MASTER NEGA TIVE NO. 92-80455 MICROFILMED 1 99 1 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK 4( as part of the Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITffiS Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material... Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would mvolve violation of the copyright law AUTHOR: HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA TITLE: TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION OF THE PLACE: NEW YORK DA TE : 1900 Restrictions on Use: COLUMBIA. UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Master Negative # ■=13-60^55 t Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record UU: w< Huguenot society of America Tercentenary celebration of the promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, April 13, 1598... New York, Huguenot society of America, 1900. " "' Ixiii, 464 p. plates, ports., fold, facsim. i 26 cm. id;«3h U TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA FILM SIZE:_____i_i^^A_iVl IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA JIA IB IIB DATE FI1.MED: REDUCTION RATIO: CCL :3^ INITIALS L> nLMEDBV; RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS, INC WOODBRIDGE. CT c Association for Information and Image Management 1 1 00 Wayne Avenue. Suite 1 1 00 Silver Spring. 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JCm^ f>f Fraufi', 7ifki} si'trpiffi tkf Edict of Ntu THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA I WITH PORTRAITS FACSIMILE OF THE FIRST AND LAST PAGES OF THE EDICT AND OTHER ILLUSTRATIVE MATTER PUBLISHED BY THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA NEW YORK 1900 J u, . jut 2 "17 To HENRY G. MARQUAND UNDER WHOSE PRESIDENCY THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA UNDERTOOK TO CELEBRATE THE TERCENTENARY OF THE ISSUE OF THE EDICT OF NANTES AND WHOSE INTEREST WAS AN UNFAILING SUPPORT DURING ALL THE PRELIMINARY ARRANGEMENTS THIS VOLUME WHICH PRESENTS THE FRUITS OF THAT CELEBRATION IS DEDICATED o^^ XLbc ftnicherboclter prees, ftcw Sorh INTRODUCTORY NOTE HTHIS volume contains the poem and the papers -L read m the two days' celebration by the Hugue- not Society of America, of the tercentenary of the Edict Nantes ; the poem and the speeches (so far as they could be furnished) at the dinner which closed the pub- he exercses ; the whole preceded by the report by the Secretary of the Celebration Committee of the proceed- ings of the entire celebration week, and the Rev Dr Muntmgton's special sermon of welcome to the Societv's guests and followed by M. Weisss lecture, and an appendix. ' " The portraits here given of those who played a prominent part in the celebration were in each case kind y furnished on request by the persons themselves and the Committee understood that refusal so to do was and o ■ t^ r" n "'"S '"' ^""^^ J^^ ^chieffelin and of the Rev. Drs. Huntington and Vedder other .lustrative matter has been inserted. The Committee hi .K u "" '° "'^P''^^^ '^^'' thanks for all the |help they have received upon this volume. Samuel Macauley Jackson, Mrs. James M. Lawton, Robert W. de Forest, '" April 13, 1900. Publication Committee. CONTENTS ERRATA ET ADDENDA As no plates were made of this volume, the following correc- tions and alterations, which were received after the pages were t.ons ana a , ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^j^ printed, are here maae . i . loy, ,, „ , read- "hundreds of scholars," etc.; p. 119, 1- '7, for faith read ''rPli"iving the plans of the Committee on General Arrangements for the celebration, and suggesting a dinner at Delmonico's some time during the winter. In November, 1896, the Ladies' Committee of the Society sent out the following circular to every member of the Society : The Ladies' Committee wishes to call your attention to the approaching Tri-Centenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, when the Huguenot Society of America invites all Foreign Societies to join her here in its celebration. In order that our membership should fully represent the strength and number of the Huguenot element in this country, the Com- mittee believe it wise to offer to each member in the Society the op])ortunity of proposing a friend of Huguenot descent for member- ship, so that all Huguenot families in America may be enabled to share in the courtesies of the occasion. It is therefore requested that this Society, which leads by priority of age and wide historic interest those of the Old World, should wisely increase its member- ship and its strength, and that you, as a member, should personally assist the Committee by proposing one new associate of Huguenot descent. The Committee asks for your cordial co-operation and generous sympathy in this endeavor. Mrs. Henry C. Stimson, Mrs. William A. Budd, Mrs. Anson P. Atterbury, Miss Maria D. B. Miller, Miss Lilian Horsford, Miss Ruthella R. Blackwell, Mrs. James M. Lawton, Chairman, Ladies* Committee of the Huguenot Society of America. In consequence of this circular, seventy new members were added to the Society before April, 1897. At the meeting of the Committee on Arrangements, on January 16, 1897, most of the members were present, and Messrs. Wittmeyer and Banta of the Committee on Papers by invitation. Mr. T. J. Oakley Rhinelander acted as Secretary /r^ tempore. XIV Report of the Secretary In reply to the remarks of the President, stating the inadequacy of the Society's treasury to meet the needful expenses of the proposed celebration, and ask- ing how the same could be defrayed, another thousand dollars was added to that already given. After discus- sion, Mr. Rhinelander made a motion, which was duly seconded and carried, *' that the Huguenot Society of America, at its coming celebration, shall entertain at the hotels ^ruests invited from abroad to the number of not more than six, and for a len^rth of time not Ioniser than one week," The Committee concurred in the opinion of Mr. de Peyster that we have a dinner in the spring, as a preparatory step, and a means of enlisting co-operation and aid for the celebration in 1898. In Pebruary a special committee reported that Prof. Henry M. Baird had consented to be Honorary Secre- tary " for the correspondence with the Huguenot Societies of Europe in rei^ard to the comincr celebra- tion." It was then resolved that a banquet be given on April 28th, and that Mr. Henry Cotheal Swords be appointed Chairman of the Stewards, and that notices of the banquet be sent out immediately. On February 16, 1897, a joint meeting of the two com- mittees was held at Mr. de Peyster's house and Mr. Rhinelander's resolution was passed : *' That a sum of $200 be asked from the Executive Committee to defray the extra expenses of the dinner of 1897." It was also resolved that the representative of the South Carolina Society be invited to attend as our guest. It was reported that the notices of the dinner on the 28th had been sent out before the meeting. Prof. Rees moved " that the President and Secre- tary send notices of the celebration by the Huguenot Society of America on the 13th of April, 1898, to the Rev. A. K liy//;/u'] Founder of ike Son (•/]'. Report of the Secretary XV Henry Cothcal Si^^ords. Jriiisiirer (*f fhf Cehhrathu . ':mittei\ Foreign Societies, and invite their co-operation ; also that the secretary of the Celebration Committee follow it up as quickly as possible by sending details of the celebration." This motion was carried. The letter sent by the President was as follows : New York, February, iSgy. To the F resident of the Huguenot Society of The Huguenot Society of America sends fraternal greetings to the several Huguenot Societies throughout the world, and hereby announces its intention to hold an International Celebration in this city of New York on the 13th of April, 1898, to commemorate the 300th Anniversary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, and most cordially invites kindred Societies to co-operate in this event. This Society desires particularly that all other Huguenot Societies be represented by Delegates who will read papers appropriate to the occasion, to be published hereafter. Professor Henry M. Baird, the Honorary Secretary, will at an early date communicate further details of the Celebration, (signed) Henry G. Marquand, Fresident, Lea McI. Luquer, Secretary. A meeting of the Committee on Papers was held at n Fifth Avenue, at which various names were proposed for speakers and the various topics agreed upon for the American papers. A special joint meeting of the Committee on Dinner and Stewards for the Banquet of April 28, 1897, was held at 37 Fifth Avenue, Saturday, March 20th. Mrs. Lawton read from the minutes of the Executive Committee the resolution ratifying the choice of the Stewards. Present: the Stewards, Messrs. Swords, Rhinelander, Johnson, Barbour, and Blackwell, and of the Committee on Arrangements for the dinner, Messrs. Wittmeyer, Rhinelander, and Mrs. Lawton. The Chair- man, Mr. Swords, in the chair. Mr. Barbour was elected XVI Report of the Secretary Report of the Secretary xvu treasurer of the Stewards, and Mr. Rhinelander, secre- tary. Before the meeting adjourned, a resolution bear- ing upon the Society, and indirectly upon the celebration in 1898, was offered by the Rev. J. Le B. Johnson, that a dove, representing the Holy Spirit, be added to the proposed insignia, from which the other part shall be pendant. This action subsequently received the ap- proval of the Society. At the joint meeting held April 7th in the Huguenot Library, the estimates were brought in by the several Stewards having the details in charge. These were approved and passed. The last meeting before the dinner was held at Mr. de Peyster's house on the 13th, when all reports were given in, and the last details arranged. The banquet was given at Delmonico's, 26th Street and Fifth Avenue, on the evening of April 28th, and proved a great success. Almost all the ladies were in full dress, music good, menu excellent. Each table seating six, or eight people, banners flying, and every- thing as gay as possible. Owing to a reception that was given the same night, very few of the speakers who were to have graced the occasion presented themselves, but Mr. de Peyster and Mr. Beaman made up for all shortcominirs. The dinner had the result that we had hoped for : it drew attention to the Society, showing that we were still alive. A meeting of the Committee on Arrangements for the Celebration of 1898 was held at 7 East 42d Street, on May 11, 1897, at 5 p.m. Present: Mrs. Lawton, Messrs. Pumpelly, Rhinelander, and de Peyster ; the latter presided. Mr. Swords was elected a member of the Committee, and made Treasurer of the Celebration Committee. It was moved and carried that the treasurer receive all contributions now offered, and that early in the fall a circular be sent by him to all members, soliciting sub- scriptions for the purpose of the celebration. The letter from Prof. Baird in relation to some changes he wished to make in the circular to be sent by him to the Presidents of the Foreign Societies was considered. Whereupon it was moved and carried — "That certain chan<';es be made in the circular as suofeested in the letter of the Honorary Secretary, and that he be em- powered to incorporate these suggestions thus modi- fied in the letter to be sent by him to the Presidents of the Foreign Societies." It was further resolved that the Cape Hope Colony be requested to send a paper to be read at the celebration ; also that the Society do not extend an invitation to the Cape Hope Colony to send a delegate ; and also that Mrs. Lawton be appointed Secretary of the Celebration Committee and be asked to assist the Honorary Secretary, Prof. Baird, during the summer. During the summer a great deal of work was done. In June the Honorary Secretary sent a letter to all the Foreign Societies, which letter the London Society for- warded to its members, with the following letter : THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF LONDON. TERCENTENARY OF THE PROMULGATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 10, Primrose Hill Road, N.W., yuly, iS^y. Dear Sir, The Huguenot Society of America proposes to celebrate next year (April 13, 1898), the Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, and has sent to our President the subjoined letter, cor- dially inviting the Huguenot Society of London to take part in the proceedings on that occasion. I am therefore desired by Sir Henry Peek and the Council to ask I I i XVIU Report of the Secretary Report of the Secretary XIX you if you will kindly inform me at your early convenience if there is any probability of your being able to visit New York at the time of this commemoration, and, if so, whether you are willing to act as a special delegate of our Society, and to contribute a Paper on any one of the subjects indicated in Professor Baird's letter ? The President and Council are very anxious to meet the wishes of the sister Society in America, and to arrange for the representation of our Society by two official delegates and readers of papers. Their efforts will be materially assisted if you will be good enough to let me know, as soon and as definitely as you can, whether you will be able in any way to help them. Yours faithfully, Reginald S. Faber, Hon. Secretary. THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA. New York, yune /j, i8gj. Sir Henry William Peek, Bart., President Hii^^uenot Society of London. Dear Sir : A previous letter from the President of this Society has acquainted you with the purpose of the Huguenot Society of America to commemorate in Aj)ril, 1898, with the co-operation of their brethren of this and other lands, the 300th Anniversary of the publi- cation of the great law known in history as the Edict of Nantes. I have been requested to state at greater length the considerations that have led to this action and the plan contemplated. It is not necessary to set forth to those who are familiar with the story of French Protestantism, the unsurpassed importance of the Edict of Henry IV, which was intended to put a term to the reign of persecution that had prevailed throughout a great part of the sixteenth century— an edict which, so long as its provisions were even partially observed in the early i)art of the seventeenth, enabled Protestants and Roman Catholics to live together with a good degree of unity and mutual respect. Not perfect in itself, and, there- fore, not a perfect guarantee, it was yet the great Charter of Hugue- not rights. Its Revocation by Louis XIV, m 1685, demonstrated how great a loss the cause of religious toleration sustained by its recall ; and the Huguenots— both those that remained in the king- dom, subject to a tyranny that compelled them to forego their religious worship, and their more fortunate brethren who were able to make their escape to a place of refuge outside of the realm— looked \n with more or less hope to the advent of the time when the Revoca- tion should itself be revoked, and the great Edict itself be restored in its integrity, as the most welcome of boons. The first settlers of the city of New Amsterdam, now the city of New York, were French-speaking Protestants, Walloons or Hugue- ' nots of Northern France and Southern Belgium, who, brought over to this western continent, just twenty-five years after the enactment of the Edict of Nantes, under the flag of Holland, laid the founda- tions of the prosperity of what has long been the most commercial city of the New World. Other parts of what is now comprehended in the United States of America also received, from time to time a considerable number of Huguenots, but of New York it can be said truthfully that, as they were the earliest, they were for a season the most numerous element of the population. Their descendants are still here. There is, therefore, a peculiar appropriateness in the celebration by them of the Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict under which the Protestants of France enjoyed quiet and religious liberty so long as it was respected, and whose repeal led great numbers to cross the ocean to secure quiet and religious liberty here. To this it may well be added that the commemoration in a land distant from that in which the Huguenots took their rise, and indeed in a city that was not even in existence when Henry IV appended his signature to the law at Nantes, will be a striking testimony to the enduring character and pervasive influence of the principles for which the fathers endured persecution, exile,— death itself. The Huguenot diaspora has encircled the globe ; but whether in old Europe, at the Cape of Good Hope, or in America, it stands for the same eternal truths. It is as a visible token of unity and fraternity that the Huguenot Society of America invites her sister Societies of all parts of the world to join in making the proposed celebration an event of ecumeni- cal interest and importance. To this end it is essential that the Huguenots of different lands shall all, so far as possible, be represented by delegates, and that the speakers be not so much Americans as our honored guests from abroad. It is hoped that the response to our invitation may be so cordial that the exercises may occupy two days, beginning with Wednesday, April 13, 1898. The time will be chiefly taken up with addresses and the reading of papers, which should be of such length as to XX Report of the Secretary occupy not over three quarters of an hour each at the most, though nothing would prevent the reading of extracts from longer papers to be subsequently published in full in the permanent commemorative volume which we contemplate issuing. We sincerely hope that we may have the advantage of your hearty co-operation in the undertaking. We shall esteem it an especial favor to learn from you, at the earliest convenient moment, that we may count upon the coming of delegates to represent your Society at the celebration in April, 1898. We particularly desire to have two of these delegates read papers on this occasion, and to be assured of this some time in advance ; since it is our desire to make provision that the two gentlemen who may do us the great service of preparing and reading papers shall be relieved of any expense for crossing the ocean, and for their enter- tainment in this city at least for the week in which the sessions of the " Commemoration " are to be held. Your kind efforts in securing us the choice of these delegates from among those most suitable to perform this office will be very warmly appreciated. The topics suitable to the occasion on which they might speak, will, of course, readily occur to them. By way of suggestion, these have been mentioned : The successive events that finally led to the enactment of the Edict of Nantes ; the main provisions of the Edict and the place of the Edict in the his- tory of Religious Toleration ; the causes that rendered the Edict largely inoperative from the beginning, and finally made its revoca- tion possible ; Henry IV and his chief Huguenot Supporters — a picture of the men and their times ; a sketch of Huguenot Literature (including the translations of the Bible) to 1685 ; the religious lives of the Huguenots. I may add that, if for any reason the author of a paper cannot read it in person, some one on the ground will be appointed to read it. Pardon me if I request you kindly to signify to me, as early as convenient, upon which of the topics that I have named, or cognate topics, we may hope to receive papers from members of your Society ; in order that, so far as practicable, no two writers should discuss exactly the same subject, while other subjects might not be discussed at all. I remain, dear Sir, with high regard, Very truly yours, Henry M. Baird, Honorary Sec^-etary, IVillia^n D. Barbour. 7>ea surer of the Ste-rrar.f^ m I Report of the Secretary XXI At the request of the chairman on papers, your Sec- retary wrote to all of our Vice-Presidents two letters one asking that they carry out what was the intention of the Society when first organized, viz., that each Vice- President form a Branch Society in the centre repre- sented by him ; and another, asking them either to write a paper themselves on the Huguenot Settlements repre- sented by them, or cause one to be written, to be read at the Celebration, and to send two delegates to repre- sent their centre, giving names. Many leUers were also written to secure papers on the subjects chosen by the Committee on Papers. A joint committee meeting of the Celebration Com- mittee was held at 4 i-.M. on Saturday, November oj 1897. at the call of the President, in the parlor of Mr' de Peyster, Chairman of the Committee of Arran.re! ments, at 7 East Forty-second Street. * The Treasurer, Mr. Swords, submitted a circular ktter to the members asking for subscriptions for the Celebration ; which, on motion, was submitted to a coinmittee of three-Mr. de Peyster, Mrs. Wittmeyer and Mrs. Lawton— with power. It was also ordered that this circular be signed by Mr. Marquand and Mr de Peyster. Also, that those preparing papers be requested to read only a resume of them (time allowed to be o-iven later) and that the papers themselves be give^n to tlie Publication Committee to be published in our Commemorative Volume. -Mr. Wittmeyer offered the French Church du St tspnt for the use of the Society for the two days of the addresses. The offer was accepted with thanks and the Secretary requested to report the same to the t-xecutive Committee. It XXll Report of the Secretary Mr. Wittmeyer read his report of the work done dur- ing the summer, givin^^ names of those to whom letters had been sent, and their repHes. The report was accepted, and ordered to be placed on file. Mrs. Lawton, acting secretary for Prof. Baird (Honorary Secretary), read his report, which was accepted and ordered to be placed on file. The Lon- don Huguenot Society, it appeared, would pay the expenses of the two delegates, Mr. Browning and Mr. Belleroche ; and that M. Weiss and M. De Felice had been appointed delegates from the French Huguenot Society, and all these gentlemen would present papers. Prof. Baird requesting instructions how to reply to Mr. Belleroche's query as to the language in which his paper should be presented, the Committee decided that in view of the great importance of the subject to be treated by Mr. Belleroche, and the fact that many of the members of the Huguenot Society of America do not understand P>ench, he be requested to write his paper in P:nglish. Prof. Baird was further requested to write to Mr. Wildeman to give us a paper on the Walloon Churches or on the Church in Haarlem— as Prof. Baird thought best. Should he deem it proper, he might make the request through the Societe Wallonne. Mrs. Lawton requested that her donation be devoted to defraying the expenses, and for the entertainment of the guests from abroad. In regard to the subscriptions to be raised to defray the expenses of the Celebration, Mr. Sanger's resolu- tion was adopted that after all bills had been paid, the surplus, if any, was to be the nucleus of a permanent fund. On motion of Mr. de Peyster, Mrs. Lawton was Mrs. James awton. SrcTrtd h^ Cr'I. hftl 'l Ml C-,,,, *,:'•; I Report of the Secretary XXlll officially appointed Secretary of the Celebration Committee. A meeting of the Celebration Committee was held at 5 I'.M., January 6, 1898, at the call of the Chairman, in the Library. The Secretary presented a letter from M. Weiss to Prof. Baird, asking if the Committee would not change the date of the Celebration, to which the Honorary Secretary had replied courteously but firmly that this was impossible, but that he hoped M. Weiss would be with us on the occasion of the Celebration. On motion the action of the Honorary Secretary was approved. In regard to Mrs. Lawton's proposition to invite a dele- gate from the Nantes Committee to come over in April, provided they would change the date of their celebration (to May 2d, date of actual signing of the last document accompanying the Edict), the Committee decided that no further action should be taken. It was resolved that the Secretary be requested to write to Rev. E. Andra that the Society would take a copy of the work to be issued on the occasion of the Fetes at Nantes, provided the price be at all moderate. Mr. Swords requested that in view of his recent bereavement, his name be omitted from the circular letter asking for subscriptions. It was also resolved that the Treasurer of the Society be requested for the time being to receive all subscriptions, placing them in a separate fund entitled, "Subscriptions for the Ex- penses of the Celebration of the Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes." XXIV Report of the Secretary CIRCULAR LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT, INFORMING THE SOCIETY OF THE CELEBRATION, ETC. HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA. To THE Members of the Huguenot Society of America. Greeting. Your President wishes to announce to you, that during the week of April r3th, in this year of our Lord, 1898, will be cele- brated in New York City, by the Huguenot Society of America, the Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes by Henry the IV. Delegates are coming from abroad, who will read papers, and the Committee have many papers promised from the Vice-Presidents of the Huguenot Centres in America. In order to make this Celebration worthy of the occasion, your most cordial and active co-operation is solicited. A brief history of this movement, the only one of its kind ever attempted in any country, may not be out of place. Three years ago last October, the subject of this Celebration was broached. The Executive Committee approving the plan, the Foreign Societies were sounded, and the interest manifested was such that your President appointed a Celebration Committee. Last spring, Prof. Henry M. Baird, D.D., LL.D., was appointed Hon. Secretary to correspond with all the Foreign Sister Societies, soliciting papers suitable to the occasion and inviting two Delegates from each Society, whose expense, coming and returning, would be met by us, to be our guests for one week in New York City. The Secretary of the London Society writes that they consider that "we do them sutftcient honor in entertaining the delegates while in New York," and that their Society will pay for their travel- ling expenses. Besides these two Delegates eight or nine members are coming over for their own pleasure. The Rev. A. V. Wittmeyer, Chairman of the Committee on Papers of the Celebration Committee, has corresponded with the Huguenot Centres in America, and has secured most valuable papers. He has also most generously offered the use of L* Eglise du St. Esprit, for the two days devoted to the reading of papers. Two thousand and sixty dollars ($2060.00) have been subscribed by one of our members towards defraying the expenses and provid- ing for the entertainment of the guests from abroad. But we have Report of the Secretary XXV other guests as well, and to make the Tercentenary a success, we must have a generous subscription. It has been decided that after all expenses are paid any money left over is to form the nucleus of a Permanent Fund. Annual Membership fees are for Society Meetings, Rent for the Library, Salary for Clerk, Stationery, and Incidental Expenses. The eyes of the world have been drawn to the Huguenot Society of America. Should our Celebration be a failure it would be a great disaster. It should be the crowning success of this Nineteenth Century. It rests with you, members of the Huguenot Society of America, to make it so. Your President appeals with confidence to your generosity, your love for the memory of your martyred Ancestors, and to your Patriotism. All contributions are to be sent to the Treasurer of the Society, George S. Bowdoin, Esq., in care of J. P. Morgan & Co., 23 Wall St., New York City, marked "for the Celebration Fund." He has kindly consented to act ad interim for the Treasurer of the Celebration Committee. HENRY G. MARQUAND, President. Frederic J. de Peyster, Chairman Committee on Arrangements of Celebration Committee, yanuary 20 ^ i8g8. After the meeting of January 6th, several other meet- ings, formal and informal, were held, and reports of progress made from time to time to the Executive Com- mittee. At a February meeting it was decided to have the whole of Easter week for the Celebration, and that a programme of exercises be made out. Mr. Rhine- lander showed designs for souvenirs, to be made by Black, Starr & Frost, — a white enameled flag, with a gold fletir-dc-lys, and the dates 1598-1898, to be worn as a pin by both ladies and gentlemen. It was also de- cided to have the same dinner cards, with the embossed marigold, as at the last dinner, and that the music should be in charge of Mr. Helfenstein, the organist of Grace XXVI Report of the Secretary Church, who had most generously volunteered his ser- vices to teach some of the choristers appropriate songs and to lead the singing on the occasion. A '' Programme of Entertainments during Easter Week," the " Titles of Papers, Names of Speakers," and cards of admission to the church for the two days of the papers were to be sent to all members ; the last two to be sent also to clergymen, public men, universities, and theological seminaries. It was also resolved that the Honorary Secretary thank M. Weiss for his kind- ness in offering to bring over his stereopticon views to be shown and explained by him one evening during the celebration week. As this could not be settled before his coming, no announcement appeared on the pro- grammes sent out. The first notices giving information about details, banquet, etc., were sent out on February 24th. The programme, list of speakers and papers, and full notices were sent to religious, daily, and weekly papers. xMr. Swords also paid for a long and exhaustive article, giving the history of the Society, the celebration movement, and all that was to take place during the week. As having interest, especially to those who attended the commemorative services, the various issues of the Society relating to the commemoration are here re- printed. ( I . A nnounceitient. ) The Huguenot Society of America, 105 EAST 22d STREET. CELEBRATION COMMITTEE. President, HENRY G. MARQUAND. Treasurer, GEORGE S. BOWDOIN. Honorary Secretary, Prof. HENRV M. BAIRD, D.D., LL.D. Committee on Papers, Rev. a. V. WITTMEYER. Chairman Committee on Arrangements, FREDERIC J. DE PEYSTER. All correspondence to be addressed to the Secretary, Mrs. J. M. LAWTON. William E, Dodze, Representatiife of the New England Society. Report of the Secretary xxvu New York, February 24, 189S. The President desires to inform you that the Programme of Arrangements for the Celebration Week of April 13th, is to be sent to the members, as soon as the Committee hears from one of the Foreign Societies the title of its paper. The Banquet will be given on Thursday evening, April 14th, at seven o'clock, at Delmonico's. Speeches by Foreign Delegates, and many well-known American speakers. Vou are requested to inform the Committee on Arrangements at your very earliest convenience whether you intend to be present, and if so, how many tickets you will require. All members are at liberty to invite as many guests as they wish, ladies or gentlemen, members or non-members. The price of each ticket will be $5. 00. E. M. C. A. LAWTON, Secretary of Celebration Committee. ( 2 . An7iounceme?it. ) The Huguenot Society of America. CELEBRATION COMMITTEE. President, HENRY (i. MARQUAND. March 18, 1898. The Committee of Arrangements are happy to announce that over one hundred applications have already been received for the Banquet of April 14th, at Del- monico's, 44th Street and Fifth Avenue. The presence of our Foreign Guests and the eloquent speakers who have promised to attend will make this occasion a brilliant one. A Smoking Room has been engaged adjoining the Banquet Room, where gen- tlemen may retire after the dinner is over and before the speaking begins. All communications regarding applications for tickets and seating at the tables to be addressed to the Secretary of the Celebration Committee, Mrs. James M. Lawton. Members wishing to form parties of six or eight will so inform the Secretary, giving names. Tickets are now ready for delivery at $5.00 each. Members are therefore requested to send checks for whatever number of tickets they may require, to William D. Barbour, Treasurer of the Stewards, No. 15 Wall Street, New York. Chairman of the Stewards, Chairman, Committee of Arrangements T. J. OAKLEY RHINELANDER. FREDERIC J. DE PEYSTER. (3) PROGRAMME OF ENTERTAINMENTS DURING EASTER WEEK. Easter Sunday, April loth. Services at 11 o'clock at Grace Church; sermon by the Rector, the Rev. Dr. Wm. R. Huntington, Member of the Huguenot Society of America. XXVlll Report of the Secretary Monday, April nth. Reception to the Foreign Delegates by the President of the Hugue- not Society of America, at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, at 3.30 P.M., by card. Tuesday^ April 12th. Reception to the Delegates and Foreign Guests, by Mrs. James M. Lawton, 37 Fifth Avenue, from 3 to 5 o'clock. Wednesday, April 13th. Services at the French Church du St. Esprit, 30 West 22d Street, followed by the reading of papers at 11 a.m. Rev. A. V. Witt- MEYER, Rector, Chairman of the Committee on Papers, pre- siding. List of papers for the first day's session : 1. " The successive events that finally led to the enactment of the Edict of Nantes," by Edward Belleroche, Esq., London Delegate. 2. " The Edict of Nantes : its scope and its place in the history of religious toleration," by Samuel M. Jackson, Prof. Church History, N. Y. University. 3. *' Comment I'Edit de Nantes fut observe," by Rev. Paul de FELICE, French Delegate, translated by Mr. F. F. DuFais. 4. "The Strength and the Weakness of the Edict of Nantes," by Prof. Henry M. Baird, LL.D., L.H.D., Hon. Sec'y of Celebration Committee. 5. " Les Ennemis de I'Edit de Nantes," by Monsieur N. Weiss, French Delegate. At 4 P.M., Annual Business Meeting for the election of Officers, etc., at Assembly Hall, 105 East 22d Street. Thursday, April 14th. Services at the French Church du St. Esprit, 30 West 22d Street, followed by the reading of papers at 1 1 a.m. Rev. A. V. Witt- meyer. Rector, Chairman of Committee on Papers, presiding. List of papers for the second day's session : 6. ** History of the French Hospital in London, and the Lives of the Huguenots who founded it," by A. Giraud Brown- ing, Esq., F.S.A., Delegate from London Society. Report of the Secretary XXIX 7. " The Walloon Church of Haarlem," by Mr. M. G. Wilde- man, of Haarlem, read by Theo. M. Banta, Esq., Secre- tary Holland Society. 8. '* Huguenots in South Carolina," by Hon. T. W. Bacot, Delegate from Huguenot Society of South Carolina. 9. ''Huguenots of Virginia," by Col. Richard L. Maury, Vice-President Huguenot Society of America from Vir- ginia. Huguenots and New Rochelle," by George T. Davis, Esq., Delegate from Huguenot Society of New Rochelle. 11. '* Huguenots' influence in the Colonial Capital of New York," by Hon. A. T. Clearwater, Vice-President Huguenot Society of America from New Paltz, N. Y. 12. " Huguenot Settlement in New Jersey," by J. C. Pumpelly, Esq., Huguenot Society of America. At 7 P.M., Banquet at Delmonico's, 44th Street and Fifth Avenue. 10. (4) TITLES OF PAPERS AND NAMES OF SPEAKERS. {Prograj7ime of papers, second form.) First Session. I. " The successive events that finally led to the Enactment of the Edict of Nantes."— Edward Belleroche, Esq., Fellow of the Huguenot Society of London, Delegate from the Lon- don Society. I. " The Edict of Nantes : its scope and its place in the history of religious toleration."— Samuel Macauley Jackson, Pro- fessor of Church History, New York University. {. " Comment I'Edit de Nantes fut observe."— Rev. Paul de Felice, Membre de la Society de I'histoire du Protestant- isme Frangais, Delegate from the French Society. [As Monsieur de Felice was unable to come over, Mr. F. F. DuFais, a member of the Huguenot Society of America, kindly translated and read his paper.] * The Strength and the Weakness of the Edict of Nantes."— Prof. Henry M. Baird, LL.D., L.H.D., Hon. Fellow of the Huguenot Society of London, Hon. Member of the Hugue- not Society of America, Hon. Secretary of the Celebration Committee. 4. XXX Report of the Secretary M . p. /oj East Twenty-second Street. tl f xlii Report of the Secretary Some of the Stewards remained longer, to have an eye on things in general, and to receive and place the belated dinner cards for the dais. More fortunate than Mr. Rhinelander, I had time for a cup of tea, before my return at a quarter past seven, when I brought with me the Souvenirs, each in its own little box, the ribbon badges for the Stewards, and the type-written '* Procession," a copy for each Steward. I had declined taking my place in the procession as a member of the Celebration Committee and their Secre- tary, as it would have destroyed the harmony of the picture to have seen one woman among so many dis- tino;uished men. Mr. Rhinelander, from an elevated position, called out the names of the guests of the evening, whose places were on the dais, and their escorts ; the procession was formed, and to the strains of the orchestra we all "fol- lowed our leader," and, knowing the numbers of the tables to which we had been assigned, were seated without confusion. The followinor was the order : Societies {Huguenot) Escorts Huguenot Society of France — Monsieur Weiss, By the President Huguenot Society of London — A. Giraud Browning, Esq. Huguenot Society of London — Robert Hovenden, Esq., By Mr. Rhinelander Huguenot Society of London — Mr. Edward Belleroche, Vaudois Society — Mr. J. D. Brez By Mr. G. S. Bowdoin Speakers Rev. Dr. George R. Van De Water. .Rev. J. Le B. Johnson Hon. C. M. Depew Mr. Theo. M. Banta Prof. Henry M. Baird Rev. A. V. Wittmever (who was also on the dais) Mr. Wm. E. Dodge Mr. Wm. D. Barbour T, y. Oakley Rhinelander. Lnairman of the Stewards. if t<' »! ii I II Report of the Secretary xliii Other Societies Mr. Nicholas Fish (Cincinnati) Gen. Chas. F. Roe Mr. Wm. Lyall (St. Andrews) Mr. Lea McI. Luquer Mr. Wm. M. Massey (St. George) Mr. Banyer Clarkson Mr. Franklin Stanton (St. Nicholas). Mr. Bayard Dominick (Society of Colonial Wars represented by Mr. de Peyster.) Mr. John W. Vrooman (Holland) Mr. C. F. Darlington Rev. Dr. Roderick Terry (Mayflower). Mr. Fred. W. Steele Mr. Jacob F. Miller (Luther) Mr. J. C. Pumpelly Vice-Presidents H, S. of America Col. Richard L. Maury (from Virginia). Mr. Herbert M. Du Puy Mk. Chas. M. Du Puy (from Penna.) Rev. Dr. A. G. Vermilye Delegates froin Huguenot Centres and Readers of Papers Rev. Dr. Vedder (South Carolina) Mr. Wm. Jay Schieffelin Mr. Wm. D. Gaillard " Mr. Wm. Jay Schieffelin Mr. George T. Davis (New Rochelle)..MR. Philip Rhinelander Mr. Joseph Lambden " " ..Mr. Ashton de Peyster Mr. Samuel Macauley Jackson Mr. F. F. Du Fais Extra Escorts Messrs. Henry Marquand, Wm. Gary Sanger, Henry M. de Peyster, and Dr. Wm. E. Le Boutillier To meet Bishop Potter at 9.30 and escort him to the dais. (But unfortunately the Bishop was detained.) BANQUET LIST. Members who bought tickets for themselves and friends (in order in which applications were received). Mr. Frederic J. de Peyster Mr. T. J. Oakley Rhinelander Mrs. James M. Lawton Mr. George S. Bowdoin Rev. Wm. R. Huntington, D.D. Hon. H. W. Bookstaver Mrs. Marcellus Hartley Miss L. Cotheal Smith Mrs. Charles S. Sargent Miss Sara Devotion Hon. Abram S. Hewitt Mr. Henry D. B. Mulford Mrs. Viola V. Holbrook Mrs. Chas F. Roe Mrs. Florence C. Moseley Mr. C. M. Vail Mr. Saml. P. Ferree Mr. Chas M. Du Puy Mr. Henry G. Marquand Mr. Wm. Jay Schieffelin s\\ 'I 1 ♦ >ll xli IV Report of the Secretary Mr. H. Blanchard Dominick Mrs. Frances N. B. Piirdon Mr. J. Oscar Voiite Mr. Wm. Gary Sanger Mr. Fred. W. Stelle Mrs. C. M. Gillett Mr. Fred. Mottet Rev. Thomas Gallaudet, D.I). Miss Lilian Horsford Mrs. Howard Townsend Judge A. T. Glearwnter Miss Emma G. Lothrop Dr. E. H. M. Sell Mrs. Margaret Le Boutillier Dr. A. F^. Helffenstein Mr. Ghas. F. Darlington Mr. Theo. M. Banta Mr. Lea McL Luquer Mrs. Anna Le F^vre Macdonald Prof. David Demarest, D.D., LL.D. Rev. A. G. Vermilve, D.D. Mr. Eugene M. Demonet Miss Frances D. Booraem Mrs. Valeria E. Snow Mrs. Idabelle S. Kress Rev. A. V. Wittmeyer Mr. H. S. Ra^jelye Mr. Thatcher Luquer Mrs. Erastus G. Putnam Mr. Frank V. Shonnard Genl. Ferdinand P. Earle Mrs. Robt. Anderson Mr. Bayard Dominick Mr. George Newcomb Mr. J. G. Pumpelly Mr. Ralph Le Fevre Mr. Banyer Glarkson Mrs. Huidekoper Mrs. Warren Rawson Mr. Herbert Du Puy Dr. E. M. Gallaudet Mrs. Emily Livingston Mrs. Mary G. Hoffman Rev. Danl. R. Foster Mrs. E. L. de P. Glarkson Mr. John Balch Blood Rev. James H. Darlington Mr. G. D. Julien Mrs. Gertrude Hamilton Mr. Wm. D. Barbour Mrs. Anson P. Atterburv Mrs. Knox Maddox Mr. Wm. H. Frizzell Miss Emma F. Sahler Mr:. Montgomery Schuyler Mr. Jacobus Elting Mr. Wm. Hillman Mr. Glarence A. Rundall Mrs. Greorge P. Lawton Names of non-members on list as buying tickets through member^ Mrs. Gowdin Mrs. Fletcher Bangs Mrs. Luther G. Tillotson Mr. S. A. Ludin Sixteen tickets not wanted, money refunded. Eight tickets not wanted, given to Treasurer for use for the com- plimentary tickets. In all 251 tickets sold — for members and for suests. Report of the Secretary xlv DINNER OF THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA 1598 1898 : April tlic fourteenth, 1898 - DELMONICO'S, Fifth Avenue and 44th Street, I New York. MEMBERS OF THE EXEGUTIVE GOMMITTEE. Henry G. Marquand,' President. George S. Bowdoin, Lea McI. Luquer, Treasurer. Secretary. VICE-PRESIDENTS. Mew York Fred. J. de Peyster Staten Island. . . .Gol. Wm. Jay Long Island Rev. Lea Luquer New Rochelle Henry M, Lester New Paltz Hon. A. T. Glearwater Boston Nathaniel Thayer New Oxford Hon. Richard Olney Narragansett . . . .William Ely Maine Rt. Rev. Henry A. Neely, D.D., LL.D. New Jersey Prof. D. D. Demarest, D.D., LL.D.' Delaware Hon. Thomas F. Bayard "^ Pennsylvania Gharles M. Du Puy ' Virginia Gol. Richard L. Maury South Garolina. . .B. K. Neufville Florida Bayard Glinch Heyward ' Note. — Mr. de Peyster was President at the time of the dinner, but the name of Mr. Marquand was allowed to remain for the reason given on p. xxx. • Since deceased. \ M ■\ xlvi Report of the Secretary EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Prof. J. K. Rees T. J. Oakley Rhinelander Wm. Gary Sanger Henry Cotheal Sw ukl>s Theodore M. Banta also Chairmen of Finance, Library, and Publication Committees. CELEBRATION COMMITTEE. Henry G. Marquand, President. George S. Bowdoin, Treasurer. Prof. H. M. Baird, LL.D., L HD. Hon. Secretary. COMMITTEE ON ARRANGEMENTS. COMMITTEE ON PAPEk Fred. J. de Peyster, Chairman Col. Richard L. Maury Robert F. Cutting Mrs. James M. Lawton Wm. Jay Schieffelin Wm. Gary Sanger J. G. PUMPELLY T. J. Oakley Rhinelander and all Vice-Presidents of the Society. Rev. a. V. Wutmevkr, Chairman Prof. J. K. Rees Hon. a. T. Clearwater Theo. M. Banta DINNER COMMITTEE. Fred. J. de Peyster, Chairman Col. Wm. Jay T. J. Oakley Rhinelander STEWARDS. T. J. Oakley Rhinelander, Chairman Lea McL Luquer Bayard Dominick Charles F. Darlington Fred. W . Stelle Wm. D. Barbour, Treasurer Secretary of Celebration Committee, Mrs. James M. Lawton Report of the Secretary xlvii FOREIGN DELEGATES AND GUESTS. Mr. a. Giraud Browning, F.S.A., Vice-President Huguenot Society of London ; Hon. Secretary French Hospital, London ; Hon. Member Huguenot Society of America ; Delegate from London Society. Mr. Edward Belleroche, Fellow Huguenot Society of London ; Delegate from London Society. Monsieur le Pasteur N. Weiss, Secretaire de la Societe de I'histoire du Protestantisme Fran9ais ; Delegate from French Society. Rev. Paul de Felice, Member of the French Society, represented by Mr. F. F. Du Fais. Mr. J. D. Brez, Member of the Vaudois Society ; Member of the Huguenot Society of America ; Delegate from Vaudois Society. Mr. Marinus Godefridus Wildeman, Adjunct Archivaris van Haarlem, represented by Mr. Theo. M. Banta. Mr. Robert Hovenden, F.S.A., Vice-President Huguenot Society of London. DELEGATES FROM AMERICAN HUGUENOT CENTRES. Rev. Dr. Vedder, Pastor Huguenot Church, Charleston, S. C. ; Delegate from South Carolina. Mr. Wm. D. Gaillard, Delegate from Huguenot Society, South Carolina. Col. Richard L. Maury, Vice-President from Virginia. Mr. George T. Davis, Delegate Huguenot Society, New Rochelle. Mr. Joseph Lambden, " " " " " Mr. J. C. Pumpelly, New Jersey ; Member Huguenot Society of America. AMERICAN GUESTS. Mr. John W. Vrooman President Holland Society Mr. S. Franklin Stanton President St. Nicholas Society Mr. William Lyall President St. Andrew's Society Mr. W. M. M ASSEY President St. George's Society I, I, t t III xlviii Report of the Secretary Rev. Roderick Terry .President Mayflower Society Mr. Nicholas Fish Representing Order of the Cin- cinnati Mr. Jacob F. Miller President of Luther Society Mr. Fred. J. DE Peyster Gov.-Genl. Society of Colonial Wars Mr. SaxMuel Macauley Jackson.. Prof. Church History in X. V. University Other Delegates from South Carolina, not on the dais : Mrs. C. Albert Hill and Mrs. Vedder, Messrs. Prioleau Ravenel, Sr. and Jr. MENU. Huitres de Marcnms Potages Ox Tail' Bisque d' t'crevisses HORS D'CEUVRE Bouchees h la Reim POISSON Aig^uillettes de bass a la Joinville Pommes duchesse Relives Filet de bceuf aux champignons Tomates farcies Asperges nouvelles Sorbet Ron Pigeon neaux Froid Pate de foie gras Salade de laitue Entremets de Douceir Savarin aux ananas Fruits Glaces de fantaisies Petits fours Cafe Sherry and Bitair Sauterne Bordeaux Cigars ' The French refugees were the first to use ox tails as an article of food in England and introduced ox-tail soup. Report of the Secretary xli IX Grace said by Rev. A. V. Wittmeyer, Founder of the Society. ** NoN Inferiora Secutus." Original poem, by Rev. Melville K. Bailey— read by author. ORCHESTRA. I . Prelude Bach 2. ( (a) Cavatine t Jiaf ( (If) March from Leonore 3. (^) Air BacA (d) Andante Religioso Thorne {c) French Serenade Burf^mein 4. " Le dernier sommeil de la Vierge " Massenet VOCAL SELECTION. " At Night " Solo and chorus RanJcgger rhe little weary winged bees (iive up their honey quest, And all the little singing birds FIv home, and go to rest. The butterflies fold up at last Their shining golden crowns ; And daisies in their wee white cups, Sleep on the dewy downs. Fear not the shadow. For God keeps awake through all the night ; To make our sleep more sweet and calm, He takes away the light. TOASTS. "THE MEMORY OF OUR HUGUENOT ANCESTORS." (Drunk standing and in silence, orchestra playing the 25th Psalm, the music composed in the tenth century, and to which Marot adapted his version of that Psalm.) PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS OF WELCOME. "THE EDICT OF NANTES," The Huguenots' Great Charter of Civil and Religious Liberty. (Music) " Vive Henry Quatre " Sung by Chorus Rev. George R. Van de Water, D.D. I ;, II II 1 Report of the Secretary "THE HOSPITABLE LANDS WHICH RECEIVED WITH OPEN ARMS OUR EXILED ANCESTORS TWO HUNDRED YEARS AGO." (Music) Italian Anthem, Solo, sung by Harold S. Yalk, and Chorus Hon. Chauncey M. Depew. "THE UNION OF THE FRENCH AND DUTCH IN NEW- NETHERLANDS AND NEW YORK." (Music) Holland Anthem Sung by Chorus Prof. Henry M. Baird, LL.D., L.H.D. "OUR GUESTS." The Honored Delegates from distant Huguenot Centres in Europe and America. (Music) *' God Save the Queen " Sung by Chorus A. GiRAUD Browning, Esq., F.S.A., Vice-President Hu^-uetwt Society of London. "THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE BENEVOLENT AND HISTORICAL SOCIETIES WHO ARE WITH US TO-NIGHT." William E. Dodge, Esq. (Music) " The Red, White, and Blue " Solo, by George Winters, and Chorus (As an encore) " Dixie". ..Solo, by Harry C. Smith, and Chorus Names of Choristers from Grace Church, under leadership of Mr. J. Morris Helfenstein, Choirmaster. Harry C. Smith Harold Salter Harold S. Yale George Bagdasarian George Winters Aubrey Nash J. Le Grange Abbott As each guest had a copy of the list of tables and those seated at them, which was correct as far as possible. it is not necessary to give it here. Several members. The Choristers at the Banqucl. I MARRY C. SMITH. HAROLD SALTER. GEORGE WINTERS. AUBREY NASH. ;i HAROLD S. VALE. G. BAGDASARIAN. J. LE GRANGE ABBOTT. Report of the Secretary li however, insisted upon crowding in at tables where they saw friends, forgetting that they had appHed for seats at the last moment, and giving no end of trouble to o,cr treasured Treasurer, to whom all the seatincr was referred. His tact, executive ability, and patience were wonderful and I take this opportunity of thank- ing him and the other Stewards, in the name of the Celebration Committee. The Rev. A. V. Wittmej-er, founder of the Society pronounced the blessing, and when we were all seated the Stewards went to the dais and to all the tables presenting every one with the Souvenir, portrayed on I'. 1x1. Music by the orchestra was so modulated as not to interfere with conversation, and while the " Bouchees a la Keine were being discussed, the Rev. Melville K 1 alley read a most beautiful poem on our «' Insignia '' the armorial device de la Reine Marguerite de Navarr^ entitled " Non Inferiora Secutus," which he had com- posed for the occasion. This was greeted with loud ai^plause, and was the second surprise of the evenine 1 he poem appears in its place in this volume During the " Entremets de Douceur," the voice of an angel came to us from above, and even the hard- ened d.ners-out were forced to confess that nothing I'ke this the third surprise, had ever been heard before" Many of us vyere familiar with "At Night," by Randegi ger, but surely never before, or since, have such voices a^lth'^K" "'u T''^- '^•^^ '^"^' ^^^ b^^" -^" kept, an the boys had not been noticed in the gallery had surpassed himself ; and the Stewards were at rest 1 hen a recess, the gentlemen to go to their smoking about" > I ''f ' *° '""^ ^^"^^P^'- room-walk about, visit the choristers, and look down from the < »'it Hi Report of the Secretary Report of the Secretary Hii balcony on the brilliant scene below. Hark to the strains of the "Star Spani^ded Banner," which crreeted us when the speakers and the guests had returned to the tables, which had been cleared away during our absence. To that march advanced the Stewards bearing the white banner of Navarre, with its golden Lilies, and our own beloved Stars and Stripes — following them came the singers. The applause was wild as they grouped themselves in front of the dais. A flash-light photograph was taken. On the dais in front of the President's place, was a massive silver bowl, embedded in a wreath of Huguenot Roses. Mr. de Peyster, the newly-elected President, who was presiding, called on Col. Maury, Vice-President from Virginia, to explain its presence and its meaning; which he did in a few thrilling*; words, which are in this volume with the other speeches at the Banquet. Mr. de Peyster then gave the first toast of the evening, "The Memory of our Huguenot Ancestors," drunk standing and in silence ; the orchestra breathing forth the music composed in the tenth century for the 25th Psalm, and to which Marot had adopted his version of the Psalm. The address of welcome followed, in words which came from his very heart, showing how deeply he felt the importance of the occasion, and how proud he was of the success of what many had foretold would be a most signal failure. All honor to you, Mr. President, that for two years, as Chairman of Arrangements, you steered our bark safe through all the quicksands, and brought it, on this evening, to the zenith of its social fame, surpass- ing every other banquet ever given in New York ! The Rev. Dr. Van de Water was introduced, whose subject, " The Edict of Nantes," was ushered in to the song of " Vive Henri Quatre," rendered by the choristers. The third toast, music the " Italian Anthem," sung by Harold S. Yale and chorus, was responded to by the long-lost Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, who after a silence of thirteen years, again spoke to us ; and golden was his speech. Happy those who heard it, for as no report was made at the time, it is lost to the world and this volume. The " Holland Anthem," the words of which had been most kindly and courteously given to us for the occa- sion from an advance copy by Mr. Banta, Secretary of the Holland Society, sung by the choristers, followed the fourth toast, and our Honorary Secretary, Prof. Baird. showed how close had always been " The union httueen the Dutch and the French." As Mr. Brown- ing arose to respond to the toast " Our Guests," the orchestra broke forth with "God save the Queen." It was some moments before he could recover himself, and then followed words which we shall never forget,' full of deep feeling, eloquent, appreciative, making'' us all brothers in the great Huguenot Society of the World. Mr. Wm. E. Dodge answered to the toast, " The Representatives of the Benevolent and Historical So- cieties who are with us to-night," and his speech was surely one of the very best, but unfortunately the MS. was destroyed, and so it cannot be given in this volume. As the audience rose, for they had done the speakers the signal honor of remaining until all the speeches were over, the " Red, White, and Blue," the solo by George U inters, and the chorus led by all the seven choristers broke forth in a flood of melody, and as in the old war times men and women remembered that they were Americans above all, and joined with a will in " Three cheers for the Red, White, and Blue." For an encore, Harry C. Smith and chorus made it " Dixie," and the southern delegates are now ours forever. i I l« li IV Report of the Secretary Report of the Secretary Iv The next day the rain it did pour ! Yet it did not pre- vent our foreicrn guests from going to Yonkers, where they were entertained by Professor Baird at hmch. I do not think that the Society reahze, that had it not been for all that Prof. Baird did for us, the Celebra- tion, though it might have been an American success, could never have been an international one. He proved himself a thousand times better than his word. He promised us the use of his name, which was a tower of strength in itself, but gave us little hope of doing anything save writing the first letter, and signing others. He must have written fifty letters, and given his time, thought, and personal interest to every foreign detail. How could we fail in our foreign enterprise, when led by him — a Huguenot of the Huguenots ! After dinner we went to the Assembly Hall to see and have explained to us the stereopticon views brought over for us by our good friend, Monsieur le Pasteur Weiss. The evening was a most intensely disagreeble, chilly one, with a driving rain. There were very few present, but those who were had a treat which they will never forget. The lecture was entitled, '* Paris and the Refor- mation under Francis I," and the views thrown on the screen were from very old and quaint pictures and en- gravings. Several cuts of title-pages of old books were most fascinating, and explained by one who knew it all as well as his alphabet. The lecture, was to almost all who were present, more instructive and absorbing than the papers read at the church. Portraits of several of the Reformers were shown, which had never been pub- lished, except in one volume of the Yx^v\z\i Bidleiin ; and were entirely unknown to an American public. The lecture is published in this volume ; but without the views, and the running commentaries in Monsieur Weiss's most excellent English, it is the letter without the spirit. Though a most thorough Frenchman, Eng- lish was the same to him as French, and he had little or no accent. The mornings of that w^eek we always had plenty of visitors at the Library ; indeed, with persons studying and reading, we felt very proud, and had many compli- ments on our books, and more particularly on the pedigrees, which both the London and French delegates pronounced quite a unique feature, and made up some- what for our many deficiencies in the way of publications. It was, at all events, a great satisfaction to know that we excelled in some one thing, and could give points to others. On Saturday we had fortunately a fine day. The delegates who had come over, Messrs. Browning, Ho- venden, Belleroche, Weiss, with the Misses Browning, Hovenden, and Johnson, and I, took lunch with Mr. Marquand. He was not well enough to have any one to meet us, and we enjoyed it all the more. Mr. Marquand's son and daughter-in-law had already called the very day of the arrival of the delegates, and we had a very delightful time. The house is a marvel in itself, and all its treasures were open for our inspection. Did space allow, I should like to quote from Mr. Brown- ing's report to the London Huguenot Society, to show what the foreign guests thought of it. After lunch, our party went up the east side of Central Park, and crossed over to "Columbia University in the City of New York," where we attended a most enjoyable recep- tion, to which we had been bidden by Professor J. K. Rees, who was one of the Celebration Committee. We had time to go over all the buildings, and our friends appreciated fully not only the beauty of the w . . ii Ivi Report of the Secretary architecture, wonderful adaptability of the arrangement to its different uses, the exquisite detail combined to make the perfect whole, but the unsurpassed grandeur of the situation, Cathedral Heights receiving their meed of praise on our way. Returning home by Riverside Drive and the west side of the Park, I felt that our friends had seen as beau- tiful a part of the world as there is in this or in any other continent. The week had been so full that our guests could not accept any other of the many invitations ten- dered them. Our late Vice-President from Pennsylvania gave an afternoon tea, and they attended many other functions before their return to England and France. Mr. Belleroche was the only one who was in New \'ork to attend the unveiling of the monument at New Rochelle. But with this, a resume of our Celebration Week, my task is over. I close with the words which ended the report of my mission abroad — '' I leave to the Celebra- tion Committee of 1898 to bring to a triumphant finish what has been so well begun by the Executive Com- mittee of 1894." And nobly have they accomplished their work ! Thanks to their efforts, our Society stands in the front rank of her sister Societies. The deeper purpose which we had in view for this celebration has been realized. The bands which should knit together all peoples of tlie same faith, have drawn us very close : and the seed has been sown for a irreat International Huguenot Society, one in purpose, one in faith, one in love for each other and for the God who brought our fathers from persecution and death, and planted them in lands where they could worship Him according to their own conscience. To Him be glory, now and forever. E. M. C. A. LAWTON, Secretary Celebration Committee. Report of the Secretary Ivii COPY OF REPORT OF THE HONORARY SECRETARY OF CELEBRATION COMMITTEE. HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA, LIBRARY, 105 East 22D Street. President, Frederic J. de Peyster. Secretary^ Lea McI. Luquer. Lake Mohonk Mountain House, September Sth, 1898. Mrs. James M. Lawton, Secretary of the Celebratiofi Co?Jimittee, Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes. Dear Madam : I need say but a few words by way of report respecting the correspondence which I had with the Foreign Socie- ties, in the name of and by request of the Huguenot Society of America. The way had been so well prepared by your own personal efforts and, especially, by your interviews abroad, that the minds of the most influential men were in a receptive attitude. It required but little on my part to inform and to encourage those already ready to lend an ear to our invitations. A general letter rehearsing briefly but distinctly the important object which the descendants of the Huguenots on this side of the Atlantic had in view, and sketching the arrangements contemplated by us, was drawn up with some care. A copy of this letter, with such modifications as each case seemed to require, but otherwise essentially identical, was sent to the representatives of all the Soci- eties abroad, and by all received not only a courteous but I may say an enthusiastic welcome. One solitary exception was made. M. Henri Tollin, of Magdeburg, in behalf of the German Huguenots, had previously intimated, in reply to tentative inquiry, or rather, had volunteered to intimate his entire want of sympathy with the movement. In order not to introduce any discordant element, it was deemed wise to extend no invitation to him. Subsequently other letters were sent to the Societies which had expressed their desire to be represented at our Celebration, with the results which are known by all. The Huguenot Society of London was repre- sented at New York by Messrs. Giraud Browning, E. Belleroche, and Robert Hovenden, of whom the first two read papers. The Soci^t^ i I I ( .1 f ij.fl y. 1 • ■ • Iviii Report of the Secretary de I'Histoire du Protestantisme Fran^ais was represented by M. X Weiss, Secretary of that Society. The President, Baron Fernand de Schickler, was to his great regret prevented from coming, as was also Rev. Paul de Felice. M. Weiss read his own paper, and the paper by M. de Felice was, in his absence, translated and read by proxy. A paper by M. M. G. Wildeman, of Haarlem, Holland, was secured and was read. The Commission of the Walloon Churches, despite its strong desire to be represented, was compelled to limit itself to send- ing a friendly letter of sympathy. The Historical Society of the Waldenses, or Vaiidois, replied to our invitation by commissioning one of its members now resident in this country, Mr. Brez, to represent it at our meetings. The presence of the gentlemen named at the meetings and at the banc^uet, and their learned papers and words of good cheer, contributed much to secure the success in which we all rejoice. They have added new proof that the truths for which the fathers suffered exile, and in some cases death, are still vital and potent, and the designation of Huguenot, whereby it was intended to affix a note of infamy to the confessors and martyrs, has become a badge of everlasting honor. Very respectfully yours, Henry M. Baird, Honorary Secretary Celebration Committee^ Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes. 7. D. Brez. Delegate from the Vaudois Socieiv. COPY OF LETTER FROM THE SOCIETY VAUDOIS. SEAL SOCIETE D'HISTOIRE VAUDOISE. Torre Pellice (Italie). Le 2,1 St March, 189S. To THE Honourable President of the Huguenot Society of America, New York. The Waldensian Historical Society desires to join with the mem- bers of your well-known and much-prized Association, in affectionate and heartfelt congratulations on the occasion of the 300th anniversary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, which you propose to commemorate on the 13th of April. Owing to a prolonged absence of the undersigned President. I I i!l I ♦ , Report of the Secretary lix nd to the deep mourning of both the Vice-President and the Secre- rv,vvho have been of late bereaved of their beloved helpmates, we mnot, as we should have desired, either be present at your cele- bration, or send you any paper on the subject. But we heartily sympathize with you in this glorious commemora- tion, we the Huguenots of Italy, who have not enjoyed the benefit v'ranted to your forefathers by Henry the IVth ; who were at the same time crushed under the heel of both civil and ecclesiastical tyranny, but who now not only enjoy perfect freedom — owing to the act of Emancipation of which we have celebrated the jubilee on the 17th of February last — but who on such an anniversary have heard from the very representative of our beloved sovereign, words as follows : "Your history has been nothing else but the perfect real- ization of the Christian principle : * Render unto Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is God's.' " We have instructed our delegates, Messrs. J. D. Brez, of New York, and Dr. Theoph. Malan, both members of our Association, to cxjtress to you our brotherly feelings and to be present at your com- memoration, in order to testify what share we wish to take in your both solemn and joyful proceedings. With kindest regards I remain, dear sir, Yours truly. } * SEAL i William Meille, President of the Society of Wald. History. * opv OF ORIGINAL LETTER FROM THE WALLOON SOCIETY. COMMISSION POUR LHISTOIRE DES EGLISES WALLONNES. Xo. 4969. Leide le 28 Mars^ 1898. SEAL A Messieurs les Membres de la Soci6t6 Huguenote d'Ami^- RiQUE, A New York. Messieurs : La Commission de I'Histoire des Eglises Wallonnes des Pays-Bas a ete profondement sensible a I'honneur de I'invitation que vous lui avez adressee au mois de fevrier de I'annee derniere. ii'ij i 1 I!' lil Ix Report of the Secretary Report of the Secretary I XI Elle eut ete heureuse de pouvoir y repondre par I'envoi d'un ou de plusieurs delegu^s et, tout en affirmant ainsi la solidarite scien- tifique qui I'unit a la Societe huguenote d'Amerique, de s'associer a la celebration solennelle d'un memorable anniversaire. L'Edit de Nantes a ^te, en effet, un grand acte de reparation et de justice. Si Ton peut dire qu'il n'^tait pas entierement nouveau quant a sa substance, si Ton doit reconnaitre qu'il presentait bien des imper- fections, si enfin I'histoire constate que, par des causes qui seroni sans doute rappelees au cours de vos seances, il fut altere au lendct main de sa promulgation, qu'il fut a peu pres constamment viole, que rserrer les liens qui unissent entre eux les membres de la grande famille huguenote repandue dans le monde entier. V, uillez agrcer pour vous Messieurs, et transmettre aux membres societes soeurs reunis a New York, I'expression de nos sentiments afiectueux et devoues. .\u nom de la Commission de I'histoire des Eglises Wallonnes, Le President^ Le Secretaire, E. Bourlier. Ch. M. Dory. SOUVENIR OF THE DINNER \ 1; I i REPORT OF THE TREASURER OF THE STEWARDS. Tickets sold to members, 221 at $5.00 each Ouq. ^ Tickets returned, 16 at §5. 00 each \ 3^ ^° Total ^ 01025 cc For account Celebration Committee paid Delmonico, tickets for the invited guests on dais and at tables' and the press. Invited guests, 24 tickets at S5.00 each $120 cc Press, 6 tickets at $5.00 each ,^ ' Wines, extra cigars, flowers, etc -. DD c: - ^205 CO Mr. Swords's contribution towards expenses of dinner o ^r ^^ O 25 00 From Special Celebration Fund, on order Executive Committee 180 00 S205 00 William D. Barbour, , . Treasurer of the Stewards. April, 1898. TREASURER'S REPORT-CELEBRATION COMMITTEE. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS TO CELEBRATION FUND. Rear- Admiral F. A. Roe Washington D. C. Dr. T. Gaillard Thomas New York Citv Mrs. Marcellus Hartley ♦» <» William A. Du Bois, Esq »♦ « Rev. James Le Baron Johnson " " Mrs. E. A. Hoffman ^ H. Blanchard Dominick, Esq '« " Mrs. Charles F. Roe «* " Henry G. Marquand, Esq " " George S. Bowdoin, Esq «« »' Miss Frances D. Booraem " «' Miss M. Olivia Slocum * " Miss Sara Devotion « " Ixii George S. Boiudoni. i\i \\ I Report of the Treasurer 1 Xlll (( a (4 (( Miss Harriet Devotion New York City Charles Lanier, Esq C, W. Maury, Esq Afiss Lilian Horsford Cambridge, Mass. Edward W. James, Esq Norfolk, Va. Mrs. F. W. Huidekoper Washington, D. C. Mrs. Hope B. Russell Providence, R. L Mrs. F. Sandford Bissell Mr. and Mrs. Lea McL Luquer Brooklyn, N. Y. Thatcher T. P. Luquer, Esq Mrs. Henry Kirke Porter Pittsburgh, Pa. Dr. A. E. Helffenstein Philadelphia, Pa. Saml. Eberly Gross, Esq Chicago, III. Expenditures, account Celebration $781 85 (This includes amount given to Treasurer of Stewards to cover deficit on Banquet — $180.00.) The balance, 243 15 (This was, by order of the Executive Committee, transferred to the General Account and deposited in the New York Life Insurance and Trust Co., as part of the Permanent Fund.) I Donation of $250 00 $250 1025 00 00 4 I 8 I 10 (( i< (( <( (< (( 100 GO 400 00 50 00 50 00 25 GO 2CG GO 2G GO 2G GO 10 GO IGO GO 5 00 5 00 $1025 GO (Signed) George S. Bowdoin, Treasurer Huguenot Society of America. April 12, 1898. By special permission of the Executive Committee the fund given by Mrs. James M. Lawton was devoted to "the Expenses and Entertainment of the Foreign Delegates," and did not pass through the hands of the Treasurer. n I • I P '1 ,t I "• It SERMON PREACHED IN GRACE CHURCH, NEW YORK CITY, ON SUNDAY MORNING, APRIL 10, 1898, IN THE PRESENCE OF INVITED MEMBERS OF THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF AMERICA, BY THE RECTOR, THE REVEREND WILLIAM REED HUNTINGTON, D.D., D.C.L. M\ \: m Rn\ William Reed Huntington, D.D,, D.C.L, Rector of Grace Churchy A^ew York City. I t ii \i A LIVING HOPE I Peter i., 3, 4 : " Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who according to His great mercy begat us again unto a living hope by the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead, unto an inheritance incorruptible, and undefiled, and that fadeth not away." THIS is that Simon Peter who in a moment of weak- ness, in the chill hour just before the dawning, when courage is at its lowest ebb, had made oath, '' I do not know the man." He knows Him now; and in this rapturous cry of thanks to God, tells out his know- ledge. As a witness of the resurrection Simon Peter sees all things in a new light. The hot zeal which had been so ready with its headlong promises, the over-con- fidence which boasted, " Lord, I am ready to go with Thee both into prison, and to death," the vehemence which had cried, *' Lord, shall we smite with the sword ? " —these have vanished, but there has come in place of them that better thing, *'a living hope." He no longer boasts his willingness to die, for that lesser feeling has been swallowed up in the large joy of knowing how to live. In bitterness of soul he had followed afar off to the High Priest's palace on the fatal night, ** to see," as he said, ** the end." It dawns upon him now that that was not *' the end " but the beginning. In the anguish of the Cross he no longer discerns, as at first he thought he did, the pains of dissolution, the dying out of what had been a hope, but was a hope no longer — no, not 3 I 4 Huguenot Society of America that at all, but rather the birth-throes of a new and better order, a regenerated earth wherein righteousness is to dwell. My dear friends, let us insist upon interpreting the Easter gospel, the resurrection message, in this large and generous sense. The mistake we are continually making in all our religious thought is the mistake of minimizing the fact ; we dwarf the truth of revelation ; we measure by the inch and by the handbreadth when our unit ought rather to be the sacred cubit which is God's standard. The resurrection of Jesus Christ, viewed as St. Peter and St. Paul learned, both of them, to view it, marks a great world-epoch ; it is something more, vastly more, than a single isolated fact in human historv, for it both holds connection with the antecedent years in virtue of its being the fulfilment of an early promise, and at the same time links to itself all the years to come in virtue of the results that are to How from it hereafter. Through the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead the jaded and disheartened world gets the inestimable blessing of a fresh start ; the old order changes ; the first Adam, the merely animal soul, yields place to the new man, the second and better Adam, '' the Lord from heaven." Babel with its earthly strife of tongues fades out of sight, and there begins to loom the better city, even the heavenly, the city which hath foundations, whose architect is God. All this is covered and included by that strong phrase, " begotten again unto a living hope by the resurrection of Jesus Christ." At moments when the sky is clouded and the outlook dim, as is the case to-day,' to dwell on thoughts like these is a wise and wholesome thing to do. It takes us out of ourselves ; it frees us from the tyranny of the things ' The war with Sp.iin was then impending. A Living Hope 5 near and present ; it opens vistas and relieves the eye ; it reminds us that God does not measure time as we do, and that we are not to judge of the probability of His keeping His promises by what seems to us the tardiness of the fulfilment. It is a fact which nobody can gainsay that those races of mankind which have accepted the Gospel of the Resurrection, which have assented to the teachincr of this text of ours as a true teaching, are the races which are gaining ground. It is easy to understand why this should be. Nothing is so invincible as hope. Those who believe that the future holds for man nothino- better than the past has held, naturally and neces- sarily yield before the advancing movement of those who are sanguine and expectant. '* Christendom " is the name we give to that portion of mankind which has received in a believing temper the Easter message, " He is risen," and which knows itself to be the custodian of a " living hope." In the heathen creeds, hope has very little place, if any ; in the Christian Creed it is the main feat- ure. The Christ of our Creed is a continually coming Christ, His judgment is forever impending, His Kingdom always at hand, his inheritance likely at any moment to fall due. Before a Christendom really and truly, in heart and mind and soul, united, heathendom would have no chance at all. Even as things are, the map-makers have to be continually sponging away the dark patches on their pictures of the earth's surface and letting the lighter tints spread, but how much more quickly might the illuminating process move towards its completion were the people of God at one among themselves ! It is this thought that lends the bitterness of disap- pointment to the spectacle, whenever or wherever be- held, of the spiritual house divided against itself. Three i! ' 1: ■ I 6 Huguenot Society of America hundred years ago, under the pleasant skies of France, there lived together in comparative peace the adherents of the two rival forms of Christian believing known as Romanism and Protestantism. These faiths differ so widely with respect both to the way in which men ought to worship, and the way in which men ought to think, that they seem to us, at times, to be actually different religions. And yet, after all, when we think of it, what are the points upon which they differ as compared with the points in which they agree ? They both hold in common to the simple Creed which begins *' I believe in God the Father Almighty " and ends with '' the life everlasting." They both maintain with equal earnest- ness the article of faith which stands midway between these two, — *' On the third day He rose again from the dead." Where they chiefly differ is with respect to the true method of seeking and obtaining the grace of God, and the right form of ecclesiastical governance. But three hundred years ago in France it was agreed that, inharmonious as the two systems of belief unquestion- ably were, there was no good reason why the adherents of them should not live side by side in one and the same community at peace. And so live they did for a season, until a king arose who thought, or was per- suaded by others to pretend to think, that to tolerate a faith other than his own would bring the vengeance of God upon his realm, so he drove out the Huguenots by the thousands and the tens of thousands ; sent into banishment a large, perhaps the larger fraction of the intelligence of the kingdom ; and while enriching to a wonderful degree other lands, notably England and America, miserably impoverished France. To-day, not everywhere, but almost everywhere, men are lamenting with genuine sorrow of heart the comparative loss of A Living; Hope 7 influence which has befallen one of the best beloved and every way most admirable in the sisterhood of nations. May it not be that even to this day France suffers for the absence from her veins of that element of iron in the blood which the presence of the Hu- i^uenots supplied? It is our great privilege to have with us this morning as our guests, as sharers in our Easter worship, representatives of that sterling stock. They have come to America to join with sons of Huguenots here in commemorating the three-hundredth anniversary of the brightest day that ever dawned upon the movement. They find us on the very edge of war with a race professing the same faith as that against which their ancestors protested ; and yet the very edict the promulgation of which it is proposed this week to celebrate was of the nature of an olive branch, it w^as a formula of concord, it contemplated the substitution of peace for war, it actually served, for a time, the purposes of a truce of God. Is it too much to hope for, that with the added light and larger experience of three centuries to help us, some formula may again be found such as shall suffice to keep two sections of Christen- dom, alien though they be in tastes and habits, from flying at one another's throats like savages ? In the crypt of the Cathedral at Canterbury, that most venerable of all the shrines of English religion, there is shown the traveller a little chapel which was set apart after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes for the use of the French and Flemish refugees, '' they whom the rod of Alva bruised." There, to this day, the children of the Huguenots have worshipped, calling upon God after the manner of their Fathers. I rejoice in, and am proud of, the fact that to-day Huguenots are accepting on this side of the Atlantic l-.^i I 8 Huguenot Society of America the hospitalities of a Church historically close akin to that to which the men of Kent gave their forefathers wel- come. I am sure I speak the minds of all the members of my flock when I declare that here and now that ancient welcome is heartily renewed. We come back to Easter and its lessons. The living hope which knits all Christians into substantial oneness is as strong to-day as ever it has been in the past ; the longing for the inheritance incorruptible, fadeless, and undefiled is as ardent in men's hearts as ever it was. We still build upon the rock foundation of the promises of God in Christ. (3ur confidence in a future life for man is still founded on the old assurance, *' He is risen, as He said." I do not, of course, deny that what we thus learn is corroborated and illustrated by what we gather from other sources ; what I do say is that the credit of the Christian doctrine of the resurrection stands or falls with the credit of Him through whose own rising from the dead we have been begotten to our living hope. Why do I believe I shall live again after the ** dust to dust " and " ashes to ashes " have been spoken ? Is it because the philosophers have told me that per- sonality is, in its essence, indivisible and therefore cannot be destroyed } Is it because my heart reminds me that I have aspirations which this world cannot satisfy ? Is it because Nature suggests that the spring- ing violet and the broken chrysalis are types of life in death ? No. To all these various arguments and parables from within and from without the mind, a calm judg- ment compels me to return the answer, " Not proven." Why then do I believe ? It is because I trust in Jesus Christ, who says, " I am the Resurrection and the Life. Grace Church, AVu' ) 'ork City, in which the Opening Sermon was Preached. 4 f ^ULTON ST. , N. Y. ■I' mi A Living Hope . whosoever liveth and believeth in Me shall never die." The New Testament writers waste no breath in ef- forts to demonstrate immortality by logical processes of thoughts. They simply set before our eyes the risen Son of God and bid us listen to His words. And what words has He for us ? They are such as these : ''God so loved the world that He gave His only begot- ten Son, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life." '' My sheep hear My voice, and I know them, and they follow Me, and I give unto them eternal life." " And this is life eternal, that they might know Thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom Thou hast sent." '' For as the Father raiseth up the dead and quicken- eth them, even so the Son quickeneth whom He will." " Marvel not at this, for the hour is coming, in which all that are in the graves shall hear His voice, and shall come forth ; they that have done good unto the resur- rection of life, and they that have done evil unto the resurrection of damnation." These are Christ's own words. You see how abso- lutely He refers all life in the soul of man that is eternal and indestructible back to Himself as the origin and fount of such life. You may call this kind of teaching mystical. No doubt, in one sense, it is so. But you cannot deny that it is a mysticism in which both Christ and His apostles are involved. The voices of the Master and the disciple are in perfect unison. Listen to St. Paul : " The law of the spirit of life in Christ Jesus hath made us free from the law of sin and death." To St. Peter we have already listened in the text. I I lO Huguenot Society of America A Living Hope 1 1 Listen to St. Jiide: "Beloved, . . . keep your- selves in the love of God, looking for the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ unto eternal life." Listen to St. John : " This is the record, that God hath given unto us eternal life, and this life is in His bon. Thus to the invitatory words of the Master, '' Come ye to the waters. Whosoever drinketh here shall never thirst," the glorious company of the apostles with one consenting voice send back the glad antiphony, " Even so, Lord Jesus, Thou hast the words of eternal life." And now, looking back over the field our thoughts have traversed, two points stand out with marked dis- tinctness : 1. The conviction that the very life of Christianity is wrapped up in the historic truth of the resurrection of Jesus. 2. The conviction that the only way of attaining a sure confidence in our own immortality is to believe Christ's promise. He is risen, as He said ; we also shall rise, because He said so. Does this seem to you a precarious foothold upon which to stand ? I assure you no rock is firmer. Go about among your fellow-men and ask them how they think and feel about the future life. I venture to pre- dict that you will find faith in the reality of that life most strong wnth those who care for no better warrant for their confidence than Jesus' word. The men who are most skilful in compiling philosophical arguments for immortality are not always the men who most heartily believe in immortality The blessing of peace is upon those childlike souls who, having lovingly fol- lowed the Good Shepherd here on earth, believe that He will not refuse to lead them in those heavenly pas- tures whither He Himself has gone before. Let us then as Christians rejoice upon this happy Easter day, not only because the Lord is risen, but also because His rising has proved His promise true. For remember that just as those women who went early to the sepulchre would have been saved from much of their deep sorrow had they fully trusted Jesus when He foretold to them His resurrection, so shall w^e be freed from that fear of death which keeps so many of us all our lives long subject to bondage, if we trust Jesus now, and carrying over the Angel's saying from the past into the future comfort ourselves with these words : " We too shall rise, for He hath said it." I! 1 ft THE POEM AND THE PAPERS READ BEFORE THE SOCIETY, IN THE fiOLISE DU SAINT-ESPRIT (PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL), IN NEW YORK CITY, ON WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 13, 1898. !# .i 13 i Etienne J, Jixlladc. Neio York City. ^ i ANNIVERSAIRE DE LA PROMULGATION DE L'EDIT DE NANTES. Poem by fiXIENNE J. JALLADE. I il ■ D£S I'aube, entendez-vous la trompette sonore ? Un nouveau Constantin rassemble ses sujets ! C'est un p^re, un ami, ses voeux sont pour la paix, Et c'est par lequit^ que sa voix la restaure. II Henri quatre en ce jour promet la tolerance. Chez les proscrits d'hier I'espoir nait et grandit ; La conscience enfin s'affranchit par 1 edit Et vers un bord prospere il rallie la France. Ill Liberte ! tu parais k la nouvelle agape Comme un phenix revit et sort de sa prison. Ceux qui te voient de loin planer k I'horizon Savent-ils les dangers de ta premiere ^tape ? IV Au long pdlerinage on aime voir ta marche. Par dek trois cents ans, contemplant ton labeur, Liberte ! ton reveil vient nous rappeler I'heur Ou la colombe au soir apparaissait vers I'arche. 1 1 15 i6 Huguenot Society of America V Pour comprendre la joie, 11 faut au pr^alable : Se souvenir des pleurs, des peines, des tourments. Fremir au vent qui court sur des Brandons fumants Et voir en la rosee un agent secourable. VI Ce flambeau des aieux qu'aucun temps ne consume Vient luire a nos foyer au contact de la foi ; Et sa latente essence est la divine loi Qui permet au progres d eclairer chaque brume. VII Vous qui lisez I'histoire, evoquez cette page, Afin qu'elle soit lue et que I'enfant pieu, Dans la fraternite, voie un don de son Dieu Et qu'il puisse k ses fils en laisser I'heritage. Edwa rd Bel I croc he. Delegate of t lie Huguenot Society of London. THE SUCCESSIVE EVENTS THAT FINALLY LED TO THE ENACTMENT OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. By EDWARD BELLEROCHE, Member of the Huguenot Society of London. HAVING before me the many valuable works of Professor Henry M. Baird on the Reformation in France, and the patient researches of the "Societe de I'histoire du protestantisme fran^ais," which have brought to light so many unpublished facts, it seemed to me, at first, that nothing remained to be gleaned in the glorious fields enriched by the blood of our fore- fathers. However, possibly yielding to natural presumption, I have undertaken to say a few words about the events which led up to the enactment of the Edict of Nantes. These events are admirably presented in the work of the historian Michelet, La Ligue et Henri IV ^ in which he paints in a masterly style the characters of Orange and Henry, "both so clement as to appear indifferent to good or evil," and in particular he says of William the Silent that ** he was the leader of the party of humanity." What a misfortune for France to have been governed by such a miserable race as that of the Valois and by such women as Catherine and Mary de Medici ! What ' Paris, 1856. [It constitutes the loth volume of his Histoire de France. — Ed.] .7 ' \ i8 Huguenot Society of America Events that led to the Edict 19 might not have heen its future if Henry had been more Hke the Stadholder and had been blessed with such a wife as Louise de Coligny ! The grand and noble history of the United States of the Netherlands has not been sullied by the persecu- tions of Catholics as that of France has been sullied by the persecution of Huguenots. To Holland we must give the first rank in the history of religious toleration, that sure sign of genuine Christian feeling. England only comes next. But let us return to Michelet. He lays down that purely religious wars ended in France in 1572, a year memorable for the massacres of St. Bartholo- *^^^* mew and the death of the illustrious Admiral de Coligny. After this date, the struggle within and without was purely political. After the peace signed in July, 1573, La Rochelle, Nimes, and Mon- July, 1573- |.^uban remained constituted as three republics, self guarded and self governed. Elsewhere generally, liberty of conscience was granted. The dis- contented Protestants of the South asked guarantees from Charles IX. such as two places of safety in each province, with judges of their own faith and general freedom of worship. '* Except Sismondi, all our historians have treated Protestantism with great severity. On the other hand, M. de Ronald, whose hatred did not obscure his judg- ment, has clearly seen that its essence is liberty, de^noc- rac)\ and the anti-monarchical principle/ In the space of forty years, amongst the martyrs of the Reformation [in France] we find but three noblemen. In one word, ' [Probable allusion to M. Louis G. A. de Ronald's Theorie Ju pouvoir politique et riligieux dans la socie't/ civile, demontn^e par U raisonnement et par Chistoire. Paris, 1843, 3 vols.— Ed.] 1574- the Reformation, which came from Geneva, was of the people." In order better to make you understand Michelet, I shall give you the following passage from his ^^^^ XlXth Chapter, which treats of the Siege of Paris by Henry III and the King of Navarre and of the death of Henry III in 1589 : **In all our collections of memoirs, you will in vain look for the best, those of Agrippa dAubigne, with its magnificent language which is like a sharp and scorch- ing tongue of fire, proceeding from a deeply moved soul, but how upright and sincere ! Again it will be fruitless to search for those of Duplessis-Mornay, whose Hfe of hard work, heroism, and sanctity, was written by one who was a saint herself, the pious wife of Mornay. It was written in the presence of God and for a child and supplies evidence given in all simplicity but of a sort which carries conviction and would ensure the gain of a cause in any court. "On the other hand, you will find the untruthful statements of the secretaries of Sully, who give him credit for all that was done, even when he had hardly been heard of." The success of Henry of Navarre at Arques, where he vanquished Mayenne, Chief of the League, ,539-90. was followed by a first help of 4,000 men sent by Elizabeth, and the Senate of Venice proclaimed itself his ally. Venice had not forgiven Philip II for having forced twelve of her galleys into the luckless venture of the Armada of 1588. Besides, Venice, without attempting to dictate to Rome, as Philip and later on Louis XIV did not hesitate to do, had always adopted a very firm and independent attitude towards the Papacy and one of toleration towards the Reformation. 20 Huguenot Society of America Events that led to the Edict 21 Shortly after, the Bearnais lost several faithful ser- vants and firm friends of his cause : the daring surgeon Ambroise Pare, the simple and grand Palissy 1591-92. ^^^^ j.^j ^^ ^^^ Bastile of want and cruel treatment. '' By the side of these two men, let us," says Michelet, ** lay down two heroic soldiers : one, the blameless, good, and brave La Noue, Bras de Fer, who for fifty years had fought for right and religion and who had endured so much suffering. The other is the son of the Admiral, murdered like 'his father, though not by the sword but by the vileness and moral degradation of the times. We have seen him, a grand captain and magnanimous Frenchman, oblivious of his great wrong. He'^was following out two main thoughts of his father, the holy war and the sea, the colonies of America, to which that war was to spread." The loss of all these firm supporters could but in- crease the hopes of those who were striving to bring Henry over to the Catholic religion, and he in a way encouraged them by declaring that he was open to be enlightened. Michelet doubts that his conversion was even a political necessity, but Duperron had his zeal stimulated by the prospect of a Cardinal's hat and he succeeded in the end as a converter of men. In July, 1593, Henry subscribed the Oath of Sub- mission to Rome at St. Denis and in March, 1594, Paris was his. The news of this event alarmed the Protestant rulers who were then in the ascendant and on whom he could have relied. Venice, the first to salute him as King of France at Arques, expected from him a different atti- tude towards Spain and the Pope. The Waldenses of Piedmont had sent word to him|that Transalpine Gaul could be had for the asking. 1593-1594- We find in Henry a singular admixture of energy and weakness. In December, 1594, he allows Parliament to pro- nounce the expulsion of the Jesuits, and the following month he declares w^ar with Spain. He then ^ I594-I595' submits to the exorbitant terms of Villars for the surrender of Rouen and he adopts a far too humble attitude at Rome in order to obtain absolution. After the surprise of Amiens by the Spaniards, Eliza- beth sends him again 4,000 men and he engages not to treat with Spain without her knowledge, and yet this is what he does shortly after, by con- cluding the Peace of Vervins. Michelet, who feels ashamed of him, tries to find May 2, 1598. " extenuatmii^ motives " in the dire necessities of his starving condition. He then reverts to " the pitiful story of our Huguenots. . . . They had to be con- tent with a mere truce, whilst they were asking for at least the protection of Charles IXth's Edict of January." They were dealt with last of all, after every prominent Leaguer had had his fill of honours and pensions, and thev were eiven the Edict of Nantes " by . April 13 which they obtained liberty of conscience but j^^g! not that of worship. This was much less than the peace of Charles IX and Henry HI and yet in spite of all they remained faithful to Henry IV." I may here refer to Reciieil des lettres missives de Henri IV, pub lid par M. Berger de Xivrey, 7 vols, and 2 Supplements, Paris, \Z\isqq. The letters of Henry IV (some undated) brought to light in this publication are of the hio^hest interest. Henry left Angers for Nantes and in his first letter from there, dated April 15, 1598, he says: *' Estant 22 Huguenot Society of America Events that led to the Edict 23 1598. arrive hier en ceste ville," which is an incorrect expres- sion, as he arrived April nth, and the Edict was signed there on the 13th. In this letter, addressed to the Connetable de Luxembourg, Duke of Plney (which seems a corruption of Espinay or Espinoy ), he alludes to hunting the deer and to the Spanish troops still in Blavet, but says not a word about the Edict. He remained at Nantes till May 6th, and in none of the letters written from there is any reference to this import- ant event to be found, except in one dated April 21st and in one of May 5th, addressed to M. de Caumont. He begs him to send a dozen salt fat geese from Beam '' Ics plus grasses que vous pourrees recouvrer ; de sorte quel es facent honneur au pays," and after this is dis- posed of, he proceeds : *' Jay mis fin a I'affaire de ceulx de la Religion et de ce coste-la j'ay I'esprit en repos." In a letter dated April 30th and addressed to de Bel- licvre and de Sillery at Vervins, he complains that they have left him without news about the treaty for eight days. He does not know whether to disband the troops he has on his hands ( *' sur les bras" ), and he has been unable to keep longer in Nantes the special envoys from England and Holland. In another letter, of April 21st, he says Elizabeth and the States were much annoyed about the impending treaty of Vervins, and he adds : '' Si nous ne traictons avec les huguenots, il seroit k craindre qu'ils ne se joignissent au desespoir des Anglois et Hollandois, pour susciter en mon Royaulme une iruerre plus dangereuse que celle que nous vouhons esteindre. C'est k desseing des . . . [M. Bergerde Xivrey thinks that the word left out here, as in La Vte du Cardinal Due de Joyeuse, by Aubery, Paris, i654» from which the letter is reprinted, is undoubtedly *' Jes- uites "], de nous y faire retomber, qui sont plus espagn- ols que chrestiens [the Jesuits were "more Spaniards than Catholics " ], et pour ceste occasion plus violens et ambitieux que charitables." And Henry ends with this indictment against the disciples of the Spaniard Loyola : '' Tels ennemys converts et qui aigrissent et exercent leurs passions et effects dedans les entrailles d'un Estat, sont aussy trop plus dangereux que ne sont ceulx qui font la guerre a descouvert." This important letter was addressed to the Duke de Piney-Luxembourg. On April 29th he writes to de Rosny : " Mais j'ay advise de demeurer icy [Nantes] jusques a lundy a cause de la feste de demain, que je doibt toucher les malades [pour les ecrouelles or King's evil] " and on the 30th he writes to the same that his " Chambre des Comptes " has dared to suppose that he was seeking its advice (about a settlement with the Duke of Mercoeur). He claims absolute power within his kingdom to declare peace or war, etc. Writing to Bellievre and Sillery from Rennes (May 9th), he stys that he has received their letter of May 2d and he is glad to hear of the peace at last concluded. He thanks the Cardinal of Florence, Legate of the Pope, and the Father General of the Cordeliers for their share in it. In a subsequent letter he hopes the latter will be made a Cardinal. He cannot give way to the Cardinal who intercedes for the Duke of Aumale, who had taken up arms against him (and who died in exile), because the article of the treaty dealing with similar cases is so worded that none of those who have fought on his side will be allowed to return to his country (the Neth- 1 1 i 24 Huguenot Society of America Events that led to the Edict 25 erlands), nor even be reinstated in the possession of their property, because the other side will pretend that such property was confiscated on other grounds. He thus is driven to be strict with his own subjects who have served against him in order to shield those who have sought his protection.^ After the defection or conversion of Henry IV, it mattered little that the exercise of the R. P. R. was for- bidden at Court, but this prohibition extended also over an area of five leagues round Paris ; and this shows once more that of all the large cities of P>ance, Paris was always the most intolerant and the most subservient to the Leaq-ue. On the day that the peace between France and Spain was sio-ned at X'ervins, Henrv signed the secret articles of the Edict. They appear to me meant to be in favour of the Reformes, for instance when Henry engages to write to his Ambassadors abroad to order that his subjects, even those of the R. P. R., should be protected from the Inquisition. I miirht have considered my task as concluded here, but " qui n'entend qu'une cloche n'entend qu'un son," and it has occurred to me that after having quoted a writer with such known liberal tendencies as Michelet, it would be ri^ht to introduce another belonging to the modern P>ench Roman Catholic Clergy. The one I have selected is the Abbe Pierre Feret, ' During the siege of Ostend Henry wrote frequently to the Duke of Montmor- ency. Thus from Calais, September 2d. He can hear from there the firing of the . guns. . . . As to the complaints against the Protestants of his province made by the Duke, who was Governor of Languedoc, Henry says : " Je suis tres desplaisant et mal content des fa9ons de faire de mes subjects de la religion pretendue refomiee." And again, from Fontainebleau, September 19th: " Vous aures desja sceu comme je crois comme le malheur a voulu qu'un (coup de canon) a porte sur le feu Sr. de Chastillon dont j'ay eu beau- 2 May, 1598. D.D., Honorary Canon of Evreux, formerly Chaplain of the Lycde St. Louis, and now Cure of St. Maurice, Charenton. In 1875 ^^ published, Henri IV et V Eglise Catlio- liqne. In the preface he avers that the last has not been heard as to the relii^^ious evolution of the Great King, and he neither accepts the opinion of Villemain, who looks upon him as a clever politician, almost indiffer- ent as to his religion, nor that of Guizot, who thinks, what with his finessintr^ what with his mental reserv^a- tions, the King must be charged with a certain degree of hypocrisy. What the Abbe is in search of, is '' la verite vraie," truth pure and undefiled, that will-o'-the wisp which eludes the grasp of the most earnest men. On August 15, 1572, Henry was betrothed to the sister of Charles IX, Margaret of Valois, and on the 24th took place the massacre of St. Barthol- omew. Charles called upon the Prince of Conde and the Kinir of Navarre to choose between death or the Mass. Whilst the Abbe is particular in showing that if on this occasion Henry yielded, it was but a feint on his part, he insists that when later on he changed again his reliirion, it was as a free a^rent and of his own free will : *' The King was not inclined to sacrifice his soul to his [worldly] interest, and his return to the Catholic Church implied that the truth had been revealed to him by its own evidence, or that he had been struck by coup de regret, car il estoit de fort bonne espcrance ; il avait desja en ce peu de guerre qu'il avoit faicte, acquis fort bonne reputation. J'ay donne 4 son frere tous ses estats." His brother Gaspard was created Marshal of France in 1622. His land of Cha- tillon was made into a " Duche-pairie " (z. e., a dukedom with a peerage attached to it) on 18 August, 1643, under the name of Coligny. This was granted to his son, who had just abjured the Protestant faith and who on the death of his father, in 1646, assumed the title of Duke of Chatillon. 1572. I I I \ 26 Huguenot Society of America Events that led to the Edict 2^ the accord on one hand and the divergence on the other, between the two rehgions, on the main issue, the possibihty of salvation within Cathohcism and Protes- tantism." The Abbe doubts whether the words *' Paris vaut bien une messe " were ever spoken by Henry, and when he writes to Gabrielle d'Estrce " ce sera Dimanche que je ferai le saut perilleux (" my leap in the dark is set for next Sunday "), he sees in this but " one of those sud- den bursts of the King's buoyant spirits, to which we should attach no importance." And he goes on thus : "We have spoken of the mind and not of the heart; the one could be sincerely converted whilst the other still remained in its errors ; such mysteries are not of uncommon occurrence amongst human souls." To me, not having studied Catholic Theology, these are subtle differences which I am unable to appreciate or fathom. Let me say, however, that the Abbe has dipped impartially in Protestant sources of information, such as the writings of dAubigne, Duplessis-Mornay, de Rommel, etc. As for the inordinate love for women which distin- guished Henry, the Abbe says : ''this, after so many years of a disorderly life, had, so to say, become with him second nature. Are w^e to conclude nevertheless that theoretically he ignored the stern precepts of the Decalogue ? No : only he thought that the time had not come for him to submit to them." And in justice to the author, be it said that he con- demns severely the licentiousness of the Court of France from Francis I to Louis XIV, ''to end in the mire with Louis XV " (" finir dans la boue avec Louis XV "). " When Sixtus the Fifth received Fran9ois de Lux- emboun^ as envoy from Henry IV ^vho sent h.m to acquaint the Pope with the Declaration of Saint Cloud) Kdaimed : '^And might it please God that she who calls herself the Queen of England, and the Duke of Saxony, and even the (Grand) Turk might ask me the same thing ; not only would I listen to them with benig- nity, but '1 would embrace them in all charity. This celebrated Pope could not show himself more fatherly and more benignant. His Legate was no sooner in Paris, than he took sides with the League, contrary to his instructions. He died in 1590- ^^ was rapidly succeeded by three other popes till we come to Cardinal Aldobrandini, who under the name of Clement VUI (i 592-1605) reigned longer and ^^^^ more pacifically than his immediate prede- cessors. Villeroy was intrusted by Mayenne with a message to Henry, that if he would not turn Catholic, ^^^ ^^^^ they would select another King. As an astute politician, Sully indirectly advised con- version. Four Cures of Paris having been gained over, Henry received a f^rst conditional absolution in spite of the intrigues of his kinsman. Cardinal de Bour- ^^^^ bon,''who was himself an aspirant to the Crown of France. . The negotiations with Rome, in order to obtam con- firmation 'of this absolution, were slow and difficult, the Bull of Sixtus V proclaiming Henry a relapse not being repealed, and after two years Clement pro- nounced the nullity of what had taken place at St. ' Tempesti, Storia delta vita e gesti di Sisto quinto. Rome, 1754- I' 28 Huguenot Society of America Denis. These complications were fostered principally by two men who did not rise up to their mission and who in fact sided with the League : Cardinal Cajetan and Philip Sega, Bishop of Plaisance. ReturnincT to the scene at St. Denis, it is stated that when all seemed to be settled, Henry ver)^ much aston- ished the converting Bishops by his theological know- ledge and he refused to sign the profession of faith. The Bishop of Evreux removed the last difficulties and the curtain fell. Was it a comedy ? Was this conversion the joint result of the triumph of truth and of political necessity ? Yes, says the Abbe Feret. Michelet has made a passing allusion to the violent Cures of Paris, supporters of the League, but the Abbe goes a step further. He says of the Cure of St. Andre that he proclaimed as damned all those who were pres- ent at the first mass attended by Henry the excom- municated, and that the preacher at St. Jacques la Boucherie declared that of the three (Catholic) doctors called by the Bcarnais, the first deserved to be burned, the second broken on the wheel, and the third hanged. But Jean Boucher, a doctor of theology, surpassed all the others. For nine days in succession, he vocif- erated from the pulpit of St. Merry against the sitmdatea conversioji and about the nullity of the absolution of the King of Navarre, The very violence of all this bad language must have defeated the object in view, and the royalist cause was further helped by the general truce which followed. *' In the domain of religion, Henry's Catholicism was daily strengthened." Rome was solicited for the confirmation of the abso- lution, but Spain managed to raise difficulties. Events that led to the Edict 29 Nevertheless, the King was anointed at Rheims on February 27, 1594, and^on the following March 2 2d, having bribed the Governor, Cosse-Brissac, ^^^^ he at last entered Paris in a triumphal cortege. Clement VHI, for fear of Spain, had recourse to dis- simulation and delays : '* The Court of Rome might have called upon itself the wrath and perhaps the armies of the Spanish mon- arch, showing again the necessity of the independence of the Holy See." If by independence, temporal power is meant, I can only wonder that any intelligent Catholic priest still clings to this old and useless weapon. The Papacy has never had such prestige nor exercised such legitimate spiritual sway over the whole world as under the present occupant of the Vatican, whose whole temporal pos- sessions are confined to the Vatican. What an irony of fate, that papal Rome, from the Connetable de Bour- bon down to modern times, was never attacked and sacked except by Catholic or ''most'' Catholic troops. At last and in spite of the efforts of Spain, sept. 17, Rome yielded, and confirmed the absolution ^595- which had been conditionally granted Henry two years before. The author expatiates on the happy results of this absolution and says Henry was faithful in his religious duties, the Mass,^ confession, etc., '' but let us not forget that if the mind of the King had forsaken error, his heart was still subject to evil passions." As to the re-establishment of the Catholic religion in > In July 1601, Dudley Carleton writes from Paris to his friend Chamberlain, London, "The King pleases the Parisians by his often masses" {The Siege of Ostend). ;o Huguenot Society of America Bcarn, Henry proceeded cautiously, and it was not till April, 1599, that he signed at Fontainebleau a special edict for this principality. '' When we look into the meaning and the bearing of this edict we cannot but regret certain restrictions to the exercise of the restored rights of the Catholics], especially in view of the Edict of Nantes, which had (Tanted to the Reformes larger concessions. "" '' Was this a wise sacrifice to political necessities ? Perhai)s so thought Henry l\\ but we confess we do not see the wisdom. *' . . . However, it is Init right to state that the King, in this matter, showed himself firm against some Prorestant obstruction. He was determined to fulfil the en<'-aeement entered into with Rome." Frhis great religious deed of Henry's put an end to the civil war and eventually to the war with the foreign enemies of the State. The League was disarmed and Mayenne made his submission. The Protestants, it is true, displeased at this conver- sion, were still restless and inclined towards the primal idea of the Reformation in France, that of an independent republic within the Kingdom. '' Had they not been granted liberty of conscience and the exercise of their religion ? What could they reasonably expect more ? We shall see later, however, that the Calvinists became eventually more exacting and that the King, in order to avoid another civil war, made fresh concessions." The Pope interposed between France and Spain, brought about the peace of Vervins (May, 1598), and also that of Sion (in 1601) between France and Savoy, the ally of Spain. A few years before, Henry had rendered a similar Events that led to the Edict 31 service as a peacemaker between Paul V and Venice, which was leaning towards the Reformation. Peace being established within and without, the King turned his attention to the resumption of the legitimate influence at Rome, which belonged as of right to the Eldest Daughter of the Church. In August, 1594, he had thus addressed the deputies from Beauvais, who had still misgivings about him : ** If God gives me another ten years to live, you will see how I mean to support the Church and firmly es- tablish His Holiness at Rome, with my sword and not after the fashion of Spain, with money." The Abbe continues : ** Philip II, in the name of Catholic Spain, had openly proclaimed himself the protector of the Church. In presence of the [growing] strength of Protestantism this certainly embodied a grand idea and a noble resolution. Unfortunately his motives were not always disinterested. There was no compunction in exacting on political grounds what had been given up on religious grounds." And further, after mentioning the Christian Republic, conceived possible by Henry and Sully : ** Henry worked sincerely in the interests of the Catholic religion. *'. . . For Henry, indeed, the Catholic religion was the true one : we see evidence of this in the actions which have determined his conversion, and later on, nothing in his life, for the reasons given (we speak from the dogmatic point of view), can give rise to any doubt on that subject. " A devoted son of the Church, Henry would never have declared against her. But he did not consider that this position debarred him from acting as the adver- Edict of Nantes. 32 Huguenot Society of America sary of a Catholic power [Austria], nor that he was forbidden to seek allies among the Protestant States. ' Henry wished also to see Catholicism spreading in England and Holland and he showed zeal for the Holy Land and the Christians of the East, ''but, again, we have no wish to make him out an apostle." In his last but one chapter, the Abbe Feret deals with the Edict of Nantes under this heading in large type : " henry iv, in granting the edict of NANTES, WAS FAR FROM BEING INFLUENCED BY THIS LAW OF TOLERATION, WHICH IS NOTHING ELSE THAN INDIFFERENCE IN RELIGIOUS MATTERS." The author says his own object has been to deal only with such subjects as required further elucidation. '*The Edict of Nantes is an act of the utmost impor- tance, one indeed which overshadows the entire home polity." He reviews successively its origin, the events which led up to it, and the spirit in which the King superin- tended its framing. He then passes on to the several engagements into which the King entered with those of the Reformed Religion, and the fear of another civil war. He endeavours to show how the Calvinists, not satis- fied with the Articles of Mantes (159O' ^^^ ^"^ ^^ ^^^ regular way at Sainte Foy, embodying in their secret resolutions one to get their petition to the King sup- ported by Elizabeth and Holland. "All they required to complete their independent position in the Kingdom, was the granting of a protec- tor, whose mission it should be to defend their interests at Court and who might in consequence almost pose as an equal to the King." Events that led to the Edict 33 The Assembly of Saumur in 1595, that of Loudun in 1596, submitted to the King fresh claims, and the latter would not dissolve when ordered to do so by His Majesty. And to show how unpatriotic they w^ere, the Abbe exclaims, " And all this was taking place whilst the Spaniards were continuing their successful campaign in the North of France !" In June, 1597, the Assembly moved to Chatellerault, '* showing no signs yet of a more tractable spirit." Amiens had just been taken by surprise and with great trouble Henry had gathered an army to lay siege to this important stronghold, he himself intending to conduct the operations. " Will it be believed ? The Assembly, faithful to the traditions of the past, brushing aside alike patriot- ism and loyalty, opposed the departure of the troops, which in the name of the King and for this very siege had been levied by Bouillon [the new title of Conde] and La Tremouille, and ordered the latter to hold them- selves at its disposal, an order which was but too faith- fully carried out. The Assembly even asked for the support of England and Holland."^ The Abbe resumes thus : '' It is true that the capitulation of Amiens put an end. to these attempts at alliances with the foreigner. But at home the pretensions of the Calvinists remaining unaltered and the attitude of the Assembly still as threatening as ever, seemed to mark the eve of an- other civil war ... in one word, the engagements contracted on one side and the other and the fear of civil war, were the determining causes explaining the ' Quoted by the Abbe from Auguste Poirson, Histoire du Regne de Henri IV. Paris, 1856, 2 vols. 2d ed., 1862-67, 4 vols, (a work crowned by the French Academy). 34 Huguenot Society of America Events that led to the Edict 35 granting of the celebrated Edict of Nantes, which we have not here otherwise to appraise." If, however, this fear of civil war might warrant the enlarging of religious concessions (the Edict author- ised the Reformed worship in two places instead of one as formerly in each bailliage, etc.), it was extremely dangerous to extend this to political or military spheres and the author quotes again IM. Poirson, who points out that later (under Louis XIII) La Rochelle, Mont- pellier, and Montauban withstood the forces of the whole monarchy. '' Be it said, however, in exoneration of the King, that he intended all this to be temporary ; eight years at first, then four added, such were the limits of time assigned to the possession of places of safety." The author is particular in insisting that the two motives given above for the Edict are not only the true ones but the only ones, " so that there is no room for assigning religious indifference as another." The Edict met with opposition in the sundry Parlia- ments, caused complaints on the part of the Clergy, and made a painful impression at Rome. Henry was ready with an answer all round, protested his wish to establish peace within and without, and spoke thus to the Parliament of Paris : Feb. 7, 1599- ** I am a better Catholic than you are and you have but one thing to do and that is purely and simply to have the Edict registered." And the Edict was '^verifie" on the 25th of the same month. Turning to the Clergy, he says : '* My predecessors have dealt out to you fine words with much show, but from me with my gray sep. 28, jacket you will get deeds." ^ 1598! Nevertheless, Parliament insistincr, the Clerev and the University complaining, he withdrew the absolute concession for the Reformes to meet without prelimi- nary authority, where and whenever they chose, to admit strangers to their Assemblies or to proceed them- selves to Synods held in foreign States. As to the " deep aftliction " of the Pope, who had sent for the Cardinals de Joyeuse and d'Ossat, these two princes of the Church *' endeavoured to soothe the bitterness of the Holy Pontiff by wise answers and ex- planations, diplomatic, it may be, as to form, but yet in general fundamentally true as regards the King and the motives of his actions." In a letter to the Pope, Henry says : " I shall also take such care in the working of the Edict, which I have granted for the tranquillity of my Kingdom, that the Catholic religion shall receive the principal and most assured benefit therefrom." And the Abbe adds : '' Will not some look upon all this as merely language dictated by the circumstances, and consider all these assurances as merely ofiicial promises, lightly given and not believed in by others ? " And in a note at the foot he endeavors to dispose of ''the strange assertion" which he finds in the inedited correspondence of Henry lY with the Landgrave of Hesse, Maurice the Learned (by M. de Rommel, State Archivist of Hesse, Paris, 1840). In starting from this principle, that the great criterium ' Lettres missives. 36 Huguenot Society of America Events that led to the Edict 37 of the sincerity of any words, of the truth of any prom- ises, is to be found in the deeds, the Abbe proceeds to show in the hfe of Henry this accord between words and deeds : '' Is he not constant in his display of deep respect for the Holy See, and sincere in his profession of the Catholic relii^non ? . . . '' And within the limits of the Kingdom he earnestly concurs in endeavourinir, after so many troubled years, to replace the Church of France in its normal condition. He extends a benevolent protection to all reli^nous orders in general and in particular he recalls the"^ Jesuits in spite of the opposition of Parliament. ... He shows himself zealous for the return of the Hu^uienots to the Church." Besides the testimony of Paul V, the author quotes the Memorial of Pius VH, presented to Napoleon I : *' The solemn profession of the Catholic religion made by Henry IV, head of the fallen dynasty of the last Kini;s of P>ance, a religion which he always supported as the dominant one, not omitting however, as required by the circumstances, to guarantee the free exercise and the privileges of the Calvinistic sect, not only did not detract, but added to the glory of his fame and to the raptures of the nation. He was the delight of France, was proclaimed its Titus, and was called the Great." All this shows that the Roman Church has accepted as sincere the conversion of Henry. In his last chapter, the Abbe Feret, alluding to the private life of Henry, quotes the following passage from the life of his confessor. Father Coton, by Father d'Or- leans (Paris, 1688): '*The corruption of his heart never extended to his mind. He was at times weak, but remained faithful ; and contrarily to what generally happens, it was never found that his passions had weakened his religion." The curious might ask what kind of penance this father confessor exacted from his royal and constantly relapsing penitent and sinner, and the Abbe himself says : *' Reason certainly demands less inconsistency in con- duct, and the Gospels require something like harmony between all the different stages of one's moral life as also between the mind and the heart." The Abbe must be commended for these brave words. The celebrated Berthaut, Bishop of Seez, in his funeral oration, speaks thus : '' Et de dire que c'etait hypocrisie ou feintise, I'humeur de ce prince trop eloignee de la dissimulation, tant par la nature que par accoustumance, rendroit du tout ceste calomnie incroyable." To say that Henry was a hypocrite, is, says the Bishop, pure calumny. May we not conclude the study of Abbe Feret's book by expressing an opinion that if Catholics were so satis- fied with the doings of Henry lY, it is fair to suppose that his former comrades and Protestant allies, whilst makin^'- allowance for his innumerable difficulties, could with some justice complain of him on religious and temporal grounds. I had noticed in the work of the Abbe Feret and also in Motley,^ repeated allusions to the good offices ' The United Netherlands. Speaking of the reception by Henry of the Dutch envoys (April, 1598), Motley says: " It was obvious enough to the envoys that the matter of peace and war was decided. The general of the Franciscans, sent by the pope, had been flitting very busily for many months between Rome, Madrid, Brussels, and Paris, and there could be little doubt that every detail . . . had been arranged." [Harper's edition, iii., 480, 481.] 38 Huguenot Society of America for the peace between France and Spain of a General of the Cordeliers (strict Franciscans), named Bonaventura Catalagirone. It occurred to me that the correspond- ence of this monk-diplomatist could not fail to prove interesting, as the Peace of Vervins was signed (May 2, 1598) very shortly after the promulgation of the Edict of Nantes. Mr. Alphonse Goovaerts, State Archivist at Brussels, and his assistants, have helped me in my researches with the utmost kindness and I here beg to thank them. If we have not been successful in coming across this correspondence, which is probably at the Vatican, the following precious manuscript has been brought to light : '* Relation de pieces et de tout ce qui est passe de la parte d'Espagne en la negociation et traicte de la Paix conclue h Vervins avec les ministres de France en I'an 1598." I have made copious extracts from this MS., but shall content myself with giving the following. Philip had given power to treat to his Captain-Gen- eral and Governor of the Netherlands, the Cardinal- Archduke Albert, and the latter sent as his deputies President Richardot, Count Tassis, and Audiencier Verreyken. Henry sent as his, Bellievre, Sillery, and Villeroy. The Pope's Legate, the Cardinal of Florence, and the General of the Franciscans were present and acted as peacemakers. In the Index I found this curious summary of the *' Maxims observed in these negotiations." " In dealing of peace with the French one should remain prepared for war." Events that led to the Edict 39 8. ••Avoid meeting the [French] deputies at mass or when going to see or leaving the mediators." II. '• If by chance Popes are selected as arbitrators, they are not pleased if they are reminded that they are mortal." 12. •• Suspicion is of the nature of these meetings it 15- •• The spiritual, in regard to this treaty, should always be uppermost." In the ample powders to treat given the Archduke by the King as far back as August, 1597, he is particularly enjoined to safeguard the interest of the Church " y de la Republica Cristiana." After the word '• Navarre " in the Index, I read : •• How the deputies smuggled it cleverly in amongst the titles of King Philip II." The Archduke must be given credit for being solicitous for •• le menu peuple," as on several occasions and, for instance, when the consideration of the separate inter- ests of the Duke of Savoy, son-in-law to Philip, and of Mercoeur, Chief of the League, threatened to retard the conclusion of the peace, Albert pressed the deputies to obtain at least a truce ; '' so that peasants and labourers might put their seed in the ground in March and thus not lose a whole year." N 40 Huguenot Society of America Events that led to the Edict 41 In their first interview with the Legate, he speaks of PhiHp as a pillar of the Church (First letter from the deputies to the Archduke, February 10, 1598). As to Henry, he " holds him to be a orood prince and sincere and one who is true to his word, but easily resentful when he thinks that he is not treated rightly." On several occasions, the French deputies express a wish that Enirland and Holland should be parties to the treaty. In'their 2d letter (Feb. nth) Richardot and his col- leagues say : '' Les deputes francois repondirent et a notre advis assez franchcment que la dite Royne [dAngleterre] avoit declare estre contente de traittcr, mais qu'avant s'y embarquer, elle vouloit y veoir clair et estre asseuree qu'on ne veut pas ce mocquer d'elle, adjoutant quelle envoye en France ceste legation a cest effect, dont est chief Cecille le fils de milord Borghelet [Burghley]." Their 4th letter mentions that the General of the Franciscans had called to say that the difficulties raised yesterday by the French deputies, had no other object than to keep well with their English and Dutch allies, and this is confirmed by the Legate. ^th Letter (Feb. 1 3th). '' Bellievre has taken medicine this morning and so we have not met." On the same day the Archduke replies from Brussels to the four letters to hand : He is satisfied that France will treat independendy of her allies, but '' they ought to include those who have followed the party of ti^e Catholics and who have served His Majesty in protecting them, for instance the Duke of Mercosur [who was then campaigning in Brittany] and those who are here [Brussels]." In his letter of March 6th, he speaks in high terms of "le pere general des Courdelicrs',' and Henry in writing to his deputies, speaks of him thus : '* qu'il est comme le Trucheman des deux partyes," the go-between or interpreter. Henry has somewhat relaxed his preparations for the siege of Nantes, being on the point of coming to terms with the Duke of Mercoeur (often called Mercure). The latter insists : '* that in all Brittany there shall not be any other wor- ship than the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman, which shall remain undiminished." On March 26th the deputies of the Archduke advise him that Nantes is taken by the King and seem out of humor with the Legate, '' who has the word of mediator constantly on the lips, but who does litde to mediate." They think him a Frenchman at heart. In their 24th letter, March 27th, they say the Nuncio has arrived from Brittany with news of the treaty with Mercoeur, -who was to find himself on the 25th at Angers, there to meet Henry and conduct him to Nantes, where the States were to meet on the 15th of next month ; that however Henry will go Rennes, where the Parliament is sittincr ; that Don Mendo, who commanded the Spanish garrison of Nantes, had withdrawn and that the King had (^iven him a safe-conduct to return to Spain." 42 Huguenot Society of America As for the Spanish garrison of Blavet, the King wished this matter to be settled at Vervins. Richardot has had a call from a Scotch merchant who is full of news and rumours of war. Cecil has arrived at the Kini^^'s Court and the English 25th letter, ,^j^j Dutch are doing their utmost to prevent March 29. .. , our peace, offermg men and money. . . . Many think the King will listen to them and that he is deceiving the Spanish deputies. . . . The Princess of Orange (Louise de Coligny) has arrived in France and is trying to get the King's sister for Count Maurice. Finally the Scot offers his services provided he is paid : " moyenant que le recompensions et luy donnions seur moyen de correspondre avec moi Richardot." Second call from the same. He gives as his refer- ences, Rivas and "a Cordelier named Hofart, who is with Father Matheo." He offers to serve 26th letter, ^.|^l^^. J. j^^ France, England, or Holland, but March 3i- ^^. , , , • 1 " i- k • Richardot decides upon sending him as a spy to Amiens and Rrittany and then to return to him and report. He proposes to the Archduke to employ him for a month " and if his Highness so decides, will he kindly send the needful (/ les deniers '), as they have no means of raising money (' pour ce que nous n'y avons nul credit ')." On a previous occasion, when there was a question of sendini: a courier direct to Spain from Vervins, he had also asked " d'envoyer les ecus " from Brussels, as he had only enough money for his personal wants. From Philip, master of all the gold and silver of the new world, down to the last servant of his, fighting his battles in the Netherlands, there was ever this want of *' dinero." Events that led to the Edict 43 A Spanish courier has arrived with powers from Philip to treat with England and Holland at Ver- vins. He also brings a letter to the Legate from the Nuncio at Madrid, but Richardot ^'^^J^l^ll[ takes upon himself to withhold delivery till he has heard from the Archduke and for the present he will not tell the French deputies that they have received these powers. They were adepts at dissimula- tion. His Highness writes on March 3 1 st and April 6th anent the Scot. They might give him a trial and if money is wanted he will send it. Count Tassis has been on a visit to him and returns with his instructions. Ri- chardot can inform the French deputies of the powers received and hand the Legate his letter. He would like Philip himself to sign the treaty, but not if this will delay and perhaps imperil it. He draws a distinction between Holland and England as to a preliminary truce. He is not willing to grant it to rebellious Holland, but as to England, his deputies can even propose it, if with some chance of a favorable answer. They need not raise objections to the King of France's adding " et de Navarre," nor calling him.self " le roi tres Chretien." He desires the Father General to be mentioned honorably in the treaty. As to the return of any subject having fought against his sovereign, there should be reciprocity as stated with- out specification of any special exclusion, guarding, however, against the inhabitants of the rebel country ('* precavant cependant les inhabitans des Pays rebelles." This is one of the many instances of a French word coined from a Spanish word, i. e., Precaver, to prevent, to guard against). The courier sent by the French deputies to their 44 Huguenot Society of America King, eighteen days ago, has not yet returned. They send to the Archduke a copy of the treaty Tn\\T'^ with the Duke of INIercci^ur, who has given them an example in upholding the claims of religion. On April 15th it is Richardot's turn for a trip to Brus- sels (he leaves Vervins at 3 a.m. and arrives the same day at 5 p.m.). He returns on the i8th and ^P"^ '^' on the 19th the deputies despatch to His High- ness the r^ather General himself and in their 31st letter they say that the Legate is in despair at Sistietter, j . ^^^^ ^^ ^ possible rupture of the nego- April 19. '■ ^ tiations. The Archduke, urged by th(^ Reverend General and the Legate, gives way and agrees to grant the Dutch a truce of two months, being tired of all this running to and fro. Having almost concluded their labours, the deputies have called on the Cardinal Legate to say that it is the express desire of the King and of the Arch- 33d letter, j j^^ ^j^,^^ ^j^^ should ask him whether he can April 27. -^ 1 • 1 • 1 1 U suggest any sti|)ulation which might be to the advantaire of true religion. The Legate was profuse in his thanks. *'\Vhat the Pope and himself are anxious about, is, that if they treat with luigland and Holland care should be taken to advance Religion and if possible have it re- instated in those places where it existed formerly . . . but as regards the Kingdom of France, he thinks we had better not interfere, as it might offend the King and we might leave this to the good offices of the pope as being more within his province. The legate admitted that reUgion was not in France on such a footing as he might w[sh ; (7?i(/ there is a eertain Edict i.^hich allwell- tlunking people must zuish to see abolished {' ni qu'il y a un edict dont tons les gens de bien doivent desirer Events that led to the Edict 45 I'abolition'), but this cannot be done at once, and in his opinion, if we mentioned it, w^e would do more harm than good. His Catholic Majesty could not be blamed for keeping silent, when even the Pope had not alluded to it in his absolution. '' The deputies had replied that he could be sure that if they treated with England and Holland, they would not agree to anything prejudicial to religion, and as to France they w^ould follow his advice, being assured that he would do all he possibly could during his visit there. On April 29th, the Archduke returns the draft treaty and says the deputies can sign it. He commends them for their visit to the Legate and since he does ^^^.^ ^^ not wish anything added, concerning religion, he himself is satisfied. On April 30th he writes again, hopes the treaty is signed on both sides, and asks if their letters to the Governors of the frontier towns are ready. The treaty was not to be made public for a month. '' God be praised," write the deputies exultantly, '' hav- ing worked night and day, since the day before yesterday, our treaty is at last concluded, signed, and yi^y 2, placed in the hands of the Legate, so that from this day forward Your Highness is at peace with France, and may repose and tranquillity follow for His Hiehness and the Infanta." On May 3d the Archduke replies, thanking his depu- ties heartily for their patient and successful labours. '' Je ne puis sinon grandement louer et rendre j^^^ ^^ graces a Dieu qu'il ait este servy d avoir mise- ricorde de tant de pauvres peuples," and as a friend of peace he hopes other countries will follow.^ ' I believe that in this the Archduke was sincere, but he had to wait till 1604 for peace with England and till 1609 for a twelve years' truce with Holland. April 30. 46 Huguenot Society of America May 3-5. He sends them his trusty courier, Francis Vanden Bercrhe, " qui est praticque et seait les chemins " and he asks them to let him proceed on his journey to Spain with the first fair copy ready, he being content with the second. On May 3d-5th the deputies write a long letter in Spanish to Philip in which they give a sum- mary account of their labours. To this letter the King replied on June 3d, thanking them for their services. The deputies express the thanks they owe to the Legate and Father General " who really has 35th letter, ^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^jj ^^^ ^^ whom much May o. 1 M IS due. They are anxious to leave this Purgatory (Vervins), where they have been three months. They badly want a change for their health, but fear they will not be able to leave sooner than the 36th letter, ^ ^^ ^|^^^ month unless the King of France agrees to have the treaty published before.^ Verreyken pays a visit to Brussels. The French deputies have called and read a letter from Henry in which he requests the deputies of His High- 37th letter, ^^^ ^^ believe what has been said of May 8. i i • i • his bad faith, '* and Your Highness is at Liberty and this with his consent, to do them [the English and DutchJ all the harm he can do, if he has the means." Verreyken writes from Brussels, to his two colleagues, that '' he has been so busy with official visiting and other frivolous civilities, that he has not had time yet to visit their homes." May 12. ' On May 25th, it was agreed all round to publish the peace on Sunday, June 7th. Events that led to the Edict 47 May 25. The Dutch decline the truce, '* so that Your High- ness, as the saying is, has paid the French 40th letter, King without [disbursing] money." ^^^ ^3- The rest of the correspondence has mostly reference to the hostages who were to be exchanged until the treaty was sworn to by the King and the Archduke, and Calais and other places surrendered. In their 45th letter. May 28th, Verreyken asks for money, " pour ce que de celui que j'ai eu ne me reste une seule maille et est la verite que j y ai mis du mien." ^ On May 25th the Archduke writes that the Council of Luxembourg complains that, in spite of the truce, the Viscount of Turenne, Lord of Sedan, has com- mitted raids and will not return his spoils, *• and what is worse, there is a rumour that he does not mean to be included in the treaty between the two kings, claiming to be a sovereign ruler and as such to raise men and continue fighting along with those of Holland who are of his faith . . ." and as the humour of this lord is pretty well known to his deputies, the Archduke wants them to ascertain what has been settled about him and whether he is included as a subject of the Crown or whether he is at liberty to enrol all the riffraff and go on molesting his subjects : '' il entendroit pouvoir guer- roier et recueillir tous les debauchez et mechants garne- ments pour molester les frontieres et se joindre avec les rebelles," and he wished this matter settled to his satisfaction. The answer to this came on in a letter from de Bel- li-evre, the chief French deputy, to the Spanish june 3, J ^' 1598. deputies : He writes from Amiens that the King has decided to go to Compiegne instead of Amiens, and in a P. S. : > Their following was of 24 horses and as many men. 48 Huguenot Society of America '' I foro-ot to tell you that I received yesterday a letter from the Alarshall de Bouillon [Turenne] who writes that the King has shown him a letter in which I told his Majesty'^hat you had remonstrated because the said Cardinal [Albert had heard from Luxemburg that the said Marshall did not mean to be a party to the peace nor to observe it : he writes that he is wrongly charged with this and that on the contrary he will so well regu- late things at Sedan, that the peace shall be better observed there than elsewhere. To this effect he sends me a letter for his commander at Sedan, which I shall forward by express." In many of the original letters written in 1597 and 1598 from the provinces to Brussels, there are complaints of the deplorable state of the finances and of the desola- tion of the land. By way of relief, Luxemburg asks for the departure of Stanley's regiment, as he continues to levy contributions for 1200 men when he has only 600. Peace and security for the tillers of the soil were indeed an imperious necessity for all. I conclude this paper with an amusing illustration of the religious ways of that period, showing that the Cordeliers were not only promoters of international peace, but shielded the common people from the ex- actions of the great. At the time that these two great events were taking place, the Edict of Nantes and the Peace of Yervins, *' Lamoral, Conte'de Ligne, Prince d'Espinoy," w^as Governor of Artois for the Archduke, with residence at Arras. It happened that during Lent, a certain Cordelier monk had preached a sermon in which he praised the last Governor, the Marquis de Varambon, who was taken prisoner by the French, and abused the new Governor. 1598. f Events that led to the Edict 49 Feb. 18. The latter^ wTites thus to Brussels: The " Guardien des Cordeliers " at Arras has been bold enough to attack him openly from the pulpit, on hearing which, he has called on him and asked him what he had said. The monk replies : ** J 'ay dit vrayement comme ie suis tenu en la cheyere de verite que depuis que M. le Marquis de Varambon nous a este oste, les Gouverneurs mis en sa place et qui y sont, sont touts mechants." The Prince d'Espinoy might have cared little about what the monk thought of his predecessors, but the words *'et qui y sont " were too much for him. *'Lors ostant mon chapeau pour reverence et me abaissant (ors qu'en colere avec raison) je dis que j'honorais comme de tout temps se coronne, sa dignite de Phrestrise et superiorite de Guardien, et son ordre auquel toute ma vie estoit aff"^ [affectionne] mais que comme humain il estoit luymeme un impudent et me- schant homme et que sauf sa prestrise il en avoit fauce- ment menty et que plus s'il fust lay [lai'que] il lui eusse prouve de la daque au sein, mais que ien aurais ma raison et que ie luy ferois desdire. Sur ce me retyrant, il dit de loing : ce n'est pas la pmre [premiere] fois qu'ung predicateur est appele meschant pour avoir dit verite. Thus, impervious alike to the mock reverence of the Governor and to the threatening of his daeeer. the bold Cordelier declined to swallow his words and re- peated them as a parting shot. In a detailed report annexed to his letter the Prince adds that the text of the sermon had been the destruc- tion of Jerusalem, and its aggravating conclusion thus : 'From whom there are many letters in liasse (bundle) No. 353 of the " Papiers d' Etat et de 1' Audience." so Huguenot Society of America '* Ne voyons nous ce jourduyle mesme que depuis que Dieu a perniis la captivitc dc Mr. le Marquis de Var- ambon, un Gouverncur General Icqucl estoit uni^ miroir et exemple. Ccux (|ul depuis sont venus en sa place et charge ne monstrent [montrentj le mesme zele a la con- duite des affaires de ce pauvre pays, ains | mais] par failles [impositions] assietes et mauvaise conduyte met- tront mettent | le tout en confusion et opression du pauvre peuple," etc. The Prince told the Cordelier that if he had failed in anything, he might have told him in private, and he in- vited him to come with him to the Bishop to have it out, but the monk declined to move till he was ordered to do so by his superior. Upon this the Prince wrote to the Bishop on February i6th, and on March 9th had the annexed copy certified as correct by a notary. The Bishop had referred him to the Provincial or head of the Cordeliers at Douay, but I am unable to say whether or not he blamed the bold monk. F'our years later, or in 1602, the Archduke created the Count de Ligne a Prince of the Netherlands, and the de Lii^nes have ever since held the rank of Prince. This Lamoral was also styled Prince d'Espinoy be- cause he had married the daughter and heiress of the Princesse d'Espinoy, daughter of Mary de Montmor- ency, the Admiral's sister. In 1 58 1, in the absence of her husband, this Princesse d'Espinoy defended Tournay for two months against the Duke of Parma. Motley ^ says that she had to sur- render the town because it was undermined from with- out and a Dominican friar. Father Gery, " had been as surely sapping the fidelit}' of the garrison from within." * Rise of the Dutch Republic. [Harper's ed,, iii., 526,] Events that led to the Edict 51 In the same bundle I have found letters and remon- strances to the Archduke from Artois (February 5th) requiring his Highness to restrain and punish the out- rages of his own horsemen, — '' supplient de commander un chatiment exemplaire et faire cesser les executions tortioneres et iniustes que commettent les Chlx [che- vaux] legiers repartis au pays d'Artois." There is a minute of a letter from the Archduke order- ing an enquiry and punishment, which shows there was ground for the attack from the pulpit of the brave Cor- delier (February 13th). Monks w^ere active for good or evil in those days. ■-■ -»«.3H--*;^_^ ; ,i^,-.4s«4ifc-^'ai«t;'*='»-- THE EDICT OF NANTES: ITS SCOPE AND ITS PLACE IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF RELIGIOUS TOLERATION By SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON, Professor of Church History, New York University WITH A COMPLETE TRANSLATIOxN OF THE EDICT AND ITS ACCOMPANYING DOCUMENTS Revised by WILLIAM KENDALL GILLETT, M.A., Professor of the French and Spanish Languages, New York University THE Edict of Nantes was signed by Henry IV, King of France and Navarre, on Thursday, April 13, 1598.^ It bore the significant title, "Edict of the King for the Healing of the Troubles of the Kingdom." Its object, indeed, was to pacify the adherents of the so-called Reformed Religion by grant- ing them as large a measure of civil and religious liberty as they could rsoeanably have expected. The city wherein it was signed was the former capital of Brittany and one of the cities of the League. There John Knox had been a galley slave fifty years before. It had only just surrendered to Henry. It lies upon the Loire, near its mouth, and 245 miles W. S. W. of Paris. It is to-day the seventh city in point of size in the country. The Maison des Tourelles, No. 5 Quai de la Fosse, is pointed out as the house in which the Edict *This paper was read upon W^ednesday, April 13, 1898, exactly three hundred years later. It is here printed as read, a few verbal changes excepted. 52 S(U?ntc/ Macaulcv Jackson. Pfi'/cy'.- , ( /lurc/i 11 i \'o)k LmvLKSifv The Edict of Nantes 53 was signed. Having been signed in due form, the Edict was sealed with the great seal of green wax, upon a ground of red and green silk, to signify that it was perpetual and irrevocable. It was registered and pub- lished by all the parliaments, even by that of Paris, which, for almost a year (till February 15, 1599), refused to do so ; and obedience to it was sworn by all judges and magistrates, by the governors of provinces, and by the chief inhabitants of the different cities. The Edict of Nantes is a very long document, consist- ing of a Preamble and ninety-two sections, carefully drawn up and expressed in simple and intelligible language, as the King intended all should understand it. It is written in French. When analyzed it falls into these parts : The Preamble, or Introductory Section, apologizes for the unavoidable delay in issuing the Edict on the ground that peace had first to be restored, and invokes the blessing of God upon it. Articles I. and II. command the past to be buried. Articles III.-V. reinstate and re-establish the Catholic religion. Apostolic and Roman, in all places where it had been intermitted, and command the surrender of all buildings taken from the Catholic ecclesiastics. Articles VI.-XVI. permit the Reformed *' to live and remain in all the cities and places of this our kingdom, and countries under our authority, without being questioned, vexed, molested, or constrained to do anything with regard to religion contrary to their con- sciences," provided they comport themselves properly ; allow their religious services in the houses of their nobility, and in the places where such services were held in 1596 and 1597, and also in 1577, provided they are not in the hands of Catholics ; allow them also in the suburbs of a place where the Reformed religion was > 54 Huguenot Society of America permitted by the Edict.— a very important provision, greatly multiplying the places of Reformed worship ; but prohibit the Reformed services in all other localities, expressly mentioning that they were excluded from Paris and five leagues around. Articles XV 1 1. -XIX. relate to the mutual bearing of the Reformed and the Catholics. "We forbid all preachers, readers, and others who speak in public, from using any word, discourse, and terms tending to excite the people to sedition ; but we have enjoined, and do enjoin, them to a retiring and modest carnage." The Reformed are to respect the feelings of the Catholics by shutting up their shops on festival days, and by not then carrying on a trade whose noise would disturb the Catholic worshippers. Their religious books are to be sold only where their religion is permitted. On the other hand, the Catholics are not to molest the Reformed, and are required to restore to them their cemeteries. Both Catholics and Reformed are not to baptize the children of the opposite communion against the wishes of the parents of such children. No difference or distinction in regard to religion is to prevent attendance upon the universities, colleges, and schools, or admittance into hospitals and charitable institutions. No one is to be disinherited on the ground of religion. Both religion- ists are to be treated alike and to have equal opportunities to enter the public service. Article XXX. establishes a " Chamber of the Edict," composed of a president and sixteen councillors of the Parliament of Paris, to take cognizance of causes and suits of the Reformed living within the jurisdiction of that Parlia- ment and those of Normandy and Brittany. In this Chamber the Reformed are to be represented. Articles XXXI.-LVII. order that outside of Paris other The Edict of Nantes 55 chambers of inquiry shall be established with a much more liberal representation of the Reformed, and lay down quite minutely their course of procedure in cases arising out of the religious differences, so as to secure absolutely impartial treatment. Articles LVIII. and LIX. annul all actions arainst the Reformed arising out of religion, except against those who have borne arms. Articles LX.-LXVIII. contain additional provisions for the impartial treatment of the Reformed and Catholics, including that one of the judges in all cases shall be of the same faith as the defendant. Articles LXIX.-LXXV. order the return to their original owners of all papers and houses taken in war, the naturalization of children of French parents born out of France, and the release of all condemned for religion, even in the galleys. Articles LXXVL- LXXXI. regulate the money matters arising out of the war. Article LXXXII. disbands and prohibits all future assemblies and associations ; forbids assessments and warlike measures, Avithout permission. Article LXXXII I. confirms the right to all prizes on sea or land. Articles LXXXIV.-LXXXVII. prohibit prose- cution of the Reformed for actions in war under orders, except in certain specified extreme cases, but order punishment for crimes and offences commit- ted between persons of the same party. Article LXXXVIII. permits the repair of cities dismantled in war. Articles LXXXIX. and XC. restore to the Re- formed the property taken from them by the opposite side, and order the restoration by the Reformed of all property belonging to the Catholic Church which they had seized. Articles XCI. and XCII. annul all con- trary edicts, and enjoin the obedience of the present edict upon all persons concerned. /, 56 Huguenot Society of America So much for the Edict proper. It is accompanied by a brevet, issued Hkewise on April 13, 1598, promising the Reformed an annual subsidy of 45,000 crowns for an unspecified purpose, but which really was for their ecclesiastical expenses. On April 30th and May 2d, respectively, the King signed at Nantes sets of secret articles. The first promises 180,000 crowns a year for eight years for the maintenance of the garrisons of the Reformed in the fortified cities guaranteed to them, settles some matters relating to these garrisons, reaftirms the King's inten- tion to deal impartially with all his subjects, and states definitely what he intended to do in certain places. The second, consisting of fifty-six sections, modifies the Edict both favorably and unfavorably for the Reformed. It was sealed with the great seal of yellow wax. The Edict of Nantes was the work of a commission made up of both branches of the Christian Church, and rests upon the basis of the pacification edicts, or, more properly speaking, treaties, issued in 1563, 1570, and 1577. But the composite work is larger and stronger than its component parts. The credit of pre- paring it belongs to the King, and is, indeed, his title to imperishable fame. It remains now to speak of the place of the Edict in the development of religious toleration. At the outset the distinction must be drawn between religious tolera- tion and religious liberty. The former is a concession, made, perhaps, upon mere expediency and reluctantly, and implying more or less disapproval or censure. Religious liberty, on the other hand, is a right, to be frankly acknowledged as part of human freedom. In the history of the race toleration precedes liberty, but The Edict of Nantes 57 by no means implies it. It is a first step, but may not be followed by any second. Religious convictions are apt to be so profound that they are exclusive. What we believe appears to us not to admit of question. Thus to many in the past those who held opposite opinions were simply wrong, and as the maintenance and propagation of errors in religion were believed to have disastrous temporal or eternal consequences or both, these opponents were considered pernicious errorists, for whom no treatment could be too severe. Hence, the power of the State has backed up the religion of the State and punished as traitors those who denied the religion of the State. A long and losing struggle has been required in all the past to get the State even to tolerate religious dissent. In the history of Christianity the first edict of toleration came from the Roman State in 311, when the dying and desperate Emperor Galerius made Christianity a religio licita, not because it seemed to him a true religion, but because three centuries of sporadic and two terrible general per- secutions had failed to exterminate it. This was tolera- tion, pure and simple, but it was not liberty. In 313 the Emperor Constantine, having won a notable victory in consequence, as he believed, of the help of the God of the Christians, and under the symbol of the Christian faith, issued the famous Edict of Milan, in which he stated that it was proper to "give to the Christians as well as to all others, the riorht to follow that reliofion which to each of them appeared best." This was a great advance toward religious liberty. Christianity became a little later the religion of the Roman State, and then, alas ! trampled upon the rights of pagans and forbade them to exercise their religion on pain of death. When paganism had been exterminated, 58 Huguenot Society of America Christians turned upon fellow Christians. Heresy was punished as paganism had been, and for many weary centuries there was no religious toleration. The Reformation did not bring it. Roman Catholics and Protestants in that period showed equal intolerance of opposing opinion. The creed they drew up must be unconditionally accepted on penalty of death. The Religious Peace of Augsburg of 1555 is not to be quoted as any real advance toward religious toleration, because it was only a futile political expedient to settle the strife between Roman Catholics and Lutherans by requiring that the religion of the people of the German states should be as the religion of their rulers, respec- tively. But in 1598 a great light arose in the spiritual dark- ness. Out of Brittany it shot across the sky. A King who was at heart a Protestant, but who, from motives of policy, had accepted Roman Catholicism, a virile, clear-headed, determined monarch, declared that Catho- lics and Reformed alike had religious rights which must be mutually respected, and that they must live together in peace. This was the heaven-sent message to two jarring branches of the Christian Church, each denying that the other was a true branch. It was not addressed to all the branches of the Church. The time was not ripe for that. Nor did it go as far as religious liberty, for it did not acknowledge the absolute equality of both as a matter of legal right. The Reformed was not the equal of the Catholic. But it went a long way toward that complete impartiality. What though it was not received on either side as it should have been, what though, after it had been interpreted out of all cogni- zance by Roman Catholic jurists, it was ninety years later revoked ? It was a sixteenth-century adumbratioa The Edict of Nantes 59 i of the nineteenth-century doctrine, and because it was, we Americans who enjoy religious liberty as no other people do, celebrate to-day the Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes. EDICT OF NANTES, WITH ITS BREVET, AND SECRET ARTICLES The translation is that in the American edition of the English translation of Charles Weiss's History of the French Protestant Refugees (New York btringer & Townsend, 1S54, 2 vols.), vol. ii., 335-378, revised and much improved by WiHiam Kendall Gillett, M.A., Professor of the French and Spanish languages, New York University The text he used was that given in Elie Benoit (Benoist), Histoire de V^dit de Nantes (Delft. 1693-5, 3 vols., the 3d in 3 parts), i.. Appendix Recueil d'edits. etc.. pp. 62-9S, compared with that in Leonce Anquez, IHstorredes assem. blees politiquesdes R^formes de France (Paris. 1859). PP- 456-502, which is. Anquez says (p. 99), the text of the Edict as signed by Henry, whereas the Benoit text is that as registered by the Parliament of Paris. The two differ widely in places, but the latter is really the Edict under which the Huguenots lived, and therefore may properly underlie the translation given here. I. EDICT PROPER Henry, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre. To all to whom these presents come, or shall come, greeting. Among the infinite graces it has pleased God to bestow on us, this is the most signal and remarkable, that He has given us virtue and strength to withstand the frightful troubles, confusions, and dis- orders which attended our accession to the throne, the country being torn into parties and factions, the least numerous of which was as it were the most legitimate ; and for having so strength- ened us against this difficulty that we have at length surmounted it, and reached a harbor of safety and repose for the State. To Him alone be all the glory, and to us the honor and obligation, that He has made use of our labor to accomplish this good work, which has been visible to all, if we have performed what was not only of our duty and ability, but something more beside, which might not have been at any other time proper to the dignity we hold, which we have no fear of exposing here, seeing that we have so freely exposed our own life. And in this remarkable concurrence of so great and perilous affairs, it not being in our power to settle everything at one and the same time, it has been necessary for us to follow this order, namely, to undertake first those things which could be settled only 6o Huguenot Society of America by force, and the rather to remit and lay aside till some other time such as could and should be settled by reason and justice ; such as the different views of our good subjects, and the particular diseases of the more healthy parts of the State, which we deemed easily cur- able, after the principal cause had been taken away, namely, the continuance of civil war. In which having (by the grace of God) well and happily succeeded, and both arms and hostilities having ceased within the entire kingdom, we hope for an equally prosperous issue in what remains to be settled, and that by this means we shall attain to the establishment of a good peace and tranquil repose, which has always been the object of our wishes and prayers, and the reward that we desire for so many sufferings and labors through which we have passed in the course of our life. Of the above-men- tioned affairs in which we have needed to exercise patience, one of the principal has been the complaints made by divers of our provinces and Catholic cities, that the exercise of the Catholic religion was not universally re-established, as ordered by the edicts hitherto made for the pacification of troubles on account of religion. As also the sup- plications and remonstrances which have been made by our subjects of the so-called ' Reformed religion, partly in regard to the non-ful- filment of what had been granted them by these edicts, and partly in regard to what they deemed should be added thereto, touching the exercise of their above-mentioned religion, liberty of conscience, and the safety of their persons and property ; presuming themselves in possession of just cause for new and yet greater apprehensions, by reason of these late troubles and commotions, whose principal pretext and foundation has been their ruin. In regard to which, that too great a press of matters might not be laid on us at once, and ' The ^vord pretendne has been thus rendered because "pretended," which is the common translation, implies falsity, while the French does not necessarily. It is true the Huguenots requested in 1611 that they be relieved of the necessity of employ- ing it in their public documents (Baird, Ilw^uenots and the Revocation, i., 50), but that probably was because they resented the imputation that their faith was a whit less a religion than the Roman Catholic. It is difficult to see what term could have been employed to express better the idea that the Huguenots claimed that their religion was the true Christian faith reformed from Roman Catholic error. The initials R. P. R. — /a religicm pretendtie ri'/tJrw/t'— passed into general cur rency as indicative of the Huguenot faith. Surely Henry would not insult his for- mer co-religionists at the very moment when he was doing them a great service, by employing any phrase which was necessarily offensive ; at the same time he could not, as a pretended Roman Catholic, concede the Huguenots' claim to have the true religion. — Ed. The Edict of Nantes 61 also that the rage of armies might not interfere with the establishment of the laws, such as they were, we have always postponed this mat- ter. But now that it has pleased God to give us a beginning of quiet and repose, we esteem it the best employment in our power to apply ourselves to what concerns His holy name and service, and to bring it about that He should be worshipped and adored by all our sub- jects : and if it has not pleased Him that there should be one and the same form of religion, yet there should be the same intention, and under such regulations that there should arise no tumult or disturb- ance on account of it among you : and that both we and this king- dom may ever merit and preserve the glorious title of Very Christian^ which was acquired so long since,' and by so many merits : and by the same means to take away the cause of evil and trouble which can befall the cause of religion, which is ever the most supple and penetrating of all. On this occasion, considering the affair as one of very great importance, and worthy of the very gravest consider- ation, after receiving the complaints of our Catholic subjects, having also permitted our subjects of the so-called Reformed religion to assemble by deputies and draw up theirs, and to bring together all their remonstrances, and having conferred with them at divers times in regard to the matter, and having read over the preceding edicts, we have thought it necessary, at this time, to give to all our subjects a general law, clear, concise, and absolute, by which they may govern themselves with regard to all differences which have hitherto sprung up, or may hereafter arise, among them, and with which both may have cause to be satisfied, as the temper of the times may be. We have on our part, entered on the deliberation only through the zeal we have for the service of God, and that it may be offered and rendered by all our subjects, and to establish among them a true and lasting peace. For which we implore and await from His divine goodness the same protection and favor that he has ever visibly bestowed on this kingdom from its birth, and during the entire period it has passed through, and that he may give grace to our subjects to well comprehend, that in the observance of this ordinance consists ( next to their duty to God and their fellows ) the principal foundation of their union, concord, tranquillity, and repose, and of the re-establishment of this whole State in its first splendor, opulence, and strength. On our part, we engage its strict observance, ' This title was first given to Pepin by Pope Stephen III in 754 for his services against the Lombards. — Ed. 62 Huguenot Society of America suffering no infringement thereof. For these reasons, having, with the advice of the princes of our blood, other princes and officers of the crown, and other great and notable personages of our Council of State, being near us, well and diligently weighed and considered the entire affair, we have, by this perpetual and irrevocable Edict, said, declared, and ordered, do say, declare, and order : I. First, that the memory of all past transactions, both on the one part and the other, since the beginning of the month of March, 1585, up to our accession to the crown, and during the pre- ceding troubles, and on account of them, shall remain extinct and dormant as though they had never happened. And it shall not be allowed or permitted to our procureurs-general, or any other person whatever, public or private, at any time, or on any occasion what- ever, to make mention thereof, or institute a suit or prosecution in any courts or jurisdictions whatever. II. We forbid all our subjects, of whatever state or quality, from perpetuating the memory [of those past transactions], attack- ing, resenting, injuring, or provoking the one the other by reproaches for what has passed, under any cause and pretext whatever, from disputing, contesting, quarrelling, or outraging or offending by word or deed : but to restrain themselves and to live peaceably together like brothers, friends, and citizens, under pain of being punished as breakers of the peace and disturbers of public order. III. We command that the Catholic religion. Apostolic and Roman, shall be reinstated and re-established in all places and parts of this our kingdom, and within the bounds of our authority, where its exercise has been intermitted, that it may be peaceably and freely exercised without any disturbance or impediment. Ex- pressly forbidding any person of any state, quality, or condition whatever, under the above-mentioned penalties, from troubling, dis- turbing, or molesting the ecclesiastics in the celebration of divine service, from the enjoyment and receipt of the tithes, fruits, and revenues of their benefices, and all other rights and duties apper- taining thereto : and that all those who during the troubles have taken possession of churches, houses, properties, and revenues belonging to said ecclesiastics, and who still hold and occupy them, ^hall yield to them their entire possession and peaceful enjoyment, with such rights, liberties, and sureties as they had before they were seized. Forbidding very expressly those of the said so-called Reformed religion from preaching or any exercise of their religion in the churches, houses, and habitations of the said ecclesiastics. The Edict of Nantes 63 IV. The said ecclesiastics may, if they choose, purchase the houses and buildings raised on profane places, wrested from them during the commotions, or constrain the possessors of the said buildings to purchase the ground, all according to a valuation made by experts agreed on by the parties. And if the parties cannot agree on them, they shall be provided by local judges, provided the said possessors are not included therein. And if said ecclesi- astics constrain the holders to purchase the ground, the sum agreed on shall not come into their hands ; but the holders shall retain it in their hands, drawing interest at the rate of five per cent., till it becomes profitable to the Church ; which shall be deemed a year. And when the said time shall have elapsed, should the acquirer be unwilling to continue the said rent, he shall be discharged there- from by consigning the moneys into the hands of a solvent person with the consent of the judges. And with regard to the sacred places, the views of the commissioners appointed by us lor the execu- tion of the present Edict shall be followed, as by us provided. V. Nevertheless the places and sites occupied for repairs and fortifications of our cities and places of our kingdom, and the materials used therein, shall not be taken possession of or claimed by the ecclesiastics or other persons, either public or private, unless the said repairs and fortifications shall be demolished by our ordinances. VI. And that all occasion of troubles and differences among our subjects may be taken away, we have and do permit persons of the so-called Reformed religion to live and remain in all the cities and places of this our kingdom, and countries under our authority, without being questioned, vexed, molested, or constrained to do any- thing with regard to religion contrary to their consciences, nor on account of it shall they be searched in their houses and places where they desire to dwell, provided they comport themselves in accord- ance with the provisions of our present Edict. • VII. We have also given permission to all seigneurs, gentlemen, and other persons, denizens or otherwise, making a profession of the so-called Reformed religion, holding within our kingdom and •country under our authority, high judicial office, or a full fief of knighthood (as in Normandy) whether as property or usufruct, in whole or in half, or even in third part, to have, in such of the houses of the said high justices, or said knights, as they shall hold them- selves ready to name to our bailiffs or seneschals, each in his own right, as his chief place of residence, the exercise of the said religion, 64 »l Huguenot Society of America i f I !',,...vtf^.v: , .%. ^..^.. c,^,^ ^..^uXX^^. 6^. a.'^U^w iJt la. jfcrvit - D^ cx.t^.^c ^t»f/^ /;, vio M^M^^ nr • iJ« « i «- ^^i; >^ 4.^ — - r.. jft^v rt-VfcAi^ *'»iiM»* »i,Xii^ A^^^xc.l-.k. v.i««^v' ^' J.V^^.*x«- C^;«i- .^^ ^ ^^^ I i\vj'f a6'(i^J\t^Ouit„ 9i^f..*- ^t^-^ -j>*tVH: *r*i A^^^,rtv.*(l- 1UY<^-^- ri4^ < /^ia/v4.*^w^ ^y^^;. J»^« ^^j^ J ^o. i^ t***i V*»4?# <* Jo ' vv%«.w.i^«.^ V*^ J9-it^**t. ^4%i^i^f^C% Xxv»{i.S4>vU- \^0^^^*^ 4'ctv%^- Jv**. £':J%*Ur4..%%€t; *>*- ^+ v.-^U i4«( tVt"^ o 63/ cj&titcn- iM-Ci'H.t'Ct'iZ'. Vv"^ .♦v% !ai* 'tVll -^ iXu 1^ *br-»n«,d/ >^^^ ^ ^^. X.' «rr^^ ^^^,^^^^^^ fe "fu f'h'^^^^y^^ ^^e, ''"-•15' A :i />,4^ WVtC ^•.LAJ H4^! J .^A3 n'l "JP The Edict of Nantes 6s XI. Besides in each of the ancient bailiwicks, seneschalships and governments holding the place of bailiwicks, being plainly under the jurisdiction of the courts of parliament, we order that in the suburbs of a city, excepting those which have been granted by the said Edict to them, as also by special articles and conferences, and where there are no cities, in a burgh or village, the exercise of the so-called Reformed religion may be made publicly by all those who wish to go there, although in the said bailiwicks, seneschalships, and governments there may be several places in which the said exercise maybe at present established, [save and excepting for the said places of bailiwicks newly granted, by the present Edict, the cities in which there is an archbishop or bishop, although the members of the so-called Reformed religion have the power to ask for and name, for the said place of their worship, the boroughs and villages in the neighborhood of those cities ; excepting also the places and seigneurships belonging to ecclesiastics, in the which we must not be understood as allowing the establishment of the said second place of the bailiwick, these being excepted and reserved by special favor.] * We mean and understand by the name ancient bailiwicks those which in the time of the late King Henry, our very honored lord and father-in-law, were held for bailiwicks, seneschalships, and governments, being clearly under the jurisdiction of our courts. XII. The present Edict must not be understood as doing away aught of the edicts and agreements heretofore made for the winning back of any princes, lords, gentlemen, and Catholic cities to our authority, as it respects the exercise of the said religion, which edicts and agreements shall be held and observed as it regards this matter, as it shall be determined by the instructions of the com- missioners, who shall be appointed for the execution of the present edict. XIII. All persons of the said religion are very expressly for- bidden from making any exercise of it, either of ministry, regulation, discipline, or public instruction of children, and other matters in this our kingdom, and in countries under our authority, in what concerns religion, except in those places permitted and allowed in the present edict. XIV. Also from performing any exercise of said religion in our court and suite, and also in our lands and countries which are beyond the mountains, and also in our city of Paris, or within five leagues of said city ; howbeit, the members of said religion, dwelling ' The part in brackets omitted in Anquez. 66 Huguenot Society of America The Edict of Nantes 67 in said lands and countries beyond the mountains, and in our said city, and within five leagues around it, shall not have their houses searched, nor be compelled to do anything in regard to their religion contrary to their consciences, provided they comport themselves as it is commanded in the present Edict. XV. Nor shall a public exercise of said religion be allowed among the armies, except at the quarters of the chiefs who make a profession thereof, excepting the quarter which shall contain our person. XVI. In accordance with the second article of the Conference of Nerac, permission is hereby given to those holding said religion to build places for the exercise of it in such villages and i)laces as are granted to them, and those shall be restored to them that they have hitherto built, or the site of them, in such state as they maybe in at present, even in those places where the exercise of their worship is not allowed, except they have been changed into other kinds of edifices ; in whicli case there shall be given to them, by the i)ossessors of said edifices, places and situations of the same value and price which they had before they were built on, or the proper value of them, to be determined by experts : but the said proprietors and possessors may have recourse against whom of right they may. XVII. We forbid all preachers, readers, and others who speak in public, from using any word, discourse, and terms tending to excite the people to sedition ; but we have enjoined, and do enjoin, them to a retiring and modest carriage, and to say nothing that is not calculated for the edification and instruction of their auditors, and for the maintenance of the repose and tranquillity by us estab- lished in this our kingdom, under pain of the penalties mentioned in preceding edicts. Enjoining very expressly our prosecuting officers and their deputies to inform officially against those who contravene them, under pain of answering in their own persons, and by privation of their office. XVIII. We forbid all our subjects, of whatever quality or condi- tion soever, from bearing away by force or stratagem, against the consent of their parents, children of the said religion, in order to have them baptized or confirmed in the Church Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman. The members of the said so-called Reformed reliirion are under the same prohibition, under pain of being severely punished. XIX. Persons belonging to the said so-called Reformed religion shall be in no manner constrained, or considered bound by reason of abjurations, promises, and oaths that they have hitherto made, or sureties by them given, in regard to said religion, and shall not be molested or disturbed on account thereof, in any manner whatsoever. XX. They shall be bound to guard and observe the festivals in use in the Church Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman, and shall not on such days labor, sell, or display for sale, in open shops, nor in like manner shall artisans labor without their shops, and in chambers and closed houses, on the said festival days, and other days forbidden, at any trade, the noise of which can be heard by passers-by or neighbors ; nevertheless no search shall be made, except by the officers of justice. XXI. Books concerning the said so-called Reformed religion shall be printed and sold publicly only in the cities and places where the public exercise of said religion is permitted ; and in regard to the other books, which shall be printed in other cities, they shall be seen and visited, as well by our officers as by theologians, as it is com- manded by our ordinances. We very expressly forbid the printing, publication, and sale of all books, libels, and defamatory writings, under the penalities contained in our ordinances, enjoining all our judges and officers to see to their execution. XXII. We order that there shall be no difference or distinction made with regard to said religion, in receiving scholars to be in- structed in the universities, colleges, and schools, as well as the sick and poor in the hospitals, lazarettos, and charitable institutions. XXIII. Those belonging to the so-called Reformed religion shall be bound to respect the laws of the Catholic Church, Aposto- lic and Roman, which are received in this our kingdom, in regard to marriages contracted, and to be contracted, within the degrees of consanguinity and affinity. XXIV. In like manner the members of the said religion shall pay the entrance fees, as is the custom, for the employments and offices with which they are provided, without being constrained to be present at any ceremonies contrary to their religion ; and when about to be sworn shall be bound only to raise the hand, swear, and promise God to tell the truth ; and may also dispense with the oath by them to be taken in passing contracts and obligations. XXV. We will and order that all members of the said so-called Reformed religion, and others who have followed their party, of whatever state, quality, or condition they may be, shall be bound \ 68 Huguenot Society of America The Edict of Nantes 69 and holden by all due and reasonable ways, and under the penalities contained in the edicts on these matters, to pay and discharge tithes to the curates and other ecclesiastics, and to all others to whom they may belong, according to local usage and custom. XXVI. No one of our subjects shall be disinherited or deprived of his property, either in the past or future, by will or otherwise, made only from hatred, or on account of religion. XXVII. In order that we may as far as possible reunite our subjects in friendly feelings, as is our wish, and to remove all com- plaints in future, we declare all those who have made, or shall make, a profession of the said so-called Reformed religion, capable of holding and exercising all employments, dignities, offices, and public employments of whatever kind, royal, seigneurial, or those of the cities, of this our kingdom, countries, lands, and manors under our authority, notwithstanding all oaths to the contrary, and [capable] of being admitted and received without distinction in them ; and our courts of parliament and other judges shall learn and inquire of the life, manners, and religion and chaste conversation of those who are or shall be candidates for office, as well of one religion as the other, taking of them no oath except to serve the king well and faithfully in the exercise of their employments, and to see that the ordinances are observed, as it has been done from all time. Should vacancies arise in these situations, emj)loyments, and offices, as regards the filling of them, this shall be done indifferently, and without distinction, from capable persons, as a matter that regards the union of our subjects. Let it also be admitted and understood that members of the so-called Reformed religion are to be admitted to, and received in, all councils, deliberations, assemblies, and func- tions, which depend on the above-mentioned things, and are not to be rejected on account of their religion, or prevented from enjoying them. XXVIII. We order, in regard to the interment of the dead of persons of the said religion, for all the cities and places of this kingdom, that there be promptly provided in each place, by our officers and magistrates, and by the commissioners we shall appoint for the execution of the present edict, a })lace as commodious as possible ; and the cemeteries hitherto held by them, and of which they have been deprived by the troubles, shall be returned to them ; but if they should be found to be occupied, at the present time, by edifices and buildings of whatever sort, they shall be provided with others gratuitously in their place. ? XXIX. We expressly command our officers to see to it, that at the said interments no scandal be committed ; and they shall be bound, within fifteen days after a requisition shall have been made, to provide the members of the said religion a place proper for said burial, without any delays, under penalty of a fine of five hundred crowns : and the said officers, as well as all others, are forbidden to exact anything for services to these dead bodies, under penalty of being punished for extortion. XXX. To the end that justice may be rendered and adminis- tered to our subjects, without any suspicion, hatred, or favor, as being one of the principal means of preserving them in peace and concord, we have ordered and do order, that in our court of parliament of Paris shall be established a chamber, composed of a president and sixteen councillors of said parliament, which shall be called and entitled the Chamber of the Edict, and shall have cog- nizance not only of causes and suits of persons of the so-called Reformed religion, who shall be within the jurisdiction of said court, but also of suits of our parliaments of Normandy and Brittany,' according to the jurisdiction which shall be given to it by this Edict, until such time as in each of the said parliaments there shall have been established a chamber to render justice in those places. We order, also, that of the four offices of councillors in our said parliament, remaining from the last appointments made by us, there shall be chosen and received into this parliament four of this so- called Reformed religion, competent and capable men, who shall be distributed thus : the first to the Chamber of the Edict, and the other three, as they shall be selected, to three of the Chambers of Incpiiry. And beside, the first two offices of lay councillors of said court, which shall become vacant by death, shall be filled by two persons of the said religion ; and these shall be distributed among the other two Chambers of Inquiry.' XXXI. Beside the chamber heretofore established at Castres, for the jurisdiction of our court of parliament of Toulouse, which shall be continued in the state in which it now is, we have, from the same considerations, ordered and do order, that in each of our courts of parliament of Grenoble and Bourdeaux shall be likewise established a chamber, composed of two presidents, the one a Catholic, and the other of the so-called Reformed religion, and of twelve councillors, of which six shall be Catholic, and the other six of the said religion ; whose Catholic presidents and councillors ' Anquez's text differs widely here. ■JO IIuLTUcnot Society of America shall be by us chosen and taken from the bodies of the said courts. And, as to those of the said religion, there shall be anew creation of a president and six councillors for the parliament of Bourdeaux, and of a president and three councillors for that of "Irenoble, which, with the three councillors of said religion, who are at present in said parliament, shall be employed in the said Cliamber of Dauphiny. And the said officers of new creation shall be entitled to the same salary, honors, authority, and pre-eminence as others of the said courts. And the said sitting of the said court of Bourdeaux shall be at the said Bourdeaux, or at Nerac ; and that of Dauphiny, at Grenoble. XXXII. The said Chamber of Dauphiny shall have cognizance of the suits of members of the said so-called Reformed religion, within the jurisdiction of our parliament of Provence, without the necessity of taking letters of appeal, nor other i)rovisions, except in our chancery of Dauphiny. vSn, also, persons of that religion in Normandy and Brittany shall not be compelled to take out letters of apj)eal, nor other provisions, except in our chancery of Paris. XXXIII. Our subjects of the same religion in the parliament of Bourgogne shall have the choice and option to plead in the chamber ordered at Paris, or in that of Dauphiny. And shall not be bound to take letters of appeal, nor other provisions than from the chanceries of Paris and Dauphiny, according to the choice they make. XXXIV. All the said chambers, composed as above, shall have jurisdiction, and give final judgment by decree, to the exclusion of all others, of suits begun and to be begun, in which persons of the said so-called Reformed religion shall be principal parties or securities, whether plaintiff or defendant, in all matters civil or criminal, whether the said suits be by writing or verbal summons. And this, if it seem good to the said parties, and one of them shall re([uire it before joining suit, as it regards causes yet to be com- menced : excepting, however, all matters respecting benefices and the possession of tithts not in fee, ecclesiastical advowsons, and suits which concern the rights and duties, or the domain of the Church, which shall all be treated and judged of in courts of parlia- ment, so tliat the said Chambers of the Edict shall not have juris- diction. So, also, we desire, as it regards the judging and deciding of criminal suits arising between the said ecclesiastics and persons of the said so-called Reformed religion, if the ecclesiastic be the defendant, in that case the jurisdiction and judgment shall belong to The Edict of Nantes 71 i) our sovereign courts, to the exclusion of the said chambers ; but if the ecclesiastic be plaintiff, and the defendant be of said religion, the jurisdiction and judgment shall belong by appeal, and as a last resort, to the said established chambers. Also, the said chambers in times of vacation shall take cognizance of matters attributed by the edicts and ordinances to chambers established in times of vacation, each in its own sphere. XXXV. The said Chamber of Grenoble shall be, at once, united and incorporated with the body of the said court of parliament, and the presidents and councillors of the said so-called Reformed religion shall be named presidents and councillors of the said court, and held to be of the same rank and number ; and, for these ends, they shall at first be distributed among the other chambers, then selected and drawn from them, to be employed and used in those that we order anew, with this understanding, however, that they shall sit with, and have a voice in, all the deliberations which the assembled chambers shall make, shall receive the same salary, authority, and pre-eminence as the other presidents and councillors of the said court. XXXVI. We will and intend that the said Chambers of Castres and Bourdeaux shall be reunited and incorporated with parliaments in the same manner as the others, when it shall be necessary, and when the causes which have moved us to establish them shall cease, and have no place among our subjects : the president and coun- cillors of them, of the said religion, shall, to these ends, be nominated for presidents and councillors of said courts. XXXVII. There shall also be created and erected anew, in the chamber ordered for the parliament of Bourdeaux, two substitutes for our procureur and advocate-general, of which the substitute for procureur shall be Catholic, and the other of the said religion, who shall be a])pointed to said offices at cash salaries.' XXXVI II. Nor shall the said substitutes have any other duties than as substitutes ; and when the chambers ordered for the parlia- ments of Toulouse and Bourdeaux shall be united and incorporated with the said parliaments, the said substitutes shall be appointed to the offices of councillors in them. XXXIX. The decisions of the Chancery of Bourdeaux shall be drafted in the presence of two councillors of this chamber, the one being a Catholic, and the other of the said so-called Reformed religion, in the absence of one of the masters of requests of our palace ; and one of the notaries and secretaries of the said court of ' Omitted in Anquez. 1 72 Huguenot Society of America parliament of Bourdeaux shall „,ake his residence at the place where the said chamber shall be established, or one of the ordinary secretaries of the chancery, to sign the decisions of the said chancery ,u \ T. '"" ^"'^ "'''" "'^^ '" '^^ ^^'^ Chamber of Bourdeaux there shall be two registry clerks to the said parliament, the one for c.vil and the other for criminal suits, who shall exercise those offices by commission from us. and shall be called clerks of the civil and cnmmal registry, and yet they shall not be deprived of office by the sa.d registers of parliament : however, thev shall be bound to render the emoluments of the said registries to the said registers, whose clerks sha I be paid by the said registers, as it shall be determined nli'Tr r,'' ''.' ''"^ '^'"''"''- '■'^•^'^^' ^''^^«- ^'^^■' ^^ ap- pointed Catholic ushers, who shall be taken from said court or elsewhere, according to our good pleasure, besides whom there shall be appointed, for the first time, two also of said religion, and ap- pomted gratuitously : and all the said ushers shall be regulated bv the said chamber, as well in regard to the exercise and discharge of 'their office, as the emoluments they ought to derive from it \ com- tn.ssion shall also be appointed for ,.aying the salaries and receiving he penalties of said chamber, to be appointed in such manner as shall p ease us, if the said chamber is established elsewhere than in said city ; arid the commission heretofore accorded for pavin.- the salaries o the chamber of Castres, shall take full and com;iete effect, and shall be joined to the said commission for the rece'p If penalities for the said chaml)er. XLI. Good and sufficient assignments shall be provided for the salaries of the officers of the chambers ordered by this edict ,h: i' . ,' P'"'^*-'"'^- ^""ncillors. and other Catholic officers of the sa.d chamber shall continue as long as possible, and as we shall see useful for our service, and for the good of our subjects ; and i 1„ of hem are to be retired, others shall be provided in their pa" their service, depart or absent themselves from said chambers -Uhout permission from the chambers, which shall judge on he causes of the ordinance. ^ XI.III The said chambers shall be established within six mon, s. during which ( if such establishment remains to be nlde^ rTp :.?:"• 'V \' ''■'""■ " """^'^ '"--^^""^ °^ "- ^-' - - . are paitie., within the jurisdiction of our parliaments of Paris Rouen. Dijon. and Rennes. shall be heard in the chamber establ s d at Pans, m virtue of the edict of r5". or at the Great Council, at 1 e The Edict of Nantes choice and option of persons of the said religion, if they require it • those ot the parliament of Bourdeaux in the chamber established at Castres, or at the aforesaid Great Council, at their choice, and those who shall be of Provence, at the parliament of Grenoble ; and If the said courts are not established within three months after the presentation of our Edict, such of our parliaments as shall have re- fused so to do, shall be interdicted from having jurisdiction and judging causes of persons of said religion. XLIV. Suits not yet decided, pending in the said courts of parliament and Great Council, of the quality aforesaid, shall be re- turned in whatever state they may be to the said chambers, each in Its own jurisdiction, if one of the parties of the said religion require It, within four months after the establishment of said courts • and as to those which shall be discontinued, and not in a state to judge the said persons of the said religion shall be bound to make a declar^ ation at the first intimation and signification which shall be made to then, of a prosecution, and the said time being passed, they shall not be allowed to demand a return. XLV. The said Chambers of Grenoble and Bourdeaux, as well as that of Castres, shall follow the forms and style of the parlia- ments, within whose jurisdiction they shall be established, and shall s.t in equal numbers of either religion, if the parties do not consent to the contrary. XLVI. All the judges whose duty it is to see to the execution of the judgments, commissions of said chambers, and letters obtained in the chanceries, with all bailiffs and sergeants, are bound to see to their execution, and the said bailiffs and sergeants shall serve their summons in all parts of our kingdom, without petition or writ of chancery, under penalty of suspension from office, and of charges stid parties"'' '"'""' °^ "'' ''"''" '"^"" cognizance belongs to the XLVII. No appeal shall be allowed where cognizance is given to said chambers, except in the case of ordinances, whose return shall be made to the nearest chamber established by our Edict, and the distributions of suits of said chambers shall be judged in the nearest observing the proportion and forms of said chambers, whose suits shall be prosecuted ,n course of law; excepting the Chamber of the t^dict in our parliament of Paris, where the separate suits shall be as- signed ,n the same chamber by judges, who shall be named by our special letters for that purpose, if the parties prefer to wait the re- organization of such chamber. And provided the same suit shall be 74 Huguenot Society of America returnable in all the mixed chambers, recourse may be had to the said chamber of Paris. XLVIII. The challenges that shall be made against the presi- dents and councillors of the mixed courts shall be limited to the number of six, to which number tlie parties shall be limited, other- wise no regard shall be made to these challenges. XLIX. The examination of presidents and councillors lately in- stituted for said mixed courts, shall be made in our privy council, or by the said courts, each in its own right, when they shall amount to a sufficient number ; nevertheless the usual oath shall be taken by them in the courts where the said chambers shall be established, and on their refusal, in our privy council, excepting the members of our Chamber of Languedoc, who shall take the oath before our chancel- lor, or in that chamber. L. ^Ve wish and order that the reception of our officers of the said religion be decided in the said mixed courts by plurality of voices, as is usual in other judgments, so that there may be no necessity that the opinions should surpass two thirds, according to the ordinance, which as it regards this matter is abrogated. LI. 'Hiere shall be made in the same mixed courts, propositions, deliberations, and resolutions, which ai)pertain to the public cjuiet and to the particular state and police of the cities in which the said courts shall be. LII. The article of jurisdiction of the said courts ordered by the present Edict shall be followed and observed, according to its form and tenor, even in what concerns the execution, or want of execu- tion, or infraction of our edicts, when those of the said religion shall be parties. LII I. The subaltern officers, royal or otherwise, whose admit- tance appertains to our courts of i)arliament, if they are of the said so-called Reformed religion, shall be examined and received in the said courts, viz. : Those in the jurisdiction of the parliaments of Paris, Normandy, and P.rittany, in the said Chamber of Paris ; those of Dauphiny and Provence, in the Chamber of Crenoble ; those of Purgundy, in the said Chamber of Paris, or of Dauphiny, at their choice ; those in the jurisdiction of Toulouse, in the Chamber of Castres ; and those of the parliament of Rourdeaux, in the Chamber of Guyenne ; but no others shall oppose their admittance and right to become parties except our procureurs- general, and their deputies. However, the usual oath shall be by them taken in the courts of parliament, v/hich shall have no cog- i The Edict of Nantes 75 nizance of their said admittance ; and on the refusal of the said parlia- ments, the said officers shall take the oath in the the said chambers ; which being taken, they shall be bound to present by a bailiff or notary the act of their admittance to the registers of the said courts of parliament, and to leave a collated copy with the said notaries ; on whom it is enjoined to register said acts, under pain of being liable for all charges, damages, and interests of the parties, and, in case the said register shall refuse to do so, it shall suffice for said officers to report the act of the said summation, sent by said bailiffs or notaries, and the same shall be registered in the registry of their said jurisdictions, that recourse may be had to it, if need be, under penalty of nullifying their procedures and judgments. And, in respect to the officers whose reception is usually made in our said parliaments, in case that those to whom it belongs shall refuse to pro- ceed to such examination and reception, the said officers shall with- draw from said chambers, to be provided for as it shall seem proi)er. LIV. The officers of the said so-called Reformed religion who shall be admitted as above, to serve in the bodies of our said courts of parliaments, great council, chambers of accounts, courts of aids, departments of the treasury, and other officers of finance, shall be examined and received in such places as is usual ; and in case of refusal or denial of justice, shall be admitted in our ])rivy council. LV. The reception of our officers, made in the chamber hereto- fore established at Castres, shall be deemed valid, notwithstanding all decrees and ordinances to the contrary. Also shall be valid the receptions of judges, councillors, assessors of subsidies, and other officers of the said religion, made in our privy council, or by com- missioners by us ordered, through the refusal of our courts of parlia- ment, courts of aids, and chambers of accounts, as if they had been made in such courts and chambers, and by the other judges to whom the reception belonged. And their salaries shall be allowed by the chambers of accounts, without question : and, if any have been erased, they shall be reinstated without other order than the present Edict, and without being obliged to show any other admittance, notwithstanding all decrees to the contrary, which shall remain null, and of none effect. LVL Lentil the means of meeting the expenses of justice of said courts shall be furnished by the moneys derived from penalties, a valid and sufficient assignment shall be provided by us to defray the expenses, provided that penalties shall not be levied again on the property of the condemned. 76 Huguenot Society of America LVII. The president and councillors of the said religion, here- tofore admitted to our court of the parliament of Dauphiny, and in \.\\^ Chamber of the Edict incorporated with it, shall continue, and have their sessions in the same ; that is to say, the presidents as they now do, and the councillors, according to the decrees and provis- ions that they have obtained in our privy council. LVIII. We declare that all sentences, decrees, procedures, seiz- ures, sales, and decrees made and given against persons of the so-called Reformed religion, living or dead, since the decree of the late King Henry the Second, our very honored lord and father-in- law, on account of said religious tumults and disturbances since arising, with the judgments and decrees, from the present time are revoked and annulled. We order that they shall be erased and taken from the registries of the courts, whether higher or inferior ; we will, also, that all marks, vestiges, and monuments of the said executions, libels, and defamatory acts against their persons, mem- ory and posterity, shall be defaced and destroyed ; and that the places in which demolitions and razements have been made on such occasion, shall be returned in such state as they are to the i)ro- prietors of the same, to enjoy and dispose of them as they please : and generally we have erased, annulled, and revoked, all procedures and informations made for whatever enterprise, pretended causes of high treason, etc. ; notwithstanding which procedures, decrees, and judgments concerning assemblies, incorporation, and confiscation, we will that the persons of said religion, and others who have followed their party, and their heirs, shall enter into possession, real and actual, of all and each of their property. LIX. All procedures made, judgments and decrees given, against persons of the said religion, who have borne arms, or have withdrawn from our kingdom, or within the same, into cities and districts held by them, as it respects all matters except those of religion and disturbances, together with limitations, legal as well as conventional and customary, and feudal seizures, forfeited during the said troubles, or legitimate impediments derived from them, and whose cognizance shall remain to our judges, shall be consid- ered as though they had not been made or given. And such we have declared and do declare them ; and the same shall be of no validity, so that no one can make use of them, but they shall be put back into the state they were in before, notwithstanding the said decrees and their execution. The same shall also hold with regard to others, who have followed the party of the said religion, or have The Edict of Nantes \ 77 been absent from our kingdom in the midst of the troubles. And, as it regards minors, children of those of the above-named quality, who have died during the troubles, we put the parties back into the same state they were in before, without refunding the charges, or being bound to return the fines, not meaning that the judgments given by the presidial judges, or other inferior judges, against those of the said religion, or who have followed their party, shall be null, if they have been given by judges in cities held by them, and which have been of free access to them. LX. The decrees given in our courts of parliament, in matters where jurisdiction belongs to the courts instituted by the Edict of the year 1577, and the articles of Nerac and Fleix, in w^hich courts the parties have not proceeded voluntarily, that is to say, have alleged and i)roposed official exceptions to the jurisdictions or which have been given by default or foreclosure, whether the matter be civil or criminal, notwithstanding which exceptions the said parties have been compelled to go on, shall, in like manner, be null and of no effect ; and with regard to decrees rendered against those of the said religion, who have proceeded voluntarily, without offering exceptions, said decrees shall remain in force. However, without l)rejudice to the execution of the same, they can, if it seems good, institute an examination by civil inquiry before the chambers ordered by the present Edict, and the time allowed by the ordinances shall not have passed to their prejudice, and until the said chamber and chanceries of the same shall be established, verbal or written sum- mons offered by persons of said religion before the judges, registers, or commissioners, executors of decrees and judgments, shall have like effect as if they had been released by royal letters. LXI. In all inquiries which shall be made for whatever cause in civil matters, if the examiner or commissioner is a Catholic, the par- ties shall be bound to choose an adjunct, and if they cannot agree on one, one shall be furnished by the said examiner or commis- sioner, who shall be of the said so-called Reformed religion ; and the practice shall be the same when the examiner or commissioner shall be of the said religion, an adjunct shall be chosen who shall be a Catholic. LXn. We will and order that our judges recognize the validity of wills, in which persons of -the said religion have an interest, if they require it : and the appeals from the said judgments can be made by persons of the said religion, notwithstanding all customs to the contrary, even those of Brittany. 7S Huguenot Society of America LXIII. In order to obviate all differences which might arise between our parliamentary courts and the chambers of said courts ordered by our present Edict, there shall be made by us a good and sufficient regulation between said courts and chambers, and such, that persons of the said religion shall have the full benefit of this Edict ; which regulation shall be verified in our courts of parliament, and guarded and observed without regard to precedents. LXIV. We inhibit and forbid all our sovereign courts, and others of this kingdom, from taking cognizance of and judging civil or criminal suits of persons of the said religion, whose jurisdiction is given by our edict to the said chambers, unless a reference be demanded by them, as is provided for them in the 40th article above. LXV. We desire also, be it now provisionally, and until it may be otherwise ordered, that in all suits begun and to be commenced, in which persons of the said religion shall be either plaintiffs or defendants, principals or sureties, in civil cases in which ourofticers and presidial courts have power to give final judgment, it shall be allowed them to demand that two members of the court, where the suit is to be tried, shall abstain from giving judgment, which with- out cause being given, they shall be bound to do notwithstanding the ordmanceby which the judges are not bound to comply with excei)tions without cause given, there remaining besides, this excep- tion of right against the rest : And in criminal cases, in which the said presidial and other judges give final judgment, those charged with crime being of the said religion, may demand that three of the said judges shall abstain from passing judgment on their case, with- out giving them reasons therefor. And the provosts of the marshals of France, vice-bailiffs, vice-seneschals, lieutenants of the short robe, and other officers of like quality, shall judge according to the ordinances and regulations heretofore given in regard to vagrants, and as to those being householders, accused of crime, to be tried in prevotal courts; if said persons are of said religion, they can demand that three of the said judges having jurisdiction, shall abstain from giving judgment in their suit, and they shall be bound to abstain, without cause given therefor, except there be in the num- ber to judge the matter, in civil cases, two judges, and in criminal three judges, who are members of said religion, in which case excep' tions shall not be taken without giving reasons therefor. And this shall be equally allowable to Catholics in the above-mentioned cases, regarding the said exceptions to judges, where members of the said so-called Reformed religion are in a majority. We do not The Edict of Nantes 79 intend, however, that the said presidial courts, provosts of marshals, vice-bailiffs, vice-seneschals, and others who give final judgment, shall, in consequence of what is now said, take cognizance of past disturbances ; and as to crimes and excesses arising from other causes than said troubles, since the commencement of the month of March, 1585, until the end of the year 1597, in cases where they have jurisdiction, we desire that there shall be an appeal from their judgments to the chambers ordered by this Edict, likewise for Catholic persons charged with crime, and when persons of the so- called Reformed religion shall be parties. LXVI. We also will and order that henceforth in all instructions other than in criminal suits, in the seneschalships of Toulouse, Car- cassonne, Rouergue, Laraguais, Beziers, Montpelier, and Nismes, that the magistrate or commissioner for said instruction, if he be a Catholic, shall be bound to take an adjunct who shall be of the said so-called Reformed religion, on whom the parties shail agree, and when they cannot agree, one of the said religion shall be selected for the office by the said magistrate or commissioner. So, in like manner, if the said magistrate or commissioner is of the said, religion, he shall be bound in the same form above spoken of to take a Catholic adjunct. LXVII. In case criminal process is is be served by the pro- vosts of marshals, or their lieutenants, on any one of the said religion, being a householder, who shall be accused of a prevotal crime, the said provosts, or their lieutenants, if they are Catholics, shall be bound to call in to the instruction of said process an adjunct of the said religion : which adjunct shall assist in the judgment of jurisdiction, and in the final judgment of said process: said jurisdic- tion shall be decided at the next sitting of the presidial court, in full bench of the principal officers of said court, who shall be present under penalty of having their proceedings declared null, except the accused demand that the jurisdiction be judged of in said chambers, ordained in the present Edict. In which case, in regard to those domiciled in the provinces of Guyenne, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiny, the deputies of our procureurs-general in the said chambers, shall, at their request, report the charges and ac- cusations made against them, in order to decide whether the cases are prevotal or not ; so that, according to the quality of the crimes, they shall be sent by said chambers for judgment to the ordinary or prevotal courts, as they shall see to be proper, by observing the contents of this Edict. And the presidial judges, 8o Huguenot Society of America provosts of marshals, vice-bailiffs, vice-seneschals, and others who give final sentence, shall be bound respectively to obey and fulfil the commands made by the said chambers, as they have been accustomed to do in the said parliaments, under penalty of being deprived of their offices. LXVIII. The proclamations, post-bills, and sales of inheritances in consequence of judgment, shall be made at the usual places and hours if possible, according to our ordinances, or in public markets, if in the places where the said inheritances are situated, there is a market, and when not, they shall be made at the nearest market to the court in which the matter is to be adjudicated, and the bills shall be posted in the most public places of said market, and also in the entrance to the session-house of said place, and by this means, the said proclamations shall be deemed good and valid, and not subject to arrest by the flaws which can be alleged against them. LXIX. All papers, titles, vouchers, and documents which have been taken, shall be returned and restored, by both parties, to those to whom they belong ; though said papers, or the castles and houses m which they were kept, have been taken and seized, whether by special commissions of the late King last deceased, our very honored lord and brother-in-law, or our own, or by the commands of the governors and lieutenant-generals of our provinces, or by authority of the chiefs of either party, or under any other pretext whatever. LXX. The children of those who have withdrawn from our kingdom since the death of the late King Henry the Second, our very honored lord and father-in-law, on account of religion and the troubles, though the said children have been born out of this king- dom, shall be considered as true Frenchmen and citizens ; and suc'h we declare them, so that they shall not be under the necessity of taking out letters of naturalization, or other provisions than our pres- ent edict; notwithstanding all ordinances to the contrary, which we have and do abrogate ; provided the said children born in foreign countries shall be bound, within ten years after the publication of the present edict, to take up their residence in this kingdom. LXXI. Those of the said so-called Reformed religion, and others who may have followed their party, who may have a lease, previous to the troubles, of registry-fees or other public property, tax, foreig.i imposts, and other rights to us appertaining, which they have been unable to enjoy the use of on account of the troubles, shall remain discharged, as we now discharge them, from payment of all thev may have received of said finances or that they have paid without fraud, The Edict of Nantes 8i same privileges, i,.:„unities. liberties and tnchise"'^ jurisdictions, and courts of justice as thev ' '""''"=' previous to the troubles .hicVt^ir.n'th ^h^frrT";/ and other preceding troubles, notwithstanding all letters to th'. trary and the transferences of some nf th. ,, """"^ places where they were originally '^ "'''"'^'^^'^ '" '^e cities and of ™'o r othl';:,se\7n^fr^^T''° "' ^''" '^'^ ^r -'•'ority 1«. or of said religion 'tirs"lbe'frT' °^ "'^°""' °' "^^ '-"''- LXXrv P„ ""'/"fy s"a" be freed and set at full liberty taxed ad bu'drdwilT" 1'-""°" ^"^" "°^ '^""f'- '^-ver- -re than tif CatXs Z T ^LtL^lnL""^^^ '''''-' and 'all our s c f ^l e IfoVo:: 7 •"" ^""''''^''°" ''^'-^^ ■ indifferently discharged "'::: ^ rS^' :hic: l^'T' .^^^" '' by the one party on the other during S'et o , ,1 ^ ru™''°'''^ sent ; with debts contracted h,„ ! '"^.tf°"''les, against their con- t..eir consent, withour tev 1 ^i '/^""^ ""''' ^'"'°"' ">tl. payment of said charges to' bl^tlaiLd^ "°"^^^ '""'''''' LXXV. U e do not mean, however, that those of th^ 'a ,• ::i:n\vrtiti:ie^-L^:r j^t ■^""- - " -- -° and who have co^t Hbut:', ^Ifa T^^p L^^ [Jth^"'' '^^"•■"^'^• taxes, aids, octrois, and other impositLs and subsidies STh' °' expired, imposed during the troubles previous and „; '" sion to the crown, whether bv edict- ^7 ^ ° °"'" ^""- , »vucujcr Dy eaicts and commands ni lo^o i-- our predecessors, or by the advice and deliberat orof th. ^"^' and estates of the provinces co-,rt= ^f .°"^"°" ^^ the governors which we have an'd d^dTcharg' h L'^brrrSdT' "T' '''"' treasurers of France and of nnr fi ^ forbidding the general ceivers, their commiLiTner anragn^TlITl"' ^"' 'r^' '^■ commissioners of our finance frnm \ -ntendants and ing them, directly or ^:::^;:z ::'^:!^r ''''''' - ^'^'-^■ LXXVI. All chiefs, lords, chevaliers, noblemen, officers, corpora- 82 Huguenot Society of America tions of cities and communities, and all others, who have aided and succored them, their widows, heirs, and successors, shall be quit of the payment of all moneys, which have been by them and their ordinances taken and levied, as well of royal moneys, whatever the amount as of cities and communities, and private individuals, rents, revenue's plate, sales of furniture, ecclesiastical or otherwise, forests of full growth, whether of public property or otherwise, fines, booty ransoms, or other kind of property, taken by them on account of the troubles begun in the month of March, 1585, and other troubles antedating our accession to the crown, though those who have been commissioned by them for the levy of the said moneys, or who have given or furnished them, by these ordinances shall be in no manner disturbed therefor, either now or hereafter, and shall be quit, both they and their commissioners, of all the management and adminis- tration of the said moneys, by bringing in, within four months after the publication of the present Edict, made in our court of parliament of Paris, their acquittances duly expedited by the chiefs of the said relii^ion, or by those who have been commissioned to audit and close the accounts, or by the commanders of the cities which have been commanded and charged during the said troubles. 1 ikewise thev shall be acipiittcd and discharged for all acts of hostility levy and conduct of troops, the fabrication and valuation of money made according to the ordinances of said chiefs, the casting and seizure of artillery and munitions, the making of powder and saltpetre, seizures, fortifications, dismantling and demolition of cities castles, towns, and villages, attacks upon the same, burning and destroying of churches and houses, establishment of courts judgments and executions of the same, whether of civil or criminal cases police and their regulation, travels and understandings negotiations, treaties, and contracts made with all princes and foreign communities, and the introduction of the said foreigners into cities and other places of our kingdom, and generally for all that has been done, undertaken, and negotiated during the said troubles, since the death of the late King Henry the Second, our very honored lord and father-in-law, by those of the said religion and others who have followed their party, though it may not be particularlv expressed and specified. I XXVII Persons of the said religion shall also be held harmless for^Ilf general and provincial assemblies l)y them made and held, as well at Mantes as at other places, up to the present time, together with councils by them established and ordered in the provinces, The Edict of Nantes 83 deliberations, ordinances, and regulations made at the said assem- blies and councils, establishment and augmentation of garrisons, assemblage of troops, levy on and taking possession of our prop' erty, whether in the hands of receivers-general or private persons, parish collectors or otherwise, in whatever manner soever, seizures of salt, continuation or erection anew of customs, tolls,' and the receipts from them, even at Royan, and upon the banks of the Charente, Garonne, the Rhone, and Dordogne, armaments and battles by sea, and all accidents and excesses happening, to derive funds from the said customs, tolls, and other moneys, fortifications of cities, castles, and places, exactions of money and labor, receipts of the said money, removal of our receivers and tax-collectors, and other officers, establishment of others in their place, and of all reviews, despatches, and negotiations made, as well within as with- out our kingdom, and generally of everything that has been done deliberated, written, and ordered by the said assemblies and coun- cils ; so that those who have given their advice, signed, executed caused to be signed and executed, the said ordinances, regulations' and deliberations, shall not be molested therefor, nor their widows,' heirs, and successors, now or hereafter, although the full particulars are not here fully declared. And especially shall perpetual silence be imposed on our procureurs-general and their substitutes, and on all those who are interested therein in what manner soeJer, not- withstanding all decrees, sentences, judgments, informations', and procedures made to the contrary. LXXVIII. We approve, besides, and render valid, and authorize the accounts, which have been heard and closed, and examined by the deputies of the said assembly ; we wish that these, with the acquit- tances and papers which have been returned to the accountants should be carried to our chamber of accounts at Paris, three months after the publication of the present edict, and placed in the hands of the procureur-general, to be delivered to the guardian of books and registers of our chamber, to be consulted whenever it shall be necessary, but the said accounts shall not be reviewed, nor those rendering them bound to any appearance or correction except in case of omission, or false acquittances ; imposing silence on our said procureur-general, with regard to the surplus which may be thought to be defective, and in regard to the formalities which may not have been observed ; forbidding our officers of account, as well at Pans as m the other provinces where they are established, from taking any cognizance thereof in any manner whatsoever. I 84 Huguenot Society of America The Edict of Nantes 85 LXXIX. And in regard to the accounts which have not been returned, we wish the same to be heard, closed, and examined by com- missioners, who shall be appointed by us, who shall without difficulty pass and allow the accounts paid by the said accountants, in virtue of ordinances of the said assembly, or others having power. LXXX. All collectors, receivers, farmers," and all others, shall be well'and duly discharged for all sums of money that they have paid to the said commissioners of the said assembly, of whatsoever nature, even until the last day of this month. We wish the whole to be passed and allowed in the accounts which shall be rendered at our chamber of accounts, purely and simply, in virtue of the quittances which shall be brought in ; and if any shall be brought in hereafter, they shall continue null, and those who accept or pass them shall be fined for false use ; and if there should be any accounts already rendered, on which are found any erasures or changes, we have and do establish said papers entirely in virtue of these presents, so that there will be no necessity of particular letters, nor anything else, except an extract from the present article. LXXXI. Governors, captains, consuls, and persons commissioned to recover property, to pay the garrisons of places held by the party of the said religion, whom our receivers and parish collectors may have supplied by loan upon their notes of hand and obligations, whether through constraint, or in obedience to the commands of the treasurers-general, with moneys required for the support of said garrisons until their regulation by the State allowance which we caused to be granted in the year 1596. and the augmentation, since granted by us, shall be held acquitted and discharged by us of all payments made for the above purpose, although no express mention thereof is made in the said notes and obligations, the same shall be returned as null. And to make the matter satisfactory, our treasurers-general in each district shall furnish by the special receivers their cpiittances to the said collectors ; and by the re- ceivers-general their cpiittances to the special receivers. For the discharge of the said receivers-general, there shall be sums of which they shall keep account, as is directed, indorsed on the orders levied by the royal treasurer, under the authority of the treasurers-general extraordinary of our wars, for the payment of the said garrisons ; and where the said charges shall not amount to so much as our said allowance granted in the year 1596, and the said augmenta- tion, we order, that it may be supplied, that new orders shall be granted ' /. ^., of the revenue. t r for what may be necessary for the discharge of those who are re- sponsible, and the restitution of the said promises and obligations, so that there shall be no demand for the future on those who have made them ; and that all writings necessary to render legal the dis- charge of those responsible, shall be granted, in virtue of the present article. LXXXII. Also, the persons of the said religion shall depart and desist from all practices, negotiations, and intelligences, as well with- in, as without our kingdom ; and the said assemblies and councils, established in the provinces, shall separate promptly, and all leagues and associations made, and to be made, under whatsoever pretext, to the prejudice of our present Edict, shall be broken and annulled, as we now break and annul them ; forbidding, very expressly, our subjects from making without our permission hereafter any assessments and levies of moneys, fortifications, enrolments of men, congregations, and assemblies, other than those permitted by our present Edict, and without arms : which we now prohibit and forbid, under pain of being rigorously punished, as contemners and infractors of our commands and ordinances. LXXXIII. All captures made at sea during the troubles, in virtue of permission and consent given, and such as have been made by land from those of the contrary party, and which have been approved of by judges and commissioners of the admiralty, or by the leaders of the party of the said religion or their council, shall remain undisturbed, under the benefit of our present Edict, so that there shall be no prosecution ; nor shall the captains, and others who have made the said prizes, their sureties, and the said judges, officers, their widows and heirs, be disturbed or molested in any manner whatever, notwithstanding all decrees of our privy council, and parliaments ; and all letters of marque, and seizures pending and not decided, we wish to have fully and entirely replevied. LXXXIV. Nor shall persons of the said religion be disturbed in like manner for the opposition and impediment they may have made heretofore, even since the troubles, to the execution of the decrees and judgments given for the re-establishment of the Catholic religion. Apostolic and Roman, in divers places of this kingdom. LXXXV. And, as it regards whatever has been done or taken during the troubles beyond the regular course of hostilities, or by hostilities contrary to the public or private regulations of the leaders, or of corporations of the provinces which have power, the same may be prosecuted by the ordinary course of justice. I 86 Huj^uenot Society of America T. XXXVI. Nevertheless, if what was done by both parties con- trary to the regulations, were, without any difference, excepted and reserved from the general amnesty contained in our present edict, and were liable to (inquiry) prosecution, every soldier could be prosecuted ; in consequence of which a renewal of disturbance could happen. On that account, we will and order that only the extreme cases shall be exempt from the said abolition : as ravishing and rapes of women and girls, burnings, murders, and robberies made by treachery and ambuscade, out of the course of hostility, and to satisfy private vengeance, contrary to the rights of war, infractions of passports, and safeguards, with murder and pillage without com- mand, in regard to those of the said religion and others, who have followed the party of the chiefs who had authority over them, founded on particular occasions, which have led them to command and order the above. LXXXVII. We also order that punishment shall be made for crimes and offences committed between persons of the same party, if the said acts are not ordered by the leaders of either party, from the necessity, law, and order of war. And the levying and exacting of money, licenses to carry arms, and other exploits of war made by private authority, and without permission, shall be subject to the usual course of justice. LXXXVllI. In the cities dismantled during the troubles, the ruins and injuries of the same may, by our permission, be re-edified and rei)aired by the inhabitants, at their cost and expense, and the provisions made heretofore in regard to this matter, shall hold in this case. LXXXIX. We order, will, and it pleases us, that all lords, chevaliers, noblemen, and others, of whatever quality and condition, of the said so-called Reformed religion, and others who have fol- lowed their party, shall enter upon, and be effectually guarded in, the enjoyment of all and each of their possessions, rights, names, considerations, and actions, notwithstanding the judgments ren- dered against them during the troubles, and on account of them, which decrees, seizures, and judgments, we to that end have, and do declare null and void, and of no force and effect. XC. The acquisitions that those of the said so-called Reformed religion, and others who have followed their party, have made, by the authority of others than the late Kings our predecessors, from the lands or houses belonging to the Church, shall have no force The Edict of Nantes 87 and effect : but we order, will, and it is pleasing to us, that the ecclesiastics shall recover directly, and without delay, and be pro- tected in, the possession and enjoyment, real and actual, of the said properties thus alienated, without being bound to return the price of said sales, and that, notwithstanding the said contracts of sale, which for that purpose we have annulled and revoked : nor shall the said purchasers have any claim on the chiefs, by whose authority the said sales have been made. Nevertheless, for the reimburse- ment of the money, by them truly and faithfully paid out, letters patent of permission shall be granted to persons of the said religion, to impose and equalize on themselves the sums to which said sales have amounted, but the said purchasers shall bring no action for damages to, and interest upon, that of which they have been deprived, but shall content themselves with the reimbursement of moneys by them furnished for the purchase of such acquisitions ; deducting therefrom the worth of the revenues by them received^ in case the said sale shall be found to have been made at a low and unjust price. XCI. And in order that our justices, officers, as well as others our subjects, may clearly and with all certitude be informed of our will and intention, and, in order to take away all ambiguities and doubts which might arise by means of preceding edicts, from their diversity, we have and do declare all other preceding edicts, secret articles, letters, declarations, modifications, restrictions, interpreta- tions, decrees and registers, secret deliberations, or otherwise, here- tofore by us or our predecessors made in our courts of parliament or otherwise, concerning the said religion, and the troubles arising in our kingdom, to be null and of no effect; which, and the derogatory clauses therein contained, we have, by this our Edict, derogated, and do derogate them, and from the present time do destroy, revoke and annul them ; declaring expressly, that we wish this our edict to be firm and inviolable, guarded and observed, as well by our judges, ofticers, as others our subjects, without its being impeded, or any regard being had to anything to the contrary, or derogatory thereto. XCII. And for the greater assurance of its preservation and observance, we will, order, and it pleases us, that all the governors and lieutenants-general of our provinces, bailiffs, seneschals, and ordinary judges of cities of our kingdom, shall, directly after the reception of this edict, swear to guard and observe it each in his own jurisdiction, as well as the mayors, sheriffs, capitouls,' consuls, ^ Municipal officers, as at Toulouse.— Ed. 88 Huguenot Society of America The Edict of Nantes 89 and aldermen of cities, annual or perpetual. We enjoin it also on our bailiffs, seneschals, or their lieutenants, and other judges, to have the principal inhabitants of the said cities, as well of one as the other religion, swear to support the present Edict, immediately after the publication of the same. Placing all those of the said cities under our protection and safeguard, and the one under the protection of the other, charging them resi)ectively, and by public acts, to respond by the ordinary courts to infractions which may be made to this our Edict, in the said cities, by the inhabitants of the same, or to represent and })lace the matter in the hands of justice. We command our true and liege people holding our courts of par- liament, chambers of accounts, and courts of aids, bailiffs, sene- schals, provosts, and other court officers upon whom the duty may devolve, and their deputies, that directly after the reception of the present Edict, they shall, all things ceasing, under pain of rendering their other acts null, take the same oath as above, and cause this our said Edict to be registered and published in our courts, ac- cording to the form and tenor thereof, purely and simply, without using any modificaiions, restrictions, declarations, and secret regis- tries, nor wait for any other order or command from us ; and we order our procureurs-general to require and forward without delay the said publication. Given at Nantes, in the month of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and ninetv-ei^ht ; and of our reie:n the ninth. Signed, Henry ; and beneath, " by the King, being in his council," Forget. And sealed with the great seal of green wax, upon a ground of red and green silk. Read, published, and registered, etc. Signed, VOYSIN. 2. BREVET AND >ECRET ARTICLES Private articles extracted from the general, which the King has accorded to those of the so-called reformed religion, and which His Majesty has not wished to be included in the general edicts, or in the edict which was made and drawn up, based on the general edicts, and given at Nantes in the month of April last ; nevertheless, his aforesaid Majesty has accorded that they shall be entirely ac- complished and observed just like those contained in the afore- mentioned Edict. And to this effect they shall be registered in his courts of parliament, and elsewhere where need shall be ; and all \ ' declarations, provisions, and letters necessary thereto shall be expedited. I. Brevet. On this the thirteenth day of April, 1598, the King being at Nantes, and wishing to gratify his subjects of the said so-called Reformed religion, and in order to aid them in meeting some heavy expenses they have to bear, has ordered and does order for the future, beginning with the first day of the present month, that there shall be placed in the hands of Monsieur de Vierse, commissioned by His Majesty for that purpose, by the royal treasurers, each in its year, rescriptions for the sum of 45,000 crowns, to be employed in certain secret affairs which concern them, which His Majesty does not wish to have speci- fied or declared, which sum of 45,000 crowns shall be assigned on the general receipts which follow, to wit : Paris, six thou- sand crowns ; Rouen, six thousand crowns ; Caen, three thousand crowns ; Orleans, four thousand crowns ; Tours, four thousand crowns ; Poitiers, eight thousand crowns ; Limoges, six thousand crowns ; Bourdeaux, eight thousand crowns ; the whole amounting to the said sum of 45,000 crowns ; payable in the four quarters of the said year, in the first and most clear moneys of the said general receipts, without there being anything deducted therefrom on account of any deficiency of the tax or otherwise. For this sum of 45,000 crowns, a receipt of ready money shall be given, which shall be placed in the hands of our treasurer to serve as an acquittance for him, in giving the said entire rescriptions for the said sum of 45,000 crowns, upon the said communities, at the begin- ning of each year. And if for the convenience of the above-men- tioned places, a part of the said assignations should be required to be paid to private receivers who have been appointed, the treasurers- general of France and the receivers-general of said communities are ordered to do it, by drawing the said rescriptions from the said royal treasurers. These rescriptions shall then be delivered by the said Sieur de Vierse to those who shall be named to him by those of the said religion, at the beginning of the year, to receive and pay out the moneys which are to be received in virtue of the rescriptions, of which they shall be bound to report to the said Sieur de Vierse, at the end of the year, a true statement, with the quittances of the parties taking, that His Majesty may be informed of the use of said moneys : but neither the said Sieur de Vierse nor those commis- sioned by those of the said religion shall be bound to render an account in any chamber. For this, and all that depends on it, His 90 Hu^ruenot Society of America The Edict of Nantes 91 Majesty has ordered all letters and despatches necessary to be granted, in virtue of this present brevet, that he has signed with his own hand, and countersigned by his councillor, in his council of state, and his secretary of commands. Signed, Henry, and still lower, De Neufville. 2. Secret Articles. A.— On this last day of April, 159S, the King being at Nantes, wishing to give all the contentment possible to his subjects of the so-called Reformed religion, with regard to the demands and requests which have been made to him on their part, as to what they think to be necessary, as well for the liberty of their consciences, as for the safety of their persons, fortunes, and properties, and from the assurance he has of their fidelity and sin- cere affection to his service, with many other considerations import- ant for the good and repose of the state ; His Majesty, in addition to what is contained in said Edict that he has lately resolved on, and which will be published for the regulation of what concerns them, has granted and promised to them that all the places, cities, and castles, held by them up to the end of the month of August last, in which there are garrisons, by the order which shall be drawn up and signed by His Majesty, shall remain in their keeping under the authority of, and in obedience to, his said Majesty for the space of eight years, reckoning from the day of the publication of said edict : and in regard to others held by them, in the which there are no garrisons, there shall be neither alteration nor innovation. His Majesty does not mean, however, that the cities and castles of Ven- dome and Pontorson shall be comprised in the number of the said places left in the care of those of the said religion. Nor does he intend that the city, castle, and citadel of Aubenas be compre- hended in the safd number ; of which he desires to dispose at his will, except it be now in the hands of one of the said religion ; this makes it necessary that it should be bestowed on a person of the said religion, like other cities which have been given them. And as to Chauvigny, it shall be restored to the Bishop of Poitiers, lord of the said place, and the new fortifications made there shall be razed and demolished. And as to the provisioning of the garrisons which are to be kept in said cities, places, and castles, his said M ajesty grants a sum of 180,000 crowns therefor, without including those of the prov- ince of Dauphiny, which shall be provided from other sources than the said sum of 180,000 crowns in each year : he promises to give orders good and valid, upon the most certain revenues, where the said garrisons shall be formed. And where the said sums are insuf- ficient, and there is not in the same enough funds, the surplus shall be furnished from the nearest revenues thereto, but the moneys shall not be diverted from the said revenues, until the said sum has been entirely furnished and paid out. In addition, His Majesty promises and agrees, that whenever the state of the said garrisons is to be altered, members of the said religion shall be called in, to take their advice and to hear their remonstrances, to the end that such orders shall be given as shall be the most satisfactory to them. And if during the time of the said eight years, there shall be occasion to make any change in regard to the matter, whether the change is sought for by His Majesty, or through their requisition, the same course will be pursued, as though the matter came up for the first time. As to the garrisons of Dauphiny, His Majesty, in preparing their state, will take counsel of the Sieur de Lesdiguieres. And in case of vacancies in the positions of governors or captains of the said places, His Majesty wills and agrees that such vacancies shall be filled by persons of the said religion, properly attested by the conferences to which they belong, as being members of the said religion and persons of standing. He will be satisfied, however if the person who is to be the candidate by the brevet, which is to be granted, shall be bound, previous to obtaining the situation, to bring the attestation of the conference to which he belongs, which the said conference shall be bound to give him promptly, and without any delay, or in case of refusal, shall present to his said Majesty the causes of the delay. And the said term of eight years being passed. His Majesty shall be quit of his promise in reference to said cities, and they obliged to give them over to him : however, he promises and agrees, that if in the said cities he continue, after that time, to have garrisons or a governor in command over 'them, that he will not dispossess the person in command, in order to give the place to another. So, in like manner, he declares his intention, as well during the said eight years as thereafter, to gratify those of the said religion, and to give them a share of the offices, govern- ments, and other honors, to be distributed, and to dispense them impartially and without exception according to the quality and merit of the persons, as well as to his other Catholic subjects ; with the exception that the cities and places, which shall hereafter be placed under their charge, other than those at present in their hands, may not for that reason be hereafter well affected to the party of the said religion. And further, his said Majesty grants that such persons as have been selected by the party of the said n 92 Huguenot Society of America religion to guard the magazines, munitions, powder, and cannon of said cities, or such as shall be appointed to guard them shall be continued in such charges, by taking commissions from the Grand Master of Artillery and Commissary-Cxeneral. Which letters shall be given them gratuitously, placing m their hands, signed m good and due form, a regular statement of the said magazmes, munitions, powder, and cannon, but they shall not on account of said commis- sions, claim any immunities or privileges. And inasmuch as the members of said religion have implored His Majesty to give a clear understanding of what he has been pleased to ordain in regard to the exercise of said religion m the city of Metz, as it is not clearly expressed in his Edict and secret articles His Majesty declares that he has granted letters patent, m which it is ordered • That the temple ' hitherto built in the said city by the inhabitants of the same shall be restored to them, in order that they may carry away the materials, or otherwise dispose of them as they shall think best ; but there shall be no preaching or other exercise of the said religion therein ; yet nevertheless a proper place shall be furnished within the walls of the city, where they can have public religious services, without having it expressly ordered by this edict His Majestv also agrees, that notwithstanding the pro- hibition of the said religion at the court and its suite, the dukes, peers of France, officers of the crown, marciuises, counts, governors and lieutenants-general, field-marshals, and captains of the guard of his said Majesty, who shall be of his suite, shall be unmolested for what is done in their houses, provided it be done in their family privately with closed doors, and without loud singing, or the doing of anything to make known that the exercise of the said religion is going on ; and if his said Majesty shall remain more than three days in the cities and places where the said exercise is allowed, the said exercise after the expiration of the said time shall be contmued as before his arrival. His Majesty declares that in the present posture of his affairs, he is unable to comprehend his countries beyond the mountains, Brest and Barcelona, in the permission by him granted for the exercise of the said so-called Reformed religion. His Majesty promises, however, that when the said countries are re- duced to his authority, his subjects in the same, as it regards religion, and other points granted by his Edict, shall be placed upon the same 1 The houses of worship of Protestants in France are commonly called temples, the word church being applied to the Roman Catholic— Ed. The Edict of Nantes 93 footing as his other subjects, notwithstanding what is ordered by said Edict, and meanwhile that they shall be maintained in the same state as at present. His Majesty allows that those persons of the said so-called Reformed religion, who shall be chosen for the offices of presidents and councillors, created to serve in the cham- bers ordered anew by this edict, shall take the said offices without fee, for the first time, upon the statement which shall be presented to His Majesty by the deputies of the Assembly of Chatelleraut ; and also the substitutes of our attorneys-general, created by the same edict in the chamber of Bourdeaux, and until the incorporation of the said chamber of Bourdeaux, and of that of Toulouse with the said parliaments, the said substitutes shall be provided with the offices of councillors in the same, also gratuitously. His Majesty in- vests the honorable Francis Pithou with the office of substitute of the attorney-general in the court of parliament of Paris ; and for these ends a new establishment of the office shall be made ; and on the death of the said Pithou, a successor to him shall be appointed of the said religion. And in case of vacancy by death of the two offices of masters of requests of the royal palace, the first vacancies shall be filled by His Majesty from persons of the said religion, whom His Majesty shall see to be proper and capable for the good of the state, and at the expense of the Board of Escheats. Nevertheless, it shall be ordered that in each quarter there shall be two masters of requests, whose duty it shall be to report the petitions of persons of the said religion. Besides, His Majesty permits the deputies of the said religion assembled in the said city of Chatelleraut, to remain together to the number of ten in the city of Saumur to see to the execution of his said Edict, until it shall be verified in his court of parliament of Paris, notwithstanding they are commanded by the said Edict to separate promptly ; however, they shall not in the name of the said assembly make any new demands, nor meddle except with solicitations concerning the said execution, deputation, and in- troduction of the commissioners, who shall be ordered for that pur- pose. And for all the above, His Majesty gives his faith and word by the present brevet, which he has signed with his own hand, and had countersigned by us, his secretaries of state, willing that' this brevet should have the same value and effect as if its contents were comprised in an edict verified in his courts of parliament : Those of the said religion being content, for the good of his service and the state of his affairs, not to urge that this ordinance be put in a form more authentic, bestowing this confidence on the word and goodness 94 Hu "■''"« 'he in,...d,ren con t.nues. Secondly, as to the government of Picardy. there shallTe provded but two cities, in the suburbs of which th ,er ons of the s .d rel,g,on can exercise the same for all the bailiwicks seneschal deemed ^"^^""^"'^ ^^'^-'^ ^^P-^ on it ; and if it ha "not be deemed proper to establish it in the said cities, two burX or v.llages convenient therefor shall be allowed them ThSlv on TV ,u '^"Otlier for the island of Oleron. the said r^Jir'T '""'"' '^ "" ''^J^^'>- '"' "^« ^--i^e of ne said l,g on ,n the cty of Metz shall have their full effect ■ HereVh^A ^'"'' ""'" "' '"'^"'^ ''''' ^^''^'^ XXVII. of his as place. wte^eTe^KlCrrdi '''°"^""^-''^.^"^' ''^''' '"' ^''-X-'e-Fran,ois, uic Keiormed rehgion was permitted.— Ed. 4 96 Huguenot Society of America Edict, touching the admission of persons of the said so-called Reformed religion to offices and dignities, should be observed and followed according to its form and tenor, notwithstanding the edicts and agreements hitherto made for the return of some princes, lords, gentlemen, and Catholic cities to his obedience, which shall not hold to the prejudice of persons of said religion, as it regards the exercise of the same. And the said exercise shall be regulated according to, and as it is commanded by, the articles which follow, in accordance with which shall be drawn up the instructions of the commissioners whom His Majesty shall deputize for the execution of said edict, as it is directed therein. XI. By the edict made by His Majesty to win over the Duke of Guise, the exercise of the said so-called Reformed religion shall be neither made nor established in the cities and suburbs of Rheims, Rocroy, St. Dizier, Guise, Joinville, Fismes, and Moncornet-in- Ardennes. XII. Nor shall the exercise thereof be allowed in other places in the environs of said cities and places forbidden by the edict of the year 1577. XIII. And in order to remove all ambiguity, which might arise in regard to the expression '' inthc environs,'' His Majesty declares that he means such places as are within the banlieue * of said cities, within which places the exercise of the said religion shall not be established, unless permitted by the edict of 1577. XIV. And inasmuch as the said exercise was generally permitted in fiefs held by persons of the said religion, without excepting the aforesaid banlieue, His Majesty declares that the same permission shall be allowed even in fiefs which are situated within the precincts above spoken of, if held by persons of the said religion, as is allowed by the Edict of Nantes. XV. By the edict made to win back the Lord Marshal de la Chatre, in each of the bailiwicks of Orleans and Bourges there shall be allowed but one place for the exercise of the said religion, which, however, may be continued in places where it is permitted to continue by the Edict of Nantes. XVI. The concession to preach in fiefs shall likewise hold in the said bailiwicks, in the form allowed by the Edict of Nantes. XVII. The edict granted for the winning back of the Lord Marshal de Bois Dauphin shall likewise be observed, and the » Ground beyond the walls or fortifications of a city or town, but within the jurisdiction of the same. — Ed. / The Edict of Nantes 97 worship of the said religion shall not be allowed in the cities suburbs, and places brought back by him to the service of Hii Majesty ; and as to the environs or banlieue of the same, the edict of 77 shall be observed, even in houses of fiefs, as ordered by the Edict of Nantes. ' XVIIL There shall be no exercise of the said religion in the to tTl "' f'"' °' ''°^'"''' ""°^'^'"g '° 'he edict issued witriTth". ; T ."''^ '"' '""^ '"'"' °^ '77 ^•^^" t'e observed w.th,n the hm.ts of the same, even of fiefs, as ordered by the Edict of Nantes. ^ ^^uici XIX. In consequence of the edict for the subjugation of Quin- per-Corant,n, there shall be no exercise of the said religion in the entire bishopric of Cornouaille. XX. Also according to the edict m^t^t- fr^r- fU^ u- •D • .1 . '^ cuicr maae tor the subjugation of B auva.s. the exercse of the said religion shall not be alliwed in the sa,d cty of Beauva,s, nor within three leagues around it ; however .t may be performed and allowed without the limits of the bailiwick' .n places permuted by the edict of '77, even in fiefs, as ordered by the said Edict of Nantes. ■' I ^A\A^^^ inasmuch as the edict made to win back the late Lord Admiral de Villiers is only provisional, and only unt 1 Z K ng Shan otherwise order, His Majesty wills and order , that not withstanding the same, his Edict of Nantes shall be obser;ed within the cities and provinces brought back to obedience to His Maies y by the Lord Admiral, as in other places in our kingdom. ' ' the I orH ^" "°"^^''"^"" '^f 'he edict made for the subjection of iotb n . • •^\J°>:^"=^' 'he exercise of the said religion shall nm be allowed ,n the city of Toulouse, the suburbs of the 5ame. and within four leagues around it. nearer than the cities of Villemur Carmain, and Isle en Jourdan. "cmur, XXIII. i\or shall it be allowed in the cities of Alet Fiac Auriac, and Montesquieu, provided, however, that if there Ire any' persons m the said cities who shall desire a place for the exercTse of the same, a place proper, and of sure access, and not farther off than a league from the said cities, shall be assigned them by the commissioners whom His Majesty shall appoint for the execution ol his edict, or by the officers of the places. XXIV The said worship shall be established, so and as it is ordered by the said Edict of Nantes, within the juHsdiction "f h court of parliament of Toulouse, excepting, however, the bailiwick, seneschalships, and their jurisdictions, which have been brlugh; 98 Huguenot Society of America into obedience to the King by the said Lord Duke de Joyeuse in which places the edict of '77 shall be in force : however, His Majesty means that the said exercise may be continued in the places of the said bailiwicks and seneschalships where it was al- lowed at the time of the said subjugation, and that the allowance of the same in the houses of fiefs, shall be allowed in the said baili- wicks and seneschalships, as is stated in said edict. XXV The edict made for the subjugation of the city of Dijon, shall be observed ; and according to it, no other exercise of religion but that of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman shall be allowed in the said city, and in the suburbs of the same, nor within four leagues around. . r^ 1 t XXVI The edict made for the subjugation of the Lord Duke ot Mayence, shall in like manner be observed, according to which there shall be no exercise of the said so-called Reformed religion in the city of Chalons, and within two leagues of the environs of Soissons, for the space of six years, beginning with the month of January, ,596 ; after the lapse of said time the Edict of Nantes shall be ob- served there as in other places in the kingdom. XXVI I Persons of the said religion are allowed, of whatsoever quality they may be, to live in, go to, and return from, the city of Lyons and other cities and places under the jurisdiction of Lyons, notwithstanding all prohibitions made to the contrary by the syndics and aldermen of the said city of Lyons, and confirmed by His Majesty. . XXVIII But one bailiwick shall be allowed for the exercise of said religion in the entire seneschalsliip of Poitiers, except those in which it is at present established ; and as to the fiefs, the Edict of Nantes shall be followed. Tlie exercise of said religion shall be continued also in the city of Chauvigny : and the said exercise shall not be established again in the cities of Agen and Pengueux. although that were possible by the edict of '77. XXIX But two bailiwicks shall be allowed for the exercise of the said religion in the entire jurisdiction of Picardy, as has been said above, and the said two places shall not be given witlun the bounds of the bailiwicks and governments reserved by the edict made for the subjugation of Amiens, Peronne, and Abbeville. However, the said exercise of said religion is allowed in the houses of fiefs, throughout the entire government of Picardy, as ordered by the Edict of Nantes. XXX. No exercise of the said religion shall be allowed in the The Edict of Nantes 99 city and suburbs of Sens, and but one place of worship shall be allowed within the limits of the bailiwick, without prejudice how- ever, to the permission granted to houses of fiefs, which shall stand according to the Edict of Nantes. XXXL Nor in like manner shall there be any exercise of said religion in the city and suburbs of Nantes, and no place for the said exercise shall be allowed within three leagues of said city except ing, however, the houses of fiefs, according to the Edict of' Nantes XXXII. His Majesty wishes and intends that his Edict of Nantes shall be observed from this time forward, in all that concerns the exercise of the said religion in places where, by edicts and agree- ments for the winning back of some princes, lords, noblemen,\nd Catholic cities, it has been prohibited provisionally only, and until otherwise ordered ; and to such as have a limited prohibition the limit being passed, the prohibition shall cease. XXXIII. One place for the city of Paris shall be granted to the party of the said religion, within five leagues, at the most, from said city, in which they may perform a public exercise of the same • ^u^^T , ^" ^" P'""' ^^^'^ ""^ P"''"'^ «^""se of said religion IS a lowed, the people may assemble even by the sound of bells and perform all acts and functions appertaining, as well to the religious exercises of the said religion, as to its regulation and discipline such as holding consistories, conferences, and provincial and nationa synods, by permission of His Majesty. n^^^^' 7^^ ™'"i^'e«' elders, and deacons of said religion, shall not be constrained to answer in the courts, as witnesses, for things which shall have been revealed in their consistories, whenever the tnatter relates to censure, unless the matter relates to the person of tiie King or the preservation of the State. ^'^XVI. It shall be allowed those of the said religion, who live .n the country, to attend worship in cities and suburbs, and in other places, where it shall be publicly established exc^enM!"'v ^^''Tf ""' '"''^ ''"sion shall have no public schools, except in cities and places where the public exercise of their wor- ship IS allowed : and the provisions which have been heretofore whe"n H, ";'''°" ""^ '"PP°" °f ^°"^ees, shall be confirmed VVYvmt' "'"^' '"*^ '*''" ^'^''^ '^^" f"" «"d entire effect allo>«.d 1 ^/""u" "'^'''"^ ^ profession of said religion, shall be them and T"'' ''"'^'" "'"^ "'^'^ '"^'^^^ ^^ =««"> best to dec lain ° ''^°'"';"' °' '"'"''"' "" ^"'^"'^"'' '=°dicil, or other declaration passed before notaries, or written and signed with their I ♦ lOO Huguenot Society of America The Edict of Nantes hands ; provided the laws received in this kingdom, local ordinances, and customs, are not infringed in regard to the bequests to, and provisions for. tutors and curators. XXXIX. In regard to the marriages of priests and nuns, which have been heretofore contracted, his said Majesty neither wills nor in- tends for many good reasons, that they shall be disturbed or molested, and our procureurs-general shall be silent with regard to such cases[ as well as other officers. His said Majesty declares moreover, that he intends that the children issuing from such marriages shall succeed only to the personal property, houses, and lands, the joint properties acquired by their fathers and mothers, and in default of said chil- dren, the nearest relatives shall succeed : and the wills, donations, and other dispositions made or to be made by persons of the said quality of the said properties, personal, as well as the said joint acquisitions, are declared to be good and valid. However. His Majesty does not wish that the said professed priests and nuns'shall come to any succession, direct or collateral ; but only to take the properties, which have been, or shall be, left them by will, donations, or other dispositions, except, however, those of the said successions,' direct and collateral : and in regard to those who mav have made a profession before the age prescribed by the ordinances of Orleans and Blois, the tenor of the said ordinances, each for the time they refer to, shall be followed and observed in regard to the said successions. XL. His said Majesty does not wish that the members of the said religion, who have heretofore contracted or shall hereafter contract marriages within the third or fourth degree, shall be molested, nor the validity of such marriages called in ciuestion ; nor shall the right of inheritance of children, already, or to be, born of such marriages, be taken away or disputed : and as to marriages which have been already contracted in the second degree, or from the second to the third, among persons of the said religion, seeking re- dress from his said Majesty, persons who are of such quality^'and have contracted marriage in such degree, shall be allowed ' such provisions as shall be necessary for them, to the end that they may not be disturbed or molested, nor the succession disputed or debated with their children. XLI. In order to judge of the validity of marriages made and contracted by persons of the said religion, and to decide whether they are lawful, if the defendant is of the said religion, in this case the royal judge shall take cognizance of the fact of said marriage • lOI . and in case he shall be plaintiff and the defendant a Catholic juris d.ct.on shall belong to the judge of the bishop's court and the ecclesiastical judge, and if both parties are of the said religion the jurisdiction shall belong to the royal judges : His Majesty wills that in regard to such marriages, and differences arising therefrom' the ecclesiastical and royal judges, with the courts established by this edict, shall respectively have jurisdiction. XLII. The donations and legacies made and to be made, whether by last will on account of death, or /«to- vivos, for the support of ministers, doctors, scholars, and the poor of the said so-called Re- formed religion, and other charitable acts, shall be valid, and have their full and entire effect, notwithstanding all judgments, decrees and other things to the contrary, without prejudice, however to the rights ot His Majesty, and of any other, in case the said gifts and donations fall into mcrt-main : and all actions and prosecutions necessary for the enjoyment of the said gifts, charitable provisions and other rights, as well in judgment as otherwise, mav be made by attorney in the name of the corporation and communi'ty of the said rehgion who may have an interest therein, and if it is ascertained that any of the said donations have been heretofore disposed of otherwise than is prescribed by the said article, no restitution shall be claimed, except it be in kind. XLIII His Majesty permits persons of the said religion to come ogether before the royal judge and by his authority, to divide and evy on themselves such sums of money as shall be judged necessary to meet the expenses of their synods, and to support those who have charge of the exercise of their said religion, a statement of which shall be given to the said royal judge to be kept by him : a copy of which shall be sent every six months by the said royal judge to his said Majesty or his Chancellor ; and the taxes and impositions of the said moneys shall be executory, all oppositions and appeals to the contrary, notwithstanding. XLIV. The ministers of the said religion shall be exempt from guards and patrols, and from lodging soldiers, and from assessments and collections of the tax, from the guardianship, trusteeship, and charge of properly seized by authority of justice. XLV. As regards interments of persons of the said religion, made heretofore in the cemeteries of the said Catholics, in what place or city soever, his said Majesty commands that there shall be no dis- turbance, innovation, or prosecution, and enjoins on his officers to see his wishes enforced. With regard to the city of Paris, besides ' I02 Huguenot Society of America the two cemeteries already granted to persons of the said religion, viz., that of the Trinity and that of St. Germain, a third place shall be given them, proper for said interments, in the suburbs of St. Honore or St. Denis. XLVI. The Catholic presidents and councillors, who shall be chosen to serve in the chamber ordained for the parliament of Paris, shall be selected by His Majesty from the body of officers of parliament. XLVII. The councillors of the said so-called Reformed re- ligion who shall serve in said chamber, shall if it seem good to them, assist in the proceedings which shall be settled by commis- sioners, and shall have a deliberative voice therein ; but they shall have no part of the moneys deposited, except in case that by order and prerogative of their reception, it is their duty to assist. XLVIIl. The oldest president of the mixed chambers shall preside in time of session, and in his absence the second, and a distribution of suits shall be made, conjointly or alternately, by the month or by the week. XLIX. In case of a vacancy in the offices with which the members of the said religion are or shall be provided in the said chambers of the edict, suitable persons shall be selected therefor, who shall have the attestation of the synod or conferences to which they belong, that they are of the said religion, and honorable persons. L. The exoneration granted to those of the said so-called Reformed religion by the 77th article of said edict, shall extend to the seizures of all royal moneys, whether by breaking of coffers or otherwise, even in regard to those which were carried off on the river Charente, now that they have become private i)roperty. LI. The 49th of the secret articles made in the year 1577, touching the city and archbishopric of Avignon and county of Venise, with the treaty made at Nimes, shall be observed according to their form and tenor ; and no letters of marque shall be given, in virtue of the said articles and treaties, except by letters patent of the King, sealed with the great seal. However, those who desire them may secure them by virtue of the present article, and without other commission, from the royal judges, who shall inform themselves of the contraventions, denial of justice, and iniquity of judgments proposed by those who desire to obtain said letters, and shall send such letters with their decision closed and sealed to His Majesty, to be disposed of as he shall deem to be proper and just. The Edict of Nantes 103 LII. His Majesty wishes and gives consent that Master Nicholas Grimoult shall be re-established and maintained in the title and possession of the offices of lieutenant-general in the civil and crim- inal courts of the bailiwick of Alencon, notwithstanding the resigna- tion by him made to Master John Marguerit, the induction to the same, and grant obtained by Master William Bernard of the office of lieutenant-general criminal and civil to the court of Exmes ; and the decrees issued against the said Marguerit, resigned during the said troubles in the privy council, in the years 1586, 1587, and 1588, by which Master Nicholas Barbier is maintained in the rights and pre- rogatives of lieutenant-general of the said bailiwick, and the said Ber- nard in the said office of lieutenant-general at Exmes, His Majesty has annulled, and all others to the contrary. And further, his said Majesty for certain good considerations, has given permission and ordered that the said Grimoult shall reimburse within three months, to the said Barbier the funds which he has furnished to the Bureau of Escheats for the office of lieutenant-general civil and criminal of the Viscounty of Alencon, and fifty crowns for expenses ; commis- sioning for that purpose the bailiff of Perche, or his lieutenant at Mortagne. And the reimbursement being made, or the said Barbier refusing or delaying to receive it, his said Majesty forbids the said Barbier, as also the said Bernard, after knowledge of the present article, from performing the duties of said offices, under pain of be- ing punished for false pretences ; and the said Grimoult is put in enjoyment of said offices and the rights thereunto appertaining ; and by so doing the suits, pending in the privy council of His Majesty, between the said Grimoult, Barbier, and Bernard, shall be termi- nated and suppressed, his said Majesty forbidding the parliaments and all others from taking cognizance thereof, and the said parties from continuing the suits. And besides his said Majesty commands that the said Bernard be reimbursed for a thousand crowns paid to the Board of Escheats (parties casuelUs) for the said office, and sixty crowns for the 7narc d^or and expenses, having for that purpose, at the present time ordered a good and sufficient assignment, the re- covery of which shall be made with diligence and at the expense of the said Grimoult. LIII. His said Majesty will write to his ambassador to see to It, in respect to all his subjects, and especially to those of the said so-called Reformed religion, that they shall not be molested for matters of conscience, nor subject to the inquisition, going, coming, sojourning, negotiating, and trafficking in all foreign countries I04 Huguenot Society of America in alliance and confederation with this crown, provided they give no offence to the police of the countries where they may be. LIV. His Majesty is not willing that there should be any inquiry on account of the collecting of impositions levied at Royan, in vir- tue of the contract made with Lord de Candelay, and others made in continuation thereof, and gives validity to, and approves of, the said contract for the time that it has force in all its extent, until the eighteenth day of May ai)proaching. LV. The excesses committed on the person of Armand Cour- tines, in the city of Milhau, in the year 1587, and of John Reynes and Peter Seigneuret, with the procedures made against them by the consuls of the said Milhau, shall be abolished and suppressed by the benefit of the Edict, so that neither their widows and heirs, nor the procureurs-general of His Majesty, nor their substitutes, nor any other persons whatever, shall be allowed to make mention, in- quiry, or prosecution thereof, notwithstanding and in opposition to the decree given in the chamber of Castres, on the tenth day of March last, which shall be null and of no effect, with all informa- tions and ])rocedures, both on the one part and on the other. LVI. All suits, procedures, sentences, judgments, and decrees granted against the late M. de la Noue, or against M. Odet de la Noue, his son, since their detention and imprisonment in Flanders in the month of March, 1580, and in the month of November, 1584, and during their continued activity in the wars and service of His Majesty, shall be annulled, and all that has followed in consequence of them. And the said Sirs de la Messrs. de la Noue shall be re- ceived into their wards, and placed in such state as they were in before the said judgments and decrees, in such manner that they shall not be bound to refund the expenses, or to deposit the fines, if they have incurred any, nor shall any non-suiting or pre- scriptions during the said term be alleged against them. Done by the King, in his Council at Nantes, on the second day of May, 1598. Signed, Henry ; and still lower. Forget ; and sealed with the great seals of yellow wax.' ^ All after LV. is omitted in Anquez' text. Rev. Paul de Felice, Rev. Nafhauacl Weiss. M. de Felice is a Member of the French Huguenot Society; M. IVriss is its Secretary and was its Delegate. % REV. PAUL DE FELICE, REV. NATHANAEL WEISS. t i HOW THE EDICT OF NANTES WAS OBSERVED. By the Rev. PAUL DE FELICE, Of Enghien (Seine and Oise) THE Edict of Nantes was really never observed, either in letter or in spirit. This is proved as well by the numerous confirmations of it which the government saw fit to make as by the complaints of the Protestants. From the first day one or the other of the concessions accorded bv it was contested, gradually reduced, and at last annihilated. In the course of the first half of the XVHth century, it is true, the numberless violations were only trifiine ones. From the majority of Louis XIV., or more correctly from 1656 and especially from 1660, injustice however began to be the rule. There was a formal plan, a fixed method, as the memorials of the clergy (1660) prove ; these memo- rials were disseminated throuorhout France to serve as a manual to the enemies of the Reformed church. The Edict became from day to day more and more a corpse without a soul, a dead letter. All possibility to exist legally was taken away from the Protestants so thor- oughly well that the revocation of the Edict was based on the uselessness of its existence, as, with the exception of a few fanatical and incorrigible rebels, it was affirmed, there were no more Protestants in France ! Considering the limits within w^hich I have to keep los io6 Huguenot Society of America myself, I cannot enter into all the details of the numer- ous and multiplying encroachments. It would necessi- tate the enumeration of all the rii^hts and liberties granted ; then to show how, successively and gradually, they were taken away in consequence of the im- placable attacks of the enemy under the plea that the end justifies the means ; in one word, to write a whole volume. I leave all this aside to speak of what was done from a strictly political standpoint in order to destroy what is called a state within a state. In this respect the acts of the royal will may be ex[)lained and justified ; or rather could be justified, if the royal power had not taken advantage of the annihilation of the political power of the Huguenots in order to oppress them. In fact the edicts in favor of them, and particularly that of Nantes, were tlie more violated in proportion as the Huguenots were the less feared and especially after the fall of La Rochelle, when they had lost their terror. Therein lay for them the importance of that event. From a confessional standpoint, if I maybe allowed to use this ex[)ression, I have equally to restrain myself. I will therefore, for instance, not speak of the right of residence accorded to national or foreiijfn Protestants (especiall)- to the latter, to pastors and professors) in all the cities of the kingdom, enjoying complete liberty of conscience, a rii^ht which was to be reduced and sub- sequently suppressed both as to the residence and as to liberty of conscience ^ ; nor of the procedure to demolish by hundreds their old temples, which, after having existed for 60 years, were found out to be too near to the Catholic churches, because the sinofinor of their psalms, the sound of their bells, the possible meeting of processions might gravely inconvenience ' Article VI. of the Edict of Nantes, general and secret. [Pp. 63, 95 of this vol.] How the Edict was Observed 107 i > the Catholic service and scandalize the true believers, who had never before thought of it ; nor of the appli- cation of Article XVII., to the Protestants only which forbids their preachers, readers, or others to speak in public words or sermons calculated to produce com- motions or sedition, whilst everything was permitted to be said arainst them without their being able to defend themselves ; nor of the interdiction forcibly or by persuasion to take children away from their Protestant parents in order to have them baptized as Catholics (Art. XVIII.), when even before these odious abductions of children, of which the Protestants so of- ten and bitterly and with right complained, it had been decided that, notwithstanding the express refusal of the parents, the child of a father who died as a Catholic is a Catholic ; that if a father in any imaginable manner, be it by an escaped word in a moment of vexation or dis- couragement, or otherwise showed any desire to have his child or children brought up in the Catholic religion, he could never cro back on his wish, in fact that he would have to pay for the bringing up and nourishment of his children in custody of the Catholics ; that if a Catholic father should chanw his reli^non, his children should be taken away from him and be educated by Catholics at his expense, and finally, to begin from 1663, a Catholic father must be bound to have his children educated in the Catholic faith even if the mother be a Protestant and even if both father and mother be against it. This is the way in which the King and the clergy respected the liberty of the father of a family ! I say nothing about the legal admissibility (Art. XX\^II.) of Protestants to all State offices, functions, industries, professions, corporations, masterships, when, under the pretext that the Edict of Nantes had been f io8 Huguenot Society of America granted to the Protestants as a measure of necessity and under duress in ticklish times, the successors of Henry IV. declared that they were not bound by it, perpetual and irrevoca])le as it mi'dit be called ; when the HuL^ue- nots were gradually deprived of all their dignities, of- fices, and functions, and even the possibility of following a profession, trade, etc., even as a hatter, livery-stable keejjer, or washerwoman, was taken awa)' from them. Nor will I s{)eak of the "gradual and ^jfrowinLr reduc- tion of the competency of the Chambers of the Edict, or bi-partisan special trilninals. established to guarantee the rights of the Protestants, nor of their complete suppression (1679) at the moment when their need was most felt. And when was it not ur-'cnt to have them ? Odet de la Noue, the worthy bearer of an illustrious name, one of those eminent lavmen of whom our church is so proud, — did he not write on the 26th June, 1596, to Henry lY. on the eve of the promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, that everybody claimed bi-partisan chambers on account of the crying injustice of the pro- vincial parliaments, and did he not add '' that without this remedy I dare to say to your Majesty," that all the other remedies will be useless {Bulletin, 1898, 106)? And Henry I\^ was so strongly of the same opinion, that nearly half of the lulict of Nantes treated of these special tribunals and their attributes. Shall I stop to show the manifest violation of Article H. of the secret articles which dispenses the.' Protestants, except in case of special endowments, from contrib- uting to the expenses of the Catholic clergy, to their churches, presbyteries, salaries, or support of their priests, when under the pretext that their parochial churches and [)riests' residences belong to the communes, the Protes- tants, not as such, but as members of the commune, are \ i How the Edict was Observed 109 forced to contribute to their maintenance, so that, for instance, in a commune called Gatuzieres the inhabi- tants, though mostly Protestants, were forced to rebuild at their expense the house of the priest (Order of the Parliament of Toulouse, nth March, 1664)? And subsequently when these claimed equal treatment, they were told that if the Edict of Nantes authorized them as adherents of the Reformed church and not as members of the commune to levy contributions for the observance of their religious rites it was ordered that the commune had nothing to do w^ith their expenses. Shall I say under what futile pretences their schools, their colleges, and academies were paralyzed or suppressed ? To speak only of their schools, what impediments were put in their w^ay, though secret Article XXXVH. permits them wherever the public exercise of their religion is author- ized ! Instruction was being limited in order to limit the wdiole burgher class to the simple instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic ; it was not permitted even as, for instance, at Montauban, where there was for a hundred scholars only one school and in that school only one single teacher ; churches which had to be es- tablished as far away from the communes as possible, sometimes in the midst of fields, must have their schools in their close vicinity ; special collections for the teach- ers were forbidden and they were not permitted to have boarding scholars, which might have helped them in their expenses ; in fact the Catholics invoked Article XXH., which grants to the Protestants the right to use, if they chose to do so. Catholic schools and colleges, and obliged them, even if they did not take advantage of their privileges, to contribute to the maintenance of the Catholic schools, in order to forbid them, notwith- standing the formal ordinance of their discipline, to cen- I lO Hucruenot Society of America How the Edict was Observed III sure those who place their children with the Jesuits or emplo}' Cathoh'c teachers. Shall 1 refrain from showiniL^ how, even notwithstand- ing Article XX X I V. of the secret articles which permits the Protestants to keep their own consistories, synods, and conferences, and the royal patent of the 23d Au^i;ust, 1599, making; it unnecessary to ask for royal permission, a [previous permission was exacted ; how it was that after it had been made more and more ditticult to obtain it, it was finally refused and the national synods were entirely suppressed in 1659, ^'^nd after that also the provincial ones and their conferences in 1683 •'' How, be-inniu-- in 1623, although the Edict contained nothing about it, a more injurious than inconvenient con- stramt began to be exercised and made as obnoxious as possible,— how a royal conmiissioner watched the synods and later, in 1084, even their consistories? How this commissioner, who according to the Declaration of 1623 ought to have been of the R. P. R. (Religion preten- due reformee). was a Roman Catholic, because the Declaration - does not specially prohibit it," and this ended by the appointment of a priest ( Lisy, 1683) ? Again, to speak of it more in detail would require a volume. I confine myself therefore to two special points, not indexed calculated to exhaust the subject, but in order to giv(^ a more exact idea of the method and i)rocedure which were employed. These two points are : the right of religious exercise, or, in other words, of establishing and organizing a church and to celebrate the Reformed service as deter- mined by the general Articles VU. to XI. ; the right to own iunds and to collect contributions, granted by special or secret Articles XLH. and XLHI.^ ' [ riie Edict contains two series of secret articles. Those here quoted are in the trans., pp. 94-104, called the second series.— Ed.] ;' » i i Before speakinor of them, however, it is important to say in explanation of what follows, that the methods and proceedin,t,rs adopted b>- the adversaries of the Edict, namel)-, the clergy, to whom, as I said before, the King from the year 1656, and principally from 1660,' had delivered the Protestants, tied hand and foot, were gladh- assisted by the Parliaments, the subaltern tribu- nals, and everybody else belonging to what we in our day should call "the administration." It was a sort of booty after which everybod)- was striving. Taking the position, however, that "the Edict was granted from necessity in dangerous times in order to allay a present evil and not for the purpose of guaran- teeing a right superior to the causes and circumstances which caused the Edict, its enemies considered them- sehes sufficientl)- authorized, nay, even forced, to flcdu It with all their might and with all possible mea^^is. " Odious things," they said, " must be restrained." Un- questionably Henry IV. had declared the Edict "per- petual and irrevocable." But the first question is, after ail, the public good and is therefore the supreme law In other words, the suppression of the Edict bein-r absolutely necessary to the weal of the Roman Catholic religion and this religion to the weal of the State, be- cause the two are so intimately interwoven, everytliing which IS being done against the Edict accrues to the benefit of the State, and therefore the end must justify all sorts of means whatever they may be. But as, unfortunately, the Edict cannot be suppressed with one fell swoop, what is to be done ? The first thing would be to find convenient interpretations of it which must, if necessary, be sanctioned by force ; equity tailmg, the Edict must be a/h-nua/cd in order to ex- icnuatc it ; then the churches would gradually disap- I I 12 Huguenot Society of America pear and the number of Protestants diminish ; in the meantime everything ima<^qnable was to be done to make them odious ; they were to be represented as the successful holders of the best places in the State, and to be bad Frenchmen. As far as interpretations are concerned, I mention the one i(iven by the Attorney-General, Omer Talon, not the idea of it, but the happy formula : the interpre- tation " a la rii^aieur." To interpret " a la rigueur " means '' to be used aminst the IVotestants, thou^rh intended for their benefit " ; to employ the expression of the priests Bernard and Soulier in their Explication of the Edict of Nantes (Paris, 1683, page 129), a capital work as to matter, ''favor" was transformed into a baneful and dan<^er()us thin if. Thus the sick Protestants could ^o to a Catholic hosj)ital, and therefore they were not allowed to have an)- of their own ; the poor Protestants could share in the alms of the commune, therefore the gifts, bequests, and legacies of their coreligionists had to go into the communal treasury (Art. XXII.). The Edict (XXIX.) imposed on the police the duty to prevent every scandal or disturbance at Protestant funerals, meaning every dis- turbance against them, as had happened thousands of times. It should read: every scandal and disturbance created by t/ion, and so fortli. In their dedicatory Epistle to the Archbishops and P)ishops, P)ernard and Soulier give a topical example. Their explication is written for the purpose '' of ex- plaining the spirit of the Edict, and by precise rules to point out the places where the exercise of their religion should be suppressed." Henceforth the entire Edict which was granted to the Huguenots to establish and guarantee their rights and liberties must be invoked to I How the Edict was Observed "3 1 destroy these rights and privileges. Of a fortress for their defense a prison was made to immure them and to destroy them. It was the triumph of the interpreta- tion "a la rigueur." And how shall we succeed ? Oh, nothing more sim- ple. Article XCI. of the Edict, which, with the excep- tion of specially provided cases, abrogates all previous edicts, declarations, orders, etc., is stricken out; then the Edict itself will be explained, or, better yet, reduced To speak the truth, it is a way to wipe it out entirely Here, for instance, is Article VI. of the general articles confirmed by Article I. of the secret articles which proclaims full liberty of conscience all over France. It happened that a good number of Catholics availing themselves of the Edict, went over to the Re- formed Church. The piety of the King fortunately remedied this scandalous abuse, by interpretin.r this sixth article with the help of the corresponding anicles of the Edict of 1577 and of the conferences of Nerac and of Fleix, in particular of those of the Edict of 1577 in which " the explication of that of Nantes must be found, for without doubt it represented the true spirit and intent of the King, considering that if this article granted the Catholics the faculty of changing their re- ligion It would be to the detriment of the public good and against the Catholic religion and the welfare of the ^t:xt^( Ex-phcaliou, page 221). What could remain of the Edict of Nantes, if everything which was contrary to the Catholic religion was eliminated from it under the pretext of the public law and the welfare of the i'tate } This, however, is the doctrine which triumphed Let us admire, in passing, this astonishing respect for the Royal will ! The advantage which the Catholic clergy always derived from their proceedings against 114 Huguenot Society of America How the Edict was Observed 115 the Protestants is well known, accusin''- them of con- tempt for the Royal aiithorit\-, because they would not adopt his relii^ion nor have thi^ir consciences ruled by his. And here be it said that, notwithstandiuL:' the KinL^^ himself pronounced this Edict to be perpetual, irrevocable, and (in the Preamble) declared it to be a general, clear, well defined, and absolute law, the clergy did nf)t hesitate to proclaim that it was not necessarv to ol)c;v it, because in their opinion anxthini: contrarv to the Catholic religion was against the public law and endangered the welfare of the State. The Kings, " by grace Divine," would therefore appear to be the best judges of it all. In the second place, in order to diminish the import of the r^dict, virtual authority to judge the matter is given to an\- decision by any Parliament, or even any Intendant, in the face of all protests and appeals of the Protestants. 1 recall the case of the commune of Gatu- zieres, where the inhabitants, though they were mostly Protestants, w^ere forced by decision of the Parliament of Touhjuse (i ith March. 1664) to rebuild the parsonage of the priest. From now on, at least until 1669, this judgment served as the guiding rule, and thus became an authority. Every one knows how blindly hostile to the Protes- tants certain Parliaments, and especially the one of Toulouse, were. Such was the result of such a juris- prudenct^ which submits the Edict to the Parliaments and not the Parliaments to the Edict. A third procedure consisted in the complaints made of pretended oppression to which Catholics had to sub- mit ; they were the real persecuted ones ; they were only standing on their legitimate defense ! This was one of their great arguments against the Protestants at the time when, in consequence of the memorials of 1660, Royal commissioners were appointed and sent ; it \vas also one of the principal reasons given for the in- voked suppression of general Article XXVI I., which pro- claimed the equal accessibility to all offices, functions, dignities, magistracies, either local or others, of both confessionals. It was claimed that the Protestants had held them long enough, and that it was ''only just to relieve the Catholics from their domineering oppression, and to prefer the true believers to those wdio were simply tolerated in the State." And henceforth they were nearly all refused to the Protestants. The real aim, profound aim, was, however, not to pre- serve the Catholics from oppression, which no sensible man believed in ; what was intended and wanted was the progressive diminution of the number of the Prot- estants and their churches by making their lives im- possible. Of the eternal salvation of their souls, as some credulous people might assert, the clergy thought very little. The question was to get to the point where the Protestants might be treated as being of no account, and then, from their diminishing number, to reason that the Edict had now become useless and finally to suppress it. It was a singular and contradictory way of reasoning, for, if the Edict had become useless, there was certainly no reason or sense in revoking it. Nobody, however, was duped, and the great point was, not to be in the right, but to have good or bad reasons in the case. Here is a notable example : At the time of the promul- gation of the Edict of Nantes, certain regions of France were not yet incorporated in the kingdom, as, for instance the country of Gex. which fell to the Crown in 1601! and Beam, which finally came in only in 1620. The .1 # ii6 Huguenot Society of America How the Edict was Observed II / latter had an immense majority of Protestants, and beiny therefore unfavorable to the *' Reform," it was therefore aheady appHed there from the beginning; of 1617; but being favorable to the *' Reform " in the country of Gex, it was refused there in 1662 and 1664, after sixty years of real and even legal observance (Edict of 1604, Drion, Histor. C/irou., i., 269), and of twenty- five churches, only two were allowed to exist. Finally, the last procedure which I shall mention, consists in the disuniting, ruining, and discrediting the Protestants themselves. As for disuniting them, I give a single proof in order not to lose myself in the infinite complications of the clandestine means to this end. This proof is the suppression of the national synods, and the interdiction of all communication of one province with another, going so far as to prohibit communication, as had hitherto been done continuously since 1609, at least in so far as some deputies of a provincial synod visited the synod of a neighboring province, " in order," as the Discipline of the Reformed Church says (Chap. VIII., Art. X\'I.), ''to keep up the uniformity between neigh- bors." The object was, and it was not denied, to prevent the Protestants from forming a compact body, in order to be able to destroy them afterwards easier in "detail." As for "discrediting" them (of the machinations to ruin them I shall speak later), they endeavored, from the standpoint of their religion, to isolate them, to pen them up, or park them, as it were. They were pestiferous people, whose religion was a sort of shameful public misfortune. They were sent as far away from the cities as possible, in order to escape all sorts of contamination, and they were forced to hide themselves when buryincr their dead. No sooner arrives a Bishop or an Arch- bishop in town, than every church service has to stop until they had left town again. Their preachers were watched, their consistories and synods were treated as a pack of conspirators, who had closely to be kept under their eves. As for their personal characters, everything possible and impossible was done to make the Protestants odious to their fellow citizens. At times they were accused of snatching up all the good offices, to the detriment of the Catholics, when really they were be- ing vilified by the latter, and offices refused to them, cut off from all favors, and even from their communal rights. At other times they were accused of being in the pay of foreigners, being in league with them and conspiring to deliver their country, God knows to whom, or what for, compromising the safety of the good Frenchmen (as none but a Catholic can be a good Frenchman), whilst, on the contrary, none of their pastors could be found in the ranks of the Leaance who received his watchword or command from beyond the mountains. Notwithstanding all their efforts and the evidence, they were always suspected ; their loyalty was abso- lutely denied, but those who disseminated this calumny are the very ones who trampled the most solemn Royal edicts under their feet. In short, as in the ancient days of the Church, the Protestants w^ere represented to be the enemies of the human race. And when, driven to extremit)', they protest, there w^ere nothing but exclama- tions of " Alas ! \ " Well-a-day ! " an uplifting of hands towards heaven, a scene of holy horror, and of course new measures of coercion against a people whose real crime consisted in not being in the majority. After these first indications, I come now to the first lis Hug-uenot Society of America How the Edict was Observed 119 of the two points mentioned, namely, to the right of the exercise of the Protestant reh-ion, and of the'estabhsh- ment of churches. The Edict of xXantes grants (Art. VII. to XL) the estabh'shment : i. To the High Justiciary Lords,^ at their i^rincipal residence, during their personal sojourn there, or of their family, entirely or partially, their servants and others who wished to go there. 2. To the Lords of simply feodal tenure, with a single reservation, which I shall mention later on, only for themselves and their family, and others not to exceed thirty persons, be It fur baptismal festivities, or being otherwise visited by friends. 3. To the adherents of their faith In all cities or localities where it was established and exercised, several or many times in the year of 1596 and 1597, up to the end of the month of Autaist. 4. In all places where It had been established or might have been established by the Edict of Pacifica- tion of 1577, and the conferences of Nerac or Fleix. 5. Lastly. In bailiwicks,^ without reference to the number of churches existing there, in virtue of the other articles, with a twofold reservation, however, that If in the interior of episcopal or archieplscopal cities the service can be re-established, such could not be estab- lished or created ; It would have to be done in the out- skirts of the city; besides, this second exercise in the bailiwick could not be permitted on places or posses- sions belonging to Catholic ecclesiastics, which were by special favor excepted and reserved. Withal, though the Protestants might have been 'The high justiciary Lord means one who has the right to condemn to death and to judge all civil and criminal cases, except the Royal cases. Thus it is under- stood that the Lords of simple feodal tenure occupy a lower rank. ^ Place under the jurisdiction of a bailiff. I 4 fully justified to complain of the losses entailed upon them. It gave them a pretty good number of churches. This is really what their adversaries thouo:ht, and we shall see how they succeed In forbidding a proportion- ately very large number of them, notwithstandlncr the Edict, nor do I say enough. Let us look first at Article \TI. regarding the High Lords of Justice. To begin with, they had to live ordinarily on their lands. This seems to be very simple and natural, but here for Instance are the Sleurs Baudouin, advocate at the Council of Paris (1642), and de la Mezancrere councillor at the Parliament of Rouen (1682) ; during the week their functions kept them in those cities ; from Saturday to Monday they were at their country seats. They were therefore required to remain always in the latter, or in other words, were forced to resign or otherwise to give up their faith. From this can be seen what the consequences were In all analogous cases. The Edict did not say anything about it. Next question was, where was the actual residence of the landlord himself, so that if he, his wife, or their children were absent, the right would escheat. The Edict said (Art. YII.j that religious exercises would be permitted to the wives and families of the " Seigneurs" when they were absent, but this was interpreted that when the '' Seigneurs " were absent there was no re- ligious exercise of the Protestant variety. Next It was necessary that the "Seigneur" should have the office of a High Justice, directly appointed by the king. Otherwise, the permission is required of the *' Seigneur" as his feudal sub-tenant, which means that, if a great lord possessed amongst his landed property several secondary fiefs, carrying "High Justice" with them, and ceded them so far as the law and customs \ I20 Huyucnot Society of America allowed It, he ceded, ipso facto, at the same time all n.<,^hts attached to these fiefs. Thus, a special jurispru- dence was created ; all these ricrhts, with the exception of the one to -rant reliirjous exercise, passed with the cession. This simply and efficiently ended Article VII. ; not only assimilated but aggravated, as hereafter shown, the relative position of the great landlords pos- sessmg "High Justice." compared with those simply holdmg fiefs (Article VIII.), placing, consequently, the will of the "Seigneur" who ceded his rights above the will of the King who granted the Edict.' One can imagine the suppressions of religious exer- cises which this measure permittetl, because only fiefs coming directly from the King could enjoy the ri dit conferred by Article \'II.; and even for these it 're- quired after 1657 the express permission of the Kin.r. In fact it was the substitution of the Kin.-'s crood pleasure for the law. * * But if by these, in themselves illegal, measures, a great man)- exereises were suppressed, what mattered it to reduce the number or the importance of those which remained ? Let us see. The article says the " Seigneurs" mav celebrate their religious exercises "in their houses'" No one in the world, without having seen it. would guess what could be made out of this. In their " houses." means first, that it must be in one of the halls of their castles, an, I not in one of the courts or m a barn, or in a tem|)le within the walls of the castle' Thus, m 1679. the Duke of La Force had to demolish tne temple which he had built in the courtvard of his castle. In their " houses " also means that you will have to pass through the ordinary gate of the castle ; thus in 1661, the Seigneur de la Verune (Herault) had to How the Edict was Observed 121 \ close a special door, which gave direct access from the outside to the room where the service w^as being held. Note, if you please, the marvellous quibbles of the adversaries regarding the word " houses." In Article III., where it is stipulated that the churches, houses, and habitations of the ecclesiastics, which had been taken from them during the troubles! should be restored, and that no Reformed Church exercises could be held there, the word " houses " is to be understood— it is said— in the sense of " Seigneuries " (manors) in the largest sense, evidently e.xceeding in all points the import of the Edict. In their "houses" against the Protestants signified even more yet ; it signified that it meant a p'ersonal religious exercise and not a public one. Where is the difference ? A very great one in every way, as we shall soon see. In fact, what characterizes the public service is the right to have a pulpit, benches attached to the walls, a church bell, schools, the sending of preachers to the s\ nods, to levy assessments for the pay of the pastor ; lastly the taking care of funerals with a certain, though scarcely perceptible, solemnity. " From this it follows that the " Seigneurs " could not have any of these privileges, because their " exercise " would be a personal and not a public one ; without pulpit, pews, bells, schools, or any support for the pay of the pastor. The double object can easily be under- stood : those "Seigneurs" were to be injured, by obliging them to pay all the expenses incurred in their legitimate aspiration not to be put out of the church, and also to restrict as much as possible the number of their adherents. This, however, is not all ; the exercises were still I 22 Hug-uenot Society of America How the Edict was Observed ^23 considered to be too frequent. The Edict permitted also the vassals and others who wished to join, to o-o to these exercises, which— it was said— exceeded all meas- ures. Which is really the difference between personal and public relii^dous exercises? The pulpit, benches alono- the walls, and the rest, which were just now of so much importance, have they now become only so many trirles? A little later, in 1682, they did better yet. They added the simple words " de la meme justice " (of the same jurisdiction, or the same fief, if you will), and the last words of the article, ^' tant que'autres qui y voudront aller " (as well as others who wish to join), were suddenly suppressed, because the word '' subjects " had reference to those of the same " jurisdiction " or fief. Other new obstacles were invented. I confine myself to the mention of one (Declaration of 1669, Article II.) : it is necessary that these fiefs should have remained in the same family from the time of the Edict, as it speaks • only of those who have and not of those who might in the future acquire such fiefs ! After that the ladder had to be withdrawn, and it was only a wonder that some exercises of '' HiL,^h Justiciaries " were allowed to survive. Let us therefore pass Article VIII. It grants religious exercises to the '' Seigneurs " of simple fief only " for their families, and in ^case of visits of friends and baptismal festivities of not exceeding thirty persons, their families not included. Besides, it required the permission of the superior " Seigneur" if the religious service was to take place at the place where the said "Seigneur" resided. This is very clear : it would, however, show very little acquaintance with the power of the enemy. In order to abridge and not to repeat more or less what I said IN before of the preceding article, I come to what was specially done in a number of cases to destroy the effect of this article. Article \TII. permits the exercise of the reli^^ion within the indicated limits, provided that the indicated houses (where the celebration takes place) are not within the limdts of a city, town, or village beloncrinrr to Catho- lie '' Seigneurs," or high Justices, where the said '' Seig- neurs " have their houses and in which they live. In this case, their permission is required ; the only question, therefore, is the place where they reside. What is to be done then ? They, therefore, discreedy add the words '' or within the jurisdiction of a Seigneur " outside of the King, and therefore it follows that a high '' Seigneur," who possesses a vast jurisdiction or fiefs, can refuse his authorization in the whole fief, and not only in the place of his residence. Thus Article VIII. was suppressed. It therefore remained always the same thing. Article IX. concerned only what was called the exercise of possession. Exercises could be cele- brated wherever they were established and held publicly several and diverse times in the years 1596 and 1597 until the end of the month of Aueust. In order to understand what follows in regard to this article, which was one of the best observed ones of the Edict until 1660, one must know that in consequence of the memorials of the clergy, two commissioners were sent to the several regions of France to verify the ap- plication of the Edict. The first of these two commis- sioners was generally a militant Catholic, the other, on the demand of the clergy (Drion, ///sL Chron., ii., 62), a moderate Protestant. Notwithstanding this moderation, there was always discord between them. Then the case was referred to the council, which rendered a ver- i 124 Huguenot Society of America diet called the '' parta^^e " (the Partition). I have never met. nor has Mr. Drion (ii., 67) ever met a single verdict which ever really decided against the Catholic commis- sioner : nor do I believe that ever any other verdict was given. Let us follow these commissioners. They arrive at a given church. Let us admit that this church, in order to explain its existence, invokes Article I X. The commissioners after sixty years of exercise and possession answer : Show us your titles to the establishment of your church. I^ut, answers the consistory, we do not have them any more in our possession ; our predecessors did not preserve those old )ellow papers ; in the course of time, during the wars many of them disappeared. Not at all, say the commissioners ; you ought to have them. If )ou do not have them any more you must have intentionall\- destroyed them. You wanted to pass your church as existing under the pretence of pos- session (Article IX.) when it was only an "exercise of bailiwick," in order to fraudulent!)- obtain new exercises of bailiwick (Arts. X. and XI.). Hence we see that the adversaries of the Edict were always on the lookout, allowing such pretended illegal- ities to establish themselves and to last for sixty years ; but let us pass this over. We are not any more aston- ished at such triHes ! What does the consistory reply ? We are going to prove it l)y witnesses and besides invoke the fact of possession and limitation. No, answer the commissioners, the Council of State decided in 1662 that the proof is to be made by the titles them- selves only ; wc must have the titles. The difficulties some churches were in may easily be imagined. Who could have imagined that the posses- sion during sixty years was not a sufficient title I But after all, said the consistories, even if we cannot produce 1 ll How the Edict was Observed 125 the titles, are there no other proofs possible ? Oh yes, answer the commissioners : Show us the act of conse- cration of the pastor in office at the time of the Edict to prove that there really was one at that time ; give us an act, stating that he and the members of the then existing consistory signed a confession of faith and dis- cipline, — in fact, an act showing that there existed a fixed church or building in which the religious services were usually held and not in a few or isolated cases, and we will be satisfied. Naturally the churches could not produce them any more than the rest, and I would like to know which present church, either Catholic or any other, could at the end of sixty years furnish such papers ? But, said the consistories, we have acts of the Synods of that time, mentioning such churches and the names of the officiating pastors, also the registers of baptisms, marriages, also receipts of the ministers, etc. Said the commissioners : Acts of the Synods prove nothing, if you have no supplementary act proving that the designated minister really performed his ministry in the church he represented, or is reputed to have represented. Acts of the consistories ! Prove first that there was really a pastor of the church presiding at the exercises. The Discipline prescribed it, you say. Very well, but does it not also prescribe (Chap. V., Art. III.,) to the elders and deacons to meet and form a consistory, before they can have a pastor? And if we cannot know that there was one, how can we find out whether the exercises were really public, which the article expressly provides for ? Public prayers, chanting of psalms, baptisms, mar- riages ? Why ! they were also celebrated in the homes I r 1 26 Huguenot Society of America of " HiL,^h Judicial Lords," where the exercises were personal and not public. Haj)tisms are celebrated in Paris, where there are no exercises at all, because they are held at Charenton. . . . No, no, bring us sup- plementary acts, proving- that such baptisms, etc., were celebrated in open meeting. If not we will pa}' no attention to the matter. And then do not forget. Article IX. speaks of public services, publicly performed, and not in hiding-places. It is required that acts ])e produced that the services were held publicly. Do you wish to make us believe that in the cities where they were the masters, the Ligue allowed the services to be held in public? Never! It is well known l)esides, that you fraudulently equivocate about the name of your churches. You say the church of Paris when you mean the church of Char- enton ; of Nantes, when \ou should call it the church of Suce ; of Orleans, which you should call of Bionne, etc. What confidence can we possibly have in you ? None whatever ! And the Protestants of Lusignan, who meet in a castle of the neighborhood, don't they call their meeting-place the church of Lusignan ? those of Mussidan and twenty more localities, do they not do the same thing? All your assertions do not, therefore, prove anything. As for tlie receipts of your parsons, they are of no account, as they received funds from annexes and qualified as their pastors. One might, therefore, count every annex as another church. Once more, what we want are acts, titles to prove that the public services have been held publicly by the true minister of the church, and be sure durin^- the years 1596 and 1597 (both, not one without the other), up to the end of the month of August ; if not, we shall prohibit your services and shut up your temple. How the Edict was Observed 12 Thus spoke and acted the commissioners. How could the churches, if not in very exceptional and for- tunate cases, still have the required papers, and what proofs could they produce, when the documents of the churches themselves were being challenged ? From the moment that the registers of the consistory of baptisms, marriages, and other acts of the Synod w^ere not sufficient to prove the existence of a church, there was really nothing more to do than to suppress it, and cer- tainly they did not deprive themselves of the pleasure of doing it. I think it is useless to stop at Articles X. and XI. regarding the exercises of bailiwicks ; it would be the same thing. I, therefore, will only speak of two really typical details. Article X. declares that services may be held where they were authorized, or ought to have been authorized, by the Edict of 1577, and the conferences of Nerac and Fleix. The Edict of 1577 permitted them in all places where they had been celebrated on the i 7th of Septem- ber, the day the Edict had been signed (Drion, ///>/. C//nv/., i., 148). It happened that the 17th of Septem- ber was a Tuesday. Would it be believed (and why not?) that the adversaries of the Huguenots did all they could that the day and date should be fixed by force, and that religious exercises should only be permitted where they had been celebrated on that\^ery Tuesday! This pretension had, however, to be dropped after 1602 —It was evidently yet too early ! I he second detail is not less interesting. A very ingenious invention is revealed to us on the^rt of our adversaries. This invention, naturally at once applied, consisted in arbitrarily confusing two distinct rights by combining Article X., granting the exercises by rio-ht of possession (Edict of 1577), and Article IX., granting it 128 Huguenot Society of America to churches which had existed in 1596 and 1597. The procedure was as follows. If a church in order not to be forbidden, invoked the law of 1577 the answer was : If you legally existed in 1577, you ought to have yet existed in 1596 and 1597. Prove it therefore, for Article X. goes for nothing unless it is confirmed by Article IX. If another church invoked the law of 1596 and 1597 the answer was : If you legally existed then, you must have existed in 1577. Therefore Article X. must be applied to your case after you have proved it, as Article IX. is not of any use except by Article X. In this way a right to the two was being suppressed, or rather one by the other. Benoit tells us that by this chicanery several exercises were suppressed.^ We arrive now at the financial question, and in order to understand what is to be said about it and what means were employed to ruin the churches, we will first men- tion the Articles XLII. and XLIII. of the second series of the secret articles. "^ Article XLII. The donations and legacies already made or to come, either by last will or during life, for support of ministers, doctors, pupils, and the poor of the R. P. R. (so-call(;d Reformed religion), and other pious objects, are valid notwithstanding all judgments, de- crees, or other things in opposition, without prejudice however to the rights of his Majesty the King or others in case said legacies and donations should fall in the hands of dead jjersons. . . . By Article XLII I. his Majesty permits those of the said religion to appear before the royal judge and by his authority to collect such moneys as may be deemed necessary to the expenses of their synods and support ' Benoit, Ac/// c^r Nantes, iii.. 377. 2 [3^^ ^ j^^ ^^ ^j^-^ volume.-ED.] How the Edict was Observed 129 of those who have the exercise of their said religion in charge, of which a list will be made to be kept by the royal judge, a copy of which the said judge has to send to his Majesty or to his chancellor every six months ; and the taxes and assessments of the said money shall be executory notwithstanding oppositions or appeals of any sort. In other words Article XLII. gives the Reformed Protestants the right to make donations and legacies for their religious exercises, pastors, schools, institutions, poor, or for other pious objects, under reserve of the lawful prescriptions regarding mortmain {^nainmorte) ; and, by Article XLIII., they may call meetings of the heads of the families where all may assess themselves for the purpose of assuring the normal function of their church. And if the ¥J\n^ TV, -¥ I THE STRENGTH AND THE WEAKNESS OF THE EDICT OF NANTES By Professor HENRY M. BAIRD, LL.D., L.H.D., New York University THIRTEEN years ago, the Huguenot Society of America met in this very place to commemorate the same Edict of Nantes that occupies our attention to-day ; and it honored me by the request that I should speak at some length on the occasion of the second centenary of the Revocation of the Edict by Louis the Fourteenth. To-day I am asked to join with others, from both sides of the ocean, in directing your thoughts to topics appropriate to the three hundredth anniversary of the original Promulgation. It must be a law of wonderful significance in the world's history that will justify this species of anachronism,— if I may so call it, — that war- rants us, so few years, comparatively speaking, after cele- brating the benefits that accrued to this and other lands from the abrogation, to go back the greater part of a century and contemplate the first publication. This somewhat singular procedure finds its ground in the circumstance that the law in question not only consti- tutes one of the great landmarks in the story of human progress, but is itself one of the most impressive object- lessons in that instructive story. For it teaches, and it seems to have been providentially intended to teach, at least two distinct things : On the one hand, it shows the 135 i ! 13^ Huguenot Society of America immense advantages that may be derived by civilization from an ordinance embodying a well considered system of tolerant policy in religious matters ; and, on the other, it exhibits the infinite superiority to any such policy of a frank, straightforward concession of equal rights ; in- asmuch as every scheme of legislation that restricts even in the slightest degree the freedom of religious profes- sion or religious worship: that denies, even if only by implication, that all men have the same inalienable right to hold, to publish, and to put into practice their con- scientious convictions— inasmuch, I say, as every such scheme contains within itself the seeds of its own de- struction, seeds possessed of marvellous vitality, seeds which will infallibly germinate, grow, and bear fruit sooner or later. It is because the law of Henry the Fourth is an object-lesson distinctly conveying such valuable instruction, by reason of its resplendent excel- lence and its scarcely less conspicuous defects, that I have undertaken to speak to you both of the strength and of the weakness of the Edict of Nantes. I say strength and weakness, because, in contemplating the Edict of Nantes, we are tempted to ask ourselves at one instant how came it to pass that, out of the ferment and animosities of almost a half-century spent by French- men in the unprofitable work of mutual pillage and slaughter, there came forth a project of so honest a purpose and so excellent a spirit, and the next instant, to wonder that a work of such apparent stability could', within a few decades of years, be thoroughly overturned ? W hat (law of construction, in other words, can account for the speedy overthrow in a short space of time and by a few well directed blows, of such a goodly edifice, to all appearance massive and well built, calculated to defy the violence of the elements and to attain a secular /iif > Strength and Weakness of the Edict 137 existence, the wonder of successive generations of men ? The Strength of the Edict of Nantes lay primarily, it seems to me, in the circumstance that the provisions of the new law afforded to the adherents of the two relig- ions that divided France between them — to the vastly more numerous Roman Catholics, constituting fully nine tenths of the population, and to the small minority of the Reformed, or the Huguenots, as they were customarily styled, never exceeding, perhaps never reaching, one tenth — the most practicable viodus Vivendi, the most judicious plan which that generation could devise to enable men of different and opposing faiths to dwell peaceably together. Let us revert for a few moments to anterior legis- lation in France. Of all preceding laws only one could possibly be alleged as more favorable to religious liberty than the great law of Henry the Fourth. I refer to the first of all the laws given to render tolerable the position of the Huguenots in France, a law known as the " Edict of January," because enacted on the seventeenth of January, 1562. The circumstances under which the Edict of Jan- uary was published were peculiar. Persecution had had its unbroken sway for half a century. Now for a brief hour the clouds were broken, the sun burst out. Patriotic men hoped that the storm was ended ; mistaking a mere rift for the long-prayed-for beginning of peace and quietness. Or, if they could not see without a certain amount of misgiving the dark and ominous masses collected at one point of the horizon, they yet looked for some divinely sent wind to dispel them. Did not the venerable high chancellor of France Michel de r Hopital, dissuade men from being cast 1-^8 Huguenot Society of America down, and continually reiterate the exhortation, '' Pa- tiencc ! Patience! Tout ira bicny And he really thou^jht that all would go well. The Hu^^uenots had attained what to them had long been the goal of their aspirations. Their representatives had seen the face of the Kin^-- of France and been seen by him. In the persons of that courtly reformer, Theodore Beza, and his colleagues, at the famous Colloquy of Poissy, the Protestants had actually stood before Charles the Ninth, and there pleaded the cause of their religion. What did it matter, so long as they were heard, that they were compelled to stand at the bar as if they were culprits, while their enemies sat about Mis Majesty as though they were judges of the matters in dispute? At least, Protestan- tism had made itself heard, and the other side had been impressed with the conviction that something must be done. Itw^as under these peculiar circumstances, I say, that the first edict, the Edict of January, the only law pre- ceding the Edict of Nantes which can stand a favorable comparison with Henry the Fourth's edict, was enacted, greatly through the influence of Admiral Coligny and other fair-minded men. Did the Edict of January give the Huguenots all they asked for and had a right to expect ? Far from it. Did it allow their worship to be celebrated throughout France, without distinction of places ? By no means ; that w^orship was distinctly excluded from all icallcd cities. What then did it grant .> It granted permission to unarmed men and women to assemble for worship outside o{ the walled cities, that is, in the suburbs, in the neighborhood, and guaranteed to the Protestants protection from attack on their way to and from their places of worship. It tolerated the meet- ings of consistories and synods, but required that in b Strength and Weakness of the Edict 139 every case the preliminary consent of the authorities should be procured. All this it did, not permanently and for all time, but "provisionally and until the deter- mination of a general council " — that council which was the tantalizing mirage of the times, always apparently near at hand and sure to be reached, but always reced- ing as the footsore traveller advanced. These concessions seem small, and yet the Edict of January was so exceptionally favorable a law for the Huguenots, that it stands at the head of the entire list of edicts given for the protection of the Huguenots, as in time it precedes all the rest. Every law that suc- ceeded it, down to that of Nantes, infringes upon it more or less, and there are some points in which even the Edict of Nantes is less equitable. It had been a happy thing for France, indeed, I may say, for humanity, had those pages of history that in- tervened between the Edict of January and the Edict of Nantes never been written ; for, for the most part, they were written in blood. Incomplete and imperfect as was the liberty granted by the former edict, it was too extensive to suit the bigots who saw in the concession of even the slightest toleration to such as departed from the tenets of the Roman Catholic Church the most scandalous weakness, the most flagrant impiety. And so It was that judges protested and warriors drew the sword, while clergymen denounced from the pulpit the authors or abettors of even the limited scheme of toler- ation proposed. '' A^onpossujuus, nee debemnspro conscie^t- iiai' said the Parliament of Paris, when called upon to register the obnoxious law. And at the little Cham- pagnese town of Vassy, by attacking a peaceable body of Huguenots met in a barn for the worship of God, and by massacring as many of the w^orshippers as he could i HO Huguenot Society of America reach, the Duke of Guise expressed his own detestation and the detestation of the party which he represented for the accursed doctrine of reHgious Hberty as embod- led more or less imperfectly in the Edict of January From the Massacre of Vassy on the first of March, 1562, to the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes in 1598, IS a period of about thirty-six years, in great part a period of open warfare, at times diversified by a resort to treachery and assassination. The edicts that were pub- lished to regulate the relation of the Protestants to the state, all of them less just than the original law of Jan- uary 1562, faithfully rejected the varying fortunes of the two great parties in the field. The first modification was effected by the Edict of Amboise (1563), at the end of a year and over, when the first religious war was concluded. The Protestants now found themselves de- prived of a great part of the advantages conceded in the first law in their favor. No longer permitted to worship anyz.^here outside of the walled cities, behold them now restricted to certain places chosen singularly enough. The law was framed apparently in the special interest of the noblemen that had asserted their rights with armed hands. A Protestant nobleman possessed of what was st>Ied Iiaittc justice, that is, authorized to in- tlict punishment on his estates for capital offences, might, under this law, hold services for divine worship on th'ose estates, admitting all comers, while the nobleman of inferior rank only had the privilege for the benefit of his own family. Other Protestants were promised one city in every bailiwick and senechaussee of the kincrdom, if they petitioned for it, and it was stipulated in addition that they should continue to hold their religious ser- vices in one or two other cities within whose walls Prot- estant rites had been celebrated during the course of y Strength and Weakness of the Edict 141 the recent war, on the seventh day of March of the current year ! Such are apt to be the absurd distinc- tions that are drawn where expediency, and not justice, is the controlling influence. It is not strange that, having once entered upon a course of absurd and inconsequent legislation, pronounc- ing that to be lawful in one part of France which it stamped as unlawful in another part, conceding to Protestant noblemen of one degree of importance privi- leges of worship denied to those of a degree that was inferior, making the rights of a particular city to depend on the question whether or not Protestant rites had been celebrated within its walls on a certain day of a certain year— I say it is not strange that, having once entered upon a course of such paradoxical legislation, the French monarchy should have pursued for years a policy fluctuating according to the supposed political exigen- cies of the moment. Accordingly, toleration or proscrip- tion becomes a matter for royal envoys and deputies of churches to settle, each party seeking to gain as much as possible and to sacrifice as little as possible. The religious interests of a large body of Christians becomes the football of diplomacy. If the Edict of Longjumeau (1568), published at the close of a second religious war, differs from its predecessor chiefly in the fact that under it Huguenot nobles are suffered to admit strangers as well as vassals to the services which they may hold on their estates, the Edict of Saint Germain (1570), published at the termination of a third and more obstmate conflict in arms, gives a list of cities by name, two m each of the twelve governments of the kingdom, in which or in the suburbs of which Protestants may meet for worship. It also has a provision in favor of places that were in Protestant hands on a certain date— 142 Huguenot Society of America only that date, instead of the seventh of March, 1563, is now the first of August, 1570. And now, for the first time, cities of refuge — four in number — were entrusted to Protestants for their protection, to be restored to the King at the end of two years. On the other hand, the Reformed services were never to be held within ten leagues of Paris, nor within two leagues of where the King happened to be residing. Apparently there was greater fear entertained of the possibility of the contami- nation of the capital by heretical preaching, than of the perversion of the royal court ; if we may judge by this discrimination in favor of the former. The blow that fell on P>ance two years later, as a thunderbolt out of a clear sky, rudely put an end for a time to all efforts to formulate a plan whereby Roman- ists and Huguenots might live side by side with some degree of mutual toleration. The atrocity of the mas- sacre perpetrated on Sunday, the twenty-fourth of August, Saint Bartholomew's Day, in the year of our Lord 1572, caused all Christendom to shudder at the commission of so frightful a crime against the human race. But more disastrous to France than the butchery of the thousands assassinated in their beds, or as they tried to escape from Paris, more disastrous than the loss of those many thousands more that perished in succeeding days and weeks in towns and villages from one end of France to the other — more disastrous, I say, than all this, was it that Perfidy had struck a deadly blow at the root of all public confidence, and inaugurated a detestable reign of lasting, incurable distrust. Charles the Ninth had acquiesced in the Massacre tardily, reluctantly, only with the stipulation that not a Huguenot be left alive in France to reproach him with his crime. Catharine herself was determined that such i t -'•' Strength and Weakness of the Edict 143 should be the result. And indeed it looked for a while as if the assassins had done their work so thoroughly that the remains of the Huguenot party would prove too inconsiderable to necessitate treating with them, not to speak of issuing edicts in their favor. Yet this was precisely what Charles the Ninth found himself compelled to do, and that within less than a twelve- month. It was significant that three Protestant cities, if only three, — La Rochelle, Montauban, and Nimes, — secured that entire freedom of worship which was denied to their brethren throughout the rest of the realm. I am almost tempted, in this rapid view of the edicts preceding that of Nantes, to make no meiuion at all of the Edict of Beaulieu (1576), published by Henry the Third, Charles the Ninth's brother and successor, two years after he came to the throne. And this for the reason that it was an edict only in name ; for Henry had signed it only to save his capital, or to secure quiet and leisure for the pursuit of those effeminate pleasures which he valued above crown or capital. He felt that the Edict of Beaulieu had been wrung from him by superior force, and it is no wonder that so unprincipled a prince unblushingly avowed to Duplessis Mornay, at a later time, that he had never had any intention to observe its provisions! Inasmuch as neither he nor any one else did observe them — so far as concerns the guarantee of the liberty of religious w^orship throughout F'rance, Paris alone excluded, but without any farther exception of time or place, unless the particular lord should object to its exercise upon his land— it would be absurd to take into serious account so deceptive a document. But it is far otherwise with the Edict of Poitiers, which the same king published the next year (1577), 4h 144 Huguenot Society of America happily the last that I shall have to contrast with the Edict of Nantes, and, although preceding the latter by a score of years, deriving great interest and importance from the circumstance that its provisions were to a great extent the foundation whereon was reared the law of H^nry the F^ourth which to-day we commemorate. Re- pealed by the king that granted it, when, in 1585, the so-called Holy League compelled the weak monarch to concede all its demands and sign the ordinance at Ne- mours proscribing every religion but the Roman Cath- olic, the Edict of Poitiers was re-established by Henry the Fourth, six years later (1591), in his Declaration of Mantes, and remained in force until replaced by the Edict of Nantes. I should exhaust your patience, upon which I fear that I have already laid too heavy a tax, were I to give in detail the provisions of this Edict of Poitiers. Hap- pily that is unnecessary ; inasmuch as the main points are all incorporated in the Edict of Nantes, with many important additions which go to prove that, as compared with previous legislation affecting the Huguenots, the law of Henry the Fourth occupies a unique position, being incomparably superior to every other edict that ever went into actual operation. And now let us look at the provisions of the Edict of Nantes itself, that we may observe that, not only by comparison, but in itself, it seemed to be a law em- bodying a solution of the religious question likely to prove permanent and satisfactory. First of all, it guar- anteed full liberty of conscic7tcc, everywhere throughout France, without distinction of place. Not a Protestant might be subjected to inquiry regarding his religious belief, nor vexed, molested, or constrained to do any- thing contrary to his conscience. T/ir •' CluUcaic dc Nantes;' the Official Resi- dence of Henry /F., /;/ which it is said the Edict was Signed. The ,ccm on the ris^ht as one descends the steps going into the court is sho'on as the scene of the transaction, but a loial tradition trans, fers it to the - Mai son des Tourellesr No. j Quai du Foss/, the house of Gahrielle d'Estr/es, where Henry passed his time while in Xnntrs. Strength and Weakness of the Edict 145 It assured to Protestants equality m the eyes of the law. It admitted them to all public positions, dignities, offices, and charges. It forbade any examination into their qualifications, conduct, and morals, save such as Roman Catholics were subjected to. It was so also with regard to the admission of Huguenots to schools and hospitals ; no discrimination was allowed between the adherents of the two faiths. Moreover, the rio-ht was conceded to the Protestants of founding schools of various grades in those cities in which they mio-ht legally hold their divine service, and provision was made for at least three Huguenot universities — at La Rochelle, Nimes, and Montelimar. They were to have their own cemeteries, that the scandal of the disinterment of the mortal remains of Huguenots buried in so-called consecrated ground should forever cease. To secure them against unfair treatment in the courts of law, several special tribunals were either erected or confirmed, some called '' chambers of the edict," others '' chamhres mi-parties;' but all con- taining a certain number of judges of their faith. Before these tribunals cases in which Protestants were inter- ested might be brought. To insure them against illegal violence, a number of fortified places were left in their hands for a term of eight years, which were afterwards ex- tended more than once— places indifferently called '' host- age " or ''cautionary " cities and ''cites of refuge," and both governed and garrisoned by Protestants. In one of the sets of secret articles appended to the Edict proper, a considerable sum of money was set aside for the pay- ment of these troops, while a special patent of the Kino-, also secret, appropriated a smaller amount of money an- nually to the support of Protestant ministers ; thoucrh the ^particular destination of the fund was veiled und'er I [46 Huiiuenot Society of America words less compromisini; for a nominally Roman Catholic prince. Finally, the knotty problem of public worship was solved, not by puttinc^ it on a new basis, but by en- lanjinL'' the concessions of previous edicts. Protestant noblemen retained their privilei^^es of services to be held on their estates, while other places were added to the cities and towns previously authorized to have divine worship — all cities wherein such worship had been cele- l)rated several tiiues in the years 1596 and 1597 up to the month of AuL^ust of the latter year, in addition to the cities which had enjoyed, or ou^dit to have enjoyed, the same rij^ht, in accordance with the Edict of 1577. Moreover, they were granted two cities, in place of one city, in every bailiwick or senechaussee of France. Thus, if the I'Ldict should be honestly executed, the Huij^uenots were pretty well furnished with facilities for attending church not, perhaps, on every Ford's day where the distance to the nearest privileged city or fief was considerable!, yet, at least, several times each year. Take it all in all, the Fxlict of Nantes w\as the great glory of Henry the Fourth's reign. But not to him solely does this honor belong. There were others, some of them i^reat and o^ood men, that toiled for months to make it as perfect a law as possible. I need siuLde out for mention but two of these assid- uous and conscientious workers: IVesident Jacques Aue'uste de Thou, on the Roman Catholic side, and Philip|)e l)u[)lessis Mornay, on the Protestant, the tlower of bVench patriotism, competitors only in the mc^st honorable of contests, the strife to see w^hich of the two should do most o^ood to his native land. Both scholars of the hicrhest rank, — the one, the most eminent historian of the events of his time, the other, adding to his reputation for prodigious learning the reputation of 4 Strength and Weakness of the Edict 147 the best equipped and most faithful counsellor of his king, — both were possessors of those twin jewels of character, candor, and probity, and both have left be- hind them the memory of lives so spotless that Calumny herself could find therein no just ground of disparage- ment. It is their highest praise, as it is the highest ])raisc? of the monarch whom both represented, that they co-operated in constructing a law, not indeed ideall)' perfect and faultless, but a law that for the period was a marvel of tact and equity — the best, per- haps, that could be framed in the circumstances. At a time when religious disputes and religious in- tolerance were in the ascendant ; when the quarrels of rival creeds were a disgrace to our common Christian- ity ; when |)roscription was the rule and gentleness to men of other beliefs was the exception ; when creeds were imposed by the prince and exacted of subjects ; when the abominable maxim, cii/us regio, ejus religio, was generally accepted and put into practice ; when even in Protestant England, Queen Pllizabeth was fully as severe against stubborn Roman Catholics who main- tained the Roman pontiff's supremacy or against Prot- estant ministers who rejected ecclesiastical vestments as against gross malefactors, and punished as a crime attendance upon an unauthorized conventicle, Henry the r\)urth of bVance, with the help of men of enlio-ht- ened views, offered a small but brave and faithful mmority of his subjects a code in accordance with which they and all his other subjects could abide to- gether in peace and amity. I have not hesitated, therefore, to rank the Edict of Nantes as among the grandest monuments of European civilization. Nor am I astonished that, through the eighty-seven years during which it was nominally in 148 Huguenot Society of America force, down to tlic date of the formal repeal, the Hut^uenots viewed the law freely i^ranted by Henr)- with a pride as sincere, with a devotion as loyal, as the devotion and pride with which the dwellers beyond the Channel rc^i-arded the work of the barons who at Runnymede extorted by force from Kin<;- John the recoLmition of luvjlish liberties, l^or it was indeed the Ilu'juenot Ma'.'na Charta. I must not even touch upon the peace and prosperity- that followed in the wake of the promuli^ation of the lulict of Nantes. Not only would time fail me, but I should be trenching; on the field that others will doubt- less occupy on the [)resent occasion. I turn, therefore, al)ru[)tly from the Greatness and StrenL^th of the lulict to its inherent JTcakness. Man in his relation to his Creator has a just claim to entire freedom of action, and any attempted settlement of the relii^ious (juestion, as affectinij^ the citizens of a state, that does not rtxoi^nize the i)erfect equality ot one believer and worshipper with every other believer and worshi[)per of Ciod is fundamentally unsound, and consequently insecure. It is the failure of the Edict of Nantes to recoirnize this absolute eciualitv that const!- tutes its essential Weakness. In all fairness let it be freelv conceded that the law of Henrx' the b\)urth was much more than a mere edict of toleration. It was no accident certainly that the able men who drew it up did not in a simple instance make use of that odious word " toleration," or of any word of equivalent im[)ort. We ''tolerate" that which is ob- jectionable in itself, but which, for one reason or an- other, we consent to endure, either permanently or for a limited time. The Huguenots were right when they insisted that the King, in his Edict, assumed no such Strength and Weakness of the Edict 149 offensive attitude toward the adherents of the faith which from motives of policy he had abjured five years before, and when they asserted that he had no intention of insulting them by representing them and their re- li^rjon as allowed to exist in France onlv by sufferance. Despite the fact, however, that a fair construction of the law's provisions fully demonstrated that they were ri'dit. there was unfortunately not a little in the Edict that made it easy for the malevolent to interpret it un- fairly and in a sense contrary to the lawgiver's design. There was, first of all, the circumstance that the ordi- nance, as I have said, did not definitely and in so many words declare the Reformed relicrion and its adherents to possess each and every right enpyed by the Roman Catholic relio^ion and its adherents — neither more nor less. The very concessions made w^ere a proof that the Reformed stood by the side of the Established Church an inferior in rank and with inferior riofhts. Next, the designation of the Protestant churches as ''Lis Jio/iscs de la Religion Prctc7idue Re formic'' — "of the Pretended Reformed Religion" — crave rise to natural but injurious impressions respecting their rela- tions to the state. I admit that to have called the Protestant or Huofue- not churches ''the Reformed churches" would have been an unpalatable thing for the members and, es- pecially, the clergy of the other communion. To the latter it seemed not only a natural, but a necessary in- ference from the use of this name, that the doctrine, the rites, and the government of the Protestants were more pure and Biblical, since they had been cleansed and made over; and, on the other hand, that the old Roman Catholic Church, not being reformed, was in need of purification in every part. i=;o Huguenot Society of America In point of fact, this was i)rcciscly what the Protes- tants did bcheve to be true. No one, therefore, could have justly objected had the Roman Catholics insisted that in all oftkial documents of State, includin-" the laws, the word '' Reformed" should be accompanied by some qualifying word, or words, of an inoffensive nature. For example, the Iluij^uenots would have had no valid reason to complain had their churches been styled, "the churches kjioz.'ji, ov commonly known, as the Re- formed churches." That would have hurt no sensibil- ities, wounded not even the most tender of consciences. r)Ut it would not have satisfied their opponents. Nothing would satisfy thtmi but llmitini;- words of a disparaging character, — '' prctoiduc!' " pretended," as laying claim to something to which their title was invalid, or, to say the least, doubtful, or '' soi-disaut^' ''so called," as as- s(Ttin<^ what the rest of the world denied. No one could deny that they were "known," or ''commonly known" as ''Reformed," — this was an incontestable fact, — but to say that they were " pretended " Reformers was to allege that they were masquerading in clothing not their own. I am aware that It has been urged by a recent writer in this countr)-, that the designation '' prctcnduc'^ does not necessarilv contain in French the offensive meaning of the word ** pretended " in our kuvguage ; and their oppcMients, at the time of the [)romulgation of the Edict of Nantes and afterwards, tried to convince the Protes- tants that as applied to the Reformed religion and Its officers and rites, it was as Innocent as when applied to other objects that are claimed, and that when a Protes- tant minister was reciuired to stvle himself. In all official documents or certificates, a " minister of the ' Eglises Pretendues Reformees,' he was quite unjustifiable in Strcno-th and Weakness of the Edict 15 ^ objecting to this as to an insult. But the Huguenots, beino- born Frenchmen, knew better, — they knew that it emphasized the Reformation as nothing but 2^ pretence, a sham. In view of the Importance of the matter and in justi- fication of the ereat number of times that the Hugue- nots petitioned to be relieved of the necessity imposed upon their ministers to style themselves ministers of the " Reli^don Pretendue Reformee," I mav be pardoned for (pioti ng a sentence or two from the pages of Elie Benoist, author of the great History of the Edict of Nantes, (11, 91,) a work written and published over two hundred years ago (Delft, 1693). After stating that the word 'fretendu'^ Is equivocal, and that in its legal sense it contains within It nothing suspicious or Insulting, he adds that there is a second sense, which Is more common ever)'where else than at the Bar, a sense in which it is about equivalent to the terms "false" and " ille'.Mtlmate." And he adds : " There are words to which the word prcHe^idu can- not be joined without giving them an injurious sense. It is to insult a person grossly {ontrager) to attribute to him a ' {)retended ' { pretendn) merit, a 'pretended' virtue ; and In this style a 'pretended' savant means a veritable ignoramus. This usage involves another, namely : the word prdtoidn becomes ironical in many connections, and gives to discourse an offensive air of reproach and raillery. The Reformed, know^ing what was meant when they were called ' Pretended Re- formed,' regarded it as an outrage that men were de- termined to have them apply this equivocal name to themselves ; as though they approved the opinion which the Catholics held of their religion and of their doc- trme. It is quite in keeping with Benoist's view, that the jr '5^ Huguenot Society of America Dictionnairc dc r AcadcDUc interprets the adjective pre- teiidii "as said of thini^s which men decHne to achnit, of quahties false or doubtful " ; and under this |)laces " La reli^^ion pretendue Reformee, Le calvinisnie." Be^^innini; by applyini^ to the Hui^uenot relii^ion a desiance, their prime ministers were almost invariably dignitaries of the Church. The outbreak of the Reformation had had one very important effect on the Church of Rome. It tested its power and caused it to organize everywhere what is called a counter-reformation. The most energetic workers or best soldiers in the endeavor to undermine the power of the free Gospel were the Jesuits, and during the last 25 years of the XVIth century Erance was their principal field of operation. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew not having succeeded in extermi- natmg all the Huguenots, the Holy Leacrue was oro-an- ized and civil war became a duty in order to re-place Prance entirely under the yoke of popery and the In his work, The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre, two vols, of xxii-l-458 and xvn-h525 pa-es in 8% with maps and index. New York, Scribner's, 18S6. ImS Huguenot Socict}' of America Spanish Inquisition. The few Huguenots who remained in the countr)' had to become Catholics or leave their homes. Tliousands lied to England, Switzerland, and Germany, where they scuttled, little dreaming; that their first colonie-s would prepare a haven of refuge for the multitudes that were to follow them one hundred vears later, at the repeal of the Edict of Nantes. Henrv III, who was then Kin^r of France and who had Ix^en forced by the Holy League to expel the Huguenots, was murdered by the Jesuits and Spaniards, who rul(!d over I^rance, because they did not entirely trust him. Henry of Navarre, the intelligent, brave, and wide-awake son of leanne d'Albret, was the leiral heir to the crown. Although he had solemnly returned to the Protestant faith after havini{ renounced itdurinir the massacre, we all know that he gave it up again because, as he said, " Paris was well worth a Mass." To us it seems that he could have become Kin^^ of PVance even if lu! had remainrd a Protestant. Hut when, nearly every day, we see gentlemen and ladies who enjoy certainh' more liberty than did Henry of Navarre, give u[) their religion for much less than the throne of France, we must not l)e too hard on him. Before he was crowned at Chartres, on PY'bruary 2^], 1594, he had to swear to fulfil the following engage- ment : " I shall endea\'or according to my ability, in good faith, to drive from my jurisdiction and from the lands subject to me, all heretics denounced by the Church, promising on oath to keep all that has been said. So help me God and the Ploly Gospel of God." This promise leads to the second point I want to im- press upon your minds : Three hundred years ago, the The Edict's Adversaries and Difificulties 159 idea that there could be more than one way of believin^r in God was considered monstrous. *' There is only one truth and one authentic interpreter of that truth, the Roman Catholic Church and its head, the Pope," had been the universal belief. Even the Protestants shared the same con\'iction. But they said : There is only one truth ; the Church having forsaken it by its traditions and manifold ceremonies, let us turn back to the Bible and believe only what the Bible teaches. The conse- quence was that where the Roman Catholics were the stronger, the Protestants had to fly the country, be thrown into prison, or burned alive ; and that where the Protestants were the masters, they banished the Mass and ceremonies, only tolerating priests and monks, and perhaps sometimes their secret services. With re^^ard to liberty there was only this difference between Protes- tants and Catholics of those days : The Protestants, probably because they had been obliged to suffer perse- cution everywhere, generally did not persecute the Catholics, but in England, Germany, Geneva, Holland, and elsewhere they did not admit that a Roman Catholic was entitled to the same rights and liberty as themselves. The Catholics, on the other hand, were really, and are still, consonant with their system (as is shown by the repeal of the Edict of Nantes, nearly one century after Its proclamation, and by so many other tales of perse- cution in Spain, Italy, Austria, and wherever they had the power) when they declared a Protestant was only allowed to live when he turned Catholic. There had been, especially in France, a few men and women who in those times had possessed and called into existence other principles. The Chancellor Michel de T Hospital, the Protestant heroes Coligny and Jeanne d'Albret, believed that it was possible for both Protes- i6o Huguenot Society of America tants and Catholics to live peaceabl)' to^^ether, and to worship not onl\ in the same cities, but even in the same churches, iiistory shows us, indeed, that ncarl)' fort) )Lars before the Kdict of Nantes, this policy was introduced into the then reformed countries or cities of Bcarn, La Rochelle, and Sedan. Hut I do not know of many other places in Europe where the same principles prevailed. And, unfortunately, in those places which were situated on the borders of France, the experiment could not be well tried, or lon^^ enoui^h, on account of the civil wars which, more or less, troubled the whole countr). Outside of France, in Switzerland and Germany, the idea of reli;;ious liberty had to under^^o the same oppo- sition, because every Protestant did not understand and interpret the \V\h\c. in the same way. That is the reason why, in the city of Calvin, Servetus was sent to the stake, and hatred and excommunication reig"ned between Lutherans and Reformed in Germany — why, on the back wall of the Church of St. Peter in Leyden (Hol- land), a tablet with the following inscription has been erected by the Council of the Congregational Churches of the United States: " In memory of Rev. [ohn Rol)inson, M.A., pastor of the English church worshipping over against this spot A.I). 1609-1625, whence, at his prompting, went forth the Pilgrim F\athers to settle New England in 1620." Now the Edict of Nantes was an attempt to make Catholic and Protestant worshippers live in peace in tlu' kiu'Hlom of France, and to declare that difference in faith and worship ought not to deprive a man of his rights as a citizen of the country, even where the majority believed he was wTong. If we bear in mind what I The Edict's Adversaries and Difficulties 161 tried to explain, we shall well understand that such an attempt was equal to a revolution in the France of those days. Nine months after having promised to expel all the heretics, November, 1594, Henry IV issued a Z)ec/ara^/o7i by which he pretended not to have thought of the French Protestants when he spoke of the heretics. And he condescended to allow them liberty of conscience * liberty of worship to the noblemen in their mansions, and to the people in one suburb in every county. At the same time he declared that they could be admitted to all offices. Those were the conditions which, seven- teen years before, in 1577, the F^rench Protestants had obtained from Henry HI. But the Holy League, hav- ing tested its powder by the conversion of his successor, aimed now at the final defeat of heresy in the kingdom. This Edict of 1577 had therefore only been renewed in order to calm the Protestant.s, and as a rule it w^as not kept. Their condition was especially bad wdien they w^ere obliged to go to law, and one may well understand that, living amongst those who were taught to hate and despise them, they were often compelled to ask for justice. Now all the courts, and especially the high courts or parliaments, being the very strongholds of the old motto, -one faith, one law," always judged against the Protestants because, being heretics, they could not be right. Such a policy would certainly have ended in the result the Church of Rome desired, had not the Hugue- nots been determined to hold their own in that great battle for right and liberty. They were then not far from 1,290,000, or 274,000 families, say about one twelfth part of the population of France— amongst these ^ 162 Huguenot Society of America The Edict's Adversaries and Difficulties 16 2,468 families of noble birth which never would believe that Henry of Navarre could forsake those who for- merly had so i^allantly helped him to the throne.^ Dele- gates were chosen and this assembly decided not to close its session before havinq- wrenched from the King- at least some kind of religious liberty and civil equality. During four years they sat in the western cities of Lou- dun, Saumur, Chatellerault, trying one scheme or draft after another, answering or repelling objections of every possible kind, sending messages or deputies to Henry, or receiving his own messengers. Amongst the manu- scripts of our Library at Paris there are some of the minutes of the {)roceedings of those meetings. On looking over the rules drawn up by the delegates, you can see how carefully they pledged themselves to stick to their purpose, putting down their signatures close together, and you feel that those men were in dead earnest and bound to succeed in some way. But it was very hard work indeed. The power and intluence of that little band was a mere nothino- com- pared to the strength of the Church. Not only did the Church rule nearly every great institution of the State, but the King himself could not reign without its help. When he abjured Protestantism he was not considered to have done so sincerely before having received the regular absolution of the Pope. Now the popes never gave even things merely nominal like an absolutory declaration, without obtaining- in exchanj^e substantial advantages. Henry IV always wanted some favor of that kind ; for instance, after havin^r negotiated during eighteen months before he got the aforesaid absolution, ^Bulletin de la Socic'ti! de V Hist, du Prot. fr., i., 123, 124. The King acknowl- edged the power of the Huguenots, and the services which they had rendered to his cause, in a letter of August 17, 1598, where he writes of them : " yen ay estd trop bien servy et assiste en ma necessite'.'' (See the same Biilhtin, ii., 30.) he wanted the Pope to dissolve his marriage with Margaret of Valois — the marriage which had been the means of bringing together in Paris the Huguenots for the St. Bartholomew massacre. He was therefore very careful not to displease his Holiness. And " nothing could be more unpleasant to his Holiness," wrote Henry's ambassador to the See (i6 January, 1597), "than to hear that you purpose enlarging the license those wretched Huguenots are already enjoying."^ In his own kingdom Henry wanted the support of the Church every day. The delegates of the latter used to meet regularly in Paris in order to transact their very large and important business, and to present their wishes to the King. The Church had no taxes to pay to the State, but, being enormously rich, it was in the habit of offering to the King a big sum of money, the amount of which was generally discussed in those meetings. We may well imagine that this help was never given without remuneration. The first thing the Church used to ask in exchange for its own generosity (which in fact was only a very small part of what it had received from the nation), was the conversion of the heretics. Let us hear the first article of their address to the King in the begin- ning of the year 1596, when, at Folembray, near Com- piegne, on the 24th of January, the Bishop Claude d'Angennes de Rambouillet had exhorted him '' to fol- low the steps of Clovis, Constantine, and the Kings of Judah like Asa, in pressing all his subjects to adopt the religion which happily was now his own " ^ : "The misfortune and ruin which have existed and still exist in this country, caused by the divisions between ' Lettrcsde Villnstrissime et reverendissime Cardinal d' Os sat, Paris, 1627, i., 355. * Collection des proces verbaux des assevible'es g/n&ales du clerg/ de France Paris I. 573. 575-576. 164 Huguenot Society of America your subjects, will not cease, nor your crown have its full splendor, except by the union of your subjects in the true Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion, having to our great regret, experienced during the last 39 years that these divisions have weakened it and sapped its strength. But it having pleased God in whose sov- ereign protection it is, to call you to his Church, in which the Kings your predecessors, have been nourished for 1200 years, we promise ourselves that those of your subjects who have left will reunite themselves with it, if it please your Majesty, besides giving your example, to in- cite them by a decree warning them to seek instruction." ^ I think these quotations are clear enough. The idea that, in the whole kingdom of France, nay in the w4iole world, there was a place, however small, where Protes- tants could be allowed to live, believe, and pray, even with some restrictions — this idea never entered the heads, nor passed the lips, of those representatives of one of the most holy communities in Europe. The Protestants being at the root and bottom of all the trouble through which the kingdom of France had just passed, the greatest charity which could be shown unto them, was to bring them, like lost children, through some good law, into the precincts of the Church. In the aforesaid address there is another article, the 23d, which shows, in a very striking manner, how hard a Christian could — and always will — become, in following what he claimed to be the only possible truth : ''As for the scandal and confusion which so often happen when the relatives of persons who have not died in the faith and union of the Apostolic Roman Catholic Church, wish to inter the bodies in churches and other sacred places, may it please your Majesty to command that such bodies may not on any pretext or occasion ^ Paris, Archh-es nationa/,'s, G\ CiyV Proch verbal de Vassemhlce du clerg^, de 1595-1596, Cahier. fol. 46^'°, §1. The Edict's Adversaries and Difficulties 165 whatever, be interred in any church or consecrated ground, even if the deceased person had during his life- time the claim to be a founder or patron or to have had any rights in those churches. And where such bodies have been interred, to order the judges of the locality or the churchwardens, upon a complaint made by the clen'vmen, to disinter them, and in cases of ne^r- ligence and connivance, that the said judges be deprived of their offices, and the churchwardens visited with such penalties as the judges may deem proper."^ Some explanation is necessary in order to make clear the meaning and consequences of this article, which was enforced in many places even after the Edict of Nantes, and has been a source of scandal to the present day. The Protestants were, and always have been, scattered over the whole country. In the cities where they could form a community, they would buy a piece of ground for their cemetery. But in the other places they had been used to bury their dead in the common ceme- teries, or, if they were of noble blood, in the church which was under the patronage of their family. Now the Church of Rome said to the King : Churches and cemeteries belong to me alone, even if they were founded or are supported by people who turned Protestant ; those are now sacred places, and the presence there of corpses of heretics is a scandal and a disgrace ; allow us to have them disinterred. Everywhere the judges were requested to put that new law into execution. If time would permit I could show documents proving that m some places they ordered the disinterment of the bodies of women and children which had been buried eighteen years before. It happened even that the sheriff in a little place near Mantes called Jumeau- ville, observed that it would be rather difficult to dis- ^ Archives nationales, G^ 117^, fol. 54. \ 1 66 Huguenot Society of America The Edict's Adversaries and Difficulties 167 tineuish the hones of the Protestants from those of the Catholics/ Now fancy the feeHng-s of the Hug-iienots, for in- stance of Tarascon, when the corpse of M. de Modene had to be carried across the Rhone to Beaucaire where it could finally be buried ; or of those of Saintes, when the remains of M. de la Grange were unearthed by order of the canons, to be thrown into a ditch where the parents had to take them away from the dogs ^ ; or, as late as 1606, when at Varennes, near Paris, Charles de Fleury w\as ordered by the bishop to disinter his mother, Barbe de Sangle, who, according to her desire, at the advanced age of 107, had been buried near her husband, in the little church adjoining the castle!^ We may get an idea of the possible number of such cases, when we find that in West Normandy, for instance, the Edict of Nantes allowed the Reformed worship in about twenty-two places for the whole province, but, as early as 161 2, the ground was marked out in the same province for nearly three hundred Protestant cemeteries !^ And certainly we understand the Huguenots writing in one of their requests : '* Why did we close the cemeteries and fill up the graves, if not in order to protect those sacred places from the beasts ! And now, O Lord, what seems hor- rible in a beast, Frenchmen are permitted to do! What ou^ht we to care, if a swine or a Frenchman uncovers our remains ! But certainly not the one nor the other will hinder them from meeting our Saviour."^ It is quite easy to understand that if such measures ' Archives nationah's, 1., 428. ^ Memoirt's de la Ligtie, Amsterdam, 1758, 4°, vi., 478. ^ Bulletin de la Soc. de Hist, de Prot. fr,, 1897, 649, 650. •*J. Galland, Essai sur r histoire dti Protestantisme a Caen et en Basse Nor^ mandie, 159S-1791, Paris, 1898, 60, 62. ^ Memoir es de la Ligue, vi., 48 1. were requested and carried out against the dead, the living Huguenot did not fare much better. If he wanted at Orleans to send his children to the public school or college, they were turned out unless they would become Catholics. If, poor or sick, in the same city where the Protestants were forced to pay more than the Catholics for poor tax and hospital, he wanted the assistance of one of these two institutions, he was simply sent away/ If at Poitiers Master Antoine de la Duguie, after having publicly taught during twenty years, presented himself for the doctorship, he had to give place to a Catholic.^ If, anywhere, all over the kingdom, by special favor of the King, Huguenots were called to some civil or judicial office, the local courts or authorities would simply not admit or even dismiss them, unless they were ready for a Roman Catholic oath.' In places where the Huguenots were only a handful, as, for instance, in Nevers or La Charite, on the Loire, they were not allowed to live inside the city, on their own property ! ^ But the worst stipulations under the Edict of 1577 were those which ruled the places of worship. It was quite out of the question to discuss the possibility of holding a Protestant service within the walls of a city of some importance. If the city were the See of a bishop or archbishop, the Protestants would have to travel from three to twenty miles in order to get to their meeting-place. There are certainly few Ameri- cans who realize that before the present century a regu- lar Huguenot service was never allowed in cities like Paris, Orleans, Bordeaux, Lyons, Rouen, Toulouse, etc. ^Bulletin, ut supra, 189S, 145, 146. "^ M/m. de la Ligue, vi., 459. ^BulL, 1898, 144, 145. ^Ibid., 1 48. I Mt % i68 Huguenot Society of America The Protestants of Paris met at the Httle village of Ablon, twelve miles distant, on the road to P'ontainebleau, and complained that during the winter of the year 1600 not less than forty babies died from the inconvenience of the long way when they were carried there for holy baptism.^ Those of Lyons had to go out of their province and to travel as far as Annonay. In the whole province where so many Americans now spend the winter, in sunny Provence, not a single place of Protestant worship was tolerated. The same was told of the large provinces of Burgundy and Picardy.^ In reality, they w^ere only tolerated w^here strong- enough to defend themselves, and that is tlic principal reason why they kept, by per- mission of the King, a certain number of cities of refuge, generally small but strong places, w^here, in case of an outbreak of fanaticism, they could retire for a time. But even there, say in Montpellier, Saumur, Gergeau, etc., they could not attend their services with- out being liable to be stoned, and to have their carriages broken, the doors of their houses smashed when they were out of town, and suffering a hundred other annoy- ances.^ In short, if we try to sum up their condition in a few words, we must confess that the French Hueuenot of that time had the choice only between two issues : for- sake his land or his creed, or try to prove his right, and ask for justice, which he could never get but as a favor. Still, when the Pope heard that this very unfavorable Edict of 1577 had been registered by the Parliaments of Rouen and Paris, says the Cardinal d'Ossat, he ' Arck. nat., E3«, fol. 91 ss., Plaintes et remonstrances rcpondues le 18 Sep- tembre, i6oi. ' Memoires de la Ligue, vi., 435. In the eastern part of Provence, Protestant worship was tolerated in two little villages, Merindol and Lourmarin, ' Bull., 189S, p. 146. The Edict's Adversaries and Difficulties 169 turned quite pale, and could scarcely be comforted when the Cardinal told him that it was only like *' tolerating the tares for fear of rooting up the wheat." ^ So strong indeed was the opposition of the Pope and the Church, that they seem to have believed till the last moment that the Kin^^ of France never would allow his old co- reli^donists a better situation in their own country. The Pope even went so far as to say that the King was not at all obliged to keep his promises to the heretics. ** Ordinary people, of course, were to blame when they broke their own word, but kings could, in the interest of the State, conclude treaties, and tear them up . . . lie, betray, and do every such thing they thought proper."^ Happily there is no power in the world strong enough to check, in the long run, the resolute, united, and self- sacrificincT effort of those who believe in truth and liberty. And so it came to pass that, in spite of the Pope, the Church, and their overwhelming influence, the Edict of Nantes was at last signed, the first ninety-two articles on the 13th of April, and the last fifty-six or secret articles on the 2d of May, in the year 1598.^ It was a moral and spiritual victory, the like of which has never since been obtained in France, unless perhaps two centuries later. On the 23d and 24th of August of the year 1 789, a few steps from the place where the massacre of the same day in the year 1572 had origi- nated, after a magnificent speech by the Protestant Rabaut de St. Etienne, the National Assembly decided to proclaim the logical outcome of that same edict which Louis the XlVth had torn to pieces, that is, liberty of ' Audience of March 7, 1597, Lettres du Cardinal d'Ossat, i., 411. ' Ibid., letter of F'ebruary i, 1597, p. 372. 2 See the text of the Edict of Nantes, in Haag, La France protestante, x., 226- 260, and the trans., pp. 59-104 of this volume. 170 Huguenot Society of America conscience and of worship, " provided it did not inter- fere with pubHc order." ^ The edicts preceding that of Nantes had only been treaties, something Hke provisional covenants, putting an end to civil war. The Edict of Nantes was a general and definite law of the kino[-dom. For the first time Protestantism was looked upon not as a necessary evil which had to be tolerated since it could not be exter- minated, but as having officially the right to exist. It was the legal recognition of that very important fact that there were at least two ways of believing in God and two forms of worship. The Huguenots were to be treated Hke the Catholics. They could assemble for worship, not everywhere, but in as many as 951 places, if we lint to believe a contemporary writer.^ For the first time, also, in the i\v(i hi.^h courts of justice, a tribu- nal composed of Protestant and Catholic judges was to take co^rnizance of the cases in which Protestants were concerned. We must certainly not forget that some of those liberal stipulations never were honestly executed, and that the very idea of religious liberty was not at the bottom of the Edict of Nantes. Even the Protestants of that time understood it as only the right to believe in the Bible as well as in the Pope. But all the same, if now we look at those articles, a monument unique in the history of European civilization of that time, we are bound to confess that liberty was the logical outcome of even such a narrow beginning, just as well as the gray dawn and mist of early morning announce the rising of the sun. And we understand the Pope's saying to the French ambassador on the i6th of October, 1598, ** I am crucified by it."^ ' Bulletin, 1889, Oct. 15. ^ Ibid., i., 123, 124. "^ Lettres de Cardinal d'Ossat, i., 549. 1 The Edict's Adversaries and Difficulties 171 So convinced was he of the impossibility of such a thini;, that even after the Edict had been signed he thought that it was all a sham, and that the opposition of the Church and high courts of France would enable the Kino- never to carry into effect w^hat he had granted. When, at last, after the registration of the Edict by the Parliament of Paris on the 24th of February, 1599, he understood that he was mistaken, he said that such events apparently cut into his brain, and that '' he felt as if he had received a blow right in the face." ^ This shows that we are right in commemorating such an event, sad in the eyes of the Church of Rome. For it is as sad as true that never, to the present day, has this Church admitted the right of Protestantism as a Christian religion. And never, as far as I know, has it uttered one official word of blame for the St. Bartholomew massacre or for the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. P>om the very time this Edict was signed the Church resolved that it should have no permanent home in France, and never was any resolution carried into effect with such a wonderfully systematic persistence. Thus the Church realized the answer of the Cardinal d'Ossat to the Pope's complaints : *' The King's purpose is to reduce all his subjects to the Catholic and Apos- tolic religion ; but this can only be done with time, and by tacking like a good pilot, who always makes for the port even if he cannot reach it in a straight line."^ The consequence is that in France, in the year 1898, a French journalist can write to the Journal de Briixclles : *' If we had war with Germany, I feel sure, as sure ^ Ibid., 621-632. The whole letter bearing on the subject (March 28, 1599) is very important. ^ Lettres de Cardinal d' Ossat, i., 628. vV 172 Huguenot Society of America as I am existing, that on the day following the declara- tion of war, not one single Jew would be left alive in France. They would be assassinated to the last one . . . even if, in order to save themselves, they became better French than the Duke of Orleans, or better Catholics than the Pope. . . . This idea of a St. Bar- tholomew of the Jews has given rise to another, when the Protestants, the freemasons, and freethinkers, in the guise of socialists and anarchists, come to the rescue of the Jews : the idea of a religious war." ^ Such sentences, from the pen of a very intelligent gentleman who lives, not in darkest Africa, nor in some Spanish colony, but in one of the most civilized cities of the world, help us to realize how far the Huguenots and their Kino- were in advance of their time. Narrow- minded as they were, and alarmed at the apparition of true freedom, still they were more far-sighted and liberal than a good many people who live around each one of us. Probably Henry IV would not have dreamed of peace uniting differences of religion, had he not been the son of that high-minded Huguenot woman, Jeanne dAlbret. But, even if he did only sign the Edict of Nantes because he could not do otherwise, in the end he could not escape the mysterious law that every effort to further the cause of humanity demands a sacrifice. Twelve years later, on the 14th of May, 16 10, in his carriage, he was stabbed to the heart by Ravaillac, a Jesuit pupil, who afterwards, even on the scaffold, tried to justify himself and his act by saying that " Henry was a Huguenot and determined to make war on the Pope." You have reaped, to some extent, in this country, the harvest which was sown on our shores during centuries 'Quoted by the paper Z^• Signal, of February 8, 1898: art. of M. Ch. Gide, en- titled Etat d'dme. The Edict's Adversaries and Difficulties 173 of sorrow and tribulation. From the beginning of your history you have enjoyed religious — and every other — freedom, because your forefathers of the old world suf- fered for it. That is the true reason why America is a land of liberty, as well as a home of refuge from clerical despotism. May you always feel sure — and never for- get — that religion, peace, and prosperity are lasting only where liberty thrives everywhere and forever. APPENDIX PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE FRENCH CLERGY IN THE YEAR 1595-1596 (Original minutes in the French Archives naiionales, G^, 617^, fol. 46^° and 54) sj I. *' Les malheurs et ruisnes quy ont eu et ont cours en ce Royaume, provenans des divisions qui sont entre vos subjets, ne peuvent prendre fin, ni V'^ cou- ronne prendre la premiere splendeur, que par I'Union de vos sujets en la vraye religion catholique, apostolique et Romaine, ayant, a nostre grand regret, experimente depuis 35 ans, que la division a este la seule cause de le saper et afoiblir. Mais, ayant plu a Dieu qui en a la souveraine protection, Yous appeller en son Eglize, en laquelle les Roys vos predecesseurs ont este nouris depuis 1 200 ans, nous nous promettons que vos subjets qui s'en sont departis, se rangeront en I'union d'icelle, sil plaist a Vostre AIajestc\ avcc et outre vostre exemple, les y convier ct appeller par tin edict et les admonester de se faire instrtdrey ^ 23- " Et, pour les scandales et confusions qui ar- rive \sic\ souvent, des corps qui ne sont morts en la foy et union de TEglize catholique, apostolique et Romaine, lesquelz on veut entrer \sic, for enterrer] dans les Eglizes et autres lieux saints, plaise a V. M. ordonner que lesd. corps ne pourront, soubz quelque pretexte ou ocasion que ce soit, estre entrez \_sic, for ? < t 174 Huguenot Society of America enterres] ez Eglises, ny aiicuns lieux saints dediez aux sepultures, encores que les decedez, de leur vivant, eussent pretendu estre fondateurs, patrons, ou avoir aucuns droits esdites Eglises. Et, ou les corps se trou- veroient y avoir este enterres, enjoindre aux juges ordi- naires des lieux, ou marguilliers des Eglizes, les /aire destairer \s2C, for deterrerj, sur la plainte qui leur en sera faite par les Ecclesiastiques ; et, en cas de negli- gence ou conivance, que lesd. juges seront suspendus de I'exercice de leurs estats et lesd. marguilliers multes \sic, punished] de peine arbitraire." THE PAPERS READ BEFORE THE SOCIETY IN THE FRENCH PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH OF THE HOLY SPIRIT (EGLISE DU SAINT ESPRIT) AT THE SECOND SESSION, THURS- DAY MORNING, APRIL 14, 1898 175 m 7 I A, Girand Browning, F\S.A. / ' / / t(f- r, , .,/,/. H, ,.j uu Huguenot Society of I^udon, and Delegate, THE FRENCH PROTESTANT HOSPITAL OF LONDON By a. GIRAUD BROWNING, F. S. A., Vice-President of the Huguenot Society of London A FEW words of explanation are, I think, needed in offerinor infirm or sick French Protestants, but a careful examination of the records of the Hospital shows this tradition to be a very incomplete presenta- tion of the truth. For the orii^in of thc^ institution we must look far behind the wilfof Gati.Lrny, even to the very moment of landing on the shores of England of many of the Huguenot Refugees. Numbers, we arc told, in an ecsUisy of gratitude to Almighty God fell upon their knees and, passionately kissing the soil of that free land, dedicated their newly give'U lives afresh t(^ God and to His service. "Our soul is escaped," we can imagine them crying, " even as a bird out of the snare of the fowler ; the snare Is broken and we arc delivered " ; therefore '' Unto Thee. God, will we pay our \'(mvs, unto Thee will we give thanks." Now the Huguenots were by no means the sort of peopU^ to cry unto God in their trouble and to forget Him when Hr had delivered them out of their distress. In spiritual as in secular things, what they promised, French Protestant Hospital of London 179 that, God helping them, they performed, and accord- ingly we find that, as many of the Refugees began to prosper in their new country, they gave practical expres- sion to their gratitude by showing an extraordinary amount of helpfulness to their less fortunate brethren. In the very early days of the immigration arrano-e- ments were made for the reception of the Refugees on their landing and for passing them on to their desired destination, while in London committees were formed for helping the newcomers to find relatives and friends who had already arrived, for grouping together Refu- gees from the same districts in France (so as occasion- ally even to reunite congregations under their old pastors), for finding suitable employment and providing suitable tools for those who could work, and for tending the sick, infirm, and aged who were helpless strangers in a strange land. So the actual origin ox germ of the French Hospital is, I think, to be discerned in the spirit of self-dedication to which I have referred. The germ grew^ with the exercise of that spirit. The blade first became visible when resolve crystallised into action and many of the more prosperous Refugees devoted themselves to dis- pensing the Royal Bounty, and their own, among their suffering brethren. It developed into the tender plant when Jacques de Gatigny by his will bequeathed /looo for providing bed and board for at least twelve of the poorest of his nation. The plant grew under the enthusiastic care of Gatigny's executor, Philippe Menard, who, with the help of his friends and fellow- commissioners for the administration of the Royal Bcninty, elaborated a scheme for a kind of SociMd de Bienfaiscifice, having for its chief feature a hospice for the reception of a considerable number of the poor sick i8o Huguenot Society of America and infirm amon^r the exiles. Lastly the full corn in the ear was reached when Menard and his friends, having boucrht land and made good progress with their build- ings?petitioned the King (George I) for a Charter of Incorporation to give stability and permanence to the new charity, and their petition was granted. The institution so incorporated differed as widely from that contemplated by Gatigny as the ripe corn differs from the springing blade. I will endeavour to follow the evolution of the French Hospital through these stages, to give some account of the early administration of " La Providence," as the new Hospice was lovingly called by the poor Refugees, and to make such reference as time will permit to some events of principal interest in the later history of the Corporation. It is well known that very large sums of money were contributed by the English Crown and people towards the relief of the thousands of poor French Protestants who sought refuge in England from the persecutions of Louis XIV. The exact proportions contributed from the privy purse of the sovereign, by grants from Parlia- ment, and by the free-will offerings of the people have proved fruitful subjects of controversy— so also has the ultimate destination or absorption of some of those funds. The point of interest in connection with our present subject is that the combined funds were known by the common but insufficient name of the Royal Bounty, and that Jacques de Gatigny was a meml)er of one of the French committees entrusted with its distribution. Born in France, Gatigny fled at the Revocation to Holland and entered the service of the Prince of Orange, in whose suite as Master of the Buckhounds he came to England in 1688. He seems to have attended French Protestant Hospital of London 18 r his old master, now William III of England, in all his campaigns, and for his gallant conduct at the battle of the Boyne he was awarded a life pension of ;^500 per annum. Probably he then retired from public service. He certainly as one of the French committee for the distribution of the Royal Bounty devoted the last years of liis life to the amelioration of the condition of his fellow exiles. In this work he first met Philippe Menard, who later became his great friend and ulti- mately his executor. The provisions of Gatigny's will grew natural!)' out of his most absorbing pursuit. The city of London had, among many other acts of kindness to the Refugees, permitted them the use for their sick and infirm of a house in the Parish of St. Giles, Cripplegate, "which having been formerly used as an Hospital in the times of contagion was called the Pest House." Here Gatigny was a frequent visitor. It is recorded that he found the house so old and unsuitable, and the accommodation it afforded so inadequate, that he longed to see his poor fellow countrymen housed in a building with appointments suited to their French tastes and liabits, and served by their own kinsfolk, but his will, which was apparently made in his last illness (for he «lied soon after making it), went no further than to " bequeath /500 to the Pest House for to build there ^ome apartments, there to lodge at least twelve poor mfirm or sick French Protestants, men or women, above the age of fifty years — and /500 more to be invested .md the revenue thereof employed to furnish beds, linen, and clothes and other necessities of the said poor French Protestants who shall be in the said place." There is here no suggestion of building a new hos- pital, but only of adding accommodation for twelve more l82 Hui;ucnot Society of America ^ poor people to an existinor house. The idea of bringing Gatigny's bequest into harmony with his known wishes and making it the starting-point in a scheme for a new hospital carefully constructed and arranged to meet the needs of the poor infirm and sick F^rench Protestants arose, as we shall see, some years after his death. Jacques de Gatigny seems to be {)resented to us in his will as a solitary l)achelor with a heart overflowing with kindness and sym[)athy. Neither wife nor children nor indeed any relations are mentioned. After making- confession of his faith his first thoughts are, as I have shown, for his poor infirm and sick co-religionnaires, in ministering to whose comforts he had spent the last years of his life. He passes on to the remembrance of a few old friends, and again turns to the poor of his nation, leaving two hundred pieces or pounds sterling to be distributed among them by the French committee. He then thinks of his servants, naming each and leaving to each a bequest which seems to be the result of care- ful thought and to have special fitness for the individual legatee. A bequest of ^loo to the newly founded Society for the Propagation of the Gospel is followed by one or two other legacies to friends, and then, giving quite an idyllic form to the will, his thoughts revert once again to his fellow exiles and he directs/ 200 to be distributed among twenty of the Refugee ministers who may have need of it. But in its consequences by far the most important provision in Gatigny's will, next to his legacy of ;^iooo, is the appointment of Philippe Menard, '* Minister of the word of God," as his executor and administrator. When driven from France by the general decree of French Protestant Hospital of London 183 banishment of Protestant ministers embodied in the Edict of Revocation, Menard took refuge at the Danish Court and was appointed, by Queen Charlotte Amelia, pastor of the French Church at Copenhagen. In a very few years, however, he was called to London as chaplain of the French Chapel Royal at St. James's, and he at once became an active member of the French committee for the distribution of the Royal Bounty. To this committee, and w^ithin four months of the testator's death, Menard handed the ^1000 bequeathed by Gatigny, with full instructions for its disposal. Negotiations were at once opened with the Corporation of the City of London for the enlargement of the Pest House, but the sale of the necessary ground was refused, the negotiations were discontinued, and the bequest lay dormant for about seven years, simply earning interest. The committee, however, were not idle. Early in 1716a long-cherished scheme for founding upon Gatigny's be- quest an entirely new hospital or asylum for some of the poor and aged French Refugees came, as we should now say, '* within the region of practical politics." The Worshipful Company of Ironmongers owned a plot of ground called the Golden Acre immediately to the south of the Pest House, which they were wilhng to lease to the committee as the site of a hospital for the French Refugees. Here, then, was a golden opportunity, which was instantly seized. The most interesting of all the papers I have found among the archives of the French Hospital is the record of a meeting of the French committee for the distribution of the Royal Bounty held on the 3d March, 1716, at w^hich Louis Saurin presided and Philippe Menard acted as moderator. Its import- ance lies in the fact that it shows the first public and definite step in the foundation of the French Hospital I i84 Huguenot Society of America :is distinguished from the old Pest House with Gatigny's proposed addition. The document, after recording Gatigny's bequest and the receipt by the committee (seven years before) of the money with directions for its appHcation, appears to assume a knowledge on the part of its reader of the failure of the negotiations with the city of London, and it goes on to say that, the committee having done their best to carry out the intentions of the testator, an op- portunit)' has at last arisen for acquiring a convenient site whereon to build a new hospital — but that the site would cost ^400 and the remainder of the legacy would be altogether insufficient to provide and furnish the building. The encouragement, however, and promises of support given by many pious and charitable persons, and the urgent necessity existing for a proper asylum for the poor Refugees, had emboldened the committee to embark on the scheme. There were so many among the Refugees altlicted in mind, body, and estate, so man)' enfeebled by age and other bodily infirmities, who could in no other way be so carefully tended, that the committee confident!}' appealed for help to those who were able to give it. Those to whom the appeal is addressed — probably in the first instance the members of the committee themselves — are invited each to write down the sum which God has put in their heart to contribute to so charitable a work. The com- mittee promise to keep an exact account of all moneys received, and of the use to which they are put, and they in\ite all interested to look into and examine these accounts. Thr document concludes witli this •j[;entle exhortation : ** To do good and to communicate forget not : For with such sacrifices (iod is well i)leased." French Protestant Hospital of London 185 Discussed at the Meeting of the French Committee charged with the distribution of the Royal Bounty 3d March, 17 16. Lons Saurix, Moderateur. Ph. Menard, Secretaire. Then follow subscriptions rano^ini^ from one of ^100 by M. Jacques Baudoin to sums of 5/, and amounting in all to /4 74. 9.0. Eight of the subscribers besides the Moderator and Secretary were among the first thirty- seven Directors of the French Hospital and five more were elected later. Encouraged by these subscriptions and doubtless by others whicli immediately followed, the committee bought from the Ironmongers' Company for the term of 990 years commencing 25th March, 1716, and for the sum of /;"400 sterling, the acre of land offered them. Among the conditions of the lease is one that the lessees shall pa}' to the Ironmongers' Company each year within twenty-eight days after Christmas, if legally demanded, one pepper corn. Only about 180 years of the lease have yet expired. I don't know whether througli all that period the pepper corn has been each year legally demanded and punctually paid, but of late years it has become something like a custom to invite the Master for the time being of the Ironmongers' Com- pany to the January Court dinner at the Hospital, and, without waiting for its legal demand, to present him in the course of the evening, with much stately ceremony, our rent of erne pepper corn for the land which now yields to the Corporation an income of about /890 ]3er annum. We naturally extol the moderation of our landlord, who as naturally praises the punctuality of his tenants. Certain books at the Hospital and documents pre- served in the Public Record Office enable us to follow i86 Huguenot Society of America fairly clos.-ly the evi-nts of the two followincj^ years, when donations for the new work of mercy were freely ilowing in, when the buiklino: was irnulually assuniin^r shape and completeness, w^hen those interested were beino" formed into a corporation under royal patrona][^e, and when the plans for tlu- administration of the new^ charity were beinir matured. One of the books, the Crraud Livrc iXo. y^, contains an alphabetical list of contributions extending apparently from the meeting of 3d March, 1716, when subscriptions were first invited, to November, 1718, when the Hospital was opened. These amount to /*2;72.i6.o. There were also occasional gifts in kind. Once a pearl necklace was sent by a loving woman as a messen^'-er of mercv to the poor sick and infirm among lier fellow exiles, with the direction that it was to be sold for the benefit of the new charity. A rather kiter report of the Treasurer shows that it was sold for /, 100. As the subscriptions accumulated they were put out to mortcraoe at S or 6 per cent, interest, or invested in the state lotteries of the time, or in one or other of the manv forms of South Sea bonds which were miscalled •'securities." The speculative character of the invest- ments of the earlv Directors of the French Hospital and even of the gifts and bequests is really astonishing. By no stretch of fancy could the bulk of the securities held by the young Corporation be called *' gilt edged." In I 719, M. Etienne Seignoret, one of the first thirty-seven Directors, bequeathed to the new Corporation f-jo per annum in terminable annuities which had still seventy-two vears and three months to run. This income he directed to be applied to ai)prenticing children of the Refugees to useful trades. The delighted Treasurer works out a little sum showino that if the annual income is divided into four premiums of £i'J.io each the bequest will French Protestant Hospital of London 187 sutihce to apprentice 289 " Ejifansy But later entries show that these annuities were capitalised and invested in the South Sea Bubble, which a few years afterwards burst and the greater part of the legacy was lost. The trades to which the boys under this bequest were apprenticed were clockmakers, goldsmiths, jewellers, fan-makers, sculptors ; and the girls were chiefly bound to milliners. On I 2th March of the same year a more satisfactory entry occurs, showing that land for the new Hospital (l)ought in 1716) had cost 400 o o Buildings, etc., in twenty payments 2750 o o Insurance 17 19 6 Furniture, linen, etc 477 10 5 The ('harter of Incorporation 23 4 8 3668 14 7 This is the first definite account I have met with of the cost of the new Hospital. I have found the builder's bill in detail, as well as the receipts for the sev- eral payments on account, wdiich latter are chiefly remarkable for showing that the word Hospital might then be spelt in at least seven different ways, according to the caprice of the speller. It would be tedious to follow in detail the petitions and documents in the Public Record Office which show that after the most careful and exhaustive enquiry a Charter was granted by King George I on 24th July, 1 718, making the petitioners and their successors a body corporate for ever under the title of " The Hospi- tal for poor French Protestants and their descendants residing in Great Britain." Lord Galway was created the first Governor, Jacques Baudoin, the most active I i88 Huguenot Society of America and generous promoter of the new Hospital, the first Deputy Governor, and the other petitioners, who were all French Refugees naturalised in England, the first Directors. A copy of the Charter is given in the appendix to this paper. Lord Galway cannot have taken an active part in the formation of the French Hospital, for he was over seventy years of age and confined by acute suffering from gout and rheumatism to his country house at Rookley, near Southampton. Even seven years earlier he was described as *' an ao-ed General maimed and covered with honourable wounds, by birth a foreigner, by sentiment and inclinations an honest Englishman, a gentleman of rare and eminent qualities that equally render him proper for the cabinet or the field." He never attended a General Court, but on his death in 1720 a sym|)athetic Minute records the sense of the Directors of the great loss the Corporation has suffered. Besides being an early subscriber to the proposed Hos- pital, Lord Galway left ^1000 to the established Cor- poration, directing that it be applied in such manner as Monsieur Philippe Menard and the other Directors should think fit. Jacques Baudoin, the first Deputy Governor, was a native of Nismes who had come to London at the time of the Revocation, and had now established himself as a very prosperous merchant. It will be remembered that he headed the list of 1716 with a donation of ;,^ioo. He and Menard were the most active pro- moters of the new Hospital and the most indefatigable administrators during the first twenty years of its exist- ence. The record of their constant work amone the poor Refugees and at the Hospital forms a magnificent French Protestant Hospital of London 189 object-lesson for those who feel in any way called to devote their energies or their substance or both to the benefit of their fellow-men. AH the other Directors named in the Charter were French Protestants who had become naturalised Eno-- lish subjects and had taken the oath of Allegiance, Abjuration, and Supremacy. The first General Court of the new Hospital was held on the 3d September, 1718. The Court was opened with prayer, a prayer written presumably by Menard, which has invariably been used on the opening of the Courts even to the present day. Then the Charter was read '' avcc respect,'' as the Secretary is careful to record. The Court then pro- ceeded to elect officers and the following were chosen : The Revd. Philippe Menard, Secretary. M. Louis Des Clousseaux, Treasurer. M. Francois Du Plessis, Minister and Chaplain. The subject and motto of a seal were determined upon, a sub-committee was appointed for drawing up the By-Laws and Regulations to be presented to the next Court for consideration, and finally the Directors proceeded to take the oaths. At the second General Court, held 8th October, 1718, By-Laws and Regulations were adopted, and a remark- able proof of the great care and wisdom with which they were drawn up is the fact that with very little alteration they still govern the administration of the Hospital. Then came the solemn dedication of the Hospital and Chapel to the service of Almighty God on the 12th of the following month, when M. Menard preached a ser- 190 Huguenot Society of America mon, which although ordered to be printed is unhappily lost. The French Hospital was now fairly established ; about sixty poor French people were housed within its walls and very many more were visited, helped, and cared for at their houses. The administration of the new charity was system- atised. Committees with well defined duties were appointed. Every committee held monthly meetings and all met together at the Quarterly General Courts to discuss and determine matters of general interest. Do- nations and legacies were also freely poured into the Hospital chest — Lord Galway, the first Governor, as we have seen, left /looo ; his successor, M. le Baron Phili- bcrt d' Hervart, gave ^4000, and many other consider- able sums were given, so that within a few years we find the Directors again negotiating with the city of London for the large plot of land — about three acres — upon which the Pest House stood ; and this time a bargain was concluded. The old house was at once pulled down and the land made the garden of the Hospital. At the present day the rental of the houses built nearly a century later on this land forms a principal source of the income of the Corporation. I wish that I could impart to you half the interest that I have found in tracing out the story of the foundation and earlv irrowth of the French Hospital. Among its first Directors and officers I seem to have made personal acquaintances, almost indeed to have enjoyed personal friendships. From I 718 to 1737 I have sat at the General Court quarter after quarter beside Philippe Menard. His handwritinor is as familiar to me as my own ; his features it is true have come to me at second hand through the French Protestant Hospital of London 191 portrait which hangs in the Court Room of the new Hospital, but I have looked upon that portrait so often and I find the features so absolutely to harmonise with the character of the man as it has been gradually revealed to me, that I have no difficulty in accepting it as you would yourselves look upon the photograph of an absent friend. It may seem fanciful, but a certain tone of voice, a certain mannerism, and certain quaint forms of expression are most powerfully impressed on my mind as those of Philippe Menard. Of this I am con- vinced: that when on loth November, 1736, the chair of the accomplished Secretary was seen to be vacant at the opening of the General Court, and the word passed from mouth to mouth that he who since the incorpora- tion of the charity had missed but a sinofle meetino- and that ten years ago on the occasion of the death of his brother, was too ill to attend, the sense of loss and the emotions of regret and sympathy could hardly have been more thoroughly awakened in the hearts of the Dirt^ctors present than in mine. How eagerly I looked onwards to the record of the next Court, and while re- joicing to find him present, observed with real concern the faltering signature which told so plainly the story of his failing powers. It was with no surprise that I read in the Minutes of the following Court, 13th April, 1737, ^^^at another Director, Monsieur Philippe de Cres- pigny, was elected to assist M. Menard, who, on account of his great age and infirmities, was no longer able to att(Mid regularly the meetings of the Corporation. Then came the end. The Court of 6th July, 1737, before {proceeding to any other business made this sorrowful record : '' God having taken to Him.self M. Menard the Secretary of this Corporation, the Directors present are most deeply touched with a sense of the great loss the 19: Huguenot Society of America Corporation has sustained and they desire to honour M. Menard's memory for the very great services which he rendered to this Hospital." The past no less than the present has its lights and shadows, its joys and griefs, for those who sympathetically study it. The death of Philippe Menard closes the first and brightest chapter in the history of the French Hospital. In this our enquiry we first met with Menard on his appointment to the chaplaincy of the French Chapel Royal at St. James's Palace, then as one of the French committee for administering the Royal Bounty to the poor Refugees, then as executor to the will of Jacques de Gatigny, promptly obeying its direction to hand to the French committee /looo for the accommodation and maintenance of twelve more French poor at the Pest House. By this time he was acting as Secretary of the committee, in which capacity he must have taken an active part in the negotiations with the city of London for the purchase of ground necessary to give effect to the bequest. When these negotiations failed one can say with almost absolute certainty that the project for building a new Hospital on far broader, deeper, and more lasting foundations than were ever dreamt of by Gatigny originated with him. From the day when this project was publicly an- nounced until the Charter of Incorporation had been secured, the activity of Philippe Menard in the cause he had made his own was ceaseless. Saurin and lie jointly launched the first appeal for subscriptions, and the rapid and extraordinarv success which the scheme met with must have been largely due to the influence which Menard derived from his position at the Court of St. James, and from his intimate acquaintance with the wealthier French Protestant Hospital of London 193 Refugee families in London. The petition praying the Crown to incorporate the new charity by royal charter was his work, and so, no doubt, was the selection from among the members of the clerical and lay committees, of those thirty-seven " men of mercy " whose names are recorded in the Charter as the first Directors of the French Hospital. When the buildings were completed the dedication service was arranged and the sermon preached by Menard, and afterwards from the first General Court in 1 718 until his illness and death in 1737 he attended with one single exception every quarterly meeting of the Directors and recorded the proceedings in a way that all later secretaries of the Corporation have more or less successfully attempted to follow. The Hospital thus founded, incorporated, and started continued its beneficent work for nearly 150 years on the old site. The buildings were altered from time to time to meet the varying needs and resources of the charity. During the first half century of its existence the original building received frequent additions until at one time between two hundred and three hundred f^oor Refugees or their descendants were being tended and cared for within its walls. Fifty years la'ter both the number needing an asylum and also the income of the charity had greatly diminished. The Governors therefore most wisely sought and obtained the sanction of Parliament to remove some of the disused buildings and to let on building leases the large plot of garden ground which lay to the north of them. In 1810 two parallel streets of small houses, running the whole length of the ground, were built, leases being granted for sixty-one years. The ground rents of these houses formed a moderate 194 Huguenot Society of America but welcome addition to the revenue of the Corporation ; that, however, was the least of the benefits derived from the step then taken, for during the currency of the leases most of the open ground in the neighbourhood met with similar treatment, so that the site of the Hospital, which in its early days was surrounded by green fields and gardens and pleasant hedgerows and lanes leading to the open country, became hemmed in by streets, and rendered quite unsuitable as a haven of rest for sick and aged people. By an English custom, which may or may not obtain in America (I do not know), lease-hold property on the ex- piry of the lease reverts to the ground landlord, and in this way the Corporation of the French Hospital in 1871 acquired the ownership of the whole of the houses buih on the Hospital garden. Thenceforth the Hospital received the full or ** rack " rentals, which are six or seven times greater than the ground rents. With this augmented income in view the Directors about the year i860 began to consider the expediency of removing the Hospital from the now smoke-stained locality of St. Luke's Parish to some more open spot. Many plans were discussed, many sites were offered and examined. Finally the site of an old house and garden occupying about three and a quarter acres in the Parish of South Hackney was chosen. Among other reasons which determined the selection of this particular plot of ground are the following : It is nearer than any other site offered to Spitalfields and Bethnal Green, the dis- tricts from which most of the inmates come ; it is bounded on one side by the open Lammas land of Hackney, which may not be built over, and it almost ad- joins Victoria Park, one of the largest and most beautifullv laid out of all the London parks. at Ihe French Protestant llospital, V'ictoria Park, London. Erected 1S66. French Protestant Hospital of London 195 The subsoil also of the locality is a dry, sandy gravel of great depth, making it particularly salubrious. Here was erected in 1865 the beautiful building of which I am able to show you an engraving. It is about two hundred feet in length and its depth from front to back varies from fifty to ninety feet. The style of the building is that of the old French chateau, which was con- temporary with the later Tudor in England and became common in France during the latter part of the reign of Francis I. The high, pointed roofs, peculiar towers, and spire-like coverings, together with the use of external colour and the quaint irregularity of outline, produce a singularly picturesque effect, especially when seen from a distance. I will not detain you with a minute description of this building, which forms a home for sixty poor and aged French Protestants and descendants of French Protestants. It has been a tradition from the very earliest davs of the French Hospital that the Governors and Directors accept office as a kind of sacred trust, with an implied obligation to devote a large share of their time and talents to the carrying on of the good work which was set on foot by their ancestors. In this spirit the charity has ever been administered. Physicians, barristers, proctors, solicitors, architects, merchants, have as mem- bers of the Court through many generations rendered suit and service to the good cause. In this spirit the late Mr. Robert Louis Roumieu, an eminent architect, not only designed the building which we all so admire! but worked out every detail of its arrangement and himself superintended its erection, without fee or pecu- niary reward of any kind. The old people who here softly tread the last stao-e t 196 Huguenot Society of America French Protestant Hospital of London 197 of their earthly pilj^^rimage are a quiet, simple folk. AlthoLioh removed by several ^venerations from their French ancestors, and in most cases bearing English blood in their veins, they exhibit many traits character- istic of their origin. You would find bVench faces there counterparts ahnost of "La bonne femme de Norman- die" and her sister, so well known through the old French en^'-ravinLTs. In many of the inmates you would notice a delicacy of thought and expression which can only be explained by the law of heredity, and you would remark a general love of music and an appreciation of good music that is quite uncommon among English folk of their class. Most of these old people have led hard- working^ lives : th(* men as weavers or small craftsmen, the women as weaveresses, spinners, sempstresses, etc., but some have seen better da)s. One old man, a super- annuated iM-ench schoolmaster, of whom I am very fond, was born in Paris some ninety-three years ago. He must be one of the very few still living in England who have distinct recollections of the first Napoleon, for he remembered witnessing, as a boy, the enthusiastic re- ception of the Emperor in Paris on his escape from Elba, and his reviewing the French troops shortly be- fore leaving for the fateful field of Waterloo. Another tells, with pardonable pride, how he, the most ex- pert workman in his master's establishment, used to make hats for Daniel O'Connell, the Irish patriot, whose head he declares was the largest " natural" head he had ever helped to cover. He had met with a few larger, that seemed to be bulged about anyhow b>' disease, but, as he expressed it, " That 's very different from being natural grown." Among the old ladies are two or three French governesses : one who boasts that royalty has drank at the fountain of her knowledge, princesses having been among her pupils, and another who bears with a quiet dignity the honored name of Gi7'ardot, The building itself teems with associations with the past. The Court Room, which reminds one of an old college hall, is lighted by stone-mullioned wnndows, in whose painted glass the armorial bearings of many re- cent Directors are emblazoned. A band, charged with the shields of some of the more famous early Governors and Directors, runs entirely round the room above the dado. Over the fireplace, at either end, hang contem- porary portraits of the Founder and first Secretary, and the side walls are adorned with portraits of Lord Gal- way, the first Governor, Lord Ligonier, and other fa- mous Governors and Directors of a former time. In this room also are marble busts of the late Sir Henry Layard (of Nineveh fame) and of my own cousin, Richard Herve Giraud, who devoted the greater part of a very long life to the interests of the Corporation. In the Committee Room are a number of relevant prints and engraved portraits, a handsome mace (the emblem of a corporation), an exact copy of the chair of Calvin which stands in Geneva Cathedral, and two bookcases and medal cabinets which have lately been provided for the extension of the special Huguenot Library, which is growing rather rapidly. It is still customary for the Directors forming the committee to meet monthly for the dispatch of the routine business of the Hospital, and for the entire Court to meet quarterly to exercise a more general con- trol over its affairs. At these General Courts a few guests are always invited, and some customs dating from the time when George I was King are preserved. One is to begin dinner with a particular kind of soup called " Charter Soup'' from the tradition that the 198 Huguenot Society of America 4 French Protestant Hospital of London 199 Charter of Incorporation would be forfeited if any other kind were used at a General Court dinner. A number of toasts in French are given by the President ^/>;////r//^r, without note or comment. The first, ''La Rcine^' is given when the pudding is placed on the table. Two others are, ''Messieurs les Diaries a vos dames'' and Messieurs les non maries a vos niaiiresses,'' the latter carrying us back to a time when the term ''mistress" had a more chivalrous sit^nification than it is now held to bear. The Loving-Cup is also passed round from euest to truest, after bein Haarlfth . i i 7 THE WALLOON OR FRENCH CHURCH AT HAARLEM (HOLLAND) By MARINUS GODEFRIDEN WILDEMAN, Adjunct Archivist, Haarlem, Holland TO the best of our knowledge, it was as early as 1581, shortly after the city of Haarlem had chosen the side of William the Prince of Orange, that some Walloon fugitives settled in that city, and as they came from the southern provinces of the Netherlands, they were called by the general name of Flemings. As appears from the accounts of the clerical property, the munici- pality allowed them to take up their abode as best they could in the deserted church of the Great Be^uinacre. Their number constantly increasing, in 1586 they thought themselves numerous enough to claim a minister who understood French, as the opening sen- tence of the official report of the sessions of the Walloon Consistory readily proves. '' The French people belonging to the Reformed Church in this town of Haarlem, having requested the Synod of the churches for this tongue, in session March, 1586, to appoint a minister for them, they thought fit to call Mr. Jean Taffin, who was then in Germany, and re- quired him to accept the place. The said Taffin came to Haarlem the 5th of September of the said year, and preached his first Sermon on the 7th of the month." On the 13th of this month of September, Taffin went to Leiden in order to represent the new Haarlem parish 201 . ! I / 202 Huguenot Society of America in the Walloon Synod which assembled there, being ac- companied by the most important member of his new flock, Mr. Jean Henniar. A few days afterwards, on the gth of October, the first Consistory was installed, consisting of Messrs. Jean Hen- niar and Jean de Veronne, elders, and Pierre de la Marque and Robert Macque, deacons. The Lord's Supper was celebrated in the church for the first time on the 9th of November, 1586. Of course, there was a great deal to be regulated, and matters to be talked over with the Magistrates, which was generally done by Jean Henniar, who seems to have been a man of great influence. The municipality had allowed the Walloons to occupy the church for a time, but it was by no means given to them definitely ; that is why, in the accounts of the clerical property for 15S6, it is only noted that the church is used by poor fugitive Walloon workmen, and it is only in 1590 that mention is made of the fact that part of it is used by the Walloon congregation for di- vine service. On the 8th of January, 1587, the Consis- tory resolved to request the Magistrates for another church, or to have the present church thoroughly re- paired. Henniar took up the matter very earnestly, everything was well regulated, and, as we shall see below, the church was repaired as had been requested. The year 1586 was remarkable for another important event among these Walloons, the first christening of a child, which took place on the 6th of December ; the first marriage was celebrated on the 9th day of February, 1 587. The first Walloon fugitives were for the greater part poor workmen from Liege, Nivelles, Lille, Valenciennes, and other French places in the Spanish Netherlands. From the official report of an assessment of the 13th of The French Church at Haarlem 203 November, 1586, intended for the purchase of things re- quired for divine service, we know the names of such of them as were rather well-to-do. They were Fernand Sabe, Alard Bonduel, Jean Sem- erpont, Robert Macque, Jaques Sabe, Gerard Iliole, Jean du Ouesnoy, Lambert Cambier, Jean Rousseau, Jean Henniar, Antoine Henniar, Pierre de la Marque, Jean de Veronne, Gilles C. Grand, and Andries Du- rand. Out of this collection or poll-tax the pews in church, anything required for the Lord's Supper, the registers, and the engraving of a stamp for all letters and documents and certificates of admission to the Lord's Supper, were to be paid for. This stamp is stifl in existence ; it represents Christ surrounded by seven candle-sticks with burning candles, and the device, "Christ seul est tout." As often as the Lord's Supper was to be celebrated, the minister, accom- panied by an elder and a deacon, paid a visit to the members and inquired after their behavior ; if there was nothing blameworthy, he gave each a token, or, as it was called, a " mereau," which was to be produced on approaching the table, and without w^hich no member was allowed to commune. If there was found anything to be blamed in any one's behavior, such person was summoned before the Consistory to be reprimanded about it ; if upon three calls he refused to appear, the congregation was in- formed that he had ceased to be a member, and every member was required to withdraw from all relations with him, and abstain even from speaking with him. During the first years the official reports of the sessions are full of such cases. Generally the affair terminated with a consistorial ! ^i lA i • ii ill 1 204 Huguenot Society of America reprimand ; now and then the whole flock was informed of it and of the accused's repentance ; in some cases a punishment was imposed. So there is a notice about a woman who had committed adultery and had con- fessed before the Consistory. She was ordered to ask pardon of the aggrieved wife in the presence of the minister, an elder, and a deacon. Thereupon the flock was informed and exhorted to receive the woman again as a sister. Not always the accused was convoked before the Consistory; generally the names of such as had to wait in church after divine service were read from the pulpit. An often-recurring transgression of women was that stealthily they were present at mass. Not appearing in divine service or at the Lord's Supper was also punishable, as well as drunkenness, adultery, calling hard names, etc. There is even a notice that a member of the congre- gation who had an ale-house was punished because he had allowed two persons to sit down on the counter in- stead of remaining standing. The first sexton was Pierre le Prince. The munici- pality gave him an annual income of fl.150; afterwards 200 guilders, and a free living in one of the houses of the Beguinage. In 1 757 the Consistory increased his salary to "300 guilders. When in 1767 the sexton got the house spoken of below his salary was decreased 50 guilders. Besides the offices of minister and sexton there was an office of comforter of the sick, whose salary was paid by the municipality, as was also the case with the reader, but not with the organist. The first comforter of the sick whom the municipality appointed was Pierre le Cren; he had 26 Flemish pounds. In 1636 Michel The French Church at Haarlem 205 Baira received 100 guilders, as did also Daniel le Comte in 1648. In 1757 the salary was increased to 200 cruilders. The reader had a municipal income of 150 guilders, which the Consistory increased on condition that he was to give lessons to the children of the members. The organist occupied a place created only in 1 730 ; he had no municipal salary but an amount of 100 guilders from the Consistory. It appears that the simple things that had been bought for the celebration of the Lord's Supper sufficed for a rather long time, and it was only in 1640 and again in 1690 that they were renewed. There are still in use three silver plates and four goblets more than two cen- turies old. These plates were bought for 250 guilders, being a legacy to the church by a gentleman who had been a member of the Consistory, by will dated 8th of April, 1 67 1. They bear the crest of the testator and the in- scription : " Laurent le Due obiit Mars 1673, aet. J2>^'' The goblets bear these inscriptions: No. i, "Pierre Bontemps pasteur 1640"; No. 2, "Daniel le Borgue, ancien 1640" ; No. 3, "Jean Hochefried, ancien 1640"; No. 4, "Jacques de la Chambre, ancien, Isaac Denise, diacre, Isaac de Corne, diacre, Jacques des Candain, diacre 1640." Together with these are used one greater and two smaller tin tankards with the inscription : " Par Mons. Pierre le Moine I'aimee 1714 Donnez a I'Eglise Wal- lonne de Haarlem." Moreover, Laurens le Due left by testament a capital of 12,000 guilders to found a scholarship for a student of divinity who should be willing to devote himself to the service of the Walloon Church. I I' \\ 206 Huguenot Society of America From 1635 the church had as ornaments three copper chandeHers, one of which, made by Jan Coclenbier, was given by the municipality. Probably the others were gifts of the churchwardens. In the beginning of this century it was resolved to have the church lighted with oil-lamps, and the chandeliers were sold. Afterwards the church was lighted with gas. As some members were sorry to miss the old chandeliers, Messrs. C. H. Laatsman, D.D., minister, G. Heshuysen, LL.D., churchwarden, A. J. Enschede, LL.D., churchwarden, and C. J. G. de Booy, treasurer, resolved to try to have the chandeliers restored to the church. In 1867 they succeeded in getting them and gave them to the church. The great chandelier in the church used to be in St. Bavo's Church in Haarlem ; the two smaller chandeliers, as well as the lustres in the session- room for the Consistory, are from the church at Krom- menie ; the origin of the chandelier in the session-room is unknown. The Church of the Beguinage the Walloons took possession of in 1596 had a high and a low choir. In the present church is the high choir, and in the sex- ton's house the low one. In this part there is a gallery intended for a tribune for the beguines, now the floor of the higher rooms ; it was reached by a stone stair- case by the side of the steeple, which staircase is still extant. Over this tribune the roof was hidden by a wooden vault covered with painted ornaments, as may still be seen on some of the rafters. The light en- tered by two little side-windows, of which only two are still extant ; under the tribune the light came from three ogival windows. For some years this church had not been used, and during that period, up to the year 1586, it had not been kept in repair. For the repair The French Church at Haarlem 207 of the windows the Walloons took up a collection, and, as the low choir was of no use to them, they re- quested the municipality to have this choir separated by a wall from the other, which was done, and so the municipality got a building that was made, in 1590, to serve as an ammunition house and in 1607 as a hall for the tanning of say and pistean and stamping of cloth. The building remained in use till 1767; then, however, as the trade was very poor, it was given to the Walloon Church in order to serve as a sexton's house instead of the one in the Beguinage that had been used till then. The session-room for the Consistory, formerly sac- risty or vestry, adjacent to the church, and which had a very remarkable ceiling, was not at once given to the Walloons, but in 1590 there lived here two beguines whom the municipality provided for ; then it was let as a dwelling-house, and afterwards, only in 1661, the municipality made it over. In 1875, when cleaning the church, there was discovered over the en- trance of the session-room a wall-painting, representing a tapestry borne by two angels. By order of the church- wardens this wall-painting was restored. In 1 671, when the number of members was ever increasing, the Consistory requested the municipality to have the low choir once more united with the church, or such other measures taken as might serve to enlarge the church. The matter remained a very long time under con- sideration, and only in 1686 a plan and estimate were made, which, however, were never executed. By this plan, calling for 12,363 guilders, it was in- tended to have a transept built on the Beguinage at the north side of the church, and in every part in II l,!l 2o8 Huguenot Society of America accordance with the high choir. There was no organ in the church. In 1730 the first organ was placed. As we read in the official report of February 19th of that year, A. Varnaarts offered an organ for "a considerable amount." The members of the Consistory advanced the money, which was repaid by an annual assessment of the members. In 1808 another organ was placed, built by Fredericks, from Gouda, and which cost 6619.88 guilders, and was played the first time on the 28th of August of that year. The Constitution of 1792, which altered so many things, gave rise to the question if the Walloon con- crregation might remain in the undisturbed possession of the church. Article the 6th of the additional articles runs as follows : " All churches and parsonages of the formerly Estab- lished Church which were built by the Municipality are neither private nor state property, but are at the entire disposal of each local government ; so that an arrange- ment may be made between all the Churches within six months after the sanction of the Constitution. "The fundamental principle of this arrangement is in every place the majority of the members of the differ- ent churches, which will constitute the relative major- ity of the inhabitants. ** This will be entitled to have the preference for the seizure of the local church and parsonage, with this stipulation, that there shall be a strict valuation of all these buildings, after which a reasonable indemnifica- tion either at once or in installments is to be paid to the other churches in proportion to the number of their members, which by these regulations are considered all and every one of them to have given up any claim to the formerly combined property. •* These so seized churches and parsonages shall after- wards for all time to come remain the property of, Theodore M. Bant a. Of the Celebration Committee. 4 I The French Church at Haarlem 209 and be under the administration and special care of, those churches as shall have acquired them in accord- ance with the foregoing stipulations. •' Any differences arising from the above are to be settled at once by the Representative Body. " The steeples belonging to the said churches, as the bells and belfry, are declared to be and remain the property of the Civil Community, having to be ad- ministered and taken care of by the Municipality." In the session of the Consistory of May the 7th, i 798, a member, Mr. Jacob Scholting, public notary of this town, proposed to have the matter discussed in an ex- traordinary assembly. Consequently the Great Con- sistory was convoked against the 4th of June, and Mr. Scholting was ordered to draw up a report in which the four following questions were to be asked : "1st. Does the present building completely suffice both for its dimensions and outhouses, considering in the meantime necessary alterations and expenses for the keeping in repair? '* 2d. Would it be necessary to pay a sum to the Muni- cipality, and if so, what would be the amount ? " :^d. If the amount should surpass the available cleri- cal balance, how then could another building be acquired? "4th. Is it desirable in the present case to act sep- arately, or would it be better to act together with the other Walloon churches?" Mr. Scholting read his report in the session of the Consistory on the 4th of June, 1798, whereupon a com- mittee was nominated to give an opinion upon these questions. This the committee did in the assembly of August the 7th, both about the financial questions and the buildings. As for the latter the assembly was of opinion that it would not be possible to find a building I 2IO Huguenot Society of America that was more desirable for their purposes ; that the necessary repairing would cost little, as only the roof wanted, repair and that it might still do as it was for some years; that the building was not one of those which according to the Constitution had been set at the disposal of the government, as it was municipal property ; and that it was preferable to buy the church outright rather than have it on lease. By the additional article it had been stipulated that the right of property should be fixed for all such churches and parsonages of the formerly established Church as, having been built by the municipality, were neither private nor state property. This stipulation related to all buildings in the towns that had been ordered for the service of the Reformed Church after the latter had become predominant, but not to such churches as were private property, either of the com- munities or of the towns. In Haarlem there were five churches intended for divine service of the Re- formed Church : the Great or St. Bavo Church ; the Bakenesse Church ; the New or St. Anna Church, the St. John's Church, and the Walloon or Beguine Church. The Bakenesse Church was a property of the Re- formed Church, abandoned by agreement with Bishop Godfried van Mierlo of January 21, 1577. The Great Church was taken by the Reformed, but by resolution of the States in 1581, all such property as belonged to the converts, religious institutions, and guilds situated within the town and parish at the time of the satis- faction had been declared municipal property as an indemnification for the siege of 1573. The municipality might have contented themselves and the States by declaring that the addititional articles, as far as regards this point, did not apply The French Church at Haarlem 21 1 to Haarlem. However, they preferred settling things in a different way, either because the local government for the time being did not exactly know the rights of the town, or because they would not seem to object to accomplish the regulations of the Constitution. By circular of the i6th of October, 1798, they convoked all clerical congregations who should pretend to have any right to their churches, and, as the local govern- ment would find great difficulties in trying to decide about all the documents produced, they begged, by letter of the 9th of February, 1 799, all the aforesaid congregations to delegate persons who, as representa- tives of these clerical congregations, should settle between them the question about the churches. This circular was presented to a committee consisting of Messrs. Joh. Enschede, LL.D., du Crocg, Guepin, Jac. Scholting, and P. van Lee, who were authorized to act in anything relating to the church and salaries. A short time before, the municipality had taken an exten- sive resolution on the 19th of December, 1798, decid- ing that there should be no voting upon the property of churches but by such clerical congregations as had complied with the circular of the i6th of October, be- ing the Reformed, Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Walloon, and Jewish churches. As meanwhile the municipality has been informed about the resolution of the States of 1 59 1, they decided that this regulation should only apply to the Great and the Bakenesse churches, as the other churches were, without any doubt, local property, and could in no way be considered a national property — without, however, giving their reasons why they had resolved to declare these churches national property. As fundamental principle for the regulation was taken the Publication of the Intermediate Executive Government 212 Huguenot Society of America The French Church at Haarlem 213 of the Batavian Republic of the loth of July, 1798, which required, in the first place, valuation of the churches, with an account of profits and charges ; and, in the second place, the amount of the indemnification the church that acquired the property was to pay to the other churches. As by the valuation the Ba- kenesse Church was said to be worth 400 guilders and the Great Church nothing at all, only this amount was to be divided in proportion to the number of mem- bers of each congregation, the latter being: 11,820 Reformed, 6854 Roman Catholics, 760 Lutherans, 148 Walloons, and 132 Israelites. The reasons the valuers advanced were : '•that in this case there could be no question to take in consideration what these churches mio^ht be said to be worth, if such as should acquire them might deal with them as they should choose, but that now the only question to be decided upon was, What is the value of each of them, considered as buildings that are for the future merely and simply to be used for public divine service?" The assembly had a very favorable result, as appears from a letter of the municipality, dated 13th of March, 1799, to the delegated members of the Walloon Con- sistory, from which it appears at the same time how uncertain the municipalit)' was about the right of property, as they give the information that after the revocation of their resolution of the 19th of December, 1798. there had also been a voting about the abandon- ment of the New and the St. John's churches to the Re- formed, and the Beguine Church to the Walloons, and that, moved by ''generous sentiments, the other cler- ical congregations had given up all claims on these churches, leaving, consequently, the Beguine Church in free property to the Walloons for religious purposes." At the same time the municipality informed them that they had nominated a committee in order to confer with the delegated members of the Walloon Consistory about regulations to make about the building. The result of this meeting was that, without any claim for remuneration, the local government abandoned all her rights upon the church, about which on the 19th of March, i 799, the following instrument was drawn : '' For the Walloon Reformed Church in Haarlem : '* The Municipality of Haarlem, considering that for such clerical congregations of this town as, in the same way as the Reformed, in accordance with the additional articles of the Constitution, produced a claim for the churches till now used by the latter for their Di- vine Service, for the benefit of said Reformed churches most generously abandoned all and any claims both for the churches and for financial profits which might result from them, upon deliberation leaving untouched the reasons which induced the said Municipality to consider only the Great, or St. Bavo, Church and the Bakenesse Church in the projected agreement about clerical buildings between the different clerical congre- gations in this place, and kindly answer the generous sentiments all the other congregations of this town manifested for the Reformed Church, has thought fit and understands to stipulate, as the said Municipality most solemnly stipulates by these presents, that the Church of the Beguinage, in use by the Walloon Reformed Church and considered to be local property, is by these presents abandoned by the Municipality in full and free property to the latter merely and solely for public divine service, is devolved to the said con- gregation, and is secured to the same. And in order 214 Huguenot Society of America that the said property may at any and every time be proved, a copy of the present resolution shall be given to the said Walloon Reformed Church. " Done and given in the Municipal Buildings, this 19th day of March, 1799, being the 5th year of the Batavian Liberty. *• By order, (Signed) '* VV. van Sypestein." By this act the congregation had become owner of the building, but thf* financial difficulties to which the introduction of the Constitution gave rise had not en- tirely disappeared. These related both to the keeping of the building in repair and the payment of salaries, and were a consequence of the exceptional condition in which the Walloon Church had continually stood. But here a word is in place respecting the condition and history of this congregation before i 799. The Walloon conorreiration, which had been founded in Haarlem as early as 1586, had never been con- sidered by government as a separate church but as a branch of the Dutch Reformed Church, and takino- this into consideration the government had appointed one minister more who preached the Gospel in the language which the new members understood. As for this ser- vice one church more was to be used, government gave the Beguine Church. This church had been the property of the municipality by an agreement with the States by which all the property of convents and re- ligious institutions had been given to the town as an indemnification for the expenses of the siege (1573). That the Beguine Church was chosen and not one of the other cloister churches not yet sold, may have been be- cause the church had no outhouses and consequently was not so well fit to be sold and transformed into The French Church at Haarlem 215 private dwellings as had been the case with the con- vents. So then the Reformed Church had taken in use the Bakenesse Church and the Great Church, where service was held in Dutch, and the Beguine Church, where service was held in Walloon. In a few years they acquired the St. John's and the St. Anna Church, after- wards the " New Church." If the project of the municipality had been realized, the Walloon Church in Haarlem would never have ex- isted as a separate congregation, and there would be now only one Reformed church more. The munici- pality nominated a minister who preached in French exactly as the other Dutch ministers had been nomi- nated. He was bound, together with an elder, to be present at the consistorial assembly, that was held on the first Sunday every month in the Dutch church after the twelve o'clock service, and was attended by all the clergymen, in order to discuss matters of common interest. At the choice of members for the Consistory no differ- ence was made between persons known as members either of the Dutch or of the Walloon Church. How- ever, as a knowledge of French was necessary to service in the Consistory, there was something like a competi- tion between the Dutch and the Walloon churches to have some persons chosen for the Consistory, and as these generally preferred the Walloon church, this caused the Dutch congregation to complain about 1655. On the third of March, 1693, the Burgomasters ordered that from that date any choice for elders and deacons should first be submitted to themselves for approbation. It was strictly forbidden to draw up the list until the day after the list of the Dutch congregation had been drawn up. As, of course, the persons had to be sounded, 2l6 Huguenot Society of America the stipulation had no result at all. In 1797 the two congregations agreed that they should alternately choose their Consistory in such a way that one year the Dutch congregation should first make a choice and the follow- ing year the Walloon. Then there were no Walloon churchwardens, and the whole administration and reparation of the church was entirely in the hands of the churchwardens of the Dutch Reformed Church, who had also to supervise the burials both in the churchyard and in the church and had the profits of it. The Walloon Churcli of Haarlem now is most flour- ishing, has about three hundred members, of which sixty are qualified to vote. The Consistory is composed as follows : Church icardens. H. VAN WiCKEVOORT CrOMMELIN, F. H. DOFFEGNIES, H. T. CiiAPPuis (E. 5) (R.A. 5). Ch. Ensched^, LL.D. Receiver. Parson. Dr. p. J. Muller (1896). Elders, F. H. H. Doffegnies, Dr. J. B. Wynhoff, H. T. Chappuis (E. 5) (R.A. 5), Ch. Enschede, LL.D., B. F. Westerouen van Meeteren. Decuons. Jhr. p. Quarles van Ufford, President. E. A. A. S. VAN Straalen, LL.D., Secretary and Treasurer. J. W. Enschedf% R. W. Th. D. de F'avauge. A^ <-'. C. S. Vciidcr, n.D„ LL.D. Pastar, Fremh iin}^enot Church, lesimi, S, C. Delegate from 1/ttguenot Society of South Carolina. ) THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF SOUTH CAROLINA Bv THE Rev. CHARLES S. VEDDER, D.D., LL.D., Pastor of the Huguenot Church of Charleston, S. C THE French proverb declares that '' he who excuses, accuses himself." This maxim probably owes its origin to the ingenious play upon words, rather than to its obvious truth. And yet it has something of practi- cal application to the present circumstances. The Huguenot Society of South Carolina accuses itself because it has now to make excuse. It should have had a relay of speakers, with appropriate papers, so that the sickness or inability to be present of any one could have been supplied by another. So anxious was the South Carolina Society to have part in this memorable celebration that it deplores the oversight which did not provide an alternate. The present speaker hopes, moreover, that his Society accuses itself for calling upon him at the last hour to speak for it, before he had time to think of any- thing worth the saying — anything, at least, which he had not said elsewhere. And this all the more because the theme assigned to the South Carolina Society was a signal compliment. It was asked to prepare a paper on " The Rise of the Huguenots." Now it was remem- bered that a learned gentleman of whom they had ' The appointed delegate being absent, Dr. Vedder responded for the Huguenot Society of South Carolina. 217 2l8 Huguenot Society of America heard, and who is not unknown to or unpresent at this assembly, — Dr. Henry M. Baird, — had written two in- valuable volumes upon this subject, and it was a charm- ing courtesy to sug^^est that South Carolina could say anything upon it which he had left unsaid. But it was found that no Boaz had given orders to this reaper to leave ungathered some sheaves for our timid Ruth to glean, for Dr. Baird had been ruthless in his research. The only rise in the South Carolina Huguenots was when they formed their Society in glad conjunction with this. Although a different theme was afterwards substituted, the gentleman who was appointed to treat it, and who willingly accepted the honorable task, was prevented by sickness from fulfilling it, and from being present. But I have just received from our Society, assembled like your own on this anniversary, a telegram of greet- ing and congratulation, signed by Mr. Daniel Ravenel, the Secretary, to the Huguenot Society of America, in which the sentiment is uttered that the memories which cluster around the name they bear should make Hugue- nots one, under whatever skies they live. I am commissioned, moreover, to present to the Huguenot Society of America a beautifully bound vol- ume of all the publications of the South Carolina Society, including the last, which was presented to the Charleston Society yesterday — an advance copy from the printer having been secured in order to include it in this volume. It gives me great pleasure to be the medium by which this tribute of respect and regard is conveyed to the parent organization. And, in order that we may not be wholly unrepre- sented by historic papers relating to South Carolina Huguenots. I beg to present the following, which has The Huguenot Society of South Carolina 219 just been prepared by a scholarly friend, Prof. F. Muench, of the city of Charleston, who, although not a Huguenot, has distinguished himself by untiring and enthusiastic research into the French Protestant annals of our State. \ [Editorial Note. — The Rev. Dr. Vedder then pre- ^ scnted a copy of The Sunday Nei^^s of Charleston, S. C, for April 10, 1898, containing Prof. Muench's paper, '^ " The Homes of the Hucruenots." From it the follow- ing list of names of Huguenots who, between 1567 and I 764, came to South Carolina, arranged under the |)rovinces of France from which they emigrated, has been compiled.] Beginning at Languedoc and going east, ending at Guienne, which joins Languedoc on the west, the prov- inces are given in order : LANGUEDOC. Montptilier. **Monsieur Brie" ; Rousserie, Francois ue; Gail- lard, Joachim (the latter with his wife and two sons), in 1687. Aismes. Aunant, Jean, with his wife. Sf. Ambroix. Du Bosc, Jacques. St. Atidr/. GuiBAL, Jean.' I'\ui uteres. Carion, Moise. Maxamct. Cordes, Antoine. These, escaping from P'rance, went to England, thence to South Carolina. DAUPHINE. Grcfioble. Bourdeaux, Jacques de ; Pepin, Paul; Rembert, Andr^. year Grenoble. Andrivet, Jean ; La Motte, Jean Henri (who died in New York, aged 89). LYONNAIS. Lyon. L'Egari^, Francois, with wife and four sons, escaped to England, thence to America. While the rest of the family went to Boston and Rhode Island, the second son, Solomon L'Egare, went to South Carolina. ' See Le Cert, under " Bretagne." 220 Huguenot Society of America La Voulte. Giton, Judith ; first m. Roykr, Noe ; then Manigault, Gabriel (also from England). LORRAlxVE. Saussure, Henri de, to Beaufort, S. C, in 1730 ; descend- ant of Ant(3Ine de Saussure, who fled with his family to Lausanne and Geneva in 1551. CHAMPAGNE. Sedan. Trouillard, Laurent Philippe, Rev., went with his father to Calais, thence to England ; to Charleston, S. C, in 1686. ORLEANxXAIS. Orsemotit. Poitenin, Antoine. Chdteaudun. Dutatre, Pierre. Anthon-en-Perche. Trezevant, Daniel. Meaux. Bochet, Nicolas ; Sere, No^ ; Dugue, Pierre. BERRY. Si. Severe. Richbourg, Isaac Porcher de, Rev., with wife; Cherigny, Claude. Richbourg, Claude Philippe de, Rev., arrived 1699, Man- akin Town, Va., reached S. C. 1712, bringing with him most of his congregation. CITY OF PARIS. BoNHOSTE, Jonas; Picard, Louis (who afterward returned to France) ; Hokrv, Elie, arrived in 1690. PICARDIE. Leschelle. Batton, John Isaac, with his son Jacques, in 1672. D'Anseme. Dr iarque, Luli^; Bremar, Solomon ; and a few years later Batin (Batton?), Richard; Deyos, Richard; Jours, Jacques. (John Batton's first wife, Lorme, Marie DE ; his second, Fosteen, Mary.) St. Quentin. Serrurier, Jacques le, whose daughter or sister married Gignilliat, J fan Francois. Abbeville. Howe, Dr. John de la, came in 1764. ARTOIS. Concourt. Gourdin, Louis, came in 16S5. The Huguenot Society of South Carolina 221 normandie. Caen. Le Grand, Isaac, Lord of Anverille, with entire family. Rouen. Le Bas, Jacques, with entire family, fled in 1685 ; Bataille, Isaac, and Le Gendre, Daniel, by way of Nar- ragansett. Dieppe. Longemare, Nicolas de, with his wife, Bonneau, Marie ; Le Nud, Nicolas ; Brugnet, Marie ; Sover, Marie ; DuBOSC, Isaac ; Potell, Jean. I.'Aigie. Gallepin, Jacques. llarfleur. Le Sueur, Abraham — ; Poinset, Catherine. Montirilliers. Le Moine, Jacques ; Carri^re, Jean. BRETAGNE. Viiry. Ravenel, Rene ; Bordieu, Samuel ; St. Julien, Pierre DE (Sieur de Malacar), with their three families (see Vaurigaud, iii., 67, 68). X antes. Lebert, Jean ; Marbceuf, Joseph. Rennes. Le Cert, Jean (daughter of), who married Jean Guibal. POITOU. Ciiatellemud. Fromaget, Charles. Sossais. Benoit, Jacques. Poitiers. Gerard, Pierre. Chevreux. Gaillard, Pierre ; Juin, George. Germon. Norma nd, Philippe. .SV. Maixcnt. Senechaud, Daniel. Seporo. GuERRi, Pierre. Chainee. Mounart, Francois. La Forge Nossay. Memin, Auguste. St. Soline. Caillebceuf, Isaac. La Villedieu. Michaud, Pierre and Abraham. Lusignan. Bourreau, Antoine ; Prean, Jean. La Chaume. Ribouteau, Gabriel ; Girardeau, Jean ; Marion, Benjamin. LA BELLE TOURAINE. Fleury de la Plaine : Royer, Noe ; Carron, Sir Claude ; Gendron, Philippe ; Pasqueraud, Louis and Pierre ; Bacot, Pierre, with his wife, Mercier, Jacquine ; all came 1694. 222 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenot Society of South Carolina 223 AUNIS. Sf. Sauveur. Laurent, Andrk (afterwards Laurens), with his bride. Perigny. Lucas, Marie. La Chahossilre. Bruneau de Revedoux ; Arman, Paul, and Henri ; RuPELL, George ; Berchaud, Jeanne, wife of Boyd, Jean; BoNNEAU, Antoine; Buretel, Pierre; Mouze, C^sar; Perroneau, Henri ; Videau, Pierre (all came in 1686). La Rocht'lle. Chastaigniers, Henri and Alexandre : Mani- GAULT, Pierre and Gabriel; Cothonneau, Jeremie, with his wife and child ; Gendron, Jean and Philippe. ISLE-DE-RHK. JouET, Daniel, with wife and children, through England; Bertonneau, Jacques, and wife; Barhot, Jacques and Jean (1685); Le Brun, Moise (1694); Garnier, Daniel, with wife, six children, and sister (1685) ; Arnaud, France, wife, and two children (1685) ; Huger, Daniel, wife, and two children (1682); Tauvron, Etienne, with two children; CoTTiN, Pierre, and Mounier, Pierre, and wife (1696);' Jaudon, Daniel, and his mother, Bertonneau, Sara (1696) ; Mazicq, Isaac, fled in 1695 to Amsterdam, thence to London in the same year, sailed in 1696 to Charleston ; Le Serrurier, Marianne, came in the same ship, and afterwards married Isaac Mazicq. Isle d'OUron. Briscon, Samuel, and Hkraud, J i.ax, came in 1681. SAINTONGE. Port des Barques. Faucheraud, Charles, with his wife, Vignaud, Anna, and children. St. Nazaire. Guerin, Mathurin, with his son. Soubise. Poinsett, Pierre, Sr. and Jr., with their wives. Marennes. Tadourneau, Elie ; Boisseau, Jean ; Dem^on, Pierre. La Tremblade. Melet, Mme. (who later married Pierre Gail- lard) ; Roux, Jacob ; Fougeraut, Marie (a widow) ; CoriLLANDEAU, PiERRE, and his daughter Susanne (the wife of Isaac Dubosc). Chatelas. Fontaine and Maury (families of). St. Jean d\4n^e/y. Durouzeaux, Daniel ; Bisset, Elie ; Thomas, Jean (families of). Chalais. Nicholas, Jacques (surnamed Petit Bois). ^ Pons. Prioleau, Elias, and two deacons of his church ; Colineau, Mathieu (Judge) ; Sarasin, Jean-Lord, of Frignac. These ^ escaped to England, thence to Charleston. Prioleau was naturalized in England, April 15, 1687 ; coming to Charles- ton, founded, perhaps with the Rev. Trouillard, the French Church. GUIENNE. Bordeaux. CoLiGNY DE Gorgue's expeditions started for South Carolina in 1567 ; Pastor Gibert's congregation from the Desert came to South Carolina in 1764. Boyd, Jean, died 1696, leaving widow, nee Berchaud, and six children. Lasalle, Pierre ; Pecotal, Jean (families of). Toulouse. Guillebeau, Pierre, and his wife ; Bouchillon, Joseph Leonard ; Covin, Lazarus ; Guillebeau, Andre ; Le Roy, Moragne, and Belotte families. Eymet in Dordogne. Thomas, Stephen, born August 19, 1750, died June 17, 1839, in Charleston, '* the last of the Hugue- nots," went with maiden sister to London, joined Pastor Gibert's congregation, came with them to Charleston. THE HUGUENOTS IN VIRGINIA Compiled by RICHARD L. MAURY, of Virginia. Fifth in descent from Abraham Maury and Marie Fourquerean of Castel Moron, 1640, and eighth from Jean de la Fontaine, martyred at La Mans, 1561. IT is esteemed an honourable distinction to have been chosen by the Hug;uenot Society of America to narrate the many trials, great sufferings, and ultimate greater successes of our Huguenot forefathers who came to Virginia. To record the achievements of ancestry so eminent and so illustrious for those qualities which entitle men to veneration and respect, and women to love and admiration as well, is pleasant to a Vir- ginian whose proud heritage it is that so much of their blood flows in his veins. It were easy perhaps to have selected one more capable for the task allotted — but there is no one who values more highly his Huguenot descent ; who venerates more profoundly the virtues of these saints and martyrs, or is more deeply moved by the story of their wrongs, afflictions, and endurance. He were cold indeed of heart, who did not burn, re- membering their persecutions, at the sight of the lovely land they left, doubly endeared in that they had fought so long and valiantly for its protection, and died to save it from ruin ; where prominence and wealth in many in- stances, and estimation and confidence in all, had ever been theirs of right, and was freely accorded even by their enemies — all tearfully surrendered for conscience, 224 Col. Richard L. Maury. Vice-President from Virgin ia . r !: I 1 The Huguenots in Virginia 225 sake alone and exchanged for the poverty, hardship, and labor of a life in a hut in the frontier wilds of Virginia. It is greatly to be deplored that the materials for a full account of their coming to Virginia, and of their early life and troubles there, are now so scanty and difficult of access. For them, history again repeats itself, for as, during the religious wars and persecution in France, constant effort was made, and applauded, to destroy all memorial and record of Huguenots, even to the obliteration of their burial-places, the destruction of their temples and of all public and private records con- cerning them and their church, so in Virginia heis wicked devastation in time of war deprived us of a vast deal of information concerning their early life here, which can never be recovered. Virginia has been again and again a battle-ground, and her invaders have in many sec- tions, and chiefly in those most accessible parts where the Huguenots first settled, eagerly destroyed or carried away her archives, her vestry books, her court-house records,— with their long accumulation of wills and deeds, and ancient suits and legal proceedings, — and in general all public and private records and family papers of which they got possession. In many of the older counties there is scarcely a single original old public document left. The records of the Virginia Company and of his Majesty's Council in Virginia can only be consulted in London ; family letters, journals, manu- scripts, and other private papers of inestimable historic value, have been used to kindle campfires or stolen and appropriated. The ravages of Benedict Arnold and General Tarleton in the Revolution, of the English in the War of 181 2, of the Federal army more recently, and the great fire in Richmond in 1865, which consumed all of the archives of our General Court and Colonial 1' ' ! v^ 226 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 227 Government, have left Virginia sadly destitute of what is so zealously preserved in other countries. The priceless original manuscript diary of the Rev. James Fontaine, the most charming and instructive of all the Huguenot family papers, — and which has been deemed worthy of publication in edition upon edition as well in the United States as in Eni^^land and France also, — was in 1864 stolen when the residence of its owner, Mr. James Fontaine of Rock Castle, in Hano- ver County, was plundered, and when returned, thanks to the care of a Federal officer, was found to have been mutilated, torn, and partly burned, and had been thrust through with a bayonet from cover to cover. Nevertheless the field is far from barren ; of our former abundance rich gleanings, though widely scat- tered, may yet be had. Many hitherto unpublished papers, both in America and in Europe, are being brought to light anew and perpetuated in print. The tireless labors of the brothers Baird in New York, sadly inter- rupted by the death of one, ere his labors in the Vir- ginia field, so eagerly expected, had been completed; the publications of the Huguenot Historical Societies in New York, London, and Paris ; the many delightful and charming books of the Religious Publication So- ciety of Toulouse, and others ; the collections and publications of the Departmental Archives in France, and of the Virginia Historical Society, as well as the numerous local church histories and addresses bv the Huguenot pastors throughout France, afford to the Vircrinia Hui^uenot sources of information of his fore- fathers never accessible before, and testify in trumpet tones to the interest now awakened in all that concerns these noble exiles who for so lonor had been considered, at home, worthy only of death and damnation. But the rich mines to be found in what remain of the Virginia County Court and the Vestry Records, and of the Land Office in Richmond, yet remain unexplored and will yield abundant return to patient investigators. Be it mine now to gather from whatever source avail- able for this occasion as much as may be of informa- tion of the Virginia Huguenots. Who, then, were these immigrants to the Old Do- minion ? and whence came these Protestant exiles whose desperate struggles for centuries for freedom of thought, self-government in part, and liberty of conscience so long seemed to have been useless and in vain, and yet, after so many years of apparent oblivion, were largely instrumental in so impressing and moulding the already independent Virginia convictions, thought, and character, as that the very principles for which they had fought in France were made the foundation of Virginia's popular tolerant representative form of government, and through her and their influence were likewise embodied and perpetuated in the Constitution of the United States, and, more wonderful still, in the Government of France itself — their own France, who years before had banished them from her shores as unworthy and traitors, corrupters of public morals, and fit only for the halter, because they promulgated and maintained these same principles there ? With rare exceptions they were the most upright, intelligent, and highly trusted of every social class in France, and in every respect the flower of that favored land, and most of those who came to Virginia were from its western provinces which border upon the Atlantic, nearest to and upon the same latitude. Refugees from the interior eastern departments, more familiar, through travel and trade, with the 1 t { I iiil H' II ii 228 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 229 countries across their nearer borders, naturally sought new homes in hospitable, tolerant Holland, Prussia, and the Palatinate. For like reasons those from the south took refuge in Geneva and other Swiss towns. But in the west, the chief maritime districts of France, tradition, commerce, and the business interests which were chiefly followed had for centuries made the inhab- itants more familiar with the attractions of Virginia, — as the whole of America north of Florida was called for nearly two hundred years after its discovery. From the Garonne and La Rochelle to Brest and St. Malo the people, both high and low, were sailors, merchants, and adventurers upon the sea. La Ro- chelle had ever been France's principal seaport, the home of her richest merchants and traders, whose ships sailed to and fro from every known part of the world. Her inner harbor, guarded then, as now, by the grim towers. La Chaine and St. Nicholas, could be effec- tively closed against the small ships of the day by a heavy chain of iron stretched between the two, and was thus a favorite snug harbor for voyagers from all parts of the world from the pirates and sea-rovers with which that coast oft abounded. Thus La Ro- chelle had frequent news from every foreign land. Nantes and Brest, St. Ahilo, Dieppe, and Rouen also were largely engaged in foreign commerce — were nur- series for sailors, the homes of the wealthy trading companies of the period — and their ships, too, traversed the seas in all directions and brought frequent tidings from every port, and as early as 1472 Vitre in Brittany too, had its famous and powerful Confrch^ic dcs Mar- cluxnds d' outre Mcr organized by Robert Ravenel and others, whose vessels sailed the Atlantic from that day for nearly three hundred years. Long ere Columbus crossed the Atlantic these west- ern French towns had been sending their yearly fishing fleets to the BcUiks of Newfoundland. Indeed it was claimed that Cousin of Dieppe had in fact preceded him, having been blown out of his course upon the American coast as early as 1488, and that one of his sailors, Pinzon, told Columbus of the discovery thus involuntarily made. Whether this be true or not, cer- tain it is that the sailors of Western France were the mariners of the day, and doubtless were of the crew of every early ship that sailed the seas. So the familiar sea had no terrors for them, and when later the returning shipmates of the earlier navigators told their glowing tales of the wondrous West they found willing listeners, anxious to adventure their ships still farther than the fishing-grounds, and to explore for themselves the riches of this newly discovered world. Still later, the colonists of Coligny to Brazil and to Florida had been largely recruited from these parts, had sailed from their ports in ships commanded and manned by their sailors, and the accounts they gave on returning of the unbounded attractions of the countries they had seen, being confirmed by each successive voy- ager, were repeated from counting-house to castle and heard in every field and at every fireside from Bayonne to Brest, with increasing interest, long before those of the interior had been aroused to their siornificance. The unfortunate attempt to establish a colony in Brazil under the auspices and with the support of Coligny and Calvin, led by the Protestants Villegagnon and Du Pont, had sailed from Havre to prepare a Huguenot refuge from anticipated storms of persecution, and a thousand more were just starting to join it, when the news of its utter failure was brought back by the few I'll \ U )i ! \A !t«|il ^ 230 Hui^uenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 231 survivors. But this only served to increase the interest already felt throughout these provinces in the advan- tages offered by the opposite Atlantic seaboard. Later, the unsuccessful expedition to Florida, wholly of Hugue- nots, the tragic endin;^^ of both its expeditions, together with the story of the revenge upon the Spaniard so swiftly taken by De Gourges of Dieppe, awakened fur- ther inquiry of these regions and spread their stories broadcast all over Western France. So there had been in these maritime provinces know- ledench colony in Acadia, coterminous to the Virginia of that day, with which there was a great trade in fish and fur, and frequent passage of ships and set- tlers, and the Ravenels of Vitrc during three centu- ries were great '' Marchands cToittrc Mer' from the St. Lawrence to the St. Jolin's. Therefore when persecution prevailed, and there was need to seek new homes for peace and security, what more natural than that sad hearts should turn to that happier country, with whose charms they were more familiar than those of any other foreign parts, with which there had been trade and business for gen- erations, whose climate and productions were most alike to their own, and from whose inviting shores longing eves mii:ht turn to France again, with naught but the same familiar sea between washing their own beloved coasts as well. They all first sought refuge in near-by En^^land, — and Virginia was its favorite colony, — and thence to Chesapeake Bay free transportation and other aid was offered to all, and ample lands upon arrival, too. Of the many Huguenots who came to Virginia we know the birthplace of but few, but of those few almost all were from these Atlantic provinces. De la Muce was from Nantes ; Maury and Latane and Four- querean and Cairon, from Gascony ; Fontaine and Mauzy and Barraud, from Aunis and Saintonge ; Lanier, from Bordeaux ; Micou and Panetier, from Brittany ; while only Dupuy and Durand were from Champagne, Rochette and Michaux from Sedan, and Trabue from Montauban. In no uart of France had Protestantism taken an i. earlier or deeper root than here. Here was its first and its last stronghold, for, till La Rochelle fell, hope still lived. It had continued to grow and spread among all classes, both high and low, in spite of the Valois oppression and the Civil Wars, until in the peaceful times which followed the Edict of Nantes all, or nearly all, of the w^orthy people were of The Religion. Mass had not been said in La Rochelle for forty years when the renewed persecutions which preceded the Revocation commenced, and when the hegira which followed it ended, thoucrh manv of the weaker had recanted and remained, and many of the stronger who could not leave still braved persecution and kept their faith in secret, more than half the population had disappeared, and parts of Saintonge and Aunis were almost entirely deserted. Calvin himself had been one of the first to preach his doctrines here ; and the faithful, indomitable Palissy, one of his earliest and most steadfast converts, had organized a congregation in Saintonge, to which he, and five others of like i ii A < Is 232 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia ^33 conviction, read and preached and taught on Sundays in turn. As in the early Christian times, most of the first and most earnest followers were the humble and the lowly, — the peasants and the sailors, the fisherfolk and salt-makers of the Garonne and the Loire, — but the hearts of the rich and powerful were soon touched as well, until prince and noble, merchant and farmer, landed eentry as well as scientists and the learned of all professions, and the women and the children and the old and the young, had united their lives and for- tunes with the efforts made for religious reform, and had become Protestants — Huguenots. Notwithstanding the untiring efforts made by the kinijfs and the Roman Catholics to eradicate this so- called heresy, and the direful persecutions and dangers to which its supporters were subjected, their numbers and their power and intluence continued uninterrupt- edly to increase. Massacres, tortures, and public burn- ings no longer intimidated, but, on the contrary, excited admiration and envy for the faith of those martyrs, thus able to triumph o'er the terror of the rack and the stake. A king became their leader, the noblest and best of the barons were their supporters, together with their followers, the landed gentry, small and great, and sturdy yeomen and peasantry without number. In 1 56 1, the Cardinal de Sainte-Croix wrote to the Pope : " The kingdom is already half Huguenot" ; and Catharine de' Medici writes him about the same time : ** The number of those who have separated them- selves from the Roman Church is so great that it can no longer be restrained by severity of law or force of arms. They have become so powerful by reason of the nobles and magistrates who have joined the party ; they are so firmly united and daily acquire such strength, that they are becoming more and more formidable in all parts of the kingdom. In the meantime, by the grace of God, there are among them neither Anabaptists nor libertines, nor any par- tisans of odious opinions." (Smiles, Hugiicnots, p. 52.) Nor was this estimate of the Queen, their bitter enemy, overwrought, for so near were they to equality with the Catholics, that of the battle of Dreux — almost a drawn battle, and really gained by the foreign mer- cenaries — one of the Royalist crenerals there wrote years afterwards that had the Huguenots been victori- ous there, the government, as w^ell as the religion, of France would have been changed (Smiles, Hugiienots, pp. 53-58). Again and again during the religious wars w^ere they able to conquer peace and compel edicts of liberty, par- don, and approval, and of religious equality, from the King, and when these edicts did not endure, were of sufficient numbers, strength, and determination — not- withstanding the organized forces and machinery of the government — to reassemble, reorganize, rearm, and rewage successful war, until w^eakened and destroyed, not by arms, but by the insidious arts of priest and Jesuit, — persecution, death, and exile. But not only were they strong in numbers : they were the very best and most potential of their several classes and commu- nities throuerhout the land. " As honest as a Huorue- not," was a familiar proverb. The first of statesmen, soldiers, sailors, divines, savants, merchants, artisans, gentlemen, and peasants were Huguenots. There was the great Henry, — his mother the Queen of Navarre, his Minister, the great Sully, and his physician, Ambroise Pare, the most eminent doctor of his day — D'Aubigny, 1 II' (. I ) w ■M i I' 1 A 234 Huguenot Society of America De Mornay, Palissy, \'auban, the Condcs, Turrcnne, De la Noue, the noble brothers ColiL^ny, I)u Quesne, Schomber^;, Rohan, Soubisc, Claude, Ruvigny, and a host of others of the nobles and the leaders of France, and thousands of the most skilful artisans in the world, whose intelligence and al)ility had secured to their coun- try the monopoly of many arts and manufactures which broui^dit millions of money to her borders from abroad. When they had gone, France fell. Xo longer did her savants lead Europe in advanced thought, literature, arts, or experimental philosoph\ ; the navy was crippled and the army victorious no more ; Science was silent ; of true reliirion, save in the *' Desert," there was none — infidelity and immorality, which Huguenot piety and purity had combated so successfully, now prevailed ; commerce was ruined, while milHons of money was deported, and the industries which had been the founda- tion of France's wx\alth were transferred to her com- petitor nations, wdio thus received a rich reward for their generosity and liberal sympathy with these desolate exiles. They w^ere the conservators and pre- servers of their dear France ; without them she rapidly declined ; demoralization, riot, and rebellion in time suc- ceeded prosperity and strength, and like the unfortunate ship de[)rived of rudder and l)allast, she drifted at the mercy of winds and waves upon the fearful rocks of the cjreat Revolution. Theirs was the life-blood of their nation ; the blind bigotry and stupendous folly which transfused it to the veins of others entailed incalculal)le disasters upon France. The results of its loss are the best proof of its value. What these results were is thus graphically stated in Dr. Baird's Huo[Henot Em in- at ion io America, from whose fruitful pages I have freely drawn : The Huguenots in Virginia 235 "... There were results of the fatal decree of Louis the Fourteenth which the distant future alone could reveal. Contemporaries could make a shrewd niuss respecting them, but had no certain knowledge. The nearer effects, however, were patent even to men of that generation. The Duke of St. Simon w^as a boy of ten years when Louis signed the edict at Fontaine- hleau. He lived to see and to record what he saw of the mischievous fruits of the recall in a well-known passage, which I shall quote, because it is perhaps the most fearless and outspoken condemnation uttered in that age b\' a Roman Catholic and a courtier : " The ' Revocation of the Fdict of Nantes, without the slightest pretext or the least necessity, as w^ell as the various declarations, or rather proscriptions, that fol- lowed, were the fruits of that horrible plot which de- poinilated a fourth part of the kingdom, ruined its trade, enfeebled it in every quarter, gave it over for so long a time to open and avowed pillage at the hands of the dragoons, and authorized those torments and sufferings 1)V means of which they actually compassed the death of so many thousands of innocent persons of both sexes —a plot that brought ruin on so great a body of people, that tore asunder countless families, arraying relatives against relatives, for the purpose of getting possession of their goods, whereupon they left them to die of hun- ger — a plot that caused our manufactures to pass over to foreiirners, made foreiij^n states flourish and overflow with wealth at the expense of our own, and enabled them to build new cities — that presented to the nations the spectacle of so vast a multitude of people that had conimitted no crime, proscribed, naked, wandering fugi- tives, seeking an asylum afar from their country — that consigned the noble, the wealthy, the aged, those highly esteemed, in many cases for their piety, their learning, their virtue, those accustomed to a life of ease, frail, delicate, to hard labor in the galleys, under the over- seer's lash, and for no reason save their religion — a plot that to crown all other horrors, filled every province of the kingdom with perjury and sacrilege ; inasmuch as 1 236 Huguenot Society of America while the land rang- with the cries of these unhapjjv victims of error, so many others sacrificed their con- science's for their })roperty and their ease, purchasin'inia to be of the very best kind, and daily, by their Example Encourage the People to plant them in Abun- dance, so that they were in high Expectation of shortly succeeding in bringing to Perfection that rich Com- modity of Silk ; that the French Vignerons had con- ceived great Hopes of speedily making Plenty of good Wine whereof they had already made an Experiment and sent home a taste by that ship, and in short that they had a fairer Prospect and more certain Hope than ever yet of soon becoming a rich and flourishing coun- try. For which joyful news and happy success the Company voted and resolved that a sermon should be preached to testify and express their thankfulness to God for his Blessing on their Labour and Undertaking. And Mr. Copeland a Brother of the Society who by his hearty Zeal for the Enterprise was well acquainted with the Success of their Affairs for the last Year, was requested to undertake the Performance of this holy Exercise, w^hich he accordingly did at Bow Church the 17th day of April " (Stith, 218). Beverley, the Virginia historian, says, page 107: "The year before the massacre— 1622 — which de- stroyed so many good prospects for Virginia, some French vignerons were sent hither to make an experi- ment with these vines. These people were so in love with their new country that the character they then gave of it in their letter to the Company in England was very much to its advantage ; that it far exceeded their own country of Languedoc, the vine growing in great abundance and variety all over the land ; that some of the grapes were of that unusual bigness that they did not believe them to be grapes until by opening 5 \ liJ 240 Huuucnot Societv of America The Huguenots in Virginia 241 them they had seen their kernels ; that they had planted the cuttings of their vines at Michaelmas and had grapes from these very cuttings the Spring follow- ing, adding in the conclusion that they had not heard of the like in any other country." Nor was this statement overdrawn, adds the author, •' for I have made the same experiment both of the natural vine and of the plants sent hither from England." In 1623 the Company in London thus reports to the King : •* For the making of Wine it is to be known that the soil there doth of itself produce vines in great abundance, and some of a very good sort, besides divers plantations [have] been sent thither of the better hands [lands?] of Christendom. There hath also been sent thither eight vignerons procured from Languedock and careful order hath been taken for setting up of that Commodity which we doubt not in a short time will show itself in great plenty, and had not the business been interrupted by the massacre, ere this, effects had been seen, there being divers vine yards planted in the country whereof some contain ten thousand plants" (Va. Hist. Soc). In 1624 the General Assembly of Virginia, replying to questions from the King, says that vines and mul- berry trees are being planted throughout the whole country. And in 1628, in reply to further questions, says that with respect to the planting of vines they have great hopes that it will prove a beneficial commodity, but that the vignerons sent here did not understand the business, or concealed their skill, for they spent their time to little purpose. But in justice to these Frenchmen it should be noted that at that early day tobacco was the only Virginia crop that really paid its cultivators, and as its price was enormous in London, it was very profitable to raise it. The entire colony was devoted to this in- dustry almost exclusively, to the great disappointment of the Crown and the Government, who were continu- ally resorting to strenuous measures to restrict its cultivation, and direct the industry to other *' com- modities." *• Tobacco is a stinking, nauseous and unpalatable Weed," writes Stith, p. 183, "and certainly an odd commodity to make the Staple and Riches of a Country. It is neither of Necessity nor Ornament to human Life ; but the use of it depends upon Humour and Custom and may be looked upon as one of the most singular and Extraordinary Pieces of Luxury that the Wanton- ness of Man hath yet invented or given into." Doubtless these vignerons had ascertained that which experience has abundantly taught since, and it was not the fault of these " ffrenchmen that the vineyards did not flourish," but of the climate and soil of lower Virginia, which is not suited to vine culture. They were skilful enough to have ascertained this for certain, and had turned their attention to the cultivation of the con- temned, though remunerative, tobacco. Thus they had incurred the enmity of the officials, who, in 1632, procured the passage of a law by the General Assembly which thus quaintly censures them : " Upon a remonstrance preferred to the assembly complayninge that the ffrenchmen who were about ten years since transported into this country for the plant- inge and dressinge of vynes, and to instruct others in 16 I :i i \\)\ 242 Huguenot Society of America the same, hav^e willinglie concealed their skill, and not only neglected to plant any vynes themselves, but have also spoyled and ruinated that vyniard which was with great cost planted by the charge of the late Company, and theire officers here ; and yet notwithstanding have received all favour and encouragement thereto, which hath disheartened all the inhabitants here. *' // IS there/ore ordered that the said ffrenchmen togeather with their families be restrayned and pro- hibited from plantinge tobacco uppon penaltie to forfeit their leases and imprisonment untill they will depart out of this colony." (Hening's Va. Siat., i., 161.) Henceforward and until after the culmination of the Huguenot emigration into Virginia a century later, both King and colony were earnest and liberal in effort to promote the successful cultivation of these two French staples, silk and wine. From time to time all planters were required to set out a prescribed number of mul- berry trees. " Twenty per poll," says an act of 163 1-2, ''upon penaltie to forfeit one barrell of corne for every one that shall make default." It was forbidden to de- stroy or cut down any. Over and again laws are made prescribing that vines shall be set out and cultivated, and liberal premiums are offered, — for *' two tunne " of wine, or fifty pounds of wound silk, ten thousand pounds of tobacco. It is said that for especial encouragement of his favorite Virginia industry. King Charles's coronation robes were made of Virginia silk raised in the county of Gloucester. Intellieence of this liberal fostering care of these, the special industries of Southern France, must soon have found its w^ay to Saintonge, Languedoc, and the Gironde, whence the vine-dressers had come. Some were mar- ried, and some with their children had doubtless returned home and spread the knowledge of the many attractions The Huguenots in Virginia •43 of soil, climate, and waters of Virginia, where lands were bestowed upon settlers gratuitously, and bounties paid for the cultivation of staples in which by their superior skill and knowledge they easily excelled all others. And inquiring further of these, they would learn of others more inviting still, /. e., that the great principles for which they and their ancestors had been battling so valiantly for generations w^ere, in that favored colony, the fundamental law of the land. The system in Vir- ginia of church government in parishes, by vestries chosen by the congregation, was practically the same as in their own Huguenot communities. The right of rep- resentation in government had been first adopted and rigidly adhered to there, and foreigners of France and elsewhere were cordially invited to come, and were promised naturalization and all the rights of the native- born. She was the asylum of civil and religious liberty, the blessings of which were freely offered to the op- pressed and persecuted of all nations. The pages of her history furnish abundant evidence of a constant desire by Company, King, and colony to procure PVench immigration. There is no evidence of any efforts in this respect being made to procure settle- ments from other foreigners. And this preference and desire, together with the many other attractions of this pleasant land of Virginia, had long been known to the persecuted Huguenots, especially, as we have seen, in the maritime departments of France. De Monts of Pons had founded Acadia on the borders of what was then Virginia — and some of his settlements had been burned by Capt. Argall, one of Virginia's Governors, and colonists to and from La Rochelle would tell of Virginia and its softer southern climate. The vigner- ons offered another channel of information, and the i '\ \\\ • n 1 f^ V 1! 244 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 245 Dutch, the chief foreign traders with Virginia, were an- other, especially to the vast number of Huguenots who had taken refuge under their generous protection. As early as 1658 the spirit of liberty which prevailed in Virginia was extended to trade and commerce, and all foreiLrners were invited to send their ships to the Ches- apeake — the King's chamber — upon the same terms re- quired of English vessels for foreign ports ; and in 1659 it was enacted that " Whereas the restriction of trade hath appeared to be the greatest impediment to the advance of the esti- mation and value of our present only commodity, to- bacco — Bee it enacted and conjirvied that the Dutch and all strangers of what Xtian Nation soever in amity with the people of England, shall have free liberty to trade with us for all allowable commodities and receive pro- tection from us to our utmost powers while they are in our jurisdiction, and shall have equal right with our own nation in all courts of judicature." (Henings's Va. Stat., i., 458). About the same time the general Denization Act was passed, which provides *• that all aliens and strangers who have inhabited the country for the space of ffour yeares, and have a firme resolution to make this countrey their place of residence shall be free denizens of this collony." (Hening's Va. Stat., i., 486.) Another act, passed September, 1671, allowed " any stranger . . . upon petition to the grand assembly and takeing the oaths of allegiance and suprem- acy to his Majestie," to be naturalized and '* be capable of office traffique and trading, of takeing up, purchasing, conveying, diviseing and inheriteing of lands, etc., . . . and all such liberties, privileges, and immunities what- soever as a natural born Englishman is capable of." The preamble of this act shows how liberal was the spirit of the times in Virginia — how attractive to the oppressed abroad. It recites that *' Whereas nothing can tend men to the advancement of a new plantation either to its defence or prosper- ity, nor nothing more add to the glory of a prince than being a gratious master of many subjects, nor any better way to produce these effects, than by the inviteing of people of other nations to reside amonge us by commu- nication of priviledges, Bee it therefore," etc. (Hening's Va. Stat., i., 290.) Under these laws numerous patents of naturalization were granted to immigrants, many of whose names indi- cate French nationality. Oneof them — of 1 660 — declares *' That John Johnson millright being a Dutchman, be, for the encouragement of other artificers of whatever nation soever, admitted to be a denizen of Virginia, he haveing been resident here much longer than the act for denizens requires. And intending, according to the tenor thereof, to make this the place of his future resi- dence. Therefore vpon oath taken, according to act, his letters of denization are ordered to issue forth." (Hening's Va. Stat., i., 545). Much later, in 1702, a number of the Huguenots just then arrived were naturalized by special act : ** Claude Philip de Richbourg, Francis Rebot, Peter Faurr, John Joanny, James Champain and others," — the " others " beinor the other inhabitants at Manakin Town. Nor was the spiritual welfare of the colony forgotten, for inducements were offered to ministers as well as to traders and settlers, hearing of which pious Huguenots could not but be inclined to come. In 1656 it was enacted that "Whereas many congregregations in this collony are destitute of ministers, whereby religion and devotion cannot but suffer much impairment and decay, which • . I I 1' 4h . 246 Huguenot Society of America want of the destitute concrregations ought to be sup- plied b) all meanes possible to be used. As also to invite and encourage ministers to repaire hither and merchants to bring them in, Bee it therefore hereby enacted for the reasons aforesaid that what person or persons so ever shall at his or their proper cost and charge transport a sufficient minister into the collony without agreement made with him, shall receive for satisfaction of his or their said charges of him the said minister or they that shall entertaine him for their min- ister twenty pound sterling, by bill of exchange, or two thousand pounds of tobacco, and also for what money shall be disbursed for them beside their transportation to be allowed for." (Hening's Va, Stat., p. 418.) And by special act, i.d.,y^, 424, all ministers and their servants to the number of six "shall be free from pub- lique levies." Before the century was ended the Act of Toleration, being the first of William and Mary, was promulgated in Virginia ; and a few years later, for the special benefit of the Huguenot settlers at Manakin Town, as well as the foreign Protestants in Stafford and Spottsylvania coun- ties, they were allowed to entertain their own minister, and exempted from parish levies. Thus were all barriers to the coming of the French removed. Virginia's doors were opened wide for them, and hospitable invitation extended to come within her borders and with her own children enjoy all the liberties, freedom, and privileges she had established and main- tained. What these were, and what were the other varied and valuable charms and delights of this favored land to which nature had been so bountiful, an impar- tial historian thus glowingly portrays (Bancroft, Hist. U. S., i., 230) : **. . . Religious liberty advanced under the influ- ence of independent domestic legislation. No churches The Huguenots in Virginia 247 had been erected except in the heart of the colony ; and there were so few ministers, that a bounty was offered for their importation. Conformity had, in the reign of Charles, been enforced by measures of disfranchise- ment and exile. By the people under the common- wealth, though they were attached to the church of their fathers, all things respecting parishes and parish- ioners were referred to their own ordering ; and reli- crious liberty would have been perfect but for an act of intolerance, by which all Quakers were banished, and their return regarded as a felony. *• \^irginia was the first state in the world, composed of separate boroughs, diffused over an extensive surface, where the government was organized on the principle of universal suffrage. All freemen, without exception, were entitled to vote. An attempt was once made to , limit the right to house keepers ; but the public voice | reproved the restriction : the very next year it was decided to be ' hard, and unagreeable to reason, that any person shall pay equal taxes, and yet have no votes in elections' ; and the electoral franchise was restored to all freemen. Servants, when the time of their bond- age was completed, at once became electors, and might be chosen buri^esses. " Thus Virginia established upon her soil the suprem- acy of the popular branch, the freedom of trade, the independence of religious societies, the security from foreign taxation, and the universal elective franchise. If, in following years, she departed from either of these principles, and yielded a reluctant consent to change, it was from the influence of foreign authority. Virginia had herself, almost unconsciously, established a nearly independent democracy ; and already preferred her own sons for places of authority. The country felt itself honored by those who were * Virginians born ' ; and emigrants never again desired to live in England. Prosperity advanced with freedom ; dreams of new staples and infinite wealth were indulged ; while the population of Virginia, at the epoch of the restoration, A i 51 248 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 249 may have been about thirty thousand. Many of the recent emigrants had been royalists in England, good officers in the war, men of education, of property, and of condition. The rev^olution had not subdued their characters ; but the waters of the Atlantic divided them from the political strifes of Europe ; their industry was employed in making the best advantage of their planta- tions ; the interests and liberties of Virginia, the land which they adopted as their country, were dearer to them than the monarchical principles which they had espoused in England ; and therefore no bitterness could exist between the firmest partisans of the Stuarts and the friends of re[)ublican liberty. Virginia had long been the home of its inhabitants. * Among many other blessings,' said their statute-book, * God Al- mighty hath vouchsafed increase of children to this colony ; who are now multi|)li(!d to a considerable num- ber ' ; and the huts in the wilderness were as full as the birds' nests of the woods. **The genial climate and transparent atmosphere de- lighted those who had come from the denser air of England. Every object in nature was new and won- derful. The loud and frequent thunder-storms were phenomena that had been rarely witnessed in the colder summers of the north ; the forests, majestic in their growth, and free from underwood, deserved admiration for their unrivalled magnificence ; the purling streams and the frequent rivers, flowing between alluvial banks, quickened the ever-pregnant soil into an unwearied fer- tility ; the strangest and the most delicate flowers grew familiarly in the fields ; the woods were replenished with sweet barks and odors ; the gardens matured the fruits of Europe, of which the growth was invigorated, and the flavor improved, by the activity of the virgin mould. Especially the birds, with their gay plumage and varied melodies, inspired delight; every traveller expressed his pleasure in listening to the mocking-bird, which carolled a thousand several tunes, imitatinof and excellinor the notes of all its rivals. The humminor-bird, so brilliant in its plumage, and so delicate in its form, quick in motion, yet not fearing the presence of man, haunting about the ilovvers like the bee gathering honey, rebounding from the blossoms into which it dips its bill, and as soon re- turning 'to renew its many addresses to its delightful objects,' was ever admired as the smallest and the most beautiful of the feathered race. The rattlesnake, with the terrors of its alarms and the power of its venom ; the opossum, soon to become as celebrated for the care of its young as the fabled pelican ; the noisy frog, boom- ing from the shallows like the English bittern ; the fly- ing squirrel ; the myriads of pigeons, darkening the air with the immensity of their flocks, and, as men believed, breakinor with their weig^ht the bouorhs of trees on which they alighted, — were all honored with frequent commem- onition, and became the subjects of the strangest tales. The concurrent relation of all the Indians justified the belief, that, within ten days' journey toward the setting of the sun, there was a country where gold might be washed from the sand, and where the natives them- selves had learned the use of the crucible ; but definite and accurate as were the accounts, inquiry was always baffled; and the regions of gold remained for two cen- turies an undiscovered land. "Various were the employments by which the calmness of life was relieved. George Sandys, an idle man, who had been a great traveller, and who did not remain in America, a poet, whose verse was tolerated by Dryden and praised by Izaak Walton, beguiled the ennui of his seclusion by translating the whole of Ovid's Metamor- phoses. To the man of leisure, the chase furnished a perpetual resource. It was not long before the horse was multiplied in Virginia ; and to improve that noble animal was early an object of pride, soon to be favored by legislation. Speed was especially valued ; and the ' planter's pace ' became a proverb. " Equally proverbial was the hospitality of the Virgin- ians. Labor was valuable ; land was cheap ; competence promptly folovved industry. There was no need of a ^ I \v ^4 Ui 250 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 251 scramble ; abundance orushed from the earth for all. The morasses were alive with water-fowl ; the crteks abounded with oysters, heaped to^^ether in inexhaustible beds ; the rivers were crowded with fish ; the forests were nimble with e^me ; the woods rustled with coveys of quails and wild turkeys, while they ranj^ with the merry notes of the sini^ino-birds ; and hogs, swarming like ver- min, ran at large in troops. It was 'the best poor man's country in the world.' ' If a happy peace be set- tled in poor England,' it had been said, 'then they in Virginia shall be as happy a people as any under heaven.' " It was from Holland — whose Protestantism was French, not German, the favorite refuge of the French exiles, whose ships had been frequent in Virginia waters from the earliest days, and who later became her most favored nation and the chief carrier of her trade and commerce when she was left practically indepemlent during the period of the Commonwealth in England — that the first organized Huguenot movement towards Virtrinia was made. On July 19, 1 62 I, Sir Dudley Carleton, British Am- bassador at The Hague, whites to his Government that there had been with him of late a Walloon of Leyden, representing French and Walloon families there of all trades and occupations, who desired to go to Virginia, if admitted upon equality in all respects with the other colonists there. He had brought a petition to that effect, signed by fifty-six heads of families, all of the Reformed Religion, numbering al)out 300, the signa- tures to which were arranged in a circle, doubtless to avoid questions of rank, for it appears that there were noblemen and gentry among them, as well as men of *' all trades and occupations." " His Lordship is humbly entreated to advise and answer the petitioners, as follows : - Whether it would please his Majesty to permit fifty or sixty families as well Walloons as French all of the Reformed Religion to go and settle in Virginia . . . and whether it would please him to undertake their protection and defense from and against all, and to maintain them in their religion ? " i^State Papers, Hol- land, 1622.) Their further requests were that a ship might be criven them for their voyage and trade; that upon arrival they might choose their own location, not to exceed sixteen miles in diameter, and have exclusive control there, subject to the laws of the land, where they should select their own officers and to which none others but themselves should be admitted of right ; that they might establish manorial rights among themselves therein, and those of their number who are noblemen be recognized as such. And there were further stipula- tions of detail showing that the desire was to establish a distinct community in Virginia, separate and apart from the English settlements. Sir Dudley Carleton favored the project. The Lords in Council referred it to the Virginia Company, whose reply was favorable, except that the material help de- sired could not be afforded, "being utterly exhausted and unable to afford other help than advice and counsel as to the cheapest mode of transporting themselves and goods, and the most prudent and profitable manage- ment of their affairs." And the Company also said " that for the prosperity and principally securing of the plantation in his Majesty's obedience, it is not expedi- ent that the said families should be set down in one gross and entire body, but that they should rather be placed by convenient numbers in the principal cities, borroughs, and Corporations in Virginia as themselves shall choose ; there being given them such proportion 11 '■ T,'! 252 Huguenot Society of America of land and all other privileges and benefits whatsoever in as ample manner as to the natural English. This course the Company out of their own experience do conceive likely to prove better, and more comfortable to the said Walloons and Frenchmen than that other which they desire." {State Papers, Colonial, i., No. 55.) In this manner the Company would welcome the peti- tioners to Virginia, they taking an oath of allegiance to his Majesty, and to conform to the form of government established in the Church of England. The reasons given by the Company for their unwill- ingness to establish a separate French settlement in the midst of their thinly settled and easily accessible colony upon the waters of the Chesapeake, were prudent and wise. Already difficulties had arisen among them- selves because of privileges of this kind given to, or claimed by, members of their own body, and serious embarrassments had resulted. But apart from those stated there were others equally potent. England and France were at variance concerning their American pos- sessions. English Virginia and French Acadia ad- joined, and the latter had already been attacked — and at this very time France was strengthening herself there. The Capes of Virginia were still thought to be the possible entrance to the coveted route to the South Seas, and her scattered colonists w^ere but a few thou- sand, so that it was scarcely prudent to allow a hundred or more Frenchmen to establish and fortify a settle- ment in their midst — perhaps in the very best harbor on their coast. But for these objections a successful arrangement with these Leyden petitioners would have been made, for they were of the classes most desired, and doubtless many of them were skilful vine-dressers and silk-cultivators, The Hucruenots in Virginia 253 which at that very juncture the Company were seeking ••out of France and on the Rhine." In the meantime, however, the Dutch, learning of the movement, and its West India Company being just then formed, were able to direct it in part to the mouth of the Hudson, where those who went, chiefly Walloons, arrived in May, 1623, and where they found a French ship preparing to take possession in France's name! —an abundant proof of the prudent forethought of the Virginia Company in refusing a "separate settlement," because of possible difficulties with their nation, in Vir- crmia. Well it was for them that they did not locate in Vir- ginia as desired, for the following year was that of the great massacre there, when most of the outlying settle- ments were destroyed, and the settlers with their fam- ilies butchered by the Indians — of whom the Monocan tribe were the most fierce. The next organized effort to transport a body of Huguenots to Virginia was made by the distinguished Baron de Sance, who, as the first who actually led, and actually seated, though not permanently, a Huguenot colony in Virginia, deserves especial notice. He was one of those faithful Huguenots who stoutly opposed the destructive policy of Richelieu, and with the noble Catharine of Parthenay and her illustrious sons, the Duke of Rohan and the Duke of Soubise, maintained that never-to-be-forgotten defence of La Rochelle, admired of all men who respect valiant deeds, heroic sacrifices, and brave endurance for the right, whose final fall and ruthless destruction practically ter- minated the Huguenot struggles in arms against the power of the King. After the fall of La Rochelle, De Sance, with the (i H iv 254 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 255 Duke de Soubise, took refuge in England, and in 1629 addressed a letter to the Government asking leave to orcranize and settle a colony of French Protestants in Vir^ Ifl «7 , 1 15 ^ 258 Huguenot Society of America a previous residence of not less than four years, Dr. Touton must have settled there ere 1676. He was evi- dently the Dr. John Touton of La Rochelle who was compelled to leave that city, with three hundred other good citizens, by the tyrannous order of 1661, which required all Huguenots to go away within fifteen days, who had not been residents prior to 1627, unless they abjured. Perhaps Dr. Touton did so to gain time for preparation, as was quite customary, for his application to the Governor of Massachusetts, given by Baird, i., 270, is dated the following year, and he is still at La Rochelle. This is his application, but manifestly he and his friends preferred Virginia : "... To the honoured Governor, deputy Governor and Maiistrates of the Massachusetts Colonie — The petition of John Touton of Rochell in France, Doctor Chirurgion, in behalfe of himselfe and others. Humbly shewing, that whereas your petitioner with many other protestants, who are inhabitants in the said Rotchell, (a list of whose names was given to the said honoured Govnr.) who are, for their religion sake, outted and expelled from their habitations and dwellings in Rot- chell aforesaid, he, your said petitioner humbly craveth, for himselfe and others as aforesd., that they may have liberty to come heather, here to inhabit and abide amongst the English in this Jurisdiction, and to follow such honest indeavours and ymployments, as providence hath or shall direct them unto, whereby they may get a livelihood and that they might have so much favour from the Govmt. here, as in some measure to be cer- tayne of their residence here before they undertake the voyage, and what priviledges they may expect here to have, that so accordingly as they find incoridgmt. for further progress herein, they may dispose of their estates of Rotchell, where they may not have any longer continuance. Thus humbly craveing you would The Huguenots in Virginia 259 be pleased to consider of the premisses, and your peti- tioner shall forever pray for your happiness." On May 3, 1683, the Huguenot Relief Committee in London '' Paid Mr David Dashaise, Elder of the French Church in London for fifty five french Protestants to go to Vir- ginia, Seventy pounds sterling." (Baird, ii., 175.) In 1687 six hundred French Protestant refugees were sent to America at the Committee's charges. Steven Fouace, who came direct from London with letters from the Archbishop of Canterbury about that time, may have been one of these. He was soon after made a trustee of William and Mary College at Williamsburg, and established as rector of a parish near Williamsburg in James City County. Another Huguenot whose name first occurs about this time was the Rev. James Bois- seau, who sailed from the Downs in 1689 for Virginia {Collections Hug. Sac, of America, i., p. 334). He was of the Virginia clergy soon after his arrival, and seems to have been involved in difficulties with his Vestry in 1693, who, like some others in the colony at that time, sought to be rid of the expense of maintaining a minis- ter by nailing up the church door and refusing him admission, in which, it was claimed by Mr. Commissary Blair, they were encouraged by Governor Nicholson. The settlers at Brenton, soon to be spoken of, were in all probability among the six hundred of 1687. Abroad, interest and inquiry increased, and in Vir- ginia some of the largest landholders now turned their attention to this means of procuring tenants or pur- chasers for their own territory ; and individual enter- prise for personal gain, on both sides of the Atlantic, It \\\ ill 26o Huguenot Society of America co-operated with the finer feelings of charity and be- nevolence. Col. William Fitzhugh, of Bedford, on the Potomac, — a member of the Council and one of the prominent, influential men of the colony, a wealthy lawyer, planter, and merchant, — was one of these. Mr. George Brent, of Woodstock, and of Brenton, on Occoquon Creek, of the same neighborhood, the Receiver-General for his district, also a distinguished lawyer and successful planter, was another ; and the far-seeing, astute, and pub- lic-spirited Col. William Byrd, of Westover, on the James, — the most prominent man then in Virginia, the founder of Richmond, the pioneer in Virginia, and therefore in America, of the coal and iron industries, — was another. And they no doubt had many imitators of lesser note who aided in the advertisement of Virginia's attractions through their London and Bristol factors and corre- spondents. They were all owners of immense bound- aries of land. Colonel Byrd, who owned more land than any other Virginian, had large tracts on the James and Rappahannock rivers, and in other parts. Colonel Fitz- hugh's were chiefly on the Potomac — he left 54,000 acres when he died ; and Brent's were in Stafford and up towards the mountains at Manassas. Promoters and agents were busy in Europe distributing prospectuses and advertisements, and seeking to organize expeditions to settle in Virginia under private arrangements with the landholders there, profitable to the leaders. There were the usual companies and corporations formed to promote emigration and settle large tracts of land for purposes of profit. And Massachusetts, South Caro- lina, Pennsylvania, and other colonies, eager for French refugees for settlers, had their special advocates in Lon- don for that purpose. The Huguenots in Virginia 261 In 1685 Mr. George Brent and Nicholas Hay ward, mer- chants, of London, were endeavoring to procure Hugue- nots to settle upon a large tract of land of theirs on Occoquon Creek, — about 30,000 acres, called Brenton, where Brentsville, now in Prince William County, stands. The active mind of the alert Fitzhugh at once perceives how profitable such a settlement upon part of a tract would be to the owner of the remainder, and himself pro- ceeds to offer some of his lands for settlement also. The price was moderate and the arrangement for supplies most provident and considerate. For lack of such the subsequent Manakin Town settlement was shorn of half its members and so seriously crippled at the very begin- ning that it never revived. The following is an extract from his letter of proposal to Mr. Nicholas Hay ward. It was written from his residence on the Potomac, then in Westmoreland County, now King George, not far from Gunston and Mount Vernon. "Bedford. May 20th. 1686 *'Mk. Nicholas Hayward *'. . . Also in the said letter, you seem to have an inclination of disposing your new purchase in my Neigh- bourhood, to some French Hugonots. If your inten- tions therein be as well led by charity to help the distressed, as p advantage to make profit of your Pur- chase, I believe it may lay in my power to answer both or either of them, for if you are designed for sale, if you please to give me the offer, and to set your lowest price, I will accept, and make you punctual and good pay- ment, either in money or Tob°. And for the French Protestants, I have convenient and good Land enough to seat 150 or 200 familys upon one Dividend, w*=^ con- tains 21996 Acres, which I will either sell them in fee at £1. sterling for every hundred acres, or else lease it to them for three lives, paying 20 shillings p annum for every hundred acres, and they may have the liberty of renewing one, two or three lives at any time, paying for I V. ! •«.l \ 262 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 263 each life to be renewed one years Rent, without de- manding any fine or other consideration for their first purchase, and will engage to find them with meal and meat for the first year, meat at 2-6 p hundred, and corn at 2-6 p bushel for as many soever as comes in, if it be three or four hundred people, and all other necessarys for their money at the Country Market price. The Land I offer to Sell or lease, is situate in this country, lyes within a mile and half of Potomack River, and of two bold navigable creeks, is principal good Land, and is more proper for frenchmen, because more naturally inclined to vines than yours, or any about our Neigh- borhood, and will engage to naturalize every soul of them at ^3 p head, without any more or other matter of charge or trouble to them, whereby the heirs will be capacitated to inherit the fathers purchase. S' I am more afraid of falling upon Scylla to avoid Charybdis, that is, of one sea, if I should endeavour to be perspicu- ous, I should be too impertinent and troublesome, and if I should be very short I doubt obscurity, therefore I'll rather venture a breach of good manners and a tres- pass upon your patience (which your respected letter manifests to be soon tired) by repetitions, rather than hazard an obscurity in my propositions and intentions, for whereas I have said if so many familys comes, my meaning is, let few or many familys come, not exceeding that number, I am provided, and will certainly seat them and provide for them upon the conditions expressed. And if I lease for three lives, my meaning is they shall pay no fine or Purchase, but only their annual Rent, also one man may have 2. 3. 4. or 500 acres or as many hundred as he pleases, paying for each hundred 20 sh. annually and renewing i. 2. or 3 lives at any time for the full of the yearly rent. S' If these offers be accept- able or pleasing to the frenchmen or any other of your friends it will be double advantageous to me, first by meeting an opportunity to serve you through your friends, and secondly, by profitably either selling or tenanting my Land, which till so done, is rather a Charge than profit." (Va. Hist. Soc, i., 409.) But these efforts to establish a separate settlement were not successful. They never were in Virginia, and the soundness of the old Virginia Company's judgment in this respect was verified every time such attempts were made. They were successful in bringing over some families, and in sufficient numbers to be accom- panied by their minister ; but how many came, or their names, or how long the settlers continued together, and how many made their homes here, we do not know, for the records of Stafford County were ruthlessly destroyed during the late war. Abraham Michaux (of Sedan) was probably one of these. The family tradition is that under the encouragement offered by King William he came from Holland to Virginia with his wife and six children, and landed in Stafford County, on the banks of the Potomac, but afterwards removed to Manakin Town. Campbell, in his History of Virginia, states that in 1690 William HL sent a number of Huguenots to Vir- ginia, and this is about the date of the short-lived Bren- ton colony, most of whom had moved to Maryland, writes Colonel Mason to the Governor, October 28, 1 701 : "Wee have no news in these parts only that ye ffrench Refugees is, most of them gone to Maryland and have left an ill distemper behind them, ye bloody flux which has effected some of our neighbours. Ye ffrench Refugees great friend Col'l Fitzhugh dyed tuesday ye 2ist at night." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 44.) Several years before, in a very characteristic letter, this great friend of the Huguenots offers an uncon- scious tribute to the high character and attainments of the unnamed Huguenot minister who had probably ac- companied the Brenton settlers, in that he sends his son II j k \ t II 264 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 265 to England for his education to be continued by another like him. This letter, now among the records of the Virginia Historical Society, addressed to George Mason, merchant, of Bristol, *' per Richard & John," and dated July 21, 1698, has never been published. It is as follows : n Sir. ** By this comes a large and dear consignment from me, the consignment of a son to your care & conduct. I am well pleased, and assure myself of a careful & Ingen- ious manage, if you will please to undertake it, the gen^eral good character of your most virtuous Lady, whom I must esteem the Cape Merchant in the adventure, puts me under the assurance that he will be as well, if not better, under your Conduct there than he can be possi- bly with us here. He is furnished with cloaths only for his Sea Voyage, for I thought it was needless to make him up cloaths here for his wear there because it might be there better & more suitably done, therefore I shall refer to you for furnishing of him with what is fit and decent as befits an honest Planter's or farmer's son, not with whats rich or gaudy, I shall refer that to your own discretion. Now Sir, to tell you that he is eleven years & a half old & can hardly read or write a word of English might make you believe that either he was a dull boy, or that I was a very careless and neg- lectful Parent. Indeed it's neither carelessness in me, nor dulness in him, for although he cannot read or write English, yet he can both read, write, & speak French & has run over the Rudiments of the Latin Grammar according to the french method, for he has been a considerable time with a most ingenious french Gentleman, a Minister who had the government and tutorage of him & indeed did it singularly well, but the unhealthfulness of his seat & the sickness of the child occasioned his removal from thence. Therefore if it can be, as Capt Jones tells me it may, I would have him put to a french Schoolmaster to continue his french and learn latin. Now Capt Jones tells me there is such a school or two, about three or four miles from Bristol & if it could conveniently be done I would have him boarded at the Schoolmaster House. Now S' I have told you my mind & how I would have him managed if I could, I must at last say in general that I refer the whole to your discreet & prudent manage assuring myself that if you are pleased to undertake the trouble, you will do by him as if he were a child or relation of your own, & shall without more saying refer him to your Conduct & hope within a week after his arrival you will contrive him to his business ; what's necessary for him either for books. Cloths or now & then a little money to buy apples, plums &" is left wholly to yourself & all charges shall be punctually answered & thankfully acknowledged ..." Upon the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, half a million of the most desirable of the people of France were suddenly forced into exile and sought refuge chiefly in those Protestant countries of Europe which so willingly received them. England, Holland, and the Palatinate especially, were crowded with those noble sufferers, who, relinquishing all they had at home, preferred poverty and expatriation to the sacrifice of their belief in God. Many of them, skilful in arts and manufactures, found ready employment and prompt support, but there were many others not so qualified whose increasing numbers taxed to the utmost the powers of their generous friends. The pressing need for permanent settlement where they could gain their own support and make a new home for their chil- dren was felt by all, and the eyes of many naturally turned to Virginia, whose attractions were just then given such conspicuous prominence. The Dutch were familar with the free spirit of i 266 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 267 Virginia's people and the rich products of her teeming soil, having been her chief traders for many years. Their sovereign, the new King of England, was the Hugue- not's great friend and supporter. He was the champion of the Protestants — as had been his illustrious ancestor William of Orange — and had been accepted as such in lieu of the Catholic James. He was deeply grateful to his valiant Huguenot allies, — the flower of his army, — whose gallantry he readily acknowledged had contributed so effectively to his speedy success, and he was anxious to establish them in his American colonies. Numbers of their own leaders too, men of wide influ- ence and of good report, were of the same mind and ready to undertake to collect their scattered compa- triots into bands of two or three hundred and conduct them to Virginia, some actuated by motives of pure benevolence alone, others also by the expectation of the rewards offered by Virginia and her landowners. Vir- ginia liberally gave to all who brought colonists, *' Head rights " of fifty acres per poll, and her planters paid generously those who brought them tenants. The Huguenot contingent — of thousands — in the Dutch army was no longer needed there and must soon settle themselves anew. And Virginian planters themselves, through private channels, were active, and thoroughly alive to the ad- vantages to accrue to the colony from the introduction of such superior men to cultivate her vacant lands — and to themselves individually also, for they too held much land, well selected and of the best quality, and some of the settlers would surely find their way thereto. Thus as the century approached its end, many pow- erful influences combined in favor of Virginia. The Huo-uenots were needy and most anxious for an abid- ingliome. The King was kind and his proffered aid bountiful ; he gave ;^3000 for the '' incouragem't of that design to defray the charges of 500 persons in crossing the "seas, and to relieve their own necessities" (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 54). The charms of Virginia were as familiar to many as household words,— she offered to newcomers all the rights and immunities of the native born, liberal gifts of land, valuable special privi- leges and exemptions, perfect liberty to worship God in their own way and with their own minister, and a hand- some bonus to those who brought them to her shores. The Virginians were sincerely desirous of their coming ; the chief\mong them, both members of the Council and of great power and high official station in the colony, announced themselves their special friends, and offered their private lands and ample support till a crop could be made. The Huguenots who had already gone to Virginia were prosperous and pleased. No doubt it was deemed, by most, especially attractive that they might settle in a separate community of their own and thus preserve among themselves the language, customs, and industries of France— for many still had lively hopes of ultimately returning there in better times. And there was in London a Protestant Relief Com- mittee, with the Archbishop of Canterbury at its head, who had funds for their transportation and equipment. Such an unusual combination of favorable circum- stances could not fail of large fruition, z\ e., a body of colonists in number, character, influence, importance, and value far exceeding any that had ever crossed the sea. For their benefit the King appealed to his generous subjects, who added ^12000 to the Protestant Relief ■ I IM i % M 268 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 269 Fund. He specially ordered the Governor of Virginia to give them all possible encouragement upon their arrival, and to grant them at once Letters of Denization and such lands as were usual to newcomers. Virginia responded by a gift of 10,000 of her richest acres upon the James River, — an allotment of nearly thrice the amount ** usual to newcomers" (50 acres was " usual," but these Huguenots received 133), — an exemption from all taxa- tion for many years, freedom to worship God under their own ministers, and by granting them at once all the rights, privileges, and immunities of natural-born Englishmen — for which, hitherto, a four years' resi- dence had been required. The King's order in Council and the Acts of Vir- ginia were as follows. The first is reproduced from Perry's Virginia Chu7'€h Papers, p. 113, the second, from Hening's Virginia Statutes at Large. Ed. 1823, iii., 201. *' Order of Council for the Relief of the French Refugees going to plant in Virginia. ** At the Court of Kensington the 7^*" day of March 1699. Present. The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. *' Upon reading this day at the Board a representation from the Lords Commissioners of trade & plantations in the words following to wit, viz, *' May it please your Majesty ** In obedience to your Majesty's commands signi- fied to us by the R' Hon^'*" Mr Secty Vernon upon the petition of the Marquis de la Muce, Mon' De Sailly, and other Protestant refugees desiring leave to settle in Norfolk County in Virginia, we do humbly represent unto your Majesty that the said County being a place more secure than other remoter parts formerly proposed for the Petitioners, your Majesty may be pleased in their favour to send orders to the Gov' of Virginia (under whose Gov^ that Countie lies) to give them all possible encouragement upon their arrival there — settling their family and promoting their endeavours in planting, & by granting them such tracts of land as usual to New Comers ;— the said Pet"" referring them- selves to your Majesty for such further gratification and Charitable assistance as to your Majesty in your great wisdom and bounty shall seem meet. It being further requisite that before their departure they be made denizens of Engl*^ for their greater encouragement in the enjoyment of the privileges accruing thereby. '' All which nevertheless is most humbly submitted. Lexington. J no Pollexfen. Ph Meadows. Abr"^ Hill. W" Blathwayt. Geo Stepney. Whttehall. March ) ^th i6g j- j^jg Majesty in Council approv- ing the said representations having thereupon been pleased to give directions for the preparing of orders to be sent to the Gov"" of Virginia to give all possible en- couragement to the Petitioners upon their arrival there in settling their families and promoting their endeav- ours in planting, and by granting them such tracts of land as usual to New Comers. His Majesty is further pleased to order that as a Charitable assistance to the Petitioners in their undertaking, allowance be made to such Vaudois and other protestant refugees as have not had a share beyond Sea of the benevolence collected upon the late brief on their behalf, & are either already come over into Engl'^ or shall come speedily over, in order for their going to the above said settlement, for their transportation & for the building of a Church & for a competent number of Bibles Common Prayer Books & other books of devotion, as also for the neces- sary accommodation for lodging of 2 ministers who are to accompany them, as the Lords Commissioners ap- pointed for the brief granted by his Majesty for the Vaudois, French, & other Protestant refugees in this Kingdom, shall think fit, the said allowance being not to be made to the Petitioners till they are actually ! 270 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 271 shipped in order to their transportation to Virginia, & his Majesty is further pleased to declare that letters of Denization shall be granted to the Petitioners, or such of them as shall be certified to this board, according to the usual form, before their going out of this Kingdom." "ACT II. ** An act making the French refugees inhabiting at the Manakin towne and the parts adjacent a distinct parrish by themselves, and exempting them from the payment of publick and county levyes for seaven years. *' Whereas a considerable number of French protes- tant refugees have been lately imported into this his maj- jesty's colony and dominion severall of which refugees have seated themselves above the falls of James River at or near a place comonly caled and known by the name of Manakin towne, for the encouragement of the said refugees to settle and remaine together as near as may be to the said Manakin towne, ** Bee it enacted by the governour, councill, and burgesses of this present generall assembly, and it is hereby enacted, That the said refugees inhabiting at the said Manakin towne and the parts adjacent, shall be accounted and taken for inhabitants of a distinct parrish by themselves and the land which they now do or shall hereafter possess at or adjacent to the said Manakin towne, shall be and is hereby declared to be a parish of itselfe, distinct from any other parish to be caled and knowne by the name of King Williams parish in the county of Henrico, and not lyable to the payment of parish levies in any other parish whatsoever. " And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That such and so many of the said refugees as are already settled or shall hereafter settle themselves as inhabitants of the said parish at the Manakin towne and the parts adjacent shall themselves and their familys and every one of them be free and exempted from the pay- ment of publick and county levies for the space of seven years next ensuing from the publication of this act, any law, statute, custome, or usage, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding." (Hening's Va. Stat,, iii., 201.) Subsequently this period of exemption was extended to December 25, 1708. {Id,, 478.) In 1702 a special act was passed naturalizing in bulk the settlers at Manakin Town, designated therein as '•Claude Philip de Richbourg, Frances Ribot, Peter Faurr, John Joanny, James Champaine & others." {Id,, 228.) Three years afterwards, at the request of the Gov- ernor and Council, stating that they had '* received divers petitions heretofore presented by the ffrench Refugees settled at Manikin town" — doubtless those who had settled there after the date of the previous act — praying for naturalization, a general law of natural- ization was passed applicable to all. One of the friends and promoters of Huguenot emi- gration to Virginia at this period was Dr. Daniel Coxe, former Physician to Queen Anne, and a courtier of in- fluence in London. He held large landed grants in Virginia, and in Carolina also, and it was to the latter that the Virginia expedition now being organized was at first expected to be sent, for we find that on May 2, 1698, he made a contract with its organizers and leaders, the Marquis de la Muce and the Sieur Charles de Sailly, to sell them 50,000 acres in Carolina at a nominal price, upon which they were to seat one hundred Prot- estant families. {Id., 52.) For some reason, however, — perhaps because the colonists were unwilling to go to these " remoter parts formerly proposed for them " (see his Majesty's order I II A 272 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 273 in Council heretofore given), — the county of Norfolk in Virginia was selected for them, where Dr. Coxe also had a large tract of land, under an original grant to Lord Maltravers in 1639. The active organizers and leaders of the expedition were the Marquis Olivier de la Muce and the Sieur Charles de Sailly. {Id., 54.) The former, the chieftain of this important colony, was an eminent French nobleman whose ancestors from the dawn of the Reformation had been faithful and valorous Huguenots, and whose family had been con- spicuous for excellence of character and for piety. *' Va-t-en au nombre des elus, Bonaventure de la Musse " is inscribed upon the register of deaths of the Protestant Church of the ultra- Huguenot city of Vitre, the city of the great De la Noue of the *' Iron arm." And so lovely was the short life of a younger sister who died at the age of sixteen, that her memoirs were published in Holland for the encouragement and emulation of all. Our lamented associate, the Rev. Charles W. Baird, — that tireless Huguenot historian, whose loss Virginians so greatly deplore, and who has accomplished so much in bringing to light the forgotten records of our ancestry, — thus relates what little is known of this eminent Breton nobleman ere he came to Virginia. Virginia records reveal something of his short career there, but of him subsequently we know nothing. Dr. Baird says {Htigue?iot Emigration, ii., ^^) : **. . . Not far from the city of Nantes, in southern Bretagne, was the seat of the noble house of La Muce- Ponthus. Bonaventure Chauvin, seigneur de la Muce- Ponthus, the head of this house in the early days of the French Reformation, was one of the first among the nobility of the province to embrace the new faith. He became its most earnest supporter, * consumed with zeal ' for the cause of religion ; and his descendants in- herited the same devotion. His three sons fought in the Huguenot armies under Henry IV. ; and his grand- son David, Marquis de la Muce, presided over the po- litical assembly of the Protestants, held in La Rochelle in the year 1621. For his attendance upon that assem- bly, contrary to the King's commands, he was con- demned to be drawn and quartered ; a sentence which was executed upon him in effigy ; whilst his beautiful castle was actually demolished and razed to the ground. C^sar, his son, and Olivier, his grandson, were elders in the Reformed Church of Nantes. Under the pro- visions of the Edict of Nantes, the Seigneurs de la Muce claimed the right of holding religious services in their own house, and besides supporting this worship, they contributed generously to the funds of the ' temple ' in the adjoining village of Suce. The church of Suce had two pastors, one of whom preached also in the chdtemt of La Muce. The ministrations of these pas- tors were frequently attended by Protestants from Nantes, who went to Suce by water, singing their psalms in the good old Huguenot fashion, as they rowed along the banks of the little river Erdre, which flows past that village, and empties into the Loire at Nantes. Urseline de la Muce, widow of Cesar, re- nounced Protestantism at the period of the Revocation; though complaint was made that she gave no signs of a true conversion. But her son Olivier, worthy of his Huguenot ancestors, remained inflexible. Soon after the Revocation, he fled from his home, and was arrested on the island of Re, while waiting for an opportunity to make his escape to England. Imprisoned for two years, first in La Rochelle, and afterwards in the castle of Nantes, he resisted every effort to persuade him to deny his faith. At length an order was given for the expulsion of the Marquis de la Muce from the kingdom, as an obstinate heretic. Accordingly he was placed on board a foreign ship, the captain of which received orders to land him in England, but carefully to conceal from him the fact that he was about to be set free. This 1 18 I w 274 Huguenot Society of America method was occasionally resorted to by the government, in dealing with the Protestants of high rank, whose prolonged imprisonment or summary execution would be likely to attract public notice and occasion remonstrance from abroad. The mystery maintained to the last in such cases was designed to deepen the terror of the prisoner, and perhaps induce him to recant before the moment set for his actual liberation. Ignorant of his destination,— supposing that like many others at that period he was but to exchange a prison for slavery in the West Indies,— his suspense terminated only when the vessel came in sight of the English coast." Until their arrival the colonists all expected to be seated in Norfolk County, near the mouth of James River. Dr. Coxe held large grants of lands there also, and there is reason for believing that when the location upon his Carolina lands was abandoned, he and the Marquis had sufficient interest at Court to procure, in spite of the remonstrance of Colonel Byrd, that his lands in Norfolk County should be its destination, to which he had transferred, no doubt, his agreement with De la Muce and De Sailly. And no doubt many of the party had been induced to reject other applications to settle elsewhere from some of the colonization agents with which London then abounded, and to decide to accompany him, upon his promise and representation that the settlement was to be upon the Norfolk lands— practically upon the shores of their own Atlantic, and far more convenient and accessible than ** the other re- moter parts " upon the upper James, to which upon arrival they learned with dismay they were to be transferred. The change, however judicious, — and who can say that it was not ill-judged ?— was felt to be arbitrary and an unjust disregard of the agreement they had made, for it sent the settlers to a remote and isolated frontier, and The Huguenots in Virginia 275 deprived the leaders of the expected benefit of the contract with Dr. Coxe for the seating of a hundred Protestant families upon his lands. That this change was a great disappointment to them and caused unexpected hardships and losses to the set- tlers, abundantly appears from the tone of a petition addressed to the Council ** sitting at Mr Auditor Byrds 14'*^ of Nov : 1700," about five months after their arrival, asking for further aid and support ; for, *'. . . corn, clothes, seeds, tools and some cattle, because for want of lands upon Nantsmund River, where they thought to be settled and set down by the Ship altogether with their goods without any charge, they have been obliged to goe up about 150 miles into ye woods 25 miles from ye plantations, and to bear great and extra ordinary charges for their trans- portation and of all their goods and victualls, besides ye loss they suffered at James town by ye sinking of their sloop, where they had their goods lost and spoiled to ye value of 300;^, and ye sicknesse they have laid under at ye falls these 4 months, having been above 1 50 sick at once, w'th soe little help and assist- ance in a place where provisions are so scarse and dear, y't they have been forced for some small relief and supply to sell their arms, clothes and other goods after having spent what money they had, and so to re- main naked and deprived of all commodities till his Maj'tie be pleased to assist and relieve them to enable y'm to make good plantations and to build ye Town." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 50.) A pitiable picture indeed ; and no doubt these unfor- tunates were constantly assailing their leaders with com- plaints and reproaches which the latter felt to be unjust ; and naturally resented. So the change of location not only added greater difficulties to the actual seating of the colony than had been bargained for, but caused 1 276 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 277 bitter divisions and dissensions in the ranks. The un- successful are always wrong : the bright anticipations in London were wofully different from the actual experi- ence at the James River falls ; censure and blame were loudly spoken of De la Muce at home, so that what w^ith failure, censure, dissatisfaction, and an inability to cope with these unexpected difficulties he seems to have lost all heart, and a few months after leaves Virginia and we hear of him no more. It is but fair to his memory, however, to recall that in his petition to the Virginia Council just referred to, he and De Sailly expressly state that they had come solely to plant the colony and to settle it conveniently and com- fortably, and desired to return to London to render their accounts and answer the charges which both French and Catholics were circulating against them there. De la Muce probably sailed for England in February, 1 70 1, for from Captain Webb's house (at the falls) he writes to Governor Nicholson on the 15th of that month asking that his contract with Dr. Coxe be returned, ** which cost us a great deal of money which w^e expect to recover, or part of it," and desiring to know of Colonel Byrd whether he can return to England in one of the ships '* now Lying by Westopher." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 25.) This disastrous change of location was probably due altogether to the influence of Colonel Byrd, who op- posed the Norfolk site because he said that ** in a competition betwixt a Plantation belonging to ye King and another belonging to Proprietors, the first ought always, in duty and by Virtue of ye Prerogative, to be prefer d," (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 7.) and prevailed upon the Governor and Council to make the change. He was, as his father had been, an earnest advocate of the settlement of European Protestants in Virginia, and was active and untiring in effort to pro- cure them, and to help and assist them when they came : but his great care, liberality, and friendliness for these settlers clearly indicates that he felt himself in a manner responsible for their desolate condition. The error committed was that the change had been arbitrarily made, and without consulting those most interested. Colonel Byrd's objections were founded upon excellent reasons, both of public utility and in the interests of the colonists themselves. But Colonel Byrd was a most active and clever man of business, with eyes ever watchful for his own personal interests. He had very large territories of land at the James River falls, where he afterwards founded the city of Richmond, and there may have been a spice of worldly wisdom in pro- curing the settlement of so large a number of colonists like these in advance of his own frontier, and between him and the Indians, w^ho not so very long before had massacred all the whites at these very falls— at Bacon's Quarter. The Norfolk location, however undesirable then, is to-day the most fruitful and prosperous of all Virginia. It is her loveliest land, whose fertile soil is first in spring to burst forth in beauteous fruits and flowers most bountiful. Its fields are gardens of earliest fruits and vegetables and berries of every kind, and its woods teem with natural flowers in tropical profusion most lavishly displayed. Wild roses of all colors and perfec- tion cover the fences and line every lane and road; the air is heavy with the sweet odors of jasmine, honeysuckle, rhododendron, ivy, laurel, and mag- nolia ; violets, marguerites, goldenrod, and the Hugue- •i ' «i 278 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 279 not aster cover the meadows ; while the watercourses, which give every farmer ready access to market from his own door, are full of French flags and lilies and all manner of flowering water plants. But it was plainly to Colonel Byrd's own interest as well as to that of the public that the settlement should not be made upon Dr. Coxe's lands in Norfolk County, as well because a location above the falls would advance the frontier, as because opportunity might then occur to secure some of the most desirable of these coveted im- migrants for his own lands, either there or elsewhere. He had written to the Lords in Council as follows : ** Proposalls Humbly Submitted To The L'ds Of Ye Councill Of Trade And Plantations For Sending Ye French Protestants To Virginia *' [Presented in the year 1698] ** Whereas, His Majesty has been pleased to refer to your L'ps the care and Disposal of a Considerable number of French and Vaudois Refugees that have had ye hard fortune to be driven out of their Country on account of their Religion, and some Proposals have been offered to your L'ps for ye sending 'em to a small Tract of Land lying betwixt Virginia and Carolina, which the Proprietors of Carolina call theirs, in order to Settle a New Colony there ; Upon a full enquiry into ye matter, and due examination of all Circumstances, I humbly conceive it will appear that Territory is upon no account so fit a Place for this small Colony as ye upper Parts of James River in Virg'a, and that for these several Reasons : ** I — Because that part of lower Norfolk claim'd by No. Carolina, to the Southward of Corotuck, is accord- ing to its name, for ye most part, low Swampy ground, unfit for planting and Improvement, and ye air of it very moist and unhealthy, so that to send Frenchmen thither that came from a dry and Serene Clymate were to send 'em to their Graves, and that wou'd very ill answer his Maj'ty's charitable Intention, and prove as unsuccess- full as ye late expedition to Darien, whereas on ye con- trary, ye upper part of James River affords as good land and as wholesome Air as any Place in America, and here is room enough for 'em to live Comfortably altogether under a very easy Governm't, tho' perhaps it were better that they were to be disperst in small numbers all over ye Country, for then they would be less Capa- ble of raising any disturbance and wou'd be much more easily Supply'd w'th necessarys towards their first Settlement. *' 2 — In that part of Virginia they will not be put to so many difficultys and distress'd at their first Settlem't as of necessity they must in that dismal part of Caro- lina, Provisions being there much Cheaper and Assist- ances of all kinds nearer at hand, and then ye Expence of settling them will be much more reasonable, for if these poor wretches be sent recommended to Collo. Nicholson, Gove'r of Virg'a, he will be exceedingly active in an undertaking of so great Charity, and will place them in such a part of ye Country as may be most happy for them, and by his generous Example will encourage other People of Substance to contribute to their assistance. • ••••• ''4_'Twill be more for ye Interest of His Majesty and of the Kingdom of England to send them to Virg'a, for 'tis well known how use full such Subject there is to this Nation, Whereas in a New Colony 'twill be long before they'll be able to Supply their own necessitys, and much longer before they can possibly yield any ad- vantage to England. '* 5 — In a competition betwixt a Plantation belonging to ye King and another belonging to Proprietors, the first ought always, in duty and by Virtue of ye Prerog- ative, to be prefer'd. ♦*6 — If these People shou'd be settled in that Fog end of N. Carolina under the Proprietors, all our 28o Huguenot Society of America Criminals and Servants wou'd run away thither for pro- tection, as those of Maryland do to Pensilvania, and those of New York to ye Jerseys, and they'll be sure to receive em upon good Terms for ye Service and advancement of their new Colony, and I humbly Submit it to your L'd ps Consideration whether it were not necessary to injoin all Governors, under Severe penaltys, to cause diligent Search to be made after all Such Fugitives, and to send 'em back to ye Province from whence they made their Escape, for hitherto the Governor of Pro- prietys have been particularly deaf to all Such Com- plaints, to the great prejudice of his Maj't's more use full Plantations ; and, indeed, if the illegal Trade, En- tertainment and Protection of Pyrates and other foul Practices of those lawless Governments were fully un- derstood, the King wou'd be so far from establishing of New Proprietys that He wou'd have good Reason, as well as legal Title, to sieze the old ones. So that I hope your L'ps, upon Consideration of all these partic- ulars, will please to determine this matter in favour of Virginia, which prides it self on being ye most advan- tageous to ye Crown of England of all its Dominions on the Continent." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 5.) Nevertheless, their Lordships, presumably influenced by Dr. Coxe, adherred to the Norfolk County location, and the Governor of Virginia was so instructed. It is significant of the free spirit which prevailed in Virginia, that notwithstanding the direct order, issued after full consideration of Colonel Byrd's remonstrance, the Governor and his two councillors. Colonel Byrd and Colonel Harrison, determined to seat this colony upon the upper James, where Colonel Byrd desired. The accounts of the Relief Committee in London at this period show how active were the efforts to enlist the Huguenots in this emigration. There are charges for printing 5000 "projects"; for distributing them, The Huguenots in Virginia 281 and maps, throughout England, Germany, and Switzer- land ; for printing 1600 tickets, and for the expense of -Mr. Borel. Minister & horse" for seven or eight months, visiting the refugees in England about this matter. There are charges, too, for ''bringing 75 colonists come from Switzerland." And for tools, and arms, and some small supplies of clothing, hats, stock- ings,'and other goods, £14; and ''bleu Cloth handker- chiefs, cravats &c £^6 " ; and ten shillings for " a greate Black Trunck to put ye goods in." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 1 3.) The voyagers were dispatched as fast as a ship-load was gathered in London. Four vessels sailed to Vir- ginia^hat year. The first was the Mary Ann, George Hawes, captain; she cleared from London April 19, 1700, and arrived at Hampton July 23, 1700. The sec- ond was the Peter and Anthony, galley, Captain Perreau, which arrived October 6, 1 700 ; of the third we know but little, save the names of the few of her passengers who joined the colony at Manakin Town ; and the fourth was the Nassau, Captain Tragian— she sailed Decem- ber 8, 1700, and arrived in York River March 5, 1701. It is estimated that these vessels brought about eight hundred souls. But many others were induced to come by the notoriety of the preparations made for these, and by the, to them, attractive prospect of so many Hugue- nots living together in their own community in Virginia. Probably two or three hundred preceded or followed them, individually or a few together, and, being able to defray their own expenses, preferred to do so and to make their own choice of new homes, for all the lands in Virginia were cheap enough. A few pounds in- vested in " Head right certificates," lavishly issued and often fraudulently procured, would secure as much land as was needed. Every immigrant was entitled to fifty 282 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 283 acres in fee for himself and each one of his family, and many of the planters were ready and anxious to sell or rent to settlers upon moderate terms, — a few shillinas the acre, or one fourth the crop, and provide sufficient supplies till harvest as well. Besides, men of labor, skill, industry, and cultivation, as these refugees were, were welcomed and greatly needed everywhere in Vir- ginia, and opportunities for gaining their livelihood were elsewhere better than in the isolated community at Manakin Town. In a few years new French names appear upon our Virginia records — other than those upon the passenger lists of these ships ; and while it is true that the Mana- kin Town settlement never realized the sanguine expecta- tions entertained of it as a community, it is also true that those who settled in the country apart, and mingled at once with their neighbors, as there was abundant op- portunity for them to do, greatly prospered from the first, and being able to write most encouraging accounts to friends left behind, soon influenced others to join them. A copy of the Charter-Party of one of these ships — the Nassatt, galley, five hundred tons — may be seen among the archives of the Virginia Historical Society at Rich- mond, as may be many other documents concerning this emigration to which I have referred. It provides that the vessel shall proceed to Blackwall by December 5, 1700, and lay there three days to em- bark such French passengers as may be sent on board, and then sail for Jamestown, Virginia, by the usual route ; that the owners were to be paid £^ per pas- senger, and ^100 for one fourth of the hold of the ship for passenger's baggage and effects ; that the passen- gers were to be berthed in separate apartments, two in each, or in hammocks, and were to be provided with provisions of the same kind and quality as served to the crew, and upon arrival were to be safely landed with their effects upon the shore at Jamestown. And then follows this special stipulation : ^^ Memorandum.— \t is agreed, That, although it is mentioned that the Passengers shall have the same al- lowance of provisions as the Ship's company, It is the intent and meaning of the s'd parties y't they shall have the allowance as followeth (vizt) : to every passenger above the age of 6 years, to have 7 pounds of Bread every weeke, and to a mess, 8 passengers in a mess, and to have 2 peeces of Porke, at 2 pounds each peece, 5 days in a weeke, with pease ; and 2 days in a week to have 2 four pound peeces of Beefe a day and pease, or one four pound peece of Beefe with a Pudding with pease ; and at any time if it shall happen that they are not willing the Kettle should be boyled, or by bad weather cannot. In such case every passenger shall have i pound of cheese every such day ; and such children as are under 6 years of age to have such allowances in flower, oatmeal. Fruit, Sugar and Butter as the overseers of them shall Judge Convenient." (Va. Hist. Soc, v. 41.) The pioneer vessel, as already said, was the Mary Ann, Captain George Hawes. She sailed April 19th, and arrived at Hampton July 23, 1 700. She brought 205 passengers, including many little children, and the leaders of the movement, the Marquis de la Muce and M. Charles de Sailly, who had left instructions in Lon- don that others with supplies were to be forwarded as they assembled. M. Claude Phillipe de Richebourg was the minister, and Pierre Chastain their physician. Her passenger list was as follows : "LIST OF YE REFUGEES " Pierre Delome, and wife. Marguerite and daugh- ter. Magdalaine Mertle. JeanVidau. Tertulien Sehult, \ 284 Huguenot Society of America wife and 2 ch. Pierre Lauret. Jean Roger. Pierre Chastain, wife and 5 ch. Philippe Duvivier. Pierre Nace, wife and 2 daughters. Francois Clere. Symon Sardin. Soubragon, and Jacques Nicolay. Pierre du Loy. Abraham Nicod. Pierre Mallet. Francoise, Coupet. Jean Oger, wife and 3 ch. Jean Saye. Elizabet Angeliere. Jean and Claude Mallefant and mother. Isaac Chanabas, his son, and Catherine Bo- mard. Estienne Chastain. Adam Vignes. Jean Menagerand Jean Lesnard. Estienne Badoiiet. Pierre Morriset. Jedron Chamboux and wife. Jean Farry. Jerome Dumas. Joseph Bourgoian. David Bernard. Jean Chevas and wife. Jean Tardieu. Jean Moreau. Jacques Roy and wife. Abraham Sablet and 2 ch. Quintin Chastatain. Michael Roux. Jean Ouictet, wife and 3 ch. Henry Cabanis, wife and child. Jaques Sayte. Jean Boisson. Fran9ois Bosse. Jean Fou- chie. Fran^oise Sassin. Andre Cochet. Jean Gaury, wife and ch. Pierre Gaury, wife and ch. Jaques Hulyre, wife and 4 ch. Pierre Perrut and wife. Isaac Panetier. Jean Parransos & sister. Elie Tremson and wife. Elizabet Tignac. Antoine Trouillard. Jean Bourru. Jean Bouchet. Jaques Voyes. Elizabet M ingot. Catharine Godwal. Pierre la Courru. Jaques Broret, wife and 2 ch. Abraham Moulin and wife. Francois Billot. Pierre Comte. Etienne Guevin. Rene Massoneau. P^an^ois du Tartre. Isaac Verry. Jean Parmentier. David Thonitier and wife. Moyse Lewreau. Jean Constantin. Claud Bardon and wife. Jean Imbert and wife. Elizabet Fleury. Loys du Pyn. Jaques Richard and wife. Adam and Marie Prevost. Jaques Viras and wife. Jaques Brousse and ch. Pierre Cornu. Louiss Bon. Isaac Fordet. Jean Pepre. Jean Gaillard and son. Anthonie Matton and wife. Jean Lucadou and wife. Louiss Orange, wife and ch. Daniel Faure and 2 ch. Pierre Cupper. Daniel Roy. Magdelain Gigou. Pierre Grelet. Jean Joanny, wife and 2 ch. Pierre Ferrier, wife and ch. Isaac Arnaud and wife. Pierre Chatanier, wife and father. Jean Fonasse. Jaques Bibbeau. Jean March. The Huguenots in Virginia 285 Catherine Billot. Marie and Symon Jourdon. Abra- ham Menot. Timothy Moul, wife and ch. Jean Savm, wife ch. Jean Sargeaton, wife, ch. Claud Philipe and wife Gabriel Sturter. Pierre de Corne. Helen Trubyer. Jean Cautepie. Michel Cautepie, wife & . ch The widow Faure & 4 ch. Pierre Tillou. Mane Levesque. 59 women and girls— 38 children 108 men, and Messrs. De la Muce and de Sailly— making in all '207 persons" (Va. Hist. Soc, vi., 65.) Evidently the Marquis was not the man qualified to overcome the stern difficulties in which he was soon in- volved. The party he led being the first ready to start, because being without property or employment, were probably poorer and more thriftless than others. Certain it is that they were vastly inferior to those who followed. He had no just appreciation of the duties incumbent upon the leader of such an enterprise. An illustrious member of an illustrious and devoted Huguenot family of the high nobility of France, whose traditions forbade familiarity with trade or commerce, he could not have aptitude for the business details necessary to such a position. Already, in England he had made a bad bargain with the captain of the ship first engaged, costing his scanty fund a sum which it could not spare, and living, as he had, in the most populous and produc- tive provinces of France, what conception had he of the necessities of a crowd of men, women, and children making their way through the forests of Virginia, miles and miles beyond the nearest habitation, where after arrival they would have to build, and clear, and plant, and wait for a year at least ere they could gather? Faithful and pious Huguenot as he was, still he was of the nobility, and between them and the class of those he led,, the social distance was immense even in exile and 286 Huguenot Society of America poverty. Doubtless he thought to be lord of a success- ful settlement, perhaps of many, which, like his tenantry of old, would all willingly do him grateful honor for the smiling homes and comforts he had secured them. But cruel disappointments met him at the threshold. He felt himself unjustly blamed. His disconsolate follow- ers murmured, and dissension broke out against him. He becomes embittered, dismayed, and bears himself somewhat haughtily, as his followers no longer trust him, and a spirit of independence appears. He refuses the second party, who arrive a few months after his, equal participation, and thus caused a faction when unanimity and harmony were all-essential to success ; and according to his own statement his conduct had become the subject in London ** of many tales and false reports of ye ffrench and Popish Emissaries who have always endeavoured to cross and oppose this undertaking, and as we see have prevailed, and sent over some men to cross and contra- dict us, and to make us suspect to ye Nation, Govern- ment and Clergy & to all other people." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 51.) The fact that he was pecuniarily interested in the ad- venture must have weakened his influence also. His party seem to have been in trouble from the moment of arrival. They are at variance with Captain Hawes who '* abuses them and their goods," ere they land, and many desert their companions as soon as the shore is reached, and prefer to remain at Jamestown. The rest are compelled to toil a long way up the river, when they thought to be landed from the ship upon their own ground ; and are put to heavy charges for vessels to transport their goods, and lose ^300 by the sinking of one and the damage to their effects. And finally, The Huguenots in Virginia 287 uhen the falls are reached and further progress must be afoot, half of their number are too feeble and sick to proceed, and remain there for months, without shelter and in extreme destitution. Upon arrival at Hampton, Governor Nicholson hast- ens to meet them, and thus tells of what he found : ** Virginia, James City, August 12, 1700. ''May it please Ydr LorcTp. : •' The 24th of the last month, I had the good Fortune of receiving his May's Royal Commands of March ye i8th, ifff, sent me by yo'r Lord p, concerning the Mar- quis de la Muce, Mon'r de Sailly, and other French Protestant Refugees; and I beg leave to assure yo'r Lord'p, that as I have, so I will endeavor to obey them (they were on board the ship Mary and Ann, of Lon- don, George Haws, Commander, who had about 13 weeks passage, and the 23d of the last month arrived at the mouth of this River) and upon receipt of them, I immediately went down to Kickotan, to give directions in order to their coming hither, some of wh. came on Sunday in the evening, the rest the next day. I wrote to Colo. Byrd and Colo. Harrison to meet them here, w'ch they did, and we concluded that there was no settling them in Norfolk nor thereabouts, because es- teemed an unhealthful place, and no vacant land, ex- cept some that is in dispute now betwixt us and No. Carolina : So we thought it would be best for them to cro to a place about twenty miles above the Falls of James River, commonly called the Manikin Town. There is a great deal of good Land and unpatented, where they may at present be all altogether, w'ch we thought would be best for his Ma'ty's Service and Interests, and that they would be strengthening to the Frontiers, and would quickly make a settlement, not only for themselves, but to receive others when his majesty shall be graciously pleased to send them. They may be prejudicial to his Ma'ty's interest and Service, 288 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 289 vizt., by living long together, and using their own lan- guage and customs, and by going upon such manufac- tures, and handicraft Trades, as we are furnished with from England ; but according to duty, I shall endeavour to regulate these affairs, and when, please God, the Council meets, I shall lay before them the matters re- lating to these Refugees. On Tuesday I mustered them, and No. i is a copy of the List of them. Colo. Byrd went before them in order to meet them at the Falls of this River, where he formerly lived, to dispose of them thereabouts, till they can gett houses or sheds in the place, for their Reception, and he promised to go along with the Marquis and Mons'r de Sailly to show them the Land. The people at present seem to be very well affected towards them, and to commiserate their condition, and some who have seen them have given them money, viz. Colo. Harrison, 5^; Mr Com- missary Blair, the like Sum. The Reverend Mr Ste- phen Fouace, thereabouts ; Mr Benjamin Harrison, 5/.; Mr Attorney General Fowler, something, as likewise Mr William Edwards, Merchant of this place. I am apt to think that Several Gentlemen and others will be charitable to them. They went from hence yesterday. "If his majesty be graciously pleased to send over more, I humbly propose that Mr Micajah Perry, mer- chant of London, may be spoken with about their pas- sage hither, and that they may have their passage on board the Ships which come to the upper parts of James River, w'ch is the nighest place to their settle- ment, and that there may not above 40 or 50 come in any one Ship : So they may be better accommodated in all respects, for I have observed that when Ships that come into these parts, are crowded with people, 'tis ver)' prejudicial to their health ; some getting sicknesses, w'ch not seldom prove catching, some dy on board, and others soon after they come on shore." (Va. Hist. Soc, vi., 63.) On the 20th of September arrives the second ship, the Peter and Anthony, galley, of London, Daniel Perreau, Commander, with 106 refugees, under the change of Pastor Benjamin de Joux, who has been speci- ally ordained in England to be the minister of the whole colony. Here is her passenger list : "List of All Ye Passingers From London To James River, In Virginia, Being French Refugees Im- barqued hi The Ship Ye Peter And Anthony, Galley Of London, Daniel Perreau Commander ( Viz't :) •' Monsieur de Joux, minister. Jean Bossard, wife and 3 ch. Jean Morroe. Pierre Masset. Solomon Jourdan. Estienne Chabran and wife. Susanne Soblet and 3 ch. Jean Hugon. Michel Michel. Theodore de Rousseau. Pierre Cavalier, wife and son. Pierre Anthonie Eupins. Jean Martain. Isaac Le ffeure [Le- few in Virginia]. Jean Combelle. Pierre Renaud. Marthien Roussel. Augustin Coullard. Jean Coul- lard. Jacque du Crow, wife and daughter. Paul Lau- rion. Moise Broc. Jean Pierre Bondurand. Pierre La Badie. Guilleaume Rullet. Anthony Gioudar. Anne Carbonnet and ch. Guillemme Guervot, wife and son. Louis Robert and d'gt. Estienne Tauvin, wife and 2 ch. Paul Castiche. Jean Mazeris. Noel Dela- marre, wife and daughter. Jean le Vilain. Jean Ma- risset. Jean Maillard and 3 ch. Thimotthee Roux. Gaspard Guamondet and wife. Jean Pilard. Estienne Ocosand. Abraham Remis and wife. Jean Le Franc Verdurand. Daniel Maison Dieu. Pierre Baudry. David Menestrier. Jacob Fleurnoir, wife, 2 sons and 2 dgts. David Blevet, wife and 6 ch. Elizabeth Lemat. Abraham Le Faix, wife, and 4 ch. Jean Arnaut, wife and dgt. Jean Genge de Melvis. ffrancois de Launay and ch. Gaspart, wife and 7 ch. Samuel Mountier, wife and 2 ch. Jacques Corbell. Jacob Capen. Isaac Troc. Elie Gastand. Anthonie Boignard. Nicholas Mare, wife and 2 ch. Jacques Feuillet and wife. Pierre Sarazin. Jean Perrachou. Phillippe Claude. Simon 19 290 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 291 Hugault. Samuel Barrel. Caspar Gueruer, wife and 3 ch. Jean Soulegre. Louis Desfontaine and wife. Daniel Rogier. Pierre Gosfand. Solomon Ormund. Louis Geoffray. Maize Verneuil, wife & 5 ch. Joseph Olivier. Jaques Faucher. Pierre La Grand, wife & 5 ch. Pierre Prevol. Daniel Riches. Francis Clapie. Jacob Riche, wife & ch. Mathieu Passedoit. Pierre Hiuert. Michel Fournet, wife & 2 ch. Jean Monnicat. Simon Faucher. 169." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 14.) These were far better organized and much better led by their minister, the faithful father of his flock, a practical man of great force of character, sound com- mon sense, and indomitable energy and industry, in full sympathy with, and enjoying the entire confidence of, his charge. They were heartily welcomed by the plant- ers, cheerful and pleased with the prospect before them, and proceeded to their destination without misadven- ture or complaint. Their superiority was at once demonstrated, and asserted itself as soon as they were brought into antag- onism with the leaders of the first party — for, seeing the incompetency of the Marquis, they gave him great umbrage by proceeding without hesitation to act for themselves. In fact, they were the real settlers of Manakin Town, — for nothing of consequence had been accomplished ere they arrived, — and their leader, De Joux, became its head and in a short time superseded both the Marquis and De Sailly. Before they came, De Sailly, who was manager under the Marquis, had proceeded to the old Indian village and done some small work of preparation in clearing out a street or two, and in opening a road to the falls, near to which were the mill and store whence all their sup- plies for the year were to come. He seems to have organized some sort of a government for the Settlement also, for when De Joux and party arrive he seeks to sub- ordinate them to what he had done, and to deny them rights in the lands or the contributions, which had been criven to all, unless they would recognize his superior authority. But this De Joux conceived he was under no obliga- tion to do ; and finding that his predecessors had not only failed as promised '' to put themselves in a capacity to receive such of their brethren as should afterwards " follow them ; that De Sailly was unable to make proper provision even for his own party, with whom he was at variance, and that he demanded that De Joux should deliver him the contributions he had brought, although denying his right to participation in the common fund, he proceeded to act independently. Accordingly, under the leadership of their own pastor, his party quietly seated themselves upon the lands adjoining those selected by De la Muce, lying between the two creeks, Manakin and Powick ; De Joux himself, by leave of the Governor, who quickly recognized the superior qualities of the good pastor, allotted them their portions there, and so successfully and promptly pro- cured supplies and aid for their necessities that in a short time most of the others sought to unite with him and he soon became the leader of all. Of this independent action De la Muce and De Sailly complained to the Governor in language which shows but too clearly how embittered they had become by their failure — not only with De Jouxs party, but with their own. Of the latter they say in their complaint to the Governor : *'. . . There have been carryed up to Monocan- town about 120 Refugees, of whom 6 are dead and I i 292 Huguenot Society of America about 20 gone away, some for libertinage and lazinesse and some for want of bread, beinL( not able to suffer hunger and take patience when w(.' meet with disappoint- ments (as we did when Bossard and his 'compHces stole away upon ye road with force, violence and threatenings the meale from our men and horses"). ( Va. Hist. Soc, v., 49-50.) And of De Joux and his party : '*and for ye other Refugees settled by Mr de Joux between Manycan Creek and Powick Creek, we doe not know their condition, and though they have given unto us great many subjects of Complaints in troubling and vexing us, we will Charitably spare y'm ; and to avoid all disputes and quarrels, desiring to live cpiietly and peace- ably, say nothing of ye malice and tricks they employ every day to blame and accuse us without justice, cause or reason, and leave to ye said de Joux to give what acc't he pleases, since he hath done all without us and kept ye oth'er 'factures and goods sent to us ; what we affirme this 2nd day of December 1 700." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 51-) Expecting to be confirmed in sole authority over the whole colony, they ask : ** . . . That ye Minister De Joux be ordered to go up to settle and stay in ye town, to preach, make prayers, and perform other duties of his ministry ; that he be ordered to give and deliver ye accounts, 'factures and goods, intrusted unto him and sent to us to sell, exchange or mortgage y'm for Corn &f, for the supplys of the people." They also request that the people of the third ship be commanded to make like delivery of what had been sent by them, and especially of a " Trunck of Chirurgy," costing ^23 ; and that they and all other refugees be required to come to, and remain in, the settlement, and The Huguenots in Virginia 293 that the Virginia planters be forbidden to receive or employ them. How totally these gentlemen misconceived their posi- tion is shown by the above, as well as by the action of the Governor upon the petition of M. de Joux's followers. They also made complaint,— of the Marquis and De Sailly, on their own behalf and that of all the other French in Virginia, whom the former were thus seeking to bring under their dominion. They presented a dignified and temperate statement, which is most interesting and instructive, as well be- cause of its superior tone as of its graphic picture of their condition and the excellent judgment and fore- thought it displays. They say that the King had given ^3000 to de- fray the charges of 500 French to Virginia ; that the Marquis and De Sailly and 200 others had accord- ingly sailed, giving it out that they came to prepare to receive those w^ho should follow, and left directions that all such should be shipped as fast as ready ; and that accordingly De Joux, who was specially ordained by the Bishop of London to be the minister of the colony, and 150 others, did soon after sail to join them. That upon landing at Jamestown they were overjoyed to learn how graciously their predecessors had been received, and especially that there had been designated for the settlement one of the best tracts of land in the country, but to which there was no approach by water. That so far from preparations having been made for their reception and from being welcomed by the Marquis and De Sailly, and receiving the promised assistance from the generous contributions that had been made by Virginians for the support of all, upon arrival at the falls 294 Huguenot Society of America ••. . . it was no small surprisall there to understand that more than one halfe of the first party lay sick at ye falls languishing under misery and want, notwith- standing the considerable supplies that the Sieurs De la Muce and De Sailly received, both from y'r Excel- lency and from the Country, as also y't a great number of 'em was dead, and y't so many of 'em as repaired to their new settlem't were in a distressed condition and in great disorder, complaining of the hard-heartedness of De Sailly, and speaking of him as of one whose conduct was odious and insupportable. It was a con- siderable surprisall that instead of seeing this second party kindly received by Mr De Sailly, and admitted to have a share in those charitable supplies he had in his hands and in those he had received from the country, his answer, on the contrary, to such as addrest him for reliefe was, That he had no bread nor sustenance for 'em. Nay, further, he opposed those who desired to take up such tracts of land as were adjacent to the Lands he had marked out for those of his first party, unless they would swear an oath of fidelity to such particular persons as he had made Justices of the Peace, which oaths those of the second party refused to take, being fully perswaded they lay under no obligation so to do. " Being, therefore, destitute of all hopes of obtaining provision and reliefe from Mon'r De Sailly, they hin- dered Monsieur De Joux in his designe of delivering up into the hands of De Sailly those goods with which Messieurs Jaquean, Belet and their companions en- trusted him. And having had sufficient tryall of the s'd Mons. De Joux's integrity and affection towards them, they requested him to use his utmost care and diligence in procuring some sustenance for 'em and some lands, w'ch they might labour, sow and improve in hopes that God's blessing upon their endeavours may give 'em some subsistence for ye future w'thout being burdensome to ye country. And this what the s'd De Joux has done with so much successe by his mediation with those magistrates that ruled ye country in your The Huguenots in Virginia 295 Excellency's absence, that we have had such supplies as have almost hitherto relieved our necessities. ''At the same time ye said De Joux has, by your Excellencie's permission, and to our common satisfac- tion, shared out among us the Lands we are now clearing." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 55, 56.) They therefore pray that they may continue to be aided with food and subsistence until they can raise enough to support themselves, and that such supplies be sent up to the point nearest to their settlement, because all of their own time should be devoted to the clearing and cultivation of the land, and the housing of their wives and children for the winter, which would proceed more slowly if they have to cease work and go twenty miles away to fetch supplies, having no means of conveyance. And they ask that their minister be supported for a few years, until they can produce some- thing with which to pay him. They very properly ask also that the new industries which they expect to develop may for a time be protected and assisted, until productive. That De Sailly be ordered to pay over to De Joux /30 as their proportion of ^^230 given him in London to construct a church and parsonage, and that they have leave to build a church of their own later. That as De Sailly has all the money which had been given for the colony, and refuses to afford them any relief, under the pretence that he had expended it all,— even the said church fund,— they ask that he be required to settle his accounts and surrender any balance to whomever the Governor may designate. That the colony, being so remote, may have leave to choose its own magistrates from a list to be submitted by Monsieur de Joux for the Governor's approval. That, to prevent the disintegration of the settlement, it be ordered that the 296 Huguenot Society of America Virginians do not entertain any of the French without permission, and that those who leave the settlement be required to return the money and the goods which they had received. And that Dr. Sosee be required to re- turn with the medicines and instruments entrusted to him; doubtless the "Trunck of Chirurgy " referred to by De la Muce. This exceedingly well considered and thoughtful paper, which in its tone and substance is eloquent of the high character, attainments, and sound, practical good sense of the second party, — and in fact is the foun- dation of what may be called the charter of Manakin Town, — thus touchingly concludes : '* Your Petitioners do most humbly supplicate your Excell'y to take into your serious consideration the most deplorable condition of the ffrench Refugees now under your protection, and to grant them the above mentioned favours, and such other reliefs as your Ex- cellency out of your singular goodness shall think titt to bestow upon them. And they will always pray to God for ye preservation of your person and for the prosperity and glory of your Government. i( D. BleCet. Jacque Corbelose p zossard N Mare David Menetres Daulegre SOUAN p. Baudry, p. Antoine de Ramberge FFRANCOIS GaNNARD Jean LevillanA Jean AboAsson Theodore Duronsau Pierre Rivers Ettienne Chabran La Barr Eabuyt Abraham Foy FFRANCOIS DeLHAPIEL P Labady Paul Caftes MoisE VerrCeil Brault Jacob Capon Michael Michell EAN Arnaut Hagault osuE Petit EAN Rugon \u \\ The Huguenots in Virginia 297 - Jean Raviol Jean Mearyut Pierre Leluells L RobAll Elie Gullature poussite S. Augustin." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 54-59-) Thus was presented the direct issue between the two, the comparative merits of which, as of the two leaders, are as the comparative merits of the two petitions — the one querulous, dissatisfied, self-seeking, and dominant, but with scarcely a practical suggestion ; the other moderate, public-spirited, calm, considerate, grateful, sanguine, abounding in wise suggestions for the future, and"" confident of early success. There could be no hesitation in choosing between the active, practical, energetic, and thoughtful pastor, living and working with his flock in the forest amid all their hardships, and the Marquis and De Sailly, comfortably housed at "Capt Webb's House at the Falls." As might be expected, no action was taken upon the Marquis's requests, except to deny them all by granting most of those of the others. But in doing so the Coun- cil appoints Lieutenant-Colonel Randolph and Captain Giles Webb to inquire and report from time to time of the condition of the refugees at Manakin Town and vicinity, and to exhort them to live in unity, peace, and concord. The result was that De la Muce abandoned the en- terprise and left Virginia at once. De Sailly was ordered to settle kis accounts, and follows him in a few years, and De Joux was thenceforward recognized as the head of the colony, — although the majority of his own party did not remain there, — and continued to be the trusted and beloved pastor, sharing in full their hardship and privation, their joys and sorrows, hopes and fears, until his lamented death in March, 1703. 'il' I* if 1 I Ml i 298 Huguenot Society of America De Joux, and not De la Muce, is thus the real founder of the Huguenot colony in Virginia at Manakin Town. In a torn and mutilated old record book of Henrico County there still remains a memorial of this lonely, faithful old hero abounding in tender suggestions. 'T is the appraisement of the little bit of property he left when he died, which also gives the name of his ad- ministrator, — John Stewart. So there were none of his kindred near to close his eyes, and the few things he left are eloquent of cultivation, refinement, and better days, as they also are of great poverty and destitution. *' Henrico County August the ffirst 1704. ** The Inventory of M"^ Benjamin Dejoux Estate taken this 15'*" of July 1704 of what things I found at Mona- kin Town. To 1 potrax, fire shovel & tongs & poaker ' 2 pr of andirons a pair of Bellows, Trevit, Andiron, Spitt, Copper stew- . pan 2 Iron Spoons, Copper mortar & pestle, Tunnell, tin pan, Lamp, Can- dlestick To 3 pewter Dishes, bason, 5 plates. Salt seller, 4 spoons, a Porrengar and Tan- kard To a bed and old quilt, 2 Blankets, 3 ps Tapestry, 6 Baggs great & small, To 49 Books, 2 bread trays, a sieve, 4 bottles, 2 Runlets, To a powdering Tubb, 4 Earthen plates, 2 Dishes, Cup, 2 gallipots To 4 Hatts, 2 old Coats, Old Morning] gown, 2 Waist coats 2 ps of old Plush > Breeches, a black Gown & Cassock ) To 2 old Coats, a Raisor & hone, brush, comb. } £■ ii 10. 4( (t 8 u 2. 10. — I. ID. I. (( (( 0' 15 it The Huguenots in Virginia To a ffir box, nutmeg grater, & spices, a Picture, Linen hose, Lace for Cravats, a Stocking begun & yarn to ffinish it. To a Table Cloth, 4 Napkins, 5 bed sheets, Ruff & bands a bundle of paper, 2 bundles of Thread, a cover for books To 2 Larding pins, 4 Wash Balls, 3 Buckles, 2 Silver ones To a Looking glass, a prospect Glass, 5 Tart Cups, Camlet coat, a Crape Cloake, a black coat, a preaching Gown, 4 Em^ Sleeves To a pair of Linnen Drawers, 2 p' Shoes, a little bagg of Phisician's means 9 cravats, Gaul nutts, a night cap, 2 baggs Shot & bullets To 2 sticks of wax, 3 viols of oyle, a old muff To a pillow beer, 2 night caps 3 pewter spoons, 2 pr Gloves, Brimstone, one box of papers. To Barrell of Corn To 3 Chests 2 Basketts, some brown paper 299 £. It it I. 01. I. 05. >- 10. 6. 2. (( (( 6 o. 13. And some things as W Phillip says the (frenchmen claimed as. To 14 hand'chiefs, 5 yards of Dimity and some Iron ware To 3 Whip saws, vise, 3 Smiths tongs, and Rasp, Great Sheeres hand sheere To 24 Garden hoes, 15 Bullet Moulds, 5 Squares, 7 small handsaws 4 Large handsaws, 7 hammers, 2 Grind Stones, Cranks, pair shears, 2 holdfasts 2 cold chisels, 3 hand vises 2 Anvils, 3 Sor- der plates 1. II. 3. II. (( (( o ^10. 6. 9. 3. 10. o ii'i )^ \ i ! i : 11; » I n 4 t' I 1 300 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia .^01 8 Cumpass, 2 Gages, Ladle, 4 per- hooks, 6 Trowells } £. To 4 Doz & half files, and some great \ nails & spikes & 5 lb shott & bullets f s. d 14. 06 7. 6 20. GO. '' Appraised by us this the 14, 15, & 17 as witness our hands this 17 of July 1704 his mark Thomas T Harris. Henry Gee his mark WiLL"^ Blackmare Henry H T Front. *' Henrico County August the ffirst Anno Domini 1 704 " Presented to the Court by John Steward, jun. Ad""" of the Estate of the aforementioned M' Benjamin Dejoux dec**, and ordered to be entered upon Record, and that the several things claimed by the ffrenchmen as above s"* be delivered to them, as you will see by the book of orders page 142 ** Teste James Cocke C. C." Consider this list — it tells exactly what was the fur- nishment of his bare little one-room house, for all that he had is there set down ; and note as well what it contains as what it does not. Observe, too, what it tells of his influence, position, and daily habits, and of what he had been, and what he was. There is also an informal inventory of his effects, practically the same, but with something more of detail. From the two, and from what has already been told of his activity and success in establishing the settlement, and of his ability, common sense, and cultivation, — as shown by his remarkably scholarly paper presented to the Governor describinof what was needful for the settlement, — there may be easily drawn a picture of this beloved village pastor and his humble surroundings. The log cabin in which he lived had but one room, perhaps 20X16, with unceiled rafters overhead. It was bedroom, study, kitchen, and parlor all in one. And here he lived alone, for he had no servant and waited upon himself, at the same time serving his flock as pastor,— he had divine service thrice a day,— physi- cian, magistrate, friend, and counsellor. The house contained no furniture save a chair, and a bed, and two or three chests and baskets. The scanty cooking utensils were upon the hearth, and the pot rack in the single fireplace, wherein he made the fire himself, for there was a pair of bellows. There were a few earthen plates, a single cup, and a pewter dish— but there was no table, though there was a tablecloth, and there were napkins. But if his surroundings were thus scanty, those which most nearly appertained to his per- son were more abundant, or had been, and indicate refinement and gentility. There were numbers of books and papers, an engraving of King William and Queen Mary, and coats, and cloaks, and gowns, and gloves, and breeches, and silver shoe-buckles ; an excellent wardrobe, suitable to a gentleman, though old and worn out— evidently the remains of more prosperous days. •' A stocking begun and yarn to finish it " is touching as sucTgestive of a device to pass the weary time of sickness. He was physician to his people, as Huguenot pastors often were, and are— witness ''A little bagg of Phi- sicians means " and his gallipots and pestle and mortar. He was also the keeper of the tools and supplies of the community, doubtless the director of the " public works," when work was necessary for the public weal. And thus for conscience' sake this cultivated gentle- man had left his home in Lyons, and devoted his time and talents and sacrificed his life far, far away from home 1' i , I I I II! iii 302 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 303 hi and kindred — the earnest, highly educated, kind- hearted, faithful Huguenot pastor Benjamin De Joux, of pre-eminent ability, founder and preserver of Manakin Town. At the commencement of these dissensions the third ship arrives. We do not know its name nor the names or number of its passengers, but there were probably about as many of them as the other vessels brought. Ere it sailed news had reached London of the unsatis- factory condition of the Manakin Town settlers, and of the hardships awaiting newcomers there. The Coun- cil of Virginia were still of the old opinion first given in response to the Leyden petition almost a hundred years before, now confirmed by the experience at Manakin Town, that the refugees would do better to seek em- ployment and occupation in the lower plantations, where honest labor, skill, and talent were always in demand and met with remunerative return ; and so made the following order in respect of this party : **At a Council held at his Maj'tie's Royall Colledge of William and Mary, the 25th October, 1700 — ''Present — his Excell'y in Councill. ** Whereas, severall French Refugees have lately,(vizt) on or about the 20th Instant, arrived at James City, in this Colony, with designe to goe up to Manikin Towne in the upper parts of James River, whither severall french are already gone to make Settlement ; liis Excel- lency and the Hon'ble Councill taking the same into their serious consideration, are of opinion, that (con- sidering the poverty and disability of the said Refugees, their ignorance in the Customes and affaires of this Colony, their wants and necessities, being destitute of all meanes of support and sustinence at present), It will be most for their advantage and interest to disperse themselves, and do accordingly Order, License and permitt the aforesaid ffrench Refugees to disperse them- selves into severall parts of this country, that they may thereby the better provide for the future support of them- selves and ffamilies untill the next fall, at which time fur- ther care may be taken therein." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 49.) The much-desired Dr. Sosee, with the medicines and instruments, the " Trunck of Chirurgy," was of this number, and availing himself of this permission re- mained below, as did most of his fellow-voyagers, where doubtless his skill as a physician soon procured an ade- quate support. There are but fifteen of them who settled Manakin Town, — i, e., "Jean Reniol, Anthoyne Ram- beege, ffrancois Agnast, Pierre Rondere, Jaques Giraut, Jaques Roux, Rapine wife and 2 chid", ffran : Benon, Gillaum, Treyon wife and child." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 47.) The fourth ship, the Nassau, Captain Tragian, whose charter-party has been already referred to, sailed from Blackwall December 8, 1700, and arrived in York River March 5, 1701. She brought 191 refugees, as follows : " RoUe Des Francois, Suisse, Genevois, Alemans, Et Flamans Embarques Dans Le Navire Nemme Le Nas- seau Pour Aller A La Virginie. " Mons'r Latane, Minstre, Madame his wife, ch. & servant. Mr Daniel Braban, wife, 3 ch. & boy. Jean Pierre Gargean, wife & 3 ch. Jacob Amonet, wife & 4 ch. Paul Papin. Jean Leroy. Jacques Lacaze. Jean Dubroq. Catharine Basel & dgt. Ester Lefebre. Ester Martin & ch. ffran9ois Ribot. Joseph Molinie &wife. Leon Auguste Chareitie & wife. Jean Bara- chin & wife. Joseph Caillau & wife. Jean Dauphin. Jeane Bellin. Margueritte Gautie. Marie Mallet. Thomas Deneille. Jacques Macan & wife. Jean Thomas & wife. Jean Robert, wife & dgt. Alexandre i i \ 304 Huguenot Society of America hi Madouy. Noel Richemon & wife. Jean ffonnielle & wife. Estienne Bocar, wife & 2 ch. Jaques ffradol. Gabriel Maupain, wife & 3 ch. Jacob Sponge & wife. Ester Duncan. Jaques Hernon. Jean Chaperon, ffran^ois ffelsau. Jean Prain. Solomon Taniere & wife. Pierre Odias. Jean ffaouton. Pierre fferre, wife & ch. ffran^ois Gonfan, wife & dgt. La- zare Lataniere & wife. Jean Belloe. Jacques Delinet. Salomon Bricou & wife. Claude Barbie & wife. Esti- enne Uebron. Henry Corneau. Daniel fferran. Jean Gomar, wife & 5 ch. Jean Rousset. Pierre Montgut. Alexander Vaillan. Salomon Gondemay & wife. Louis Girardeau. Daniel Dousseau. Michel Cahaigne. Dan- iel Duval. Cornielle Prampain. Paul Coustillat. Pierre des Maizeaux. Jean Velas Lorange, wife & child. Jean Egarnac. Pierre Gueraux. Anthoine Laborie. Matthieu Bonsergent & wife. Paul Leroy & wife. Bernard Lanusse & wife. ffran^ois Charpentier & wife. Jean Surin. Jacques Lemarchand. Isaac Bon- viller. Melkier de Vallons. Isaac de Hay. Abraham Cury. Joseph Berrard & wife. Charles Parmantie. Emanuel Langlade. Jean Olmier. Charles Charier. Sebastien Prevoteau. ffrancis Delpus. Henry Collie, wife & ch. Estienne Cheneau & wife. Daniel Duche- min & wife. Daniel Gueran, wife & 4 ch. Jean Sou- lid, wife & 3 ch. Nicholas Ducre & wife. Jean Noel Levasseur & w^fe. Rebeca Poitevan. Louis Losane, wife & 2 ch. Elizabet Curien. Jean Boye Surgan. Marie Catherine Lecoin. Jean ffauqueran & wife. Elizabet Morel. Pierre Balaros. Paul Leeover. (SUISSES) " Jean Jacque Faizant. Jacob Aigle. Pierre Shriflit. Ouly Cumery. Madame Herbert & 4 dgts. (Genevois) "Jean Pasteur. Dupuy. Charles Pasteur & wife Elizabet Hayer (alemande) Marie Hehns yan- welle flamade." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 29). .V ii The Huguenots in Virginia 305 Of these only twenty-eight settled at Manakin Town, to wit : ** Buffo. Shulu, wife & 3 ch. Tumar & wife. Chevas & 2 ch. Valiant, ffasant. John Pastoun- Mary Legrand. Robert, wife & ch. Mocks, wqfe & ch. Lamas. John Leroy. booker, w^ife & ch. Coullon & wife." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 47.) Their minister was Louis Latane, with wife, child, and a servant, the founder of a distinguished Virginia family, ever eminent for piety, valor, patriotism, and all the many lovely virtues characteristic of the faith- ful Huguenots. He was a native of Gascony, and had come to London in 1685, where he remained until setting out for Virginia, having been ordained the previous October. At once he was chosen Rector of South Farnham, in what is now Essex County, where he ministered faithfully until his death, in 1732, and where he now lies buried. In every generation since, his name has been revered in the person of one or more descendants among the Virginia clergy. Said Bishop Meade of Virginia many years afterwards : " Faithfully have the descendants of this upright and conscientious man followed the example of his integrity. Perhaps there is no instance to be found in Virginia where a whole family have been more remarkable for truth and fidelity in all their dealings and character." (Meade's 0/{]l Clmrches and Families of Virgi7iia, i., 395.) There can be no doubt that the personnel of these parties improved with each successive ship. The last must have largely consisted of men whose circumstances were not so narrow as were those of their predecessors. It was perhaps an independent movement of their own, with a few only of those who were assisted by the London Committee, for there is na account of expenses filed, as was done in respect of the first two ships. !# 20 3o6 Huguenot Society of America The Nassau lands in York River, instead of at James- town, and her passengers make no request for aid from the Virginia Council, who had not even been advised of their coming. Mr. Latane was evidently a person of some means and consideration, a gentleman travel- ling at his own expense, with *' Madame sa femme" and '*unne servante." Some years later we find that he was able to donate a glebe to his parish, and, in com- pany with other gentlemen of prominence, to purchase 24,000 acres of land in Spottsylvania County, on the upper Rappahannock River. The Governor and Council being still anxious that the Huguenots should scatter throughout Virginia, made this order concerning them : i( ** At a Councill held at the hon*ble Mr Auditor Byrd's. March 9th, 1700 — [1701] . . . Whereas, severall French Protestant Refugees are lately arrived in York River in the Nassau, Capt. — Tragian Comm'r, concerning whom his Excellency hath received no par- ticular intelligence or Commands from his most Sacred Majesty, save only a Letter from the Lord Bishop of London concerning one Mr Latine, who comes in the Quality of a minister, and one other Letter from Mr Blaithwayte concerning one John Boyer, a french Gentleman ; and the aforesaid french Refugees making no application nor proposalls to the Government in their owne behalfe, his Excellency and his Majestie's hon'ble Council, comisserating their poor and low condition, and willing as much as in them lies to find meanes for their present support — Do thereupon Order that such and so many of them as are willing to go and inhabit at the Manakin Towne, where severall french are already settled, may and shall receive reliefe from the Contribu- tions given or hereafter to be given towards the support and maintenance of such as shall there Inhabit; and |i|i Xr The Huguenots in Virginia 307 that such and so many of them as are not willing to go thither be Lycenced and permitted to disperse them- selves amongst the Inhabitants of this country, to provide for their necessary support untill further order shall be therein taken. And it is further ordered, that a copy of the last Briefe be sent to Capt. Tragian and ye french Minister, to be published amongst them." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 37.) Most of these, as did those of the third ship, availed themselves of this permission — if indeed any was needed for those who came at their own charges — and remained in the settled parts of Virginia. At best there were no opportunities at Manakin Town save for hard manual labor, and those who had capabilities for better things naturally preferred to locate where there was oppor- tunity for their exercise. To induce immigration, it had long been the practice in Virginia to grant ** Head Rights " for fifty acres to all members of the Virginia Company who procured settlers, which practice was afterwards extended to the immigrants themselves if they came at their own charges, or to any one who brought them. Doubtless De la Muce and his associates looked to this as one source of reimbursement for their great labor and expense in organizing the Huguenot movement and seating the colony, and feared that the gift of 10,000 acres to the refugees direct might militate against their claim for 50 acres per poll ; and this may have been one of the causes of their dissatisfaction and failure. The land set apart at Manakin Town was a tract of 10,000 acres, on the south side of James River, about twenty miles above where Richmond now stands. It was considerably beyond the settlements at that time, and, being above navigation, had no open communication \ \ !i / 3o8 Huguenot Society of America with the rest of the colony. There were, of course, no roads leading to it ; the nearest house was at the falls, or at the mill on Falling Creek, a few miles farther. The lands had been originally occupied by the very warlike tribe of the Monogans, the chief enemies of Powhatan, who lived just below the falls, upon a hill which still bears his name, and with whom there was constant war. This fierce tribe had never been friendly with the earlier colonists, and had persistently resisted their advance. They were prominent in the memorable massacre of 1622, and fifty years after had attacked and destroyed the first white settlement made at the falls at Bacon's Quarter which led to the uprising of the planters known as Bacon's Rebellion. But now they had been exterminated or dispersed, though doubtless the remembrance of their cruelties it was that caused these rich lands still to be vacant ; and though their little clearings for corn and tobacco were all grown up in brush, and their abandoned huts in ruins, the fields could be more easily cleared than new ones made in the original forest, and the huts might be repaired till better could be done. The lands were, and are, of the finest, the justly celebrated James River bottoms, of inexhaustible fertility, and to-day the best corn lands in the State. But the fair prospect for the far future was gloomy enough in the present, and the situation must have seemed desolate indeed to the eyes of these husbands and fathers, accustomed only to the busy landscapes and teeming rural life of England and France, dotted over at short distances with comfortable habitations and frequent villages. Many of the settlers were elderly, there were grandfathers and grandmothers ,».< '5' The Huguenots in Virginia 309 among them, and a host of little children ; there were dissension and disappointments ; there had been a weary, crowded, comfortless voyage over the sea ; unexpected difficulties in reaching the falls ; great sickness and privations and many deaths there while waiting, and finally the toil through the pathless forest, up the river, into what must have seemed to them a wilder- ness to find upon arrival nor house, nor field, nor oTowing crop, nor food, nor comforts of any kind, and die winter fast approaching ! Truly there was enough to dismay the stoutest heart, had they not been earnest and resolute as they were— cheerful, thankful to have escaped cruel persecution, and piously trusting in God for a peaceful home thereafter. It seems that De Sailly had made some little prepa- ration for his people while they lingered at the falls. The accounts of his disbursement indicate that work was being done at Manakin Town, although of very lim- ited extent. It is significant that it was considered necessary for the security of the first who went up that they should be accompanied by " Troops" for their pro- tection ; perhaps from prowling Indians — who can tell ? Indeed a later historian (Campbell, Hist, of Va., 370) relates that the Indians thereabouts were still danger- ous, and attributes the immunity of the settlement from attack to the settlers' pious and peaceful habits, which gained for them the respect and kind regard even of these savages. A cart and horses were purchased, and a cart track opened to the mill. Morel and March were employed for thirteen days in bringing meal thence, for which they were paid sixpence a day each. Sucre and Orange were employed in baking; Richard de Pre and Gaury, senior, to mark the streets of the town ; Boucher, Panetier, and Gaury, junior, to clear 1^ 1 !! 3IO Huguenot Society of America .1 ill!! the woods, for which they had a shilling a day between them ; Voyer and Panetier " to dig a little store in the ground"; De Tartre and Sassin to work thirty-three days in the kitchen ; Jouany to carry up two bushels of peas ; and a carpenter and workman were paid to prepare timbers for the church and the ministers house. (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 19, 20.) After the arrival of De Joux preparation for the winter proceeded much more rapidly, and, it being apparent that the colonists must be supplied with food until they could reap a crop, the Governor issued the following earnest appeal to the planters for contribu- tions for them : ** To all Christian People to whom these presents shall come, I P>ancis Nicholson, Esq're, his Maj'tie's L't and Governor Gcnerall of Virginia, send Greeting : Whereas, sevcrall French Protestant refugees having lately arrived in this his Maj'tie's Colony and Dominion of Virginia, Imported hither at the sole charge and Pious Charity of his most Sacred Maj'tie, and con- cerning whom his most Sacred Maj'tie by his most gracious Letter to mee directed, bearing date at Ken- sington ye 18 March, 1699 [1700], hath signified his Royall will and pleasure, That all possible Encourage- ment should be given them upon their arrivall in order to their settlement ; And whereas, the Right Hon'ble the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, by their Letter of April 12, 1700, have also recommended them to my favourable assistance, Pursuant whereunto they are now seated at a place called or known by the name of the Mannikin Town above the falls of James River, by virtue of an order in Councill dated at James City the 8th day of August, 1700; But forasmuch as the said refueees havinir nothing at their arrivall here wherewith to subsist, they have hitherto been supported by the contributions of severall pious and charitable Gentlemen in these parts. And whereas, It is manifest t i i i !U The Huguenots in Virginia 311 and apparent that unless the same Charitable and Christian like acts be continued for their reliefe untill such time as they may reape and receive the fruits of their own Labour by the next ensueing cropp they must inevitably perish for want of food. Therefore, I, the said Francis Nicholson, Esq'r, By and with the advice and consent of his Maj'tie's Hon'ble Council, doe hereby recommend ye sad and deplorable Condition of the aforesaid French refugees to the consideration of all pious, charitable, and well disposed Persons within this, his Maj'tie's Colony and Dominion of Virginia, desiring that they will express by subscriptions to this Briefe, what benevolences or gifts they in their Charity shall think fitt to bestow either in money, Corne, or any other thing for the support and reliefe of these our poor distre'^s'd Christian brethren. And I doe hereby Impower and authorize the Hon'ble W^ Byrd, Esq'r and Benj'n Harrison, Esq'r, 2 of his Maj'tie's Council of State, to receive and distribute amongst the said refugees such and soe many benevolences and gifts as the respective benefactors shall be willing to bestow for the promoting and forwarding of this charitable worke. Given under my hand and seale of the Colony of his Maji'tie's Royall Colledge of Wm. and Mary, this 12 yeare of his Maj'tie's reign, 1700" (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 61.) This was generously responded to and enabled their kind friend Colonel Byrd, whom the Governor appointed to superintend the distribution of the supplies, to arrange for regular monthly issues from his store at the falls, ^and the mill on Falling Creek,— according to the following list, which gives the names and number of the inhabitants at Manakin Town in February, 1701. It includes 218 persons, of whom 65 are children ; the settlers with but few exceptions are all in families, and it is noteworthy that while the passenger lists indicate the presence of many unmarried women, there are but t I 1 1 / 11 312 Huguenot Society of America two upon this list. It also shows how greatly the intended colony had been enfeebled, for not half even of the first two ships' passengers are here, and with few exceptions only those who were encumbered with families. Evidently the best of them, and the girls, had found more attractive openings elsewhere. ** A List Of Ye Refugees Who Are To Receive Of Ye Miller Of Falling Creek Mill, One Bushel A Head Of Indian Meale Monthly As Settled At Or About King Williams Town To Begin In Febr. 1700 [1701] " Mr De Joux. Philipe & wife. Mallett & wife. Moulin & wife. Jonthier. Farcy. Chastain. Nicod. Duloy. Minot. Joiiany & wife. Gaury, wife & ch. Tho. Constantine. F'aure, Brother & 2 Sisters. Tillou. Tignaw. Bilboa. Laureau. Parontes & Sister. Bazoil. Voyer & wife. The 2 Gourdonnes. Gowry & wife. Guichet. Panetier. Savin & Mother. Chambor & wife. Peru. Malver, wife & her father. Brousse & son. Corine. Arnaud & wife. Chalaine & 5 ch. God- riet. Lavigne. Saye. Chenas & Augustin Symend. Verau & wife. Soblet, wife & 5 ch. Verry. Gigon. Katharine Billet. Guerin. Sassin. Chalanier, wife & ch. Tonin&wife. Du Tartre. Cupper. Bernard & wife. Caboine. Richard & wife. Morell, wife & ch. Cantepie. Castra. Le Febvre. Martin. Robert. Onan, wife&ch. Michel & wife. LaVilain. Remy. Foix, wife & 4 ch. Sobriche, wife & 7 ch. Hugon. Le Roux. Bos- sard, wife & 3 ch. Durand <& wife. Clapier. Dn Puy. Joseph. Brooke. Chabran & wife. Chinandan, wife & 2 ch. Des Rousseau. Morisset. Labadie. Castige. Rounel. De Logny. Maze). Legrand, wife & 6 ch. Malarde & 3 ch. Richet, wife & 2 ch. Corbet. Bon- duran. Mare, wife & 2 ch. Des Fontaine & wife. Baudry. Hugo. Prevost. Trion, wife & ch. Riviole. Rambrey. De Launay. Flemnois, wife & 3 ch. Jour- dan & wife. Verdiiil, wife & 5 ch. Bloliet, wife & 7 The Huguenots in Virginia ch La Maro & wife. Petit. Cavalier, wife & ch. Gerner, wife & 3 ch. Samuel, wife & 2 ch. Durand. Boit^nan. Morizet. 218 " To this is appended the last official order of De la Muce, who instructs the miller, *' If any of the above named dont settle above, or leave their settlement, or dye, their names are to be blotted out upon ve advice of Mr de Joux or Philipe given every month to ye said Miller who is desired to distribute unto them by turne such meal as he shall have for them without partiality, and so doing he shall oblige his servant, at Capt Webb's house. '•Olivier de la Muce. " This 4*^ of ffeb'r 1700 [1701]. " (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 26, 28.) Thus the colony was now fairly established, though in far less numbers than expected. Its support was provided for, and we hear of no more requests for sup- plies from the planters, nor does it appear that the Council ever afforded them aught else than the land and the privileges already described. But the ill feeling created by the early dissensions was never cured. The settlement was divided, and so continued as long as De Richebourg, the minister of the first party, remained there. He and his had located upon the spot first designated by De Sailly, and when De Joux came and was excluded therefrom, he settled his followers to their entire satisfaction close by. De Richebourg evidently was apart from the others, for De Sailly pays him his share of the preparation fund in bulk, " £42. given to Mr. Phillipe Minister to carry on his work above." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 21.) The settlement was arranged somewhat upon the 1' w h m If' 1 u 314 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 3'D H I' I system usual in France. There was a village upon the banks of the river where most lived all together, with a church, a minister's house, a schoolhouse, and a hos- pital at the corners of a central square called Nichol- son Square. This square was bisected by a single street called Byrd Street on one side, and on the other Kino- William Street. And around it, facing inwards and upon the street, building-lots of equal size were laid off with ample garden for each. Surrounding the town as near as might be were the farms allotted to each by the pastor, the best of all being given to him. They were regularly surveyed by the official surveyor of Henrico County, so that each should have part of the fertile low grounds and an equal frontage upon the river, and for each a patent in fee from the government to the owner was issued. It was visited by Colonel Byrd and others in the spring of 1701, and he thus describes it : ** The loth of May, last, I with Coll. Randolph, Capt. Epes, Capt. Webb, &c. went up to the new settlements of ye French Refugees at ye Manakan Town. Wee visited about seventy of their hutts, being most of them, very mean ; there being upwards of fourty of y'm betwixt ye two Creeks, w'ch is about four miles along on ye River, and have cleared all ye old Manacan fields for near three miles together, as also some others (who came thither last ffeb'ry as Blackman told us) have cleared new grounds toward the Lower Creeke, and done more worke than they y't went thither first. They have, all of y'm, some Garden trade, and have planted corne, but few of y'm had broke up their ground or wed the same, whereupon I sent for most of y'm and told y'm they must not expect to enjoy the land unless they would endeavour to improve it, and if they make no corne for their subsistence next yeare, they could not expect any furthur relief from the Country. Mon'r de Joux promised at their next meeting to acquaint them all w'th w't I said, and to endeavour to stirr y'm up to be diligent in weeding and secureing their corne and wheat, of w'ch latter there are many small patches, but some is over run w'th weeds, and the horses (of w'ch they have severall, w'th some Cows) have spoiled more ; most of y'm promise faire. Indeed, they are very poor, and I am not able to supply y'm with Corne (they being about 250 last month) having bought up all in these two counties, and not haveing received one month's provision from all ye other Countyes, there being some in the Isle of Wight, but cannot hire any to fetch it. There are above "20 families seated for 4 or 5 miles below the Lower Creeke and have cleared small planta- tions, but few of y'm had broke up their grounds. Wee went' up to ye Cole, w'ch is not above a mile and a-half from their settlement on the great upper Creeke, w'ch riseing very high in great Raines, hath washed away the Banke that the Coal lyes bare, otherwise it's very deep in the Earth, the land being very high and near the sur- face is plenty of Slate. Tho' these people are very poor, yet they seem very cheerful and (as farr as wee could learne) very healthy, all they seem to desire is y't they might have Bread enough. Wee lodged there that night and returned the new Road I caused to be marked, which is extraordinary Levell and dry way, and leads either to the falls or the mill, a very good well beaten path for carts." (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 43.) At the beginning it seems that the allotment, though made to the entire satisfaction of the settlers, was in some instances not all that each was entitled to, and of course the numbers, being fewer than were expected, did not consume the entire grant. Later, and after many other settlers arrived, a second allotment was directed to be made by the county surveyor, ''taking care that the slips should not be too long and narrow, and that no vacant spaces be left between." And the Assembly directed that all of the original settlers who 1', t W if ■ 316 Huguenot Society of America had not received their full quota at first should have it equalized now and be allowed to select by lot among themselves before the newcomers were served. The faithful De Joux, who died in 1703, seems to have been a man specially qualified to harmonize con- flicting interests and keep the peace among the many discordant elements of his somewhat incongruous par- ishioners. Doubtless the deep waters of affliction, the fiery trials, and the many tribulations of persecution, exile, and poverty which had been his for so many weary years ere he came to Virginia, had moulded a character gentle but firm, prompt to decide, quick to execute, and overflowing with forbearance, sympathy, and lovinir-kindness for the faults, weaknesses, and trials of others, which could not but have had sweet, harmo- nizing influence upon the men and women of his congre- gation upon the frontiers of Virginia. When the cruel Edict of Revocation (of the Edict of Nantes), which imposed the penalty of death upon all Huguenot pastors found in France after fifteen days, became law, pastor Benjamin De Joux, with Magdalene his wife, and Oliver and Mary, their children, had barely time to escape with life from their church and home in Lyons to London. By law Huguenot women attempting to leave France, if taken, were sentenced to be impris- oned in secret in convents for life or until recantation, and the little children were torn from their parents and kept in the schools of priests or nuns until they died or professed the Roman Catholic religion ; the elder boys were sent to the galleys for life. Such was the terrible persecution of that day that there was no opportunity afforded, or time allowed, to transfer property or posses- sions, all of which descended forthwith to the nearest of kin who was a Roman Catholic, or was confiscated to the The Huguenots in Virginia 317 Crown. Thus De Joux and his little family, like so many hundreds of thousands of these heroic exiles, must have reached London penniless, forlorn, friendless, and unknown. They were naturalized there October ID 1688 and their names appear upon the sixteenth naturalization list of IV. James H. (Agnew's French Protestant Exiles, Index vol. li.). In 1691 the name of De Joux, among those of many other French mmisters in England, wa's signed to a declaration of faith, pub- lished "by them to controvert certain false charges con- cerning their belief which were being circulated to their detriment. It is dated London, March 30, 1691 (Va. Hist. Soc, vol. v., i). As already stated, De Joux had been specially appointed by the Lord Bishop of Lon- don in 1700 to the spiritual charge of the Virginia Huguenot colony then setting out, but we hear nothing of his wife or children either on shipboard or at Mana- kin Town, so that it seems more than probable that he had been struggling for twelve long years in London in poverty, adversity, and the purifying fires of affliction until, home, and wife, and children, and property, and means of livelihood all gone, he came to Virginia and at last found peace and rest in ministering to the wants of others alone upon the bank of the beautiful I ames De Richebourg succeeded him, but De Richebourg was of gentle, yielding character, and not the man to heal differences or sternly take the lead and compel compliance. Though of loving nature and a man of many warm friends, he was never wholly acceptable to the settlement, and the seeds of the early quarrels still bore frequent fruit. Almost immediately upon De Joux's death there were dissensions and outbreaks again, so that as early as 1 704 De Richebourg and his |^ I 318 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 319 Hi l! I Vestry, beini^ unable to repress these disturbances as stout old De Joux had done, felt constrained to petition the Council for redress. But peace could not be pre- served. Abraham Salle, one of the Vestry, seemed irrec- oncilable and a maker of much trouble and stirrer up of strife. Dissensions increased, and church matters went from bad to worse. There was an angry and most un- seemly altercation in the church itself one Sunday between the pastor, Salle, and others of the congrega- tion concerning the right of election of a new Vestry, in which, however, according to Salle's own account, most of the congregation seem to have taken part against himself. This occurred in March, 1707, probably at the time of the Easter Vestry election, and was of so very serious a character that the whole congregation deemed it necessary to a[)peal to the Governor and Council to settle the controversy. The petition of l)e Richebourg and the committee appointed by the congregation on behalf of the Church and the single answer of Salle, for himself alone, tell their own story, and seem to convict the latter. Both these papers may yet be found in the colonial paper office in London. I reproduce a translation of the first from Mrs. Hannah F. Lee's The Hiigtienots in France and America, published by John Owen, Cam- bridge, 1S43, and the latter from a mutilated copy printed by the Virginia Historical Society, vol. v., i, some parts of which, and the conclusion, are torn and illeixible. The petition is as follows : '' To the Honourable Colonel J enning (? ) President and the Honoiirable Council, *' We the undersigned in our own names as well as in the names of the inhabitants of Manakin Town, have been expressly chosen to represent to your Honour and to the Honourable Council that we are extremely troubled to see dissentions in our parish, caused by some persons. We supplicate you to remedy them, and to restore order; and as it has pleased the Honourable Council to designate us as a parish, we earnestly suppli- cate that it will still please the Honourable Council to crive us an order either for Monsieur Colonel Randolph, Sr some other person to assemble all the members of the said parish who according to their desire will by a plu- rality of voices choose twelve persons who may adjust the differences according to the laws and statutes estab- lished in Virginia. *' It is true that from the time of our arrival m this country, in order to preserve method and government among ourselves M. Dejoux named three persons, and others nominated three more. After the death of M. Dejoux, six were added provisionally without prejudi- cing the right of election. Now that our franchise is near expiring we can make a much better choice, know- ino- each other better than we did at the time. ^' There are nevertheless some who wish to establish themselves in this office without the consent of the parishioners, who are opposed to it, and who believe that in conformity to the customs of the new churches which have been formed in Europe and elsewhere, they ought to have the choice and nomination of the most honourable persons among themselves when they con- form to the laws and have adopted them for life. '' We therefore most earnestly petition that it will please the most Honourable Council to grant to our parish that which they demand, as they know that there are some persons, and particularly Abraham Salle who are the cause of the difficulties in the said parish in such manner that some of the members have felt obliged to relinquish everything rather than dwell in contention. " God knows how much we have suffered, and if the Honourable Council could realize the oppression we endured, and the very irregular conduct of M. Salle of which we have already made complaint to the Council r > 'II 320 Huguenot Society of America The Hui^uenots in Virginia 321 in May 1704, without doubt they would pay attention to it. *' This is what we petition and for which we will pray God all our lives for the prosperity of the Council and the members who compose it. " C. PiiiLLiPPE DE RicHBOURG, Minister. ** Jacques Lacaze. " ESTIENNE ChASTAIN. " Antoine Rapine." To this petition Mr. Abraham Salle replies thus : ** To the Honourable Presid't and Council : "Sept. 2'* 1707. **The answer of Abraham Salle to the Petition of Mr. Philipe humbly sheweth, *' That whereas the s'd Philipe Complained that I af- fronted him on the 30^^ day of March last while he was in the Pulpit, by calling him seditious, and the chief of ye seditious, I beg leave to represent to your honnours the whole fact as it happened which I flatter my- self will be a complete justification. When Mr Philipe had finish'd the service of the day, he continued in the Pulpit as his custome is where there is any Parish busi- ness to be done, the first thing he did, was to demand the Register of Christenings to be delivered up to him out of "ye Clerk of the Vestry hands, and in case he refused to do it, he would excommunicate him ; he was pleas'd to say this with a rage very unbecoming the place, which made me intreat him to have a little patience till the dispute should be ended, whether the Register should be in the Vestry's Custody or his ; I assur'd him that the Vestry had no intention either to encroach upon his Rights or to give up their own. and therefor desir'd to inform themselves more fully of that matter; upon this, he flew out into a gretter passion than before, and frankly told us that he acknowledg'd no Vestry there was, neither would he have the people acknowledge any. Immediately after his nameing the People, several of his party, and particularly Lacaze and Michel, stood up, and in the Church took the liberty to utter many injurious things against me ; and the last prest thro' the whole congregation to get up to the place where I was, and then catching me by the coat, he threatened me very hardly, and by his Example, several of the crowd were heard to say, we must assas- sinate that damn'd fellow with the black beard, and that Bougre de Chien ought to be hanged up out of the way, and several other violent Expressions, not very proper for the Church. The s'd Philipe in the mean time, was so far from endeavouring to appease their tumult, that 'twas observed he did his best to inflame it, and was word illegible] lowder and more outragious than any Dody. I thought it now my duty, as a Justice, to com- mand the peace, putting the people in mind of the day and occasion, and the place where they were, but all to little purpose ; the Queen's name had no effect upon them. When I found matters in that dangerous con- dition, I thought it prudent to withdraw, and when I came to the Church door, I told Mr Philipe 'twas visible that he had fomented that sedition, and therefore he was a seditious person, and even the Chief of the Sedi- tious. This is the naked fact as it happened, which I am ready to prove to your honours by sufficient testi- mony, which, if I do, I have the confidence to hope I need se no further Justification. '♦And then as far as his petitioning for an Order for Choosing a new Vestry at Monocantown, I humbly beg leave to represent to your honours the unreasonableness of that Petition. ... and it has never been ques- tioned by any one whether this were a legal Vestry or not, till lately that the Sr. Philipe, upon a quarrel he's had with some particular member of it, would get this Vestry quashed, to introduce his onne Creature that will be ready to Sacrifice ... of the parish to his extravagance and arbitrary humour, if ... " (Va. Hist. Soc, v., 69, 70.) 21 \ ill /' 322 Huj:^uenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 323 fif !l y At this time the vestr>' were : Jacob Ammonet, Abra. Soblet, Jacques Brousse, Louis Dutaitre. Jean Guerin, Jacques Lacaze, Abra. Remy, Andre Aubrey, Pierre Chastain, Jean Farcy. Jean Fanuielle, Abra Salle. We do not find the decision of the Governor and Council. The scandal was of too serious a character to have been completely cured even by an order in council, or a decree of court, but evidently the determination must have been in favor of De Richebourg, for he con- tinued as pastor until 171 2, when, like the other leaders of the first party led by the Marquis de la Muce, he left Virginia with many others of the congregation. Some of them removed to North Carolina, where there were Huguenots also, but De Richebourg joined the Hugue- not colony in South Carolina, upon the Santee,— of which his relative, Dr. Isaac Porcher de Richebourg, of the family of the Comtes dc Richebourg from the province of Berri, who had preceded him about twenty years, was one of the most prominent members,— and was made pastor of the Huguenot church at James- town, in Craven County, where he continued, greatly beloved and respected, until his death in 17 19. Affection- ate mention of him is twice made in a most charming *' Historical and Social Sketch of Craven County, S. C," by Frederick A. Porcher, Esq., printed in the April, 1852, number of the Sotdhern Quarterly RevienK (Re- printed, with others, by Dr. T. Gaillard Thomas, M.D. New York: The Knickerbocker Press, 1881.) The writer says (p. 49) that the will of Pierre de St. Julien. ** County of Berkeley, Province of Carolina," June 12, 1 718, gives to M. Claude Philipp de Richebourg, minister, the sum of twenty pounds, which he begs him to accept. He also relates the two following incidents, doubtless thoroughly characteristic of the gentle and affectionate, though somewhat peculiar, nature of this beloved pastor. He says (p. 100), business having carried M. Gendron (one of the congregation) to Charleston, his absence was so long and so unaccountably protracted that his friends supposed him to have been lost. On Sunday, while assembled at their house of worship, in Jamestown, the preacher (De Richebourg) from his pulpit saw ap- proaching up the river the canoe of his long-lost friend. For^^-etting in his joy the sermon which he had prepared, with" the exclamation '' Voila Monsieur Gendron!" he announced his safe arrival, and rushed out, followed by the delighted congregation, to welcome him whom they had mourned as dead. And again (p. 125), '' M. Richebourg, the pastor of Jamestown, whose attachment to M. Gendron was so naively exhibited as described above, was not blinded by hisfriendship into any indulgent admiration of his voice. Thus, after announcing the hymn, he would say : ' Don't sing, M. Gendron ; your voice is like a ' goot.' You be quiet. M. Guerry, your voice is sweet ; you may sing.' " It is probable that in the next generation the number of French settlers at Manakin Town may have reached one thousand, but if so it was soon depleted when new immigrants ceased to come. Nothing effective was ac- complished in the way of manufactures or the establish- ment of French industries, and the community gradually became a purely agricultural one. It was prosperous from the first, and each year witnessed substantial addi- tions to comforts and property. Farms were enlarged, flocks were increased, all soon had slaves to cultivate their rich lands, and the names of the rapidly increasing children, both white and black, continue to fill the pages of the Vestry Register. ^^S I 324 Huguenot Society of America The following is the last census of the settlement : '* Liste Generalle De Tous Les Francois Protestants Refugies, Establys Dans La Paroisse Du Roy Guil- laume, Comte D'Henrico En Virginia, y Compris Les Femmes. Enfans. Veufes, Et Orphelins." [17^4] Jean Cairon Minister & 3 ch. Abraham Salle & 6 ch. Pierre Chastaine, wife & 6 ch. Charles Perault wife & 4 ch. Jean Forquerand, wife & 2 ch. An- thoine Matton, wife & 5 ch. Isaac Lesebure. wife & 4 ch. Jacques Bilbaud, wife & ch. Jacob Amonet & 5 ch. Michel Cantepie & wife. Jean Voye, wife & 4 ch. Francois Dupuy. wife & ch. Daniel Guerrand, wife & 4 ch. Barthelemy Dupuy, wife & 5 ch. Jacques Sobler, wife and 2 ch. Pierre Trauve. wife & 2 ch. Mathieu Age & wife. Thomas Brians, wife & 5 ch. Jean Chastain & wife. Francois De Clapie, wife & 2 ch. Louis Sobler, wife & i ch. Tho. D'al- lizon & wife. Pre. Dutoit, wife & 2 ch. Jean Calver, wife & 5 ch. Jean Farcy, wife & 3 ch. Estienne Chas- tain & wife. Estienne Bonard, wife & 3 ch. Abra. Sobler. Gedeon Chambon, wife & ch. Pre. Morisser, wife & 4 ch. Isaac Lafuitte, wife & 2 ch. Jean Pane- tie, wife& ch. Jean Joanis, wife & 2 ch. Jacq. Bioret, wife & 2 ch. Jean Solaigre, wife & ch. Isaac Paren- teau & wife. Andre Aubry & 2 ch. Gillaume Genin 6 wife. Jean Fonuiele, wife & ch. Joseph Cailland, wife & ch. Joseph Bernard. David Bernard, wife & 5 ch. Estienne Regnault, wife & 2 ch. Pierre Oliver. Pierre Viet. Anthoine Giraudan, wife & 2 ch. Jean Levillain, wife & 4 ch. Jean Filhon & wife. Abra. Michaux & wife & 10 ch. Adam Vique & wife. Abra. Remy, wife & 3 ch. Anthoine Trabue, wife & 3 ch. Jean Martin, wife & 4 ch. Moise Leneveau, wife & 2 ch. Jacob Cappon & wife. Pierre Delaunay. Fran- cois Lassin, wife & 3 ch. Jean Powell, wife & 2 ch. Jean Dupre, wife & ch. Jean Corner. Gaspard Cor- ner, wife & ch. Mathieu Bonsergent. Jacques Le Grand & wife. Pierre David & wife. Claude Gary & The Huguenots in Virginia 325 ,^:fe Nicollas Souille. Anthoine Rapinne, wife & ch cLrne Martin, wife & 3 ch. P--e Deppe. Darnel Sane & wife. The widow Sonlh & 2 ch. The A.. T orinp-e The widow Gorry. The widow Mal- ref r2 'r f he wLw Launay &\ ch. The Orphans Tea? Fauve, Estienne Mallet, Suzane Mallet, Mane Mallet, Jean Gorry, Isaac Gorry, Anthoine Benn, Pre Sobricke, Jeanne Sobriche, Suzanne f^bric^^ Loucadou, Pierre Loucadou Suzanne Imbert, Jeanne Imbert. (P^^O''^ V^^- Church Papers, 193.) The Virginia historian, Campbell, thus writes of Manakin Town : -Each settler was allowed a strip of land running back from d.e river to the foot of the hill. Here they raTsed cattle, undertook to domesticate the buffalo m W^ cloth, and made claret wine from wild "res Th^ settlement extended about four miles Sathe river. In the centre they built a church; ;ty'conducted their public worship after the German manner, and repeated family worship three times a day^ Manakin Town was then on the frontier of Virginia and here was no other settlement nearer than the falls of J.mes River, yet the Indians do not appear ever to have molested these pious refugees. There was no mill nearer than the mouth of Falling Creek, twenty miles distant, and the Huguenots, havmg no h^^^^/^; ^^^ obliged to carry their corn on their backs to the mill. (Campbell, HisL Va„ 370.) Of Manakin Town itself there is nothing more to tell. Its people soon established a reputation for piety, thrift, and industry which attracted others in ever-increasing numbers to their neighborhood, and laid the foundation of a community in the State than which none became more prosperous, influential, or of higher social standing The church they built was ever open, and was served ill 326 Huguenot Society of America uninterruptedly by Huguenot ministers as long as there were any in Virginia, and services are regularly held there still, althouirh the ori^rinal buildincr has been re- placed. Jean Cairon was its pastor in 1714, and after- wards came Peter Fontaine, and his brother Francis, newly arrived from Ireland, and then Mr. James Marye, and then Mr. Nairne, followed by others of the Virginia clergy of the Episcopal Church until to-day. For years the settlement preserved its individuality, and as late as 1728 there were still therein many who could not speak English ; but the village itself has long since disappeared, for the planters soon found it more convenient to reside upon their farms, and as sons grew up and went else- where, and daughters married, the distinctive character- istics as a French settlement gradually disappeared, until now hardly a single descendant of the original settlers is living upon the original grant, and the name Michaux, preserved in the names of Michaux's Ferry and Michaux's Grant, alone marks the situs of Manakin Town, although the name of the parish is still the same. A few, but only a few, of the names of the first settlers survive in the immediate vicinity. Bondurant, Sublett, and Michaux are probably the only ones — and most of the others are no longer known even in the whole State. But there are some which, though no Ioniser livinor near Manakin Town, will never be unknown in tiie annals of Virginia. The sweet influence of this French colony will never die, or be forgotten, for from it have sprung a hundred families of Virginia's best, and all of the surrounding counties are to-day fairer, lovelier, and better for the good example set their forefathers by the pious, thrifty Huguenots of Manakin Town. But the Huguenots of Manakin Town, eminent as many of their descendants have since become, are ii The Huguenots in Virginia 327 not those who exercised the greatest influence in Vir- lia Just so long as they continued thus to hve to Eselves were their influence and example hm.ted oThe narrow confines of their own ne.ghborhood. Enough has been said to indicate that w th a few con- sp cuous exceptions these settlers were of the humbler va ks of life. Most of their names have disappeared en irely and while there still remain Michaux. Durand. Gi lam Witt, Dupuy, Guerrant, Fourquerean, Maupen. B aTd Trabue. Martin, Powell, Mallet. Bondurant Dal'ey Remy. Berraud. Minitree. Flournoy. and S. ^s ^mong us. and others, too. which have become anglicized an^d unrecognizable, the great majority are no loniier heard in Virginia. , u ,- It was those who distributed themselves throughout the colony, and thus established many centres of good example. \vho have effected the g— ^^^^^^ f whose' children chiefly rose to eminence an^ Huguenot Society of America family, who will be left helpless if you are obstinate," said the Jesuits, "and sacrifice to them what at best is but a doubtful scruple of conscience. A loving father would gladly sacrifice himself for his children. We ask you only to deny the 'errors' of Calvin, only the 'errors' not the trict/i. You admit the Catholics are Christians ; why not then be one, if but nominally, and secure peace and comfort for your wife and little children ?" Riches and honors were freely offered those who would recant : to lawyers and doctors, high place and prefer- ment ; to preachers, rich livings and promotion in the Church or at the Bar ; to artisans and workmen, money and employment ; to young men and maidens, marriages of high degree ; and, to all, the property of their relatives who, still refusing, escaped or sought to do so. The histories, records, and memoirs of those awful days are full of such instances, and tell of many a sad failure, but of many a glorious triumph too. Those who fled were not idle, dissolute, and ignorant. but peaceable, gentle, and laborious — the best of their several classes. Though poor — for who could preserve property under such circumstances? — they were not pauperized, but were thrifty, self-helping, and, above all, eager to earn an honest living. They were of the most skilful and intelligent of the communities whence they came. Had they been weak they would have gone with the stream as so many did, and conformed, but they were men with firm convictions, earnest, and cour- ageous to brave all perils in their determination to find some place of refuge where they could worship God according to the dictates of their conscience. And let it be remembered to their greater honor, admiration, and veneration — if there be need — that there was no time during the long period of these The Huguenots in Virginia ^ 1 -> 0^6 awful persecutions when their terrible sufferings might not have been terminated and the sufferers restored to home and comfort— perhaps to their family and chil- dren if still alive, but certainly to freedom and liberty— by the utterance of but the word, " Recant." That it was not oftener spoken seems incomprehensible. But the •' Fourteen of Meaux," with Etienne de Man- gin and Pierre Leclerc at their head, went to fourteen burning stakes, set up in front of their houses, with their wives and children held around them as spec- tators, rather than utter it. Young Jean Marteilhe of Bergerac, a lad of but seventeen years, sat for fourteen years among the lowest class of convicts and criminals, chained to the oar of his galley for life, and in spite of beat- ings and threats most dreadful would not accept release up'on such terms ; Andrew Bosquet, sixteen years of age, labored at the oar for twenty-six years, and the Baron de Montbeton, aged seventy, wore the iron collar of the galley-slave until he died. Marie Durand, of sixteen, spent thirty-four years in the dungeon of the Tour de Constance, literally from the nuptial altar to the grave, rather than say that hateful word, inscribing upon the stones of her prison with her needle, where it may still be seen, her touching motto, *' Recistez," appropriate to so many other faithful Huguenots as well. Made- lene Maury, who, for having attended a Huguenot ser- vice, was a prisoner there for twelve years, seems to have been of more elastic conscience, and finally ac- cepted freedom, but would not sign her recantation, pretending that she could not write ; but, says the chronicler, when discharged she was still a Huguenot, and attended the meetings more regularly than before. The late Rev. Francis L. Hawkes, in his introduc- tion to The Memoirs of a Huguenot Family, writes : 334 Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 335 ** Such were the people who came to settle the fertile fields of Virginia. Many were accustomed in early days to the enjoyment of a competent estate, and edu- cated accordingly, and for conscience* sake resisted oppression and persecution with indomitable courage, until at last, stripped of all, they were obliged to abandon their country. Exiles in a strange land, igno- rant of its language, unaccustomed to manual labor, and with the refinement of feeling belonging to educa- tion and social rank, they felt that they were thrown upon their energies as men, and nobly girded them- selves to the work ahead, trusting in God, and proved that if true to Him, and true to themselves, they need never despair. Many who had enjoyed the ease of affluence and the delights of letters, accommodated themselves to their altered position, became laborers, planters, tillers of the soil, and distanced all of the same pursuits ; and they set about retrieving their losses with the willing industry of those who had never known reverse of fortune, while in the midst of all they found time to train their children in the fear of God and educate them for respectable callings. They soon began to intermingle with the old Virginia families. They became their pastors and teachers, their justices and their burgesses, and colonial court favor and official preferment soon testified of the apprecia- tion and of the value of their services. Their children were the playmates of those of the Virginia gentry, and later their husbands and wives, and so entirely did they merge that almost all Virginians of to-day whose par- ents were of the old regime may count among their ancestors one or more of these Huguenots who made their early homes upon the waters of the Chesapeake. Stephen Fouace is made one of the Governors of William and Mary College soon after his arrival in Virginia in 1680. Colonel William Fitzhugh, a most prominent and influential Virginian, has a Huguenot minister as tutor for his eldest son, and speaks of him in highest praise and commendation, and sends his son to England to find another Huguenot minister, like him, to complete his education. James Boissieux is made rector of one of the principal parishes, near Williams- burg, within a brief period after his arrival, and Louis Latane is appointed to the church of South Farnham as soon as he lands, and serves it faithfully till death, thirty years after. John Fontaine is one of the '' Knights of the Golden Horseshoe " selected to accom- pany Governor Spotswood upon his memorable expe- dition to the Shenandoah Valley His brother, Peter Fontaine, is the chosen friend and companion of Colo- nel Bryd, who has him appointed chaplain to the Vir- ginia commissioners to determine the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina, and procures him the charge of Westover parish, where he remains till death — in the meantime marrying a daughter of one of the prominent county families. Another brother, Francis Fontaine, is given the rich living of the '•Sweet tobacco" parish of York Hampton, and his son marries Miss Churchill, daughter of a magnate of Middlesex. The Maurys of Virginia are striking examples of what has just been said. There were many others equally so, but I select them as illustrations only be- cause I know their history best. Matthew Maury, of Castelmoron, in Gascony, whose wife was sister to the Fontaines just named, without other means than his talents and thrift, is soon able to buy his farm upon the Pamunkey River, in King William County, and 33^ Huguenot Society of America The Huguenots in Virginia 337 so successfully cultivates it as to leave an ample estate to his widow, after having afforded their three children the best educations possible. His eldest son, James, after graduating at William and Mary College, he sends to London for ordination, with the following letter from Mr. Commissary Blair, the representative of the Bishop of London in Virginia : MR. BLAIR TO THE BISHOP OF LONDON *• Williamsburg Feby 19th 17^1 ** My Lord ** This comes by an ingenious young man Mr James Maury who though born of French parents, has lived with them in this County of Virginia since he was a very young child. He has been educated at our Col- lege and gave a bright example of diligence in his studies, and of good behaviour as to his morals. He has made good proficiency in the study of Latin and Greek authors & has read some systems of philosophy and divinity. I confess as to the last I could have wished he had spent some more time in it before he had presented himself for holy orders that his judgment might be better settled in the serious study of the Holy Scriptures and other books both of practical and po- lemical Divinity. But his friends have pushed him on too fast. He looks too much younger than he is, being of a brood that are of a low stature. He will be by the time this comes to your Lordship's hands about 24 years having been born about the beginning of April in the year 1718. • • • • • • • '* I am, my Lord, Yours &c &c &c *' James Blair." (Perry *s Va. Church Papers, 364.) Soon after his return to Virginia he married Mary Walker, of the early colonial and still prominent family of that name, and became the friend, associate, and adviser of Captain Thomas Walker, the eminent explorer of Virginia's western frontier and one of the founders and leading spirits of the great Ohio Company. He was made rector for life of the Walker's Creek Church, Albemarle County, and attained considerable colonial distinction. He was chosen as the champion of the Church in Virginia to resist the encroachment upon its rights by the attempted enforcement of the illegal •• Twopenny Act." It was in the litigation thus ensu- ing, locally known as ** The Parson's Case," that Patrick Henry first appeared and made his famous address to the jury at Hanover Court-House. He was a far-seeing, intelligent, patriotic, and pub- lic-spirited Virginia Huguenot of the best type, and his labors as such were crowned with unparalleled successes in two remarkable instances. His father, Matthew Maury, and his grandfather, James Fontaine, had both been expelled from France as heretics, evil-doers, and unworthy to be Frenchmen, and their property confiscated to the nation ; yet his grandson, Matthew Fontaine Maury, distinguished for the same Huguenot qualities for which they were con- demned, was by that same France, when the Southern Confederacy fell, solicited to return to the land of his ancestors and with his family make his home upon the banks of the Seine, at the charges of the nation, as Astronomer Royal, successor to the great Le Verrier ! At his Rectory in Albemarle County the Rev. James Maury long maintained a highly esteemed school for lads, and had for pupils both Jefferson and Madison. No doubt he instilled into their minds love and vener- ation for those principles of liberty and conscience for which his ancestors had so long contended, and thus prepared these young men to be the authors and t| aa 338 Huguenot Society of America The Huo^uenots in Virginia 339 champions, in Virginia, of her Bill of Rights and of Religious Freedom, and in Philadelphia of the Declara- tion of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. These noble charters of freedom were models to the National Assembly of France in framing their laws which established these same great principles there. Rabaut de Saint-Etienne, a Huguenot minister, was President of that Assembly, and he it was who was chiefly instrumental in inducing the King to issue his Edict of Toleration, and the Assembly to include full liberty of conscience in their Declaration of the Rights of Man. These successful efforts cost this noble apostle of liberty his life upon the guillotine a few years later, but they secured to all Huguenots what till then had always been denied them, — full rights of citizenship not- withstanding their religion. (Hugues, Les Synodes du Desert, iii., 571.) Lafayette, who had returned from service under Gen- eral Washington in Virginia, burning with generous zeal, brought the proposal for Religious Toleration before the Notables in 1787. Washington himself had urged his friends to aid in procuring freedom for the Hugue- nots. Writing to him in 1785, Lafayette says : ** The Protestants of France are subjected to an in- tolerable despotism. Although there is at present no open persecution, they are dependent upon the caprice of the King, of the Queen, of Parliament, or of a min- ister. Their marriages are not legal. Their wills have no force in the sight of the law, their children are reo-arded as bastards, and their persons as worthy of the halter." (^Memoires du Lafayette, i., 200.) And again, February 4, 1788, he wrote: *' The edict which gives a civil status to the King's non-Catholic subjects has been registered. You will easily imagine how much pleasure I had last Sunday m presenting at a ministerial board the first Protestant clergyman who has been permitted to make his appear- ance at Versailles since the Revocation of 1685." (Hugues, Les Syiiodes du Desert, iii., 540.) The Huguenot ideals of civil and religious liberty which theylought for in France and taught in Virginia, through their great apostle, Jefferson of Virginia, now finds favor in France, and aided by faithful Huguenots there, at last are legalized there, and Virginia Hugue- nots triumph in France ! So their fathers did not bleed and die in vain at Vassy, at Amboise, at Moncentour, at Jarnac, and upon many another stricken field, nor burn upon a thousand scaffolds from Spain to Sedan, nor languish to death at the galley's oar, or in the dungeons and oubliettes of La Tour de Constance, at Chinon, at La Rochelle, the Bastile, and elsewhere ; for the seed thus sown in France by the fathers' deaths took root in Virginia through the children's daily lives and sweet influence there, and, like the grains of wheat buried in the Pyramids of Egypt, lost and forgotten for centuries, when returned to fos- tering care and fertile soil, bore abundantly the richest fruit for all in France, both persecutors and persecuted, and thus secured for brothers there what had always been denied to them, but what all had ever enjoyed in Virginia, u e., perfect equality of citizenship before the law, absolute, untrammelled religious freedom, and the right to worship their God according to the dictates of their own consciences alone, in peace and security. HUGUENOTS AND NEW ROCHELLE By GEORGE T. DAVIS, New Rochelle, N. Y. ONE of the grandest papers ever signed by a sov- ereign was that signed by Henry IV at Nantes on April 13, 1598, which secured liberty of religion to the French Protestants. Under this Edict they lived for nearly one hundred years, until its revocation by Louis XIV on October 22, 1685. This last act drove from France some of its best and most respected citi- zens, and gave to the New World across the seas new blood and new settlements, one of which is New Rochelle, In their haste to leave the land of their birth they scattered in various directions, some to England, others to Germany, Belgium, Holland, and Denmark ; many of those who crossed to En<:rland later emigfrated to the American colonies. Those who came to New York again scattered. One party we are credibly informed sailed up Long Island Sound and made a landing at what is now known as Hudson Park; the exact date is not positively known, but it was between the years 1686 and 1690. Such was their love for their old home that they named their new one New Rochelle. It is said they pooled their funds to buy the land Jacob Leisler had already (September 20, 1689) obtained for them from Lord Pell, after which they parcelled it out pro rata. A glance at the old map will bear out this statement. 340 Gcor£c 1\ Dcrois, I'cu^'iu, !^fugnfff'^' <:.,/i\'fv of Nerv Rochelle. Huguenots and New Rochelle 34 1 It took them but a short time to adapt themselves to their new home, as in 1699 appears the first record of a town organization. The following officers were elected by the people for one year, but the list is probably incomplete : Constable and Collector, Robert Bloomer. Surveyors of Highways, Peter Frederick, Joseph Debane. In 1700 it seems the town organization was complete, as in that year the citizens elected a full town board of officers as follows : Supervisor, Robert Bloomer. Collector, Ambroise Sicard. Assessor, Peter Vallau. Surveyors of Highways, Peter Frederick, Andrew Bareheit. By I 704 considerable land had been cleared and was under cultivation, while everything about the settlement was attractive, with neat houses, passable roads, and well- tilled fields, giving a look of prosperity. French con- tinued to be the language of the settlement, although English was also used ; many of the town records are written in French, and a majority of the officers were Frenchmen. Now and then a Frenchman would attempt to write the records in English, but he made as bad a failure as an Englishman would to write French with but as little knowledge of it. From that time until now, each year Huguenot blood is found represented in the board of town and village officers. During the Revolution many of the Huguenots re- mained loyal to the English Crown, for which they might be excused in a measure as England had been a good friend to the Huguenots in their calamities, and had given such aid as could not be forgotten by a 342 Huguenot Society of America Huguenot. A few, however, did enter the colonial army and remained with it to the end. Among those who did so were Isaac Badeau, Isaac Coutant, Peter Flandreau, Isaac Guion, and Abel De Veau. Mr. De Veau was in a running fight with the British from near City Island to New Rochelle. Mr. Flandreau was in the battle of White Plains. The British wounded at that battle were brought to New Rochelle and the* old schoolhouse at Upper New Rochelle and a house on Pelham Road were used for hospitals until they were removed to New York City by transports. Since then whenever the Stars and Stripes have been assailed. Huguenot descendants have never failed to furnish their quota to its defence, and are ready to do so again in the present crisis.^ In the War of 1812 were to be found Andrew Coutant, J. P. Huntington, John Soulice, and John Bonnet. In the war of 1861 were found James F. and George W. Seacord, R. W. De Veau, John and Theodore Flandreau, States B. and Charles B. Flandreau, H. M., C. O., and W. Le Count, Benj. Badeau, A. Barton, Ferdinand Bonnet, Geo. H. De Veau, Elijah De Veau, Geo. T. Davis, Wilbur F. and Harvey H. Hudson. Geo. W. Seacord and John Flandreau were killed in battle. New Rochelle is prolific in organizations bearing the name of Huguenot. The Masonic Lodge, Royal Arca- num Council, Golden Cross Commandery, one of the yacht clubs, one of the athletic clubs, and one of the fire-engine companies bear the honored name of Huguenot. In addition we have a Huguenot Street, Park, and Hotel. The Grand Army- post bears a Huguenot name (Flandreau). * Referring to the then impending war with Spain. Huguenots and New Rochelle 43 Of the forty supervisors of New Rochelle fourteen have borne French names and three others were of French descent. Of the fifty town clerks fourteen have borne French names and two others were of French descent. Of all the other town and village officials during the past two hundred years the same ratio is preserved as to French names, but of their descendants it is larger. There are still standing in New Rochelle many landmarks that are so closely allied with the early Huguenots that I cannot omit mentioning them, as fol- lows. The figures following them are the dates of erection as far as I have been able to learn. I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 14 15 16 17 The Guion House, 307 Huguenot Street, 1690. Vallau " Union Avenue or Cross Road, 1700. Besley " corner Huguenot and North Streets 1700., De Bonrepos House, Beauchamp PI. and Maple Ave., 1700. n 4( (( it (i (i (( u a << i< i( <( (( i( <( Lespinar Pell Flandreau Gallaudet Bonnett Rayno Schureman Pintard De Veau Seacord Lester Seacord Parcut a li u n u {( (( (i (< (( tt anconia.^ » H. De Courcy : History of the Catholic Church in America, passim. The Huguenot Settlers in New Jersey 365 Of the others, Louis Tulane merits our principal notice. He came from France with other Refugees in 1795, and purchased thirty acres of land from Pierre Vienney. Four years later, w^hen Malon returned to Europe, he bought part of his hundred-acre tract, with his quaint old house upon it, in Cherry Valley, which became in future years the Tulane homestead. Of his five children, four died while young. Paul Tulane, the survivor, engaged in active business in New Orleans, where he amassed a handsome fortune. Returning to New Jersey, he purchased the mansion of Commodore Stockton, in Princeton. Here he was long distin- guished for his kindness of heart and generous temper. He confined his charity to no particular sect or class, but dispensed it alike wherever he chanced to be.^ There are other Huguenot families in New Jersey deserving of honorable mention. First in the number is Peter Baird, or Bard,^ distinguished in science and literature, who is supposed to have been a native of Dauphiny. He became a citizen of the Colony of New Jersey, June 12, 1713. Governor Hunter, on August 27, I 714, speaks of him as ** a very worthy and Ingenious Man." and also as one of the "most Considerable Trad- ers," W'ho w^ould be very useful to the Government.^ In 1718, the Governor again recommending him for a seat in the Council, as a member from West Jersey, de- scribed him as a merchant and inhabitant of Burlington. "^ In I 720 he was a member of Governor Burnet's Council,* and in 1728 a commissioner to try pirates in and out of ' J. F. Hageman : History of Princeton. Thiladelphia. 2d Ed., 1879, 2 vols. (See index /r?jj-iw.) * C. W. Baird: Hist. Huguenot Emi<^ration, vol. II., p. 1 18. ^ Col. Doc. of iV. y., vol. IV., p. 197. * Col, Doc. of N. 7., vol. IV.. p. 377. ' Col. Doc, of N. 7., vol. v., p. 319. 366 Huguenot Society of America the Plantations of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut' He died in 1734, after a long career of service and usefulness. John Bard, his grandson, was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Continental army, and acquired distinction as Commander of the "Orange Rangers." Isaac de Coux (or Cow), is supposed to have emi- grated from Auvert, in France, about the beginning of the XVII I th century.' In 171 7 he was a Justice of the Peace, and in i 739 he was Surveyor-General at Bur- lington, N. J. In 1774 a special act was passed by the Council providing for his widow, "Sarah Ely Isaac De Cow," who had lost a title-deed by fire. Joseph Roy,the founder of the Roye family, came from the Island of Jersey, in i 71 i, settled first in Boston, and from there removed to New Jersey. His son John was a Justice of the Peace in Somerset County, in i 752. Antoine Pintard is supposed to have been a Refugee after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. He ca'nie from the Antilles to this country in 1687.^^ He was a Justice of the Peace, at Shrewsbury, in 1700, and it is recorded that he presided at the trial of several persons who had attacked a gentleman in a dark lane and robbed him of his sword. After East and West New Jersey had been consolidated, he was recommended by a majority of the Proprietors for a seat in the Council. Samuel Pintard, evidently a Huguenot, is also named, in 1695, as a galley-slave upon the ship "La Grande."' John Pintard was employed by Mr. Jefferson in 1789 ' Col, Doc. of X. 7, vol. v., p. 197. ''Archives Rationales. "Marie de Coux, fugitive d'Auvert." C. W. Baird : History of the Huguenot Emigration to America, vol. II., p. 32. ^ Baird, vol. II., p. 32. *C. W. Baird : History of the Huguenot Emigration vol. I., p. 326. The Huguenot Settlers in New Jersey 367 as Translating Clerk for the Department of State. Upon the removal of the Federal Government to Philadelphia he resigned, and Philip Freneau was appointed in his place. Andr^ Fresneau was a native of La Rochelle, and emigrated to America about the year 1702. He was for many years the agent of the Royal West Indian Company of France.^ He was married to Miss Marie Morin at the Huguenot church, L'Eglise du St. Esprit, in New^ York. Their son Pierre purchased a farm in Monmouth County, and removed to it with his family. Thus Philip Freneau w^as of Huguenot descent on both sides. He graduated at Princeton in 1771, where he had been the friend and fellow-student of James Madison and Henry Lee. He is described as a typical Frenchman, brilliant, clear-headed, courao^eous, full of imagination, and ready to return a blow alike with the pen or the sword. He possessed a poetic genius of superior quality, beginning to write while a boy and not flagging in riper years. He wrote the verses " Rising Glory of America" as early as 1770, and predicted the rise of new American States on the Ohio and beyond the Mississippi. When the Revolutionary War began, he implored the restoration of British rule as in the days of George H, but was brave enough afterwards and paid the penalty of his convictions. He was captured on the Aurora in 1780 and confined in a prison ship in the Wallabout, suffering like other prisoners from priva- tion and brutal treatment. He wrote his first lyric to the memory of the men who fell at Eutaw Springs, and in another poem, commemorated in glowing words the hapless dead of the prison ships. ^ Magazine of American History, new series, vol. IV., p. 266. \ 368 Huguenot Society of America After his appointment to office by Mr. Jefferson, he be- came the founder and editor of the National Gazette. Political controversy ran high, and he spared nobody. He even accused General Washington of monarchic aspirations. This imputation, which was flagrantly un- just, was warmly resented by the President. He left public life a few years afterwards and engaged in com- merce, making several voyages by sea. But he never relinquished the pen. He published several volumes of poetic composition and translation. Philip Freneau is the only poet whose ringing verse roused alike the hearts and nerved the arms of two generations of Americans against England. He celebrated the suc- cesses of the Revolution and the War of 1812, the conqueror at Yorktown and the victor of Niagara. He sang the battles of Paul Jones, and the victories of Perry and McDonough. His death was remarkably in analogy with his life. Setting out on foot for home on the night of December 18. 1832, in a blizzard, he lost his way, and becoming mired in a boggy place, was overcome by the storm and buried in the snow. We pass over, with but a respectful mention, other of the Refugees, the Bedells. La Contes, Chevalliers, and Ballaguiers. Their fame has already ennobled them. Elias Boudinot has few superiors or even peers in his claims upon the gratitude of his countrymen. As we call Washington the *' Father of his Country," so was Boudinot the Father of his State. Brave, firm, cautious, sagacious, instant in good word and work, and withal kind and considerate, he had the qualities that denote the man truly great. He was, indeed, first in the State, first in Congress, and first in the hearts of Jerseymen. Le Sieur Helie Boudinot was distinguished in his o The Huguenot Settlers in New Jersey 369 native town of Marans as a prosperous merchant and a zealous Protestant. Immediately after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, he made his escape to Eng- land with his children. Here he was naturalized, together with his fellow-refugee, Etienne Delancy, and others, in 1686. The same year he married Mme. Suzanne Papin d' Harriette,' the widow of Benjamin d' Harriette, a distinguished merchant of La Rochelle, and sailed directly afterwards with Delancy for New York. He took an active part in colonial affairs, and was involved in the conflict with Governor Leisler. His name also appears on a petition to King William HI against cruel ecclesiastical oppression. A resolute obstinacy seems to have characterized him and his descendants. His son Elie was a merchant in New York, where he followed in the footsteps of the father. The English influence now appears, for the son in the next generation had the name of Elias. He married Katherine Williams, and removed with her to Philadelphia, where he followed the calling of a silversmith. Their son, Elias, was born in Philadelphia in 1740 and baptized by the Rev. George Whitefield. He received such a classical educa- tion as he could procure at Princeton, and studied law with Richard Stockton, his sister's husband. He was licensed at the age of twenty and began practice in Elizabeth Town, where he soon gained a leading posi- tion. Two years after he married 'the sister of his preceptor. For a time, Alexander Hamilton, then a youth of fifteen, was an inmate of his family.^ Hamilton himself was regarded as of Huguenot de- scent on the side of his mother. Their friendship lasted through life. ' Livre des Mariages de L ' Eglise de la Savoye. • James A. Hamilton : Lt/e of Alex. Hamilton, vol. I., pp. 2-7 . I J 370 Huguenot Society of America Elias Boudinot possessed great energy. He was the first to open the sulphur and copper mines of New Jersey. In 1772 he became a trustee of the College at Princeton and held the office for fifty years. In 1775 he was Chairman of the Committee of Safety at Eliza- beth Town, and was chosen a member of the Provincial Congress which wrested the government of New Jersey out of the hands of Governor Franklin. In this dilemma, resembling anarchy, he and Mr. William Peartree Smith were sent to the Continental Congress at Philadelphia for advice. The result was the establishing of New Jersey as a self-governing commonwealth. No man was more efficient in effort forthe patriot cause than Elias Boudinot. General Washington had known his ability to provide for desperate emergencies, and accordingly, after the successful battles of Trenton and Princeton, besought him to accept a commission as com- missary-general of prisoners. He complied reluctantly, hoping to prevent the military from encroaching on the civil authority, and to be of some real service. It was no pleasant duty. He was compelled to become liable for $50,000, on the promise of General Washington to divide the loss, in case the Congress did not repay him. This money was used to supply the wants of the starving prisoners in the enemy's lines. Boudinot was elected a delegate to the Congress in 1777 and again in 1781. The next year a band of dis- charged soldiers created disturbances in Philadelphia. They even threatened the safety of the Congress. That body removed to Princeton, and Colonel Boudinot was chosen president. In that capacity he signed the Treaty of Peace with Great Britain, by which the independence of the thirteen American States was acknowledged. After the establishment of the Federal Constitution, The Huguenot Settlers in New Jersey 371 Mr. Boudinot was elected to Congress and continued in office till 1795, when he was appointed by Washington Director of the Mint. He resigned this office in 1805 and retired to private life. He then made his residence at Burlington. He never relaxed his efforts in behalf of religion and education. He bestowed several generous endowments upon the College of New Jersey, of which he was a trustee, and was the first to propose the establishing of fellowships in that institution.^ In 181 2 he became a member of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions. Six years later he took part in the forming of the American Bible Society, and was chosen its first president. He took lively interest in endeavors to promote edu- cation among the Indians. Three Cherokee youths were admitted to the Mission School in 181 8, one of whom he authorized to take his name. The young man acquired influence afterwards among his people, but was murdered in 1830. Doctor Boudinot, as he was called, having been made an honorary Doctor of Laws by Yale College in 1790, bequeathed thirteen thousand acres of land to the Mayor and corporation of Philadelphia, to enable them to supply fuel to the poor of the city at moderate prices. He also presented three thousand acres to the Phila- delphia Hospital for the benefit of indigent foreigners.^ He was a voluminous writer. He had devoted much attention to Biblical literature, and made several contri- butions to it which are marked alike by their erudition and their quaintness of style. His death took place in Burlington, N. J., October 24, 1821. * John McLean : History of Princeton College, vol. II., p. 313. ' Applelon's Cyclopadia of American Biography, vol. I., s. v. Zl'2- Huguenot Society of America Ellas Boudinot was a man whom every one revered. In person he was dignified, in manner courteous, in habits of thought and expression, cool, exact, and prompt to perceive. He shone brightly in the constellation of illustrious men who established the American Republic, and no one prized his judgment more highly than did General Washington himself. His counsel was eagerly sought by all, by poor as well as rich, and when he passed from this sphere of existence the loss was felt everywhere. Elisha Boudinot was likewise an ardent patriot dur- ing the Revolution. He was the Clerk of the Committee of Safety at Newark, and afterwards, in 1777, Secretary of the Council of Safety for New Jersey. He was so active in this capacity that the British offered a reward for his head. A band of Hessians raided the Boudi- not house during his absence, and the family portraits bearing the marks of their bayonets are still preserved. He was elected bv the Leo^islature Commissary-General of Prisoners for the State in 1778. He studied law with his brother, and after the war, opened an office in Newark. In 1798 he became Justice of tiie Supreme Court of New Jersey, and died in Newark, N. J., October 17, 181 9. John Gano entered the Continental army as a sur- geon, but took active part in the engagement at Chat- terton Hill. He had been educated for the ministry, and afterwards acted as chaplain in General Christian's brigade. At the end of the war he returned to the ministry. Captain Shephard Kollock, another descendant of the Refugees, rendered many varied services of much impor- tance. He was editor and soldier at once, — he founded and published the Gazetteer, the first Whig newspaper The Huguenot Settlers in New Jersey 373 ever seen in the United States, as well as the New Jersey Journal, Washington's official medium, and also served as an officer of artillery. He helped at the placing of the iron chain across the Hudson River, and his command did its full share at the battle of Trenton. He took part, in concert with General Henry Knox, in effecting the organization of the Society of the Cincinnati. It was to counteract the influence of this association that the Tammany Society was organized, which has be- come so noted for its political operations. No purpose of that character was contemplated by the Society of the Cincinnati, of which General Washington was the first President. A special tribute is due to Alexander Hamilton. He was the son of a Scotch merchant in the Island of Nevis, and his mother was of a Huguenot family, the Faucettes. She had been married against her will to a Danish West Indian gentleman, from whom she was afterwards judicially separated. Removing to the Island of St. Christopher, she united her destiny with the Scotch merchant, and died a few years afterwards, leaving to her gifted son the memory of her goodness and superior mental qualities. Thrown upon the world by this bereavement and the bankruptcy of his father, he made his way to America at the age of fifteen. Here he became an inmate of the family of Elias Boudinot and attended school. Friends next aided him to become a student at King^s College in New York. He early entered upon the career which was full of honor to himself and an ad- vantage to his country. He wrote his name indelibly in the records of the new nation. When the States were loosely bonded together in a feeble Confederation, and suffering the evils of misrule, bankruptcy, and threatened 374 Huguenot Society of America disintegration, he was among the foremost to advocate a Federal Union. He labored with energy for a con- stitutional government, and when that had been secured, with Washington at its head, he next employed his efforts to establish its financial reputation. Well did he deserve the praise that he " touched the corpse of public credit and assured its resuscitation into new life." Thus the Huguenots, wherever they have sojourned, have brought with them the high virtues which exalt a people, and, with these, the arts and manners that embel- lish daily life. In the New Netherlands and New Jersey they literally forgot their kindred and fatherland and joined hands with their fellow-religionists to establish civil and relij^ious freedom with toleration in all matters of conscience. For the 275 years since their first arrival at Staten Island, they and their descendants have labored successfully to promote the prosperity of the State and Republic. Our schools, our charities, our libraries, our hospitals, and other institutions are monuments of such effort. In the States all along the Atlantic seaboard, their presence is recognized as a leading element in the forming of society and public affairs, and those de- scended from the Refugees point with pride to the fact that it was the mingling of the polite, vivacious, and truly moral blood of the Huguenot with that of the intolerant Puritan and, self-indulgent, imperious Dutch- man, that produced the keen, industrious, and liberal- minded nation we are to-day. In the modest commonwealth of New Jersey, we have seen that they constitute no insignificant factor in her history. The Boudinots, the Stocktons, Bayard, Bedle, Demarest, Seguine, Depue the incorruptible jurist, are but a few among those of Huguenot descent who have The Huguenot Settlers in New Jersey 375 achieved honorable fame, and whom the people delight to honor. In short, the history of the Huguenot has been the history of trial and long-suffering, of holy inspiration and indomitable energy, of statesmanlike wisdom and accompanying prosperity. Though brave in war, he was always watchful and zealous for a reign of peace. Wherever he was persecuted, a nemesis has invariably followed, stern and inexorable, from St. Bartholomew's Day, 157:, to the Revolution of 1793. Wherever he was received with welcome hospitality, there has fol- lowed a blessing upon the region. Every country where he was received became rich and powerful. It was, as in ancient Hebrew times, where the Ark of the Lord was deposited ::he Lord blessed those who had it in their keeping. This has been true all over Europe, and we have realiied it to the full here in our own country. THE POEM AND THE SPEECHES AT THE BAN- QUET OF THE SOCIETY GIVEN AT DELMON- ICO'S, NEW YORK CITY (FIFTH AVENUE AND FORTY-FOURTH STREET), ON THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 14, 1898 377 Rev, Melville K. Ba?7rv, REPORT OF THE BANQUET WHEN the dinner was some courses advanced, the Rev. Melville K. Bailey, of Grace Church Settlement, presented a group of verses descriptive of the emblem of the Huguenot Society of America. Before reading the poem he said in effect : In offering these verses, 1 should apologize, were I not certain that the verses will apologize for themselves. But it would be only for the form that I should apolo- gize. The ideas, it is believed, will commend themselves by their beauty. They are the ideas which cluster about the emblem of this Society, — ideas which draw their inspiration from the romantic history of France, and the most romantic history of the Huguenot movement. These ideas centre chiefly in the emblem of the mari- gold, and the queen who chose it for her sign. For these ideas, which I am sure need no apology, I am indebted to the gracious lady whose interest has made this evening possible. The following verses were then read : 379 NON INFERIORA SECUTUS By Rkv. MKLVILLE K. BAILEY WHEN Marguerite of Valois sought a fitting flower To bloom in beauty on her noble crest, The shining lily cried : *' To show thy stainless power, Fix my pure lustre on thy queenly breast." Her tears ran sadly down, and with a trembling voice The Princess said : " The lily cannot be my choice ; The splendor of thy white is dashed with red, Where guileless sons of France have bled." The rose then softly murmured : " Match thy ardent flush With the shell-tint of my most delicate blush." " Nay," said the gracious Princess, ** for the crimson rose Is worn on island-England's lordly brows. The joys of fleeting life are hollow ; I will not seek below Flower red, or white as snow. Naught lowlier than the sun I follow." Set lightly in the bosom of the meadow green, Like the sun's image dancing on the sea, A golden flower said to this daughter of a queen : '* Though my steps linger here on this fair lea, My glowing heart leaps heavenward from the lowly moors, 3S0 Non Inferiora Secutus 381 And when my king comes from night's misty curtained doors. To greet day's lord I kiss my finger-tips. His gold-light meets my golden lips. Men cannot look upon the sun's bright shield, — my face All day turns where he runs his burning race. Acknowledging full well his most persuasive might ; And when his gracious joy is fled, all night I sleep within the darkling hollow. Again my life is born When breaks the flooding morn ; Nau'j-ht lowlier than the sun I follow." The Princess stooped to earth, and plucked the flower of gold, Then fixed its jewel on her stately neck. "Dear little peasant flower," she said, *'art thou so bold, Seeking the royal majesty to deck?" But then within her princely heart began to shine A saintly inward glow, lit from the lamp divine. Which as she felt, like halo of the blest, The while her hand the flower caressed. She prayed : *' Dear Christ of God, as Mary's golden bloom Follows her sun, forgetting nightly gloom, Thy beauty would I see, transfigured on the mount. Filled wqth the joy of grace from Thy sweet fount. Too ripe, the joys of earth prove hollow, — Henceforth with spirit meek Lifted Thy Face to seek, Naught lowlier than Thy Sun I follow." 382 Huguenot Society of America 'T is said that when the flaming angel of the day Falls low in flight beneath the western waters, The Marigold shows light that she had stored away, And glows by night amid the garden's daughters. Ah ! France, one eve the angel of thy light had set ; Thy lovely daughters mourned, their eyes with tears all wet. Then woman dared as man would scarcely dare, Loving so well thy champaigns fair. A disk of gold gleams in the silver marguerite ; But, filled to trembling brim with graces sweet, Then Marguerite of Valois' heart was all of gold, O'er France's night her light of love was rolled. If joys of earthly life were hollow, One queenly dame dared say : " While heaven's sun lights earth's day, Naught lowlier than the sun I follow." One day the sun-born dove of everlasting peace Plucked the gold flower and flew beyond the sea. Seeking the end of passion's woe in calm surcease, Where like a stainless lily love might be. The hearts of France bled as they tore from that dear soil Lives rooted in their people's life, yet light was toil. Yea, light was grief, if free from vexing strife TI.ey might fulfil the peace of life. Then, as the turning sun rolled on with burning wheel, While blue waves parted neath the driving keel, And swift the white scud flew upon the straining mast. Forgetful of the weary, shadowed past, As hulls rocked in the surges hollow, One stood upon the prow, And cried, with earnest brow, ** Naught lowlier than the sun I follow." Non Inferiora Secutus 38, Forgotten now were all the ancient, cruel years Whose ill had France's future deep enshrouded. Forgotten, too, the assembling troops of pallid fears That o'er the blood-washed field of battle crowded. Ah ! those great days when silken court sought dusty camp. When the stern Huguenot, whose zeal no death could damp. Swung the blue steel in Heaven's elected task, And smote the courtier's gilded casque. He drew the snowy baldric o'er unfearing breast, And, as he wreathed its folds in mystic knot, He swore : " The mark of shame set o'er my ill-won rest, Or e'er the holy cause shall be forgot, The pride of earthly king is hollow ; Sword, thy work done, then rust. Thou, body, turn to dust. Naught lowlier than the sun I follow." The exiles cried : ** We see a lustrous land afar That fears no jealous foeman's threatening frown, A land where mounting hope shines like the morning star, A sky of England and of France the crown. To this we bear the immortal torch of freedom's flame, And, for this gift of Heaven, we pledge an honored name. If e'er the holy faith need valiant word The faltering will with truth to gird, Our hearts shall leap to light in tribulation's hour, Our souls the petals of a fiery flower. Sharp with the lightnings of a piercing Pentecost, .84 Huguenot Society of America Like that which thrilled the apostolic host. All fame save that of right is hollow ; Brave strife wins glorious palm, After wild storm shines calm, Naught lowlier than the sun we follow." To-night, in this far, splendid city of the West, That like a flower of gold shines on the earth, We, heirs of what our fathers sought in their long quest, Wear the bloom native to their land of birth. And in our hearts, though late, still burn the golden rays That lit the trembling Princess in the olden days. Each spirit glows with some chivalric grace Descended from that honored race. Thus be the gracious company to-night here met, A flower of gold. If eyes with joy be wet, Or if they gently sadden under sorrow's dews, Still shine for aye hope's undimmed, golden hues. No deeds of life shall we call hollow While man's hand bravely strives. While man's heart strongly lives, " Naught lowlier than the sun we follow.'* COLONEL MAURY'S DINNER SPEECH BEFORE the commencement of the regular order of proceedings, the President called upon Colonel Richard L. Maury, Vice-President of the Huguenot Society of America and delegate from Virginia, for a few remarks in regard to a beautiful silver bowl which he had kindly loaned to grace the occasion, and which, enclosed in a wreath of crimson Huguenot roses, had been placed in front of the President's seat. Colonel Maury said : Mr. President, Ladies, and Gentlemen : The saddest of all the sad tales of the Huguenot persecutions is connected with yonder beautiful silver bowl embedded in sweet roses of France, and before drinking to "The Memory of our Huguenot Ances- tors" this evening, it is meet that we should know what some of them suffered. This bowl is an enlarged, but otherwise exact, re- production of that of Estienne Mangin of Meaux, which, at his last request, was filled by his fainting wife with water, and served to the " Fourteen of Meaux." Who were these, do you ask ? May their names — the roll- call of honor — long live in our memories ! Pierre Le- clerc, Estienne Mangin, Jacques Bouchebee, Jehan Brisebarre, Henry Houtenot, Thomas Honore, Jehan Baudouyn, Jehan Flesche, Jehan Picquery, Pierre Pic- query, Jehan Matheflon, Philippe Petit, Michel Caillon, and Fran9ois Leclerc. Weary, worn, bleeding, torn by the rack, and other cruel tortures, this devoted band of 25 385 386 Huguenot Society of America martyrs was sentenced *' to have their tongues cut out on the day of execution, unless they would whisper in the ear of a priest " [i.e., pretend to confess], and to be drawn on hurdles like lowest criminals through the streets of Meaux, to the front of Mangin's house, where they were to be burnt at the stake. This sentence was car- ried out on Thursday, Oct. 7, 1546. There, gibbets or stakes were arranged in a small circle. The victims were each chained to a stake, all facing inwards, and raised six or eight feet from the ground. The interspace was filled with faggots, straw, and gunpowder, brimstone, balks of timber, and other quick-burning fuel. Their wives and children, by a re- finement of cruelty, were forced to look on. But the martyr spirit was aroused, and they joined the holy martyrs in singing psalms — that is, the voices of the women and children voiced aloud the words which the poor tongueless victims could only stammer forth. But in the ears of their Heavenly Father, what music could be sweeter than this confession of their faith, in the midst of the fiery furnace? And the cup in which was the drop of water to quench their burning thirst? It was the sacramental cup they had used at their services. I have finished. All the eloquence of the ages cannot surpass this touching bit in the history of our Huguenot ancestors. The President then rose and gave the toast — ** The Memory of our Huguenot Ancestors." This was drunk standing, and in silence, the orchestra playing the Twenty-fifth Psalm, the music composed in the tenth century. Then followed the President's Address of Welcome. Frederic J. Dc Peystcr. jd and Present Pr''^}4''tif n f fi,. < r't'ty. I [ SPEECH OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY FREDERIC J. DE PEYSTER Ladies and Gentlemen, Guests and Members of the Huguenot Society of America. ■ T T is at once my pleasant privilege and my duty to 1 welcome you to-night. I thank you most heartily for the honor, the very great honor, which you have done me in electing me President of a society so distinguished as this. While appreciating this honor, I sincerely regret that Mr. Marquand is no longer our leader. Nevv York boasts no worthier citizen than he ; a man foremost in every good work, whether benevolent, literary, or artistic a living exemplification of the Huguenot's burning love of the beautiful, and entire devotion to duty. "^ And then, ladies and gentlemen, when Mr. Marquand is mterested in a great object he knows how to give like a prince ; not as princes do give, but as they should Our Metropolitan Museum of Art contains room after room full of priceless treasures, memorials to all time of his splendid generosity. Although our Society is more than fifteen years old. Mr. Marquand had but one pre- decessor, our first President, the founder of the Society handsome, affable, charming John Jay. Mr. Jay was' indeed, a Huguenot of the Huguenots, not only by birth, but by tradition. He occupied a position second 387 1 |i ^>.i ft 388 Huguenot Society of America Speech of the President ,89 to none, his father and his uncle were leaders in their time, while his grandfather, Governor and Chief-Justice John Jay, was a man to whom even Washington looked with reverence. The Huguenot Society set a very high standard in selecting such men as John Jay and Henry G. Marquand as its first Presidents. No one appreci- ates more fully than I, the difficulty of following in the footsteps of men so eminent. I trust, ladies and gentle- men, that you will do all in your power to aid me in in- creasing the influence of our Society, and I bespeak in advance your patience and charity on the many occa- sions when my endeavor is sure to fall short of my ideal. Our Manhattan has always been the crreat Hu^nienot ^ centre. The dreadful wars and persecutions which de- prived France of her best and noblest, poured a rich stream of life-blood into Holland, England, and, above all, this Manhattan of ours. The loss to France, a loss from which she has never recovered, was the very making of those hospitable foreign lands which received i^with outstretched arms our exiled ancestors. To the Huguenot and the Hollander belong the honor of founding this mighty city. Together they settled our New^ Amsterdam ; the union of these races formed that high-minded Knickerbocker class which did, and still does, pretty much all the unpaid work of the great city. Taste, culture, society, charity, all nestle beneath the broad, strong wings of these united and kindred races. Every good man or woman who settles on Manhattan Island is a welcome ally, and it is in the Knickerbocker class and its strong and glorious allies that all hope of the present and the future rests. God grant that they may have strength and courage enough to win for mankind the struggle for civilization. We are proud, indeed, of our Huguenot ancestors, and this Society exists, not to keep alive the religious dogmas of the Huguenot, but to hand down to all future generations his heroic virtues as an example for them to emulate. In short, this is not a religious, but an historical society. It is then as an historical society that we have assembled here to-night in honor of our Huguenot an- cestors, and to commemorate their most signal triumph, the signing of the Edict of Nantes by the greatest of all French kings, Henry IV. It was the absolute devotion of the Huguenot to his cause, his readiness to die for his idea, which first seated Henry IV. on his throne, and then, when the frivolous monarch forgot his old faith, and old friends, in his en- joyment of new-found power and pleasure, it was the firm, strong hand of the Huguenot which forced from the King the Great Charter of Protestant liberty, that which we celebrate to-night. The idea of commemo- rating this crowning triumph of the French Puritan came, as all good ideas in America do come, from the brain of an American woman. In deference to her ex- pressed wish I shall not mention her name, but you all know her. You all know to whom the splendid success of this celebration is due. It is due to her inspiration, to her untiring energy, as well as to her unfailing gener- osity, that this banquet to-night is, indeed, a triumph of triumphs. There is one unusual feature at this banquet to which I would call your attention. While it is not unusual for strangers from neighboring cities to honor by their presence the banquets of this and kindred so- cieties, never before in the whole history of America have delegations from the far-distant foreign lands on i\ ! I .1 I/' ? \A 390 Pluguenot Society of America the other side of the Atlantic been seen at our tables • men who have crossed and ivho propose to recross that troubled ocean merely for the sake of joining with us in an historical celebration. This is, indeed, the highest honor ever done to an American society, and, as such, I welcome most warmly our transatlantic brothers. And first of all it gives me the greatest pleasure to welcome to this table the representative of that frag- ment of the Huguenot race which despite the trials and tribulations of two centuries of persecution still cling to the old land of our fathers, beautiful France. True, our ancestors were cruelly persecuted and driven into exile, but they never ceased to love their old home, and we, their children, after all this lapse of time look with ardent afifection to what we still claim as our fatherland. The Huguenot Society of Holland has no represen- tative here to-night. It needs none, for almost every one here is the descendant of a Dutch Huguenot. Our ancestors would have fared ill but for the hospitality of the " glorious little land of dykes and dams." In that storied country they began life anew with all the bless- ings of civil and religious liberty to sustain them. Be- neath the broad folds of the tricolor of Holland they settled here on Manhattan, and next to God in His mercy and the strong arms of our ancestors we owe most to the fostering care of that heroic republic. Among the many hospitable foreign lands which received with open arms our exiled ancestors none gave them a more cordial greeting and a safer retreat than the old home of all Anglo-Sa.xons, liberty-loving Eng- land. When the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes forced the great mass of the Huguenots into exile the Speech of the President 391 tyrannical Stuarts, then on the throne, looked with but little favor on the fugitives, but the English people took the poor exiles for conscience' sake to their brave, warm hearts. The tyrant loathed, the English people loved and welcomed them. To-night three members of the Huguenot Society of London (one of them, Mr. Brown- ing, its Vice-President) are at this table with us. Mr. Browning, we welcome you and your companions as brothers at a brother's board. Two centuries of time, three thousand miles of stormy billows, cannot separate those in whose veins courses the same heroic blood. No matter how widely separated may be the places of our birth, nor how different the flags which claim our allegiance, we are still brothers. No length of time, no distance of space, can ever separate Huguenots from Huguenots. I deem it a happy augury that you visit this land at a time when at last old strifes are forgotten, and the American realizes that the sons of Britain are not only his nearest relatives, but his truest friends. Welcome, therefore, twice welcome, gentlemen, not only as Huguenots but as Englishmen, to this city, this state, and this nation of ours. We are honored by having here to-night the repre- sentative of the oldest Protestant race in Europe, a peo- ple who were Protestants hundreds of years before our ancestors were touched by the spirit of the Reforma- tion,— a people whom no dangers could daunt, no per- secutions crush, — a people who after centuries of persecution still remain loyal to their faith. History tells of no race more heroic than these children of the high Alps, and to this day the people of those moun- tams, Protestant and Catholic alike, challenge the ad- miration of mankind by their undaunted coura> poetry synchronously, and not lose taste for either. Nor were your novelties yet exhausted. Your ingen- ious committee gave us an unusual and a rare treat in the vocal selections of the boy soloists of Grace Church choir, who, like all connected with the administration of that ideal parish, are the very best of their kind. Add to all these features, the photography of the scene by flash- light, the artistic and valuable souvenirs of white enam- elled flags with the significant Fleur-de-lys conspicuous in their folds, the sensitive regard for the presence of ladies and the arrangement by which in an intermission of fifteen minutes the men could smoke elsewhere, the prompt return to the tables, and the felicitous speech- making — all have combined to make this dinner of the Huguenot Society the most unique of any that I have yet attended. I sincerely hope that the Society will not wait another hundred years to have a similar fes- tivity, and if one dared to express a wish that seems unseemly, I would say, when you have another one like this, I hope I shall be there. And now, ladies and gentlemen, having heard from the President a speech that reminds us of the babblings of Tennyson's brook, and listened to the valuable sug- gestions of the learned professor, your eminent histo- rian, it is appropriate and timely, high timely, I might say, that you give some attention to the theme which is dominant, which supplies the raison d'etre for this celebration. Need I say that I refer to the Edict of Nantes, a document published April 13, 1598, by King Henry IV of France, which since has become so his- toric, it is not too much to say of it, that it constitutes the veritable Magna Charta of French religious liberty? It takes its place with such significant public state- ments of principles and rules of conduct as the famous 397 1 Charter wrested by the nobles from King John of England, and the Declaration of Independence pub- lished and proclaimed to the world by our fathers of colonial days in the city of Philadelphia on the 4th of July, 1776. Civil and religious liberty, that priceless boon for man, is forever associated with all these three docu- ments. Fortunately for England it has tenaciously adhered to this principle, and held the people's affec- tion throughout its favored realm. Fortunately for this country, the ardent attachment to its famous declaration has increased with the ad- vancing years, until never in its history have the people of America been more devoted to the principles that gave occasion for its birth as a nation. Very un- fortunately, however, for France, its excellent Edict, providing for civil and religious liberty for all its sub- jects, encountered such opposition by the reigning Church that, lasting only eighty-seven years, it was revoked, by Louis XIV, October 18, 1685. The publication of this Edict of Nantes and its revocation, all in a period of a little short of a century, mark the high- and the low-water level of civil and religious liberty in France. This Edict looks backward and forward. To under- stand its significance you must review the history of Protestantism in France from the time when Luther climbed the Sancta Scala in Rome, and found light in the text he uttered, "The just shall live by faith." Those who were influenced by the Protestant idea in France, who reacted from the corruptions in the Roman Church, who worshipped in other than the state's authorized religious assemblies, who thought that they had the right to worship God after the \ I M 198 Huguenot vSociety of America dictates of their own conscience, constituted a body of earnest, sober, industrious citizens, the flower of the flock in the sunny country, and were finally designated by the term Huguenots. It is difficult to discover the origin of this title, but it is known that it was originally applied as an opprobrium. As such it ranks with some of the choicest epithets of history. Disciples of Christ were first called Christians in derision. Loyal subjects of Holland were called "beggars of the sea" by the fanatical followers of Philip H and Duke Alva. In each case the term of derision became the title of en- dearment. To be a Huguenot is an occasion for pride. It means much to the possessor of the title. Though your fathers suffered much, even to expatriation, be- cause they would be none other than Huguenots, their descendants rejoice to-day in the very epithet that was to their ancestors a title of reproach, and something much worse. There is no good reason to-night, for any reason prudential, or purpose of placating our opponents, whom we respect but with whom we cannot agree, to blind ourselves to truth. We are here because we are Protestants. We are willing to stand up and be counted. If we are ashamed of that name, we despise our birthright and are false to our ancestry. The Edict of Nantes was published to give liberty as a rightful possession to people who had been miserably maltreated by the authorities of both Church and State. It was revoked by a wicked King, supported by an unworthy Pope. There never would have been Prot- estantism in France, or in any other country in Europe, had the Roman Church been loyal to the teachings of Christ, and its officers been worthy of their high and holy calling. But what could be expected of '' The Edict of Nantes " 399 self-respecting subjects when a Church was ruled by such popes as Alexander VI and Julius II. With scarcely an exception, it has been said that for some time pre- vious to the publication of the Edict of Nantes there was not a man who sat in the chair of St. Peter who, judged by our present-day standards, could be said to be a respectable Christian. Even of those who seem to be exceptions— of whom one at least was sainted, Gregory XIII— it may be said that none at any time was particularly scrupulous, and some were diaboli- cally crafty and malignant. Times have changed, and changed so much, until now it aff'ords pleasur^ to ac- knowledge that perhaps the most conspicuous Christian man in the world is the present occupant of the chair of St. Peter, Pope Leo XIII. Had his predecessors in the sixteenth century been as pious in deed as they were in profession, there would never have been the criminal injustice, the shameful treatment of sub- jects, and the Bartholomew massacre of 1572, with a King giving the signal for the slaughter, and a Pope, St. Gregory XIII, expressing delight and ordering a Te Ueum sung to celebrate the most bloody and barbarous murder on the pages of history. Of these things we must speak, no/eus volens, if we are truthfully to recount the history which terminated in the loss to France of thousands of her choicest children. Oh, could that famous Edict of Nantes, with its magnificent pref- ace and its ninety-two articles, by which the Hu- guenots were allowed to worship in their own way throughout the kingdom and, with the exception of a few towns, to have their schools, their colleges, and their ministers recognized and supported by the state, all inability to hold office removed, their poor and sick to be admitted to hospitals,— of every one of these privileges I H \ I I H\ h 400 Huguenot Society of America they had previously suffered deprivation,— could that Edict have remained upon the statute books of France, and been enforced in spirit and letter, the ^eo^rraphy of Europe would not have been what it is to-day, and the power of France would have been unequalled by any nation in the world. Ah, /a belle mats la pauvre France, short-sighted, bigoted, unsteady, thou hast not excelled ! Scarcely was it published when Pope Clem- ent VII became enraged at its concessions, stormed about the Vatican like a caged hyena, and wrote to Henry IV that "a decree which gave liberty of con- science to all was the most accursed that had ever been made." Systematic persecution continued, the story of which is dismal reading, until, able to with- stand no longer, the Huguenots began to leave home and settle in large numbers in adjacent countries, like Switzerland, the Netherlands, England, and Germany. Wherever out of France they went they prospered, and contributed to the countries in which they settled the elements of an industrial civilization, an artistic taste, an amiable temperament, and a frugality that, readily amassing wealth, added to the strength and the glory of their new homes. Great w^as the rejoicing of the Jesuits on the Revoca- tion of the Edict of Nantes. Rome sprang up with a shout of joy to celebrate the event, Te Deums were sung, processions went from shrine to shrine, and the Pope sent a brief to Louis, conveying to him, — the villainous, lustful King, — the congratulations and praises of the Roman Church. Three hundred years is a loner time, lone enough to learn to forgive, may be to love, one's enemies, but it is not necessary to forget what these enemies have done. Aye, it is necessary to remember. As great an " The Edict of Nantes " 401 authority as Mr. Gladstone, speaking of papal suprem- acy and infallibility, has said that a revival of the experience of popes ruling monarchs and bringing nations to their feet depends merely upon numbers. If you Huguenots ever forget what your ancestors suffered, and by whom they suffered, you will deserve to have your tongues cleave to the roof of your mouths, and your right hands to forget their cunning. ^ I turn in closing to express our gratitude to Almighty God, who can make even the wrath of men to praise Him, for the great blessings we derived in this country from the dire calamity of the expulsion of the Hugue- nots from France. We are richer, better, nobler, hap- pier by far for your ancestors' coming to us. Yours is a most honorable ancestry. Look to the rock whence you are hewn, and be reasonably proud. If you recognize in your origins the occasion for honest pride, acknowl- edge also that this ancestry imposes upon you some burden of responsibility. A true son of a Huguenot will be honest, industrious, feariess for the truth, out- spoken for the right, will love God, be loyal to his Church, will be enthusiastic in his patriotism, and in his home be an amiable, cultured. Christian gentleman. At the close of this nineteenth century, there is need still for the Huguenot. Oppression has not ceased. The Church still hunts heretics, and some think they serve God when they nag, annoy, and seriously impair the usefulness of those who claim the right to exercise freedom in the study and the proclamation of truth. Nor are the nations yet sufficiently Christian, even those bearing the name of Christian, to treat their sub- jects as they deserve. Near our shores, too near for us to bear the iniquity much longer, the old fanatical, cruel country of the Inquisition, by spoliation, by rapine, ^ J < :!i 402 Huguenot Society of America by iniquitous taxation, by barbaric starvation, is rapidly converting what was once the Pearl of the Antilles into a pest-house of shame and misery. By peaceful methods if possible, by warlike measures if we must, this thing must stop. The Huguenot spirit is needed in America at this serious crisis. It will teach us to suffer wrong rather than do a wrong ; to entreat, to exhort, to persuade, until the patience of a long-suffering, indignant people is almost exhausted. It will teach us to enter upon war soberly, advisedly, discreetly, and in the fear of God. It will teach us when we do fight to fight hard, when we do strike to strike severely. The spirit of the Huguenot will never strive in a cause that is not right, but once undertaking the struggle it will, in the fear of God, wage war to an honorable and a successful finish. If, in the providence of God, the blended elements of our American civilization, amono- which the Hu- guenot is conspicuous and influential, shall produce a conglomerate which, representing Anglo-Saxon civiliza- tion, shall forever conquer and subdue the mediaeval civilization that delights in bull-fights and revelled in the Inquisition, your fathers will not have come here in vain. f ■•THE UNION OF THE FRENCH AND DUTCH IN NEW NETHERLAND AND NEW YORK" RESPONSE TO THE ABOVE TOAST * Bv Prof. HENRY M. BAIRD, New York University Mr. President, Ladies, and Gentlemen : P XACTLY how much Dutch blood I have in my i-^ veins, as compared with my Huguenot blood I am afraid, Mr. Chairman. I can hardly tell,— a small fraction, but enough, perhaps, to entitle me to speak to the toast that falls to my lot to-night. Two years since, at the Bicentenary of the Charter of the Reformed Protestant Dutch, or Collegiate, Church of this city-the first charter given to a religious body here— I had the honor to address congratulatory words to that venerable corporation in behalf of the French or Huguenot Church, the oldest of the three other churches that were in existence on this island two hun- dred years ago. And now I take it that I am speaking for the Dutch at a gathering at which the Huguenots are the hosts, whereas then they were the guests. Ihus I may seem in some sense to typify the very union of which I am called upon to discourse. Well, ladies and gentlemen, am I to talk of the union 'n past, present, or future ? As no limitation is indi- cated, I must say a word or two as to each period ; for * At the Banquet, Dr. Baird spoke before Dr. Van de Water. 403 I 404 Huguenot Society of America the union is close and strong and for all time. It was close and strong in the earliest epoch of colonization. In point of fact, so intimate were the relations, that it was next to impossible to tell which were hosts and which guests. Politically, the Dutch, being the owners of the colony and sending it forth, were hosts, and the Huguenots were guests. But the first company of men and women that sailed in the ship New Nether- land from Texel in March, 1623, and reached New Amsterdam in May of the same year, after a propitious passage of about two months, consisted, we are told, of thirty families, " mostly Walloons," that is. French- speaking Protestants from the Low Countries con- tiguous to France, or Huguenots, originally inhabitants of France itself. We can imagine the strange sight when next the settlement on the island of the Manhattoes received accessions to its population — the French guests of the Dutch, standing I will not say on the wharf, but at the water's edge, and extending the right hand of wel- come to their former hosts from Holland, and congratu- lating them upon their safe escape from the perils of the deep. From that time on, so quietly, so harmo- niously, so amicably did Hollander and Huguenot or Walloon live together in New Netherland, that you might more easily have rent warp from woof in a firm and comely fabric, than have divided and set at variance such kindred souls. For theirs was no external union dic- tated by policy, but a union of soul prompted by like sentiments and like beliefs. As two drops of pure water brought by accident into close proximity, these Protestant emigrants from a distant continent did not deliberate whether they should live separate or coalesce. They met one another, and in virtue of a a The Union of the French and Dutch " 405 mutual attraction, they no sooner touched than they were one. Of Dutch and French union in the present, what stronger proof can I find than that which a glance at the brilliant gathering before me affords ? For I would venture to say that if a few English names were elimi- nated, it would be found that full one half of the descendants of the Huguenots that are here to com- memorate the promulgation of the great law of Henry IV., and the virtues of their ancestors who won that charter of Protestant liberties, themselves bear the names of other progenitors who came from the old Amsterdam and Utrecht, from Leyden and Dort. My friends, you are yourselves a living demonstration that the union begun in the past is fully consummated in the present. And what of the future ? Union is for work. We stand at a great, a critical point in our national history. French Huguenot and Hollander, yes, and Englishman, too, we confront at this very moment an old enemy, a common foe, a foe of our common humanity, whom we arraign for her crimes against the race to which we belong. We face that foe together, Dutch and Hugue- not equally. For it was the same perfidy that in the times of our fathers encouraged the murderers of Ad- miral Coligny, and later prompted Ravaillac to stab good Henry of Navarre to the heart, which also assas- sinated William the Silent, the author of the Dutch Republic. And if, therefore,— which may God forbid ! —we be compelled to enter into a new struggle, and be plunged into war, this time against an ancestral enemy, the old union of Huguenots and Dutch in New Nether- land and New York will again be shown, both fighting shoulder to shoulder, with the same courage and pa- triotism, for a common country. itl «ijif* * 'The Honored Delegates*' 407 -THE HONORED DELEGATES FROM CIS- TANT HUGUENOT CENTRES IN EUROPE AND AMERICA" RESPONSE TO THE ABOVE TOAST By a. GIRAUD BROWNING, F.S.A., Vice-President of the Huguenot Society of London Mr, President, Ladies, andGentlemen : TO one who finds a kind of constitutional difficulty in expressing his own thoughts, an invitation to express the thoughts of others is an honor which can only be accepted with considerable anxiety. I am asked to respond, for the delegates from Europe and from your American branches, to the generous toast of your President. Thus am I associated with gende- men gathered together from North, South, and West of your own great country, and from lands beyond the seas. The names of some are familiar as household words to those who have found interest and delight in the study of Huguenot history. Each in his own way, and from his own standpoint, has helped in the renais- sance of interest in Huguenot matters which has un- doubtedly taken place during the last few years. Each, too. has helped by his labors to smooth the path of future students of Huguenot history. Is it possible to find among a group of men with minds so diverse and with views so varied any thoughts, any motives, which are common to all, and to which common expression can be given ? Yes, I think it is. In the first place, I honesdy 406 believe that we all feel a fascination in the subject of our study from whichever side we approach it. The Huguenot ideal (if I may use the term) is so lofty, so pure, so noble. Think of the characters (quite apart from the achievements) of such men as Gaspard de Coligny, of Duplessis Mornay, and of others. Is it not almost irresistible, having once grasped the characters of these men, to study more and more closely their environ- ment and the effect of their lives upon their own and future generations ? Then again, there is the instinct, strong to-day as when proclaimed by the Preacher, to *' praise famous men of old and our fathers which begat us." And once more, there is the pride, the justifiable pride, of descent from a stock of brave men and virtuous women. But these thoughts are drawn from the past. The thought which must, I think, be uppermost at this mo- ment in the minds of all those for whom it is my privi- lege to speak, is one (A gratified surprise 2X the splendid hospitality which has been lavished upon us by our hosts, the Huguenot Society of America. Within an hour or two of landing on your shores I found myself, almost as in a dream, in the most beautiful church in your city joining in your Easter service of praise, the sanctuary made still more beautiful by its adornment of lovely flowers, and the service made still more impres- sive by the aid of magnificent music. From the pulpit of this church the right hand of fellowship was held out to all those for whom I am speaking, and the key-note was then struck of the generous welcome which has since been continuously extended to us. I cannot be wrong in saying that each European and American dele- gate profoundly appreciates the reception he has met at t ,# 4o8 Huguenot Society of America your hands, or in expressing the thanks which we all owe to your society. I should perhaps say a word or two upon the different societies here represented. So far as I know, the French Protestant History Society, of which Mr. Weiss is the delegate, is the oldest and most important of us all. For more than forty years it has been engaged in the work of collecting and recording the actual facts of Huguenot history from original contemporary docu- ments and correspondence scattered throughout France. The Society's Bulletin, appearing month by month through all these years, has been as it were a quiet rill of Truth trickling down the page of History. The official records published in the Btdletin must have killed many an old fable telling against the Huguenots, and we cannot tell how many new ones would have been created but for the fear of instant exposure by Mr- Weiss in his Society's Bulletin, The Huguenot Society of London, though much younger, has, I think, justified its short existence of about thirteen years by both the quantity and quality of its work. Already it has published five volumes of Proceedings, consisting chiefly of papers read before the Society, and some twelve or fourteen quarto volumes giving the history of various French churches of the Refuge, with their registers and other historical matter — and I can at least claim for the work of the Hugue- not Society of London, that in no single case has a paper been merely a rechauffe of already published matter, but all have been the result of personal research among original records. I am less competent to speak for the other European societies and for the American branches, with whose working I am less familiar, but I must repeat that we are all most deeply touched by Robert Hovcndcn, F,S.A, \ \ (4 li i I f "The Honored Delegates ' 409 your welcome, and that we most thoroughly appreciate your hospitality. May I take this, the first opportunity I have ever had of personally thanking the Huguenot Society of America for the great distinction conferred upon me thirteen years ago, when at the suggestion of your late President, the Hon. John Jay, I was made an Honorary Member of your Society ? I have always cherished this distinction, but not until to-night have I realized its full significance. • %... k } I - !l| 1 , M '11 M. NATHANAEL WEISSS LECTURE 1 411 I! I lieniy IV. From a medal by the Huguenot Giiillaume Dupri, (Kindness of M, Weiss.) i -&¥'ii 1 PARIS AND THE REFORMATION UNDER FRANCIS I. ^i II The stereopticon lecture delivered before the Huguenot Society of America by M. Weiss in the Hall of the United Charities Building, on Friday. April 15, 1898, at 8 P.M., abridged and translated by Mrs. James M. Lawton from the French original lecture as printed in the Bulletin [1894, 242-270]. (The names of the views are in italic.) PARIS and the Reformation are in reality two terms which exclude each other. Paris never accepted the Reformation — she applauded the butcheries of our first martyrs, did not protest against the executions of the '• Chambre ardente," which were mingled with the most magnificent festivities. Paris was responsible for the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day and for the Ligue — insisted upon the abjuration of the Bearnais put away as far as possible from her walls the Reformed worship, and twice at least destroyed the Huguenot church at Charenton. A View of Paris, Engraved in the XVI. Century, shows in front, to the left, a group of poor people vainly imploring, with clasped hands, a soldier, who, after having broken his lance over them, is stoning them. The legend ('' Pii patiendo vin- cunt, impii saeviendo pereunt ") beneath some copies of this curious picture shows that the artist meant to rep- resent the Protestants being stoned even outside of the Parisian faubourgs. Still if Paris did everything to de- stroy the Reformation, it has decidedly rendered it great services. I wish to bring to mind, in going back to the 413 414 Huguenot Society of America Paris and the Reformation 415 origin of the Reformation in the reign of Francis I some of these services. Three names are as inseparably connected with Paris as with the Reformation : Jacques Lefcvre d'EtapUs freed Philosophy from Scholasticism, and had the glory of being the first to promote the diffusion and the inter- pretation of the Sacred Scriptures, an honor that his compatriot, Frangois Vatable, our first Hebrew scholar, shared with him. Greek Literature had not then :iny representative more famous than Guillaiinie de Budi. If he did not participate directly, as did the two others. in the first beginnings of the Reformation, it must not be forgotten that he worked indirectly but efficaciously. The College of France owes him its foundation much more than to Francis I., and after his death his family went to Geneva for their faith. The first dreams of the Reformation had for a wit- ness, now standing in the very midst of Paris and not outside of its walls as in the time of F^rancis I., the celebrated Abbaye de Saint'Gerniain'dcS'Prds, one of the most important in France. Under Louis XII., Guil- laume Bri^onnet, to whom his father, the Cardinal, had given this abbey, had offered it as an asylum t(j his old professor, Lefevre d'Etaples. It was, therefore, in Saint-Germain-des-Pres that Jacques Lefevre lived for fifteen years, absorbed in pious meditations, long prayers, erudite studies, and lessons given to students to whom Bri9onnet offered the hospitality of the empty cells of the cloister. From here several books were issued, which have given to Lefevre the title of the first Reformer: in 1509 his Commentary on the Psalms, in 15 12 the Commentary on the Epistles of Paul, proclaim- ing Justification by Faith alone, and in 15 17 another work, demonstrating that Mary Magdalene, Mary, sister of Lazarus, and Mary, the sinner of the Gospel, were three different women, and not one and the same per- son, as is taught by the Roman Church. Strange to say, this last treatise nearly caused Lefevre to be condemned as a heretic, while his explanations on the Epistles of Paul, though much more compromising, were not at- tacked until later. Gtiillaiime Far el, one of his pupils, was, among the Frenchmen of his time, the one who embraced the Reformation the most ardently and the most thoroughly, and was obliged to expatriate himself from his master and his country. While Farel and his master were seeking truth and peace, sometimes in the Bible, sometimes in the practices recommended by the Church, the name of Lttther resounded throughout all Europe. His attitude, decided, firm, and progressive, at Wit- tenberg, at Augsburg, at Leipzig, his fervent appeals to the people and to the nobles, his condemnation by the Pope, and the act of audacity by which he replied to it, in solemnly burning the bull of excommunication and the decrees,— all this made the effect of a series of thun- der-claps. At Leipzig, in June, 1519, Luther had con- sented to the proposition of the celebrated Doctor Eck to submit their differences to the judgment of the uni- versities of Erfurt and of Paris, and waited for this for two years, during which time his writings and those of his adversaries circulated throughout France. On the fifteenth day of April, 152 1, the faculty of theology of the University of Paris declared that Luther's opinions were heretical, dangerous, schismatic. This celebrated factum was deliberated and voted upon in a little church opposite the Hotel de Cluny,— on the spot of the theatre of this n^m^ — rEglise des Mathnrins, and it was at once printed by Josse Bade, who, we will remark here. \\\ 4i6 Huguenot Society of America Paris and the Reformation 417 married, in 1526, his daughter to the celebrated Hugue- not printer, Robert Estienne, and afterwards saw his son follow his son-in-law to Geneva. After this, all those who had the writings of Luther or of Melanchthon (who defended his friend by an Apology) were obliged to de- liver them up to the law under a penalty of one hundred, afterwards of five hundred, pounds (the 3d of August and the 30th of November, 1521), and whoever was suspected of taking the part of Luther was in danger of losing his head. Bri^onnet grouped around Lefevre and F*arel at Meaux all of those who were of the same faith, namely : Vatable, Gerard Roussel, Michel dArande, Pierre Caroli, Martial Mazurier, and others. The court at this time was favorable to the propagandists. In spite of frivolity and egotism, Louise de Savoie had her Bible read to her by Michel dArande, the almoner of her pious daughter, Margaret. Francis L gave more attention to the latter than he did to his pleasures and his dreams of political grandeur ; that is to say, his at- tention was very much divided. The most peaceable year for the Reformation in its beginnings in France was the year 1522. Robert Estienne, stepson of Simon de Colines, published a Latin text of the New Testa- ment, corrected after the original Greek. It was from^ House near the Ecole de Ddcret, viz., near the Law School, between June and November, 1523, that \kv^ first French New Testament came out. Fifty to sixty years after- wards, Th. de B^ze, preparing a collection of portraits of all those who from far and near had contributed to bring back true religion to the different countries of Christen- dom, vainly attempted to procure those of our first martyrs. Their names only are in the middle of the frame which ought to hold the portraits, and this part of the book begins with these simple words, surrounded by a severe border in the style of the Renaissance : ** MARTYRS FRANCOIS, QVI IVS- QVES AVX DERNIERS SOV- SPIRS DE LEVRS VIES, ET AV PRIS DE LEVR SANG ONT MAIN- TENV LA VERITE DV FILS DE DIEV. " 1 On the 8th of August, 1523, a Norman hermit from Pressy was burned in the hog market outside of the gate St. Honore. Eight days before, the celebrated gentleman, Louis de Berquin, a great friend of Erasmus and an assiduous reader of Luther, had been imprisoned in the clock tower of the Court of Justice, and on the 26th of November commenced the trial of another her- mit, Jean Guybert, which was not finished until three years later. In December, 1524, a Bull of Indulgence having been mutilated, one of the supposed culprits, Jean Leclerc, was seized and imprisoned. The 17th of March, 1525, he was with others publicly whipped through the streets of Paris and Meaux, and in the latter city branded on the forehead with a red-hot iron in the form of a fleur-de-lis, while his mother cried "Vive J^sus-Christ et ses enseignes." » Jacques Pauvant, perhaps a pensioner of Marguerite, could only be saved by her. Shaken by the sophistries of Mazurier, Pauvant, on the 24th of December, 1525, recanted publicly on the Parvis or place before Notri 'French martyrs who. to their last breath and through the sacrifice of their lives maintained the truth of the Son of God. ' * Long live Jesus-Christ and His signs. 27 V 4i8 Huguenot Society of America Dame de Paris. On the 28th of August, 1526, they wished to again make him recant ; he refused. They dragged him to the Place Matibert, where they pierced his tongue, strangled him, and burnt his body at the stake. One may say that at this critical moment, of all those who had surrounded with their solicitude and their pro- tection the new-born Reformation, but one person kept faithfully attached to it, MargtierUe d'Angoulemc (this portrait of Marguerite, unprinted, as is that of her mother, shows her in the costume of a penitent, with a mirror in her hand, and has thus been borrowed from the book of Hours of Catherine de Medicis). Unfor- tunately she was then in Madrid, but one can judge of the thoughtful and enlightened character of her piety by some verses inspired by the premature death of her niece Charlotte, which were only published once sev- eral years later/ [The title-page of the second edition of Marguerite's Miroir de I' A me Pecker esse was tht^n thrown on the screen. Translated in part it reads thus: *' Dialoofue in the form of a nocturnal vision between the very noble & excellent Madame Marguerite de France, only sister of the King, our Sire, by the grace of God Queen of Navarre, Duchess d'Alencon &: Berry, S: the blessed soul of the defunct Madame Charlotte of France, eldest daughter of the said King, & niece of the said Madame Queen." The first edition of the Miroir appeared in 1531, the second in 1533.] Thanks to her, Lefevre, Gerard Roussel, and Michel d'Arande were able to return later to France, and even to die there in peace. It was she who saved Berquin in 1523 and also in 1526. But instead of keeping quiet after this second escape, he did all ' They are printed in the Bulletin, pp. 255, 256. Paris and the Reformation 419 he could to get the better of his accusers. He was accused of having on the 3d or 4th of June 1528 mutilated a statue of the Virgin in the Rue St. Antoine' At the head of an expiatory procession, Francis I him- self placed a silver statue in the place of the mutilated one. Berquin was condemned to have his toncrue pierced and to be a prisoner for life, but owing to "the absence of the King and of his sister, he was executed on the 17th of April, 1529, on the celebrated Placcde- Grh'c, now of the H6tel-de-Ville. This closed the initial period of the French Reformation. Cldment Marot valet de chambre of the King, familiar with Marcruerite and her proteges, the greatest poet of the Renaissance wrote a poem on the death of Berquin. The name of .Marot unites this period with that which will be domi- nated by that of yean Calvin, who had not as yet made himself conspicuous. His severe and grave face already when he was only 25. is in very great contrast with thai of nuodorc de Bcze, which is the type of the elegant jaincsse dorde of the time. Calvin then lived in the Quartier Saint Genevieve, at the College Fortet. Among his friends was Guillaume Up, Rector of the University, who according to custom had to deliver the opening address on All Saints' Day <^o^- I. 1533). and Calvin wrote it for him. This dis- course, bidding all those who had suffered for the exer- cise of their faith to take courage, that though thev might be killed their reward was in heaven etc pro- nounced probably in the same church of the Mathurins Whence had been given, twelve years before, by the Sor- bonne, the signal for persecuting the Reformers, caused such a scandal that the King gave the order to pursue the heretics, who however had time to escape. On Uecember 24, 1533, on the Place Maubert, Antoine Au- 420 Huguenot Society of America gereau was executed, whose only crime was that of hav- ing' printed twice the celebrated Miroir of Marguerite. The last edition of this precious book contains as an appendix Marot's first essay of a translation in verse of the Psalms. He was not a hard worker, and it was not until several years later that thirty Psalms were placed before the public. These were finished in a house in the Rue dti Clos Bruneatc, au Fatibottrg Saint Germain, which had been given by P>ancis I. to his valet (Marot) in 1539. The next year, Charles the K, hearing of this work, recompensed the poet royally and asked him to put in verse his favorite Psalm, the 11 8th, which was also the favorite of his great adversary, Luther. The privilege of printing these Psalms was signed on the 30th of November, 1 541, and the following year the book appeared under this title : T rente Pfeaiil- MES DE DAVID, MIS en francoys par Clement Marot, valet de chambre du Roy. • 00 His work survived him. First adapted to popular airs, they soon were put to music by a true artist, Louis Bourgeois, who was a refugee at Geneva for his faith. Every one sang the Psalms — students, the court, Catholics, and Protestants. But never were they sung with such fervor as at the places of execution of Hugue- nots — for instance, on the 7th of October, 1546, when a circle of fourteen stakes was erected at Meaux, on the Place du Grand Marchd, before the house of Nicolas Paris and the Reformation 421 Mangin, where Pierre Leclerc had preached and given the Holy Communion. When the fifty-seven con- demned arrived, all the country were assembled and the 79th Psalm was intoned. More than this, when, six months from then, March 31. 1547, Francis I. was dying, he had the Psalms of Marot brought to him, and expired pronouncing the name of the same Jesus which so many of his victims had invoked, and which his sister Marguerite repeated three times with her dying lips. I have said enough to prove that if Paris was against the Reformation, we owe it to her to have made it pos- sible, in grouping together, in instructing, those who undertook and followed it, and above all in'having given us two such powerful weapons as the French New Testament and the Psalter of Marot and of Bourgeois. APPENDIX TO ARTICLE ON THE FRENCH PROT ESTANT HOSPITAL OF LONDON {See page 777) CHARTER OF INCORPORATION OF THE FRENCH PROTESTANT HOSPITAL George, by the Grace of God, of (Ireat Britain, France and Irkland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. To All to whom these I'resents shall come, Greeting. Whereas Our Right Trusty and Right Welbeloved Cousin, Henry de Massue, Marquis de Ruvigny, Earl of Galloway, and our trusty and welbeloved Philip Menard, Lewis Saurin, Henry de Ste. Colome, Claude Scoffier, Clerks; Nicholas de la Sabliere, Guy de la Court Vicouse, Jacob de Blagny, David Montolieu de St. Hipolite, Moses Pulojas, Francis de Pontereau, Lewis de Gaillardy, Lewis des Clouseaux, James Robethon, Peter Champion de Crespigny, Albert de Lande, James Baudoin, Rene de la Combe de Cluzet, Peter Reneu, Stephen Seignoret. John le Clerc de Virly, Lewis Tudert, Rene Baudoin, James Lewis Berchere, Taul du Four, John de Rossieres, Thomas le Heup, Solomon Penny, Peter Marchand, Benjamin Barroneau, Thomas Thomas, Philip Fruchard, Peter James du Desert, John Philip Charles, James Tabart. James de Vaux, Peter Triquet, John Perigail. and Peter Cabibel, all French Refugees Natturalized, in the behalfe of themselves and several other French Refugees, Our Subjects, have by their I'etition humbly represented unto Us, that James de Gastigny, Esquire, heretofore master of the Buckhounds in Holland to his late Majesty King William, by his last Will and Testament, bearing date the tenth day of April, One Thousand seven hundred and eight. Did Bequeath One thousand pounds, to be applied towards the Building of an Hospital for Poor, Sick, and Infirm French Protestants, and buying of house- hold goods and other conveniences for thatt use, which hath induced the Petition- ers to begin the Building of an Hospital for lodging and Subsisting a small Number of the Poorest sort of their Nation : That other Persons have Contributed towards this Charity, and that they have for that purpose purchased a piece of ground called Golden Acre, scituate in the Parish of St. Giles, Crij^plegate, in the County of Middx. ; And hoping that Wee would be Graciously Pleased to favour their Design with Our Royal Sanction have humbly Prayed Us by letters Patents under Our Great Seal of Great Britain to Incorporate and Create them the Petitioners and their Successors into a Body Politik and Corporate, in such manner 422 Htiguenoi Church, Charleston, S. C, Rev, Dr, Vedder, Rector, Appendix to French Protestant Hospital 423 and with such Powers, Authorities, liberties, and Priviledges, to them and their successors, as are contained in the Schedule of heads to their Petition annext : Wee are graciously pleased to Condescend to their Request. Know Yee there- fore that Wee, of Our especial Grace, certain Knowledge, and meer motion, have Granted. Constituted, Declared, Ordained, and Appointed, And by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, do Grant, Constitute, Declare, Ordain, and Appoint that the said Henry de Massue [here follows the preceding list], shall be and be called One Body Corporate and Politick, in Deed and in Name, By the Name of The Governor and Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their Descendants Residing in Great Britain And them and their successors by the Name of The Governor and Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their Descendants residing in Great Britain, Wee do really and fully for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, make. Erect, Ordain,' Con- ^titute, Establish, Confirm, and Declare, by these Presents, to be one' Body Corporate & Politick, in Deed & in Name for ever. And wee do hereby for Us, Our heirs and Successors, Grant and Declare that by the same Name of the Governor and Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their Descendants residing in Great Britain, they shall have perpetual Succession : And that they and their Successors, by the name of the Governor and Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their Descendants, residing in Great Britain, for ever hereafter shall and may plead and be Impleaded, Sue and be Sued, Answer and be Answered unto. Defend and be Defended, in whatsoever Courts and Places, and before any Judges, Justices and Officers of Us, Our Heirs and Successors, in all and singular Actions, Pleas, Suits, matters and Demands, of what nature, kind or quality soever they shall be in the same manner and form, and as fully and amply as any of Our Subjects within that part of Our United Kingdom of Great Britain called England, may and can do, Plead or be Impleaded, Sue or be Sued, Answer or be Answered unto, defend or be defended ; And that they and their Successors for ever hereafter shall and may have and use a Common Seal for the Affairs and Busniess of the said Corporation ; And that it shall and may be lawful to and for the Governor and Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their Descendants residing in Great Britain aforesaid, and their Successors, the same Seal from time to time at their Will and Pleasure to break, change, alter, or to make new as to them shall seem expedient ; And that they and their Successors shall and may for ever be capable of purchasing, taking, receiving, having, and enjoymg houses, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, or any Estate whatsoever, real and personal, for lives, terms of years, or for ever, not exceeding the yearly value of Five hundred pounds of lawful money of Great Britain, in all Issues above reprizes for the benefit and use of the Poor of the said Hospital. And Wee have also Given and Granted, And by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, Do Give and Grant unto every Subject or Subjects whatsoever of Us, tJur Heirs and Successors, full Power and Authority to Give, Grant, Sell, Aliene, Assign, Dispose, or Bequeath unto the said Corporation of the Governor and Direc- tors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their Descendants residing in ^reat Bntain aforesaid, and their Successors, for the benefit and use of the Poor of he said Hospital, any Houses, lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, or any i^^tate whatsoever, real and personal, for lives, Terms of years, or for ever, not exceeding the yeariy value of Five hundred pounds, a^ aforesaid. And further ii f f i i.t 424 Huguenot Society of America for the due and Orderly Regulating and Government of the said Hospital, We Will, And do by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, Grant, Ordain and Appoint, that from henceforth for ever there shall be a Governor, a Deputy^ Governor, and thirty-seven Directors, or more of The Said Corporation to be Constituted and Chosen in such manner as hereafter in these I*resents is expressed and specified. And for the better execution of Our Royal Will and Pleasure herein before declared, Wee have made, Ordained. Named, Constituted, and Appointed And do by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, make, Ordain, Name Constitute, and Appoint the said Henry de Massue, M arruis de Ruvigny, Earl of CiALLowAY, to be the first and present Governor of the said Corporation hereby erected and Incorporated as aforesaid, and to continue for the space of three years from the date hereof, and till the Feast of St, Michael next following the end of the said three years ; the said James Baudoin to be first and present Deputy-Governor of the said Corporation, and to continue for the space of One Year from the date hereof, and till the Feast of St. Michael next ensueing the end of the said year ; and the said [here follows the same list, with the exception of James Baudoin] to be the first and present Directors of the said Corporation, to continue for the term of their natural lives, unless removed for some reasonable cause. And Wee do hereby for Us, our Heires and Successors, Give and Grant unto the Directors of the said Corporation, or the major part of them, for the time being, full Power and Authority after the death, or Removal or Determination of the Terms for which the said Governor and Deputy-Governor are hereby Consti- tuted, to Choose others in their room respectively, and from time to time for ever, to Chuse a Governor every three years, and a Deputy-Governor every year, at the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, or within fourteen days after, out of the Direc- tors ; and also, upon reasonable Cause, to remove the Governor and Deputy- Governor for the time being, and to Choose others in their room who shall continue in their Offices, (viz) the Governor for three years from the time of such Choice. and till the Michaelmas-day following the end of the said three years ; and the Deputy-Governor for one year from the time of such Choice, and till the Michaelmas-day following the end of the said year, unless they shall dye, or be removed as aforesaid ; and likewise as often as any of the Directors shall be removed or die, to Nominate others in his or their room, and to add as many more Directors to the said number of thirty-seven as they or the major part of them shall think fitt ; And also to appoint a Treasurer, and a minister to perform Divine Service in the said Hospital after the Rites of the Church of England, and such Servants as shall be necessary, and one or more person or persons from time to time to Collect and Receive Voluntary Contributions for the use of the said Hospi- tal. And Wee do, by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, Grant. Ordain, and Appoint, That the Governor, Deputy-Governor, and Directors of the said Corporation for the time being shall have full Power and Authority from time to time, as they shall think fitt and necessary, to meet and Assemble at the said Hospital, and there to prepare make. Ordain, and Constitute such and so many good and wholsom By-laws, Rules, Orders, and Ordinances, as they shall think beneficial for the said Hospital. And that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the Governor, Deputy-Governor, and Directors of the said Corporation from time to time to alter, Anull, or make void the said By-laws, Rules, Orders, c^' Ordi- nances as to them shall seem expedient. Provided always that the said By-laws, Appendix to French Protestant Hospital 425 Rules. Orders and Ordinances so as aforesaid to be made be reasonable, and not repugant to law. And our Will and Pleasure is. And Wee do by these Presents. for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, Ordain and Appoint, that when the Directors shall meet to treat about any matter relating to the said Corporation, Ten shall make a quorum ; and that all their Resolutions shall be binding against the rest, who shall not attend on three days' notice in Writing from their Secretary of the time and place of meeting, in the same manner as if the whole Number had been present ; And also that the Governor and Directors do not Relieve in the said Hospital, or by the Revenue thereof, any French Protestants, or their Descendants, who shall not have been actually resident and setled in Great Britain by the space of six months at the least, and so continue, and who shall not take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy. & the Abjuration Oath, before the (Governor or Deputy- Governor, or the Directors, or any three or more of them for the time being, to whom Wee do for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, Give full Power and Authority to Administer the same from time to time accordingly. And Lastly, Our Will and Pleasure is, And Wee do by these Presents for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, (Irant unto the said Corporation and their Successors, that these Our letters Patents or the Jnrolment thereof, shall be in and by all things good, firm, valid, sufficient, and effectual in the law, according to the true intent and meaning thereof, and shall be taken. Construed, and Adjudged in the most favorable and beneficial Sense for the best Advantage of the said Corporation and their Succes- sors, as well in all Courts of Record as elsewhere, and by all and singular the Officers and ministers whatsoever and wheresoever of Us, Our Heirs and Successors Any Omission, Imperfection, Defect, matter. Cause, or thing whatsoever to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. In Witnesse whereof Wee have caused these Our letters to be made Patents. Witnesse Our self at Westminster the Four and twentieth day of Tuly in the Fourth Year of Our Reign. By Writ of Privy Seal. Cocks. Great Seal, \ INDEX. If any Huguenot name, or name of place or of person having any important bearing on Huguenot history, has been omitted, it has been through oversight \s no plates have been made of the volume some errors in spelling of names as on pages 201. 204, 205, 206, which have been pointed out by the authors or 'subse- quently discovered, could not be corrected on the pages, as they had been printed • consequently they have been corrected here. Opportunity has also been taken to impart mformation bibliographical and geographical, wherever the reference was to a book or a place not likely to be familiar. Many of the Huguenot names are plainly variously spelled. These varieties appear here with no attempt at unification. The names are arranged in alphabetical order under the prefixes. As in course of time in some cases the prefix disappeared altogether the name will be found in the lists without it-.. ^., de la Fontaine became Fontaine Therefore when a name cannot be found under a prefix it should be looked for under the name proper. A semi-colon between references implies a change of sub- ject, e. g., Paris, siege of, 19, but 37 is reference merely to Paris as a city |; I A])beville, 25 m. northwest of Amiens* France, 220 Abbott, J. Le Grange, chorister, 1. Ablon, on east bank of the Seine, 12 m. south of Paris, 168 Aboasson, Jean, 296 Abramse, Anthony, 345 A{;c, Mathieu, and wife, 324 Agnast, ffrancois, 303 Agnevv, David Carnegie, Protestant Ex- iles j torn France in the Reign of Louis XIV. ; or. The Huguenot Refu- gees ami their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland, 2d ed.. 3 vols., London. 1871-74, referred to, .317 Aigle. Jacob, 304 Albert. Cardinal, Archduke, mentioned, ^;' -^2, 43, 47. 48. 51; solicitude pl'i c ^'^"^"^O" people, 39 ; upon 1 fillip of Spain, 40 ; upon Henry IV. 40 ; gives Dutch a two months' truce, 44 ; anxious about the Treaty of Ver- vins. 45 Aldobrandini, Cardinal, later Clement ^HI., 27 Alexander VI.. Pope, 399 Allaire, Alexander, 349 Allaire, Rev. Benjamin F. (Roman Catholic), priest, 346 Alva, Duke of, 398 Amboise. 14 m. east of Tours, France, Edict of, 140, 339 Amiens, 84 m. north of Paris i\ 33 42. 47, 357 ' ' ' Ammonet, Jacob, 322 Amonet, Jacob, wife, and four children, 303 Amonet. Jacob, and five children, 324 Amsterdam, 222, 405 Ancellein, from Guadaloupe, 363 ; treas- urer under the government there, 364 ; descendants still found in New Jersey, 364 Anderson, Miss M. L., contributor to purchase of flags, xxxi. Anderson, Mrs. Gen. Robert, contribu- tor to purchase of flags, xxxi. ; on Banquet list, xliv. Andre, Major John, buried on the Dem- arest farm, 362 Andrivet, Jean, 219 Angeliere, Elizabet, 284 Angers, 190 m. southwest of Paris 21 Angevin, Zacarie, 349 Angevine, 346 Annonay, 37 m. south of Lyons, r68 427 I II 428 Index Index Anquez, Leonce, Histoire des assemblees politique s ties Re formes de France. Paris, 1859, referred to, 59 Anthon-en-Perche, in Orleannais, 220 Anti-Dreyfus poster, 155 Anverille. in Normandy, 221 Apple ton's Cyclopcedia of American Biography^ revised ed., New York, 1898-99, 6 vols., cited, 371 Archives A^ationales, quoted, 164-166. if>8, 173, 366 Argall, Captain. Sir Samuel, a Virginia governor, l)urne(l Acadian settle- ments, 243 Arman, Henri, 222 Arman, Paul, 222 Amaud, France, with wife and two children, 222 Arnaud, Isaac, and wife, 2S4, 312 Arnaut, jean, 296 Arnaut, Jean, wife, and daughter, 289 Arnold, Benedict, 225 Arques, 3 m. southeast of Dieppe, 19. 20 Arras, 100 m. north-northeast of Paris, 48. 49 Artois, the province of which Arras was the capital, 48, 51, 220 Asa, King of Judah, 163 Ashurst, Sir Henry, 349 Assembly of French Cleri^y in /jg^- ijgd. Proceedings of, quoted, 173, 174 Atterbury, Mrs. Anson P., of the Ladies' Committee, xiii. ; on Banquet list, xliv. Aubery, Antoine, Histoire du Cardinal Due de yoyeuse ; a la fin de la que lie sont plusieurs mcmoires . . . et autres pieces, Paris, 1654, referred to, 22 Aubrey, Andre, 322 Aubry, Andre, and two children, 324 Audra, Kev. E., written to. xxiii. Augsburg. Religious Peace of, 58 Augustin, S., 297 Aumale, Duke of, 23 Aunant, Jean, with wife, 219 Aunis, 222 Aurore, French newspaper, for January 21, i8q8, quoted, 156 Austria, 159 Auvert, 20 m. north of Paris, 366 B Bacon's Quarter, Va., 277, 308 Bacon's Rebellion, 308 Bacot, Hon. T. VV., appointed delegate from South Carolina, on the pro- gram, xxix., XXX. 429 Bacot, Pierre, with his wife, 221 Bade, Josse, printer of University of Paris's condemnation of Luther 415 ; daughter of, married Robert Es- tienne, 416 Badeau, Benjamin, 342 Badeau, Elie, 349 Badeau, Isaac, 342 Badoiiet, Estienne, 2S4 Bagdasarian, George, chorister, 1. Bailey, Rev. Melville K., read poem at Banquet, xlix., li. ; remarks before reading his poem, 379 ; poem. 3S0- 384 Baira, Michel. 205 Baird, Rev. Dr. Charles Wasliington. History of Huguenot Emigration to America, 2 vols., New Vork. 1S84, quoted, 226, 234-236, 258, 259] 272-274, 360, 365. 366 Baird, Prof. Henry xMartyn, appointed honorary secretary of Celebration Committee for Correspondence with foreign Huguenot Societies, xiv., xxvi. ; letter, xvii. ; letter to these so- cieties, xviii.-xx. ; reports, xvii., xxiii. ; on program, xxviii., xxix., xxxvii. ; acts as host, xxxiv.; at Banquet, xlii. ; spoke to toast, 1.. liii. ; made celebration an interna- tional success, liv. ; gave luncheon, liv. ; final report, Ivii., Iviii., 17 ; paper, 1 35-1 54 , 7'he Huguenots and Henry of Navarre, New York, i88o, 2 vols., alluded to, 157 Huguenots and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, New York, 1S9;, 2 vols., quoted, 328 speech at Banquet, 403-4' 5 , speech at Bicentenary of the Charter of the Reformed Protestant Dutch or Collegiate Church, New Vork City. 403 ; union between Dutch and Hu- guenot close, strong, enduring. — tirst Dutch were hosts, then or later Huguenots' guests, 404 ; union in face of expected trouble, 405 : men- tioned, xxiv., xlvi., 177, 218, 226.393 Baird (or Bard), Peter, supposed native of Dauphiny. became citizen of New Jersey, held different otifices, 365, 366 Bakenesse and other churches in Haar- lem, Holland, 210 sqq. Balaros, Pierre, 304 Ballaguier, 36S Ballet, 347 Bancroft, George, History of the United States, revised ed., New York, 1885. 6 vols., quoted, on Virginia's attrac- tions to emigrants, 246 sqq., 250 Bangs, Mrs. Fletcher, on Banquet list, xliv. Banquet, xxvi., xxix., xxxii., xl.-liii. ; unusual feature at, 390 Banta, Theodore M., of the Committee on Papers, xiii., contributor to pur- chase of flags, xxxi. ; read Mr. Wilde- man's paper, xxix., xxx., xxxix. ; acts as escort at Banquet, xlii. ; on Banquet list, xliv. ; on executive and papers committees, xlvi. ; represents Mr. VVildeman, xlvii. ; gives advance copy of the Holland Anthem for use at Banquet, liii. Barachin, Jean, and wife, 303 Barbie, Claude, and wife, 304 Barhot, Jacques, 222 Barhot, Jean, 222 Barbour, \Vm. D., elected treasurer of the stewards, xvi., xxxii., xlvi. ; con- tributor to purchase of flags, xxxii. ; at Banquet, xl. ; acts as escort at Banquet, xlii. ; on Banquet list, xliv. ; report as treasurer of the stewards, Ixii. Bard. See Baird. Bard, John, grandson of Peter Baird (or Bard), commanded Orange Hangers in the Revolutionary War, 366 Bardon, Claud, and wife, 284 Bareheit, Andrew, 341 Barraud, 231 Barrel, Samuel, 290 Barret, 346 Barroneau, Benjamin, 422 Barton, 356 Barton, A., 342 Kartow, 347 Basel, Catharine, and daughter, 303 Bastile, in Paris, 339 Bataille. I.'-aac, 221 Batin, Richard, 220 Battaile, John, 256 Batton, John Isaac, and wives, 220 Batton, Jacques (.son of former), 220 Batton. See Batin. Baudoin, Jacques, early benefactor of the French Protestant Hospital of I ondon, 185 ; first deputy-governor, 187 sq. Baudoin, James, 422 Baudoin, Rene, 422 Baudouin, Francois, 119 Baudouyn, Jtrhan, one of the Fourteen of Meaux, 385 Baudry, 312 Baudry, Pierre, 289 Baudry, P., 296 Bault, 346 Bayard, 374 Bayard, Hon. Thomas F., late vice- president for Delaware, xlv. Bayard, Judith, a Huguenot, mar- ried Governor Peter Stuyvesant, 356 Bayeux, 347 Bazoil, 312 Beaman, Charles Cotesworth, xvi. Beam, 30, 115 ; with La Rochelle and Sedan sheltered peaceably both Protestants and Roman Catholics, 160 Bearnais, 20, 413 Beaucaire, 13 m. east of Nimes, 166 Beauchamp, Picardie, residence of Jean des Marest, 357 Beauchamp Street, New Rochelle, N. Y., 344 Beaufort, S. C, 220 Beaulieu, Edict of, 143 Beauvais, 54 m. north-northwest of Paris, 31 Bedell, 356, 368, 374 Bedford, on the Potomac, Va., 260 Belet, 294 Belleroche, Edward, delegate from London Huguenot Society, xxii., Ivii.; on program, xxviii., xxix., xxxvii; at Grace Church service, xxxiii. ; at Banquet, xlvii. ; lunched with Mr. Marquand, Iv. ; went to unveil- ing of Huguenot monument at New Rochelle, Ivi. ; paper, 17-51 Bellin, Jeane, 303 Belloe, Jean, 304 Belotte family, 223 Benet, Daniel, 348 Benoist (or Benoit), Elie, Histoire de r^dit de Nantes jusque h VMt de revocation en octobre, i68s ; Delft, 1693-95 ; 5 parts, quoted, 59, 128,' 151 Benoit, Jacques, 221 Benon, ffran : , 303 Berchaud, Jeanne, wife of Jean Boyd» 222, 223 Berchere, James Lewis, 422 Berin. Anthoine, 325 Berkeley Co., Carolina, 322 Bernard and Soulier, Explication of the Edict of Nantes^ referred to, 112, 113, 129 Bernard, 327, 347 Bernard and wife, 312 Bernard, David, 284 Bernard, David, wife, and five children, 324 Bernard, Joseph, 324 Berrard, Joseph, and wife, 304 Berraud, 327 Berry, 220 tl 430 Index Index i ' 431 Berry, Captain John, remonstrated against des Marest's petition for a re- survey, 359 Berthaut, bishop of Seez, 37 Bertonneau, Jacques, and wife, 222 Bertonneau, Sara, 222 Besiers, 130 Besley, 34O, 348, 349 Besley House, New Rochelle, 343 Beverley, Kol)ert, 7Vie History of Vir- ginia Reprinted from the Authors Second Revised Edition, London, 1722, with an Introduction by C, Campbell, Richmond. Va., 1S55, quoted, 239, 240 Beza, Theodore, at Poissy, 138. See also De Beze. Bibbeau, Jaques, 2S4 Bicentenary of the Charter of the Re- formed Protestant Dutch (Collegiate) Church, New York City. 403 Bilbaud, Jacques, wife, and child, 324 Bilboa, 312 Billet, Katharine, 312 Billot, Catherine, 285 Billot, Francois, 284 Bionne, near Orleans, 126 Bioret, Jacq., wife, and two children, 324 Bird, 357 Bissell, Mrs. Y. Sand ford, subscriber to Celebration Fund, Ixiii. Bisset, Elie, and family, 222 Black, 357 Black, Starr & Frost, New York jewelers, made the Banquet souven- irs, XXV. Blackberry, Lawton, 350 Blacktnan, 314 Blackmare, William, 3cx) Blackwall, on the Thames, 4 m. below St. Paul's, 282, 303 Blackwell, Miss Ruthelia R., of the Ladies' Committee, xiii. Blackwell, William Bayard, one of the stewards, xv. Blair, Rev. James, the commissary. 259, 288 ; letter to the Bishop of London, 336 Blaithwayte, 306 Blathwayt, William, 269 Blauvelt, 362 Blavet, 22, 42 Bleiiet, 1)., 296 Blevet. David, wife, and six children, 289 Block, Adrien, commander of the On- rest, explorer, 354 Blood, John Balch. on Banquet list, xliv. Bloomer, Robert, 341 Blouet, wife, and seven children, 312 Bocar, Estienne, wife, and two children 304 '^'^"• Bochet, Nicolas, 220 Bogart, 362 Boignan, 313 Boignard, Anthonie, 289 Bois. Petit, surname of Jacques Nicho las, 222 Boisseau, Rev. James, sailed for Vir ginia, had difficulties with his vestrv 259 >• Boisseau, Jean, 222 Boissieux, Rev. James, became rector of a chief Virginia parish, 335 Boisson, Jean, 2 84 Boissonot, 363 Bolton, Robert, History of Westchester County, New York, 1848, 2 vols quoted, 349 Bolts, 349 Bomard, Catherine, 284 Hon, Louiss, 284 Bona, 363 Bonall, James, 256 Bonard, Estienne, wife, and three chil- dren, 324 Bondet, 346 Bondet, Rev. Daniel, 348 Bonduel, Alard, 203 Bonduran, 312 Bondurand, Jean Pierre, 289 Bondurant, 326, 327 Bonet, 344 Bonet, Mary, 345 Bonhoste, Jonas, 220 Bonifoy, David, 344 Bonneau, Antoine, 222 Bonneau, Marie, wife of Nicola, uc Longemare, 22r Bonnet, John Ferdinand, 342 lionnett, 344 Bonnett Mouse, New Rochelle, 343 Bonsergent, Mathieu, 324 Bonsergent, Matthieu, and wife, 304 Bontemps, Pierre, 205 Bonviller. Isaac, 304 Booker, wife, and child, 305 Bookstaver, Hon. H. W\, on Banquet list, xliii. Booraem, Miss Frances D., on Banquet list, xliv, ; subscriber to Celebration Fund, Ixii. Bordeaux, 167, 223 Bordieu, Samuel, with family, 221 Borel, 281 Bosquet, Andrew, Huguenot galley slave, 333 Bossard, 292 Bossard, Jean, wife, and three children, 289 Bossard, wife, and three children, 312 Bosse. Francois, 284 Boston, Mass., 219, 350 Bouchebee, Jacques, one of the Four- teen of Meaux, 385 Boucher, 309 Boucher, Jean, denounces Henry IV. 's conversion as insincere, 28 Bouchet, Jean, 284 Bouchillon, Joseph Leonard, 223 Boudinot, 374 Boudinot, Elias, character, 36S ; career of his granilfather Helie. 368, 369 ; his grandmother, his father, his mother, his birth, and his baptism by Whitetield, educated at Princeton, studied law with his brother-in-law' Richard Stockton, began practice in Elizabeth Town, maVried sister of his preceptor, took Alexander Hamil- ton into his family, 369 ; first opened New Jersey sulphur and copper mines, trustee of Princeton College, chairman Elizabeth Town Committee of Safety, member Provincial Con- gress, commissary-general of prison- ers, became liable for $50,000 for Revolutionary War, delegate to Con- gress, president, and as such signed treaty of peace with Great Britain, 370 ; afterwards in Congress till made Director of the Mint in 1795, re- tired in 1805 to private life, patron of Pnnceton College, member A. B. C. F. M., first president American Bible Society, interested in Indian education, authorized one Indian to take his name, honorary LL.D.,Yale College, bequests to city of Philadel- phia, author of several works, died at Burlington, 371; personal worth, 372 Boudinot, Elie, son of Helie, merchant m i\ew \ork, married and removed to Ihiladelphia where he was a silver- smith, 369 Boudinot, Elisha, brother of Elias patriot, various offices, price set or! nis head, house raided by Hessians commissary, general of prisoners] practised law with Elias in Newark hecame justice of Supreme Court of ^ew Jersey, died at Newark, 372 Boudinot, Helie. born at Marans i* ranee, escaped to England, married widow of Benjamin d' Harriette, emi- grated to New York, prominent in colonial affairs, 369 Bouillie, 346 Bouillon, title of Conde. 33, 47 Boulogne-sur-mer, 153 ' bourgeois, Louis, set Marot's Psalms 10 music, 420 Bourgoian, Joseph, 284 Bouriier. E., president of the Walloon Society, Ixi. Bourreau, Antoine, 221 Bourru, Jean, 284 Bowdoin, George S., Treasurer of the Society, XXV., xxvi.. xlv. ; contrib- utor to purchase of flags, xxxi. ; at the Grace Church service' xxxiii. ; on Banquet list, xlii • treasurer of the Celebration ComI mittee, xlvi. ; subscriber to Celebra- tion Fund, Ixii., and report as treasurer of, Ixii., Ixiii. Boyd, Jean, 223 Boyd, Jean, with wife, 222 Boyer, 347 Boyer, John, 306 Braban, Daniel, wife, three children and boy, 303 ' Brault, 296 Brazil, Huguenot colony in, 229 Bremar, Solomon, 220 Brent, George, of Woodstock and Bren- ton, distinguished lawyer, seeks Hu- guenot settlers on his lands, 260 261 Brenton, on Occoquon Creek, Va.,'now Brentsville, short-lived Huguenot settlement, 259, 260, 261, 263 Bretagne, Southern, 221, 272 Breton, 347 Brez, John Daniel, contributor to pur- chase of flags, xxxi. ; at Grace Church service, xxxiii. ; represents Vaudois Society in celebration and at Banquet xhi., xlvii., Iviii., lix., 391 Brians, Thomas, wife, and five children 324 Bri9onnet, Guillaume, Cardinal, 414, 416 Bricou, Salomon, and wife, 304 Brie, 219 Briscon, Samuel, 222 Brisebarre, Jehan, one of the Fourteen of Meaux, 385 Brittain, 346 Brittany. 41, 42, 54, 58 Broc, iMoise, 289 Brooke, 312 Broret, Jaques, wife, and two children 284 Brousse and son, 312 Brousse, Jacques, 322 Brousse, Jaques, and child, 284 Browning, A. Giraud, F. S. A., Vice- President of and delegate from Lon- don Huguenot Society, xxii.; on pro- gram, xxviii., XXX., xxxix. ; at Grace Church service, xxxiii.; report quoted, xxxvii. ; presented St. Bartholomew's Day iMassacre and Revocation of Edict of Nantes medals, xxxviii. ; letters re- 432 Index Browning — Continued ferring to his gift, xxxviii., xxxix. ; at the Banquet, xlii., xlvii. ; speaks at Banquet, 1., liii. ; lunched with Mr. Marquand, Iv., Ivii. ; paper, 177- 2CK) ; welconrjed by Mr. de Peyster at Banquet, 391 ; speech at Banquet, 4o6-40<) ; topics of speech : attraction of the study of Huguenot history, 406, 407 ; splendid hospitality lavished on the foreign guests of the Society, 407; work of the French Protestant His- torical Society, 408 ; and of the Hu- guenot Society of London, 408 Br >wning. Miss, xxxiii., xxxv., Iv. Bnignet, Marie, 221 Brussels, 37. 38, 42, 44, 46, 48, 49 Budd, Mrs. William A., of the Ladies' Committee, xiii. Bulletin de la Soci^t/de VHistoire du Protestantisme Fran^ais, alluded to or quoted, loS, 162, 166-167, '68, 170, 413, 418 Buretel, Pierre, 222 Burgundy, 168 Byrd, Colonel William, advocated lo- cating Huguenots at Manakin Town, Va., 25^ s(/. ; seeks Huguenot set- tlers, 260, 278, 280, 287 ; secures lo- cation of Huguenots at Manakin Town, in spite of Dr. Coxe's ef- forts, 274, 275 ; meetings at his house, 275. 30^ : sets forth superiority of Manakin Town, 276 ; probable se- cret reason, 277 ; petition to the Lords in Council, 278-280 ; appointed to administer relief, 311 ; street in Man- akin Town name«l after him, 314J visits and describes the town, 314 Cabanis, Henry, wife, and child, 284 Cabibel, Peter, 422 Caboine, 312 Caen, 148 m. west-northwest of Paris, 221 Caftes, Paul, 296 Cahaigne, Michel, 304 Cailland, Joseph, wife, and child, 324 Cailleboeuf, Isaac, 221 Caillon, Michel, one of the Fourteen of Meaux, 385 Caillau, Joseph, and wife, 303 Cairon, 231 Cairon, Rev. Jean, and three children, 324 Cajetan, Cardinal, 28 Calais, 220 Calver, Jean, wife, and five children, 324 Calvin, John, 160 ; 229 ; preached m Saintongeand Aunis, 231 ; Huguenots called upon to renounce his "errors" to escape persecution, 330, 419 ; li^^d in Pans at the College Fortet, wrote Gillaume Cop's rectorial oration, and in consequence both had to flee, 41Q Cambier, Lambert, 203 Campbell, John Wilson, History of Vir ginia to 1781, Philadelphia, 1S13' quoted. 263, 309, 325 Cantepie, 312 Cantepie, Michel, and wife, 324 Cape Hope Colony Huguenot Society invited to send a paper, xvii. Capen, Jacob, 289 Capon, Jacob, 296 Cappon, Jacob, and wife, 324 Carbonnet, Anne, and child, 289 Caret, 347 Carion, Moise, 219 Carleton, Sir Dudley, British Ambassa- dor at The Hague, quoted, 29 ; trans- mits petition from Walloons (Hugue- nots) to settle in Virginia, 250 sq. Caroli, Pierre, 416 Carolina, Province of, 322 Carpenter, 357 Carpenter, Stephen P., first exhibited the Huntington and Churchland pears, 351 Carriere, Jean, 221 Carron, Sir Claude, 221 Castelmoron, Gascony, France, ances- tral home of the Maury family, 335 Castiche, Paul, 289 Castige, 312 Castine, 347 Castra, 312 Catalagirone, Bonaventura, General of the Cordeliers, efforts to effect Treaty of Vervins, 38 sqq. ; praised by Al- bert and by Henry IV., 41 Caudain, (not Candain), Jacques, 205 Caudebec (Cuddeback), Jacob, 362 Cautepie, Jean, 285 Cautepie, Michel, wife, and two chil- dren, 285 Cavalier, Pierre, wife, and son, 289 Cavalier, wife, and child, 313 Cecil, William, Lord Burghley, 40, 42 Cedar Grove, N. J., 363 Celebration, announcements of the, xxvi., xxvii. ; programs, etc., of, xxvii.-xxxi. ; arrival of delegates, xxxiii. ; opening service at Grace Church, xxxiii. ; poem and papers on first day's session, xxxvii. ; papers on second day's session, xxxix. ; con- cluding Banquet, xl.-liii. ; who sug- gested and made a success of, 389 Index 43S Celebration Committee, xii.-xvii., xxi., xxiii., xxv., xxxii, ; Mrs. James M.' Lawton, secretary of, xvii. ; ordered a commemorative volume, xxi. Cemeteries denied to Huguenots, 165 Chabran and wife, 312 Chabran, Estienne, and wife, 289 Chabran, Ettienne, 296 Chadaine. 347 Chaince, in Poitou, France, 221 Chalaine and five children, 312 Chalais. in Saintonge, France, 222 Chalanier, wife, and child, 312 Chamberlain, 29 Chamberlayne, Abraham, Huguenot merchant, contributed liberally to Hudson's expedition, 354 Chambers, 362 Chambon, Gedeon, wife, and child, 324 Chambor and wife, 312 Chamboux, Jedron, and wife, 284 *' Chambre ardente," 413 Champagne. 220 Champain, James, 245 Champaine, James, 271 Chanabas, Isaac, and his son, 284 Chaperon, Jean, 304 Chapj)uis, H. T., 216 Chart'itie, Leon Auguste, and wife, 303 Charenton, 5 m. southeast of Paris 126, 413 Charier, Charles, 304 Charles II.. conmation robes of, made from Virginia silk, 242 Charles V., asked Clement Marot to ver.sify the iiSth Psalm, his favorite 420 ' CharlesIX 18. 21,25, 138, 142, 143 Charles, John Philip, 422 Charleston, S. C, 219, 220, 222, 223 323 •5' Charlotte of France, 418 Charlotte Amelia, Queen of Denmark ai'pointed Menard Pastor of the l-rench Church at Copenhagen, 183 <-narpentier, 357 *> ' j Charpentier, flrran9ois, and wife, 304 Chartres. 15S ^ ^ Chastaigniers, Alexandre, 222 thastaigniers, Henri, 222 Cnastain, 3r2 Chastain. Estienne, 284. 320 Uastain, Estienne. and wife, 324 Chastain, Jean, and wife, 324 Chastain, Pierre, 322 2^^"' ^'^"^' ^'^^^' ^""^ ^^^ children, Chastain. Pierre, wife, and six children, 324 ' Chastatain, Quintin, 284 ^hatanier, Pierre, wife, and father, 284 Chateaudun, 26 m. south-southwest of Chartres, 220 Chatelas, in Saintonge, France, 222 Chatelleraud, in Poitou, France, 221 Chatellerault. assembly of, 33, 162 Chatillon, Duke of, 25 Chauvin, Bonaventure, 272 Cheilon, 363 ; purchased with la Rue part of Tusculum from Mrs. Wither- spoon, 364 ; later removed to Elizabeth Town, there taught French, had as in- timate friend Gen.Winfield Scott, 364 Cheneau, Estienne, and wife, 304 Chengny. Claude, 220 Cherry Hill Station, N. J. 357 Cherry Valley, N. J., 363,' 365 Chevallier, 368 Chevas, and two children, 305 Chevas, Jean, and wife, 284 Chevreaux, in Poitou, France, 221 Chinandan, wife, and two children, 312 Chinon, 25 m. southwest of Tours trance, 339 Churchland pear, origin of name, 351 Cincinnati Society, through its represen- tative, welcomed at the Banquet. 393 Clapie, Francis, 290 Clapier, 312 Clark, John, 345 Clarkson, Banyer, acts as escort at Banquet, xliii.; on Banquet list, xliv. Clarkson, Mrs. E. L. de P., on the Ban- quet list, xliv. Claude, Jean, in his Plaintes, tried to prove that the Edict of Nantes was fundamental law. 153; referred to 234 Claude, Phillippe, 289 Clearwater, Judge A. T., on program, xxix., XXX.; on Banquet list, xliv • vice-president for New Paltz, xlv. ; on Committee on Papers, xNi Clement VIIL, Pope, 27-29,' 168, 170- sorrow of, over the Edict of Nantes' 35, 400 (not Clement VII ) * C^er, 347 Clere, Franfois, 284 Clovis, 163 Cochet, Andre, 284 Cocke, James, 300 Cocks, 425 Coelembier, Jan, 206 (not Coclenbier) Cohgni Street, New Rochelle, N. Y. 344 Cohgny, Admiral, Gaspardde, 138; '159; 405, 407 ; attempt to settle Hugue-' nots m the New World, 229, 353 Coligny, de Gorgue, 223 Coligny, Louise de. Princess of Oranee 18, 42 ^ * Coligny, the brothers, referred to, 234 Colineau, Mathieu, 223 1 I i I 'I' I 434 Index Collect Pond, Manhattan Island, rally- ing place of out-of-town Huguenots on Sunday, 356 Collection des proch verbaux des assem- bUes ge'n^rales du clerge de France^ (i 560-1 775), Paris, 1767-1778, 8 vols., quoted, 163 Collegiate (Dutch) Church, N. Y. City, 403 Collie, Henry, wife, and child, 304 Columbus, referred to, 229 Combelle, Jean, 289 Compi^gne, 45 m. northeast of Paris, 47, 163 Comte, Pierre, 284 Conde, Prince of, 25 Condes, the, referred to, 234 Connecticut and Rhode Island bays and rivers explored by Adrien Block, 354 Concourt, in Artois, France, 220 Consistories, declared incompetent to accept legacies, 130 sq.; decree of council relative to, 130 ; Parliament of Pau on, 131 Constantin, Jean, 284 Constantine, the Emperor, 57, 163 Constantine, Tho., 312 Conversion to the Protestant faith for- bidden, 113 Cooper, 357 Corbelose, Jacque, 296 Corbell, Jacques, 289 Corbet, 312 Cordeliers (monks), 38, 41, 42, 48-50 Cordes, Antoine, 219 Corine, 312 Cornbury, Edward Hyde, Lord, gover- nor of New York and New Jersey, 359 Corneau, Henry, 304 Cornu, Pierre, 284 Corotuck, Va., 278 Cosse-Brissac, the governor of Paris, bribed by Henry, 29 Cothonneau, Jeremie, with wife and child, 222 Coton, 36 Cottin, Pierre, 222 Couillandeau, F^ierre, and his daughter, Susanne, wife of Isaac Dubosc, 222 Coullard, Augustin, 289 Coullard, Jean, 289 Coullon and wife, 305 Coupet, Fran9oise, 284 Cousin, of Dieppe, alleged to have landed in America in 1488, 229 Coustillat, Paul, 304 Coutant. 344 Coutant, Andrew, 342 Coutant, Isaac, 342 Coutant, Jean, 344 Coutant, married James P. Huntington of pear fame, 351 Covin, Lazarus, 223 Cowdin. Mrs., on Banquet list, xliv. Coxe, Daniel, M. D., former physician to Queen Anne, advocated site in Norfolk County, Va., for Huguenots, 254, 276-280 ; had much land in Va. and Carolina, 271 ; made contract to sell to Huguenots land in Carolina, 271 • and later in Norfolk Co., Va.,'272 274, 275 Craven Co., S. C, 322 Cripplegate, London, 181, 183 Croatan Indians adopt Huguenots, 353 Crommelin, H. van VVickevoort, 216 Cuddeback, 362, 363 Cuddeback. See Caudebec. Cumery, Ouly, 304 Cupper, Pierre, 284 Curien, Elizabet, 304 Cury, Abraham, 304 Cutting, Robert F., on the Committee on Arrangements, xlvi. D Dabney, 327 Dabney, Cornelius, 256 Dabney, Sarah, 256 Daillie, Rev. Pierre, occasionally served French congregation on the Ilacken- sack, removed to Boston, 360 Dais, 346 d'Albret, Jeanne, referred to, 158, 159, 172, 233 D'allizon, Tho., and wife, 324 D'Anseme, in Picardie, France, 220 Darien, expedition to, alluded to, 279 d'Arande, Michel, almoner of Margue- rite d'Angouleme, 416 ; protected by her, 418 Darlington, Charles F., one of the stewards, xxxii., xlvi. ; contributor to purchase of flags, xxxii. ; acts as escort at Banquet, xliii. ; on Ban- quet list, xliv. Darlington, Rev. James H., on Ban- quet list, xliv. Dashaise, David, 259 d'Aubigne, Cornelius (called de Bony. Dabney), received grants of land in Virginia, 256 d'Aubigne, Sarah (called Dabney), re- ceived grant of land in Virginia. 256 D'Aubigne, Theodore Agrippa, the Huguenot historian. Memoires char- acterized, 19; referred to, 26, 233; Lhistoire universelle, quoted, 330 Daulegre, 296 Index 435 Dauphin, Jean, 303 Dauphiny, 219, 365 David, Pierre, and wife, 324 Davis, George T., delegate from the Huguenot Society of New Rochelle, on program, xxix., xxx., xxxix. ; at Banquet, xliii., xlvii.; 342 ; paper on *' Huguenots and New Rochelle " 340-352 De Bandy, 256 Debane, Joseph, 341 De Bar, John, 256 De Baum, William, 256 De Baun, 362 de Bellievre, 22, 23, 38, 40. 47 ance, 339 ; places of effort and martyrdom for, 339 Huguenot attempts at settlement in the New World, 353 sq. Huguenot silk-weavers in Holland con- tributed much money to pay the way of the Pilgrims in the Mayjlower, 354 Huguenot and Dutch intermarried, 356 Huguenot families on Staten Island, 356 Huguenot element in national history, 374, 375 Huguenot and Dutch union in New York City, 404 ; from the earliest times, very intimate and productive of harmony, 404 ; seen at the Ban- quet, will be seen in war with a com- mon foe, 405 Huguenot martyrs in Paris : a Norman hermit from Pressy, 417; Louis de Berquin, 417, 419 ; Jean Guybert, 407; Jean Leclerc, 417; Jacques Pauvant, 417 ; Antoine Augereau, 419 Huguenot Memorial, New Rochelle, N. v., 344 Huguenot Society of America, annual meeting, xxxviii. ; Collections, 259 Huguenot Society of London, 408 ; Proceedings of, 40S ; representatives of, welcomed at Banquet, 391 Huguenot Society of New Rochelle, N. v., representatives of, welcomed at Banquet, 392 Huguenot Society of South Carolina, 217-223 ; welcome to representatives at Banquet, 392 Huguenot Street, New Rochelle, N. ., 344 Huguenots, A Tale of the ; or. Memoirs of a French Refui^ee Family. Trans- lated and compiled from the original manuscripts of Jacques Fontaine [of JenouilleJ by one of his descendants [Ann Maury]. With an introduction by F. L. Hawkes [sic]. New York, 1838, later editions. Dr. Hawks' introduction, quoted, 333, 334. For French text, see Fontaine, Jacques (of Jenouille) ^ ^ ^ Huguenots, deprived of right of resi- dence, 106 ; churches of, destroyed, 106 ; preachers of, silenced, 107 ; chddren of, abducted and baptized by Catholics, 107 ; deprived of posi- tions, 107 ; forced to support the Catholic religion, 108 sq.; schools of , crippled, 109 ; deprived of church courts, no; deprived of their hos- pitals, 112 ; attempts to disunite, 116 ; made odious, 117 ; religious exercises suppressed, 118 sqq.; deprived of right to establish churches, 118 sqq.- churches of, suppressed, 124 sqq.; church finances interfered with, 128 ; forbidden burial in consecrated ground, and, if buried there, disin- terred, 165 sq.; vexatious hindrances of, 167 sqq.; one twelfth the popula- tion of France in sixteenth century, 161 ; persecution of, 232 ; numbers of, 232 sq.; character of, 233 ; emi- nent persons among, 233 sq.; loss to F>ance from their removal, 234 sqq.; emigration to Virginia fostered, 243 ; party from Leyden taken not by the Virginia Company, but by the Dutch West India Company, and to the Hudson, 253 ; — in Virginia, 244-339 {see also Virginia) ; first shipload, 281 ; list, 283-285 ; second shipload, 281, 286, 288; list, 289, 290; third shipload, 281, 292, 302 ; few go to Manakin Town, because of advice of the Virginia Council, quoted, 302, 303 ; fourth shipload, 281 ; list, 303, 304 ; plainly in better circum- stances than the former, as no evi- dence of aid received, 305, 306 ; scattered by advice of Council, 306, 307; influence of, on Virginia, 326^ 327 ; — constancy under persecution, 330 ; character of the refugees, 332 ; offered escape from persecution if they would recant, 333 ; martyrs, 333 ; in Virginia intermingled with the old families, 334 Huguenots and New Rochelle, 340-352, See New Rochelle. Huguenots in New Jersey, 353-375 ; came in large numbers to the colonies, 354 Huguenots furnished first Governor of the New Netherlands, 355 ; and first child in the colony, 355 Huguenots perpetuated old memories in names of places, 355 Huguenots in neighborhood attended worship in New York, 355, 356 Huguenots build meeting-house for themselves on Manhattan Island, 356 Huguenots one fourth of the population in New Amsterdam, 356 Huguenots first to colonize west of the Hudson River, 357 Huguenots still needed, 401 446 Index Index 447 Hugues, Edmond, I.es synodes du De- sert, Paris, 18S5-1837, 3 vols., quoted, 338, 339 Huidekoper, Mrs. F. W., on Banquet list, xliv.; subscriber to Celebration Fund. Ixiii. Hulyre, Jaques, wife, and four children, 2S4 Hunter, Gov. Robert, 365 Huntington, James P., brought to per- fection the Huntington pear, 351 Huntington, J. P., 342 Huntington. Rev. Dr. William Reed, xxvii. ; in Grace Church welcomes the foreign delegates to America, xxxiii.; on lianquet li^t, xliii.; sermon before the Society. 3-1 1 Husage brothers, 3(^3 ; wealthy and eccentric, 364 Hutchinson, Ann, banished from Mas- sachusetts Bay, went to New Rochelle, 355 I Iliole, Gerard, 203 Imbert, Jean, and wife, 284 Imbert, Jeanne, 325 Imbert, Suzanne, 325 Inquisition, the Spanish, 158 Ironmongers, Worshipful Company of, lease land for French Protestant Hos- pital of London, 183, 185 Isle de Khe. See Re. Isle d'Oleron. See Oleron. Isle of Wight, 315 Italy, 159 J Jackson, Samuel Macauley. on the pro- gram, xxviii., xxix., xxxvii.; guest at Banquet, xliii., xlviii.; paper, 52-59 Jallade, Ktienne J., read poem, xxxvii.; poem, 15, 16 James, Edward W., subscriber to Cele- bration Fund, Ixiii. James City County, 259 James River, 276-279, 288, 302, 308, 330 ; 100,000 of the richest acres on, offered to Huguenot emigrants, 268 Jamestown, S. C, 322, 323 Jamestown, Va., 282, 283 January, Edict of (Jan. 17, 1562), 21, 137, 138, 140 Jaquean, 294 Jarnac, 339 Jarrau, 346 Jaudon, Daniel, and his mother, 222 Jay, Hon. John, first President of the Huguenot Society of America, 387, 388, 409 Jay, Col. William, contributor to pur- chase of flags, xxxi.; Vice-President for Staten Island, xlv.; on Dinner Committee, xlvi. Jefferson, 339 Jenning, Col., President Virginia Coun- cil, addressed. 318 Joanis, Jean, wife, and two children, 324 Joanny, Jean, wife, and two children 284 Joanny, John, 245, 271 John Lackland, King of England, 148 Johnson, Rev. James Le Baron, one of the stewards, xv. ; resolution respect- ing the insignia, xvi.; acts as escort at Banquet, xlii.; subscriber to Cele- bration Fund, Ixii, Johnson, Miss, xxxiv., xxxv., Iv. Jones, Captain, 264, 265 Jonthier, 312 Jordan, William, 256 Joseph, 312 Jouany, 310 Jouany and wife, 312 Jouet, Daniel, with wife andchildren, 222 Jourdan and wife, 312 Jourdan, Solomon, 289 Jourdon, Marie and Symon, 285 Jourdon, Samuel, 256 Journal de Bruxelles, quoted, 171 Jours. Jacques, 220 Judah, 163 Juin, George, 221 Juire, 347 Julien, G. D., on Banquet list, xliv. Julius II., 399 Jumeauville, near Mantes, France, 165 K Kieft, Gov. William, indirectly respons- sible for murder of Ann Hutchinson, near Stamford, Conn. , Sept. , 1643, 355 King, 357 King George Co., Va., 261 King William County, Va., 335 King William Parish, Henrico County, Va., 324 King Williams Town, 312 Kinkachemeck, west of the Hackensack, location of French church, 360 Knickerbocker class in New York City, the union of its Huguenot and Hol- land elements, 388 Kollock, Shepard, b. in Delaware, 1751. entered Continental army, resigned and founded the IVew Jersey Journal in 1779, founded New York Gazet- teer, 1783, revised first named. 1787. helped place chain across Hudson River, fought in battle of Trenton, prominent in founding the Cincinnati, d. in Philadelphia, 1839, 373 Kress, Mrs. Idabelle S., on Banquet list, xliv. Laatsman, Rev. Dr. C. H., 206 La Badie, Pierre, 289 Labadie, 312 Ubady, P., 296 Laborie, Anthoine, 304 Lacaze, Jacques, 303, 320, 322 La Chabossiere, in Aunis, France, 222 La Charite, 115 m. south by east of Paris, 14 m. north-northwest of Nevers, 167 La Chaume, in Poitou, France, 221 La Comte, 356 La Conie, 368 La Courru, Pierre, 284 Ladies' Committee's circular, xiii. La Farge, 356 Lafayette, brought proposal for religious toleration before the Notables in 1787, 338 ; letters of, quoted upon Hugue- not oppression, and Huguenot eman- cipation, 338, 339 La Force, Duke of, 120 La Forge Nossay, in Poitou, France, 221 Lafuitte, Isaac, wife, and two children, 324 La Furder, Anthony, 256 La Guard, Elias, 256 L'Aigle, 75 m. west of Paris, 221 La Maro and wife, 313 Lamas, 305 Lambden, Joseph, delegate from New Rochelle, at Banquet, xliii., xlvii. Lambert, Daniel, 349 Lamon, 346 La Mt)nt, 257 Lamoral, Conte de Ligne, Prince d'Es- pinoy. Governor of Artois, 48-50 La Motte, Jean Henri, 219 Landrin, Susane, 346 Landrine, 346 Langlade. Emanuel, 304 Languedoc, 219 Lanier, 231 Lanier, Charles, subscriber to Celebra- tion Fund, Ixiii. Lanusse, Bernard, and wife, 304 ' ' La Providence," popular early name of the French Protestant Hospital of London, 180 La Reau. 346 La Rochelle, 18, 106, 143, 160, 222, 273, 339, 369 La Rue, Jaques, 358, 359 La Rue, 363; purchased with Cheilon part of Tusculum from Mrs. Wither- spoon, 364 Lasalle, Pierre, with family, 223 Lassall, 256 Lassin, Fran9ois, wife, and three chil- dren, 324 Latane, 231 Latane, Rev. Louis, wife, child, and servant, 303 : leader of fourth ship- load of Huguenot settlers, sketch of life and character, 305 ; was evi- dently well off, 306 ; rector of South Farnham, Va., 335 Lataniere, Lazare, and wife, 304 Latine. See Latane. La Tourette, 356 La Tremblade, 25 m. south of La Rochelle, 222 La Tremouille, 33 Launay, the widow, and one child, 325 Laureau, 312 Laurens, 325, same as Laurent Laurent, Andre, with wife, 222 Lauret, Pierre, 284 Laurion, Paul, 289 Lausanne, 220 Lavigne, 312 La Vilain, 312 La Villedieu, in Poitou, France, 221 La Voulte, 70 m. south of Lyons, 220 Lawton, Mrs. E. M. C. A. See Lawton, Mrs. James M. Lawton, Mrs. George P., on Banquet list, xliv. Lawton, James M., memorial to, xii. Lawton, Mrs. James M., proposed Cele- bration, xi.; appointed representative of the Society to interest the foreign Huguenot Societies, xii. ; reported suc- cess, xii. ; assured success of the Cele- bration by gifts of money, xii., xiv. ; appointed chairman of the Ladies' Committee, xiii. ; appointed secretary of the Celebration Committee, xv., xxiii., xlvi. ; present at various meet- ings, xiv.-xvi., xxi.-xxiii., xxv., xxxi,, xxxii.; at the Grace Church service, xxxiii. ; had foreign delegates as guests, xxxiv.; at Mr. Marquand's reception, xxxv. ; gave reception to delegates and guests, xxviii., xxxvi.; arrangements for Banquet, xl.-xlii. ; gave special din- ner to choirmaster and choristers, xxxii., xii.. xlii. ; on Banquet list, xliii. ; at Mr. Marquand's luncheon, Iv. ; mentioned, Ivii. ; disposition of fund, Ixiii. ; report of the Secretary of the Celebration Committee, xi.- Ixi. ; made a success of the celebra- tion, 389 ; abridged and translated M. Weiss' lecture, 413 Lawton, William, namer of the Lawton blackberry, 350 44^ Index Index 449 Layard, Sir Henry, 197 League, the, 17, 19, 27, 28, 30, 39, 157 sq., 161, 413 Learning, Aaron, and Jacob Spicer, Grants, Concessions, and Original Constitutions of the Province of New Jersey, Philadelphia, 1757, quoted, 358 Le Bas, Jacques, with entire family, 221 Lebert, Jean, 221 Le Blanc, 357 le Borgne, (not Borgue) Daniel, 205 Le Boutillier, Mrs. Margaret, on Ban- quet list, xliv. Le Brun, Moise, 222 Le Boutillier, Dr. William E., ap- pointed to act as escort to Bishop Potter at the Banquet, xliii. Le Cert, Jean (daughter of), 221 Leclerc, Francois, one of the Fourteen of Meaux, Huguenot martyrs, 385 Leclerc, Jean, Huguenot martyr, pub- licly whipped through Paris and Meaux, branded on the forehead at Meaux, 417 Leclerc, Pierre, one of the Fourteen of Meaux, Huguenot martyrs, 333, 385, 421 Lecoin, Marie Catherine, 304 le Comte, Daniel, 205 Le Conte, 344 Le Conte, F., 348 Le Count, 344 Le Count, C. O., 342 Le Count, H. M., 342 Le Count, Mary, 346 Le Count Street, New Rochelle, N. Y., 344 Le Count, W., 342 Le Counte, Francois, 349 Le Counte, Guilleaume, 349 le Creu (not Cren), Pierre, 204 Le Douf, 346 le Due, Laurens, benefactor of the French Church, Haarlem, 205 Lee, Mrs. Hannah Fulton, The Hu- guenots in France and America, Cambridge, U. S. A., 1843, quoted, 318-320 Lee, Henry, 367 Le Faix, Abraham, wife, and four chil- dren, 289 Lefebre, Ester, 303 Le Febvre, 312 Le Fevre, 344 Le F^vre, Ralph, on Banquet list, xliv. Lefevre d' Etaples, Jacques, Bible scholar, 414 ; lived in Abbey St. Ger- main des Pres in Paris, 414 ; writings, 414-416 Lcfew, 289 Le^fTeure, Isaac, 289 L'Egare, Francois, 219 L'Egare, Solomon, 219 Legate, Papal, and the Treaty of Ver- vins, 38 ; profuse thanks of, 44 ; de. sires al)olition of the Edict of Nantes 44 Le Gendre, Daniel, 221 Legover, Paul, 304 Le Goy, 363 Le Grand, Isaac, ,with entire family, 221 Le Grand, Jacques, and wife, 324 Le Grand, Pierre, wife, and five chil- dren, 290 Legrand, wife, and six children, 312 Legrand, Mary, 305 le lleup, Thomas, 422 Leisler, Jacob, 340 Le Jeune, 357 Leluells, Pierre, 297 Le Maitre, 357 Lemarchand. Jacques, 304 Lemat, Elizabeth, 289 Le Moine, Jacques, 221 Le Moine, Pierre, 205 Leneveau, Moise, wife, and two chil- dren, 324 Le Noir, 357 Le Nud, Nicolas, 221 Leo XIIL, the Pope, 399 Lepeune, 347 le Prince, Pierre, 204 Le Roux, 312 Le Roux, Bartholomew, 349 Le Roy, 357 Le Roy family, 223 Leroy, Jean. 303 Le Roy, John, 305 Leroy, Paul, and wife, 304 Le Roy Street, New Rochelle. N. Y., 344 Leschelle, in Picardie, 220 Lesebure, Isaac, wife, and four chil- dren, 324 Le Serrurier, Jacques, 220 Le Serrurier, Marianne, 222 Le Signal, French newspaper, for Feb- ruary 8. 1898, 172 Lesnard, Jean, 284 Lespinar, 346 Lespinar house, New Rochelle. N. Y., 343 Lester, Henry M., took party to New Rochelle, xxxvi. ; Vice-President for New Rochelle, xlv, Lester house. New Rochelle, N. Y., 343 Le Sueur, Abraham, 221 Le Tonnelier, 357 Levasseur, Jean Noel, and wife, 3 Peru, 312 Pest House in St. Giles parish. Cripple- gate, London, used by earliest refu- gees, first French Protestant Hospi- tal, 181, 183 Peter and Anthony, galley to Virginia in 1700, 281 ; cleared from London, 288 ; arrived in James River, 289 ; passenger list, 289, 290 Petit, 313 Petit, Josue, 296 Petit, Philippe, one of the Fourteen of Meaux, 385 Pettit, Francis, 257 Philadelphia, 369 Philip II. of Spain, 19, 31, 38-40, 42, 43, 46, 398 Philipe, Claud, and wife, 285 Picard, Louis, 220 Picardie, 168, 220, 357 Picquery, Jehan, one of the Fourteen of Meaux, 385 Picquery, Pierre, one of the Fourteen of Meaux, 385 Pierre, 357 Pilard, Jean, 289 Pilgrim Fathers, 160 Pillion, 346 Piney, Fran9ois de Luxembourg, Duke of, 22, 23, 27 'J 456 Index Pintard, Antoine, came from the Antil- les to New Jersey, held offices, anec- dote of his trial of highwaymen, 366 Pintard. John, employed in State De- partment, 366, 367 Pintard, Samuel, had been galley slave, 366 Pintard house. New Rochelle. 343 Pinzon, one of Columbus's sailors, men- tioned. 229 Pius V'll., the Pope, 36 Place. Frances. 257 Plaisance, Fiishop of, 2S I'luvier, I'eter, 257 Poinset, Catherine. 221 Poinsett, Pierre, sr. and jr., with their wives, 222 Poirson, Auguste, Histoire du Rei^ne de Henri IV., Paris, 1856, 2 vol's., 2d ed., 1 862-1 867, 4 vols., quoted, 33, 34 Poitenin, Antoine, 220 Poitevan, Rebeca. 304 Poitiers, 167, 221; Edict of, see Pacifi- cation, Edict of Poitou, 221 Polestc, 257 Pollexfen. J no., 269 Pons. 50 m. southeast of La Rochelle, France, 223 Porcher, Frederick A., " Historical and Social Sketch of Craven County, S. C," in Southern Quarter Iv Rexdew^ April, 1S52 (reprinted by T. Gaillard Thomas, M.l)., New York: The Knickerbocker Press, 1S81), 322 Port des Barques, 222 Porter, Mrs. Henry Kirke, subscriber to Celebration Fund, Ixiii. Potell, Jean, 221 Pothier, 363 Potomac River, Virginia, 260-263, 330 Potter, Rt. Rev. flenry Codman, D.D., LL.D., DC. L., invited to the Ban- quet, but unable to attend, xliii. Poussite, 297 Powell, 327 Powell, Jean, wife, and two children. 324 Powhatan, 308 Powick Creek, Virginia, 291, 292 Poythers, Francis, 257 Prain, Jean, 304 Prampain, Corneille, 304 Prean, Jean, 221 Pressy, 417 PrtHendue in the phrase Religion pre'ten- due re'form/e discussed, 60, 149, sqq. Prevol, Pierre. 290 Prevost. 312 Prevoteau, Sebastien, 304 Prince Williim Countv, Va.. 261 Princeton, N. J., site of second Huinie not settlement in New Jersey ,5/ 365, 369 J J* ^"J. Prioleau, Elias, 223 Prosner, 257 Protestants and Roman Catholics not believed capable of living peaceably together, i6o ' Provence. 168 Pruett, Henry, 257 Pugsley house. New Rochelle, 343- the headquarters of the British Gen^ eral Howe before battle of White Plains, 344 Pulojas, Moses, 422 Pumpelly, Josiah Collins, of the Com- mittee on Arrangements, xvi., xlvi • on program, xxix. . XXX. , xxxix. ;'at Mr' Marquand's reception, xxxv.; acts as escort at Banquet, xliii.; on Ban- quet list, xliv. ; delegate from New Jersey at Banquet, xlvii.; paper. *' The Huguenot Settlers in New Jersey," 353-375 Purchas His Pilgrims, quoted, 236- 238 Purdon. Mrs. Frances N. B., on Ban- quet list, xliv. Putnam, Mrs. Erastus G.,on Banquet list, xliv. Quantin, 347 (^uantin, Isaac. 348 Quictet. Jean, wife, and three children. 284 R Rabaut, Jean Paul, called Saint Kli- enne, a Huguenot minister, became president of the National Assembly of France of 1789, instrumental in in- ducing the National Assembly to issue Edict of Toleration. 169; died upon the guillotine. 338 Rabnett, 257 Raleigh, Sir Walter, Huguenot colony on Roanoke Island, N. C, 353 Rambeege. Anthoyne, 303 Rambrey, 312 Randegger. Alberto, song of "A Night," sung at Banquet, xlix., li. Randolph, Lieut. -Col. William. 297 ; visited Manakin Town. 314 ; desired as presiding officer at a meeting of the parish of Manakin Town, 319 Rapelye, H. S., on Banquet list, xliv. Rapelye, Sarah, first child born in New Netherlands, was daughter of a Wnlloon, TC^ Index 457 Rapine, wife, and two children, 303 Rapine, Antoine, 320 Rapinne, Anthoine, wife, and child, 325 Rappahannock River, 330 Ravaillac, 172, 405 Ravenel, Daniel, 218 Ravenel, Prioleau, sr. and jr., delegates from Huguenot Society of South Carolina, xxxii., xxxvi.; at Banquet, xlviii. Ravenel, Rene, with family, 221 Ravenel, Robert, famous merchant of Vitre, in Brittany, 228, 230 Ravenell, William, 257 Raviol, Jean, 297 Rawson, Mrs. Warren, on Banquet list, xliv. Rayneau, Daniel, 349 Rayno house, New Rochelle, 343 Re (or Rhe), island of, in Gulf of Gas- cony, west of La Rochelle, 222, 273 Rebot, Francis, 245 Rees, Prof, J. K., proposed the letter inviting the foreign Huguenot Socie- ties, xiv. ; at Grace Church service, xxxiii.;at Mr. Marquand's reception, xxxv.; on the Executive and Pa- pers Committees, xlvi. ; gave recep- tion at Columbia University, Iv. Refugees, title of Huguenots who had fled to England or her colonies (should have been uniformly printed with capital R), 178 sqq., 354, 359, 360. 362, 366, 368 Re;^ault, Christopher, 257 Regaut, Daniel, 257 Regnault, Estienne, wife, and two chil- dren, 324 Remy, 312, 327 Remy, Abra.. 322 Remy. Abra., wife, and three children, 324 Rembert, Andre, 219 kemis, Abraham, and wife, 289 Renaud. Pierre, 289 Reneu, Peter, 422 Reniol. Jean, 303 Rennes. 60 m. north of Nantes, France, 41, 221 Renoud. 344 Revell, John, 257 " Review of the French Clergy," quoted. 155 Revolutionary Records of New Jersey, quoted, 361 Rhe, Isle de. See Re. Rheims, Henry IV. anointed at, 29 Rhinelander, Philip, acts as escort at Banquet, xliii. Rhinelander, T. J. Oakley, xiii., xiv.. XV. ; elected secretary of the stewards, xvi. ; on the Committee on Arrange- ments, xvi., xlvi.; procures designs for souvenirs, xxv.; chairman of the stewards, xxvii., xxxii., xli., xlvi.; contributorto purchase of flags, xxxii.; at Banquet, xl., xlii.; acts as escort, xlii. ; on Banquet list, xliii.; on Executive and Dinner Committees, xlvi. Rhode Island, 219 ; and Connecticut bays and rivers explored by Adrien Block, 354 Rhone, 166 Ribot, Frances, 271 Ribot, ffran^ois, 303 Ribou, Daniel, 359 Ribouteau, Gabriel, 221 Richard and wife, 312 Richardot, President, one of the Span- ish deputies in the making of the Vervins treaty, 38, 40 ; sends Hofart as a spy to Amiens and to Brittany, 42 ; withholds letter, 43 ; goes to Brussels, 44 Riche, 347 Rich^, Jacob, wife, and child, 290 Richemon, Noel, and wife, 304 Riches, Daniel, 290 Richet, wife, and two children, 312 Richmond, Va., founded by Colonel Byrd, 260 Richmond County, Staten Island, New York City, settled first by Hollanders, 357 Rivas, 42 Rivers, 359 Rivers, Pierre, 296 Riviole, 312 Roanoke Island, N, C, Huguenot col- ony, fate, 353 Rob^ll, L., 297 Robert, 312 Robert, wife, and child, 305 Robert, Jean, wife, and daughter, 303 Robert, Louis, and daughter, 289 Robeson County, N. C, descendants of Huguenots adopted into Indian tribe, 353 Robethon, James, 422 Robins, Nicholas, 257 Robinson, Rev. John, 160 Rochette, 231 Rockland County, N. Y., 362 Roden, Matthew, 257 Roe, General Charles F., acts as escort at Banquet, xliii. Roe, Mrs. Charles F., on Banquet list, xliii. ; subscriber to Celebration Fund, Ixii. 45^ Index Roe, Rear- Admiral F. A., subscriber to Celebration Fund, Ixii. Roger, Jean, 284 Rogier, Daniel, 290 Roman Catholic Articles sent to Henry IV., January 24, 1596, 163 sq. Roman Catholic Church, how affected by the Reformation, 157 ; has never condemned the massacre of St. Bar- tholomew's Day or the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 171 Rome, 37 Rondere, Pierre, 303 Rosier, John, 257 Rouen. 119, 167, 221; Parliament of , 168 Roumieu, Robert Louis, architect of the present French Protestant Hos- pital of London, 195 Rounel, 312 Rousseau, Jean, 203 Roussel, Gerard, 416 Roussel, Marthien, 289 Rousset, Jean, 304 Roux, Jacob, 222 Roux, Jaques, 303 Roux, Michael, 284 Roux, Thimotthee, 289 Rowzee, Ralph, 257 Roy, Daniel, 284 Roy, Jacques, and wife, 284 Roy, John, son of Joseph, justice of the peace in Somerset County, N. J., 366 Roy, Joseph, founder of New Jersey Roye family, came from Island of Jersey to Boston, later came to New Jersey, 366 Royal Bounty, 179, 180, 181, 183 Roy all, 257 Roye, Hugh, 257 Royer, Noe, 220, 221 Rue, John, 257 Rugon, Jean, 296 Rullet, Guilleaume, 289 Rumon, David A., 359 Rundall, Clarence A., on Banquet list, xliv. Runnymede, 148 Rupell, George, 222 Russell, Mrs. Hope B., subscriber to Celebration Fund, Ixiii. Rutan, 357 Ryerson, Fran9ois, 363 Ryerson, Joris, 363 Ryerson, Martyn, 362 Ryerson, Ryer, 363 S Sabe, Fernand, 203 Sabe, Jaques, 203 Sablet, Abraham, and two children, 284 Saborisca, Albert, 359 Sabrell, Nicholas, 257 Sahler, Miss Emma F., on Banquet list xliv. St. Arabroix, 80 m. northwest of Marseilles, France, 219 St. Andre, in Languedoc. France. 219 St. Andrew's Society, through its repre- sentative, welcomed at Banquet. 392 St. Bartholomew's Day, massacre of, 25, 142, 157; 163; 172; not con- demned by the Church of Home, 171; 375, 413 St, Cloud, 5 i m. west of Paris, Declara- tion of, 27 St. Denis, 28 St. Etienne. See Rabaut. St. George's Society, through its repre- sentative, welcomed at the Banquet, 393 St. Germain, 10 m. north-northwest of Paris, Edict of, 141 St. Germain-des-Pres, Abbey of, in Paris, 414 : sheltered Lefevre, 414 St. Giles's Parish, Cripplegate, London, where first Huguenot hospital was, 181, 183 St. Jean d* Angely, 15 m. east of Saintes, France, 222 St. Maixent, 15 m. east of Niort, France, 221 St. Nazaire, 6 m. west "t roulon, France, 222 St. Nicholas Society, through its repre- sentative, welcomed at Banquet, 392 St. Quentin, 30 m. northwest of Laon, France, 220 St. Sauveur, in Aunis, France. 222 St. Severe, 45 m. southwest of Bourges, France. 220 St. Simon, Duke of, testimony to the cause and effect of the Huguenot exiling, quoted, 235 sq. St. Soline, 25 m. southeast f)f Niort, France, 221 Sainte-Foy, 42 m. east of Bordeaux, France, 32 Saintes, 42 m. southeast of La Ko- chelle, France, 166 Saintonge, 222, 231 Salle, Abraham, and six children. 324 Salle, Abraham, 318-322 Sallis, Samuel, 257 Salter, Harold, chorister, 1. Samuel, wife, and two children. 313 Sandys, Sir Edwin, treasurer of the Virginia Company, quoted, 237 sq. Sanger, William Gary, resolution of, xxii. ; contributor to purchase of flags, xxxi. ; appointed to act as escort Index 459 Sanger — Continued to Bishop Potter at Banquet, xliii. ; on Banquet list, xliv. ; on Executive and Arrangements Committees, xlvi. Santee River, South Carolina, site of Huguenot colony, 322 Sarasin, Jean-Lord, 223 Sarazin, Pierre, 289 Sardin, Symon, 284 Sargeaton, Jean, wife, and child, 285 Sargent, Mrs. Charles S., on Banquet list, xliii. Sarrinier, 346 Sassin, 310. 3^2 Sassin, Fran^oise, 284 .^aumur, Assembly of, 33, 162, 168 Saurin, Louis (Lewis), moderator of meeting to found French Protestant Hospital of London, 183, 185, 192, 422 .Savin, and mother, 312 Savin, Jean, wife, and child, 285 Savoy, 30; Duke of, 39 .Saxony, Duke of, 27 Saye, Jean, 284 Saye, 312 Sayte, Jaques. 284 Schieffelin, William Jay, acts as escort at Banquet, xliii. ; on Banquet list, xliii. ; on the Committee on Arrange- ments, xlvi. Scholting, Jacob, report of enforced re- moval of the congregation of the French Church of Haarlem, Holland, from their building, 209, 211 Schorman, Frederick, 349 Schureman, 344, 349 Schureman house. New Rochelle, 343 Schuyler, Mrs. Montgomery, on Ban- quet list, xlvi. .Scoffier, Claude, 422 Scott, General Winfield, 364 Scurman, Jacob, 349 Seacord, 344 Seacord, George W, 342 Seacord, James F., 342 Seacord, Lewis A., raiser of the Lawton blackberry, 350 Seacord houses, New Rochelle, 343 Sedan, 48, 220 Seez, 100 m. west by south of Paris, 37, 160 Sega, Philip, Bishop of Plaisance, 28 Seguine, 374 Sehult, Tertulien, wife, and two chil- dren, 283 ^ Seignoret, Etienne, one of the first thirty-seven directors of the French Protestant Hospital of London, and a benefactor, 186 Seignoret, Stephen, 422 Sell, Dr. E. H. M.,on Banquet list, xliv. Semerpont, Jean, 203 Senechaud, Daniel, 221 Seporo, in Poitou, France, 221 Sere, Noe, 220 Servetus, why burnt, 160 Shonnard, Frank V., on Banquet list, xliv. Shriflit, Pierre. 304 Shulu, Buffo., wife, and three children, 305 Sicard, 344 Sicard, Ambroise, 341 Sicart, Ambroise, 348, 349 Silk culture fostered in Virginia, 238 sqq.\ Charles II.'s coronation robes made of Virginia silk, 242 Sion, 12 m. west of Chateaubriant, France, 30 Sismondi, Jean Charles Leonard Si- monde de, Histoire des Francois, Paris, 1821-44, 31 vols. , alluded to, 18 Sixtus V. , the Pope, proclaimed Henry a relapse, 27 Slocum, Miss M. Olivia, subscriber to Celebration Fund, Ixii. Smiles, Samuel, The Huguenots^ quo- ted, 232 sq. Smith, Harry C, chorister and soloist, 1., liii. Smith, Miss Laurestine Cotheal, con- tributor to purchase of flags, xxxi.; on Banquet list, xliii. Snow, Mrs. Valeria E., on Banquet list, xliv. Sobler, Abra., 324 Sobler, Jacques, wife, and two children, 324 Sobler, Louis, wife, and one child, 324 Soblet, wife, and five children, 312 Soblet, Abra., 322 Soblet, Susanne, and three children, 289 Sobriche, wife, and seven children, 312 Sobriche, Jeanne, 325 Sobriche, Pre, 325 Sobriche, Suzanne, 325 Societe de I'histoire du protestantisme franfais, 17 ; see also French Protes- tant History Society Society for the Propagation of the Gospel remembered in the will of Jacques de Gatigny, 182 Solaigre, Jean, wife, and child, 324 Somers, Sir George, referred to, 237 Sorilli, the widow, and two children, 325 Sorrel, Robert, 257 Sosee, Dr., 296, 303 Sossais, in Poitou, France, 22T Souan, 296 Soubise, in Saintonge, France, 222 Soubragon, 284 46o Index Souille, Nicollas, 325 Soulegre, Jean, 290 Soulice, 346 Soulice, John, 342 Soulie, Jean, wife, and three children, 304 South Carolina, 219, 220, 223 ; Hugue- not Society of, invited to send repre- sentative to the commemoration, xiv. ; represented, xxxvi,; telegram from, 218 ; present to Huguenot Society of America, 218 ; welcomed at Banquet by Mr. de Peyster, 392 South Carolina, Huguenots in, list of, 219-223 South Sea Rubble, 186, 187 Soyer, Marie, 22r Spain, 30, 38, 159 Sponge, Jacob, and wife, 304 Stafford County, Va., 260 Stanley, 48 Stanton, S. Franklin, representative of the St. Nicholas Society at Ban- quet, xliii., xlvii. State Papers, Colonial, quoted. 251, 252, 254 State Papers^ Holland, quoted, 250, 251 Staten Island, landing-place of first Walloons, 354 ; part of New Jersey, 355-357 Stelle, Frederick W., one of the stew- ards, xxxii., xlvi.; contributor to purchase of flags, xxxii.; acts as escort at Banquet, xliii.; on Banquet list, xliv. Stepney, Geo,, 269 Stevense, Albert, 359 Steward (or Stewart), John, Jr., adminis- trator of the estate of De Joux, inventory, 298-300 Stewards, xiv. ; joint meeting with Dinner Committee, xv. ; meetings, xxxi., xxxii.; xl., xlii.. li,. Hi.; report of treasurer of, Ixii. Stimson, Mrs. Henry C, of the Ladies' Committee, xiii. Stith, William, History of Virginia from the First Settlement to the Dissolu- tion of the London Company, n. e., New York, 1866, quoted, 237-239, 241 Stockton, 374 Stockton, Richard, brother-in-law of Elias Boudinot, 369 Stone, 357 Strachey, William, quoted, 236 Sturter, Gabriel, 285 Stuyvesant, Gov. Peter, of New Nether- lands, married the Huguenot, Judith Bayard, 356 Stuyvesant. Peter Gerard, 392 Sublett, 326 Suce, village of, 8 m. north-northeast of Nantes, 126, 273 Sucre, 309 Suire, 347 Sully, 257 Sully. Maximilien de Bethune, Duke of, referred to, 27, 31. 233 ; memoirs, characterized, 19 Sultan of Turkey, 27 Sunday News, the Charleston, S. C. for April 10, 1898, article by Prof. Muench in, quoted, 219 Surgan, Jean Boye, 304 Surin, Jean, 304 Sussex County, N. J., Huguenot Refugees in, 362 Swedish attempts at colonization in New Jersey, 357 Switzerland, 158 Swords, Henry Cotheal, appointed chairman of the stewards, xiv., xv.; elected member of the Committee on Arrangements, and on the Executive Committee, xlvi.; made treasurer of the Celebration Committee, xvi., xxi., xxiii.; paid for newspaper article, xxvi.; contributor to purchase of flags, xxxi.; toward the Banquet Ixii. Symend, Chenas and .\ugustin, 312 Symon, 346 T T., S. C, gravestone to, 345 Tabart, James, 422 Tadoumeau, Elie, 222 Taffin, Jean, first pastor of Walloon Church of Haarlem, Holland, 201 Tailfer, 257 Talon, Omer. 112, 152 Talliaferro, 257 Taniere, Solomon, and wife. 304 Tardieu, Jean, 284 Tarleton, General Sir Banastre, 225 Tassis, Count, 38, 43 Tauvin, Estienne, wife, and two chil- dren, 2S9 Tauvron, Etienne, with two children. 222 Tempest ; Casimiro. Storia delta vita e geste di Sisto ijuinto sommo Ponti- fice, Rome, 1754, 2 vols., n. e., Rome, 1866, 2 vols., quoted, 27 Terceira, one of the Azores, to which Toton went, 257 Terhune, 362 Terry, Rev. Dr. Roderick, representa- tive of the Mayflower Society at Banquet, xliii., xlviii. Index 461 Thayer, Nathaniel, Vice-President for Boston, xiv. Therrialt, William, 257 Thomas, Jean, and family, 222 Thomas Jean, and wife, 303 Thomas, Stephen, 223 Thomas, Thomas, 422 Thomas, T. Gaillard, M. D., xxxii.; sub- scriber to Celebration Fund, Ixii., 322 Thonitier, David, and wife, 284 Tiebout, Andries, 358, 359 Tignac. Elizabet, 284 Tignaw, 312 Tillotson, Mrs. Luther G., on Banquet list, xliv. Tillou, 312 Tillou, IMerre, 285 Timon, 347 Tobacco, the only Virginia crop that really paid its cultivators, 241 ; by raising it instead of vines the Hugue- nots incurred enmity, 241 Tollifer, 257 Tollin, Henri. President German Hu- guenot Society, deprecated the Cele- bration, xii., Ivii. Toton, John, 257 ; doctor from La Rocheile, given one hundred acres in York County, Va., 257 ; petitions General Court of Massachusetts for letters representing him as an Eng- lishman so that he may go safely to Terceira, one of the Azores, on busi- ness, 257 ; same as Teuton, banished from La Rocheile. 258 ; text of peti- tion of 1662 on behalf of himself and other Huguenots, 258, 259 Totten, 357 Toulouse, 167, 223 ; Parliament of, forced Protestants to rebuild a priest's house, 109 ; 1 14 Tour de Constance, La, at Aigues- Mortes, 21 m. southwest of Nimes, France, 339 Touraine, La Belle, 221 Tournay, 27 m. northwest of Mons, Belgium, 50 Teuton, Dr., see Toton Townsend, Mrs. Howard, on Banquet list. xliv. Trabue, 231, 327 Trabue, Anthoine, wife, and three children, 324 Tragian, Captain of the Nassau, 281, 303, 306, 307 Tramier, John, 257 Trauve, Pierre, wife, and two children, 324 Tremson. Elie, and wife, 284 Treyon, wife, and child, 303 Treievant, Daniel, 220 Trion, wife, and child, 312 Triquet, Peter, 422 Troc, Isaac, 289 Trouillard, Antoine, 284 Trouillard, Rev. Laurent Philippe, 220, 223 Trubyer, Helen, 285 Tudert, Lewis, 422 Tulane, Louis, 363 ; came from France, purchased land from Pierre Vienney, later from Malon in Cherry Valley, survived four of his five children, 365 Tulane, Paul, son of Louis, made for- tune in New Orleans, purchased Com- modore Stockton's house in Princeton, was a founder of Tulane University, 365 Tumar and wife, 305 Turenne, Viscount of. See Bouillon. Turenne (not Turrene), French general, referred to, 234 Turkey, 156 U Utrecht, 405 Vail, C. M., on Banquet list, xliii. Vaillan, Alexander, 304 Valiant, 305 Vallau. 346 Vallau, Peter, 341 Vallau house. New Rocheile, 343 Valleau, E., 348 Valleau, Pierre, 348, 349 Vallentine, John, 257 Van Buskirk, 362 Vanden Berghe, Francis, 46 Vanderbilt, 356 Van der Voor, David, and wife, dis- missed to Dutch Church at Bergen, N. J., 360 Van de Water, Rev. Dr. George R., at Banquet, xlii, ; spoke to toast, xlix., lii., welcomed at Banquet by Mr. de Peyster, 393 ; speech at Banquet, 395- 402 : unique features of the Banquet, 395. 39^ ; significance of the Edict of Nantes, 397 ; character of the Huguenots, 398 ; unworthy occupants of the papal chair, 399 ; rejoicing over the Massacre of St. Bartholo- mew's Day, 399 ; how the Edict of Nantes was violated and finally re- pealed, papal rejoicing over its revo- cation, 400 ; possibility of return of papal domination, 401 ; need still for Huguenots, 403 van Lee, P., 211 462 Index van Meeteren, B. F. VVestenouen, 216 van Mierlo, Bp. Godfried, 210 van Straalen, E. A. A. S., 216 van Sypestein, VV., 214 van Ufford, Jhr. W (;)uarles. 216 Van VVagenen, 362 Vardie, Richard, 257 Varennes, near Taris, 166 Varnaarts, A., 208 Vasler, John, 257 Vassy, 120 m. southeast of Paris, mas- sacre at, 139, 33*) Vatable, Francois, first French Hebrew scholar, 414, 416 Vauban, Sebastien le Trestre, Seigneur de, French military engineer, referred to. 234 Vaudery, 257 Vaudois Society, letter from, Iviii., lix., welcomed at the Banquet through its representative by Mr. de Peyster, 391, 392 Vaulx. Robert, 257 Vaurigaud, Benjamin, £ssai sur les ^giises Re'/orm/es en Bretagne, 153S- 1808. Paris, 1S70, 3 vols., referred to, 221 Vaus, Robert, 257 Vedder, Rev. Dr. Charles S., delegate from Huguenot Society of South Carolina, xxxii., xxxvi., xlvii.; on program, xxxix.; at Banquet, xliii.; paper presented by, analysed, 217-223 Vedder, Mrs. Charles S., delegate from South Carolina, xxxii.; at Banquet, xlviii. Venice becomes the ally of Henry of Navarre. 19. 20, 31 Verau and wife, 312 Verdiiil, wife, and five children, 312 Verdurand. Jean Le Franc, 289 Vermilye, Rev. A. G., D.D., acts as escort at Banquet, xliii,; on Banquet list, xliv. Verneuil, Maize, wife, and five children, 290 Vernon, James, Rt. Hon. Secretary of State, 268 Verreyken, Audiencier, 38 ; pays a visit to Brussels, 46 ; asks for money, 47 VerrUeil, Moise, 296 Verry, 312 Verry, Isaac, 284 Vervins, Peace of, 21-24. 30, 38, 42- 44. 48 : maxims observed in the ne- gotiations of, 38, 39 Vicomte, Thomas, 257 Vidau, Jean, 283 Videau, Pierre, 222 Vienney, Pierre, from Guadaloupe, 363, 364 ; sold land to Tulane, 365 Viet, Pierre, 324 Vignes. Adam, 284 Villegagnon and Du Pont, leader^ of Coligny's and Calvin's disastrous ex- pedition to Brazil. 229 Villemain. Abel Francois, considered Henry W . a mere politician, 25 Villeroy, Nicolas de Neufville, Seigneur de, 27, 38 Villian, 346 Vincent, 356 Vique, Adam, and wife, 324 Viras, Jaques, and wife, 284 Virginia church government similar to the Huguenot in France, 243 Virginia Company promoted viticulture, but in vain, 237 sqq. ; favored the settlement of Walloons (Huguenots) in Virginia, but not as "one gross and entire body," rather as families in different places, 251 sq. ; reasons for this decision, 252 ; parly taken by Dutch West India Company to the Hudson, 253 Virginia Council orders help for those going to Manakin Town, 306, 307 Virginia Historical Society quoted, 238, 240, 254, 255, 261-264, 267, 275, 276, 278-281, 283-292, 294-297, 302-307, 310-315, 318-321 Virginia, Huguenots in, 224 sqq. ; sources of the history of, and how some have been injured or destroyed, 225-227, 256 ; character of the early, 227 ; names of some of them, 231 ; first to come, 236 ; expected to pro- mote viticulture, 237 sqq. ; and to raise silkworms, 238 sqq. ; disap- pointed hopes lead to suspicion of bad faith, 241 sqq. ; by raising to- bacco increased enmity, 241 ; emi- gration of Huguenots promoted. 243 sqq. ; names of early Huguenot emi- grants, 245 ; spiritual welfare guarded, 245 sq, ; first organized Huguenot movement intended for Virginia from Holland, 250 sqq. ; deflected to New York, 253 ; next organized effort. 253 ; band quickly dispersed after landing, 254 sq. ; individuals and straggling companies come, 255 ; landholders' efforts to induce Hugue- nots to take their lands, viz.. Col. William Fitzhugh, George Brent, and Col. William Byrd, 259 sq. ; interest in these settlers, 266-268 ; act re- specting, 270 ; influence of, 326 sqq. Virginia, liberal laws respectmg com- merce and naturalization, 244 ; regu- lations respecting religion, 245 sq. Index 463 Vitre, 272 Vitry, 221 Vodin. Isaac, 257 von Schomberg, Friedrich Armand Her- mann, referred to, 234 Voorhees, 359, 362 Voute, J. Oscar, on Banquet list, xliv. Voye, Jean, wife, and four children, 324 Voyer, 310 V^oyer and wife, 312 Voyes. Jaques, 284 Vrooman. John W., representative of the Holland Society at Banquet, xliii., xlvii. W Waldenses, 20 ; with Walloons and Hu- guenots came to New Jersey from France direct, 357 Waldensians, through their representa- tive, welcomed at Banquet by Mr. de Peyster, 391, 392 Wallabout Bay, 354 ; Philip Freneau prisoner on a ship in, 367 Walloon Church of Haarlem, Holland. See Haarlem. Walloon Society, letter from, lix.-lxi. Walloons in Haarlem, 201, 202, 205-208, 210-216 ; brought to New Nether- lands, landed on Staten Island, eight families settled on Manhattan Island, others in Jersey, several went to Fort Orange, on the Hudson, others on Wallabout Bay, 354, 357, 404 Wampum. 358 Washington, urged Lafayette and other friends in France to secure freedom for the Huguenots, 338 ; mentioned, 372, 373, 393 Webb, Captain Giles, 276, 297, 313 ; visited Manakin Town, 314 Weiss, Charles, History of the French Protestant Refugees, N. Y., 1854, 2 vols., referred to, 59 Weiss, Rev. Nathanael, delegate from French Huguenot Society, xxii. ; let- ter from, alluded to, xxiii. ; offer to give a stereopticon lecture accepted with thanks, xxvi. ; on program, xxviii., XXX., xxxvii. ; at Grace Church service, xxxiii. ; in the Socie- ty's library, xxxvi. ; presented de- famatory poster put up in Paris, xxxviii. ; at Banquet, xlii.. xlvii. ; delivered the lecture, liv. ; lunched with Mr. Marquand, Iv. ; mentioned, Iviii., 408 ; paper, 155-174 ; lecture on " Paris and the Reformation under Francis I.," 413-421 : the citv the scene of the Massacre of St. Bartholo- mew's Day, of the operation of the *' Ligue," put away as far as possible Reformed worship, persecuted the Reformed, 413 ; names of great Pari- sian Reformers, 414^^^. ; martyrdoms in Paris, 417 ; appearance of French New Testament and of Marguerite d'Angouleme's Miroir and Marot's Psalter, 416, 418, 420 Westmoreland (now King George) County, Va., 261 Westover, on the James, Virginia, 260 Weyman, Jonathan, 345 White, 357 White Plains, N. Y., 344 Whitefield, Rev. George, baptized Elias Boudinot, 369 Wildeman, Marinus Godefridus (not Godefriden), requested for a paper, xxii. ; on the program, paper read by Mr. Banta, xxix., xxx., xxxix., Iviii. ; announced as delegate, xlvii. ; paper, 201-216 William III. of England, great friend and supporter of the Huguenots, sends many to Virginia, 266-268 ; his order in council, 268, 269 ; street in Manakin Town named after him, 314 ; mentioned, 369 William and Mary College, Virginia, 259, 336 William of Orange characterized by Michelel, 17 ; mentioned, 18, 405 Williams, Katherine, m. Elie Boudi- not, mother of Elias Boudinot, 369 Williamsburg, Va., 259, 335 Winant, 356 Wine-making an expected very profit- able Virginia industry, but a great disappointment, 237 sqq. Winters, George, chorister and soloist, 1., liii. Witherspoon, Mrs., 364 Witt, 327 Wittmeyer, Rev. A. V., founder of the Society, appointed chairman Com- mittee on Papers, xii., xiii., xv., xxiv., xxvi., xlvi. ; offers his church, xxi. ; reports, xxii. ; presides at Celebration, xxviii., xxxvi. ; at Mr. Marquand's reception, xxxv. ; acts as escort at Banquet, xlii. ; on Banquet list, xliv. ; said grace at Banquet, xlix., li.; welcomed at Banquet by Mr. de Peyster, 392 Wittmeyer, Mrs., on circular asking for subscriptions to Celebration Fund, xxi. Woodstock, 260 464 Index Wyatt, Sir Francis, Governor of Vir- ginia, instructed as to vines and mul- berry trees, 238 Wynhoff. Dr. J. B., 2i6 Yale, Harold S., chorister and soloist, 1., liii. York, Duke of, removed Andre's body from the Demarest farm, 362 York Hampton parish, Virginia, 335 York River. Virginia, 281. 303, 306 330 Young, 357 Ypres, parish of St. Pierre. 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