry an- other. For St. Paul teaches us that a Bishop (or Priest) is not to be a man twice married, but ' the husband of one wife.' And further, as the crowning mark of their religious reverence and zeal, they observe as a rule that when a married Priest is to celebrate Divine Offices, and more especially when he is to celebrate the Mass, he is on no account the night before to sleep with his wife. And for the greater reverence they keep apart the following night also. Such is their respect for the great- ness of the Mystery of the Lord's Body and Blood ; such their d2 36 ASPLCT or THE RUSSIAN CHURCH AT THE devotion ami pious feeling. After this let our Priests consider with what j)ol luted bands they too often touch this most holy Sacrament, the pledge of our entire redemption. AYould that the example of David could move them (It alone should be enough to do so;) who, though ever so fauiished^ would still have been refused the Shew-Bread by Abimelec unless he and his fol- lowers had for the two days before been j^arted from their wives. How then ought not he also at least equally to observe purity who is to touch the holy vessels of the Lord, nay, who is to administer and handle the Lord Himself? Another primary duty of Priests is that of announcing to the people Christ's Gospel of peace and salvation ; which is done among them everywhere [Seldom however, except by Bishops.] on all Lord's Days, and on Festivals of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the Apostles, and certain Confessors and Martyrs. They have also a great reverence for the Virgin Mary, and frequently invoke her, as the Mother of Christ, to intercede with her Son. For they rightly think that she, being the Mother of God, can obtain for us on earth many things from her Son. And so they celebrate the Fes- tivals of her Annunciation, Purification, Nativity, and Assump- tion, and the rest, with stated Fasts, ceremonies, and Masses, read or sung, [The Easterns have not this distinction.] according to the Ritual which they have in common with the Church of the Greeks. As also they do all the year round, except in Lent, when they celebrate [on Wednesdays and Fridays] the Mass of St. Gregory Dialogus, [that is, the Liturgy of the Presanctified.] Both the forms of their Mass are thrice as long as that which is commonly used among the Latins. The people come to hear it with great devotion, as if they were all about to Communicate. Their Mass differs from ours in this, that the Muscovites conse- crate, after the manner of the Greeks, in leavened bread. Also they mix in the chalice, in equal quantities, red wine and water. [Not so.] And this water they will have warm;* because, they say, it was not without a deep mystery that there came forth from the Lord's side blood and water, which latter we must suppose to have been warm ; else it could hardly be regarded as * This is an incorrect allusion to another ceremony totally different from the mixture of the cup at the Prothesis, namely, that of pouring in a little warm water after the Consecration. BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 37 a miracle. And this Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood is consecrated only by a Priest, who is vested nearly like our Priests in a white robe (stola alba), and lifts up his whole mind to God with purpose to make that Sacrament which Christ left us in His Last Supper for a sufficient pledge of all His promises, as the whole world confesses. The Epistle too and the Gospel they have in their Masses, just as we have in ours. But after the reading of the Gospel the Nicene Creed does not follow immediately ; for it is sung later, after the Angelic [or Cherubic] Hymn, which is [not to be confounded with] the * Sanctus.' After the [end of the Consecration, but before the] Lord's Prayer there follows an Anthem in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The Consecration is made like ours by Christ's own Words [together with the Invocation of the Holy Ghost] which they think have such power, that upon their being uttered by the Priest the creature gives place to its Creator : and that this cannot be otherwise. Such being their manner of celebrating, the bread which is brought for it is a small barley [wheaten] loaf or cake of a certain size, having the Host in the middle with the form of the Crucifix stamped on it as with us : [really a Cross, with certain letters.] And this, after it has by the force of the Consecration been changed into the Body of Christ, the Priest takes to himself and consumes, while the rest of the bread he [afterwards] distributes cut up into small pieces to such of the congregation as come up to him to receive it. And this they each receive, not as the Body of Christ but as blessed and in a certain sense holy bread, with the utmost reverence. These their IMasses they use to celebrate to the special honour of the Trinity, of the Blessed Virgin, and of other Saints. And as beyond a doubt they have the belief of Purgatory [Rather, although they disclaim the belief of Purgatory,] they make diligent prayers for the departed, and help them with Masses. Tn this point indeed so religious are they, that they commonly keep two anniversary days, as they are called, for the dead -, one the actual day of the death, the other the day of the Saint whose name the deceased bore. In addition there are oblations and alms, which the Christians in those parts on such and other occasions make largely. Ail this their llitual and especially their Liturgies they professed to have pre- 38 ASPECT OF THE RUSSIAN CHURCH AT THE served entire as instituted by tbe primitive Church and handed down by Chrysostom, Basil the Great, and Gregory Dialogus. Thus much then shall suffice, though too brief, for this great Mystery, The Sacrament of the Eucharist, according to their use, is administered to the people at the same season at which it was first instituted by Christ Himself and afterwards freqncnted by the Church, that is, at the season of Easter ; though with an order perhaps somewhat different from the prac- tice and decree of the Roman Church. Baptism they consider as the first, and so, in a sense, as the chief Sacrament : where- fore if any one neglect or contemn it, it is with them a capital crime. For the same reason they baptize children, in the Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. For conferring it [publicly,] however great may be the necessity, no man is thought to be a competent minister but a Priest. Before the administra- tion of Baptism there are a number of devout Prayers said by the Priest, the relatives, the godparents, the neighbours and friends, and lastly by all the bystanders ; that the Almighty and most merciful God will be pleased to give the fulness of His grace from heaven to the child, and to be with him through all the course of his life. After which Prayers the child is baptized in the Church (which has a Baptistery piovided for such occasions,) or perhaps in winter, to avoid the severe cold, in a private house. As witnesses there must be present godfathers and godmothers, as with us, who are made to pledge themselves that they will bear that Baptism in mind ; that so soon as the age of the child admits or requires it, they will not neglect to instruct him in the faith ; that they will praise God for so great a benefit, and pray Him to increase daily this most divine gift of faith now given. And so, after the reading of the ])revious Prayers, with which are joined also Exorcisms, the child, if it aj)pear strong and healthy, is thrice plunged all over in the water : otherwise it has water applied to it ; though this is seldom, as aspersion is held to be insufficient. Meanwhile Oil and Chrism are also applied to its forehead and shoulders. But the salt which our Priests use in Baptizing, and the mud made of sjnttle and dust, is not much approved by the Musco- vites. But the triple Abrenunciatiou of Satan, and the triple Confession of the Faith, they retain in use. Being asked next BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. IM) by US what they thouglit of Circumcision, and whether they practised it, they replied that nothing was further from their religion than the observance of any particle, however small, of the old Judaism which has been abolished : that, on the con- trary, to show their abhorrence of it, no Jew is allowed to enter any part of the whole Russian empire, no, not though he should attempt to buy the permission with many thousands of gold. When the child is now grown, and come to years of discretion, so as to be able to give proofs of his Christian faith, it is brought to the Bishop to receive the Sacrament of the Confirma- tion of this faith, which is conferred by Chrism applied to the forehead in the form of a cross.* The administration of this Sacrament is allowed by them to the Bishop alone. This we may conjecture to be the case, since they have received all their religion by tradition fiom the Apostles, and because Imposition of Hands, whether in Confirmation or in conferring Holy Orders, was committed to the Bishop alone; and so all ancient monu- ments attest, and ecclesiastical custom hath observed. As for Matrimony, if we are to say something of it, they assured us that both in respect of consanguinity and of affinity they are exceedingly careful and strict ; nor can the prohibitions of the Church ever be made light of. So far do they carry this, that not so much as a single instance can be found of any parties having contracted marriage even in the fourth degree ; nor are dispensations ever given ; but the thing is absolutely disallowed. For this having once been ruled by the Holy Fathers, tliey never think of doing any thing to invalidate their sanctions. And what is more, they observe universally for that sort of relation- ship which is contracted by godfathers and godmothers at Bap- tism and Confirmation a respect to the full as strict as that wliich is enjoined by the decrees of the Roman Church, If in respect of such matters any controversy or dispute arise, the case is decided absolutely by the sentence of the Bishops, with- out their having, nevertheless, any power to use indulgence, or to tamper in any way with the constitutions of the Church. For adultery they have perhaps a greater abhorrence than we have ; for they prosecute that crime with tlie extremcist execration. * This is not so. The Chrism is applied by tlie Priest or Bishop wiio biijjtizts immediatvly after baptism. 40 ASPECT or THE RUSSIAN CHUUCH AT THE Also with them there is no relaxation of the law that so long as the husband lives the wife can never marry another. It is only on his dying that she is set free from the law ; otherwise she must live inseparably with her husband. Holy Orders also are among them conferred on Priests with certain appropriate charges and ceremonies of their own : nor do they think the power of the keys to be committed to them^ unless in imitation of Christ the ordaining Bishop first says in their ears, 'Receive the Holy Ghost : whose sins ye forgive they are forgiven unto them/ Such is the form prescribed to us by Christ in the Gospel, by which every one whom the Bishop calls and ordains to be a Priest receives authority either to loose men from their sins, or to leave them still bound. For this ministry of the Priesthood is used by the Muscovites in the matter of Penitence ; and every one that has come to years of discretion, so as to be able to distinguish between good and evil, right and wrong, leprosy and no leprosy, whensoever he is conscious that he has sinned, and is contrite, forthwith, offering duly to God the sacrifice of a troubled spirit, falls down at the feet of the Priest, and enumerates to him, as sitting in the seat of God, all the sins he has committed, so far as he can remember them, in order, with groans or tears : and so receives afterwards from him, as from Christ's vicar, the benefit of Absolution. For doing this they have a set time, being required by the rule of the Church to do it once a year, about the season of Easter. But the more religious among them confess oftener, before each of the chief festivals. If any one do it not even at the required time, at Easter, he is anathema to all : all are forbidden to converse with him; and he is not allowed to enter the Church. Besides going to confession, ihe penitent, that he may be a worthy partaker of so great a mystery as that of the Lord's Body and Blood, must for some days before afflict his body and bring his flesh under subjec- tion, and perform other worthy fruits of penance in proof of his contrition. In agreement with these usages they affirm undoubt- ingly that the Fast of Lent was enjoined upon us by Christ and His Apostles ; at which season nature herself teaches us that it is very needful to blunt the assaults of the old Adam by abstaining from flesh. And this abstinence they observe for seven weeks with such strictness, that none of them during the BEGINNING OV THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 41 whole time may touch either flesh, eggs., cheese, or butter. Besides this tliey also keep a fast from the tenth day of Novem- ber to Christmas Day : and yet again other fasts of whole weeks together, as in June before the Festival of St. Peter and St. Paul, and a fast of two weeks in August before the Feast of the Assumption : then the Fridays in every week throughout the year, and the Wednesdays. Eight of those who belonged to the suite of His Serene Highness had made a vow to abstain from flesh meat three days in the week, namely, on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays ; and the interpreter said that hitherto, by God's grace, they had all been able to keep it. Such is their strictness in following these rules, that in all their fasts without exception it is a sin for any one to eat either flesh or eggs. What is more, they told us that many of their country- men during the fasts never touch anything that has had life, not even fish ; while others on fast-days drink neither wine nor any other made drink. At the hearing of which relations we were so moved and rapt as it were with wonder, as to seem for the moment stupefied ; being struck with the thought that if our Christians are compared with them in these things which con- cern the religion of Christ, the contrast seemed very much to our disadvantage. Nor has any impression ever sunk deeper into our minds than this, that we who are so very confident about the tree of our Faith, turn out in respect of fruit to be behind them. They maintain also the other exercises of peni- tence, by which they believe God is reconciled to us. Of these the chief is Prayer, for the frequent practice of which it is not easy, I think, to find others like them. For every morning be- fore dawn they all prostrating themselves, at their length, to the ground, make long prayers to God : and at all times of the day, almost without intermission, they have Prayers : among which the first place belongs to the Lord's Prayer; then the Blessed Virgin is saluted in the words of the Archangel Gabriel. Thev also recite their profession of the Faith in that Creed which we have been taught by the ancients to regard as Apostolic. And there is none of them who does not every day say his Litany. The richer sort, who can aff'ord to go to a great ex- pense for them, and can read in the Russian language, provide themselves with books of Prayers ; but those Prayers only which 43 ASPECT OF THE RUSSIAN CHURCH AT THE are received by the Church ; of which kind of books wc saw se- veral in the possession of the Ambassadors. Images with them are not treated with that slight regard, or rather contempt, which has become only too common among us, contrary to all godli- ness, through the factions of this present age ; but they keep them ever before their eyes as remembrancers, that they may never forget God's benefits. They come together in multitudes to their churches, in the building of which they spare no ex- pense, and which they call ' Houses of Prayer ', according to the Gospel : they adorn them with various images, of our Sa- viour crucified, of the Blessed Virgin, the Apostles, and certain other Saints : and this they maintain that they are warranted in doing by the example of the primitive Christians. Nor are they so easily moved by the fact that there were some among the Greeks at Constantinople seven hundred years ago who taught that images were fit only for idolaters, and that it was unlawful for them to be found among true Christians. For it is well known that all who persevered obstinately in this opinion were after- wards by the second Council of Nice condemned. Nor is it easy to find so much as a single individual here and there who by using these things as helps and remembrances is led to adore them. For there is none of them but knows that we are for- bidden by God's law to worship stocks and stones ; while on the other hand there is no place whatever in Scripture which shows it unlawful or forbids to use such things as remembrancers. As for them, even in their convivial entertainments they set up in view such remembrancers, that they may at all times be reminded of God's benefits, and be moved to think of the pattern of our whole life, that is, of Christ. As for their Ceremonial, they have in common with us in their worship the use of candles ; (as their country produces abundance of wax, and they think that God is to be honoured from the fruits of the earth, and from every thing that belongs to a man's substance) : and these candles are lighted more especially when the Priest handles our Lord's Body and Blood, the Sacrament of our entire redemption ; that is, during the celebration of the Mass. But as for those Organs of Pepin's which we use, (though they were first sent to us from Greece,) they neither go to any expense for them, nor have ever yet so much as admitted them into their churches. BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 43 "Nor is this the least noticeable among their other good cus- toms, that they take an extraordinary care of the poor, to whom every one, according to his means and his devotion, gives alms in money, clothing, meat, and drink ; receiving and entertaining strangers ; and doing all other like things to help the poorer members of Christ in this life. They also make set pilgrim- ages to certain recognized holy places ; on which I will not now enlarge. Further, when any man among them is sick so as to seem in danger of death, he not only makes a particular Confes- sion of all his sins, but also, to testify his faith in Christ who by His Testament left us a pledge that He would thus forgive sin, he receives the provision [or viaticum] of the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Nor does he by any means neglect to desire the Last Unction. Then they make frequent Prayers for the sick ; and say Litanies. And so, at length, after he has made his Con- fession, and all has been done which is common among Chris- tians, the Penitent is by the Priest Absolved. Thus they have Seven Sacraments, which they believe truly to communicate to every one who devoutly receives them those graces or promises which they represent. They also hold the Ten Commandments by the same authority which first delivered them to Moses, as of perpetual obligation, being assured by His own word that He came to fulfil the Law, and by no means to destroy it. Indul- gences they receive from their Archbishop and Bishops ; though in this matter they act perhaps more scrupulously than we do : for they say that it would be the greatest wickedness, if they were to set to sale what they have freely received to give. Nor may any Bishop give dispensations to eat flesh. Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, Paul's Epistles, and the rest which we receive, to- gether with the Apocalypse, are reckoned by them as the Cano- nical Scriptures of the New Testament. And concerning the Canon of the Old Testament they agree with the decrees of the Catholic Church. The Roman Pontiff they acknowledge to be Vicar of Christ and successor of Peter: and accordingly the festivals of St. Clement, St. Leo, and St. Gregory, are celebrated by the Muscovites. But if the objection were made that they are condemned by the Roman Pontiff as apostates and schisma- tics, they said that they trusted themselves to the judgment of God tlie righteous Judge. Many attempts, no doubt, have been 44 ASPECT OF THE RUSSIAN CIIUUCH AT THE made at various times to persuade them to return to the West, into the Church ; [quo ad Occidentale in Ecclesiam redirent .) but what causes they have been which, unhappily for mankind, have prevented success, I had perhaps better pass over in silence, rather than by naming them cause scandal to weaker brethren, and draw down from certain quarters odium on myself. They differ from us in their manner of Consecrating the Sacrament a little, and in their manner of Breaking the Bread. They main- tain with the Greeks that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father only, and not also from the Son. But though there are among the Greeks very many who deny Purgatory, and others who attempt to prove Purgatory from the Scriptures, they say that they would not easily endure that there should be a division on this account, but could come to hold firmly the same doctrine with the Roman Church. Our Masses they attend most will- ingly ; and say that nothing gives them more pain than to find themselves shunned by some as if they were aliens from the faith, whereas they observe zealously nearly all our religious customs. They keep the four great Festivals of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and the Assumption. They greatly honour the Apostles; and pay an especial respect to St. Nicholas, whom they extol, honour, and invoke. They keep Palm-Sunday, like the Roman Church, with the blessing of palms, olives, and other such-like trees or branches. And this custom of blessing creatures they defend not only as piously received by the Church, but also as truly grounded on holy Scripture. For in the fifth and nineteenth chapters of the Book of Numbers we may see plainly the force of Exorcisms ; and from PauFs Epistle to Ti- mothy this truth, that the creature is sanctified by the word and pi-ayer, is made known to all. Lastly, it is with them a matter of very common experience to see serpents rendered harmless, to see evil spirits cast out, to see persons j)ossessed freed by words of prayer. For that devils should be cast out by prayer and fasting Christ has left us His word written in the Scripture, The Sign of the Cross and the Image of our Saviour crucified they carry with them also when they go into battle, hoping to conquer by that by which Christ conquered. They believe that the Saints can really intercede for us with God ; and wish them to do so unceasingly ; and think that their prayers obtain a readier BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 45 hearing. Wherefore also they invoke them, and honour them. Those, moreover, that sin pubUcly they prosecute with excom- munication ; and whoever incurs this is cast out from the common society of all men, and from Ecclesiastical Communion. Only one thing there is which we certainly cannot approve, and which is most contrary to our customs, namely, that they give the Sacrament of the Eucharist to children even under the age of three years; and that they Consecrate in leavened bread; and administer from a spoon the bread mashed in the wine as the Body and Blood of Christ to the laity. These then are the customs of the Muscovites; this is that religion and piety about which thou, of thy laudable diligence respecting sacred subjects, most Serene Prince, didst lament that thou wast al- together ignorant : And therefore, in compliance with thy com- mand, we have ascertained by questioning thus much informa- tion respecting those people. Given at Tubingen, September 18, in the year of our Lord 1525." DISSERTATION IV. DESTINIES OF THE SLAVONIC EMPIRE. PROBATION AND FAILURIC OF JOHN IV. (tHE FIRST SOLEMNLY CROWNED TSAR OF MUSCOVy) IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. Shortly after the Roman Empire of the West had fallen to the Germans, that people being full of creative force, and of such gifts and qualities as dispose man to pride and self-confidence, having also with them the capital of the world, the elder Rome, and the chair of Peter, they thought that they might securely, even without a General Council, do, and judge, and dictate what they pleased as in the name of the Church ; for that God could not fail to accomplish His own promises, nor accomplish His pro- mises otherwise than through them. But God at that time showed that He could dispense not only with the German-Latin Church and world, which was ready to call itself the whole, but even with the Greek or Eastern Church and Empire also. And while the West swerved from the oecu- menical Creed, and subjected itself, in point of form at least, to the anathemas of the oecumenical Councils, and the East was abandoned to the sword of the False Prophet, the Almighty Head of the Church called to Himself a people which was no people, simple and barbarous, neither possessed of any extraordinary powers nor boasting itself of any, yet a people greater or to be- come greater than both Greeks and Romans together, with a country wild and thinly inhabited yet larger many times than all the Roman Empire, to raise up as it were from the dust of the earth spiritual children to Abraham, to vindicate His own omni- potence, to humble all who should presume upon His Grace and promises, and to make room enough in the wilderness for the Church pursued of the dragon to flee into, and to sojourn. Again, as in the West the Franks and Germans had renewed PROBATION AND FAILURE OF JOHN IV. OF MOSCOW. 47 in a sense the Latin-Roman Empire when it had been overrun and mortally wounded and tramj)led down by barbarians, so it seemed to be prepared for the Slavonians to fulfil a similar des- tiny with regard to the Grseco-lloman Empire of the East, when it should have been trampled down and destroyed by the Saracens and Turks and by other older barbarians. And especially, as the three-thonged scourge of Mahometan- ism, the scourge, that is, which consisted of the Hagarenes or Arabs, the Turks, and the Tatars, fell chiefly on the Grseco- Roman Church and Empire, this seemed also to be in store for the Slavonian race, to serve in the hands of the Almighty as that sword of His vengeance by which the oppressor who had taken the sword against His Church and against His Son's name should eventually perish. But the Slavonians, after their conversion to Christianity, being guilty as men of great sins, were chastised by great judg- ments. Some of their tribes fell under the yoke of the Latins and the Germans, and lost even their language : some exchanged their original " Orthodoxy^' for the Roman Obedience and ritual ; some fell under the infidels, and even became in part infidels themselves. In the greatest of all their tribes and countries, that of the Russians, two centuries of family feuds and blood- shed among their numerous princes, brother warring with brother, and uncle with nephew, together with other sins of the flesh, were punished by the heavy bondage of the Mongols. Western Russia was dismembered, and subjected to the Hun- garians, the Lithuanians, and the Poles : and it was only in the fifteenth century that Eastern Russia, concentrated around Mos- cow as her capital, began to emerge from the long night of op- pression as an Orthodox kingdom. The grandson of Sophia the last daughter of the Palseologi, and inheriting from his father a sceptre now independent, John IV., the first solemnly crowned Tsar or Emperor of Muscovy, was placed upon his trial by Providence; and, like Saul the first king of Israel, had the option ofi^ered to him of either fulfilling the most high and glorious mission in obedience to the will of God, and in execution of the destinies of His people, or, if he failed, of becoming a monster and a by-word of warning and horror to all posterity. 48 PROHiVTION AND FAILURE OF JOHN IV. OF MOSCOW Recalled to repentance in bis youth from those early sins into which evil guardians had led him by the burning of his capital and by the seasonable exhortations of a Priest named Silvester, John made his repentance as public as had been his crimes. He sur- rounded himself with wise and able and virtuous counsellors; assembled a Synod for the decision of Ecclesiastical ques- tions; collected and promulgated a Code of civil laws; improved the administration of justice; organized the military forces of his empire; and taking the field in a just war against the Tatars of Kazan and Astrachan, subdued two infidel kingdoms. One only, and that reduced to great weakness and promising an easy con- quest, remained, the kingdom of the Crimea. The fame of these conquests resounded over all Europe ; and the effect produced was as if a cloud which had before enveloped Russia had suddenly cloven asunder, and disclosed to the half incredulous eyes of the Westerns, at the moment of their greatest fear and need, a young Christian hero at the head of a great empire, with an army of three hundred thousand men, to be the vanguard and support of Christendom. And if John had done what his counsellors told him was his duty, if he had then reduced the Crimea, he would have had the prospect of the undisputed succession to the crowns of Poland and Lithuania being secured to him : and the Emperor of Ger- many and the Pope were about to intreat him to head all Europe against the Turks, adding, that he would have a natural right to whatever could he recovered of the Eastern Emjnre, and that none of the Western Powers would grudge it him. This was his mission, and the mission of his country. Chastised and humbled for her sins during three centuries under the yoke of the Tatars, Russia had confessed her sins, and the justice of their chastisement, and had prayed and waited for forgiveness and deliverance : and at length God had given her her deliver- ance : and He offered her at the same time much more ; exalta- tion, and dominion, and victory, and glory, for the defence of Christianity, the revival of the Eastern Empire, and the possible healing even of the schisms of the Churches. Unhappily John failed of his mission. The last act in which he followed the advice of Silvester and Adasheff, his wise and religious counsellors and true friends, IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 49 that act which revealed a glimpse of the whole vista of his future greatness and glory, if he had done his duty, but which was in fact to be the turning point and commencement of his downward career, has much of dramatic interest. Seeing what had been the fate of Kazan and Astrachan, and knowing that his own turn ought to come next, conscious too of an extraordinary weakness and inability to resist at that time, the Khan of the Crimea, who had before been the ally of Lithuania and Poland and the enemy of Russia, collected all his forces, made a sudden inroad into the country of his unsuspecting allies, laid it waste with fire and sword, and returned to his own dominions laden with booty, and dragging after him a hundred thousand Christian captives to slavery or apostasy. He then sent an embassy with presents from his booty to the Tsar of Moscow, giving him to understand that remembering a former alliance which had subsisted between John's grandfather and his own ancestor, and wishing to renew it, he had sacrificed to that wish his former alliance with the enemies of Russia, the Poles and Lithuanians. But the expectation of the infidel was defeated. Acting upon the advice of those men to whom all his former glory was owing, John refused to receive the ambassadors of the Khan, or to defile himself with their presents ; but sent a special embassy of his own into Poland with expressions of sympathy for the sufferings that had been caused by the late Tatar inva- sion, and with an announcement that forgetting the enmity which had to that time existed between them and Russia, and thinking only of their common Christianity, he was ready to assist them with the whole forces of his empire. The transport of enthusiasm produced among the Poles and Lithuanians by this unexpected and scarce credible generosity knew no bounds. John's ambassadors were received everywhere with the warmest demonstrations of gratitude ; and an understanding was entered into that upon the death of Sigismund (who was old, and had no heir,) John should succeed by common consent to the united Crowns of the Grand Duchy and the Kingdom. But in the mean time, apart from his public probation as a Sovereign, John had been subjected to another personal and moral probation as a man : and he had now already passed the turning point of his life and character. From a natural and E 50 PROBATION yVND FAILUHE OF JOHN IV. OF MOSCOW almost venial cause (in consequence of their disinclination to swear allegiance to his infant son when bis own life was des- paired of, and preferring the old Russian order of succession by which a minority would have been avoided,) John had allowed himself to harbour a secret grudge and jealousy against his counsellors Silvester and AdashefF. It is impossible not to sym- pathize in some degree with his feelings, and those of his Tsaritsa. For a man of his temperament it must have been a sore trial : even as it was a sore trial for Saul of old, being a king, and having sons of his own worthy of a crown, to see before him and at his table the man who had engrossed that glory which he considered as his own, and who was marked by prophecy to supplant his family in the kingdom. Having once harboured and dwelt upon this sinful malice, John presently began to listen to the whisperings of profligate flatterers who could not endure the severity of those great and good men by whom he was still directed. " They engrossed," it was said, " the glory which should have been the Tsar's : they insisted on his following their plans, that they might still keep both the power and the credit to themselves : whereas John's own genius was superior, and the plans of his own devising preferable to theirs." So he listened again to the tempter, and added to his former secret and suppressed illwill a political jealousy, and a vain -glorious desire to do great things independently of Silvester and Ada- sheff and against their counsels. At this point the influence of early habits was allowed to return upon him : his lusts and passions responded to the sentiment of his flatterers, that " those men had put a yoke and bridle upon him too hard to be borne." So he "began to eat and to drink," and to do worse ; and relapsed into the sins of which he had repented. Hence it was that he failed also of his public mission and probation as a Sovereign. For as Saul spared the Amalekites, and forfeited the kingdom for ever, so John spared the Tatars of the Crimea, and lost all that was offered to him in consequence. Anticipating the worldly schemes of Peter I., desiring to open Russia to the West, and to obtain a port on the Baltic, and thinking these objects grander and more important than the reduction of the Crimea, which seemed within his grasp at any time, John went to war on his north-western frontier with Christians, with the IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 51 Order of the Livonian Knights, and with the Swedes : and this drew after it a league neither honourable nor sincere with the Tatars, a breach with Poland, and a long and obstinate war, which ended in the entire ruin of John's political fortunes, and personal character. He was carried on from one wickedness to another, each step in evil making the next more natural or ine- vitable, and a lively imagination bordering almost on insanity with wounded vanity and obstinacy and great suspiciousness hurrying him along, till he became one of the greatest monsters of tyranny, cruelty, and superstitious hypocrisy that the world had ever seen, so that posterity has surnamed him " The Terri- ble." All his political prospects were gradually clouded. The Tatars of the Crimea recovered themselves, made destructive in- roads into Russia, and even burned Moscow. John gave up Christian proselytes to be tortured and put to death, or to be compelled to apostasy, by the infidels. For the sake of his war in the North, he basely demeaned himself, sending presents, kissing the dust, and doing personal homage to the Tatar Khan. Instead of succeeding peaceably to the throne of Poland, he saw an enemy elected to it under the nomination and protection of the Turks, and that enemy a great military commander, Batori, with whom he was to be engaged in long and unsuccess- ful war. He killed his eldest son, who should have been his heir, with his own hand in a transport of mad jealousy, after having first educated him to imitate his own wickedness. He exhibited himself, after all the glory of his early reign, in the disgraceful light not only of an unsuccessful ruler, but of a personal coward; and lastly, concluded at the close of his wretched life an ignominious peace through the solicited media- tion of a Papal envoy, who is said to have cheated him into yielding more than was really necessary even at the last. Thus, by the failure of this Russian Saul, the mission and destiny of his country was suspended. The opportunity offered in the sixteenth century was lost. Instead of exhibiting a ca- reer of public glory and of benefits to all Christendom, the long and appalling tragedy of John's life closed (a.d. 1582.) only to be succeeded by all the storms of Divine anger bursting upon his posterity and his kingdom. After the reign of his imbecile son Theodore (a.d, 1598.) the whole Moscow Family of the line E 2 5.2 PROBATION AND FAILURE OF JOHN IV. OF MOSCOW of Riiric (which liad reigned in Russia ever since it had become a State,) was extinct. It had been extinguished by the successful cunning of a traitor who liad nourished at John's right hand, and had cheated from first to last that suspicious tyrant who murdered for no cause so many other good and brave and faith- ful men. Thus the crimes to be avenged by the supreme Avenger Vv'ere doubled. To the sins of John was added the sin of Godou- nofF. Civil feuds and wars of innumerable Pretenders tore the country from one end to the other. The Latin Poles besieged, occupied, and partly burned Moscow; the Swedes seized the nor- thern provinces ; and Russia seemed in danger of losing both her religious and her political existence. At length the scene was changed, and God in wrath remem- bered mercy. The Clergy came forward to save their country : some brave and patriotic nobles responded to their call, and se- conded their efforts. The Poles were expelled from the Kremlin : and around the walls of the Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius the clouds which had so long lowered over Muscovy broke, and the tempest dispersed, (a. d. 1612.) A touching and striking contrast was then presented to the past horrors. We see the unanimous election of a new Tsar, the son of a Boyar-prelate who had suffered much for his coun- try and was still a prisoner in Poland, and who had been inca- pacitated for secular rule by former jealousies : we see the Heads of the Clergy and of the Nobility, going to the Convent of their refuge, and entreating an alarmed and unwilling mother in the name of God and their country to give uj) her son, a young and innocent boy, to the perils of a throne : then a just and peaceful reign : peace concluded with great but necessary sacrifices on all sides : a dutiful and religious son, solemnly crowned and anointed, ruling well under the advice of a Patriarch who was at once his natural and his spiritual father : a new Dynasty founded: Russia taking breath and recovering herself; and though not for many years to be again in the same relative po- sition to Christendom as that which she might have occupied in the middle of the sixteenth century, nor to have again offered to her the mission and opportunity she then lost, yet be- coming yearly more and more powerful, till in the reign of Alexis Michaelovich, the father of Peter I., her new Dynasty, IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 53 her Clergy, and her Nobility, all those powers in fact which had founded the existing order of things, were once more to be put on their trial, a trial of a very different nature froni that of John IV.; were once more to have good and evil set before them ; and either by choosing good to merit the establishment of a sure house to the Romanoffs and a restoration of her mission and opportunities to Russia, or by choosing evil to draw down upon themselves fresh calamities and punishments, punishments not so much of an external as of an internal kind ; a series of do- mestic vices and tragedies ; the extinction of the Dynasty which began with such blessed promise ; the degradation and ruin of the two Orders of the Nobility and the Clergy ; the ultimate in- troduction of Western immorality, infidelity, and perhaps anar- chy ; or, at any rate, the development of a new infidel Babylon instead of a mighty orthodox Empire. What this new trial was shall be explained in the next following Section. DISSERTATION V. DESTINIES OF THE SLAVONIC EMPIRE. — PROBATION AND FAILURE OF THE TSAR ALEXIS MICHAELOVICH, WITH THE NOBILITY AND HIERARCHY OF RUSSIA, IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. By the munificence of former times, especially during the Tatar domination, the Russian Bishops and Monasteries had, before the seventeenth century, become possessed of vast domains in land ; and over all such domains they exercised a separate jurisdiction, according to their own Ecclesiastical Code, or Nomo- canun, which differed in some respects from the civil law of Russia. Such wealth, joined with such a privilege, and with the political power accompanying it, tended naturally to excite a jealousy against the Hierarchy in the higher orders of the laity after Mus- covy had become an independent State. The Tsars themselves indeed, at the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seven- teenth centuries, do not seem to have felt, nor had they certainly any occasion to feel such jealousy. For, however great might be the influence of the Hierarchy, it had ahvays been used in aid, not in prejudice, of the Grand Princes. The unity of the Empire had been gradually formed and held together by that influence under the Tatar yoke: its peace and security had often been promoted or restored, never endangered or disturbed, by the interference of the Metropolitans and Patriarchs : and their in- dei)endent and clear-sighted patriotism offered the best possible protection to the interests of the reigning Family, and of public order, when the Sovereign chanced to be of weak character, or a minor. But individuals and factions of the Nobility, and perhaps the Nobility as a class, w^re jealous of a power, at once spiritual and political, which by its worldly equality affronted their pride, and by its severe principles and laws thwarted their passions. DEPOSITION OF THE PATRIARCH NICON. 65 And, setting aside tliis natural but evil jealousy, there were oonie points in the privileges of the Clergy which an enlightened and religious Sovereign and legislator might fairly have required them to surrender for the common good. To have two different and independent codes of law in force at the same time over the whole extent of the Empire (for the lands of the Church were scattered everywhere, and did not lie together in one mass,) could not but be inconvenient, and tending to become more and more inconvenient in proportion as population should thicken, and civilization increase. And this the more, as there was no third supreme jurisdiction, which could receive appeals in mixed or doubtful cases, and arbitrate between the Civil and the Ecclesi- astical Courts. In the reigns of John III. and John IV., not from any per- sonal fear or jealousy of the Hierarchy in those Sovereigns, but from mere political covetousness, and perhaps from a leaning to the Judaizing heresy (a subtle but premature anticipation of modern materialism,) in the former case, and from casual neces- sities in the latter, the first signs were shown of that disposition to curtail the wealth of the Bishops and Monasteries which was to reappear in the seventeenth century, and which was to be carried out to its extreme results by the acts of Peter I., Peter III., and Catherine II. in the eighteenth. But it was during the minority of Alexis Michaelovich, before the middle of the seventeenth century, (a.d. 1648.) that the Boy- ars of the Council, his relatives and guardians, in compiling a new Code of civil laws, added to it not only an Act of mortmain dis- qualifying the Bishops and Monasteries from buying or receiving- fresh landed property for the future, but also an enactment for a general State survey of all Church lands, with a view to the ab- straction of such properties as had been acquired since a certain date, and in contravention of the letter of a mortmain edict of a former reign. For the Tsars had by no means held themselves to be precluded from giving, or the Bishops and Monasteries from re- ceiving from them, or with their express permission, fresh benefac- tions : and many such benefactions had in fact been made, and permission to acquire and hold fresh lands had been so accorded. By the same new Code the Boyars, instead of merely requiring the Clergy to surrender then* privilege of a separate jurisdiction 56 DEPOSITION OF TUli PATRIARCU NICON over their own tenants in purely civil matters, and over all ia certain other mixed matters, (for this might reasonably have been made a matter of negociation, or might have been required from a synod of the Clergy,) leaving the other Church Courts and the superior Court of the Patriarch to continue as they stood, erected a supreme lay Court to over-ride them all, and to deter- mine, further, all questions relating to the properties of the Church ; which, under pretext of the mortmain Statutes, were to be placed under the inspection and control of civil officers nominated by the Crown. These enactments of the Code of Alexis Michaelovich compiled during his minority by the Boyars, and ratified by him in his early youth under their influence, became shortly afterwards the occasion of a great struggle between the worse part of the Nobility and the better part of the Hierarchy ; a struggle which forms the crisis of the reign of Alexis, and the key to the subse- quent history of Russia down to the present day. There arose at that time in Hussia a great Patriarch, by name Nicon, who embodied in his personal character and life, in his station, and other incidental advantages, all those qualities which were most calculated to promote the prosperity and glory of the Church and of his country, and to concentrate upon him and upon the Hierarchy the envy and malice of the wicked. Possessed not only of the respect and confidence but of the tender friendship of his Sovereign, a Sovereign of an affectionate and religious disposition, Nicon in first accepting the Episcopal office made it a condition with Alexis that those laws which had been made against the rights of the Church during his minority should not be enforced in his diocese of Novogorod : and Alexis acceded to the stipulation. Seeing the greatness and the difficulty of the struggle which probably lay before him, Nicon, while yet only Metropolitan of Novogorod, suggested, and himself superintended in the Tsar's name, the Translation of the Relics of St. Philip, a former Metro- politan of Moscow, to the Cathedral of the Assumption in that capital. St. Philip had been by birth of one of the chief fami- lies of the Boyars ; and the great merit of his Primacy had been this, that he had dauntlessly rebuked John the Terrible for his cruelties, and for the misgovernmcnt of his dominions, and had IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 57 received from that tyrant in cousequcDce the crown of martyr- dom. Few perhaps or none at the time discerned any pecuHar significancy in this act of the Translation of his llehcs, though all understood that it wasjab-Qmage rendered by the nation and the Church, by the Clergy, the Boyars, and the Tsar himself, to that virtue in Hierarchs which is ready to resist and reprove worldly violence, and to suffer for truth and righteousness' sake. And if any had seen what Nicon really meant by the suggestion, or that he anticipated that the next Patriarch of Moscow ought to be prepared to follow in the steps of Philip, and to earn a place at his feet, they would probably have thought such an anticipation most ill-timed and absurd. For what resemblance could any man discover between the tender-hearted and affectionate and merciful Alexis, and the half-insane monster who murdered Philip ? or between any party of the Boyars then living and the terrible Oprichina ? Yet so it was. Scarcely was the Translation of St. Philip's Relics completed, and the virtue of firmly resisting the Temporal Power in certain cases declared to be one of the four corner foundations of the Russian Church, when the Patriarchal throne became vacant, and that which Nicon had foreseen occurred. And then, when his Sovereign and his friend (and with him all the Court,) were in- viting, and pressing, and forcing him to accept the Primacy, he evinced (out of place and unintelligible as it may have appeared,) exactly the same reluctance and apprehension as his predecessor St. Philip had evinced, when singled out by John the Terrible to become Metropolitan. And, like Philip, he consented to their supplications only on certain conditions, when the Tsar and his nobles had solemnly vowed to him in the church that, if he would become their Patriarch, they would conscientiously obey him in Ecclesiastical matters as their spiritual Father. Thus Nicon became Patriarch (a.d. 1653) ; and, as a matter of course, caused those laws which had before been held suspended for him only in the single diocese of Novogorod to become inope- rative throughout the whole extent of the Russian Church and Em- pire. Still he knew that this mere suspension of their execution could not last; and that before long they must either be carried into execution, or annulled. To annul them,embodied as they were i ui the Code, was no easy matter : it implied a previous struggle, 58 DEPOSITION OF THE PATRIARCH NICON and the complete overthrow of those influences which had placed them there. And this it was to which Nicon looked forward. For this he had been making preparation when he procured the Translation of the Relics of St. Philip, and when he bound the Tsar and the Boyars by a solemn oath to obey him as their spiritual Father. The obnoxious laws then were suspended, and held in abey- ance J and Nicon, seated on the Patriarchal throne, continued to do for all Russia what he had before done only for the one diocese of Novogorod. He relieved the poor; righted the oppressed; encouraged virtue and learning; enforced discipline, especially among the Clergy, examining personally candidates for Ordination, and summarily punishing delinquent Clerks : he corrected abuses in the manner of performing Divine Service ; introduced a new and improved mode of Church singing ; held a Council for the correction and printing of the Church Books ; and generally promoted all necessary and useful reforms. At the same time he taught diligently himself the Word of God, the style both of his preaching and of his ordinary discourse being re- markable for the constant references he made in them to the Holy Scriptures, references not superficial and conventional but natural and practical, full of rich instruction and holy seriousness, and having a peculiar pointedness of application. By these means he attracted towards himself the deepest personal attachment of religious minds, (and not least that of his Sove- reign,) but also the jealousy and hatred of all the more ignorant, superstitious, and vicious among the Hierarchy and the lower Clergy, who found in his correction of the Church Books a powerful handle for spreading disaffection towards him among such of the people also as were like themselves, ignorant, un- spiritual, and superstitious. The accession of unparalleled political influence and splen- dour to such a character and position brought upon the Patriarch from a large faction of the Boyars a personal hatred far more intense than would have otherwise been excited either by his promotion of Ecclesiastical reforms, or even by his defence of Ecclesiastical rights. The Tsar, when absent from his Capital on occasion of the Polish war, entrusted the virtual Regency to the Patriarch above all the Boyars of the Council, and especially IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 59 above those who stood nearest to the throue as the relatives of his consort and his mother, bad men, to whose influence Nicon, simply and faithfully discharging his trust, would yield nothing. Also, on occasion of the great plague, the Tsar committed the personal care of his wife and family to the Patriarch, as to his dearest and most faithful friend; and on happily receiving again this trust, bestowed on him affectionately and gratefully, but foolishly, the title of Great Highness, {Veliki Hossonddr,) which had been the style of his own grandfather the Patriarch Philaret Niketich, a title which Nicon disclaimed as unsuitable, and forbad his clerH ever to give it to him, but which, being used and given by the Tsar himself, and so also by others of the Court, was naturally most ofi^ensive to Nicon's enemies among the chief Boyars, and became afterwards, however un- justly and absurdly, one of their charges against him. In the exercise of his regency Nicon had also the fortune of obtaining or receiving the most important and brilliant accession to the Empire. It was to him and through him that the proposition was made which brought the whole of Little Russia with the ancient capital of Kieff and the Kazak forces of the Oukraine under the Muscovite sceptre. Enough has now been stated to make it very intelligible that a league should have been formed between a large party of the chief Boyars, including the Tsar's own nearest relatives, and the obscurantist and retrograde party among the Hierarchy to bring about the downfall of Nicon. And though, as long as Alexis remained in the same mind, they could do nothing but show their spite by words and by calumnies, yet the time came at length when they found they could safely demand that the suspended provisions of the civil Code should be carried into execution. And the Tsar gave his consent. What may have originally led to this change in the Tsar's determination it is now difficult, and perhaps impossible, to discover. The personal calumnies of Nicon's enemies he must have estimated at their just value : indeed the evident continu- ance of his own personal affection and respect for the Patriarch to the end shows that he did so. Disappointment at the want of success of the Swedish war (which Nicon had advised,) could scarcely alone have occasioned such a coolness, though Alexis 60 DEPOSITION or THE PATRIARCH NICON had certainly some share of anibition and vanity, and was iras- cible when crossed in his wishes. It is more probable that he had not counted the cost of that conduct to which he seemed to have pledged himself when he suspended for Nicon's sake the provisions of the Code ; and that he was influenced by the mix- ture of reasonableness which there might seem to be either in those provisions themselves, or at any rate in the demand that, being part of the Code, and unrepealed, they should be carried into effect ; and also by a sense of the necessity of either giving his consent to this or breaking immediately and completely with his own relatives and all their party in the Councd, and giving Nicon's principles a complete and permanent triumph at the risk perhaps of his throne. But whatever w-ere the secret causes which first cooled the ardour of his affection for the Patriarch, having once committed himself to a retrograde step, and finding that the Patriarch had foreseen all from the beginning, and would yield nothing, he was carried on by a sort of necessity from one thing to another : the political, and at length even the personal estrangement of the Tsar from the Patriarch became wider, and the anti-ecclesiastical tendencies of that party to which the Tzar had now committed himself, more manifest. Not only were the obnoxious provisions of the Code carried into execution, while a lay Court, called the Monastery Court, over- ruled the Court of the Patriarch, but spiritual patronage, and even Ordination itself, was made to depend in some cases on the direct oi'der of the Sovereign : whereas a few years before, when some clerks had sought to interest the Tsar in their favour, Alexis had replied thus : " I fear the Patriarch Nicon ; he will say to me. Do I interfere with you in the command of your armies, or the government of your kingdom ? Why then do you seek to interfere with me in the disciplining of monks and clerks ? " Under these circumstances Nicon, as a last expedient to touch the reason and conscience of the better-minded among: the Boyars, and especially of his Sovereign, solemnly declared in the Cathedral that if he, as was said, were the cause of every- thing that went wrong in the State, and even in nature, he would leave them to themselves : he could not be their Patriarch, if the acts that belonged to him to do were to be done by others IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 01 on the order of the Tsar, or of the Boyars : they might see how they couhl administer the Patriarchal power without him. And so saying, he left his crozier in the church, and went away in the habit of a common monk forty versts from Moscow, to Vos- kresensk, where he was building a great Monastery to be called Neiv Jerusalem, with a church after a model of that of the Holy Sepulchre and of the Resurrection which he had procured from Palestine. But evil prevailed : and there were weaknesses in the charac-,,^ ter of Alexis which made him persist, when he had once com- | mitted himself, and had met with opposition. Instead of being brought to a better mind, the Council of the Boyars were for taking Nicon at his word : and so, affecting to view his retire- ment as a simple resignation, they sent and demanded of him his consent to the consecration of a successor. Failing to obtain this, and being practically embarrassed by his refusal to exercise the Primacy subject to their lay encroachments and interfer- ences, they charged all the inconveniences which ensued upon him, and made his retirement itself into a State crime. How great was Nicon's power and personal influence, and how deep the struggle which was now going on throughout the whole civil and ecclesiastical constitution of Russia, was sufficiently shown by the fact that this position of the two parties, the Patriarcli living ui retirement at Voskresensk, and the Civil Power administering the Church temporarily, through such of the Ecclesiastics as would serve it, without a Patriarch, lasted no less than eight years, (a.d. 1658 — 1667.) One incident of this period, for its indirect bearing upon the sin of Alexis himself, and its punishment in his posterity, de- serves notice : One or two Boyars, who had parted with a certain property to Nicon for his Convent of New Jerusalem, the acquisition of the property being contrary to the mortmain laws and to the Code, but rendered lawful by the licence of the Tsar, took occa- sion from the re-inforcement of the Code to redemand and recover their property. Nicon caused these men to be openly anathe- matized, and made his clerks sing certain imprecatory Psalms in the Office used on the occasion : " AUuaov, Kvpis, touc aS<- jcoOvraj jU.=" x.. r, ?.. Tlpoa^ii avo^lctv ln\ t^v uvoit-lctv avTcov' . . » 62 DKrOSITION OF THE PATRIARCH NICON e^a?'.Bt^^rjw(Tuv sx. /3(j(3Xou ^cwvtojV x. t. X. Psvyj9i^Ta)(r«v ol vlo) uvTob op^uvo), xci\ Yj yvvYj avTOU yrjpx' rsvrj^YjTcu to. tskvcx aiiTOU slg i^oKo^(,iV7iV k. r. X. 'Av^' wv riyot.TTr\(js KuTxpuv, xct) rj^ci auTCW, xa» oux ^9;A>jo"ev ev\oylxv, kui f/.axpuvQ^asT'xi Uii uutou. X. T. K." The news of this was soon carried to the Court, and it was asserted there, not unnaturally, by Nicon's enemies that he had anathematized and cursed his Sovereign ; seeing that their sacrilege, which he had cursed, and the individuals named were identified by them with the Tsar and his government. A commissioner was sent from the Council in the Tsar's name to the Patriarch to demand whether he had not cursed the Tsar ; and, if not, whom had he cursed, or what had he done ? The com- missioner, who came with an air of rude command, was made to wait till Divine Service was over, and then was told by the Patri- arch that he had noi cursed Alexis, nor had intended what was done for him ; but that he had cursed certain individuals, rob- bers of the Church, whom he named ; and, if they had a mind to stay and hear it, he would have the same Office sung over again in their ears. So they returned with this answer : but from that day forth it was one of the chief accusations against Nicon that he had cursed the Sovereign : and Nicon, without hav- ing really cursed him, (for he could distinguish between the sin, though great, of a religious and affectionate soul and the obdu- racy of malicious wickedness,) yet showed, as we shall see here- after, that he feared lest Alexis might indeed be comprehended under the curse in point of fact, and might be drawing down its judgments on himself and on his posterity. At length, after the struggle had continued eight years, the Patriarchate having been all that time in a sort of abeyance, and an attempt to procure the deposition of Nicon by a synod of Russian Bishops having failed, the Tsar was induced to call in the four Eastern Patriarchs and a number of Greek Metropo- litans and Bishojjs, who, uniting with the Russian Bishops in a mixed synod at Moscow in the year 1666, in the presence of the Tsar himself and of the Boyars, judged and deposed Nicon in such manner as was desired of them, and were honourably dis- missed to their own countries with the rewards of their service. Two only of the four Patriarchs were personally present, Paisius of Alexandria and Macarius of Antioch, the latter of whom had IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 63 been in Russia before when Nicon was at the height of his power, and had received of his bounty : but all the four were parties to what was done. For the full history of this memorable trial the inquirer must have recourse to the life of Nicon by his faithful disciple and clerk ShttsherinofF, which has been printed, and to such other contemporary documents as are preserved in MS. in Russia or in the Levant. But one or two incidents are too characteristic to be here altogether omitted. Nicon appeared before the synod prepared and habited as if for a capital condemnation. Alexis, who though unprepared to recede had yet been sinning against his better nature and conscience throughout, and retained at heart much of his former respect and affection for the Patriarch, was shocked at this ; and to the consternation of his Boyars left his throne, and walked up to the Patriarch, took his hand, and expostulated with him for thinking him capable of such inten- tions. A conversation of some length in an under tone followed, the Patriarch explaining how some things misunderstood by the Tsar had really been, and exposing the arts and motives of his enemies ; and the Tsar, as if admitting that he had been more or less in the wrong, protesting that even yet he hoped they might be able to avoid extremities. But Nicon told him plainly, though gently, that he was deceiving himself if he thought that possible : that he could not now go back, even if he would : that his wrath must be gone through with, and be satisfied. On the other hand, when one of Nicon's clerks, forgetting him- self for indignation at some false witness, exclaimed audibly, " That, religious Tsar, is a lie ! " the Tsar showed no anxiety to learn the truth, but rather anger and fury at the clerk's boldness. And when Nicon's answers seemed to have put his accusers to shame, or to silence, Alexis impatiently turned to the Boyars and asked if none of them would come to the support of their Sovereign ? Which call having been answered as might be expected, the Patriarch asked ironically, " Why do you not bid them take up stones? So they would soon do the business, but they will never finish me with words." However of words too there were " enough, and more than enough," the ex-Archbishop of Gaza, a Greek named Paisius, taking the lead in the proceed- ings with his venal and turgid rhetoric, and quoting Christian 64 UErOSITlON OF THE P.\T11IARCII NICON and heathen authors, verse and prose, indiscriminately for the deification of kings, till the Council, having decreed (what Nicon himself had always taught,) that " the Tsar ought to be supreme in civil government, and the Patriarch in spiritual," (so difficult is it with full knowledge to lie distinctly.) condemned Nicon on the charges brought against him ; degraded him from the Patriarchal and Episcopal and sacerdotal dignities ; and sen- tenced him to be confined in a distant Monastery, as a common monk. This took place in January, a.d. 1667. Under these circumstances, Nicon said to the people, who flocked around to receive his blessing, onlythis one word " Pray." To his chief enemies of the Clergy, who now heaped on him taunts and insults, he foretold their own approaching punish- ment and degradation : and some of them he lived to see falling at his feet with tears of repentance. The Patriarchs he rebuked for their unworthy compliance for the sake of a miserable gain ; offering them significantly a large pearl from the front of the Camilauchion which they took from him, and saying thus, "After all, if you do get for this some alms, to cheer you under the miseries and oppressions you suffer from the Turks, it will not last you long : and you might be more suitably and profitably employed than in wandering into distant countries as mendi- cants." While this was passing, or soon after, the Tsar sent one of his Boyars, a man of the better sort, with a present of money and furs for Nicon and his attendants, for their journey : for they had nothing with them of their own, and were to be sent immediately to a Monastery quite in the north of Russia, it being then the month of January, and the frost being very severe. But Nicon, pointing to the presents, said, " Take these things back to him who sent them : these are not what Nicon wants." The officer, after having in vain in treated him not to dishonour and hurt his master by such a refusal of his bounty, stepped up to him and said, "The Tsar commanded me also to ask your ybr- giveness, and your blessing." Nicon replied with those words of the Psalm which have been quoted already above, " Ouk ^9=Arj(rsv evkoyiav," (that is, not sufficiently, nor with singleness of heart) "x«j S»a TouTo jjicuxf^uvsTcti octt' aiiToii'" alluding, directly, to his own exile, and indirectly to the probable punishment of the Tsar's sin. In getting into the sledge which was to take him away from Mos- IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 6') COW, Nicon repeated aloud to himself with a dry iiony these words, recollected probably from some former conversation, "Ah ! Nicon, Nicon, don't lose your friends : don^t say all that may be true : If you would only have given a few handsome banquets, and would have supped with them, all these things would not have befallen you." It is not to be supposed that such a man as Nicon, or such a cause as his, were without many devoted adherents, especially among the Clergy. Of these some were even put to death ; others were examined with tortures ; many were sent into con- finement in dififerent monasteries, and kept prisoners as long as fifteen or sixteen years. A few were permitted to accompany him to Bielo-ozero, and to share his confinement. Among the people too, notwithstanding the prejudices of some of them con- cerning the Church Books, there was such a feeling in his favour that the Government proceeded with the utmost caution, and even timidity, in carrying his sentence into execution. The guards within the Kremlin were directed to behave to the as- sembled multitudes with all possible courtesy, and to inform them that Nicon would leave ''by the North side;" whereas, in fact, the gates were closed, and he was suddenly driven with all speed, strongly escorted, across the bridge to the South side of the river, and so out of the city and the suburbs in an opposite direction. Having refused the Tsar's gifts, he was indebted for a cloke to the casual pity of an individual, an Archimandrite, of the Clergy ; and both he and his attendants suffered much from the severe cold. They were driven rapidly through all those towns and villages passing through which could not be avoided, and were not allowed to stop anywhere, nor to purchase anything for themselves by the way. At length they halted for the night ; and were quartered in some houses, from which the occupants had first been carefully ejected. But in the middle of the night, when Nicon and his few attendants had been left to themselves, a trap-door in the floor of the room opened, and an old woman came up, who first asked which was the Patriarch Nicon ; and Nicon answering, "/am he," she fell at his feet, and declared to him, with many protestations that it was true, that she had been warned in a dream the night before to expect him. She had seen, she said, F 66 DEPOSITION OF THE PATRIARCH NICON a very goodly man, saying to her, " IMy servant Nicon is coming hither in great cold and need of all things : now, therefore, give him what thou hast by thee for his needs." In consequence of this, she said, she had concealed herself in the cellar before the Tsar's officers came and took possession of her house and ejected its other occupants. And thereupon she produced a number of fur clokes, and other garments belonging to her sons (who lived with her in the house,) and money, and pressed his acceptance of them for himself and his Clerks. And Nicon accepted this provision, which was thus provided for him, instead of that which he had re- fused from the Tsar. Nicon lived many years after his dej)Osition, and outlived Alexis. He never in any way recognized the justice of his sen- tence : nor did the Clerks who attended him ever cease to give him the title of Patriarch, or to pray for him as such in their Offices. Alexis, on the other hand, ceased not to send from time to time to ask his forgiveness, and to ofier him presents, which for some time Nicon refused. His confinement was at first ex- tremely rigorous; the windows of his cell being fastened up with iron bars, and he not being allowed to go out even for exer- cise. But at length Alexis, without the knowledge of the Council, sent secret orders to soften in some degree this excessive rigour ; and the iron bars on his windows were removed : for which an ofti- cial reprimand from the Council followed, as if it had been done without authority. At length, seeing that what was done could not be undone, and that, whatever had been the Tsar's fault once, he could now no longer, perhaps, retrace his steps, nor extricate himself from those political necessities and influences which sur- rounded him, Nicon refused not to acknowledge what was good in the character of his Sovereign, and wrote him a letter saying that he forgave him personalli/, as a man, whatever he had wrong- fully suffered, and thus far sent him his blessing, and for the future would accept his presents. Yet even thus, — consider- ing that the Almighty might even yet give the Tsar another opportunity, and not willing either to do anything towards un- duly lulling, or to neglect to do anything towards quickening and informing his conscience, — he hinted that this was but an imperfect and personal forgiveness ; and that there was a more full and Ecclesiastical absolution, xvith imposition of hands, which IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 67 Alexis had need to desire, and which he would then be ready to give when he should again see the Tsar's face in Moscow. But this involved the complete undoing of the past, and the fall from power of Nicon's enemies; a mercy which Providence had not in store for Alexis. Nevertheless Alexis was greatly pleased at the Patriarch's having relaxed thus far ; and thenceforth sent him many presents, and especially ornaments and vestments for one of the Chapels of the Monastery in which he was now permitted to officiate; and desired his prayers for himself and his family; and on his deathbed, by special messengers, as well as by his written Testament, he once more solemnly asked Nicon's "forgive- ness and absolution," calling him his " Spiritual Father, Great Lord, Most Holy liierarch, and blessed Pastor," giving him (which is remarkablej his title of Patriarch, and regretting that "by the judgments of God " (that is to say, not by the Tsar's own will,) he was not then in his proper place, filling the Patri- archal throne of Moscow. And Nicon (though Alexis died before it could reach him,) sent once more his personal and verbal forgive- ness (refusing to give it in writing, lest the Boyars should make any undue use of it), and alluded once more with a sigh to that public sin of which it was beijond him either to remit the guilt, or to avert the consequences : " We shall meet before the dread tribunal of God ! " Looking closelylhto the character of Alexis, we may remark in his written Testament and Letters, and in the words and actions of his life, an abundance of affectionate and religious feeling running in its expression into imaginativeness and hyperbole. He had many of the qualities of a great and good Sovereign ; but was not exempt from ambition, vanity, and irascibility ; nor from a certain weakness, consequent on these faults, leading him, when once committed, to persist in what was wrong. His vanity was perhaps enlisted in the struggle against the spiritual inde-, pendence of the Patriarchate : and when they told him that educated, as he had been, at the feet of his grandfather Philaret, and fit to be a Bishop himself, he had not only the right to govern, but the capacity to govern well in Ecclesiastical matters, he may have been all the more inclined to listen to those other arguments which represented the struggle as being simply for an unmixed spiritual or an unmixed civil supremacy, and a choice between either putting down Nicon or i-esigning to him Moscow, as F 2 68 DEPOSITION OF THE PATRIARCH NICON Constantine the Great was fabled to have resigned his capital of the elder Rome to Pope Silvester. The outward moral signs which a severe scrutiny of Alexis' public government and private life forces us to notice are these : firstly, that whatever may have been the merits or demerits of Nicon and his party, their enemies (and the Tsar's nearest connections among them) ivere plainly bad men ; and to these bad men Alexis, by his conduct, se- aired the government of his kingdom, and enthralled himself : secondly, that the religious feeling and domestic affectionate- ness of Alexis did not prevent his forming at least onje_jUicit connection ; as we read of a natural son who, with his mother, Avas sent away from the Court about the time of Alexis' second marriage. It might be worth while to inquire more accurately into the circumstances and dates connected with the commence- ment of this, or of any other similar and previous connection. On the other hand, the more we scrutinize the character of Nieon, the less reason shall we find to charge him with any of those faults which were imputed to him by his enemies. There was nothing about him like ignorance of the distinction and due limits between the civil and the spii'itual power, nor any sort of ap- parent disposition to either worldly or spiritual pride or ambition. During the long-protracted struggle we see from his life what he claimed for himself personally, namely, severe penances and mortifications for his own sins and the sins of his people, hard fare, a stone couch and pillow, and heavy chains. And the Ecclesiastics and others who were personally attached to him appear to have been men of the like spirit, with whom his ene- mies of the Hierarchy and of the Boyars offer the most marked and sometimes grotesque contrasts. Several of Alexis' sons and daughters were godchildren to Nicon : and a sister of Alexis, the Princess Tatiana Michaelovna, when Nicon was in confinement, and his enemies governing Russia in the Council, used to relate to her nephew Theodore Alexievich stories of the virtues of that great Patriarch, and of the wickedness of his enemies : how he had contended and suffered for the Church of God : and how the building of his great Mo- nastery of the "New Jerusalem," with its Church imitated from that of the Holy Sepulchre and the Resurrection, was suspended in consequence of his unjust deposition and imprisonment. IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 69 When Theodore succeeded to his father Alexis, (a, d. 1676,) he was too young to attempt to govern by himself; but his first j)olitical acts were attempts to obtain from the Council the libera- tion, or at least the less rigorous confinement, of his Godfather. And on Nicon's death, which took place (in 1681.) just after an order had been obtained for his liberation, with permission to re- turn and die in his own Convent of Voskresensk, Theodore, having learned to view the past struggle in its true light, desired the titular Patriarch to bury him with the honours due to his rank : and on the Patriarch, as might have been expected, declining, and objecting the authority of the Eastern Patriarchs and the Synod which had deposed and degraded Nicon, the young Tsar estimated that objection at its just weight. He commanded the next senior Prelate, the Metropolitan of Novogorod, to do his will; and himself took the lead in bearing the body to the grave. And not content with this, he sent his messengers and alms into the East, and procured from the four Patriarchs four Letters or Acts, which under a cloud of decent verbiage rehabi- litated the memory of the deceased ; an act which being done to satisfy the religious conscience of the son, was no doubt at least as valid as the former contrary act which had been done to serve the political requirements of the father. The motives and the recompense were in both cases the same. It seemed as if Theodore had been placed on the throne merely to complete in this graceful and touching way the acknowledgments of Alexis, and then was removed to make way for impending punishments. Thus ended this remarkable episode in Russian history, so far as it was merely a personal matter. But of its political and ecclesiastical consequences men saw not as yet, or scarcely saw, so much as the beginning. Nor are we yet come to their end even now, after two centuries. For the fall of Nieon was that point and crisis on which the subsequent developments of many generations, both religious and political, were to turn. What then are the consequences to be attributed to the fall of Nicon ? it will be asked. This question may be most briefly and most strikingly answered, at least for such as are capable of reflection, by another ; by asking, what would have been the ])rubable or necessary consequences, if Alexis had acted dif- /O DEPOSITION tH' TIIK I'ATlllAKCH NICON ferently ; if he had consistently supported Nicon, and enabled him to put down his enemies ? They would have been these : The government of the State, as well as of the Church, would have been placed and secured in the hands of his friends, men like him : the power of some great and bad men, near to the Tsar, would have been effectually broken : Alexis on his death- bed would not have had to feel the loss of a true personal friend, nor to dread leaving an unsettled government to a sickly boy, surrounded by bad men, who could not be trusted to act justly by his second wife and her family. On the contrary he would have left his elder son Theodore, and his second family, to the charge of his Godfather, with a Government long since securely settled in the hands of good men, among whom Matveeff would naturally have held a prominent place. The deaths of Nicon and of Theodore himself would have caused no danger with such a Government. Matveeff would not have been in exile at the moment when all depended on his presence. Sophia (if her own character had not been differently developed,) would have had no opportunity of returning the sin of her father upon the heads of his children through her unhallowed ambition. She would not have been able to deprive Peter of a becoming education. Peter would not have been self-educated, or educated by such men as Lefort, but by the disciples and friends of Nicon and Matveeff. When he came, duly prepared, to power, he would not have found an obscurantist and retrograde Hierarchy which had already become the tools of the Boyars, and deserved no- thing better than to receive the Tsar, or the Tsar's sword, for their Patriarch : nor would he have found a Nobility incapable of appreciating any thing great and useful in his schemes, or incapable of restraining him by the weight of a legitimate in- fluence from any thing unnational or preuiature 3 nor one which for having trampled the Church under their feet deserved to be trampled down themselves in turn, and to lose that political im- portance which they had before possessed. He would never have had occasion, real or imaginary, for making the horrible sacrifice of his only sou and heir to the idol Civilization. Nor would his throne have been left a prey to adventurers, to be occupied by a strange woman of low origin. Nor would the succession to the throne have been made to depend on the mere personal will IN THE SEVENTEKNTH CENTURY, 71 of the Sovereign, and rendered still more insecure by the pros- tration of its natural bulwarks, the Hierarchy and the Nobility. Nor would his posterity in the female line (if the succession had ever come to them,) have either been what they were, or suc- ceeded as they succeeded to the throne, or have done what they did when seated on it. Nor would another strange woman, the very type and embodiment of bis worldly policy, and such an heir as his patriotism might have preferred to lineal descendants, have murdered the last remains of his brother^s posterity and his own. These are the things which humanly speaking, would not and could not have happened, if Nicon had been maintained in power. Whatever might have been the future destinies of Russia, they could not have been these. But Nicon fell : and his fall drew after it the deserved punish- ment both of the Clergy, and of the Nobility, and of the reign- ^ ing House ; a punishment which can never be reversed till the sin which caused it is adequately confessed, and justice done to \ those rights of the Church which Nicon represented. For it J was not a mere personal struggle, but a struggle of two con- ) trary principles concentrated, as often happens, around the / person of a man whose position and character made him the apt \ representative and embodiment of one of them. ■-' But if this view be correct, and the fault of Alexis was to be so terribly punished, how is it that we see after a century and a half such a Sovereign as Alexander, in spite of the influences of a philosophical education in a vicious Court, throwing himself back upon principles of true patriotism and Orthodoxy at the great crisis of his reign, the invasion of Russia by the French ? Or how is it that we see again his brother, the present Emperor, standing forth as the champion of order and religion, attracting the respect of all well-disposed people throughout Europe by his public character as a governor, and surrounded by a numerous and amiable family, blessed with every apparent prospect of leaving a throne secured to his posterity for many generations ? And all this too while the Patriarchate or Primacy is still not only infringed upon, but suppressed ; while the just liberty of the Church for spiritual action is still denied her ; while the . Emperor is still " Supreme Judge " of the Most Holy Synod ; an^ ; an Act in which he is even styled " Head of the Church " still' 72 DEPOSITION OF THE PATRIAKCH NICON lies upon the Altar of the Cathedral in which he was Crowned at Moscow ? In answer to this question the reader may be reminded of what has been said above, namely, that the consequences of the struggle of the seventeenth century have not yet been fully worked out. The relative positions of the secular and spiritual powers have not even yet come to their final settlement. During the last two reigns, though there has been no avowal of past faults towards the Church, there has been a sort of awkward attempt to dissemble and palliate them ; a half- movement in a retrograde direction. " We do not now any longer such things as were done by Peter the Great :" " It must be confessed that Peter had une volonte forte, and did some things rather brusquely : but the Eastern Patriarchs made good whatever was irregular by their acquiescence, and by their recognition of the Synod :" " I am only Oher-politzee-meister in the Church :" "If the Emperor is called the Head of the Church, or the Supreme Judge of the Synod, such titles mean only that he is the supreme protector and guardian of the dogmas of the dominant faith, the conservator of right faith and of all good order in the holy Church." Such is the language of the civil power in the present day. And so long as we see the mass of the peo})le uneducated and believing, free from the idea or con- sciousness of acquiescing in a State Supremacy in religion, while the State itself on the other hand dissembles its usurpations, and even slightly retrogrades from them, or from their consequences, we may fairly say that the principles established have not as yet been carried out in practice to their extreme consequences. But this answer alone is no doubt insufficient. What if in the sight of heaven the present Emperor and his Family are free from the sin of Alexis and its debt of punishment ? For it is not the same thing to inherit, as to create evil. What if they have been placed where they are to be on their trial now ; to have the knowledge and opportunity offered them to amend what is amiss in their inherited relations to the Church ; to atone for the faults of their predecessors; and so by doing their duty towards (jloD and His Church to merit the establishment of their throne? while, on the other hand, if unhappily they should neglect the grace and ()])portuni(y given them, identifying themselves in IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 73 spirit with the unacknowledged and unrepented sins of the State, and either personally repeating and increasing them, or, seeing their true nature, from worldly motives refusing to correct them, then, before any one can argue from their prosperity or from the prospects of their dynasty against the views advanced above, he must wait to the end, and see what shall have been the history of the present Family. God forbid that it should resemble that of the family of Alexis, which yet was numerous and flourishing in its day, educated with a refinement above the age of that Sovereign, and in its individual members not destitute either of personal beauty, fine talents, or amiable and religious dispo- sitions ! DISSERTATION VI. OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT, OBEDIENCE, AND LIBERTY, IN RELA- TION TO ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY. Irrespectively of the origin Divine or human, peaceful or vio- lent, legitimate or illegitimate, of any Government, Christians are taught by their religion to obey the existing ruler, whoever he may be; to obey him, that is, so far as he demands either passive submission or active service not inconsistent with any higher duty of obedience towards God. " Let every soul" it is written " be subject unto the higher powers : for there is no power but of God : the powers that be are ordained of God : whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God : and they that resist shall re- ceive to themselves damnation. For rvilers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same : for he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid ; for he beareth not the sword in vain : for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doetli evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience* sake. For this cause pay ye tribute also : for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render therefore to all their dues ; tribute to whom tribute is due, cus- tom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honour to whom honour." Rom. xiii. 1, ^c. And again : " Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake ; whether it be to the King as supreme, or unto governors, as unto them that are sent by him for the pun- ishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God, that with well-doing ye may put to OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT, OBEDIENCE, AND LIBERTY. /O silence the ignorance of foolish men : as free, and not using your liberty for a cloke of maliciousness, but as the servants of God. Honour all men. Love the brotherhood. Fear God. Honour the King.'' 1 paviov xu) vospov avToiJ Sii(Ticx.crTYjpiov, .... 0iVTix.xTCi7TSft.iirj YjiMV T*]i/ htav %ijv Aoyjx^v TavTYiV XuTpEtxv VTTsp T60V Iv Triorej avaTraueraju.s'vwv,'" x. t.X.) For the Greek Priest, even after the Invocation of the Holy Ghost and the change of the Gifts, that is, after the consummation of the Sacrifice, continues still to offer and to plead that same Oblation which he had made indeed before, but which has now acquired by Christ's presence on the altar a new sense and depth, as is clearly expressed by St. Cyril of Jerusalem in his Catechetical Lectures, when he says that those most solemn prayers which are made immediately after the Consecration both for the departed and for the living on earth derive no small efficacy from the presence of the Eternal Victim on the altar. And this is fully equivalent to the idea of the great Oblation of the Roman Mass after the Consecration. Of course if any one should suppose an Invocation of the Holy Ghost to change the Gifts to be implied in the prayer " Jube h(ec prtp/erri/' ^c: which occurs in the Roman Mass after Christ's words of Institution and the Oblation following them, he would then have all the three parts of the Consecration in the Roman Mass corresponding exactly both in order and sense with the same three parts in the Greek ; and the Roman Oblation would then no longer be of Christ's literal Body and Blood, but, like the Greek, of the symbols of bread and wine. But there would still even then remain in the Roman Mass, as in the Greek, the same thing in sense ; that is, a continuance of the Oblation after the Consecration in the Prayer following, " Communicantes," ^r. However, it is much more reasonable to suppose that our Lord's words were always regarded in the Roman Mass as the emphatic termination of the Consecration, and that the Latin Schoolmen of the middle ages followed upon the whole the true traditional sense of their Ritual, than to sup- pose without proof that they invented their theory of Christ's words being the Form of Consecration arbitrarily, in contraven- tion of the wording and traditional meaning of their Mass, and then gave a totally new sense to the Oblation, and otherwise mutilated this most solemn of all Services merely to make it con- sistent with their theory. This is too great an improbability. BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 123 But whatever view be taken of the matter, this is certain, that both Easterns and Westerns agree in the doctrine that the Sacrifice and Oblation is consummated in the strictest sense by the change of the Gifts itself: and hence it follows that neither does the making of a distinct oblation by the Priest afterwards (if such an oblation be made,) really add anything essential, nor does the omission of any such distinct oblation (if no such obla- tion be made,) really take away anything essential. The differ- ence can be only in the presence or absence of an outward ritual exhibition of that which necessarily exists in both cases alike in virtue of the Consecration itself. VIII. Of Communion under one kind only. However blameable may be the Latin practice of giving the holy Communion to the laity under one kind only, it cannot reasonably be pretended that the laity are thereby deprived of the benefit of the Sacrament altogether. For all Christians would admit unhesitatingly that if in any case it were impossible for a man to Communicate in both kinds, (as in some rare cases of sickness it may be,) it would be allowable and right to Com- municate in one kind only; and that any one so Communicating might confidently trust to God to give him the whole benefit of the Sacrament, Christianity being a religion not of forms but of spirit. And for the laity among the Latins the discipline of their Church is really a necessity. The only question for the Greeks to consider is, whether the fault and abuse of the Latin Clergy in so withholding, without any real necessity to excuse them, one kind from the laity is so great that, if they refuse to correct it, it is alone a sufficient reason and justification for re- fusing to Communicate either with them or with the laity who are wronged by them. If indeed any Christians refused to receive, or any Clergy refused to administer, in both kinds in order to symbolize any heresy, (as, for instance, pretending that the use of wine was unlawful,) it might be a sufficient reason for withdrawing from their Communion. But the motive for the maintenance of their present usage among the Latins is well known by the Greeks to be reverence, though it may be a mistaken reverence ; the very same reverence indeed which moved nearly all the Easterns, 134 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES since the end of the fifth century, to a shghter innovation, namely that of giving the two kinds to the laity mixed. And this abuse of the Latins, though of much later origin, may rea- sonably be comprehended with the rest under that general judgment of so many learned and holy men of the Eastern Church, that, if only the Creed he restored, all the other errors and abuses of the Latins may be borne with and winked at by the Eastern Church for the sake of unity, however much she may, and must, desire and labour for their correction. The like may be said of their custom of depriving young children of the holy Communion, which has already been alluded to in speaking of the holy Chrism or Confirmation, which the Latins delay (and together with it the first Communion,) till children have reached the age of seven or eight years at the least, often much longer. IX. Of the state of the Saints before the last Judgment. With regard to the admission of the Saints to heaven and to the beatific vision before the final resurrection and judgment, it is difficult to understand how any quarrel should have arisen : for, popularbj speafiing, one finds exactly the same language on this subject received in both Churches. If the Latins have sometimes pressed this language too far, so as to impair the proportion of sound doctrine, this can never make it reasonable for the Greeks to run into the contrary extreme, and by w-ay of opposing a Latin error to condemn and reject altogether lan- guage which is consecrated in their own Hymnologies, and which is constantly proceeding out of their own mouths. X. Of Purgatory. The doctrine of Purgatory is taught by the Latins, and is re- jected by the Greeks. The doctrine of the Fathers and of the early Church, of the present Greek or " Orthodox " Church, and of all the other separated Eastern Churches, is this, that gene- rally speaking, and upon the whole, the state of the faithful departed is a state of light, and rest, and peace, and refresh- ment, of happiness far greater than any belonging to this life, yet inferior to that which shall be enjoyed after the resurrection and the final Judgment. The doctrine of the Latins, on the BETAVEEN TUE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 125 other hand, is this, that generally speaking, and upon the whole, the state of the faithful departed is a state of penal torment, differing from that of hell only in the certainty of future deliver- ance. Here is certainly in appearance a very wide difference between the two Churches : yet perhaps even here the difference is not radically one of doctrine, but only of relative proportion. For there being many differences and degrees among the souls of those who die with the root or habit of repentance and faith and hope and charity in them, and many venial sins and effects of mortal sins adhering in different proportions to departing souls, there are souls in the loiver ranks of them that may yet be saved of which the Greeks can think with hope, but yet cannot think of them as being at once absolutely and unmixedly in a state of happiness. But of such they think as needing the prayers and oblations of the Church upon earth to procure their refreshment, and to lighten them '' tmv xu-rsyovTuiv aurovg uviapuiv." On the other hand the Latins think of the higher souls that they either go straight through Purgatory, or are speedily released from it, and that in proportion as any soul is higher its state, though still upon the whole a state of penal torment, perhaps even in material fire, contains more and more of those same elements of comfort and refreshment which according to the Greek theology predominate for the souls of the faithful generally. The elements then in each of the two theologies are the same; in the Greek happiness, with some admixture nevertheless of suffering ; in the Latin suffering, with some admixture nevertheless of refreshment and happiness : only the proportions in which these two elements of happiness and suffering are thought and spoken of are different and con- trary. And even this contrariety may perhaps admit of recon- cilement, as follows : It may be that in earlier ages, when Christians were generally better, the world openly opposed to the Church and divided from it, and discipline within the Church stricter, there would have been some incongruity in the Church or her members dwelling on, or even perceiving, any admixture of pain and sad- ness in the state of faithful souls after death : while on the con- trary when the world had entered into the Church, when the general deterioration of manners among Christians was raani- 1.26 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES fest, and discipline either obsolete altogether or reduced to a mere shadow of what it had been^ it was natural and inevitable that more should be thought of the state of the lower classes of souls which might yet be saved, and that their seemingly immense multitude should give a tone and colour to the general view taken by the Church of the intermediate state. If such a view should be admissible, it would seem to follow that an eighth (Ecumenical Council would not necessarily find any great difficulty in defining limits within which the doctrine concerning the intermediate state should be held to be dogmati- cally decreed, or left open to a variable phraseology. The Greek Church already joins together the two contrary ideas in her solemn prayers for the Day of Pentecost, and might equally allow the whole body of existing Latin phraseology on this sub- ject to coexist in one Communion together with the whole body of her own, so long as no particular words or ideas were so un- duly pressed or generalized as to subvert the older and more Catholic proportion of doctrine. XI. Of Indulgences. That the Bishop or the Church can grant Indulgences or re- laxations of the canonical penances imposed on sin in this world, all Churches and Sects which impose penances at all for sin agree. And as canonical penances varied for difierent sins, and might last many years or even a whole life for single acts of sin, there is no essential absurdity in granting Indulgences for very long periods, even for hundreds or thousands of years, unless it be conceived to be impossible (which unhappily is only too pos- sible,) that our sins should have merited whole ages of penance. Nor is the granting of such Indulgences even for the dead, either absolutely, if they have been formally bound before death to such and such specific terms of penance, and have died with their penance unperformed, or conditionally and vaguely, so far as they may have died liable to penance, any error or absurdity, though it may be difficult to express in words the precise efi'ect of such an act of the Church on the souls to which it is applied. Because God is above all outward means, even of His own Sac- raments, and may be trusted to to correct all errors and to supply all defects, it docs not therefore follow that the Church, BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 127 which is visible, need neglect to do any outward act, or need suppose it void of efficacy if she does it. And if by her mouth, that is, by the Canons, she has spoken outwardly a word to hind, and has measured her bond by rjears, months, and days, it is as suitable that she should, even for the dead, indulge or remit the bond, as that she should say : " He is dead indeed (or may have died,) in the bond of excommunication, and with penances unperformed, and now, though we may trust he is pardonable, it is not worth while to rehabilitate his memory, seeing that God is Almighty, and will set all right with his soul.'' Even the Anglican Church, which rejects Purgatory and Indulgences, and omits Prayers for the Dead, retains the power and the usage of removing the bond of excommunication after death. As to In- dulgences viewed as applications of the merits of Christ and His Saints and of particular good works of the living for the benefit of the departed, no one can 'question that the Church, and even individuals, in some sense, can make such application, that is, can seek from God the benefit of those souls towards which the intention is directed. If one speculates on the efi'ect of remissions of excommu- nication or of penance on the departed, the Greeks will think that the former may sometimes have the effect of facilitating the due but suspended dissolution of the body, and that both may bring to the soul some comfort or remission " tcov xuTsy^ovraiv avTYjv aviapuiv" as they think also of the general prayers and oblations of the Church on earth, and of the faithful living, with respect to the lower and more imperfect souls of those that may yet be saved. And the Latins will naturally express the same thought in the form of a remission of the pains of Purga- tory. And thus far we need not suppose any irreconcileable difference of doctrine. But here, to avoid popular misconception, it must be remarked that neither are the canonical years of penance which a sinner may reckon up, or try to reckon up, as due to his sins, to help himself to horror and compunction, necessarily actual years, nor are the Indulgences which are their correlatives literally or es- sentially connected with time, though they seem to be measured or expressed by it. The object of penance is perfect contrition, and the cleansing of the soul : and whether that object is at- 128 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES tained in a few days or weeks (as on the reading of the Apostle's letter and the excommunication of the incestuous Corinthian, and as was commonly the case in the earliest age of the Church when penance was in itself much sharper, but as measured by time much shorter than afterwards,) or in seven, ten, or twenty years, or by a whole life of public penance, (as in later ages when theChui'ch was getting to be more mixed with the world,) it is one and the same thing. St. Paul was afraid even after a short time that the penitent might be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow. In later times the Church was not afraid by decreeing from one to thirty years' excommunication even for single sins that she should endanger the swallowing up of her penitents by overmuch sorrow. But in any particular case where the object seemed sooner to be obtained she left power to the Bishop to "grant Indulgence," that is, to measure penance not by time but by its effect. And later still, when severity had been gradually stretched to the utmost, and had failed, and, iniquity abounding more and more, it became impossible to enforce, or to perform, or even to count the penances decreed, the Church reverted for her practical discipline in great measure to this simplest and deepest principle, that for fallen Christians true contrition and amendment is necessary for salvation. But in order to give some idea, however inadequate and figurative, of the difficulty of resto- ration, and the need of our utmost exertions, in proportion to the number and nature of our sins, she kept before the eyes of men those penances measured in days and years which she had used to curb vice, to inform the conscience, and to assist repen- tance, in former times before her discipline had been quite out- stripped by the abounding of iniquity in the Christian world. An Indulgence then of so many days or years has reference not to any actual rotations of the earth on its axis or round the sun supposed to be sensible in the intermediate state, but to canon- ical years of penance: and canonical years of penance even on earth are only a form varying in different ages for giving some idea of the distinctions of sins and the difficulty of attaining perfect contrition. Nor, again, has an Indulgence reference only to such years of penance as actually imposed, but as im- posable : nor has it reference in the case of its application to the dead to any duty of actually performing the years, if not BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 129 indulged, which is impossible, but to that essential residuum (whatever it be,) of such a bond which souls may have carried with them into the intermediate state. The measurement of this residuum by time, as regards the souls themselves, is a mere figure of speech, as if one said, "The bond of that Can- onical penance which, if they were living on earth, and lived long enough, and did not merit an earlier indulgence, and the discipline of such and such a century was in force, they would have in strictness to perform for their sins." But the reason for retaining the varieties and distinctions of time in speaking of Indulgences is for the sake of the living, to work upon their minds by ideas which are definite, whereas a vague and general promise oi" some remission or advantage" in proportion to their exertions, without specifying how much remission or how much exertion in each case, might be in danger of producing less effect. Viewed thus. Indulgences may be considered as a sort of spiri- tual bonbons which the Church scatters to her children, with dif- ferent values and different works marked upon them, in the hope of stirring them up more or less towards the great objects of at- taining true contrition, and doing good works, and towards charitable intercession for the souls of others. And thus neither need we say that the essential doctrine involved in the Roman practice of granting Indulgences is false or inadmissible for the Greeks, nor that the motive of the Roman Church and the Popes in granting them is an evil one, whatever abuses may have at- tached to them. Even in the sale of Indulgences itself, which was forbidden as an abuse by the Council of Trent, it is to be remembered that the essential conditions for gaining the Indulgence sold remained the same as in all other cases : "Whosoever being realhj contrite and in charity with all men, shall devoutly perform this or that religious act, or do this or that good work specified." There was no licence or indulgence for sin, as Protestants falsely sup- pose, no pardon granted beforehand for sins as yet uncommitted, or to impenitent sinners, but a commutation into money or some good work or service to the Cross and to rehgion of Ecclesiasti- cal penances to persons who should have such dispositions, and do such acts as might justify a mitigation of penance even if no alms were given, or no such service performed. This might be K 130 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES a vei'y gross abuse, and no doubt was : as may be also the sale of very different Indulgences (to eat butter, eggs, &c., during the Fasts,) sometimes confounded with it. But it was a very different thing indeed from the enormous wickedness into which it was commonly exaggerated by the Protestants. We may conclude then that even if the Roman Church re- fused to abate anything of her present doctrine and practice on the subject of Indulgences, even in deference to the wish of an (Ecumenical Council, still there is nothing in either absolutely to prevent the Greeks from communicating with her. On the other hand, the Easterns might perhaps hope that in a General Council this latest, and most artificial, and most easy to be misunderstood and abused of all Roman developments might be pruned somewhat, and the remissions and blessings of the Church, especially as applicable to the souls of the departed, reduced to some general form, the measurement by days and years, and the word "plenary " perhaps, being disused. At any rate, as the whole question is one not of doctrine, but of taste and discretion in the manner of moving men to good works and dispositions, the Easterns might, without any breach of unity, refuse to admit the use of Indulgences within their own juris- diction ; and if they were mistaken and Rome right in her prac- tical judgment, the loss would be their own. XII. Of the Last Unction. As regards the Unction of the Sick, it is true that the Easterns have kept more exactly than the Latins to the primitive idea and practice, calling in not one Priest only but the " Priests " of the Church, that there may be united prayer, and regarding the whole act as a sacramental intercession to obtain healing, whereas the Latins (as the Eastern Divines sometimes object,) make it rather a preparation for expected death. Nevertheless, as the Easterns do not seek to be Anointed on every trivial occasion but when they think themselves danger- ously ill, and defer for the most part as long as possible to own that they are in danger, the common practice among them differs not much from that of the Latins. And as it has become a custom for all when they are manifestly in danger to send for the Priests to anoint them, and as the great majority of them BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 131 that so send and are so anointed, in compliance with the custom, are not " raised up again " to health of body in this life, but die, it is clear that ordinarily and for the majority of cases Christian faith and charity can only hope that at any rate the remains of sin (so far as sin is connected with disease and decay and death,) may through that solemn Intercession and Anoint- ing be forgiven to the soul. And this is precisely the idea which is now put most prominently forward in the Latm Church. And the Latins, on the other hand, by no means deny nor exclude that idea and purpose which seems to be predominant in the instruction given by St. James in his Epistle, and which still predominates in the doctrine of the Eastern Church. They teach that Extreme Unction sometimes (though rarely per- haps now,) obtains not only forgiveness for the remains of sin, but also a grace of bodily healing : and that it is not unlawful, if any one have the requisite faith, to desire to be anointed in order to obtain, if it so please God, even a bodily recovery. The doctrinal discordance then between the two Churches is by no means irreconcilable, but on this, as on many other points, con- sists merely in a diflference of proportion. As the name "Extreme " or "Last Unction,'" (which has some- times been borrowed from the Latins by Greek and Russian divines,) is often misunderstood by Protestants, it may be remarked that the epithet "Extreme" or "Last" does not imply that the sick person must be at the point to die, or as they say in extremis, in order to be anointed, but it distin- guishes the unction of the sick from other earlier unctions. For Christians are anointed with oil even before Baptism ; and this is the first unction : and after Baptism they are anointed with the Holy Chrism ; and with oil also on various occasions which need not here to be enumerated : and lastly when they are dangerously sick and thought to be drawing near to death, they are prayed over and anointed : and this, from its being relatively posterior to all the preceding, is called by the Latins the " Extreme " or " Last Unction." The Easterns call it the " Oil of Prayer," or the " Meeting of the Priests over the Sick ;" {Evyihaiov or Xvvolsixjig in the Service Books of the Greeks, in those of the Slavonic people Eleosvieshchenies or Soborovdnie.) k2 132 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES XIII. Of the Celibacy of the Clergy. The law of celibacy imposed upon the Latin Clergy was already noted as a fault by the Council held at Constantinople in Trullo, a.d. 691, the canons of which the Easterns receive as oecumenical. But besides that these canons have never been so received in the West, this very same Council in Trullo en- acted for the Easterns themselves a restriction similar in kind and differing only in extent from that imposed on the Latin Clergy. In direct contravention of earlier canons, or at least by a very violent wresting of them, {aly^ixaXctiTt^ova-cx. avTovg vpo; TO KuXriTspov,) the Council in Trullo forbade Bishops for the future to live with their wives. And after themselves show- ing so plainly that they regarded the existing discipline on this subject as open to change, it was somewhat unreasonable in the Greeks to quarrel with the Latins because they had chosen to go a little further in the same direction, and to impose on Priests also and on Deacons the same restriction which the Council in Trullo imposed only on Bishops. The Easterns might indeed think this a dangerous experiment and inexpedient ; but so long as they were not required to do the same, they could not deny to the Westerns that right which they had always exercised of using their own discretion and making canons of discipline for themselves. If indeed there had been any Churches in the West still retaining the earlier discipline, and the See of Rome had been invading their liberty and trying to force upon them its own custom, it would have been natural and not unjust for an Eastern Council to take their part. And some such Churches (of the Greek rite) there were, no doubt, on the coasts of southern Italy, and elsewhere, in the latter part of the eleventh century. But when we read of the Popes and Latin Bishops de- priving the secular clergy of their wives, this has not ordinarily or chiefly respect to lawful wives married according to the liberty of the ancient discipline before Ordination, but either to mere concu- bines, or to wives married in despite of the canons of the universal Church after Ordination. XIV. Of the Latin Fasts. Another ground of quarrel against the Latins is their manner of fasting ; that they observe the Saturday in every week, and BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 133 not the Wednesday; that they eat flesh up to the very begin- ning of Lent ; and begin Lent itself on the Wednesday instead of the Monday ; that their monks eat flesh ; and that during the Fasts they allow the use of fish, milk, butter, cheese, eggs, and the like. But besides that these diff"erences are mere mat- ters of rite and custom, they are all much older than the division between the Churches. The weekly fast of the Wednesday and Friday may indeed have been universal in the very earliest times, but the custom of substituting the Saturday or Sabbatli for the Wednesday is nevertheless of very remote antiquity at Rome, (having existed even in the fourth century,) and for ages it occasioned no complaint or schism. And though an oecumeni- cal Council holden in the East may have forbidden Christians to fast on any Sabbath in the year, except one, the Great Sab- bath, still no such Eastern canons of discipline, eveti though made by cecumenical Councils, were ever held to bind the West propria vigore, that is, unless they were there formally admitted and received. And apart froai the consideration of mere autho- rity, the idea of preparing for the weekly festival of Our Lord's resurrection by a weekly imitation of the fast of the Great Friday and the Great Sabbath is no less pious and appropriate than the weekly observance of Wednesday as the day on which Christ was betrayed, and Friday as the day on which He was crucified ; an observance which no doubt makes flesh-days and fasting-days to alternate at convenient intervals. If we look to the strict requirements or recommendations of the Latin rite, the difference will be reduced within narrov/ limits. For on the one hand we shall find that the Latins have not absolutely dropped the observance of the Wednesdays. On the contrary at the Four Seasons (when they hold their Ordina- tions of Clergy,) during the season before Christmas called Ad- vent, and at other times of extraordinary supplications, Wednes- day is the day that they select to be added as a day of fasting or abstinence to the Friday and Saturday. And on the other hand the Easterns, celebrating the Liturgy on the Sabbath, and not eating till it is over, that is, till about the middle of the day, come very nearly up to the abstinence of the Latins, who eat fish and eggs and cheese and butter as early as at midday on the Sabbath, and so do not fast in the strict sense of the Easterns. 134 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES As for the time of leaving off meat, or beginning Lent, and for greater or less indulgences in ])oint of diet during the fasts, such differences have existed from the beginning not only be- tween the East and the West, but also between lesser particular Churches. And among the Latins themselves a particular Church, the Church of Milati, has preserved from very ancient times even to the present day the custom of leaving off flesh and beginning Lent some days later than the rest of the Wes- tern Churches, without any breach of charity on this account ; though the other Westerns might more reasonably be offended at the particular of the Church of Milan so varying from them- selves than the Easterns at a similar variation of the whole Wes- tern Church. And as for any abuse or relaxation in the West contrary not only to the Greek but even to the milder Latin rule, such as the sale of Indulgences in Spain and South America, the relaxation of fasting to Roman-Catholics living among Protes- tants or Infidels, as in England and in France, (w^here they are allowed by Dispensation to eat meat four days in the week even during Lent,) such concessions to the overbearing force of na- tional or local custom, or to the spirit of the age, are not peculiar to the Latins. The Easterns also under similar circumstances neglect all or nearly all that is prescribed by their own discipline, and are not refused the Sacraments or put to any serious pen- ance in consequence. The only difference is this : For the Westerns the Ecclesiastical authority itself condescends to the pressure of society, and yields much in order to retain some- thing which it reserves, or at any rate in order to save the weaker sort from the certainty of sinning by disobedience to a law not absolutely essential, and to assist them that are of stronger faith towards obtaining from society some measure of toleration for obedience : whereas in the East, no modification by authority being admitted, the whole of the prescribed observ- ances are in danger of being swept away together so soon as the torrent of social corruption comes in conflict with them. The educated and civilized Greek or Russian of the higher classes, from the moment that the custom in his own grade of society sets against the observance of the fasts of his Church, or that he finds himself living among Latins or Protestants, takes freely all those liberties and dispensations which are sometimes in- BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 135 diilged by authority to Latins, and a great deal more besides, without knowing where to stop, or having any distinct reason for stopping at all, when he has once ventured to grant dispen- sation to himself without any real necessity. XV. Of the free use of the Holy Scriptures. That there is some difference between the two Churches, in their spirit, that is, and in their tone towards the laity, on this subject cannot be denied. In the West there is a general assump- tion on the part of the enemies of the hierarchy and a disagree- able sort of consciousness among the people and clergy themselves that there is something in the letter of the sacred Scriptures, or at least in the free study and circulation of them, unfriendly to the existing system of doctrine and disciphne. And in consequence there is observable in the hierarchy a total absence of zeal to promote the study of the sacred Scriptures, especially through translations. Among the Easterns on the contrary there is no such disagreeable feeling of divergence or opposition between the Scriptures and the Church, but whoever can is encouraged freely, and as a matter of course, to procure and study the Holy Books, whether in the original languages or in approved versions. Yet neither here is there any very deep opposition between the teaching or discipline of the two Churches. The Latin Church has never discouraged any person that may be capable from pro- curing and studying the Scriptures in the original text, or in those ancient translations (such as the Septuagint and the Vulgate,) which have become as the original text for the Greeks and the Latins. On the other hand the Eastern Church has never encou- raged Christians to buy or use those unauthorized translations which have been made by heretics, and which are circulated by them, often with corruptions and perverse interpretations, and al- ways with the idea of insinuating some allowance or respect for their own spurious Christianity. And if the one Church (like the early Fathers,) dwells more on the general benefit of the know- ledge and study of the Scriptures, while the other dwells more on the mischief to be apprehended from heretical versions, and from the study even of the genuine Scriptures with improper dispositions of mind, and therefore is indifferent or hostile to the multiplication of translations into living languages, this dif- 136 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES ference is perhaps no more than local and temporary, arising chiefly out of the peculiar circumstances of the West, which during the last three centuries have thrown the Latin Church into an unnatural and controversial attitude. And certainly, if anything were wanting to justify her, it would be found in the use made of the Bible by those who have rebelled against her authority, and in the results which have followed and which still follow daily from their use of it. Perceiving with the eyes of the spirit the strong and fierce devil that was entering into the Teutonic nations, and was tempting them to abuse the print- ing-press and the Scriptures to their hurt, the Roman Church might seem, and may still seem to superficial or prejudiced ob- servers to direct against the Scriptures in themselves that hostility which is really directed against the evil spirit by whose hand and mouth they are abused. But if ever that smoke from the pit which now envelopes the West should be dispersed, and the sun of faith should shine out again, it is possible that the tone of the Roman Church respecting the free use of the Scriptures may undergo a great change. XVI. Of Church Services in a tongue no longer understood by the People. Reflections similar to the above may have place also with re- gard to that unwillingness which the Roman Church has shown to give to difi'erent nations the Services of Religion in their own spoken languages. The Eastern Church inclines the contrary way ; and her divines sometimes extol her superiority over the Latin on this account. But the fault, if it be a fault, of adhering rigidly for ritual purposes to an antiquated or even to a dead lan- guage is by no means peculiar to the Latins. It is something far more general, and well nigh universal : so much so, as to suggest the idea that there may probably be some Divine eco- nomy in the permission that a custom so contrary to the spirit and practice of the primitive Christians as well as to reason and propriety should have become so generally and so permanently prevalent. The modern Greeks, the Russians Servians and Bul- garians, and the Georgians, of the OrthodoxCommunion, the Nes- toriaus of Kurdistan, the Armenians, the Monophysites of Syria Persia and India, the Arab-Copts of Egypt, and the Abyssinians, BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 137 all have their worship and Church Books in dialects either abso- lutely unintelligible or only partially intelligible to the people. It is only in some exceptional cases (and that within the last century,) as in the adoption of the Wallachian or Romanian spoken language instead of the Slavonic in the Danubian Principalities, and in the translation of the Church Books into Turkish for some con- gregations which have forgotten Greek in Asia, and into Arabic in Syria, that the Eastern Orthodox Church has shown any dis- position to accommodate Divine worship to the changing dialects of the people. It is true indeed that the old Hellenic, the old Georgian, and the Slavonic languages are very far from being absolutely unin- telligible to the modern Greeks, Georgians, or Russians, as Latin is absolutely uninteUigible to the Teutonic or semi-Teutonic na- tions of the West, to the Latin Slavonians of Poland and Bohemia, and to the Magyars of Hungary. But these nations after all com- pose only a part, though an important part, of Western Christen- dom ; and there is another large part consisting of nations, (such as the Italians and Sicilians, the Spaniards, and the Portuguese, with their colonies in South America,) in which the Latin lan- guage, though changed and blended with a Teutonic element, still predominates : and for these latter peoples the difference between the Church Latin and their own spoken or written lan- guage, is of the same kind (though greater,) as that which exists between the Hellenic of the Greek Ritual and the modern Romaic. Perhaps as the general standard of Christian faith and charity sank lower, and the Church came to be more intimately blended with the world, it became in a secondary sense good for Chris- tians that the full light of earlier and better times should be partially darkened or withdrawn : and that instead of being forced upon all to the greater condemnation of many, it should be half shown and half hidden, so as to be an incentive to exer- tion and a reward for them that have the grace to search for it to their greater profit. And as for the West, though the historian Fleury may have wondered why Rome did not act by the nations of modern Eu- rope in the spirit of the primitive Church, by giving to each, so soon at least as its language was well formed, the Scriptures 138 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES and the Services in its own tongue, it is easy to see that there were considerations of great force to forbid any such change. Even in first communicating Christianity to the Anglo-Saxons, the Germans, and other peoples in the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries it had been thought best to attempt to draw them through the Church language into the Latin family, and to make some sacrifice of popular edification for the sake of consolidating more strongly the unity of the Church. And the allowance of their own language to the Slavonians of Moravia was no excep- tion : for it was a concession to people who would not be refused, and not a voluntary boon. But when the nations and king- doms of modern Europe were at length formed, and their lan- guages fixed, the disturbing influences of their separate nation- alities became so strong, that they could hardly be kept together in Ecclesiastical unity, even though they had all one and the same faith, Church law, and Ritual, and one common Clergy, with a language of its own, interpenetrating them all and concentrated in one common independent centre at Rome. Under such circum- stances any change which should tend to strengthen still further the separate nationalities, and to divide and nationalize that common Clergy, which like the citizens of Old Rome being mixed everywhere with the Provincials bound the whole into unity, would be manifestly most dangerous : and exactly the same reasons which would move an heresiarch or a tyrant who wished to sin with impunity to introduce the use of the vulgar tongue for purposes of religion, to abolish the celibacy of the clergy, and to banish monks and friars, would weigh with Bishops and Popes to make them oppose or forbid such changes. Whether indeed under other circumstances, if nations and king- doms had been heartily devoted to the Roman See and to religious unity, and had shown no tendencies to separation, Rome might have acted difi'erently; or whether even yet at some future period, when nations and states, as such, shall have hopelessly and irrecoverably apostatized, and the remnant of sincere be- lievers are everywhere and of necessity Ultramontanes, (if that is to be so, as some think,) Rome may still act differently, and en- courage or even enjoin a freer use of the vernacular languages of each people in the services of religion, — are questions on which every one may speculate as he pleases. BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 139 XVIT. Of " Persecution." Greeks and Russians often enough inveigh against the perse- cuting spirit of the Church of Rome, and dwell upon the cruel- ties of the Inquisition, and upon certain well-known passages of history, with as much liveliness as the Protestants themselves : and they contrast these horrors with the mild and tolerant Chris- tianity of their own Church. But here again on closer inspec- tion the supposed difference will be found to vanish. Far from being any invention of the Popes or of the Church of Rome, the practice of restraining heresy by civil penalties, and even by capital punishments, originated with the Christian Emperors of Constantinople, and was based upon principles of civil government universally recognized, and sanctioned both by natural reason and by Divine legislation. Among the Athenians, the most intelligent people of antiquity, it was made the ground of a capital accusation against Socrates, that he corrupted the youth by dishonouring the religion of the State and introducing new Gods : and Socrates, the wisest and best of Gentile sages, though he denied the charge, yet by no means denied that the punishment would be suitable if the charge were true. And among the Hebrews, if even a brother, or son, or daughter, or wife, or friend, were to entice any man, though it were secretly, to serve other Gods, he was not to be spared nor concealed, but the hand of the nearest relative was to be first upon him to stone him to death, and afterwards the hand of all the people. And if any city followed or harboured such innovators, that city was to be smitten with the sword and utterly destroyed, with all its people, their cattle and property, and burned, and made a heap for ever, and never to be rebuilt. Thus they were commanded to put away the abomination from among them, and to avert the fierce anger of the Lord, {Deut. xiii.) Nor could this well have been otherwise, if any Government was to govern the whole man, the whole body politic, intelligently, with a view to its real good and happiness. If indeed any go- vernor were a mere human animal, without any higher idea than that of material wellbeing, or if, while perceiving the possible importance of religion, he were unable to choose between conflic- ting creeds, or without power to influence his subjects, he would 14-0 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES necessarily iu governing aim after only such inferior and partial wellbeing as lay within his knowledge and his power. But in proportion as any ruler, whether the father of a family, the mas- ter of a house, or the governor of a State, really believes any moral or religious truth, and perceives its importance, it is not only right but natural and inevitable that he should do all he can to favour, maintain, and promote such truth, and to exclude repress and extirpate all contrary error. When men speak or write as if they thought otherwise, their words only publish that they are themselves destitute of belief, or at least of power to promote their belief, or that they are inconvenienced by the existence of belief joined with power in others. Such are the clamorous outcries of Roman -Catholics (no less than of Protes- tants,) in countries where they are not dominant, and the popular praises of religious liberty and toleration in countries where Protestantism is strong as a negative principle, but in its pos- itive forms lukewarm and divided. But though the principle of " persecution " (as it is called,) is acted upon more or less (according to their power and discretion) by all governors so far as they have a belief, it is manifestly very liable to be misapplied by indiscreet zeal or evil passion. And such misapplication of it has at various times and in various countries occasioned many ineffectual and revolting cruelties, which have commonly rather strengthened the opinions they were inten- ded to suppress, and have excited an infinite amount of miscon- ception and abhorrence against the principle itself. In fact, the occasions really justifying the extreme application of this princi- ple are of the very rarest occurrence. So rare are they, that one may almost say with truth that the infliction of capital penalties for offences against faith, though right and defensible in theory, is in practice mischievous and wrong. For it is not the duty of any and every government to burn, or even to imprison or fine, every heretic and schismatic whom it has the power to seize, nor under any or all circumstances : but only when the gover- nor and his people are as yet united in the true faith, and the evil attacks them for the first time, so that it is possible by a few summary and capital punishments to destroy it in the bud or egg, (as in one female wasp in Spring the gardener may dc- stroy a whole swarm,) and possible also by a striking severity BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 141 in the manner of the punishments to impress on men a just sense of the enormity of the crime, and of the mischief it threatens to society, and a sakUary fear of what else (if tolerated, and recommended by any specious qualities in the heresiarchs,) might appear to simple people innocent or even attractive : and lastly, when all that charity and zeal can devise has been first tried by the ministers of religion to convert the heresiarch, and he remains obdurate. These conditions are clearly indicated by our Saviour Himself in the parallel case of the severities en- acted by the Mosaic law against sins of uncleanness, and in par- ticular against the crime of adultery. For when they brought to Him a woman taken in adultery, and questioned Him, saying, " Master, Moses in the law commanded that such should be stoned ; but what sayest Thou ?" He taught them that the law indeed was good, and wise, and just, yet that it was not to be executed against offenders by people who were themselves guilty : that its purpose was not to authorize adulterers or idolaters to stone, or burn, or persecute one another, but to defend the people of God, while as yet pure from such sins, and united in faith and obedience, against the first assault and contagion of the most destructive evils. So then, if there has been much and terrible misapplication of the principle of persecution in the West, this has been owing to the fault of particular rulers and governments, or of society in particu- lar ages and countries, and under particular circumstances, not to anything false or evil in the principle itself, nor to the Church, which (as such) merely teaches princes the abstract truth that it is their duty to protect their subjects against heresy no less than against robbery or murder. Neither has persecution in the West been exercised only by Roman-Catholic rulers (in whom, being a duty, it involves no evil passion,) but equally by Protestants, in whom, being contrary to their ideas of justice, it is an inconsistent and odious atrocity. And if on the other hand there has been less heard of severities from Christian rulers in the Eastern Church, and less feeling excited on the subject, this has not been owing to any difference in the instructions she has given to kings as to the principle, but simply to a difference of circumstances. Nor have occasions been altogether wanting when " persecution " has been used in Eastern Christendom, and that too at the de- 142 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES niand of the Clerg3^ That, the Greek Emperors of Constantino- ple punished heresy by death^ and byburniug, has been mentioned above : and in the History of the Russian Church, in her very infancy, a case is recorded which shows the Russians partici- pating in the same views. A Monophysite of Armenian origin, who had devoted himself for many years with singular patience and industry to sowing the seeds of a subtle and imaginative heresy which was to unite the Greek and the Latin rites under the Monophysite Creed, after once recanting before a Synod of Bishops at Kieff, having relapsed, and remaining obdurate, was at length remitted to Constantinople, as a subject of the Greek Empire, to be dealt with according to its laws. And this man, after having been again in vain exhorted by the Greek Clergy, was burned alive. And about the end of the fifteenth century, under the Grand Prince John III. of Moscow, when a deistical heresy of Jewish origin had infected numbers of the Clergy, and some of the chief servants and favourites of tlie Sovereign, (if not the Sovereign himself,) and had the Primate of the Church, whose name was Zozimus, among its adherents, a simple monk, Joseph the Hegoumen of Volokolamsk, by his letters and exhortations roused the sounder part of the Hierarchy, forced the assembling of a Synod, and procured the condemnation of the heresy, the deposition of the heterodox Primate, and the election of another who was orthodox. And when the Judaizers evaded all tests by readily anathematizing their own heresies, while they held and taught them all the same, he demanded, as the only remaining resource, that they should be put down by the civil power ; and actually forced the Grand Prince to give up his own Secretary, together with others, to be burned in the public place at Moscow. It is true that the zeal of this Hegoumen Joseph and his arguments (arguments which he enforced by the example of the King of Spain, whose persecution of the Jews was then noised in Russia,) met with great opposition, especially from the heretics themselves and their favourers. These naturally enough contended that the only arms to be em- ployed against religious error were the arms of meekness and. persuasion ; and that nothing could be more unchristian than for the civil governor to use, or for the Clergy to suggest, perse- cution. Many well-intentioned moderate men, who saw not the BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 143 real nature of the emergency, added strength to such remon- strances. But the Hegoumen carried his point. Persecution was used. A most formidable heresy, one of the most subtle and evasive that has ever appeared, which had taken deep root, was spreading rapidly, had great worldly and even ecclesiastical advantages on its side, and seemed unassailable by ordinary spi- ritual arms, was cut short, and after a time extirpated by perse- cution. And the monk who effected this is celebrated to this day in consequence as a Saint of the Russian Church. XVIII. Of the Existence of 7-eputed Saints and ' Miracles in both Communions. At present the Latins commonly make light of those Greek Saints who have lived since the breach between the Churches, and the Greeks make light of the Latin Saints who have lived since the same time. So too the Latins reject Greek miracles and Greek Icons, and the Greeks reject those of the Latins. But this on both sides is merely in consequence of the division : and the ex- istence on both sides of reputed Saints and miracles, far from being an impediment, is really rather an assistance towards re- union. According to the terms of the Council of Florence the Greeks would have continued to honour all their Saints who had lived since the separation, and the Latins would have continued to honour theirs. And even if it were supposed that the Greek Church were schismatical and the Latin Church heretical, still in the opinion of the most enlightened theologians it would by no means follow that sanctity and miracles might not exist in those Churches. For though in ivilful schismatics or heretics they could not be supposed to exist, yet in individuals and gene- rations which should be only materially in schism or heresy, and excusable by what the Latins call invincible ignorance, sanctity and miracles might exist to any extent. And so not only of the Greek, but even of the Nestorian and Monophysite Churches, it may be admitted by Roman Divines that perhaps they have produced Saints, and may have witnessed true miracles. But much more if, as we have been supposing, both the Greek and the Latin Churches are parts of the true Catholic Church, is it reasonable, and agreeable to our theory, that they should botli have continued to produce reputed Saints and 144 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES miracles since the time of theii estrangement in the ninth or in the eleventh century to the present day. One class of reputed Saints and miracles however there is, which are really obstacles rather than assistances to union : that is, when any reputed Saint or miracle is connected with the di- vision itself, and even seems to have been magnified (by the one side or the other,) for the sake of the division. Thus, though it may be admitted that Photius, Gregory Palamas, and Mark of Ephesus were great and learned men, and that they defended the orthodox phraseology, they will not be magnified into Saints except by such as wish to make of them three beams or wedges of bitterness to keep open the wounds of the Church. Neither does the existence on both sides of a vast mass of popular legends and superstitions, and of excesses and abuses connected with the Invocation of the Blessed Virgin and the Saints, and with the worship of Images and Pictures, and of Ilelics, ofl^er any hindrance to unity, though now the Greeks on the one side and the Latins on the other seem often to be very free (as free as the Protestants themselves,) in blaming and re- jecting, and even in ridiculing, these faults in their rivals. Rather, the general similarity of the two Communions in these re- spects would offer great facilities: and if no other hindrances stood in the way of peace, they would accept or tolerate one another's kindred superstitions just as readily as they now reject them. Whereas, on the other hand, even if the Anglican Communion were plainly one with the Greek in all articles of faith, there would still be no small difficulty in the way of a solid practical union arising from the uncongeniality of the dominant feeling in the two Communions with regard to what is commonly called superstition, a weakness (so far as it is a weakness,) natural to man, and nowhere catalogued among the deadly sins, nor forbidden by any one of the ten Commandments. XIX. Of Immutability and Novelty, as characteristic of the two Churches respectively. A greater appearance of difficulty there is in the reconcile- ment of the stereotyped antiquarianism of the Greek Rite, pre- serving exactly the same usages, with the developments and ap- parent distortions of idea and practice which characterize the BETWEEN THE GREEKS AND THE LATINS. 145 present Latin Rite. The Greek Rite is like a plant or building which, though covered with dust and somewhat shrunk, pre- serves all its original shape and proportions : the Latin on the contrary is so changed that it is rather like a new building, con- structed in part out of the ruins of the old. Various important parts of the old are suppressed, others thrown into the shade : things which did not exist, or which were unimportant once, have been brought forward : many ancient channels of grace and edification have become dry, while fresh ones have been opened. Instead of one daily public Liturgy on one altar in the church, and the Bishop con-celebrating with the body of his Clergy, we now see multiplied altars, and each Priest saying his own separate Mass. Then there is the reservation of the Bles- sed Sacrament, not for the sick, but to furnish a local bodily presence of Christ dwelling in and sanctifying the building of the church, with all the train of applications and devotions which follow from this, the Visitation of the Blessed Sacrament, with meditation and adoration before it, &c. Again, the pecu- liar systematized devotions to the Blessed Virgin, with the facts and doctrines on which they are partly based, and other like things, which occupy at the present day so large a place in Ro- man-Catholic religion, but which were totally unknown to the ancients. Some doctrinal points, having been already treated separately, need not to be here mentioned over again. The general aspect is this : on the Western side apparent no- velties, errors, and abuses, (it may be,) with manifest life and energy ; on the Greek or Eastern side apparent preservation of the ancient type of ritual and proportion of doctrine with for- malism and coldness. So that, if unity were to be restored, we must suppose either that the Latin life, leaving its new and dis- torted channels, would return to run in the older channels of the Easterns, while the Easterns, preserving what they have al- ready, would gain ?in increase of life from union with the Latins ; or else that there is some real connection between the life and the novelties on the one side, and between the antiquarianism and the coldness on the other; and, in that case, that the Greeks after their reunion with the West would probably begin to inno- vate, and to admit among themselves those Latin developments and changes of proportion which they now reject and condemn. L 146 REMARKS ON PARTICULAR CONTROVERSIES, ETC. And if we suppose this latter case, and that in a number of lesser particulars the Eastern Church discovered a real connec- tion to exist between spiritual life and the changes of the Latins, she would have strong grounds for extending the same princi- ple so as to accept also upon it, and as developments, the two great doctrines of the "Double Procession" and the Papal Su- premacy : which would imply the complete reversal of those porportions of relative superiority and inferiority which we have hitherto been assuming to exist between the theology and ritual of the two Churches. And this leads to another subject, which shall be treated in a separate Section. DISSERTATION IX. OF THE BEARING OF THE THEORY OF DOCTRINAL DEVELOP- MENT ON THE CONTROVERSY BETWEEN THE ORTHODOX AND THE ROMAN-CATHOLIC CHURCHES. The general practice of Roman-Catholic writers has been to de- fend all the existing doctrines of their Church, and (on the most important points) her discipline also and ritual, on the ground of tradition, either written or oral, preserved uninterruptedly from the beginning. Enslaved to this theory they have too often interpolated and corrupted the text of ancient authors, denied or explained away their plain meaning, and given a false colour- ing to Ecclesiastical history. The Easterns meanwhile, the Anglicans, and the Protestants, seeing a plain discrepancy on many important points between the modern Roman-Catholic Church and the Catholic Church of earlier times, and considering the efforts of Roman-Catholics to deny, or dissemble, or account for such a discrepancy to be unsuccessful, or even dishonest, have been used to strengthen themselves in their conviction that the Latin Church is in the wrong, and that they themselves (though this does not at all follow,) are in the right. Recently a man of the greatest genius and learning and piety, who had long endeavoured to defend the Anglican Church but had found it indefensible, being attracted by many considerations towards Rome, has attempted in an elaborate essay not only to account for the discrepancy existing between the modern Roman and the ancient Church, but even to turn this very discrepancy itself into an argument in favour of the Roman Communion. This he does by means of a certain theory of development, ac- cording to which the Church has power not only to enlarge her L 2 148 BEARING OF THE THEORY OF DEVELOPMENT definitions of the faith by the denial of new heresies, but also to expand the faith itself by the addition of fresh positive truths the knowledge of which may have grown upon her with time from Scriptural, logical, and supernatural sources, and even to contradict, it may be, on some points the confused or erroneous conceptions of earlier ages. Thus the " Double Procession " of the Holy Spirit may have been utterly unknown; the Papal Supremacy may have existed only as a dormant seed, an unde- fined consciousness in the local Roman Church ; the doctrine of the propriety of invoking Saints or worshipping Images may have been the one unknown, the other denied ; the dominant language on the subject of the state of the departed may have been inconsistent with the doctrine of Purgatory ; and there may have been no other Indulgences in existence but remissions of canonical penance; the doctrine of Transubstantiation, so far as the distinction of substance and accidents was concerned, may have been an open question ; the Unction of the Sick may have been used chiefly for the sake of their recovery ; the early history of the Blessed Virgin and the notion of her Assumption in the body may have been taken from apocryphal writings, and the Fathers may have supposed that she was conceived, like the rest of mankind, with original sin : and yet, with all this, the modern Roman doctrine may be on all these points, by development, the true and necessary consequence, supplement, or correction of the primitive belief. Without attempting to explain at length, or to pursue further into details this theory, which may be studied, by such at least as can read English or French, in Dr. Newman's own work, a few words only shall be said of its bearing upon the controversy between the Eastern and the Latin Churches. The Eastern Church by her general character of immobility, her fixed antiquarianism even in ritual, and especially by her denial of the " Double Procession," and of the doctrines of Pa- pal Supremacy, Purgatory, and Indulgences, on the express ground of their having been unknown to antiquity, seems to declare against the doctrine of positive development in point of faith. These very words, " Our Church knows no develop- ments : " were often used twenty years ago by a late Metropo- litan of St.Petersburgh in speaking of the addition made by the ON THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST. 1 19 Latins to the Creed, Ou the other hand, by her doctrines con- cerning the Invocation of Saints, and the Worship of Icons she seems to many to have admitted the principle. " These Greeks" (said an Anghcan clergyman, long resident in Uussia, to the writer,) " seem to think that the Faith is like a great plant, which came to its full growth only at the time of the Seventh Council." And if so, one does not see why other doc- trinal developments, such as those of the Double Procession, the Papal Supremacy, Purgatory, and Indulgences, &c., may not be true, and to be accepted, just as much as the doctrines concern- ing the Invocation of Saints and the Worship of Icons, which can no more be defended than the others on the ground of ori- ginal, explicit, and unbroken tradition. In truth the Eastern Church cannot remain for ever a stran- ger to such intellectual questions and their consequences. And if she does indeed maintain already as doctrines of faith two articles which can be defended as such only on the ground of development, she must prepare herself to re-examine other arti- cles which she has hitherto rejected, and to see whether they may not be admissible on the same ground. Or else, if she still per- sists in denying those articles, and with them the principle of development on which they now claim to rest, she must find some other tenable ground on which to rest her own doctrines con- cerning the Invocation of Saints and the Worship of Icons : as, for instance, if she were distinctly to teach that these are not doctrines of the faith properly so called at all, but only second- ary opinions or doctrines I'ightly decreed and enforced by the Church respecting practical usage and ritual. Members of the Eastern Church will sometimes seem to hesi- tate between these two alternatives, and will say that as for the doctrines of the Procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son, Purgatory, and Indulgences, if they were defined or developed by a General Council, as the doctrine of the Worship of Icons has been defined, they would admit them as a matter of course : but that they cannot admit the Papal Supremacy as defining and developing either these or any other doctrines, or as acting and ruling of itself and independently, apart from and even con- trary to the decrees of former General Councils. But, if the principle of development be admitted at all, one does not see 150 BEARING OF THE THEORY OF DEVELOPMENT how any individual or any local Church can set limits to its operation, or dictate to the Spirit which animates the Church and throws up her successive developments that developments shall bud and shoot forth only through the meetings and decrees of General Councils. AVho can say that the constitution and government itself of the Church, no less than her doctrine and ritual, may not be the subjects of development ? and that the same Spirit which at one time spoke and ruled chiefly through Saints and Fathers, through local and General Councils, may not in later ages speak and rule chiefly through one central Chair and Oracle, that is through the person of St. Peter's suc- cessor at Rome ? The principle of development being granted, this may very well be : and all that Christians can do is to judge as well as they can whether the moral, spiritual, and reasonable signs in favour of this or that asserted development are such as they may safely go upon in accepting it. Of course, so long as Rome seems to maintain her former antiquarian attitude towards the Eastern Church, and to dictate to her for acceptance her own modern additions or changes either with unreasoning violence or on the untenable ground of continuous tradition, the Eastern Church may not feel herself obliged (though she ought to be ready to try and judge all doc- trine if she is really superior,) to examine closely what appears as yet only as a tolerated theory or school within the Roman Communion. But a time will probably come when this theory, the consequences of which are too vast and important to allow of its being held in abeyance, will either be plainly and gene- rally maintained, or rejected and condemned. If indeed it should be rejected within the Roman Communion, the Eastern Church will have no cause to examine a theory of which she thinks her- self to have no real need, and which is rejected even by those who do manifestly need it. But if it ever comes to be received and carried out fairly to its consequences in the Roman Com- munion, it will involve such a change of attitude and aspect in that Communion towards the Eastern, as will make it absolutely necessary for the Easterns to consider it with attention. For it will be no longer the same thing to reject the novelties of Ro- man-Catholicism when proposed on new grounds and in a new temper, as it has been hitherto to reject them when proposed on ON THK DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST, 151 grounds manifestly false, and with a temper and spirit not likely to make those false grounds attractive. Supposing then the theory of development to be received in the Roman Communion, the future language of that Communion to the Easterns will probably be something like this : " The Church, though infallible in essentials, yet suffers to an extent which it is difficult to limit by the sins and imperfections of her members, by those of nations as well as of individuals, by those of particular hierarchies and Churches, and even of the Papacy itself, as well as by those of laymen. In the long-standing schism between the Greeks and the Latins, the Roman See and the Eastern Patriarchates, it may be confessed that besides jealou- sies connected with races of men and political governments, with hierarchical jurisdiction, and with ritual customs, there has been also one very deep cause of misunderstanding which has never yet been properly or sufficiently acknowledged ; that is, the ignorance on both sides of the principle and law of develop- ment ; an ignorance which made us Latins, even if we were intrinsically in the right in what we sought to teach or to im- pose upon the whole Church, to be outwardly and apparently in the wrong, and you Greeks, even if you were intrinsically wrong in rejecting our Latin novelties, to be outwardly and apparently in the right ; that is, according to the principle then held in common on both sides, that every doctrine ought to be proved by explicit and continuous tradition, and that whatever could not so be proved ought to be rejected. For the past therefore we are willing that there should be a complete amnesty. Far from calling you heretics or schismatics any longer, we confess that, if the principle of unchangeableness formerly received on both sides had been true, you would have been all along the orthodox and we the heretics or schismatics ; for you alone have acted consistently with that principle throughout, and we were acting inconsistently with our own generally-received principles when we would have forced upon you what was new. And though we now think that the principle of unchangeableness formerly held on all sides was in fact erroneous, and that we, though wrong as to the grounds on which we rested and en- forced our novelties, were yet right in the things themselves, we are willing to take upon ourselves the whole blame of the schism 152 BEARING OF THE THEORY OF DEVELOPMENT for the past : and for the future we demand only that forgetting and dismissing from your minds all the misdirected violence and hostility we have shown against you, and all our ineffectual and sometimes perhaps dishonest attempts to demonstrate our doctrines to have been delivered by universal tradition from the beginning, you will now consider impartially and attentively the new grounds upon which we rest the same doctrines, and the doctrines themselves in the new aspect and bearing which they will have as based upon these new grounds. And if you should be able, upon sufficient consideration, to come to such a conclu- sion as we desire, then the unity of the whole Church, East and West, Greek and Latin, will be thereby restored at once ; and some changes will be desired and adopted by yourselves which we shall regard as great improvements, and which will open to you fresh springs of spiritual grace and life, from which you are now shut out not so much by any fault of your own as by our past faults towards you, and by a mistake or ignorance common to us both. Thus the Procession of the Holy Spirit from the Son, the doctrine of the Papal Supremacy, the doctrines of Purgatory and Indulgences, and of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin, which you now deny or doubt, (and rightly upon that older theory of explicit tradition which was commonly re- ceived in times past,) will cease to be objectionable to you. Varieties of discipline and ritual such as the permission of Baptism by one immersion, or even by aflfusion, the restriction of Confirmation to the Bishop, the postponement of that Sacra- ment and of the First Communion of children till they have learned the Catechism, the use of Azymes in the Eucharist, the Consecration (in the same) by the recital of Christ^s words of Institution and not by any direct invocation of the Holy Ghost, the giving of the Holy Communion under one kind only to the laity, and many other like things, will cease to be any cause of offence, or may rather afford matter of instruction and edifica- tion, and occasion for the exercise of mutual respect and charity: while other customs which you now rightly reject as innovations, distortions, or changes and destructions of the ancient religion, such as the multiplication of altars and Masses instead of the former con -celebration of one public Liturgy, the use of the Blessed Saciameut for visitation and meditation, the carrying of ON THE DIVISION OF THE EAST AND WEST. 153 It abroad in processions, the multiplied varieties of religious Orders, and especially the more intelligent and more systema- tized devotion to the Blessed Virgin, will change their aspect, and will appear in the light of most desirable springs of spiritual moisture ready to irrigate and fertilize the venerable but parched and dried forms of your Church." Suchj we may suppose, will be the language of Roman divines at no very distant day to the Eastern, and especially to the Russian Church : the first preparation for which must be a re- examination of the question of the Filioque, and an attempt to explain historically and to justify theologically the gradual development of the Latin doctrine, till it was defined in the Council of Florence. If this can be done satisfactorily, (the whole rubbish of former polemics on the subject being given up and swept away,) the application of the same principle of deve- lopment afterwards to all other points of difference, and even to that of the Supremacy, will be easy, and will follow of itself. If this be not done, or cannot be done satisfactorily, the Churches will remain in their former attitude, and wait till the almighty providence of God, by the outward changes of the world and its empires, and of visible Christianity, puts a clear end to their controversy. DISSERTATION X. ON THE CONTROVERSY RESPECTING THE PROCESSION OF THE HOLY GHOST. The following may serve as a short exposition of the main scholastical argument, as it is viewed by the two contrary sides : The Latins seem to say that the unity of the Godhead is distinguished into Persons, and the Persons are distinguished one from another only by the direct relative opposition of causing and being caused, such as is implied in the names of the Persons themselves, thus : — " He who begets cannot, so far, be He who is begotten ; nor vice versa : but in all other respects He who is begotten is iden- tical with Him who begets. Also, He who makes to proceed cannot, so far, be He who is made to proceed ; nor vice versa : but in all other respects He who is made to proceed is identical with Him who makes to proceed. And therefore, as it seems, " He who is made to proceed by Him that begets must necessarily Himself also have this property of begetting, (since there is no apparent relative opposition between the terms being ' made to proceed' and ' begetting ' : ) and He who is begotten by Him who makes to proceed must necessarily Himself also have this property of making to proceed, (since there is no apparent relative opposition between the terms ' begotten ' and ' making to proceed.'') Or, in other words, it seems that " The Father and the Spirit together and equally (whether as two Persons or rather as one common principle and substance,) beget the Son ; and the Father and the Son together and equally (whether as two Persons or rather as one common prin- ciple and substance,) make to proceed the Holy Ghost. The consequence is equally necessary in both cases. ON THE PROCESSION OP THE HOLY GHOST. 155 "But thus the Spirit causes the Son, and is reciprocally caused by the Son, propositions which are mutually destructive the one of the other. Wherefore, although both these propo- sitions seem to follow with equal necessity, according to what has been said above, it is plain that one [at least) of them must be false. And it is admitted on all hands that the Spirit does not beget the Son. But by that principle which was laid down first of all one of these same two propositions must be true, otherwise there would be no direct relative opposition to distin- guish the Son and the Spirit the one from the other. There- fore it must be the Son who makes to proceed the Spirit. And thus we have between all the thi'ee Persons that distinction of direct relative opposition which is requisite.^^ The Easterns on the other hand say that " If indeed the pri- mary assumption of the Latins were true, that there must be a direct relative opposition, of causing and being caused, to dis- tinguish any two of the Persons the one from the other, then, it being admitted, as they say, on all hands that the Spirit does not cause the Son, it would of course remain that the Son must cause the Spirit. But the first principle itself of the Latins is an arbitrary and false assumption. The unity of the Divine Essence is distinguished into Persons, and the Persons are distinguished one from another, not only by direct relative opposition of causing and being caused : but the Son and the Spirit are distinguished the one from the other as Persons in another way : " The Pather indeed is, no doubt, distinguished both from the Son and from the Spirit, and they both in common from the Father, by direct relative opposition of causing and being caused : and the Easterns say in common with the Latins that '' He who begets cannot, so far, be He who is begotten ; nor vice versa : and He who is made to proceed cannot, so far, be He who makes to proceed ; nor vice versa. But of the mutual dis- tinction between the Son and the Spirit the Easterns reason after the following manner : "He who is begotten is not, so far. He who is made to pro- ceed ; nor vice versa. Or again : He who is caused or origi- nated so as to be second in order, immediately, is not, so far, the same with Him who is caused or originated (iw-era, j^ost, Sia, 156 ON THE CONTROVERSY RESPECTING per,) intermediately, after the second, so as to be third in order ; nor vice versa." And then they conclude that "That Person which is begotten by another Person who makes to proceed cannot, so far, be Himself the Person doing that same numerical act of making to proceed. Nor can that Person which is made to proceed by another Person who begets be, so far, Himself the Person so begetting. So that it is equally impossible that either the Spirit together with the Father should beget the Son, or the Son together with the Father make to proceed the Spirit. " For the truth is that both to beget and to make to proceed are equally personal properties of the First Person in the Trinity, the sole unoriginated cause, that is, of the Father. And if it be attempted to conclude otherwise from the unity of the Divine essence, because the terms ' begotten ' and ' made to proceed' do not seem of themselves by any relative opposition to exclude the properties of 'making to proceed' or of 'begetting' respectively, the two consequences which follow from this at- tempt, and which are in truth both equally necessary, equally destroy one another, and by so destroying one another reveal the falsity of that assumption from which they followed." Thus, to sum up, as to the distinction of the Persons the Easterns say : " He who begets is distinguished from Him who is begotten, and He who makes to proceed from Him who is made to pro- ceed, doubhj ; first, by a common and general relative opposition between that which causes and that which is caused ; and se- condly, by a particular and special relation in the manner of the causation ; that is, in the first case by generation, in the second by procession. " And again : He who is begotten is distinguished from Him who is made to proceed not by any direct relative opposition in the names or properties of those Persons themselves, but only by a difierence in the manner of their causation from, and in their relative order (of priority or posteriority,) to their one common Originator. Being from one and the same, they are therefore identical in their essence with Him and with one another : but they are distinguished one from the other as Persons by the manner of their causation : so that, as has been said already, He THE PROCESSION OF THE HOLY GHOST. 157 who is begotten cannot be He who is made to proceed, nor He that is made to proceed be He that is begotten : and He that is second in relative ordei*, or next after the frst, cannot be He that is third ; nor vice versa." As for the Latins, on this point they seem to the Easterns to begin by assuming arbitrarily what is false, and afterwards to reason only from their own assumption. They seem too (at least if any still with St. Anselm admit generation and procession to differ in themselves,) to leave after all for the Holy Ghost that very same inequality to avoid which in respect of the Son they first attributed to the Son the causation of the Spirit. For after all the Spirit (notwithstanding the unity of the Divine essence,) will be destitute of a certain property of the Father (that of begetting,) besides that of making to proceed through which alone He is distinguished by way of direct relative oppo- sition from the Father. And He will also be destitute of a certain property of the Son (that of being begotten,) besides that of making to proceed through which alone He is distinguished by way of direct relative opposition from the Son no less than from the Father. Again, another difficulty which they think follows from the Latin way of reasoning on this subject is the following : One Deity, according to the Latins, introverting upon itself and in- troverted, is said to beget and to be begotten : the same Deity a second time (not in time but in order) introverting upon itself and introverted, is said to make to proceed and to be made to proceed ; the only difference between begetting in the first case and making to proceed in the second being this, that begetting is causing simply, while making to proceed is causing the second time ; with the addition, that is, of the idea of posterio- rity to a similar anterior causation. The word person then is properly a relative term between two. The first causation divides or distinguishes what is otherwise one absolute undistinguish- able unity into the causing and the caused. Father and Son, two Persons ; and exactly in the same way that Deity which is (except as to causing and having been caused,) one absolute un- distinguishable unity (in the Father and the Son,) is by a second causation distinguished into the causing and the caused, the ONE COMMON PRINCIPLE and the Holy Ghost, two Persons, 158 ON THE CONTROVERSY RESPECTING as it should seem, and Father and Son also (even though this language be not used,) equally with the former Two, that is, with the Father and the Son ; if indeed the ideas and defini- tions of '' person " and ''father " be constituted only by relative opposition in respect of causation. However, for the Easterns all such impossible scholastic disquisitions are mere profaneness. But without entering at present into any further detail on the subject of this deep controversy, there shall be subjoined here a brief collection of such modes of expression concerning the Procession as seem to be used or implied by the Fathers : In speaking of the First Person of the Blessed Trinity : The Father i. breathes, or causes, or makes to proceed the Holy Ghost : and that ii. by a personal property, in like man- ner as it is by a personal property that He begets the Son. III. He so produces the Holy Ghost in order (not in time,) after the Son. And by this procession He communicates his whole essence, all that He is, (except only his personal attri- butes,) to the Holy Ghost, in like manner as by generation He communicates the same whole essence, all that He is, (except only his personal properties,) to the Son. And, seeing that the Son is second in order, He communicates to the Holy Ghost that same Divine essence which is now already common to the Son with Himself. In speaking of the Second Person : The Son i. being begotten by the Person of the Father, and from His substance, receives second in order all that the Father is (except only His personal properties), ii. He possesses as his own, not as communicated to Him, but as originally inherent in Him (on account of his con substantiality with the Father, and on account of his being at the same time second in order,) the Holy Spirit, who receives all that the Father is (except only His personal properties,) third in order, [iii. He might be said perhaps, improperly, and indirectly, to give his own essence to the Spirit on account of his consubstantiality with the Father ; inasmuch as the Person of the Father, which pro- perly gives, gives to the Holy Spirit that essence which is now already common to the Son with Himself, and numerically THE PROCESSION OF THE HOLY GHOST. 159 one ia Both.] So the Son, being God of God, ' sends * not only 'from the Father' but also 'from Himself upon Him- self/ after the Incarnation, in the Jordan, ' His own co-eternal Spirit'; His Spirit 'not received from without, but natu- rally inherent in Himself, and naturally flowing forth from Him/ In speaking of the Third Person : I. The Holy Ghost proceeds i. ' From God ;' that is, from the Father as a Person, or in respect of his personality : ii. ' From the Father :' iii. ' From the Father only :' iv. ' From the Person of the Father only :' v, ' Not from the Son ;' (that is, ' not from the Son, but from the Father :') vi. ' Not from the Son ;' that is, ' not from the Person of the Son :') vii. ' Not from Himself:' that is, 'not from his own Person.' II. The Holy Gno^i proceeds i. * From the essence of God ;' that is, ' of the Father :' ii. ' From the essence of the Father :' III. ' From the essence of the Father now already common to the Son :' iv. ' From the essence of the Father and the Son :' V. ' From the essence of the Son, because from that essence of the Father which is the Son's.' III. The Holy Ghost receives : i. ' He receives from the Father the essence of the Father,' that is, of God : ii. ' He receives from the Father that essence of the Father which is now already also the Son's :' iii. ' He receives from the Father the essence of the Father and the Son :' iv. ' He receives from the Father the essence of the Son, because He receives that essence which is one and the same in the Son and in the Father :' V. ' He receives of, from, or out of{e vel de^ the Father and the Son ;' that is, ' He receives oi,from, or out of their common Divine essence :' vi. ' He receives of, from, or out of the Son,' (e vel de Filio,) because He receives of, from, or out of the Father. IV. The Holy Ghost is i. ' Of the Father's essence ;' {Patris essentia :) ii. ' Of the essence of the Father and the Son :' iii. ' Of the essence of God :' iv. ' Of the Son's es- sence.' Again, He is i. 'From or out of the Father (e vel de Patre,) in respect of his essence :' ii. ' From or out of the Son in respect of his essence, because He is from or out of the Father :' iii. ' From or out of the Father and the Son in re- spect of his essence, because it is now one and the same essence numerically in Both.' 160 ON THE CONTROVERSY RESPECTING V. He 'proceeds indeed from the Father/ i. 'But is proper to the Son :' ii. 'But is not foreign to the Son:' hi. 'But receives of the Son's, and of the Son :' iv. * But is sent by the Son.* Or again, i. He ' is from all eternity the Spirit of the Son, no less than of the Father :' ii. He *is not communicated to the Son, but is originally, naturally, and inherently the Son's:' hi. He 'receives from the Son Himself/ that is, from the substance of the Son, and not, like the creatures, from His fulness : iv. He * is sent : and this mission implies something like authority in the Sender ;' (that is, priority of relative order.) Four abusive but orthodox applications of the word Procession : VI. If the words 'to proceed' and 'procession' be used equivocally, (to speak with the logicians,) it may be said, I. That the Holy Ghost 'proceeds from the Father and the Son / that is, from the Father only with respect to that Person ov personality which is the cause ; but from the Son also in respect of that common essence of Deity (common, that is, to the Son, and numerically one in the Father and the Son,) which He receives from the Person of the Father as the cause. II. Again, if the word 'procession ' be used equivocally in another way, it may be said that He 'proceeds from the Father and the Son ' thus : namely, from the Father only in respect of His own personality or origin as a Person, but from the Son also in respect of His essence considered apart, (or improperly.) III. Again, the same being said in either of the two above ways, or in both at once, the use of the word 'procession' may be made still more equivocal by including further under it the idea of temporal mission ; as was the case in most of the passages alleged and arguments adduced on the Latin side at the begin- ning of the ninth century. IV. Or, lastly, the Holy Ghost may be said to 'proceed from the Father and the Son' confusedly, that is, both in respect of the consubstantiality of His Divine essence (which being in Him third in order is of or from the one common essence of the Father and the Son,) by an eternal procession, (the true and proper sense of the word 'procession' to denote oi-igin as a person from a personal cause being thus dropped altogether,) and also, in respect of mission, by a procession in time. THE PROCESSION OF THE HOLY GHOST. 161 But if the procession from the Son be asserted in any other sense than in one of these four, there will be in the Holy Trinity something besides the three distinct Persons and the one com- mon Essence, namely the peculiarly common Essence of the Father and the Son. Or, if one numerical act be ascribed to two Persons as such, it seems that either two Persons are confounded together into one, or they act as two distinct principles. In speaking of the Divine Essence : The Godhead or Divine nature considered in itself abstrac- tedly, that is improperly, and irrespectively of the personal properties in it, may be said to be a Monad which doubles Itself without ceasing to be numerically one undivided God ; and which again, after thus doubling Itself, triples Itself, still with- out ceasing to be as before one undivided God. But in truth and fact it is not an abstract Divine nature (that is, a mere mental conception presupposing the idea of a plurality of persons,) which either produces the Duad by generation, or the Triad by procession : but if we would speak t7-ulg and correctly, the Father as a Person is the Monad, which by begetting one only Son doubles Itself, and by emitting one only Spirit, after or through the Son, triples Itself. {" Movag slg 5t;«5a x»vj]9sj(r« As the result of all that has been set forth above, we may give the following amplification of the article in the Creed : "We believe that the Father begets the Son before in order (not in time) ; and after, {post, fx-sra,) the Son being already begotten and interposed, {genitojam et mediante,) by or through the Son (5ia, per,) produces the Holy Ghost from that same His own Divine Essence which is now already common also to the Son, and numerically one in both the Father and the Son : And that therefore the Holy Ghost 'proceeds' indeed from the Person of the Father only in respect of His causation, but 'is' from the common substance of the Father and the Son, or, which is the same thing, 'is' 'from the Father and the Son,' or, ' from that essence which is the Son's also,' or ' from the Son, in respect of His Essence, as the joint consequence of His con substantiality and posteriority of order:' For in that He 're- ceives ' from God and the Father third in order, He thereby M 162 ON THE PROCESSION OF THE HOLY GHOST. ' receives' also from the Son, and is the proper Spirit of the Son no less than of the Father; proper, that is, not by 'gift or communication' but because of the Son^s being begotten inter- mediatehj, second in order ; proper, not as coming to Him from without, but as originally and naturally inherent ; even as a man contains within himself and breathes forth his own breath. But that the Spirit conversely or recipi-ocally is produced * in order before' the Son, and the Son 'after' or 'through' the Spirit, so that the Spirit also should be 'intermediate,' {medi- ante Spiritu,) or that the eternal Son ' receives of the Spirit,' or Ms the Son of the Spirit,' or 'is the Spirit's own,' in the same relative sense in which the Spirit, on account of His pos- teriority of order, is the 'Spirit of the Son,' and 'the Son's own,' (and beyond the mutual inherence or circumincession of all the Three Persons in virtue of consubstantiality apart from order,) w^e by no means say or allow." Such an exposition, supposing the Creed to be restored to its Canonical form, might be accepted perhaps by the Easterns as an interpretation of the clause Filioque occurring in any other documents or writings of the Westerns, as, for instance, in Ar- ticle V. of the XXXIX. Articles of the Anglican Church : " The Holy Ghost proceeding from the Father," (that is, from the Person of the Father only,) " and from the Son," (that is, from that substance of the Father which is now already common to the Son, and numerically one in both :) &c. This would be giving to the words objected to the same inter- pretation now as was given to them in the name of all the Latins (some of whom had already used them,) and after inquiry into their meaning at Rome, by St. Maximus the Martyr towards the end of the seventh century, when they were first noticed and objected to by the Greeks. CHAPTER XL CERTAIN OPINIONS PREVALENT IN THE GREEK PART OF THE EASTERN ORTHODOX CHURCH RESPECTING BAPTISM. Of Baptism administered by Heretics or Schismatics. I. Baptism administered by heretics or schismatics is from the nature of the thing itself no Baptism, and neither does confer, nor can confer regeneration. II. Nevertheless the Church can, if she pleases, allow as Baptism that which is no Baptism, and receive as if they had been regenerated those who have not been regenerated, (that is, persons Baptized by heretics,) by condescendence or economy. III. Canons xlvi. xlvii. Ixviii. of the lxxxv. called the Canons of the Apostles, ordering all persons Baptized invalidly by heretics [tov; a^aitzldrcas /SanrjcrSsvTaj) on coming over to orthodoxy to be Baptized, did not before ad. 381, or before A.D. 691, represent merely the local tradition of certain Churches in Asia and elsewhere, contrary to the local tradition of the Roman and other Western Churches, and never received by them, but were really decrees of the united company of the Apostles, and the source of a tradition coextensive with the whole Church. IV. St. Cyprian the Martyr and the three Synods held by him at Carthage in the third century (a.d. 255, 258,) in de- creeing all persons Baptized by heretics or schismatics to be unbaptized did not base this decree on logical inference from the holy Scriptures supported only by the local tradition of the Asiatic and some other Churches but contrary to the local tradition of Africa, Rome, and the West, but upon an immuta- M 2 164 OPINIONS OF THE MODERN GRFCEKS blc law laid down by the Apostles themselves in their Canons, and upon the uniform tradition of the oecumenical Church, Western as well as Eastern, from the beginning. V. Canons viii. of the First and vii. of the Second Ecumeni- cal Councils, decreeing that heretics of six different sects, namely, Arians, Macedonians, Sabbatians, Novatians, Quartodecimans, and Apollinarists. are to be received with their Baptism on coming over to orthodoxy, neither did reverse nor could reverse the decree of the Apostles themselves that both these and all other heretics are necessarily unbaptized and unregenerated, and need to be Baptized ; nor did they permanently interpret and limit the application of Canons xlvi. xlvii. Ixviii. of the Apostles so that for the future the Baptism of such heretics as the above (of such, that is, as though thinking amiss of the Trinity pre- served in Baptizing the outward invocation of the three Persons and the customary three immersions,) should be admitted, but that of all other heretics should be regarded as invalid. But rather Canons viii. of the First and vii. of the Second (Ecumeni- cal Councils introduced in respect of the six above-mentioned heresies, and none other, an extraordinary and exceptional economy or condescensioUj contrary to the strict truth and law of the Church, whether in Home or in Asia, and not necessarily to be followed as a precedent : and this for temporary reasons of convenience, danger, or necessity. VI. And whereas Canon vii. of the Second (Ecumenical Council continues thus, " Euvoju,»avo'jj p,£VTO< tou; eij aiuv xaroc- duTiv /SaTTTi^OjU-svou; [S>;Aa5^, eU tov 9«vaTov TOii XpKTTOV,'] xa.\ Mov- TavKTT^g xa\ ^a/SsAAixvouc, tov; vloTTUTopluv SiSacxovraj, [Canon xix. of the First (Ecumenical Council decrees the same of the ]*aulianists :] x.t.X. x«i raj a AXaj Tratraj alpsaeic, IttejS:^ ttoAXoj elcriv evTuuSx, fxakia-TU ol aTro tyj; FuKutcuv %wpaj opixc/mevoi, vavTUi cu'j ''EAA>jvaj . . /3«7rT('^o/iev" this latter part of the Canon is not to be understood of all such other heretics only as were then actually known in the regions near Constantinople, and differed from the six sects named before in this, that they did not like them pre- serve in Baptizing the outward invocation of the three Persons and the customary three immersions: but the words "raj uWag TTxaag alpeastg /SaTrr/^ousy " are to be taken in their literal and widest sense, as both attesting the preexisting principle RESPECTING THE CONDITIONS OF VALID BAPTISM. 105 and usage of the whole Church, in the West no less than in the East, and confirming the same for the future in respect of all possible and future heresies, at whatever time and in what- ever regions they should arise. VII. The Canons of the Synod held at Constantinople in Trullo A.D. 691, and commonly called the /7£v9='xtij or Sixth CEcumenical, (it being regarded as a continuation of the Sixth,) are all really of oecumenical authority, and bind the whole Church, the Roman and Western no less than the Eastern. VIII. Canon ii. of the Council in Trullo decreeing thus : ""Edo^s 8s Ka) TOVTO rrj ayla. tuvtyj cryi'oSa) xaAXicrra re x«i ctttou- SaJoVara wctts jMBvetv xu) a-no tou vui/ /S=|3«»'ou£ xa» a; Tou Suvoltov too Xpiarou xa» fxiu xutu- t'jcrei xotvws aTrsSoxjjxacrS*] x«i a7rfi3Xy;9rj utto T^f SwTJxiij £x- xXrjo-iui," (as it was also by the Eastern both in the Canons of the (Ecumenical Councils and in those earlier Canons ascribed to the Apostles,) it is to be collected that the Latin Church, by 173 OPINIONS OF THE MODERN GREEKS some Synodal act alluded to, had absolutely condemned as nul- lities all Baptisms by one immersion, under whatever circum- stances and with however orthodox a sense they should be admi- nistered, though Pope Gregory expressly asserts the contrary. XXXIII. When the same Pope Gregory Dialogus writes " on |X£Ta Toaira. IC dixuprriU-oiTa. Tivcuv ava/SaTTTi^o'vTWV Iv TJ5 ToXstocvyj Svvodco s^ri^lcrSY} slg fxlav K-XTotZiXJiv ylvB jSuTTTlcri^ccTi xaraSuo-ij," a similar conclusion is to be drawn, namely, that the Latin Church synodically declared such Baptism as had been permitted by the Synod of Toledo to be a nullity. XXXIV. Although St. Cyprian (who rejected as null the Baptisms of heretics and schismatics,) testifies that the Catholic Church of the third century regarded the Baptism of clinics by aspersion or aflFusion as valid, writing thus, " Nee quemquam movere debet quod aspergi vel perfundi videntur agri cum gratiam Dominicam consequuntur,'^ and that such persons, if they live, are on no account to be rebaptized ; and though other similar testimonies are to be found in other Fathers, it is yet certain that all such Baptisms are essentially null, so that it is lawful and better, if the persons so Baptized live, to Baptize them. And if such Baptisms were ever allowed, this fact must be ex- plained either thus, that the Church by economy and con- descension allowed as Baptism what was no Baptism, and men as regenerate whom she knew to be not regenerate; or thus, that the non-allowance or allowance of necessity by the Church, or by the Greek Church, constitutes the matter of the Sacra- ment, rather than either truie immersion or affusion or aspersion in themselves. XXXV. The Synod held at Constantinople a.d. 1484, after the Council of Florence, (as also an earlier Synod after the expul- sion of the Latins from Constantinople in 1260,) decreed the reception of Latin proselytes by Chrism without rebaptism only from an economy based upon fear of their power, the Latin Baptisms being then really nullities. XXXVI. The above mentioned Synods held after the year 12G0, and in a.d. 1484, decreed the reception of Latins by Chrism only because the Latin Church had not then as yet universally adopted the custom of aspersion or affusion. But RESPECTING THE CONDITIONS OF VALID BAPTISM. 173 the Latins have changed their ritual in respect of Baptism, and have become worse than they were before, since the year of our Lord 1484, or rather since 1667 ; (for then the Greek Patriarchs abohshcd in Russia the custom of i-ebaptizing Latins, and intro- duced there instead their own rule for receiving them with Chrism ;) or rather, that we may correct ourselves again, since A.D. 1723, when the custom of receiving Western proselytes by Chrism only was confirmed for Russia by the Patriarch of Con- stantinople Jeremiah III. even in the case of Lutherans and Calvinists. And the present rule of the Greek Church to re- baptize or Baptize all Westerns, which was introduced by an "Opog put forth in a.d. 1756, and signed by three Patriarchs, is based upon and justified by the change which the Latins have made in their manner of Baptizing since the dates of the earlier Greek decrees now set aside. XXXVI L So long as the Latins Baptized generally by affu- sion, the Easterns allowed economically their Baptism, though irregular: but since the year 1484, 1667, or 1723 they have changed their ritual and substituted sprinkling for affusion : and on this account the Greeks changed their practice in the year 1756: and on the same account they continue to Baptize Latins to the present day. [This is only a particular opinion, not generally held, and sufficiently refuted by the "Opo§ itself and by the book intitled " ^ttjAi'tsuo-jc tov 'P(xvtkt[xov " put forth by the Patriarch of Constantinople a.d. 1756.] XXXVIII. The Latins in point of fact allow and practise Baptism by sprinkling, XXXIX. Latin Baptism is invalid because the Priest, instead of saying " The servant of God A^. is Baptized/^ ^c, says " N. I Baptize thee,'^ &;c. XL. Persons Baptized by one immersion, or by afi^'usion, or by sprinkling, with a correct invocation of the three Persons of the Holy Trinity are neither Baptized nor unbaptized, neither regenerate nor unregenerate, but in a middle state, half Baptized and regenerate and half not ; so as to be capable by the will of the Church, or of the Greek Church, and by her allowance or denial of necessity or economy, of being either perfected into the state of the new-born, or thrust back into the state of the unregenerate. [This is only an opinion of individuals.] 174 OPINIONS OF THE MODERN GREEKS XLT. Though the oecumenical Church may have used economy so as from fear or condescension to receive as if Baptized " Tovg oi^xTTTijTcas jSaTTTJoSavTaj otto 'Apeicivcuv/' and other hei'etics who preserved the outward invocation of the Trinity and the three immersions without the inward faith corresponding thereto, the Greek or Eastern Church ought not to use, and will not use, a similar economy in receiving persons Baptized by the Latins who with the outward invocation of the three Persons preserve also the inward faith corresponding thereto, but presume with- out any sickness or necessity allowed by the Greeks to Baptize in that compendious manner by trine affusion which was per- mitted by the early Church only in cases of sickness or urgent haste, as in times of persecution. XLII. The present custom of the Russian Church in receiv- ing Western proselytes who are really unbaptized without Baptizing them is merely an abuse owing to the overbearing in- fluence of the Civil Power, or an economy and condescension contrary to the law and tradition of the whole Church, and not defended on principle even by the Russians themselves. XLIII. Though it be true that in a mixed Synod of Greek, Rus- sian, Georgian, Servian, and Wallachian Bishops held at Moscow A.D. 1666, 1667, the Greek Patriarchs, who presided, abrogated the canon of an earlier local Russian Synod in favour of re- baptizing Latins, and enacted in its stead that for the future the Russian Church should conform to the contrary practice established by Greek Synods held at Constantinople in the thir- teenth and fifteenth centuries, the decree of this Synod of Moscow is of no force against an "Opog put forth afterwards in the year 1756 at Constantinople with the signatures of three Patriarchs (though without any act of a Council,) or against a bookintitled '^ ^TjjXiTfuo-jj'PavTio-jw-o-y approved by the then Pa- triarch of Constantinople and published by him together with the above-mentioned "Opo5 as in the name of the Church of Christ. But both the mixed Synod held at Moscow in 1666, 1667, and those earlier Greek Synods (held after 1260 and in 1484,) which it followed and confirmed, were abrogated and reversed by the "Opog in question ; and now the Russian Church ought to con- form to the said "Opoj and to the present practice of the Greeks. XLIV. The Latins or other Westerns Baptized by affusion or RESPECTING THE CONDITIONS OF VALID BAPTISM. 175 sprinkling, and received annually by the Russian Church with Chrism only by thousands, are all really unregenerate and uu baptized. In particular, the Empress of Russia herself, and all the consorts of the Imperial family (whom the Greeks economi- cally style Most Orthodox and Most Religious,) and the 150,000 or 200,000 proselytes from Lutheranism received within the last ten years in the Baltic Provinces, are all still unbaptized persons, w^hom the Russian Church knowingly and deliberately and directly, (and the Greek Church no less knowingly and deliberately, though indirectly, through the Russians,) by an economy of dissimulation treats as Baptized Christians, and gives to them the Body and Blood of Christ. XLV. While the Russians thus, under the influence of the civil Power, or by voluntary economy and condescension, treat publicly multitudes of unbaptized persons as Orthodox Christians, and give to them the Body and Blood of Christ, it is allowable for the Greek Church, by economy and condescension, to dis- semble with the Russian Church, and to receive herself also as orthodox Christians and feed with the Body and Blood of Christ all such unbaptized persons as have previously been received by the Russians : and this not only in cases of unknown persons, without examining them particularly so as to ascertain whether they have been validly Baptized or no, but also in other cases where the persons are previously known, and where it is notorious that they have never been Baptized by trine im- mersion. XLVI. It is right and allowable for Greek Bishops to instruct a Western proselyte that he is unbaptized and unregenerate, and to require of him to seek from God not conditionally only but absolutely and undoubtingly the grace of regeneration; and yet to tell him at the same time that if he comes to them after having first been received by the Russians without rebaptism, they, the same Bishops, will then at once receive him as if he were Baptized and regenerate, though they know him to be un- baptized, and will give him the Body and Blood of Christ and all other privileges of an Orthodox Christian. XLVII. Supposing it to be granted that the Ancient Church varied from herself in respect of Baptism, at one time admitting, at another rejecting, or in certain parts admitting, in certain 176 OPINIONS OF THE MODERN GREEKS other parts rejecting heretical Baptism, or lay baptism, or com- pendious Baptism (like that of clinics,) without trine immersion, and that the divine grace of the Sacrament was given or with- held according to the varying will and decision either of the whole Church, or of particular Churches in union with the whole, there is now an equal presumption that the divine grace follows the will and decision of the separated Eastern Church against the Latin, (or rather of the Greek Church against both the Latin and the Russian,) as there was of old that the same grace varied with the will and sentence of the united oecumenical. Church, or of local Churches which were in unity with the rest, and which did not either separate themselves or pretend to be alone the whole Body. XLVIIL Perhaps it might -be possible to reconcile the prac- tice of the Greek and Russian Churches, if the Greek, would reason thus : " Neither we Greeks nor the Russians are alone the whole Catholic, or Orthodox, or even Eastern Church, but only local parts of it : and no local part Baptizes in its own name, but in the name of the whole Church : nor can any local part rightly or truly impute to the whole what is only its own local sense contrary to the sense of other parts. The Greek Church therefore in receiving Western proselytes in the name of the whole Orthodox Church, cannot rightly represent the whole Orthodox Church as asserting positively of them that they are unbaptized : for the Orthodox Church, as a whole, asserts no such thing : as a whole, whatever she may do hereafter, she at present doubts : for that man or society which at once asserts and denies the same thing, or at one time or place asserts and at another time or place denies, is said to be uncertain and to doubt. And the Orthodox Church at present asserts of Western proselytes through the local Greek Church that they are un- baptized, and need Baptism, but through the local Russian Church that they are already regenerated and need only Chrism. The Greek Church therefore, in receiving Western proselytes in the name of the whole Orthodox Church, will for the future (until the question shall be cleared up by some joint Synod,) refrain from ascribing to the whole Church what is only her own particular and local opinion, and will rebaptize such proselytes only conditionally, that is, either slightly varying the RESPECTING THE CONDITIONS OF VALID BAPTISM. 177 Form in Baptizing as was directed for doubtful cases in the Office- book edited by Peter Mogila at Kieff in the seventeenth century, thus, " The servant of God N., if he he not already Baptized, is Baptized,'^ &c. : or declaring that the usual Form, although un- changed, is used, and is allowed to be taken and understood, in a conditional sense, as in the case of infants and others of whom it is not known whether they have been Baptized or no. For such infants the Canons order simply 'Uo be Baptized;" and yet certainly without any intention of repeating Baptism, if in point of fact it has already been validly administered. Nevertheless this is a course which the Greek Church cannot rightly or will not adopt, because she is not merely a part, but she is herself the whole, and has a right to Baptize in her own name, and to impute in Baptizing her own opinion to the whole Church : and the Russian Church, if she differs from the Greek, is nothing : and the Greek is not obliged either to confer with the Russian, so as to remove the difference and obtain one con- sentient doctrine and practice for the future, nor, until this be done, to consider her own judgment to fall short of being oecumenical in consequence of the opposition of the Russian Church. The main source of most of the opinions enumerated in the preceding series is the book of Eustratius Argentes intitled " ^ttjX/tsuo-jj tov 'P'XVTJO-jU.ou," which was printed by the Patri- arch Cyril of Constantinople, in 1756, in the name of "the Church of Christ,'^ with a Constitution appended for carrying out its principles in practice. A translation of the Constitution shall be given below in Chapter XII I. There is also in the modern "/7>jS«Xiov" of the monks Agapius and Nicodemus, as revised and published by order of the Patriarchal Synod at Constanti- nople, a very long note (from p. 29 to p. 36, of the Athens edi- tion of 1841,) on Canons xlvi. and xlvii. of the Apostles, the arguments of which are all taken from the book of Eustratius Argentes. And this note is now no doubt the immediate source of the opinions prevalent among the Greek Clergy. CHAPTER XII. TRANSLATION OF A MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE, KYR KYR ANTHIMUSj JULY THE 24th, N. S. 1851. " Having failed (as appears by the accompanying documents,) to obtain from the Scottish or other British Bishops any dis- avowal of proselytes who have renounced Orthodoxy and joined themselves in the name of heresy to the Anglican Communion, and finding himself besides, in common with others, oppressed within the Anglican Communion by a majority of heterodox, careless, or weak members, who have either willingly allowed, or ineflfectually combated, the pretension of the Civil Govern- ment to decide all questions of doctrine and discipline ; and, more particularly, have submitted to a recent decision of that Government to the effect that the doctrine of the regeneration of infants in holy Baptism is for the Anglican Church an open question, on which any man may hold and teach either the affir- mative or the negative without becoming liable to rejection from her Communion : " And believing from his heart the Catholic faith of the Creed of Nice and Constantinople, as defined by the seven Ecumeni- cal Councils, or (to name a more recent document,) as explained in the 'Longer Catechism of the Orthodox Catholic Church' printed in Greek at Odessa not many years back, and translated from the Russian, the writer is desirous of being admitted to the Communion of the Orthodox and Catholic Church. "But seeing now some apparent difference between the Russian' and the Greek churches as to the manner in which any prose- lyte from Western Communities is to be received, and not being willing to be received only by one local or particular Church (whether Greek or Russian,) in opposition to the doctrine and A MEMORIAL TO THE PATKIARCII OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 179 practice of another, he thinks it necessary to state precisely how the case stands with him in respect of his present Baptism, and then to ask whether he can be received cither by the Russians SO as not to be afterwards in the eyes of the Greeks an unbap- tized person unlawfully admitted to Communion without Bap- tism, or by the Greeks so as not to be afterwards in the eyes of the Russians a person who being Baptized and regenerate al- ready, instead of thanking God for that gift, and seeking to have any other defects corrected or filled up, has profanely and improperly consented at the bidding of another particular Church, and contrary to the sense of the Russian, and to his own conscience, to be rebaptized as if he had never received the Sjicrament of Baptism. " The rule of the AngHcan Church is to Baptize children by immersion, unless it be certified that the child is too weak to bear it, in which case affusion is allowed. But the common practice is not even to ask for any such certificate, but to Bap- tize by affusion, or rather by sprinkling. There is no express order in the Ritual that either the immersion or the affusion should be thrice repeated, once at each Name of the Three Per- sons of the Trinity ; and if it is ever so thrice repeated, this is merely of the private will of the officiating Minister. The writer was himself Baptized in the usual way : and could, if there were need, procure a certificate from the Register of the Parish Church to that effect. The Priest who Baptized him is still living; and his custom in Baptizing is to pour or dash a handful of water on the face of the child, once and not three times, moving his hand, perhaps, slightly at each Name of the Three Persons of the Trinity. " Now, to say nothing of the omission of other important cere- monies, adjuncts of Baptism, from the Anglican Ritual, the writer is aware that there is a deep sense both in the immersion (signified by the very word baptism,) and in the threefold repe- tition of that immersion, once at the Name of each Person of the Blessed Trinity. He is aware that to dispense with either the one or the other of these things without any real necessity is contrary to the custom of the whole Catholic Church for many ages ; so that Baptism so administered must be irregular and uncanonical, and any individual so administering it M^orthy N % 180 A MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE of canonical punishments. And although St. Gregory the Great, also called ' Dialogus/ may have thought the Spaniards justi- fiable in using Baptism with one iiamersion only, (they using it in an orthodox sense, not to symbolize any heresy, but to oppose the heresy of some who drew a perverse argument for three separate substances in the Three Persons of the Trinity from the three immersions of Baptism,) still he cannot see that either the Spaniards or Pope Gregory could rightly without a Council authorize any departure from the universal custom and tradition of the Church ia such a matter. And he regrets that he should have been himself so irregularly Baptized : and, if it were pos- sible, he would wish those defects in his Baptism to be remedied and filled up by a conditional rebaptism, if any ground for doubt as to the essential validity of his present Baptism could be discovered, so as to justify such a step. " But he cannot himself seek for any such conditional rebap- tism in virtue of any doubt in his own conscience, because he has learned that the whole Church teaches unanimously that im- mersion and trine immersion, however important, are not abso- lutely essential to the Sacrament of Regeneration in each individual case. In cases of necessity all admit clinic Baptism : and such Baptism is not (like a Baptism of mere wish, or of sand,) to be repeated (at least not according to the judgment of the ancients,) if the person Baptized recovers. All admit too that not only in case of such necessity, but also in cases of great public convenience, or to avoid great evils, the Church has used and can use condescension, connivance, and economy in this matter. But neither for necessity, nor for economy, nor under any conceivable circumstances can the Church make the man who has not been regenerated to have been regenerated, or the man who has been regenerated to have not been regenerated ; any more than she can make that which is the Body of Christ, however improperly or sinfully consecrated, to be not His Body, or that which is not really consecrated to be His Body. What- ever power the Church may have in excusing or condemning, allowing or forbidding, the doing of that which is as yet future and undone, she can have no power whatever over questions of fact, after the thing has been done : ' il/o'voy yup avToi> ^cu Oeoi (rrsp(Vx£Ta», ays'vJjTa ttoieTv Oj-c' av ri TTSTrpotyfjiiva.. Agam, PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 181 whatever power she may have to allow or disallow, to repeat or iiot to repeat, such Sacraments as may be repeated, such as are in their essence within her power, as the giving the Holy Com- munion (where there is no harm if a man receives twice over,) or the Chrism, or Absolution, or even Ordination, she has no such power in the case of those two Sacraments of Baptism and the consecration of the Eucharist which cannot be repeated. Thus not only the consent of the whole ancient and of the present Latin and Russian Churches, but also, so far as the writer can understand it and make it consistent with itself, the practice and language even of the present Greek Church forbids him to doubt that however necessary immersion, and trine nnmersion, may be to the preservation of the full sense and perfection or type of Baptism upon the whole, and to the Church, they are not strictly of the essence of the Sacrament in any particular case. The same is shown still more plainly and directly by the doctrine and practice of the whole Russian Church, which expressly tells persons in the position of the w riter that their present Bap- tism is valid, and receives such proselytes without rebaptism ; and indirectly again by the practice of the Greeks who, knowing perfectly well what the Russians do, nevertheless receive at once all whom the Russians have received : which they could not do without sacrilege if the Russians had really received unbaptized persons, or had allowed Baptisms not merely defective in such important adjuncts as immersion and trine immersion, but es- sentially invalid ; as, for instance. Baptisms administered with rosewater instead of water; or administered by Unitarians with water, but without the invocation of the Three Persons of the Trinity. " However in point of fact the Greeks now in dealing with particular cases follow a practice contrary to that of the Russians, and say to the individual that he is actually unbaptized, and must be Baptized; though in a case of necessity, or for eco- nomy, or if he came in a body with many others, the Church could use condescension, and consider him as Baptized, and admit him without rebaptism : and that there either is no diffe- rence between themselves and the Russians, or else, if there is, the Russians are wrong : but that even if they are wrong it is impossible, or inconvenient, or unnecessary, to move and settle 182 A MEMORIAL PRESENTED TO THE such a question for the sake of an individual case : that the applicant must judge for himself as well as he can ; and enter the Eastern Communion in whichever way he likes best, either as unbaptized through the Greek, or as Baptized through the Russian door : only, if he desires to be received to Communion by the Greeks directly, he must present himself as unbaptized ; if he desires to be received by them as already Baptized, he must come to them in a circuitous and indirect way, after having been received first by the Russians. " Since this is the view of the Greeks, and they are unable to see anything inconsistent or unbecoming in such language, the only question for the individual is, " First, whether he will act, as invited to act, merely on his own private judgment, and the judgment of the Russian Church : that is, dismiss as false and self-contradictory the Greek opinion and practice, and after having been received as Baptized by the Russians return to the Greek Clergy who have refused him as unbaptized, and be received by them, whether baptized or un- baptized, in virtue of his previous reception by the Russians : " Or secondly, if this is unsatisfactory, there may remain one other course. He may say thus : ' In Baptizing there are two parties, the Bishop or Priest Baptizing, and the person to be Baptized. I should myself desire a conditional rebaptism, if it could rightly be administered ; though I could not come pro- fessing to seek from God that which I believe myself to have already received : And the rebaptizing practised by the Greeks ap- pears to me now to be virtually conditional, though they are unwilling to call it such : It is not for me to reconcile their incon- sistencies of language or practice : So long as I can take what they do in a good sense, and am allowed by them to do so, I may leave them to their own responsibility as to the rest.' " The writer adopts this latter course, and asks. If he puts him- self into the hands of a Greek Bishop to be Baptized, is he free to come to that act with such inward feelings as may be ex- pressed thus : " ' God, I thank Thee, as I have ever done, for that grace of Regeneration which I trust I have received m my Baptism : But since I have learned that that Baptism was not administered in all respects rightly, and since some Bishops or some parts of PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 183 the Church even doubt of its essential validity, I seek now from Thy mercy for them the assuring of anything that was doubtful, and for myself the filhng up of whatever was imperfect ' ? " ANSWER TO THE ABOVE, RETURNED VERBALLY BY THE PA- TRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE IN ONE OF THE LESSER OR INFORMAL SYNODS ON SUNDAY, OCTOBER THE 8tH, 1851. "There is only one Baptism. If the Russians allow any other, we know nothing of that, and do not recognize it. Our Church knows only one Baptism, and that without any detrac- tion, addition, or change whatever," .... [And then, turning, and bowing slightly to the Bishops right and left of him from his corner of the Divan,] " This is the answer, is it not ?" To which they expressed their assent, either verbally, or by a simi- lar inclination in return. CHAPTER XIII. FOUR DOCUMENTS, THREE AGAINST AND ONE FOR THE PRAC- TICE OF REBAPTIZING WESTERN CHRISTIANS. I. Extracts from the " Travels of Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch," {being a Narrative of that Patriarch's First Journey to and Stay in Russia, from a. d. 1654 to 1656,) ivritten hy his Archdeacon Paul in Arabic, and published in English by the Oriental Translation Fund. " The Patriarch of Moscow (Nicon) had held a Synod during this week (the fifth week in Lent, a. d. 1655,) in consequence of what our Lord the Patriarch of Antioch had said to him, and of his admonition to them concerning various innovations and defects in their rehgion. The first point was, that they do not celebrate upon an '/Ivri/xi'vo-jov, as we do, printed and imbedded like ours with the Helics of Saints, but simply on a piece of white linen. The second, that in the sacrifice of the Holy Oblation they do not make (with the particles) the nine Orders (ray/xaTa,) but only four. The third, that in the Creed, they make a wrong inflexion at every clause. The fourth, that they kiss the Icons only once or twice in the year. The fifth, that they do not receive the 'Avrldcopa. The sixth, that they make the sign of the Cross with a wrong disposition of the fingers. The seventh, concerning their Baptism of the Poles : for of late they have been baptizing them with a second Baptism. The Synod was held concerning other affairs also of defective rites and cere- monies, which we have already mentioned and shall hereafter more particularly mention. The Patriarch of Moscow therefore attended to the words of our Lord. And at this same time he had FOUR DOCUMENTS CONCERNING REBAPTISM. 185 interpreted the Service of the Liturgy from the Greek to the Russian ; and explained the Ritual and Rubrics in so clear a manner that even children might ascertain the true Greek rite. Of these Rituals he printed several thousand copies, and distri- buted them over the country, as he did also with the service-book. He corrected also many of their errors in points of ceremony by Imperial admonitions and edicts, and by authoritative testimonies from holy books. Then they concluded the business of the Sy- nod by declaring that the rebaptizing of the Poles was not law- ful, according to what our Lord the Patriarch of Antioch had told them, and according to what is prescribed in the Ev)(_oXoyiov and the Noixoxuvoov. For the Poles believe in the Trinity, and are Baptized; and are not far removed from us, as the rest of the heretics and Lutherans are ; like the Swedes, English, Hun- garians, and others of the Frank sectaries, who do not fast, nor bow down to Pictures, nor to the Cross, &c. The Patriarch of Moscow therefore, being a lover of Greece, conformed himself obediently, and said to the Bishops, and the Archimandrites, and Hegoumens, and other chief Clergy who were present, 'I am a Russian, the son of a Russian ; but my faith and my religion are Greek.^ Some also of the Bishops conformed themselves obediently, saying, ' The gift of our faith in Christ and all the rites of our religion and its Mysteries came to us from the country of the East.' But others of them demurred inwardly, saying within themselves, ' We will not alter our Books, nor our rites and ceremonies, which we received from of old.' But they had not the boldness to speak openly : for the anger of the Patriarch is not to be withstood. Witness what he did with the Bishop Paul of Kolomna, when he banished him. Then he confirmed the decree that the Baptizing of the Poles is unlawful ; and presented to our Lord the Patriarch of Antioch six Priests from the country of the Poles Ordained in presence of the Pope's Cardinal residing in Wilna. They said that they were Priests in the service of the Russians [that is Uniats, for- merly subjects of Poland,] and of our own Church. The dress of these Polish Priests was like ours. The only difference between them and us is that they exercise their functions in the name of the Pope. Even the order of their Liturgy is like ours. These men, when one of the Emperor's Commanders had 186 FOUR DOCUMENTS CONCERNING THE PRACTICE taken one of their towns, and was destroying the Pohsh Churches, and killing the Priests, presented themselves before him in a suppliant manner, and informed him that they were orthodox. He sent them therefore to the Patriarch Nicon, to look into their affairs. " Today (Saturday) we took them with us to the church of the Queen [Helena of Georgia, widow of David, grandson of Timouraz Khan, where the Patriarch INIacarius was to celebrate the Liturgy f\ and as soon as our Lord the Patriarch arrived, we robed him, and he made the '/^yiao-|*oj, &c. Then we brought to him two of the Polish Priests abovementioned, after we had divested them of their gowns, their girdles, and their calpacks. Bowing to the Pati-iarch with three fisTuvoiui, they stood before him bareheaded, with an interpreter near. Our Lord the Patri- arch then began to expound to them the mysteries of the true faith, one by one, and behef in the Seven Councils ; and they blessed what the Seven Councils have blessed, and anathematized what they have anathematized. Then they anathematized all heretics, and the Eighth Council. Afterwards he read to them the Creed word for word. Then he presented to them the Icons and the Cross to kiss, and they bowed to the ground. Having read over them the Prayers appointed in the Ej^o^^oyiov, and the Prayers for the Chrism, he anointed them with it upon the head only, in the form of a cross. Then we commanded them, and they bowed to him three times, both together ; and we took them to the Royal Doors, and they bowed before them three times and before the Icons of Christ and Our Lady. Thus much for the reception. Then we took hold of them by their arms, according to custom, saying ' KeXeua-ov x. t. K. Jsa-noTa clyi'.' Then the Patriarch blessed them, and vested them with the Tunicle (^Ti;5^ap»ov) and Orarion only as Deacons, without reciting any Prayer, saying to each of them ' Thy soul rejoice in the Lord ; for He hath vested thee in the (jarment of purity .' a^c. Then he blessed them a second time, and they stood with us. At the time I said the Gospel, I went and presented it to them to kiss, as is customary. So also we mentioned their names after the mention of the Emperor and Em- press, and their son, and daughters, and sisters. After the carrying round of the Gifts [iu the Great Introit] our Lord OF REBAPTIZING WESTERN CHRISTIANS. 187 went out from the sanctuary with the Cross, and they came near to him, and he blessed them with it, as is usual. Then we brought forward those two Poles ; and they bowed before the Holy Table three times, and the Patriarch blessed them, and put on them the 'Enirpu^^Xiov and the )Tjac, xa.) ccKXr,v cuv- e(rTrj(Tuv sU rrjv oiroluv avvayovTai. " Elo^s toIvvv toTj I^ agx^? TO ixh Tcov a'iPSTixuiV /3a7rT»a"j!/,a TrxvrsXiuc a.S-Tr,<.vvTc-" at the end of the '^ttoSeittvov, which has indeed the form of a prayer, and is to be said by the Reader.* But this, besides being in its wording highly rhetorical, is to be said to the Blessed Virgin as represented by her picture : and its in- troduction into the ritual had respect to the controversy with the Iconoclasts. It is certain however historically that the Eastern Church in teaching that it is good and profitable to in- voke the Saints meant not only to defend as sacred poetry those apostrophes which might occur in her hymns, but also to sanction the practice common among Christians of seriously calling upon the Saints to help them whenever they were moved to do so by any particular association; and of affixing to the poetical invocations contained in the hymns of the Church, whenever and in whatever degree they were moved to do so, a similar sense of reality. * The two other short addresses to the Blessed Virgin " r-irepevSo^e," k.t.A. and " TV iraffw iXiriSa " k.t.\. which follow in the same place, and are said hy the Reader turning to the Icon in the same way, are properly anthems called QeordKia, and elsewhere (in the MeaovvKTiK6i') appear as such, with the " Tone " to which they are to be sung. At the end of the Prayers and Thanksgivings after Communion commonly printed in the 'n.poA6yiov there is one " 'Avaivvixov els t^iv 'Tirepayiav QsotSkou" beginning " Uavayia Aiffiroiva'^' and at the end of the Kavwu or Set of Hymns to the Angel Guardian there is a Prayer beginning ""A7J6 "AYYeXe." In the more modern Slavonic Kan6ns or '' Molebens," such a Prayer often occurs at the end, and the Bishop or chief officiating Priest says it, he himself and all present with him kneeling on their knees, a custom probably imitated in Little Russia from the Uniats and the Latins. Various little manuals of devotion printed in modern Greek at Venice and elsewhere contain Prayers to the Blessed Virgin, to the Angel Guardian, and other Angels and Saints, and even to things inanimate, as the Cross, in which poetry, rhetoric, meditation, and serious prayer are all confusedly blended together. 254 or THK INVOCATION AND WOHSHIP OF SAINTS, Thus the principle of the Invocation and worship of Saints (as also of the worship of their Images or Pictures and Relics,) is taught : but for all details and consequences of the particular application of the principle the Church does not make herself responsible. Beyond the use of the public ritual she prescribes nothing. She throws back the responsibility of every assertion and of every act beyond what she requires on the individuals or communities with which they originate, granting them however a general encouragement so far as she has no reason to deny what they testify concerning themselves, or concerning matters of fact. Hence there has arisen in respect of the worship of Saints, their Images, and Relics, a vast popular growth of particular opinions and devotions, differing in different individuals, communities, ages, and countries, as to which it is difficult to say how far when once introduced they do or do not belong to the Church herself, or claim more than a passive respect from such in- dividuals as have no personal inspiration or persuasion in their favour. For on the one hand when the hierarchy renders homage to any popular or local belief, allowing it to be alluded to or recognized in the ritual, and sanctioning particular devo- tions, it may seem too subtle a distinction to say that it leaves the responsibility of asserting and teaching the matter of fact (for example, the miracle, vision, or revelation,) to those with whom it originated ; or that it does not teach by the ritual which it authorizes as well as by its more formal decrees. And yet, on the other hand, the conduct of the Church in allow- ing to individuals and to communities particular beliefs and devo- tions is no more than what every Christian, as we have seen above, is in reason and charity bound to do towards his neigh- bours, so long as the individual or the community professing any particular belief, or practising any particular devotion, pro- fess to hold the true faith of the Trinity, and to do whatever they do for sufficient reasons of their own, and all in Christ. And certainly it is held both by Greeks and by Latins alike that the mere admission of any assertion or opinion into the ritual is no proof that it is deliberately taught by the Church. It is held too that matters of fad are in their own nature beyond the sphere of the Church's authority; so that they must rest, with all that is built upon them, upon credible proof or testi- monv. And we see that the ritual of the Church has varied AND ESPECIALLY OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN. 255 much in different ages and countries : and that vast changes in matters of belief and feeling and habit take place silently and imperceptibly among Christians, so that what is unknown in one age becomes a main point of religion in another ; and what it might cost a Sovereign his throne to disregard in one age comes to be disregarded by all who please in another. One Saint, or one devotion, rises from obscure beginnings to an in- credible height of popularity. Again, some generations pass, and Saints who were in everybody's mouth, and without whose help nothing could be obtained, are half forgotten, and new intercessors are celebrated in their stead. Seeing the prevalence and strength of many particular beliefs and devotions, the importance attached to them, the zeal with which they are preached by men of energy and seeming holi- ness, the strong assertions of supernatural revelations, commands or encouragements, and miracles, on which they are often based, or by which they are recommended, an individual may well in- quire how far he ought or ought not to throw himself into the belief and practice of others, beyond what the Church requires, and without having within himself any such particular inspira- tion or assurance for the things recommended, as may be alleged to justify them in others. With respect to this it may seem to some that to keep guardedly within the letter of the Church's requirements is scarcely compatible with a sincere and loyal obedience to those requirements themselves : that it must be safe and pious to imitate and appropriate (though, it may be, with a certain sense of unreality at first, if one has not been trained to it from a child,) whatever respected individuals, or societies, or dominant opinion and feeling among religious people urges us (with the allowance or favour of the hierarchy) to adopt, trusting to the testimony of others for its lawfulness and profitableness. To others it may seem on the contrary that it is not the same thing to follow teaching merely allowed by the Church as to follow the teaching of the Church herself: and that as the teacher who teaches of himself, by permission only, or it may be with encouragement, so he who listens to and follows such a teacher, by permission only, or it may be with encouragement, must bear his own responsibility. And though no Christian may condemn either the teacher or the hearer of doctrine which the 25G OF THE INVOCATION AND WORSHIP OF SAINTS, Church allows, nor make himself a judge of others, yet neither is the feeling or belief of others, nor even their assertion of having received direct revelations or miraculous favours, any sufficient basis upon which to adopt new devotions for himself. And with regard to the whole popular system of Saint-worship and Image-worship, it may appear in two contrary lights to different minds. To some it may seem that the close parallel- ism existing between it and the old polytheism or hero-worship and idolatry of the heathens, far from being an objection, is a sign that it has grown up by the will of God and by the inspi- ration of the Holy Spirit, For all false religion being but a perversion and misrepresentation of the true, it may seem ante- cedently probable that the corruption of the early Patriarchal religion and worship should exhibit a certain perverse and dia- bolical mimicry of that true and perfect religion into which the early Patriarchal religion and worship was in time to be de- veloped. And it may be thought a triumph worthy of God, that He should accord to the servants and witnesses of the Crucified, and above all to The Woman, the INIother of the promised Seed, an exaltation, and glory, and power, and worship, and deifica- tion, far eclipsing the honours suggested by evil spirits, or imagined by corrupt men, for the dremons of the heathen Olympus. To others on the contrary it may appear that the worship of the Saints and the Blessed Virgin, and of their Images or Pictures, grew up not in those earliest and best times " when the Church was as yet a pure virgin," but in later times, from a mixed and corrupted Christian society : that the stages of its development correspond not with any growth of fervour in imitating the Saints, but with a gradual cooling down and declension from their standard : that the best motive of those who popularized it seems to have been to arrest by an effort the decay of piety, and to influence by lower and more human feelings souls no longer capable of relishing higher and more divine : that its characteristics are poetical and rhetorical effo7't and unreality, contrasting sensibly with the thrilling simplicity and reality of the Apostolic age : and that the responsibility of voluntarily taking part in a system not imposed upon us by any authority, but of gradual and popular growth, and lying be- yond the formal teaching of the existing Church, is greatly increased if we perceive in the same system a close parallel AND ESPECIALLY OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN. 257 with the details of heathen superstition, dsemonolatry, and idolatry, in all their varieties and ramifications. Historically, the stages of the growth of the worship of the Saints and the Blessed Virgin Mary, more especially in the Eas- tern Church, seem to have been as follows : In the Revelation of St. John the Divine an Angel in the heavenly sanctuary is represented as offering from a golden censer much incense " by the prayers of all saints ''; and the smoke of the incense is said to ascend up before God " by the prayers of the saints " (Sta tcuv izpos-iv^itv t«jv dyiaji) out of the Angel's hand. And in another place the souls of the Martyrs are seen under the heavenly altar, and are represented not as uncon- scious and inactive, but as full of energy, crying with a loud voice, and longing for the final vengeance upon the wicked, and for the consummation of the bliss of the righteous. (Rev. viii. 3,4; and vi. 9, 10, II.) Now whether the figures in the visions of the Apocalypse were taken from the Christian worship, or the Christian worship of the Apostolic age was taken in some points from the figures of the Apocalypse, or both were simultaneously from the same divine patterns, it matters nothing to inquire. But we find that in the Liturgy of the primitive Christians at the most solemn moment, after the Consecration, there was a prayer to God .to receive their sacrifice by the prayers of His Saints, and also by the ministry of Angels. This is expressly mentioned by St. Cyril of Jerusalem, in his Catechetical Lectures, in the fourth century. At the same time we find in panegyrical Sermons direct apostrophes to Martyrs and other Saints, sometimes with such hypothetical qualifications as " 5« tij aTo-^rjo-j^,'' and the like, showing that they were not meant in any strict sense, and that the Saints were not as yet commonly addressed, as if they heard, with serious prose prayers. The same appears also from the use made against the Arians of this argument, that Christ must be God because He was invoked ; and from the imputation of idolatry to them because, making Him to be only a creature, they yet invoked Him, whereas invocation or prayer belongs only to God, Nor is it any sufficient answer, that by the word " invocation " (sTr/xXyjo-ij) in such passages of the Fathers is s 258 OF THE INVOCATION AND WORSHIP OP SAINTS, meant only proper^ absolute, and final invocation or prayer, as distinct from invocation in a secondary sense : any more than it is a sufficient explanation of those passages in which early Fathers reject images and image-worship, to say that they mean only pagan images and Divine worship. The distinction in both cases may be just ; but it seems clear that the customs of invoking Saints and venerating images in that sense in which they came afterwards to be distinguished and approved could not well have existed as yet, nor even have been mentally con- templated by the Fathers who so wrote. Besides rhetorical apostrophes, from the fourtli century at the latest, but probably earlier. Hymns (that is, rpoTtapia and cnt^Yipa,) to be sung in the Vespers and Matins began to be composed in honour of the Martyrs : and in these hymns addresses, and in- vocations, and personifications, were used, as a matter of course, with all that freedom and with all that variety of form which is natural to poetry. At the same time we find occasional miracles and graces of healing vouchsafed at the tombs and Relics of Martyrs ; and Christians in consequence flocking to them, and asking their aid by spontaneous fervent ejaculations and prayers, with a feeling of their being in some sense present, or capable of hearing, caused partly by the actual presence of their Relics, and partly by the association of miracles or visions already connected with the same. Any one can see that if a hymn containing apostrophes were composed to be sung at the anniversary festival of any Martyr, and were so sung at first merely as sacred poetry, to stir up the minds of Christians present, and to glorify God in His Saints, the invocations contained in such a hymn would necessarily ac- quire a new emphasis so soon as any miracle was accorded, or was believed to have been accorded, on the spot. Thenceforth it would be impossible to sing them, or to hear them sung there, without a sense of some mysterious reality attaching to them, as if the Martyr or Saint addressed were actually present to hear. And from such a sense of any Martyr being in a manner pre- sent, and in some way hearing and answering addresses made to him, at those places where his tomb or Relics were preserved and honoured, a similar sense would come to attach by associa- AND ESPECIALLY OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN. 259 tion to the same hymn or to similar hymns in his honour where- ever sung, and to ejaculations and prayers wherever uttered. And the same thing having taken place at once at many differ- ent " Memorise ^^ of different Martyrs, the popular impression and feeling thence arising would run together, and gathering fresh strength from all fresh accumulations of real or reputed miracles and visions, would form at length a general idea and tradition that the spirits of departed Saints either actually hear or know by revelation when they arc invoked ; and that if any man invokes them with a right faith in God, and with a pious mind, this is agreeable to God, and many benefits may thus be obtained of God through Christ our Saviour. After the honour and invocation of the Martyrs, there grew up that of the Confessors and other Saints : and last of all, as if from a sense of consistency and logical propriety, after the he- resies relating to the Incarnation had been condemned and the doctrine of the Trinity defined, the worship of the Mother of God rose upon the Church, like the moon rising into a sky al- ready studded with stars, which from thenceforth, though still bright and visible, became as nothing compared with the greater and more splendid luminary. The introduction of Icons or pictures to render present as it were in the churches the Saints and Angels who are not present to the senses, and the practice of singing hymns containing in- vocations or reciting addresses before the Picture, as if to the Angel or Saint himself who was represented by it, heightened still further the sense of reality already popularly attached to the poetical addresses of the Church Hymns. And lastly, the occa- sional substitution of the rapid perfunctory reading of particu- lar Kanons or strings of hymns instead of singing them (when such compositions were multiplied, and the monastic Services had reached their full length,) begot a more prosaic and matter of fact, though unspiritual, idea of the profitableness of the in- vocation and worship of the Saints. And when such rapid perfunctory reading came to be the ordinary practice in many cases, the reading of a string of hymns containing addresses would not differ perceptibly from the recital before the Icon of a long prose prayer full of poetical warmth and rhetorical ver- biage, such as is actually recited in one or two instances in the s 2 2G0 OF THE INVOCATION AND WORSHIP OF SAINTS. present Greek ritual, and at the end of " Molebcns/' or Flupu- x\r)(TSig, in the Russian. At this point the public practice and ritual of the Easterns stops shortj and seems either to have outgrown perfection or to have not yet reached it. For if on the one hand it is best that the invocations contained in the public ritual should go no fur- ther than sacred poetry, as was the case for centuries, then the rapid perfunctory reading of strings of hymns as if they were prose, instead of singing them, and the addition of one or two rhetorical prose prayers, is a corruption and abuse ; and the superabun- dance of the hymns themselves would seem to need retrenchment. But if on the other hand it is desirable that the public ritual should distinctly inculcate and reduce to practice the popular belief that an indefinite experimental worship of the Saints (as also of their Icons and Relics,) is a Divinely appointed channel of grace, then it would seem a desirable improvement to drop or curtail the older and now obsolete poetical forms, so far as they have come to be read or gabbled over as prose, and to substitute for them shorter and direct prose Prayers and Litanies, to be bid- den by the Priest or Deacon, after the manner of the Latins. For the Offices of the Blessed Virgin now used by the Latins con- tain short and terse prayers to her ; and their Litanies of the Blessed Virgin and the Saints are more suggestive of the idea of serious prai/er than are the Acathists and Kanons of the Greeks, both from their structure being less plainly poetical, and because of the kneeling posture in which they are often said or sung; and because the petitions to the Blessed Virgin and to the Saints are conjoined with and follow immediately after those to the Trinity, with which they correspond in form : also be- cause of the way in which they are often altered and adapted from those parts of the ritual which are addressed to God, so as to suggest the idea of a purposed parallelism of prayer ; as is the case with the Offices of the Blessed Virgin corresponding to the greater public Offices, the accommodation of the Psalter, the Te Deum, &c., the imitations of the Collects, the " Domina, ad orationem meam infende ;" &c. The view which any one may take of this matter will probably depend in great measure upon the favour or disfavour with which he may regard the theory of Doctrinal Development. DISSERTATION XVIII. OF THE WORSHIP OR VENERATION OF ICONS AND RELICS. The objections made by ProtestaDts and by Anglicans against the veneration of Icons or Pictures and of Helics resemble so closely those made against the worship of the Blessed Virgin and the Saints, that the worship of Saints, Icons, and Relics, may for purposes of Controversy be regarded as three parts of one and the same subject. Against Images or Pictures (for it may be conceded that there is no valid distinction between the two,) the objection commonly first urged is this, that the Second Commandment forbids us to make or to have them. To which it is enough to reply that the objectors themselves both make and have them freely ; and so show that they do not really and seriously understand them to be forbidden by the Second Commandment. Next they say that, granting it lawful to make and to have them, it is forbidden us to " worship," that is, to honour them. To which the answer is as before, that all Protestants also, not merely by the use of a lawful liberty, but by the necessity of human nature, give honour and dishonour to such pictures and images as they have or see ; and not to pictures and images only, but to everything else which carries with it to their minds any relative association with good or with evil. Next they say that, granting it lawful to make and to have, and natural and unavoidable to honour relatively all things which carry with them any association worthy of honour, still such honour may not be expressed outwardly, nor its expression made a matter of public custom. And the answer is again that Pro- testants also, when not thinking of religious controversy, make .no scruple to express outwardly such feelings of inward honour 263 OF THE WORSHIP OR VENERATION or affection as they entertain, nor to conform to any social cus- tom of expressing such honour which they may find anywhere established. Next they say that, even though they abandon the three pre- ceding objections and confess that holy things as well as holy persons are to be honoured, still the honour given them must not be " religious honour." But this is mere verbal trilling. For the nature of the honour does not depend on our will, but on the nature of the thing that is honoured. A token, or pic- ture, or statue, which brings to men's minds some political achievement will be honoured of course with a civil honour : that which recalls some object of natural affection will be honoured v* ith an honour of natural affection : and that which is associated with any object of religious love or reverence will receive a corresponding religious honour. To say that we may have pictures and other objects connected by association with holy persons and holy things, with the House and worship of Almighty God, and may honour them, but not with a religious honour, is no more reasonable than to say that one may have the picture of his parent, and may honour it, but not with an emotion of filial affection. Another form of the same unreasonable prejudice is exhibited by those who say that pictures or images may be had indeed and honoured with such honour as naturally belongs to their origi- nals, but then this must not be " in the church J' As if the arts might freely be used by men for their own pleasures and vani- ties, but were inadmissible in that higher sphere of religion from whence alone all things belonging to the lower spheres of public and private life receive their sanctification. There is more apparent force in the objection that the custom of paying an outward reverence to pictures or images was un- known to the Church of the first ages, and that divers of the Fathers in inveighing against heathen idols use such general and absolute expressions as show that they neither knew of any Christian use or worship of images, nor contemplated any such thing as compatible with Christianity. Still this objection also on closer examination vanishes. For firstly, even though a man admit not the idea of any positive development of the faith it- self, still in secondary matters of discipline and ritual (such as OF ICONS AND RELICS. 263 this is,) he must admit that the outward form of Christianity may vary according to varying circumstances. And if so, it is unreasonable to expect in the Christians of any particular age such a degree of speculative foresight as shall contemplate distinctly all future phases of Orthodox Christianity which may differ in some respects from their own : or to make a difficulty of the fact, that Christians living under certain peculiar circumstances may have expressed themselves so as to show that they did not look beyond them, nor calculate the possible effect of contrary circumstances. Now in the primitive Church, composed partly of Hebrew converts, to whom it had been a religious tradition to make no likeness of any hving creature, and partly of con- verts from the heathen, whose worship of images was the special abomination distinguishing them from the Jews and Christians, there was certainly nothing to suggest the idea that image-wor- ship under any form would one day be discovered to be conge- nial to orthodoxy. Nor was the condition of the Christians, their poverty, the smallness of their churches, the secresy of their assemblies, under persecution, in private dwellings, or in catacombs, at all favourable to the development of an external ritual. At any rate, the circumstances of the Church so long as she was in conflict with pagan idolatry supply a very sufficient explanation of the fact that she did not as yet originate or con- template any analogous Christian system of her own. But when Christianity had triumphed, and was now clearly distinguished for ever from that system which it had combated without truce and which it had totally destroyed, a number of new things scarcely contemplated as possible before, but contained in germ within the Church, were visibly manifested. Emperors and nations, as such, came to stand in the same relation to the Church and to the Christian Clergy, as they had formerly stood in to heathenism and the heathen priesthood. Endowments in money, houses, and lands, accrued to the Church, as before to the heathen temples. Great and magnificent churches were built from the same motives of zeal, policy, or vanity as had prompted the erection of the most celebrated edifices of pa- ganism. And when these had been built, there were the same motives for adorning them in the spirit of the new religion. The worship of the true God, emerging from the catacombs and 2G4 OF THE WORSHIP OR VENERATION other hiding-places, expanded into a complex and attractive ritual from causes analogous to those which had produced the ceremonial which it supplanted. Under these circumstances, idolatry being now clean swept away, and no longer occupying the mind, it was inevitable that in due time the question should come up whether the application of the arts of painting and sculpture to the service of religion, considered abstractedly and in itself, was lawful or forbidden. And nothing but a general positive tradition that it was forbidden could prevent those arts from obtaining their natural place in connection with the Christian ritual. But the general positive tradition existing among Christians was precisely the reverse. Sacred sculptures and paintings had been known among them, both in private dwellings and in places frequented for worship, from the very beginning. And the very same Fathers, who from not knowing nor contemplating any ritual custom of reverencing Christian Icons seem in words to condemn all image-worship of whatever kind, allude nevertheless to the existence among the brethren of gems and cups with sacred symbols and representations cut upon them, and of sculptures, pictures, and frescoes about the tombs and " Memorise " of the Martyrs, and of other Christians de- ceased. And such incidental mentions or allusions are by no means accompanied by any expressions of reprobation, but quite the contrary. It is true, no doubt, that in the earliest times these things were not everywhere equally common : and while in some places walls of churches and catacombs were already painted with frescoes, and tombs or sarcophagi were sculptured with human figures, m other places a holy Bishop may have torn down from the church doors a veil which had a figure painted or worked upon it, or a local Council may have forbidden to paint the walls of churches with objects of reverence or adoration. But enough remains to prove that when the question was first publicly moved there existed no general sense or tradition received from the beginning that the use of sculpture and painting in connec- tion with religion was unlawful, or that Christians were bound, like the Jews, by the letter of the Second Commandment. Christians then, both having and making sacred representa- tions, must undoubtedly also have honoured them with such honour as belonged to them, as has been said above; and OF ICONS AND RELICS. 265 must have expressed that honour even outwardly whenever the occasion prompted, just as all men express outwardly, whenever the occasion prompts, their inward feelings of honour or affec- tion, contempt or aversion. It was not till Pictures in the possession of private persons began to be made much of and to be talked about, and in- dividuals began to show them an outward honour beyond that prompted by incidental emotion, making a custom of kissing them, and of lighting lights before them, that some of the Fathers take notice of this, and rather blame it as a weakness and superstition, not by any means as heresy or idolatry. And this, so long as it was as yet a mere private custom of individuals, may have been indeed a weakness : but when once it had been adopted into the ceremonial of the Church it was a weakness no longer. For then it became a matter of ordinary obedience and conformity ; and it would have been a weakness, or rather a pernicious rebelhon, to reject it. After long and violent con- troversies, caused partly by the novelty of the ritual custom and by a plausible scruple on account of its outward similarity to heathenism (perhaps also by a Manichsean aversion for bodily forms,) partly by the coexistence of contrary habits and disposi- tions on this subject in different parts of the Church, but most of all by the personal partizanship of the Emperors of Constan- tinople, it was determined by the whole East and by the chief authority in the West (the rest of the Westerns also gradually acquiescing,) that it is good and profitable both for individuals and for the Church to show outwardly to the Icons of our Lord, His Blessed Mother, and the Saints, as well as to other sacred things, that relative honour and veneration which belongs to them in virtue of their associations : in like manner as it had from old time been customary to show such honour to the Cross, the Gospels, the doors of the church, the rim of the altar, the Priest's hand, the vestments of the clergy, and all other holy things and vessels connected with the worship of God and with the persons or memory of His Saints. Assent to this general principle, and conformity to those ritual customs which have been based upon it, is all that the Eastern Church requires of her members. For any further and more particular application of the principle in practice she leaves 266 OF THE WORSHIP OR VENERATION individuals and societies to their own responsibility^ according to them only a general encouragement so far as she has no reason to deny, nor is able to disprove, what they may assert concern- ing any supernatural facts or inspirations. Yet on this subject, as on that of the worship and invocation of Saints, the bare statement of what is required must give a very inadequate view of the matter, and one which it is hardly fair to put off upon Protestants or upon Anglicans without some further notice of ideas and practices popularly dominant, which go far beyond what is required, and which cannot be either tacitly or openly condemned without implicating in some sort the Church herself in the same condemnation. In the case of the worship of Saints the dominant and living creed has been stated in the preceding section thus : That faith in the general efficacy of Invocations, and a tentative or experi- mental use of particular invocation according to impulses which may seem to come of imagination, of some outward connection of circumstances or inward association of ideas, or of the example and suggestion of others, but which really come also from a higher source, are means of grace and aid appointed by God for the benefit of such Christians as use them with an orthodox faith and piety. In like manner in respect of the worship of Icons the dominant popular belief is this : That a sense of the importance of their worship, and a tentative experimental prac- tice of it in particular cases and towards particular Icons, from motives similar to those which prompt particular invocations and devotions to particular Saints, has a sort of sacramental virtue ; and has been appointed by God to be a channel of His benefits, not indeed to all who may worship holy Icons, nor in all cases, but to men of pure faith and religious life, and in particular cases, w^hen it pleases Him so to manifest his goodness. The source and basis of this dominant belief is to be found in the belief of particular miracles and deliverances associated with particular Icons or pictures. We read of certain of the earliest Christians that they " brought forth their sick on beds and couches into the streets, that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by might over- shadow some of them." And again, that " God wrought special miracles by the hands of Paul; so that from his body were OF ICONS AND RELICS. 2C7 brought unto the sick handkerchiefs and aprons, and the diseases departed from them, and the evil spirits went out of them." In these relations we see a certain tentative or experi- mental act of faith rewarded with miraculous healings. And we can understand that the same faith would continue to prompt Christians to do like tentative or experimental acts even after the Apostles were removed, so long as they had the idea that the grace and power of God wrought through outward channels. They would go and pray at the tombs of IMartyrs, or bring the sick or the possessed to their Relics, or take to others at a dis- tance some handkerchief or apron or garment from their Relics or their tombs. They would see too in churches named after them (whether containing or not any particle of their Relics,) in Hymns made to be sung in their honour, and lastly (after the use of sacred pictures had become general,) in their Pictures also a sort of " shadow " of the Saints who were represented. And when once it was believed, whether rightly or mistakenly, that by this or that particular handkerchief or apron or picture the Divine grace had been pleased to manifest itself, it would be natural and unavoidable that men should feel a certain special regard for those instruments, and should be moved by the association to seek and expect a repetition of the same graces rather through them than through any others of which no such miracles were as yet reported. There is no room here for questioning whether such a special regard is allowable or blame- able. The thing could not be otherwise, the nature of man remaining the same. It is therefore safe to say that if the first experimental use of the handkerchief or the picture was lawful and pious, those consequences which followed from the success of the experiment of faith were foreseen and allowed prospec- tively by the Spirit of God, Which would not otherwise have wrought the first miracle. It is probable then (to speak generally,) that as there had been in earlier centuries particular graces and healings vouch- safed through the intercession and invocation of Saints, and through their Relics, so there were also (after the use and veneration of Icons had been introduced,) similar graces and healings vouchsafed through particular Icons. And if this is believed to have been so, and may have been so in truth, it fol- 268 OF THE WORSUIP OR VENERATION lows that any Icon which has the reputation of being miraculous, and is popularly honoured on that account with a special honour, ought to be honoured so far as custom requires by all those who have no sufficient reason for denying, nor can disprove, what is generally believed respecting it. But it by no means follows in respect to the worship of Icons (any more than in respect to the worship of Saints,) that be- cause the common arguments urged against the thing in itself are false, therefore there neither can be nor is any excess or abuse connected with it in practice. Nor because it w^ould be wrong in a man to condemn his neighbours for the respect which they may show^ to any particular Icon, or to deny absolutely himself, or insist on their denying, any miracle or revelation or healing which he cannot disprove, does it therefore foUov/ that whatever is so asserted and believed, whether by individuals or by com- munities, is true in fact. Even in the Apostles^ times their miracles would give occasion, especially among those without, to many more reports than were true, and to other tentative acts besides those of genuine piety ; and would cause them some- times to be sought to and honoured by men very different from those who, like the cripple at Lystra, " had faith to be healed.'^ And in tlie same vfay, when the Christian society came to be more mixed, and the majority of its members were weak or unholy, the fame of miracles would produce in the mixed multi- tude more or less of a mixed and unholy superstition. Men would think rather of the outward wondei*s in themselves, and of the Saints, Relics, or Icons with which they were associated, than of the inward dispositions requisite in all who would either obtain miracles or profit by them. And they whose tentative acts, or whose devotion towards any Saint, Relic, or Icon was least likely to obtain any real grace from God, would be most apt, from their want of spiritual discernment and virtue, both to propagate false stories and to distort true ; while all that was not in itself contrary to faith, w^ien once it had obtained circu- lation, would be credited by good and simple people, and by society at large. This concrete growth of faith and piety mixed with supersti- tion and carnality^, tentative and imitative acts proceeding from the one mixed with tentative and imitative acts proceeding from OF ICONS AND RELICS. 269 the other, and popular beliefs and devotions representing the joint influence of both, is absolutely identical in all the three branches of the worship of Saints, the worship of Icons or Pictures, and the worship of Relics. But its character may be examined and distinguished most easily in the case of the wor- ship of Relics ; and that for the following reason, that the in- quiry, so long as it is confined to this one branch, is embarrassed by no such preliminary, objections and prejudices as lie against Saint-worship and Image- worship. Relics arc not living creatures to which the honour due to God may be misdirected : nor are they likenesses of things in heaven or in earth or under the earth, by making or honouring which the Second Commandment may be violated. The bones of a Martyr are inoffensive and passive. A man must be indeed brutalized by heresy who can deny to them that honour and affection which even heathens sometimes bestow by natural instinct on the remains of their dead. Nor will he deny that such affection and honour may be expressed outwardly, as well as felt inwardly : and in conformity with an established custom, as well as incidentally of spontaneous emo- tion. And if it chance that a sick man or a demoniac approach the Relics of a Martyr and is healed, or if a blind man receives his sight, there is no room to quarrel either with the Martyr who sought no worship, nor with the Relics which are inanimate, nor with the man healed who perhaps uttered no word, nor with the free grace and power of God. Yet such facts as these once oc- currins:, or being believed to have occurred, it was inevitable that the Relics and the Martyrs themselves through which they had occurred, should be celebrated and honoured not only by the secret "faithful," but also by the mixed "congregation^' of Christians : that a general feeling, and a ritual custom for honouring all Relics of Saints should grow up : that some Relics should be worshipped more, some less, from divers causes more or less valid or superficial : that in time true Relics should be multiplied, and should be subdivided into fragments, and false Relics invented, and celebrated as true : that fabulous miracles should be ascribed to genuine Relics, and sometimes perhaps true miracles be granted to simple worshippers of Relics which are not genuine : that communities, nations, and ages should take the colour of their belief from the individuals of whom they 270 OP THE WORSHIP OR VENERATIOiV are composed : that things false as well as true should find their way not only into the popular belief but even into the Hymns and Lessons and Ritual of the Church ; and that it should be- come wholly impossible not only for common individuals but even for Ecclesiastical authorities to discriminate between the true and the false portions of the concrete growth, or to pre- scribe such rules as shall present the continuance of a similar process of concrete growth for the future. Such a complication of certainty and doubtfulness respecting particular facts (though not respecting principles or doctrines,) of truth and falsehood, of good, bad, and mixed religion, on three such important subjects, is no doubt highly irritating to the impatience of human reason, which would rather deny and condemn everything with the Protestant or believe everything with indiscriminating and reckless credulity, than endure the torture of a suspense which it abhors. But these three are not the only subjects on which the same suspense must be endured. The whole body of external religion (especially in respect of those things which are good or bad only as they are used or abused,) has a double aspect : so that contrary propositions, favourable and unfavourable, Orthodox and Protestant, are true of it at once, and of all its parts, though in different respects. In itself, in the intention of the Church, and in the practice of good Chris- tians, all is good : but in its abuse or perversion, and in bad or imperfect Christians, the whole body of external religion tends to become (what it is called by the Quakers and the Duchobortsi, and by other sectaries,) an idolatrous and heathenish superstition. Most of all is this the case in respect of that union of the Church and the Clergy with the world which is called the civil or national establishment of Christianity. Viewed in itself the- oretically, and in one part or aspect of its practical working, this is very good. It makes the kings and rulers of the world to become the servants and fosterfathers of the Church, and faci- litates the salvation of innumerable souls. But viewed in another aspect of its practical working it is intensely evil. It enslaves the Church to the powers of this world : it enfeebles and corrupts her spiritual energies : it combines Jerusalem and Babylon inseparably and undistinguishably together, so that one and the same concrete is in one of its aspects Jerusalem, in OF ICONS AND RELICS, 271 another Babylon. And if so, then it is no more than we might expect that there should be in the subordinate details also of outward Christianity other instances of a similar double-sided- ness : that ritual worship in one of its aspects should be a symphony of men with angels, but in another a lip-service wor- thy of the priests of the Grand Lama : that the stated fasts should be at once the life of prayer and spirituality, and a mere Judaical form : that monasticism should be at once the salt of the Church, and a sink of hypocrisy or idleness : that the wor- ship of Saints, Images, and Relics should in one aspect be worthy of the citizens of the New Jerusalem, but in another a mass of such adulterous and unholy superstition, covetousness, and imposture, as can only belong to Babylon. CHAPTER XIX. OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. Apart from particular controversies, though closely connected with them, there is the general question of Credulity and Super- stition which it may be proper to consider separately. Super- stition, it is said, not only exists abundantly and is tolerated within the Eastern Church, but it is even adopted and main- tained to a certain extent by that Church herself. Some, seeing how religion is clogged with a mass of the most grotesque fables and the most palpable frauds, are for discarding indiscriminately whatever seems contrary to the belief and spirit of the present age. Others, seeing whither such a spirit of cri- tical scepticism tends, are afraid to hint the slightest doubt of any thing which the popular mind receives, and defend, sincerely or hypocritically, much which it is neither easy to believe nor edifying to defend. Thus the two parties assist the enemy of souls, and conspire to force men to choose between an irreligious scepticism and an unbounded superstition. We shall here state briefly a few considerations which may serve to limit the excess of scepticism on the one side and the excess of mischievous credulity, or still more mischievous afiec- tation of credulity, on the other. Against unlimited scepticism respecting stories of revelations and miracles by the intervening ministry of Saints or Angels, or through Relics, or directly from God in answer to prayer, it is enough to say, I. That as we have the record of many such miracles both in the Old and New Testaments, and as all nations and men of all religions have ever been inclined to believe such things, it is more natural and reasonable to believe than to doubt : OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. 273 II. That Christianity itself being altogether divine and su- pernatural, and every one of its most frequently repeated Mys- teries involving miracles of the highest kind, he who makes a difficulty of believing the less can scarcely be thought sincerely to believe the greater. And unquestionably, to give one exam- ple, for a blind man to be restored to bodily sight is a less miracle than for a soul to be enlightened or regenerated in the Sacrament of holy Baptism. III. If it be objected that all the miracles recorded in holy Scripture seem to recommend themselves by some propriety of signification or circumstance, whereas with great numbers of Ecclesiastical miracles it is just the reverse, it may be remem- bered, first, that if the inspired writers had not recorded all with exact propriety and accuracy, but we had been left to find out for ourselves from a mass of w^ritteu or oral traditions and popu- lar tales the miracles of the Apostolic age and of all other ages preceding, we cannot doubt that there would have been a great mass of truth and error or fable mixed together ; many false miracles as well as some true ; and respecting the ti*ue many distorted representations, suppressions of important particulars, and additions of fabulous circumstances ; so that it would have been no easy matter for mere unassisted reason to discern the grain from the chaff. IV. Even granting that there is a difference in kind between modern or Ecclesiastical miracles and those recorded in holy Scripture, still there may be many degrees and kinds of mira- cles, as well as of revelation and inspiration. V. Further, it is to be remarked that if on the one hand it is difficult or impossible even for the most enlightened to distin- guish accurately between false miracles and true, or between the truth and the fable or error mixed up together in any one par- ticular legend, on the other hand it is not at all necessary to faith or piety that this should be otherwise. It is indeed neces- sary for us to know the Articles of the Faith, the Commandments of God, and certain short Prayers : But to know whether this or that story of a divine interposition is fact or fable ; whether it is unmixed truth or unmixed error, or a mixture of truth and error ; and, if a mixture, in what proportions ; this is often a question rather of curiosity than of religion. And it may be T 274 OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. more salutary for the mind to be left in doubt upon many such matters, than to be encouraged to decide upon every thing. VI. And as it is not necessary for us to judge even for our- selves in all cases, so still less is it necessai*y or reasonable that, if we do judge, we should force our judgments upon others. If a man or a nation believe any miraculous story, which is not im- pious in itself but capable of being viewed in a good light as making to the glory of God, and we think we have reason to doubt or deny this story, we are not necessarily called upon to attack, nor even justified in attacking, the popular error. And if we do attack it we must take the consequences, just as if we attacked the dominant opinions or feelings of the multitude on any other subject of social or political interest. VII. Neither is it necessary or right for us to refuse to sing in the church a Kanon in honour of some doubtful Saint or miracle, or to pay the customary honour to some doubtful Icon or Relic. For charity forbids us for our own personal doubts to scandalize those who, not being in doubt, will see in our con- duct only a dishonour of holy things : not to say that a personal doubt ought to give way to a public belief, rather than expect the public belief to give way to it. Nay more, even if we had a conviction or knowledge that the Icon or the Relic was false, though in that case we should not seek occasion unnecessarily to honour them, we should not be justified in refusing the ho- nour if called upon to pay it, unless we were in the place of authority, and were able to teach the people that they were under a mistake without fear of some greater scandal or mis- chief resulting from this assertion on our part than from a con- tinuance of the people in their innocent or pious error as to a mere matter of fact. The cause for which we ought to be careful to encourage a spirit of religious and discriminating caution, and avoidance of precipitate credulity, even in cases where the thing itself seems harmless or edifying, is this, that there is a tendency in credu- lity and superstition to produce eventually a contrary excess of scepticism and unbelief. The evil one, the father of lies, is not so simple as to prompt men to invent lies which are directly and absolutely to his own disadvantage. One Saint, it is said, in two days and two nights sailed round on a stone by way of the OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. 275 Atlantic ocean, the Baltic sea, the Neva, the lake Ladoga, and the river VolchofF, from Old Rome to Great Novgorod : Another sailed about the Northern ocean on his cloke : And if one hesi- tates to assent to such legends, one is liable to be asked Why, if these miracles are not true, should the devil invent such tri- umphs over himself, or such testimonies to the power of the Cross, which is the same thing ? But the devil knows very well that at a certain point of accumulation of grotesque miracles men begin to laugh : and sometimes the miracle is in itself not only grotesque but laughable : next they discover in some in- stances clear signs of fraud or folly : and then, the whole seem- ing to have grown up together into one system, and to have be- come one concrete mass with the very faith and life of the Church herself, the superstructure of wood, hay, and stubble is made an occasion for overturning even the foundations. For this reason, and seeing the danger of utter scepticism which is fostered by the indiscriminate defence of all popular and ecclesiastical beliefs, we will now briefly point out some of the chief sources of false and mixed legends, leaving it for the most part to the reader to apply them to particular cases, and to add other similar sources for himself. I. One of the simplest and most innocent sources of false miracles lies in men^s having misunderstood what was said or seen or done mentally, metaphorically, or spiritually, as if it had been seen or done bodily. Thus when the Saxon Saint Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury in England, had enforced the disci- pline of the Church even against the king, and some of his "contemporaries and disciples had said strongly and expressively that he had " taken the devil by the nose," and the painters had visibly embodied this figure of speech, the common people un- derstood both the word and the paintings to express a literal fact. Another Saint, wishing to reprove and teach a slothful monk who slept in his stall during Matins, said that he had seen a huge serpent coiled up and lying on his head : and it was supposed that the Saint had seen a real snake. II. Another source is the misconception of what was told or written allegorically, as in the legend of the Sicilian Virgin Agatha who is tempted by five abandoned young women, who are evi- dently nothing else than personifications of the five senses. T 2 276 OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION, III. Another source lies in the popular misunderstanding of emblematical ceremonies. Thus the reappearance of a light from the Holy Sepulchre, after all other lights have been extin- guished in the church, has for many ages been taken to be miraculous, (formerly by the Latins and Armenians as well as by the Greeks, and still by the common people among the Greeks,) although it is plainly only a very significant and appropriate Ecclesiastical ceremony, identical with what is practised in all Latin churches without any idea of a miracle. IV. A fourth source is 6ju,aivy/x.ja, of which we have a good instance in the ascription of particular Icons to St. Luke the Evangelist. When attention began to be drawn to such pictures as existed among Christians, and questions to be raised about them, it is plain that they who painted them or possessed them must either admit that they were mere creations of fancy, and had no claim to be likenesses, or say that they exhibited a tra- ditional likeness handed down through pictures first painted by contemporaries, and through copies afterwards made from such pictures. The likeness then in this or that picture of our Sa- viour or of the Blessed Virgin was said to be from St. Luke, who was supposed first to have painted pictures of them. And the likeness in the Icon and the Icon itself being expressed by one and the same word, and so being liable to be confounded together from tbe first, the material picture would get the credit of being itself the original, and of having been painted by the hands of the Evangelist. Then, as copies came to be taken from such pictures, they too would be said, to distinguish them from others of later design, to be from St. Luke, that is, to be reproduc- tions of that particular design and likeness which belonged to the older picture from which they were copied. And the same process would be repeated over again with these also, the copies coming to be taken to be not only in the likenesses contained in them but in their material substance and colour from the very hands of St. Luke. Another double misconception of the same kind was not uncommon in the West : The Relics of a Martyr or Saint and the Saint himself are in a manner identical : and if the Relics were translated to any particular spot, the Saint w^ould be said " to have come thither," and to have blessed and defended that church or city with his presence and protection. Again, OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. 277 the statue or picture of a Saint or Martyr was said to be the Saint himself, that is, his likeness. And it was common to re- present a Martyr who had been beheaded with his head in his hand, or under his arm, that the statue or picture might of itself signify the manner of his death. Hence arose stories among the people that such and such Martyrs (whose statues they were used perhaps to see in niches outside of their Cathedral with their heads under their arms,) had been beheaded, and after their decapitation had miraculously walked to this or that spot hold- ing their heads in their hands, or under their arms. Of the same kind among the heathens were various legends in which the name or sign given to a ship was confounded with the ship itself. Europa no doubt crossed the sea in a ship with the figure of a Bull at its bulkhead ; and Ariou was picked up and landed at Tsenarus by a ship named the Dolphin. V. Another source is when things were reported which could not be correctly understood at a distance, or effects witnessed which could not be accounted for by any known power or agency. In such cases it is natural for Christians as well as for heathens to refer those things which strike tbem as wonderful not only directly to God, but also to such other inferior agencies as they may seem to be connected with by any association of ideas. Thus vast ruins in the East are ascribed to Solomon tasking the Genii ; and the building of Cathedrals still standing in Scandi- navia is ascribed by the people to similar invisible powers sub- jected to the command of Christian Bishops and Saints. The first ship seen by savages ignorant of navigation becomes a liv- ing being : the first steamer a dragon breathing out fire and smoke. The first horsemen were Centaurs. And we are still familiar with the actual production of fable from this source, whenever any people comparatively ignorant and barbarous are brought for the first time in contact with the wonders of art and science and civilization. VI. Another source there is identical in principle with the preceding, but differing from it in this, that either the associa- tion in virtue of which we refer any particular effect not directly to God but to this or that subordinate agency, or the wonder itself, or both, are of men's own original or conventional devising. God, Who is Almighty, infinite, and all-sustaining, contains all 278 OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. things; and \Yithout His will nothing is done that is done: we are therefore always I'ight in seeking all things which it is right to seek from Him, and in ascribing all that befalls, whether in seeming answer to our prayers or otherwise, to His will or per- mission. But when we come to subordinate limited agencies, this is no longer so. And yet it is very natural and very com- mon first, in virtue of some hint or association, to ascribe a general or particular sphere, influence, or ministry, to this or that Angel, or Saint, or other created thing, and then to seek from it or through it this or that effect ; and if the effect follow, to attribute it to the agency or intercession which was in our minds. Elijah having brought down rain after a long drought by his prayers upon the top of Mount Carmel, Christians by virtue of the association make the nearest height to their city or monastery into a Carmel, and plant upon it a chapel of St. Elias : and if they pray there in time of drought, and rain follows, it is for them a miracle obtained by the prayers of St. Elias. The vessels of the Russians which came to attack Constantinople in the ninth century were wrecked and driven ashore near the church of the Blessed Virgin at Blachernse ; and the Patriarch had dipped what was supposed to be her robe in the sea before the storm arose, and had sung an " Akathist '^ to implore her protection. The result following which was desired, it is no wonder that both the Christians of Constantinople and the bar- barians themselves ascribed it to her interference. Yet seeing that rain after drought, and storms of the sea, and vicissitudes of dangers and deliverances to men and cities and nations cer- tainly do happen in virtue of God's general and particular government of the world, we must always be more or less uncer- tain in attributing such things to some other secondary agency over and above, so long as this secondary agency is of our own choice and devising, and so long as the things themselves are not manifest and striking reversals of the ordinary course of nature. The case would be different if any one had made iron to swim by invoking the aid of Elisha ; or if any one by invoking the aid of the Blessed Virgin had restored sight to one born blind : or had raised a man to life from the dead. On the same principle as that spoken of above, St. Luke having come to be regarded as the first Icon-painter and the Patron of OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. 279 that art, an Icon found in a cave, as at Megasp^laion, without any known history, overgrown with ivy and other greens, would seem as if painted and left there by St. Luke himself. And even if, on burning the underwood and clearing out the cave, it appeared that there had been an altar cut in the rock and a hermitage in connection with the Icon, this, instead of destroying the former idea, would only suggest an addition to it, namely, that St. Luke himself had been the hermit who had lived there, and had celebrated on that altar ; and even that he had written his Gospel in the same cavern. All which would be corroborated by the historical tradition that he did really come into Achaia, and was buried at Thebes. To account for the growth of the whole legend we need suppose no more than that the two brothers from Thessalonica, when they first saw the Icon in the cave, uttered some such words as these, " How can this have come here ? It looks as if it had grown of itself among the ivy on the walls of the cave : or rather as if St. Luke himself had painted it, and left it here for us to find, and to as- sist us in our mission V These words falling upon the ears of others would be enough : and in the next generation of their disciples and followers the whole would be related as a fact or tradition, which had probably been related to the Saints, the first finders of the Icon, in a vision or dream. VIT. Another source is the insensible and unintentional accre- tion of circumstances through the imperfection of oral tradition, and through the licence of imagination and embellishment in- dulged in by those who with scanty materials first fix oral tra- dition in writing. All monks, as such, have placed themselves in a manner under the protection and intercession of the Blessed Virgin. A monk founding a hermitage or monastery must, as a matter of course, desire to find water for it ; and on finding the water, or digging the well, he will say with propriety not merely " Here by the favour of God,^^ but " Here by the favour of God and of the Blessed Virgin," or " Here by the favour of the Blessed Virgin I found water for the brethren." (As, when the Deacon is going to read the Gospel in the church, the Bishop blesses him with a prayer that God " by the prayers of the holy Evangelist N." who is to be read, will give him grace to read to the edification of the hearers.) The disciples of such a monk or Founder in 280 or CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. the next generation will relate that " Here the Blessed Virgin helped the Saint to find water." In the mouth of the next it will he that " Here she appeared to the Saint, and showed him the spring/' Then comes some one who writes for the first time the life of the Founder : and he will not only make the Blessed Virgin appear, but will dramatize the narrative, and give the very words which passed between her and the Saint; and very probably will suppose and represent that she did not merely teach the Saint where to find a spring already existing, but called the spring itself into existence for his sake. VIII. Another most fertile source lies in the spirit of imita- ti(m and rhetorical embellishment common to writers of the bio- graphies of Saints. Little being known in many cases of the details of the real life, the tradition of the Saint whose life is to be written having been distinguished for certain virtues, or the general idea of the virtues belonging to this or that class of Saints, suggests certain details : and the half-miracles of the en- comiast swell into real miracles. The miracle of feeding the brethren by some miraculous supply, or by the multiplication of some small remains of their stock of provisions, with many other like marvels, occur over and over again in the lives of different Saints who were hegouraens, just as if the biographers of later Saints had borrowed largely from the lives of the more ancient. IX. Another source is that of apocryphal and spurious wri- tings. For example, certain particulars respecting the early life of the Blessed Virgin now popularly received by tradition and celebrated in some of the hymns of the Church seem to have been taken from the spurious Gospels of the early heretics. X. Another source often superadded to one or more of the above is that of human influence and authority. For instance, the influence of some holy man in the Church, or of some great man or body of men in the world, of Emperors, Courts, Cities, or jNIonastcries, or Nations, whose reception and veneration of any miracle, or Saint, or Icon, others follow. There is also the still higher influence of the Church, when private and popular ideas and devotions concerning matters of fact have come to be countenanced, and in some measure received by her, and even Ofiices and Hymns to be composed and used consecrating the popular belief of this or that particular wonder. OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. 281 XL Another source is that of human reasoning, which, not content with deducing logical consequences from the facts or doctrines of revelation, goes on to the assertion of fresh /«c/s which at most can only be said to be probable. For instance : From the Incarnation it seems to follow clearly that our human nature is taken into a closer union with the Deity than any other nature ; and from having been a little lower than that of the angels is crowned with glory and worship ; that is, is exalted far above all principalities and powers. Viewing the human na- ture in th« Blessed Virgin, who is, in and under her Son, its most preeminent representative, in this light, it is no super- stition to teach and sing that she who is the mother of Christ our God is " more honourable than the Cherubim, and incom- parably more glorious than the Seraphim." And when we argue that, if after the Resurrection of Christ " many of the bodies of the Saints which slept arose," (and some of the Fathers suppose this to mean that they arose with their bodies never to die again,) it is difficult to suppose that the Blessed Virgin was not equally honoured : and that therefore it is not only possible h\xt probable that she also received her body again shortly after her decease, we are thus far guilty of no superstition. But when we go on further to assert categorically, either on the strength of this reasoning, or on the authority of some spurious or anonymous writing later by centuries than the event, and in- consistent with the allusions of earlier Fathers, that she did actu- ally receive her body again ; that she was carried to heaven by angels in the body on the third day ; that the Apostles were gathered together; and that St. Thomas again doubted ; so as to make of the whole history a counterpart to that of our Lord's resurrection : and when all this is popularly and ecclesiastically received, and made the subject of hymns, and sermons, and ceremonies, we must either allow that here is a growth of hu- man superstition floating in the Church ; or we must boldly assert that the matter of fact has been made known to the Church by a later revelation ; and even perhaps in part (as will be the case in some other similar instances also,) through the means of testimonies and arguments which will not bear scrutiny in themselves, the premisses being false but the con- clusion true, the foundation worthless but the superstructure which has been raised upon it not doomed to fall. 282 OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. XII. Another source is that of connivance, silence, or ma- nagement (without any actual assertion of what is false) assisting the imagination of the simple and ignorant in originating and perpetuating wonders. Thus in respect of the Holy Fire at Je- rusalem, the Clergy, for whatever reason, do not teach the people that what they celebrate as a miracle is merely an eccle- siastical ceremony. And, to cite another instance, in the very remarkable legend of the preservation of the young monk of Dochiareion on Mount Athos by the Archangels, it was enough that the monk himself, and the Hegoumen, and the porter, kept their secret, and did not publish how he had escaped drowning, or how he came to be found by all the brethren lying before the Icon of the Archangels in the church of their Monastery, with the stone fastened to his neck. XIII. Lastly, no doubt, there have occurred, and may occur still, direct frauds, in which falsehood in some degree or other has been used for a certain definite purpose : though very com- monly even where there seems at first sight reason to suppose fraud, it will turn out on closer examination that the original nucleus of the legend may have involved nothing of the kind ; and that there has only been a subsequent accretion of marvel- lous circumstances from one or more of the sources abovemen- tioned. We should therefore be religiously careful never to assert nor to suppose any fraud unless we are absolutely com- pelled to do so. In conclusion, with regard to this whole subject, it must not be forgotten that all matters of fact which are not actually at- tested by holy Scripture, or by clear and universal tradition from the beginning, are by their very nature excluded from the pro- vince of faith. Not only individuals but Councils, not only local Councils but CEcumenical Councils, and the Church herself in any country, or in all countries at once, may err concerning matters of fact, even though these last be ever so closely con- nected with religion. A General Council, for instance, stigma- tizes such and such Popes as heretics : but it is quite possible notwithstanding that in point of fact these Popes were personally orthodox. Another Council, or the Church diffused, has acknow- ledged certain individuals for Saints : yet they may for all that have been sinners or concealed heretics. Certain passages are cited by a General Council in support of this or that doctrine, OF CREDULITY AND SUPERSTITION. 283 or certain facts are alleged from history : nevertheless the pas- sages may be spurious or misinterpreted ; and the facts may have had no real existence. The Church of a certain age may have supposed the earth to be fixed, and the sun to move round it, and that to assert the contrary was to contradict the Divine Scriptures : but the Church in that case was mistaken. In just the same way, whatever assertions of supernatural occurrences have been received either by Popes or Councils, or even by the Church diffused, they are none the less open to criticism on that account as questions of fact. And whatever developments of idea, whatever customs, anniversary celebrations, Oflfices, pilgrim- ages, or further reputed miracles, may have followed upon their belief and reception, all these things resting only on a question of fact are, together with the fact itself, open to examination and criticism, without any danger of heresy. And if in any such case the supposed fact itself, for instance, the transportation of the House of Loretto, or the Introduction of the Blessed Virgin into the Temple, and her being fed there by Angels, or her As- sumption in the body, or her Immaculate Conception, came to be doubted or disbelieved, all that has been built upon such sup- posed facts might fall with the belief of the facts themselves, without the true doctrinal infallibility of the Church suffering thereby any danger or curtailment. Nor would it make the least difference if the Church should have decreed at any time the dominant opinion concerning any such matters of fact to be an article of faith, any more than if she had decreed the Coper- nical opinion to be a heresy, and the older theory to be a part of the faith. The promise which endues her with infallibility for teaching the true and necessary faith and for condemning heresy does not necessarily secure her against such errors. DISSERTATION XX. OF FORMALISM AS IMPUTED TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. Man being himself a compound of soul and body, his religion must have its form or body as well as its life or spirit : and reli- gion is then in a good and healthy state when the inward life, whether of the individual or the Church, is vigorous enough to embody itself according to occasion in suitable forms ; and when such forms as preexist, and have not by any change of circumstances become unsuitable, are used and animated by the same spirit which originally produced them. Nevertheless, every human energy being liable to waste itself and to decay, the Church herself also, so far as she is human, is subject to this same infirmity. That inner life which in Apos- tolic or early times threw up such holy and divine forms, and could scarcely find forms adequate to its own strength and rich- ness, afterwards gradually decayed, and left the forms more or less hollow and empty, but still useful to mark to a degenerate age a higher standard than its own, and to communicate in some degree to the souls of them that should continue to use them the shadow, the echo, the faintly reproduced image, of that full volume of living energy from which they originally came. The Apostles and their company, after sufiering for the first time persecution for the name of Christ, prayed together in the Upper Chamber on Mount Sion, lifting up their voice with one accord in the words which are still preserved to us : And " when they had prayed, the place was shaken where they were assembled together, and they were all filled with the Holy Ghost.'^ Cornelius the Centurion and his friends listened not with the outward ear only, but with hearts duly prepared, to the words spoken by Peter, and the Holy Ghost fell on them OF FORMALISM AS IMPUTED TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. 285 even before they were Baptized with water in the Name of Jesus Christ. Paul and Silas sang praises to God at midnight in the prison at Philippi, using certain words, and the prisoners heard them : And suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison were shaken, and the doors opened, and every one's bands loosed : and the keeper of the prison with all his house was Baptized. In these cases it was from the fulness of the heart and spirit that the mouth spake, and the eflfect was accordingly. Nor was such concurrence and unison of the inward spirit with the outward word or act of religion, and such mighty effect, confined to cases where the words were used only once : but in the primitive Apostolic Church that living spirit which first suggested the words and forms of her Liturgies and Ritual accompanied also their habitual use. Thus when in the darkness of the night, long before dawn, the spiritual children of Sarah persecuted by the children of the bondwoman, and from among the Gentile Christians members of divided households, wives illtreated by their husbands, chU- dren threatened or cast out by their parents, slaves oppressed by their masters, citizens hunted out and accused by their neigh- bours, subjects proscribed by the tyrants of this world, met with difficulty and apprehension in the catacombs under some great city, or in the retired house of some brethren in the out- skirts, and the 'E^a^uXixoc or Six Psalms^ at the beginning of Matins were read with a devout and meditative voice by the Superior, containing the complaints and meditations of the Messiah, the perfect man, under the sorrows and afflictions of His humanity and the assaults of His enemies, all who were present knew that this voice was not only from the Messiah, the Head, but also from the Church His Body : and each one of them in particular found his or her own spiritual application of the verses of those Psalms according to the personal troubles and necessities of each ; and his own comfort and strength in that mixture of more cheerful prayer and meditation with which one of those Psalms (Psalm p/3',) tempers the others. And when after the Six Psalms the reading was succeeded by * Psalms iii., xxxviii., Ixii., Ixxxvii., ciii., cxliii. In the LXX. 7', Xf, 1(3', wr', p/3', piuP'. 286 OF FORMALISM AS IMPUTED TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. singing, and the Church, instead of dwclhng on the afflictions of her humanity, changed her note, and poured forth in the words of Psalm cxviii, (p<^'.) the Eucharistic confession of her faith, with a firm confidence of being more than conqueror in her war- fare with the Jewish and heathen world, and the congregation present, or the singers, repeated as a burden at intervals between every two or three verses, " God is the Lord who hath showed us light: Blessed be He that cometh in the name of the Lord!" they might feel the old synagogue to be overturned, and the idolatrous city overhead on her seven hills with the whole empire of the heathen world to be shaken to their centre from beneath. So also in the Psalms cxxxv. cxxxvi, cxxxvii, or xlv. (^xS', pXe', qXr', or JU.S',) called IloXusXeog, sung to heighten the celebration of Sundays and Festivals; which, while similar in tone to the preced- ing, are more particular in the enumeration of the noble acts of God in old time, foreshadowing those of the Christian Dispensa- tion, and in their openly triumphing over the idols of the heathen: We cannot doubt that the spiritual sense of the " wonders of old time " celebrated in these Psalms, as well as their pointed appli- cation to the present conflict with heathenism, was felt by the assembled worshippers of the first centuries. And the music to which these Psalms are sung, as well as that of the Laud Psalms (cxlviii. cxlix. el.) the praises of which are more gene- ral, (and which were no doubt always sung at length,) and that of the " Great Doxology" carries with it still sensible traces of that spirit with which these singings were originally accompanied. In the celebration of the Divine Liturgy the people doubtless answered intelligently to each petition of the Common Prayers or '£xT£ve»5 bidden by the Deacon : and they heard distinctly pronounced " with all his might '^ by the Bishop or Priest those most eloquent and solemn doxologies and thanksgivings, which were at first so full and detailed (though afterwards said inau- dibly, and curtailed, and replaced for the laity by singings with- out the veil,) that besides being a worthy sacrifice of praise on the part of the whole assembled Church, clergy and laity, they were also for each individual Christian a most rich instruction and remembrance of the whole substance of his faith. Having heard with the ear and joined with the heart in the introductory part of these thanksgivings, relating to the mystery of the OF FORMALISM AS IMPUTED TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. 287 Trinity and to the CreatioD, they joined also with the Bishop and with his Con-celebrating Priests, and with all the Heavenly Host assisting invisibly around the Altar, in that Hymn of the Angels " Holy, Holy, Holy," &c., knowing what they did, and with whom they were joining, and through what preparatory words they had come to that outburst of praise. And in like manner, after having heard the Eucharistic commemoration re- specting the whole economy for the recovery of man after the Fall, down to the Incarnation and the Institution of the Myste- ries, and having witnessed the Oblation of the creatures of bread and wine, the antitypes of the heavenly Sacrifice, and the Invo- cation of the Holy Ghost to descend on them and to change them, they responded with awe, but with their whole hearts, that intelligent " Amen," which the Apostle requires. So too did they after the intercessory Prayers for the departed, and for the living, and for the whole Church, which followed after the Consecration, and which derived such increase of solemnity and efficacy from the presence of the aweful and adorable Mysteries then " lying in open view " on the altar. And again, in the united recitation of the Lord's Prayer immediately before the Communion, they prayed in earnest for the heavenly and super- substantial Bread, to be received by all (unless prevented by some sufficient cause,) to be the staff of their spiritual life. After so assisting, and at such a Liturgy, and after so Commu- nicating, they retired ready either to do zealously such good works as the day might have in store for them, or to suffer firmly and cheerfully every persecution which might befall them for the Name of Christ. And at Vespers, after the reading of a Psalm (Psalm civ. gy.') fit for the commencement of the day or the week, concerning Creation and the renewal of Creation, and after the singing of other Psalms (141, 142, 130, 117. In the LXX. pju.', pi,.u', px^', p«s-',) not unlike the 'E^a\|/aXiw,&5 of the Matins, in which " prayer was set forth as the incense, and the lifting up of pure hands was an evening sacrifice," having come to the setting of the sun, and seen the star of evening, and lighted the lights of the church, the Clergy coming out and standing in a broad curve Eastwards, sang that glorious and most ancient Hymn, " ^wg IXapov," X. T. X. {" O cheerful Light," &c.) to the eternal and con- 288 OF FORMALISM AS IMPUTED TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. substantial Effulgence of the Father^ of Whom the visible light is a symbol; glorifying Him together with the Father, and the Holy Ghost, one God : a hymn full-orbed, mellow, calm, deeptoned (as expressing the depth of the mystery,) slow (as being contemplative,) rich with the splendour of vestments^ ac- companied by the Gospel and by Incense representing prayer and praise, sung by the Elders the first half standing without, the latter half after all going up into the Sanctuary, as the doxology of the Holy Trinity begun in the Church on earth below, and to be finished and continued for ever in heaven. In the Greater 'A-Trotsimov or Compline, which is used at cer- tain seasons, there is a manifest relic of those primitive times when the Church was in the catacombs under Jewish and heathen persecution. And it is impossible to read or to hear the singing of this relic without feeling ourselves to be as it were breathed upon by the breath of that living energy which first selected and accommodated its words from those of the Prophet Isaiah : " iV/s5' y]ju.aJv 5 6eo:," x. t. X. In the Syriac more strikingly, " Immdnu-El ! " that is, " God is with tis ! Understand, O ye nations, and submit yourselves : For God is with us ! " " Ki Im- mdnu-El ! '^ This is sung first by the Choir on one side. Then the same a second time by the Choir on the other side. Then as follows, verse and verse alternately : " Give ear unto the ends of the earth : For God is with us ! " Ye mighty, submit yourselves : For God is with us ! " For if ye wax powerful again, ye shall again be broken in pieces : For God is with us ! " And though ye take counsel together, the Lord shall bring it to nought : For God is with us ! " And if ye speak any word, it shall not stand : For God is with us ! " Your terror will we not fear, neither be troubled : For God is with us ! " But the Lord our God, Him will we sanctify, and He shall be our fear : For God is with us ! " And if I trust in Him, He shall be unto me for a sanctuary : For God is ivith us ! "And I will trust in Him, and I shall be saved through Him : For God is with us ! OF FORMALISM AS IMPUTED TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. 289 " Behold I, and the children whom the Lord hath given me : For God is with us ! " The people that walked in darkness have seen a great light : For God is with us ! " We that dwelt in the valley and shadoiv of death, upon us hath the light shined : For God is with us ! " For unto us a Child is born, unto us a So7i is given : For God is with us ! " On Whose shoulder is the government : For God is with us ! " And of His peace there is no end : For God is with us ! " And His name shall be called The Messenger of the Great Counsel : For God is with us ! " Wonderful, Counsellor : For God is with us ! " The mighty God, the Lord of power, the Prince of peace : For God is ivith us ! " The Father of the world to come : For God is with us ! " Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost .• For God is with us ! " Both now, and ever, and world without end. Amen : For God is with us ! (And lastly both the Choirs sing together) " For God is with us F^ {"Ki Immdnu-El !") After the earliest and golden ages of the Church, during which she was subject to persecution, and during which her ritual wor- ship and the writings of her Saints, like their lives, were almost wholly spiritual and practical, there followed in the fourth and fifth centuries another phase of character, in which the divine depth and earnestness of the ancients, without ceasing altogether to exist, is clothed in a garb of intellectual, rhetorical, and po- etical cultivation. Many touching Prayers, eloquent and in- structive Homilies, STiy^ripx to be sung at '• Kvpis, sxeKpa^cf" in the Vespers on Sundays and chief Festivals, 'ATroa-riy^a, TpoTrocpia 'AiroXvTUioi, Ka.^ltry.'XTu perhaps, and Sriyy^pot for the Laud Psalms at Matins, and probably strings of Kovrax-ia. and OWoi, were produced in this second period. Nor is there in the ritual and homiletical compositions of this period, though their merit is certainly of a lower and more humankind than that of the Divinely inspired Scriptures, or the productions of the Apostolic age, any appearance of hollowness or unreality. Nor, so far as we can judge, is there any reason to doubt that they who used the Prayers 290 OF FORMALISM AS IMPUTED TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. and sang the Hymns of this period used them upon the whole with the understanding and the spirit, as well as with the lips. Later, after the composition of the first " Kanuns," (which are sets of nine '' Odes '' {'P.Wt) to be sung with the nine Propheti- cal and Evangelical Hj^mns, the TpoT:y.pix of each '/25^ being made or turned so as to answer to the syllables and accents of its Elpixos-) that is, after the time of St. Andrew of Crete and St. Cosmas, we come to an imitative period ; in which the cere- monial of the Byzantine Court, with all its hyperbole and hypocrisy, was carried into the Church ; in which many doubt- ful miracles and legends, and particular Icons, gained exten- sive honour through worldly adulation and Court influence ; in which various opinions based on spurious or doubtful writings became parts of the popular belief; in which, for the sake of a certain uniformity or symmetry in the ritual, vast numbers of Kanons and other Singings were composed for all the Saints of the Daily Calendar throughout the year on the model of the ear- lier compositions of the same sort : and the monastic ritual, calculated for communities v/hich should employ one third part of the twenty-four hours of the day and night in the Services of the Church, w^as introduced more or less into general use even in common churches. During this period, which we may fix from the end of the eighth to the end of the twelfth century, we find a great deterioration in the quality of the additions made to the ritual, and a vast growth of formalism and unre- ality in their actual use. In place of deep, warm, and just poetry, we have often cold, empty, and hyperbolical rhapsodies. And the readings and singings being felt to be too long for a full and proper performance of them, men commonly fell into a perfunctory and merely external performance of the ritual, or of many parts of it ; an abuse which was in still later times brought to its climax by the gradual corruption and change of the Hellenic language into the modern Romaic, so that not only were the Psalter and the lesser Offices, instead of being read devoutly, gabbled over with heathenish rapidity, and the Kanons or strings of hymns, instead of being sung, read or gabbled in the same manner, but all this was done, and the rest of the Ser- vice was performed, in a language no longer familiar to the people, and only partly intelligible to them, nor to them only, but even to the majority of the Clerics and Singers. OF FORMALISM AS IMPUTED TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. 291 But without pursuing into further details this historical sketch of the rise and growth of formalism in the Services of the Church, we will now offer some reflections on the present state of ritual worship in the Eastern Church as contemplated from a practical and popular point of view. " God is a Spirit ; and they that worship Him must worship Him in spirit and in truth." This text perversely interpreted by some sectaries is urged as an argument against all the ritual forms of the Latin and Greek Churches, and against the whole body of religion. In the same way another text, "When ye pray, use not vain repetitions as the heathen do, for they think they shall be heard for their much speaking/' is made into an argument for attacking repetitions which are not always nor necessarily vain. And that of St. Paul, " I had rather speak five words in the church in a known tongue than ten thousand words in an unknown tongue," is made to prove the duty of attempt- ing that which is impossible, namely, to make all the Services of the Church perfectly audible and perfectly inteUigible to all wor- shippers, though there may often be a mixture of different tongues, and though the languages themselves may be for ever changing. Still, these perverse interpretations notwithstanding, there is such a thing as a sincere and practical desire and effort to act in the spirit of these texts. And there is such a thing as an undue excess of outward forms and repetitious in Divine worship. It may be not uninstructive for a member of the Eastern Church to be informed in what light some parts of his religious worship now appear to Anglicans, whose faults are of a nature contrary to those of the Easterns, inasmuch as the Anglicans have destroyed a great part of the outward forms of religion, (and for this no doubt suffer great spiritual loss,) but who have the merit of being often sincere and serious in what they have re- tained, and are far removed (even to the contrary extreme,) from outward formalism, superstition, or hypocrisy. " Fas est et ah hoste doceri." None are so perfect but they may learn something from what is said against them even by the malice of enemies. And much more may they learn from the serious ob- jections of erring brethren, whose very errors are perhaps only excessive reactions occasioned by the faults of older Churches. If an Anglican then could be taken into a Greek or Russian u 2 292 O? FORMALISM AS lMl'Uii:.l> TO THE EASTERN CHURCH. church just at such parts of the Services as the follov/ing : for the reading of the Gospel^ and often also of the Apostle, for the singing of the Great Doxology at Matins, or of the "