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AUTHOR: 
 
 LUMBY, JOSEPH 
 
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 Beside the main topic this hook also treats of 
 Smiy'ect No, On page I Subject No. Onpage 
 
' 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 A 
 
 \, 
 
 COI..COLL. " 
 
 LIRRARV, 
 
PBINTJil) IfT is. , J. *<3LA»,v M.A. , 
 AT THB UNTVERSITT PRESS. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 (i) ANTE-NICENE, 
 
 (ii) NICENE AND CONSTANTINOPOLITAN, 
 
 (iii) THE APOSTOLIC CREED, 
 
 (iv) THE QUIGUNQUE, COMMONLY CALLED THE 
 CREED,m^ST^ ATHANASIUS. 
 
 i I 
 
 1 I Vf BR ART 
 
 ^ YORK. 
 
 ._ BY 
 
 ^u J. RAWSON LUMBY,'B.D., 
 
 LATE FELLOW OF MAGDALENE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : 
 
 DEIGHTO:^r, BELL, AND CO. 
 
 LONDON: GEOKGE BELL AND SONS. 
 
 1873. 
 
y., M 
 
 r ' ,, I 
 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The object of the following pages is to state in a succinct 
 manner the main points which are known of the History 
 of those Professions of Faith at present used in the 
 Church of England. No attempt has been made at 
 treating of the doctrines contained in them, nor of the 
 causes of their development. The student having been 
 here guided to the authorities will find profitable labour 
 ^ in tracing such gi'owth for himself; while to have intro- 
 l/} duced doctrinal matter into the volume would have 
 entirely changed its character. It aims at being an 
 "accurate narration of fects, with no more inferences 
 drawn from them than their arrangement into regular 
 sequence rendered unavoidable. 
 
 Originality in such a work is impossible : all that can 
 be attempted is to give to each part of the history its 
 due value and prominence. The difficulty of success in 
 so doing can only be estimated by those who have made 
 the trial. 
 
 Of that one of our Creeds which stands first in order 
 of time the whole formation can be clearly traced, though 
 it is doubtful whether it received the sanction of a gene- 
 ral Council quite so early as has usually been supposed. 
 With the other two Symbols the case is different; the 
 Apostolic being a conglomerate formed out of the most 
 L. b 
 
 .^Q. 
 
 •O 
 
 o 1 .a, 5''^ 
 
VI 
 
 FEE FACE. 
 
 fitting expressions which the wisdom and piety of the 
 Western Church could, in the course of seven centuries 
 and a half, elaborate for conveying in a concise form the 
 great truths of the Christian Faith ; while the Quicunque 
 bears unmistakeable signs of having arrived at its present 
 form during a period of great theological excitement. 
 
 Precious though these summaries are, their history 
 makes it felt that they have come down to us through 
 the midst of some very unedifying disputes, and it may 
 at the present day be a warning against errors into which 
 the discussions on the "Athanasian Creed" are likely to 
 betray both its partizans and opponents. At the same 
 time the history cannot fail to leave a deep impression 
 of the vitality of the great truths of Christianity, when 
 they are seen gathered together into these forms with so 
 little alloy, though so frequently made the material of 
 most unchristian contests. 
 
 The writer has availed himself of whatever he has 
 found suitable to his purpose in previous authors, and has 
 striven to make full acknowledgment of his obligations. 
 To do the same for the help which he has derived from 
 the advice and conference of friends, who from time to 
 time have given him the advantage of their judgment, 
 would demand much more than a brief mention in a 
 Preface. 
 
 Cambbioob, 
 
 October, 1873. 
 
 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Of the Histoby op Creeds Antebiob to the Fibst Genebal 
 
 Council. 
 
 ""^ Creel '"r''° '^1P"'"'«™ """l ■"<"•«« "=0 and mtentiou of 
 Creeds. Season why very early Creeds cannot be found There 
 
 2 whi^r T.t ' *''' ^^°''"'' "' "^"'"'^ ^'~- Points 
 Oflhltf Tr . ^«" ^t°«««- Traces of a Creed in Scripture. 
 
 wort of hi f ^^fV^^'f • °' *"*"P*» *" '™«« Creeds L the 
 works of the Apostohc Fathers. Of Creeds in early Serrice-Books 
 
 ^T2 T.tr: ^'^''^-"''y --1 St Cyril of Jerusalem. 
 CrL , I T ^^ ^^'' "°' P>-oductive of Creeds. Of the 
 
 Creet life ^""7% T^"'""'^" '"'* ''°™*''"- «' «"g- -d t- 
 iZt n Z 1 ^''^""^ Thaumaturgus and its relation to 
 
 cl.^ to l: f rr ""''^estem Creeds. All the early Creeds 
 claim to be founded on Scripture. The '• Homoousion " the first 
 departure from Scriptiu-al expressions. . . . pp. i_4i. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAP. I. 
 Creeds from St Iremeus and Tertnllian .... pp. 42-44 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 0» THE NlCENE AND CoNSTANTINOPOLITAH CrEEDS. 
 
 Of Arius and his teaching. Constantine attempts to mediate. The 
 erf consequences of the Ai'ian controversy to the cause of Chris- 
 tianity. The Nicene ComicH. Athanasius takes a prominent share 
 m the proceedings. Eusebius, bishop of Cffisarea, sets forth a Creed 
 
vili 
 
 CONTENTS, 
 
 His letter to his diocese. The Nicene Symbol, with the anathema. 
 Eusebius explains the expression consitbstantial. Beason why Sozo- 
 men declines to record the words of the Nicene Creed. Excom- 
 munication of Arius. His conduct after the Council. He is 
 received back into the Church. Comparison of the Nicene Creed 
 with that of Irenaeus and Tertullian. Arian Synod after the Nicene 
 Council at Antioch. Of the Symbols there put forth. Another 
 synod at Antioch. The fiaKpbffnxos. Their declarations unaccept- 
 able to the Western Church. Council of Milan. Constantius 
 favours Arianism. Errors of Photinus. The Synod of Sirmium 
 and its Creed. Suggestion that neither substantia nor omla should 
 be used. Photinus is banished. A second and a third Sirmian 
 Creed. Synod of Ariminum. First occurrence of the words "He 
 descended into the lower world," in a creed. Objections of the 
 Orthodox to the Creed put forward at Ariminum. Arian Synod at 
 Nik^. Attempt at delusion through the similarity between Nicjea 
 and Nik^. Eastern Council of Arians at Seleucia. Acacius, bishop 
 of Caesarea, creates a disturbance. Creed of Ariminum accepted. 
 Orthodox Councils of Sardica and Alexandria. Death of Con- 
 stantius a blow to the Arians. Council of Constantinople. No 
 symbol mentioned by the historians of this Comicil. Was a Creed 
 put forth by this Council? Allusions to Creeds between the 
 Council of Constantinople and that of Chalcedon. Proceedings of 
 the Council of Ephesus. Council of Chalcedon. Constantinopolitan 
 Creed set forth. Opposition to it. It is brought forward by 
 Aetius, archdeacon of Constantinople. Little notice of the Creed 
 after A. D. 451. Addition of the "Filioque." Spread of this inter- 
 polation. Its effects. Council of Gentilly. Dispute between Greeks 
 and Latins. Charlemagne's championship of the interpolated 
 Creed. Dispute at Jerusalem. Appeal to Pope Leo III. His reply. 
 He sets up silver shields inscribed with the uninterpolated Creed 
 in the Basilica of St Peter. Pope Nicolas I. was the first poniiil 
 to accept the addition. Use of the Creed in the services of the 
 Church pp. 45— 104. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAP. II. 
 
 (I.) On the name "Nicene" applied to the Constantinopolitan 
 
 ^^^^^ pp. 105—107. 
 
 (11.) ihhp (K 0€oO ....... ppi 107, 108. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
 lii 
 
 CONTENTS. ix 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Of the Apostles' Creed. 
 
 This Creed has grown by slow degrees to its present form. Most of it is 
 
 in substance in the Creeds of St Irenaeus and Tertullian. Koman 
 
 Creeds not found very early. St Leo's letter to Flavian. Creed of 
 
 the Gelasian Sacramentary. Earliest Western Creed that of St 
 
 Cyprian. Creed of Vigilius Tapsensis, and of Facundus of Her- 
 
 miane. Novatian's Creed. Creeds formed in the Martyrologies. 
 
 Marcellus of Aucyra sets forth a Creed at Eome. Probably much 
 
 like the Koman Creed of his date. The Creed of Marcellus contains 
 
 the larger portion of the Apostolic Creed. Creeds of Kufinus. The 
 
 objections of Mr Ffoulkes considered. Creeds found in the sermons 
 
 of Petrus Chrysologus, archbishop of Kavenna, and of Maximus, 
 
 bishop of Turin. The Creeds given by St Augustine. Those found 
 
 in works falsely ascribed to him. Longer Creed of Facundus of 
 
 Hermiane. "Communion of Saints" first appears in a GaUican 
 
 Creed. Other additions in the same Creed. The Creed as given by 
 
 Venantius Fortunatus. Evidently derived from Eufinus. The 
 
 present form of the Creed first found a. d. 750. Notices of variations 
 
 in the language. Employment of the Creed in other services than 
 
 the office of Baptism pp. 109—177. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTEK III. 
 
 (I.) Of the Creed of Aquileia p. 178. 
 
 (II. and in.) Examples of the Creed as found in St Augustine. 
 
 pp. 179, 181. 
 (IV.) Table shewing the gradual formation of the Apostolic Creed. 
 
 pp. 182—185. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Op the Quicunque, commonly called the Cbeed op St 
 
 Athanasius. 
 
 Difference between the history of this and the other Creeds. St Atha- 
 nasius wrote a Creed. Wrongly assumed to be the Quicunque. 
 Notice of the life of St Athanasius. Period of his life to which 
 the Creed has been assigned. Of the Greek texts of the Quicunque. 
 
'.. / 
 
 CONTENTS, 
 
 Specimens shewing that it cannot have been originally written in 
 Greek. IWsum6 of the investigations of Dr Wateriand: (1) into 
 the opinions of the Learned Moderns ; (2) into Ancient Testimonies ; 
 (3) Ancient commentators and paraphrasts; (4) the Latin MSS. of 
 the Creed. Dr Waterland's conclusion from the evidence before 
 him. Further Mght which has been thrown on this evidence since 
 his time. Untrustworthy nature of the so-caUed Canon of Autun, 
 and of the date of Kegino's testimony. The other notices before 
 A. D. 809 are either vague or confined to the first part of the Creed. 
 Of the slight grounds whereon the Commentary on the Creed has 
 been assigned to.Venantius Fortunatus. Hincmar's notices all 
 taken from the first part of the Creed. Of the evidence from MSS. 
 Of the Utrecht Psalter. Of the Treves MS. of the latter part of the 
 Creed. Of Muratori's Ambrosian MS. Of the Psalter of King 
 Athelstan. Of the Colbertine MS. Of the St German's MS. Of 
 the Psalter said to have been presented by Charlemagne to Pope 
 Hadrian I Of other MSS. The Creed made up of two originally 
 distinct portions. This shewn by the quotations. The first part 
 found in an independent form : 1st, in a MS. at Vienna, 2nd, in 
 the profession of Denebert. The title, Fides Sanctte Trinitatis, 
 points in the same direction. The second part is from the Treves 
 MS. The Qmcunque was unknown to Charlemagne, Paulinus, and 
 all the members of the Council of Frankfort. Also to those who 
 took part in the Council of FriuH, where Paulinus presided. Expo- 
 sition of the CathoUc Faith there given by Paulinus. Other later 
 notices are only of the former part of the Creed. Summary of evi- 
 dence down to a.i>. 796. The Council of Aries a.d. 813. There 
 the Quicunque was unknown. It is found a.d. 870 in Charles the 
 Bald's Prayer Book. It passed through a transition period after the 
 combmation of the two parts. Author cannot be decided. Of the 
 changes in the damnatory clauses. Conclusion . pp. 186—256. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTEB IV. 
 The Quicunque with various readings. 
 
 pp. 256—259. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Of the Bbception and Use of thb Quicunque. 
 
 The Quicunque first set forth and received in Gaul, but soon after in 
 Germany, Northern Italy, England, and Spain. Its reception at 
 
 * 
 
 CONTENTS. xi 
 
 Borne of later date. It was not heard of in connexion witib the 
 Greek Church before A.n. 1200. But was originally treated as an 
 exposition for the use of the clergy. England was the only country 
 in which It was received into the daily service. Changes made in 
 the use at the Beformation. Later changes. Modem controversy 
 Becent proposals ...... ^ pp. 260-278. 
 
 EBBATUM. 
 P. 90, line 9, for 791 read 796. 
 
 ' 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 OF THE HISTOBY OF CKEEDS ANTEKIOB TO THE FIKST 
 
 GENEBAL COUNCIL. 
 
 6,0f,a rod UarpSs Kal rod TioO Kai rov ' Ay lev Upe6f.aros, StStoon-cs avrods 
 rripuv wdvra. oaa ivcreiXdfirjp Vfuy.-^ST Mitth. xxviii. 19, 20. 
 
 In an endeavour to trace the history of our Creeds from 
 the earliest times it is necessary to bear in mind that the 
 ideas of the primitive Christians as to the intent and use 
 of such professions of faith differed widely from our own. 
 When our Lord, before His Ascension, instituted the 
 Sacrament of Baptism, He used language which has formed 
 the framework, so to speak, of all the Creeds that have 
 since been composed. Expansions of greater or less ex- 
 tent have been made according to the varying difficulties 
 of different Churches, but such additions have in all cases 
 been no more than developments and explanations of the 
 belief in the three Persons of the Trinity. At the same 
 time our Lord's words fixed the occasion on which alone 
 for some centuries a Creed was used in the services of the 
 primitive Church. The profession of faith was inseparably 
 connected with that Sacrament whereby new members 
 were admitted into the Christian society. The Creed was 
 lit " 2 
 
2 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 , » 
 
 taiight as the final portion of the preparation for such ad- 
 mission, and was to be solemnly recited in public once for 
 all at Baptism. After that it was to be preserved as a 
 valuable summary of faith, but in the memory only, as 
 being a treasure too precious to be profaned by publicity. 
 Nothing can be stronger than the language of the Fathers of 
 the Church, even down to the fifth century, on the care with 
 which the Creed was to be guarded as a secret. St Cj^rian, 
 bishop of Carthage about 250 A.D., speaks thus\* "The 
 " Sacrament' of faith" (by which he means the Creed) " is 
 " not to be profaned," and 200 years later, St Peter Chry- 
 sologus, archbishop of Kavenna, uses language still more 
 explicit^: " Let the mind hold and the memoiy guard this 
 " pledge of hope, this decree of salvation, this symbol of 
 
 ^ Cyprian, Testim. iii. 50. Sacramentmn fidei non esse profanandum. 
 
 * Sacramentum fidei is but one among many titles by which the Creed 
 is described, before one name won its way to general acceptance both 
 with Greek and Latin writers. This name symbolum {avfipoXov) is first 
 mentioned by St Cyprian, and many explanations have been offered of the 
 word. The most probable seems to be that which views the Creed as a 
 watchword whereby Christians were known among one another. This is 
 the more likely, as TertuUian employs an expression when speaking of 
 the agreement between the Churches of Africa and the Church of Rome 
 {De Prasaip, Har. 36) which conveys exactly this idea. His word is 
 " contesseratur," the root of which is " tessera," the soldier's password. 
 The reader may with advantage consult Lord King's History of the Apo- 
 stles^ Creed on this subject. 
 
 In Greek the most common titles for the Creed were y rfaTty, 6 xdvup 
 TTJs iXrjeciaSj 6 rlareus dpxaiat Kavuv, to K^pvyfxa to ivoffToXiKoVf rj evay- 
 yeXiKrj Kal aroaroXiKi) irapddoaiiy and in Latin (besides symbolum) fides^ 
 regula fidei, fides apostolica, fidei clavisj tessera fidei wnanimiSt and sig- 
 naculum cordis. 
 
 ^ Pet. Chrysologus, 5erm. 59 (Migne, lii. 365). Hoc spei pactum, hoc 
 salutis placitum, hoc vitae symbolum, banc fidei cautionem mens teneat, 
 conservet memoria, ne divinitatis pretiosum munus depretiet charta vilis, 
 ne mysterium lucis atrum tenebret atramentum, ne secretum Dei habeai 
 indignus et profanus auditor. 
 
 it 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 3 
 
 "life, this safeguard of faith, lest vile paper depreciate the 
 "precious gift of the Divinity, lest black ink obscure the 
 -mysteiy of light, lest an unworthy and profane hearer 
 hold the secret of God." And the nature of the feeling 
 on this subject which prevailed in the early Church may 
 be gathered from a sermon of St Augustine. It is one of 
 several which have come down to us a^ he delivered them 
 to the candidates for Baptism. '' I have given you " he 
 says, "a^ in duty bound, this short discourse on the whole 
 "Creed, and you will observe briefly collected into it 
 '^* whatever you have heard in the Creed. Nor ought you 
 " by any means to use writing that you may retain these 
 ^' same words of the Creed, but to learn them thoroughly 
 " by listening, nor when you have learnt them ought you 
 " to write them down, but ever to retain and recollect 
 ^^ them by memory. For whatever you will hear in the 
 "Creed is contained in the divine letter of Holy Writ. 
 " But whereas what is so collected and reduced to a kind 
 " of form may not be written, a remembrance is made of 
 " the promise of God, wherein, when He proclaimed by the 
 " prophet the New Covenant, He said : 'This is the cove- 
 " ' nant which I will make with them after those days, saith 
 " ' the Lord, I will put my law in their heart, and in their 
 mind will I write it.' For the sake of shewing forth 
 '^' this the Creed is learnt by hearing, and is not written 
 "^on tablets, or on any material substance, but in the 
 
 ^ Aug. Serm, 212 (Migne, xxxvrii. p. 1060). Hunc igitur brevem 
 sermonem de universo symbolo vobis debitum reddidi, in quo symbolo 
 quod audieritis totum in isto sermone nostro breviter coUectum agno- 
 scetis. Nee ut eadem verbi symboli teneatis ullo modo debetis scribere, 
 sed audiendo perdiscere, nee cum didiceritis scribere sed memoria semper 
 tenere atque recolere. Quidquid enim in symbolo audituri estis in di. 
 vinis sacrarum Scripturarum Uteris continetur. Sed quod ita coUectum 
 
 1—2 
 
4 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 To multiply illustrations of the prevalence of this feel- 
 ing, weite abundantly easy*. It cannot therefore be matter 
 of surprise that the earliest specimen of a Creed which has 
 been preserved to us dates but little before the end of the 
 second century, and even this is a degree of antiquity far 
 beyond that which can be claimed for any of the forms of 
 Creed at present used in the English Church. The most 
 ancient of them the so-called Nicene Creed was, at the 
 earliest, sanctioned in the present form by the Council of 
 Constantinople A.D. 381, 
 
 But although we have no formal record thereof, we can 
 scarcely suppose that the primitive Church remained long 
 without a form of words wherein new converts should make 
 profession of their faith. Still less can we think that when 
 the apostles were sending out teachers into the world they 
 would send them unfurnished with some such summary of 
 doctrine. And when they themselves came to separate, 
 each to his own sphere of labour, it is most reasonable to 
 believe that some form of words was agreed upon, which 
 should be taught alike in all the Churches. The general 
 agreement in form and contents so noticeable in the early 
 Creeds which have come down to us testifies to the proba- 
 bility of some such common form having existed from the 
 earliest times. The tradition that such a summary was 
 composed by the apostles themselves is preserved by Rufi- 
 
 et in formam quamdam redactum non licet scribi, commemoratio fit 
 piomissionis Dei, ubi per proplietam praenuntians Testamentam novnin 
 dixit: 'Hoc est Testamentum quod ordinabo eis post dies illos, dicit 
 Bominus, dando legem meam in mente eorum, et in corde eonuu 
 Bcribam earn' (Jer. xxxi. 33). Hujns lei significandae causa audiendo 
 symbolum discitor, neo in tabulis, vel in aliqua materia, sed in corde 
 Bcribitur. 
 
 * See for example St Jerome, Lib. contn Joan. Euros. (Migne, xxiii. 
 ^80), also Bofiuos in Symb. Apott. § 2. 
 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 5 
 
 BUS* in his Commentary on the Apostles' Creed, and the 
 imagination of pious enthusiasts afterwards elaborated 
 this account so as to assign to each one of the twelve his 
 special portion of the composition^ The erroneous nature 
 of this later tradition can easily be demonstrated and will 
 be evident at once when we come to examine the source of 
 each article in the Western Creed ; but in the statement 
 of Rufinus, who wrote before the end of the fourth century, 
 we may well believe that there is preserved to us a true 
 memorial of a transaction which circumstances so evidently 
 rendered necessary. 
 
 That the baptismal formula as delivered by our Lord 
 would be expanded by the apostles is to be inferred from 
 the words which immediately follow it. The new disciples 
 were to be taught to observe all things which Christ had 
 commanded. The close connection of the injunction, 
 " Teach them to observe all things whatsoever I have com- 
 " manded," with the institution of the Sacrament of Bap- 
 tism would of itself suggest the combination of these pre- 
 cepts of the Lord into a baptismal profession. That some 
 such enlargement actually took place we are assured on the 
 testimony of TertuUianl " To begin from Baptism," he 
 says, "when we are about to enter the water, there, and 
 
 ^ 1 Rufinus in Symb. Apost § 2. Discessuri (sc. Apostoli) itaque ab in- 
 ▼icem normam sibi prius future prfledicationis in commune constituunt 
 
 i^ unum conferendo quod sentiebat unusquisque. 
 
 « The story which assigns an Article to each one of the twelve is found 
 in a sermon falsely attributed to St Augustine (Serm. 241, De Symholo, 
 Migne, XXXIX. 2190), but as the date of this composition is uncertain per- 
 haps its earUest occurrence is in Pirminius {Scarapsus, Migne, lxxxix. 
 1035). 
 
 » Tert.de Cor. Milit. c. 3. Denique ut a baptismate ingrediar, aquam 
 adituri, ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius in ecclesia sub antistitis manu, 
 eontestamur nos renuntiare diabolo et pompse et angelis ejus. Dehino 
 ter mergitamur ampUus aUquid respondentes quam Dominus in evangeUo 
 dfiterminayit. 
 
6 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 "also previously under the hand of the president, we tes- 
 " tify that we renounce the devil, his pomp, and his angels. 
 " Then we are plunged three times into the water answer- 
 "ing somewhat more than the Lord ordained in the 
 "Gospel.*' Combining this statement with the character 
 i^hich our Lord declared was to belong to the teaching of 
 His apostles, we may be enabled to judge what the nature 
 of these enlargements of the Creed would be. The first 
 preachers of Christianity were sent forth by their Master 
 to be above all tilings His witnesses. His parting words* 
 impressed this upon them. " Then opened he their under- 
 " standing that they might understand the Scriptures, and 
 " said unto them. Thus it is written, and thus it behoved 
 " Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead the third day : 
 "and that repentance and remission of sins should be 
 "preached in his name among all nations, beginning at 
 "Jerusalem, and ye are witnesses of these things." We 
 have in this passage not only the commission but also a 
 specification in great part of the truths for which they 
 were to be witnesses. And that they themselves were 
 sensible from the first of this main cliaracteristic of their 
 work is evident from the proceedings at the election of a 
 successor to fill the place of the traitor Judas*. The new 
 member of their band must be one who like themselves 
 could be a witness to the life and teaching of their Master: 
 he must have been with them all the time that the Lord 
 went in and out amongst them, from the baptism of John 
 until Christ's Ascension. With this in our minds it may be 
 well to see before we advance farther to what parts of a 
 Creed as now used they could from their own experience 
 bear their testimony. We shall in this way gather a 
 notion of what the primitive Creed may have been like, 
 
 1 Luke xxiv. 45—48. 
 
 Acts i. 21, 22. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 7 
 
 and shall be somewhat more prepared to appreciate the 
 form in which the earliest recorded Creed appears. 
 
 Taking for the purpose of our examination the Creed 
 which tradition has so long connected with the name of 
 the apostles, we find that by far the largest part of this 
 confession would be included in the facts and doctrines to 
 which the apostles could testify, and that only two articles 
 out of the twelve would be entirely omitted. This will be 
 seen from an examination of the Creed as here printed, 
 where the portions in italics indicate how much of it 
 would come into the teaching of the apostles as Christ's 
 witnesses. 
 
 1. / believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of 
 heaven and earth. 
 
 2. And in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord. 
 
 3. Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, bom of 
 the Virgin Mary. 
 
 4. Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead 
 and buried. 
 
 5. He descended into hell; the third day he rose 
 again from the dead. 
 
 6. He ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right 
 hand of God the Father Almighty. 
 
 7. From thence he shall come to judge the quick and 
 the dead. 
 
 8. / believe in the Holy Ghost 
 
 9. The Holy Catholic Church, the Communion of 
 Saints. 
 
 10. The Forgiveness of sins, 
 
 11. The Resurrection of the body, 
 
 12. And the life everlasting. 
 
 We shall hereafter endeavour to refer each of the un- 
 italicized portions to its source. Meanwhile this arrange- 
 
 t\ 
 
I 
 
 If! 
 
 8 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 ment of the Creed may help us to understand why, with 
 very good reason, the consensus of antiquity ascribed this 
 venerable confession to the apostles. 
 
 Having pictured to ourselves the form which the 
 earliest Creed might be expected to assume, let us now 
 try to collect from Scripture such hints as are there given 
 of its contents and character. In the Acts of the Apostles 
 we are informed in what manner the first teachers of 
 Christianity set about discharging their ofiice as witnesses 
 to the Lord, and in whatever part of that book we select 
 one of their discourses we cannot but be struck by the 
 way in which their testimony took the form which has 
 come down to us in the Creeds. One example may suffice. 
 Shortly after the outpouring of the Spirit on the day 
 of Pentecost, Peter and John were brought before the 
 Jewish authorities to be questioned concerning a dis- 
 course which they had given after the cure of a cripple 
 at the temple gate. It appears from the account of their 
 arrest that the sermon itself had been on " the resurrec- 
 "tion from the dead through Jesus Christ*," and when at 
 the tribunal they were called on for their defence, the 
 words of St Peter as witness for his Master shew us, 
 even in these early days, how the Creed of the primitive 
 Church would be formed. " Be it known unto you all," 
 are his words, "and to all the people of Israel, that 
 "by the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, whom ye 
 "crucified, whom God raised from the dead, even by 
 " him doth this man stand here before you whole'." And 
 later in the same chapter, after they had been dismissed 
 and had gone unto their own company, a portion of 
 their prayer assumed a similar character. " Lord, thou 
 "art God, which hast made heaven and earth, and the 
 
 ] 
 
 * Acts iv. 2. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 9 
 
 "sea. and all that in them is : who by the mouth of thy 
 ''servant David hast said. Why did the heathen rage, 
 "and the people imagine vain things? The kings of 
 "the earth stood up, and the rulers were gathered to- 
 "gether against the Lord and against his Christ. For of 
 " a truth against thy holy child Jesus, whom thou hast 
 " anointed, both Herod and Pontius Pilate with the Gen- 
 " tiles and the people of Israel were gathered together, 
 "for to do whatsoever thy hand and thy counsel deter- 
 " mined before to be done'." Long before any of the 
 historical books of the New Testament were committed 
 to writing, utterances like these would be preserved and 
 would in time assume a regular form, becoming what has 
 already been alluded to in the quotation from Rufinus^ 
 the " norma prcedicatioms" the rule and guide of preaching. 
 Some such summary we may be sure St Paul had m his 
 mind when he spoke^ of the "form of doctrine" (ti/tto? 
 BiBaxv":) which had been delivered to the Romans, and in 
 another epistle* of the "rule" (Kavdiv) on the observers of 
 which he invokes grace and mercy. That this rule or 
 form of doctrine assumed the nature of a profession of 
 faith to be uttered in words may be gathered from the 
 warning addressed to the angel of the Church of Per- 
 gamos". Amid some things that are blameworthy in the 
 character of that Church it is yet said of her : " Thou 
 "boldest fast my name, and hast not denied my faith." 
 And that this had been no easy task is attested by the 
 fact that one at least among them had fallen a martyr to 
 his open profession of the truth. In the Epistle to the 
 Hebrews® the writer enumerates some of the articles which 
 
 ' Acts iv. 10. 
 
 * Acts iv. 24—28. 
 » Eom. vi. 17. 
 » Bev. ii. 13. 
 
 ' See p. 5, note 1. 
 * GaL vi. 16. 
 « Heb. vi. 1, 2. 
 

 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 ti 
 
 t€ 
 
 such an early summary of Christian doctrine must have 
 comprised. "Therefore leaving the principles of the 
 « doctrine of Christ, let us go on unto perfection ; not laying 
 again the foundation of repentance from dead works, 
 and of faith toward God, of the doctrine of baptisms, 
 *'and of laying on of hands, and of resurrection of the 
 " dead, and of eternal judgment." Words can scarcely 
 be found which would better describe the purpose of a 
 Creed. It was intended to be OefieXiov, a foundation on 
 which the superstructure of the Christian life should be 
 erected. It was exactly what the writer's language here 
 describes it, o t^? «PX7? tov Xpiarov X6709, " the word of 
 the beginning of Christ," which he has called in a previous 
 verse« "the beginning of the oracles of God." It is to 
 some such elementary profession of faith that St Paul 
 allude^, no doubt, in the word wapaKaraOi^Kijf "the 
 deposit," of which he speaks in both his epistles to 
 Timothy. In the first passage* he mentions it in pointed 
 opposition to the subtleties which were set forth by false 
 teachers. "Keep the deposit (that which is committed 
 " to thy trust, A. V.), avoiding profane and vain babblings, 
 "and oppositions of science falsely so called, which some 
 " professing have erred concerning the faith." It was then 
 in the preservation of the faith that this deposit, which 
 Timothy was to guard, was likely to be useful, and the 
 keeping of it would preserve him from eiTor, — the very 
 purpose for which all Creeds have been designed. In the 
 second epistle' the language is, if possible, still more 
 conclusive that the deposit of which the apostle speaks 
 was a profession of faith. The "good deposit" is put in 
 such pointed parallelism to the " sound words " which are 
 spoken of in the verse preceding that it can refer to 
 
 1 Heb. V. 12. « 1 Tim. vi. 20. » 2 Tim. 1 13, 14. 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS, 
 
 11 
 
 nothing else. And we may be well assured that the 
 "sound words" which the apostle would commit to his 
 son in the faith would be of like character with the 
 "rule" and "form of doctrine" on which we have seen 
 him dwell elsewhere. 
 
 Evidence has been advanced sufficient to demonstrate 
 that from the earliest times there existed some form of 
 words in the Church of the character of a Creed, and it 
 may be that in the passages last quoted we can trace a 
 reason for the jealous secrecy with which the early Creed 
 was guarded ; a jealousy which obscures the history of its 
 growth for almost two centuries. It was a precious " de- 
 posit" to be preserved and not lightly parted with: a 
 watchword against error to the possessor of it, which he 
 was carefully to store up as a sacred trust. Not indeed 
 that St Paul intended any such construction to be put 
 upon his words as would lead to secrecy in the guardian- 
 ship of the deposit. But from his expression, or from 
 some other reason, the first Christians looked upon the 
 Creed for many ages as a thing to be kept secret, and the 
 solemnity which accompanied the mode of its delivery to 
 the catechumens was calculated to impress this feeling 
 most deeply on their minds. 
 
 The practice of the early Church in the admission of 
 converts to Baptism seems to have been of this nature. For 
 some period previous to their baptism (the usual seasons 
 for which were Easter and Pentecost^) the candidates for 
 admission thereto were trained in the doctrines of the 
 faith by the presbyters. A few days before they were to 
 be baptized (the number of days'^ varying at different 
 
 ^ Tertullian, de Baptismo, 19. Diem baptismo soUemniorem Pascha 
 pra9stat...exinde Pentecoste ordinandis lavacris latissimum spatium est. 
 ^ Symbolum competentibus tradi die Dominica palmarum. Isidore, 
 
12 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 13 
 
 I 
 
 periods) the Creed was delivered to them accompanied 
 with a sermon such as that of St Augustine from which 
 we have before quoted \ This ceremony was known as 
 Traditio Si/mboli, the delivery of the Creed. At the time 
 of Baptism each candidate was interrogated upon the 
 articles of the Creed which he had received, and was to 
 return an answer in the words which had been given to 
 him. This was known as Redditio SymhoU, the repetition 
 of the Creed, and Baptism was the only occasion on which 
 the Creed was introduced into any public service of the 
 Church. 
 
 When the scanty light which the New Testament 
 affords us is withdrawn, we are left for a long period in 
 absolute darkness about the history of the Creed. What- 
 ever the cause may have been which operated towards 
 the concealment of the words, it did its work effectually. 
 Much labour has been spent* in endeavouring to trace 
 forms of Creed in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers 
 and of Justin Martyr, but the passages quoted do not 
 seem to have been meant to be used in this way, if we take 
 them in conjunction with their context. The best of the 
 instances is from St Ignatius' Epistle to the Trallians*, 
 
 de Off, Eccl. lib. l c. 27. But this was not a settled custom, for in Ama- 
 larius Fortunatus, d^ Off. lib. i. e. 8, it is said, " Symbolum feria quarta 
 quartu} bebdomadaD simul cum oratione dominie^ tradebatur reddendum 
 sabbato sancto Pascbie. Africa vero, state Augustini symboli seorsim 
 traditio ficbat die ante Pascba serius ocius quinto decimo diequo abbinc 
 octavo redditio." Cf. Augustine, Serm. 58 et 59 (Migne, xxxviii. 393 
 and 400). , 
 
 * See p. 3, note 1. 
 
 * To see tbis subject exhaustively treated the reader may with advan- 
 tage consult Harvey on the Three Creeds pp. 34 — 42. 
 
 * Ignatii Ep. ad Trail, c. n. Kuxpudrp-e ovu, orav vfuy x^P^^ *Ii;(roO 
 Xpiarov \a\i tu, rov vloO rod QeoVy rov y€POfiivov iK Aa/3i5 tov iK Maplav 
 0$ oKridut iyevTjdri K<d iK $eov Kal iK vapBivov . . , . &kr)6Cji dtfi- 
 XojSe (Tw/ta . . . ?^07e icai imep dXrjdus, iaravpudri Kcd dviSajftv ivl 
 
 ** Be deaf, then," he says, " when any would speak to you 
 "apart from Jesus Christ the Son of God, who was 
 " descended from David and born from Mary : who truly 
 "was born both of God and of the Virgin... tmly took a 
 "body... truly ate and drank, was crucified and died in 
 "the time of Pontius Pilate, yea truly, and not in seeming, 
 "was crucified* and died ;...and rose after three days. His 
 "Father raising Him up, and after having spent forty 
 "days with the apostles was received up to the Father, 
 " and sits on His right hand waiting till His enemies be 
 "put under His feet." It is enough to exclude this quo- 
 tation from a list of Creeds that it makes no mention of 
 the Holy Spirit nor of the Father except in His con- 
 nection with the incarnation of the Son. But the key- 
 note of the whole passage is in the expression "not in 
 seeming" — ov Box/jaei — which declares the purpose for 
 which it was written. It forms part of a refutation of the 
 early heresy of the Docetw, who derived their name from 
 this word hoKriai^, and maintained that the earthly 
 body of the incarnate Son was no real body, but a phan- 
 tom. Against this error the writer inveighs by an earnest 
 repetition of the truth of every stage of the incarnation, 
 and confines himself solely to this portion of the Christian 
 faith. So that though embracing portions of the Creed, 
 as might be expected, since the Creed was to be the rule 
 of preaching, it cannot in any sense be taken as a con- 
 fession, but as an earnest elaboration of the one doctrine 
 of the true humanity of the Saviour. 
 
 We meet indeed with Creeds in the Service-books of 
 
 "Roprtov ITtXarou, dXrjdus W teal ov 5o\-^<rct icravpudij Kal diriOavitf 
 . , , KoX dviarrj did rpiwv'^ijfifpQv^ iycipcurroi airrov tov Uarpdr kal 
 T€ff(rapdKovra rjf^pai cwharpiypai roh aVo(rroXojr, dv€\r]<per) irp6i ro^ 
 UaHpa' KOX iKdOiffev tK Se^iwy avrov Tfpip^yuy em dv redcMUf ot ix(fpol av- 
 rov vx6 Tovs Todas avrou. 
 
14 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 the early Church, and in the addresses of some of the 
 Fathers, to which we are justified in assigning a very high 
 degree of antiquity, and it is not improbable, although the 
 sources from which we derive them are of a later date 
 than the Nicene Council, yet that the Creeds in question 
 are copied from confessions in use at a much earlier 
 period, and, it may be, even anterior to those Creeds to 
 which we can with certainty assign a date. Such a con- 
 clusion seems warranted by the extreme brevity of the 
 forms to which we refer, and by the close adherence 
 which they exhibit to the words in which the Sacrament 
 of Baptism was first instituted. And wherever such a 
 simple form is found in use in the Eastern Church we may 
 almost with certainty conclude that it can claim a very high 
 antiquity. For erroneous * opinions, especially concerning 
 the unity of the Godhead and on the doctrine of our Lord's 
 incarnation, were so prevalent in the East, even in the 
 first and second centuries, that no compositions except of 
 the most primitive authority could have failed to exhibit 
 traces of the attempts which were made to guard against 
 such errors. This will be very apparent when we come 
 to quote the earliest Creed to which we can give a certain 
 date, that preserved in the works of St Irenaeus. This 
 confession is of Eastern* origin, though put forth for the 
 
 1 Of the heretics of the second century Satuminus (about a.d. 126) 
 denied both the unity of the Godhead and the real nature of Christ's body, 
 as did also Basilides who lived about the same time. Valentinus, whose 
 date is about a.d. 140, denied that God was the Creator of the world, and 
 divided the divine from the human nature of Christ. Marcion and Cerdo 
 somewhat later (a.d. 176) distinguished between the supreme God and 
 the Creator of the world ; and though not teaching that Christ's body was 
 a mere phantom, yet ascribed to it such a nfcture as would render it inca- 
 pable of suffering. 
 
 « The Creeds which have come down to us are of two types, distin- 
 guished as EasUm and Western, The points wherein they differ from 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 15 
 
 instruction of the Churches of Southern Gaul towards the 
 end of the second century. We shall see that it is, in 
 some of Its articles, of a far more elaborate character than 
 our Apostles' Creed, and that it bears traces, especially 
 in the articles which relate to the Father and the Son 
 ot having been composed with special reference to some 
 ot the early errors introduced by the Eastern love of phi- 
 losophic subtleties. Any simpler form therefore which 
 we find to have been used in the Churches of the East 
 may fairly be credited with a date prior to the time of 
 ot Jrenseus. 
 
 For a like reason we should assign a veiy early date 
 to a brief form of Creed which was in use in the 
 Church of Northern Africa and which can be gathered 
 from the wntings of St Cyprian, who was bfshop of 
 Carthage about the middle of the third century We 
 derive a considerable amount of information on the state 
 of the Carthaginian Church from the writings of Ter- 
 tullian who was a presbyter of that Church (a.D. 200) 
 about fifty years before the episcopate of St .Cyprian. 
 
 not "I Mieve,- and besides \<^2,tr:jT2T^ZTrrT\' 
 W»e .. God the FatW Almighty." Ly ad^aft^^es: ttdf •' t^ : 
 of Heaven and Earth," which clause was not inserted in Western Creed! 
 till a comparatively late date, though in the East it „„ 
 expand^d by the words •.„. „, J ,,^^^1 IZ^^ ^ 
 an addition was never found needful in the West x^h^.. +1, nl ^ 
 less troubled with phUosophic speculatit: Ile'S^^: eviTl™: 
 inherent residence in matter. The Eastern Creeds dwelt at greater lenl 
 on the details of our Lord's incarnation and sufferings thanToi of tte 
 Wes . but yet never admitted the words "He descended into Z'' No 
 
 nor did the Orientals insert the exDrPssinn ^^Th. ^^ ■ T * 
 
 *i wr L ^■, , «*" "^e expression 1 he communion of saints ^* nnr. 
 themstem Church ''one »«,«.«.. in connection with "iiZlZ 
 
16 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 11 
 
 When our narrative arrives at that date we shall have to 
 quote from three forms of Creed which are found in the 
 writings of this Father, and shall perceive in them mani- 
 fest traces of an Eastern original. The unity of the 
 Godhead and the creation of the world and all things 
 else by God the Father are asserted in the first article 
 of the Creed which Tertullian gives, and the articles 
 which have reference to our Lord bear a remarkable 
 resemblance to those of Eastern confessions. But the 
 bishop, writing fifty years later, represents the baptismal 
 Creed of his Church as of a very much simpler character. 
 The Creed which he sets forth is apparently one of the 
 interrogative forms of confession used in the Saorament 
 of Baptism. And it may here be observed that the brief 
 Creeds of which we are at present treating are generally 
 drawn from the Service-books of the early Church, and 
 appear in the interrogative form. But this very circum- 
 stance renders it extremely probable that they are the 
 very earliest types of Creed that were used in the several 
 Churches, and that they have been preserved in the Litur- 
 gies or in the notices of baptismal services in the exact 
 form in which they were originally set forth. 
 
 But to return to St Cyprian. He is writing a letter 
 on a question which was much agitated in his day, and in 
 the discussion of which he took a most prominent part, 
 namely whether those persons who had been baptized by 
 the Novatians* should be admitted into the Church with- 
 
 1 Novatian was a presbyter at Borne about a.d. 250, who fonned a 
 schism by obtaining or allowing himself to be consecrated bishop of that 
 see in opposition to Cornelius the bishop already elected. The division 
 had its origin in the different yiews taken of the treatment to be pursued 
 towards those who had fallen away from Christianity. Novatian denied 
 that the Church had any power to grant such persons absolution, but 
 must exclude them from communion for ever. His followers are known 
 
 ¥ 
 
 tt 
 
 (t 
 
 (( 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 17 
 
 out being rebaptized, as though such Baptism even by 
 heretics were valid. The bishop, who disapproved of such 
 a course, and esteemed heretical Baptism as no Baptism at 
 all, argues thus ; " Does any one ' answer me and say that 
 "Novatian holds the same law as the Catholic Church 
 "and baptizes with the same Creed as we do, acknow- 
 " ledges the same God the Father, the same Christ the 
 "Son, the same Hohj Spirit, and on this account may 
 have the same power of baptizing, because in the inter- 
 rogation in Baptism he seems not to differ from us, let 
 " him know, who thinks such a reply may be given, that 
 nhere cannot be one law of Creed to us and schismatics 
 " nor the same interrogation. For when they say ' Dost 
 " ' thou believe in the remission of sins and eternal life 
 " 'through the Holy ChurchV they are false in their interro- 
 "gation, because they have no Church." Whether the 
 Creed from which St Cyprian was quoting contained more 
 articles than are here cited we are not able to decide. 
 But as we have seen that longer forms of confession were 
 not unknown at Carthage before St Cyprian's time it 
 is not unreasonable to suppose that the bishop was ac- 
 quainted with them and would have quoted them had it 
 
 as the " Cathari " or " Purists." The schismatic character of their com- 
 munion explains what St Cyprian meant by saying that " they have no 
 ** Church." 
 
 1 Cyprian Ep. 76 ad Magnum. Quod si aliquis illud opponit ut dicat 
 eandem Novatiannm legem tenere quam cathoUca ecclesia teneat eo- 
 dem symbolo quo et nos baptizare, eundem nosse deum Patrem euilaem 
 fihum Christum, eundem Spiritum Sanctum, ac propter hoc usurpare 
 eum potestatem baptizandi posse, quod videatur in interrogatione bap- 
 tismi a nobis non discrepare, sciat quisquis hoc opponendum putat, 
 primum, non esse unam nobis et schismaticis symboli legem neque 
 eandem interrogationem. Nam cum dicunt; Credis remissionem pecca- 
 torum et vitam aetemam per sanctam ecclesiam? mentiuntur in interro- 
 gatione, quando non habeant ecclesiam. 
 
 ^ 2 
 
 i 
 
18 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 i 
 
 suited his purpose so to do. But he is speaking on the 
 subject of Baptism, and therefore the baptismal Creed is 
 that to which he most naturally alludes, the forms of 
 Creed given by Tertullian being all found in writings of 
 a controversial nature and on that account having a cha- 
 racter unsuited for general use. And as the form which 
 we gather from St Cyprian's works contains a mention of 
 each Person of the Holy Trinity and agrees in brevity 
 and character with other complete forms of the baptismal 
 Creed, we are inclined to accept it as the exact Creed 
 which was used in the services of the Church of Carthage 
 at the date when it is quoted and in all probability for 
 a very long time before. If we put his words into the 
 declaratory form they will read thus: "I believe in 
 *'God the Father, in Christ the Son, and in the Holy 
 " Spirit ; I believe in the remission of sins and eternal 
 "life through the holy Church;" a form which contains 
 little beyond what is deducible* from the words used 
 by our Lord at the institution of Baptism l A Creed of 
 
 ^ Tertullian deduces the belief in the Church from the faith in the 
 three Persons of the Trinity. Be Baptismot 6, quoniam ubi ties, id est, 
 Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus, ibi ecclesia quae trium corpus est. Cf. 
 also de Virg. Vel. 21. 
 
 2 A still simpler form of confession which was preserved in the West- 
 ern Church till a late period, and which is interesting also from contain- 
 ing the renunciation of the devil, which preceded the declaration of belief 
 (and the occurrence of which in this confession connects it closely with 
 such forms as that alluded to by Tertullian de Cor. Mil. § 3, see above 
 p. 5), is to be found in Mansi (xii. 375) in the account of a council held 
 at Lipte in Belgic Gaul, a.d. 743. The words are: Forsachistu diabolas? 
 Et respom. Ec forsacho diabolae. End allum diobol gelde ? Eesp. End 
 ec forsacho allum diobol gelde. End allum dioboles vuercum? Besp, 
 End ec forsacho allum dioboles vuercum, und vuordum thuna eren de- 
 vuoden ende saxnote ende allum them unholdum the hira genotas sint. 
 Gelobistu in Got almehtigan fadaer? Eesp. Ec gelobo in Got almeh- 
 tigan fadaer. Gelobistu in Crist Godes suno ? Besp. Ec gelobo in Crist 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 19 
 
 almost equal brevity is to be found in the Sacramentary 
 of Pope Gelasius\ which, though set forth at the close of 
 the fifth century, probably represents a very much more 
 ancient use, and the Creed there given is but slightly en- 
 larged in the baptismal semce of the Church of Rome at 
 the present day. Of still greater simplicity is the Creed 
 found in the Catechetical Lectures of St Cyril of Jerusalem, 
 which may almost with certainty be accepted as the ori- 
 ginal baptismal Creed of that Church. It is merely : " I 
 " believe in the Father, and in the Son, and in the Holy 
 " Ghost, and in one Baptism of repentance^" 
 
 It has appeared best to introduce some of these brief 
 forms of confession at this point of our history, even 
 though we cannot with any certainty assign their date. 
 For by their means may perhaps be bridged over the 
 period between the end of the New Testament history and 
 the appearance of the first Creed whose date we know, at 
 the end of the second century. We have observed that 
 the jealousy shewn by the early Church in the concealment 
 of the words of the Creed has operated to deprive us of 
 any records of the symbols of this period. But the time 
 was one in which the Church was, more than at any sub- 
 
 Godes suno. Gelobistu in halogan Cast? Besp. Ec gelobo in halogan 
 Gast. 
 
 1 This form is as follows. Credis in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem ? 
 Credo. Credis et in Jesum Christum, fiUum ejus unicum, Dominum 
 nostrum natum et passum? Credo. Credis et in Spiritum Sanctum, 
 sanctam Ecclesiam: Remissionem peccatorum: Camis resurrectionem ? 
 Credo. To this form there is added at the present time, in the baptis- 
 mal Creed of the Church of Rome, the words " creatorem cseli et terra " 
 in the first article: " catholicam," after *' ecclesiam" and at the con- 
 clusion " et vitam oBternam." For numerous specimens of interrogatory 
 Creeds the reader is referred to Dr Heurtley's Harmonia Symbolica, pp. 
 103 — 116. 
 
 2 Cyril. Hieros. Catech. xix. § 9, irtjrreiJw e/s rbv Uaripa, koI els roV 
 Tioif, Kol els TO dyiop HyeCjuo, Kai elt iv ^dTTTifffw, fxeravolas. 
 
 2—2 
 
20 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 sequent date, called upon to defend itself from the calum- 
 nies of traducers. It was peculiarly the age of Apologies. 
 Now these apologetic writings were directed rather to the 
 defence of the moral character of the early Christians and 
 to the clearing of their worship from vile aspersions than 
 to the correction of any errors in doctrine. A contest of a 
 grosser nature than the battle of the Creeds had first to be 
 fought, and we may therefore be almost certain that during 
 Ihis time whatever form of Creed had at the first been 
 introduced into a particular Church would obtain so firm a 
 footing in the baptismal rite that, even after the necessity 
 arose for more elaborate definitions, the primitive simple 
 form would still be preserved* in its old place in the ad- 
 mission of new converts to the society. For it was not for 
 their own use that fuller forms of confession were sought 
 by the early Churc^i, but as a bulwark against extenial 
 assailants. It is from considerations of this kind that we 
 are led to assign to such Creeds as those just quoted a far 
 higher antiquity than the days of St Cyril, St Cyprian 
 or St Gelasius, and have little doubt that in them we have 
 received, if not the first, yet very primitive forms of con- 
 fession as set forth in the Churches of Africa, Jerusalem 
 and Rome. 
 
 We arc thus l)rought to the Creed of St Irenaeus. And 
 not only because it is the first to wliich we can fix a date is 
 it of great interest, but because it forms, at the very outset 
 of the assured history of Creeds, a link of the closest 
 character between the Churches of Eastern and Western 
 Christendom. It was set forth when St Irenseus was 
 bishop of Lyons for the instruction of the Churches of 
 
 ^ An inst; nee of ^uo% prrr ervatif n of a primitive brief form is still to 
 be found if we compare tie baptismal Creed of the Romish Church with 
 the Apostles' Creed used in her other services, see p. 19. 
 
 f 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 
 
 21 
 
 Southern Gaul, but it had been drawn by its author from 
 the teachings of the bishops of the East. St Irenaius tells 
 us that he had seen Polycarp, who was the disciple of St 
 John and bishop of Smyrna. The south of Gaul was from 
 very early times in close connection with the Greek colo- 
 nies on the coast of Asia Minor. Marseilles, the ancient 
 Massilia, was a colony of the Greeks of Phoccea, and such 
 names as have come down to us of the members of the 
 Churches of Lyons and Vienne declare the Greek origin of 
 the first Christians who came to this part. This connec- 
 tion between Gaul and Asia Minor is evidenced by a 
 letter^ written from the Churches in the former country to 
 their brethren in the Churches of Proconsular Asia and 
 Phrygia at the time of a fierce persecution which had been 
 commenced against the Gallic Christians. During this 
 persecution St Irena3us was a presbyter of the Church of % 
 Lyons. Pothinus, the bishop of the Church, died in conse- 
 quence of the sufterings he had undergone when his flock 
 was so fiercely assailed. His death occurred A.D. 177, 
 and St Irenajus was chosen to fill the vacant seat. The 
 Creed, which he put forth when bishop in more peaceful 
 times, bears evidence that to him there was no distinction 
 between East and West in the kingdom of Christ, and the 
 enumeration which he makes of nations professing Christi- 
 anity shews how widely the faith had extended. To an 
 Englishman too it can never be uninteresting to reflect 
 that the Celts mentioned in this enumeration were proba- 
 bly the inhabitants of our own islands. The Oriental cha- 
 racter of some of the observances of the early British 
 Church points directly to this cooclusion. 
 
 The Creed of St IrenaBus occurs in the first book of a 
 work which he wrote during his episcopate against all 
 
 * Euseb. H, E, v. 1. 
 
li 
 
 III 
 
 22 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 *t 
 
 tt 
 
 <( 
 
 tc 
 
 it 
 
 it 
 
 it 
 
 *t 
 
 ti 
 
 it 
 
 heresies. His words are\ " For the Church, though scat- 
 " tered through the whole world even to the ends of the 
 earth, yet having received from the Apostles and their 
 disciples the faith in One God the Father Almighty who 
 " made heaven and earth and the seas and all that is in 
 them, and in one Christ Jesus the Son of God who was 
 made flesh for our salvation, and in the Holy Ghost 
 who preached through the prophets the dispensations 
 [of God] and the advents [of Jesus Christ], and His birth 
 of a Virgin, and His suffering and His rising from the 
 dead, and the ascension in the flesh of our beloved Lord 
 " Jesus Christ into heaven and His coming from heaven in 
 "the glory of the Father, for the consummation of all 
 " things and to raise up all flesh of the whole human race, 
 " that according to the good pleasure of the Father invisi- 
 ble, every knee of things in heaven and on earth and 
 under the earth may bow to Christ Jesus our Lord and 
 " God and Saviour and King, and every tongue may con- 
 " fess to Him, and He may execute just judgement on all ; 
 "the spiritual powers of wickedness, and the angels who 
 
 1 St IreniBUs, Contr. liar. 1. 10, § 1. Ed. Bened. Parisiis, 1710. 97 fi^v 
 ydp iKK\T]fflay Kcdvep Ka$' 5X175 rijt oIkov/m^pijs ^ws irepdruv t^s 7^5 Sieairap- 
 fiivTf}, Tapa 8i ruv 'AvoffrdXuv Kal rOtv iKeivup /MadrjTwv vapaXa^ovcra. t^v, 
 €h ha Qibv VLaripa vavroKpdropay rhv TevonjKdra rbv ovpavbvj Kal ttjv y^y^ 
 Koi tAs daXdffffas, Kal Tdvra ra iv o^roTj, vLariv' Kal els ha Xpicrrby 'l-qaovv, 
 rbv vibv ToO BeoO, rbv aapKUjOipTa vwip ttjs rifxeripas aumjplas, Kal els Jlvevjua 
 ayiov, Tb 8ia tup vptxpriTuiP KeKTjpvxbs rhs olKOVo/Mias, Kal ras eXevceis, Kal 
 r^v iK vapOipov yivnidw, Kal rb Trd$os, Kal ttjp ^yepffip iK peKpQp, Kal ttjp 
 ipffapKOP els Toi>s ovpoMoifS &»d\T]\pip toO rjyarrrjfiipov XpLorov 'Iiycroi/, tov 
 Kvplov ijfiwp, Kal TTjp iK tQp ovpavQp ip t^ 56^X1 "^^^ TlaTpos Trapovaiap avrov 
 iirl rb dpaKetpaXaiibffaadai t4 trdpTOy Kal avaffripai Toaap adpKa Trdcr7]s 
 &p0po}T6Tif)TOSt tpa XpiOTip 'Iricrov r^ Kvpitfi tj/xup Kal Gey Kal ffityrijpi koI 
 /SacTiXet /card r^p evSoKlop roO Harpbs roO dopdrov xdp ybpv Kdfi\p'g ivovpa- 
 vlup Kol iwiyeLuv koI Karax^oplojp, koI vdaa yXuxraa i^ofioXoyi^ffTjrat ovr^, 
 Kal Kplcriv diKoiap ip rots vdai Toi-j^arjTai, rd flip irpev/xariKd r^s roPTjpias Kal 
 dyyiXovs Trapa^e^riKdras, Kal ip dvoaraffi^ yeyoporas, Kol roifs aircjSets, koI 
 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 
 
 23 
 
 " have transgressed, and become apostate, and the impious 
 " and unjust, and lawless and blasphemers among men, He 
 "may adjudge into eternal fire ; but, bestowing life on the 
 "just and holy who have both kept His commandments 
 " and continued in His love, some from the first and some 
 "after repentance, He may give them immortality and 
 " make them partakers of eternal glory. Having received 
 " this proclamation and this faith, as we before said, the 
 " Church though scattered through all the world carefully 
 ''keeps it as though dwelling in one house, and believes 
 "in like manner as though she had but one heart and 
 "soul, and in accord therewith she preaches and teaches 
 "and delivers as though she had but one mouth. For 
 " the languages of the world are dissimilar, but the effect 
 " of the tradition is one and the same. And in no other 
 "wise have either the Churches established in Germany 
 "believed and delivered, nor those in Spain, nor among 
 " the Celts, nor in the East, nor in Egypt, nor in Libya, nor 
 " those established in the middle of the world. But as the 
 "sun, God's creature, is one and the same in all the world, 
 " so too the preaching of the truth shines everywhere and 
 
 « 
 
 dUKOVSf KaldpSftovSt Kal ^Xa<T<pi^fiovs tQv dvOpuirup els rb aldpiop irvp Triixypxi' 
 rdis di SiKaloiS, koI bcrlots^ Kal rds eproXds avrov r€Tr]prfK6<n Kal ip rrj dydir-g 
 avrov SiafiefxeptjKSffi, rois fJ-ip air' dpxv^, rois di eK fierapolas, ^utjp x^'Pi-cd' 
 fxepos dtpdapalap ddjp-ZiffrjTaij Kal 56^ap al(aviav Tepiiroi-qa-jj. Tovro to K^pvy/xa 
 irapeiXi]((>VLa Kal raijTrjP rrjp iriffrip, ws Tpoi<pafxep, ij iKKXyjala Kolvep ip 6X(fi 
 tQ Kdfffiifi Steffvapfiipr] ivifieXOs </>vXd<raei, ws ha oIkop oUovaa- Kal ofiolun 
 Tiareijei toi5tois, ws fxiap ^vxw '^'"■^ "^W o.^rT}p ^x°^^^ KapSlap' Kal avfi^ufpus 
 ravra Krjpvao-eL Kal Si5d<rKei, Kal vapadiSojaip, ws h ori/za KeKrrifiiptj. Koi 
 ydp at Kara top KOfffiop SidXeKTOL dp6/xoLai, aW ij 86vafxis ttjs irapa^baew^ 
 fda Kol -q avr-fj. Kal ofire ai ^i* Tep/iaplais Idpvfiipai iKKXTjtriai AXXcas irerrt- 
 crevKaaiPj rj AXXus TrapadiSbaaip, oiire ip rats ^I^rjplais, odre ip KeXrois, olhe 
 Kard rds dparoXds, oCre ip AlytJirripy oihe ip Ki^uT^y oUre ai Kara fii<ra rod 
 K6cr/JLov ISpvfiipoi. 'AXX' taffirep 6 rjXtoSj ro Krlcrfia rov Qeovy ip SX(f3 r<fi 
 Kdff/Mcp ets Koi 6 avrbsy ovtu koI rb K-^pvyfia rijs aXrjdelas irapraxy (ftalpeij koI 
 ^uH^ei Trdpras dpdpdivovs roi/s fiovXojxipovs els iwiypwcrw dXTjdelas iXdeip, 
 
24 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 €1 
 
 U 
 
 " enlisrhtens all men wlio wish to come to the knowledge 
 ** of the truth. And neither will he who is very powerful 
 
 in language among those who preside over the Churches 
 'say other than this (for the disciple is not above his 
 
 master) nor will he who is weak in the word impair the 
 " tradition. For as the faith is one and the same neither 
 " he who is very able to speak on it adds thereto nor does 
 "he who is less powerful diminish therefrom." 
 
 We may accept this form as typical of the fullest ex- 
 pansion which the Creed had received in the Eastern 
 Church by the end of the second century. An examination 
 of it will demonstrate how large a portion corresponds close- 
 ly to the form which we have received as put forth A. D. 
 381, by the second .Council, and which we use as the Nicene 
 Creed. We shall have a more appropriate place for the 
 comparison of the two, when we enter upon the history of 
 the Nicene Creed, and shall find that, with the exception 
 of such phrases as were introduced in express reference to 
 the errors of Arius and Macedonius, there is little in the 
 Creed of the fourth century that cannot be found in that 
 of the second. And in one article the resemblance be- 
 comes more complete if we add to the Creed already 
 cited a sentence from another form of Creed to be found 
 in the same work ^ of St Irenscus. In this second con- 
 fession he fixes the date of the crucifixion by employing 
 the words, common to the Apostles' Creed and the Nicene, 
 "suffered under Pontius Pilate." In other points this 
 Creed, which is of a briefer character than the former, 
 presents us with no articles which are not contained in 
 
 Kai oihe 6 vdvv Svpotos iv X67V tCov iv rah iKK\r)ffiats vpoetrTuruv frepa 
 rovTtav ipei {ovSils yap virkp tov di5d<TKa\oy) oUre 6 da-devTjs iv t(^ \(rft^ iXar- 
 Ttiirei Trjv irapaSoaiv. Mids yap Kal r-qi avTTJs mareus oikrrjs, oOre 6 iroX^ 
 Ttepl avrrjs duvdfievos eiireiv tTrXcovaaev o{}t€ 6 to oXiyov TjXaTTovrjae, 
 ^ Lib. ui. cap. 4. For the text see Appendix to Chap. I. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 25 
 
 } 
 
 ^ 
 
 that which we have quoted. The like remark applies to a 
 third and still shorter form of his^ which seems, as Dr 
 Heurtley observes, to be framed on the model of St Paul's 
 words (1 Cor. viii. 6) " There is one God the Father from 
 " whom are all things and we in Him, and one Lord 
 " Jesus Christ by whom are all things and we by Him ^." 
 
 Next to be noticed in order of time come the Creeds 
 of the Church of Northern Africa, and their forms of 
 confession which have been preserved are found in the 
 writings of Tertullian and St Cyprian. Both these Fathers, 
 as has been said, were connected with the Church of 
 Carthage, the former as presbyter, the latter as bishop. 
 Tertullian when he attained the middle age of life was, 
 by the envy of the Roman clergy, driven to adopt the 
 erroneous opinions of Montaiius ^. But all the works from 
 which we have to quote were written before he became a 
 Montanist and so date anterior to A.D. 200. One of his 
 tracts is on Baptism, and from it much information is 
 to be gathered concerning the ancient mode of celebration 
 of that Sacrament. But some expressions contained in it 
 have led critics to the opinion that this is one of the works 
 written after his lapse into error*. This is however of less 
 importance to our enquiry, for, though mention is made in 
 this tract of the confession used in Baptism, no form of words 
 is given. And where the Creed does occur in his works he 
 
 1 In lib. IV. c. 33. For the text see Appendix to Chap. I. 
 
 3 See Heurtley's Harm. Sijmb, p. 13. 
 
 3 Montanus, a native of Mysia, who probably had been a priest of 
 Cybele before his conversion, is said to have taught his followers that he 
 had received a fuller revelation than that given to the apostles. From 
 his habit of speaking in the first person in his prophetic ravings, some 
 have said that he gave himself out as God Himself, others that he claimed 
 to be the Paraclete. His aim seems to have been to introduce greater aus- 
 terities into the Christian profession. 
 
 * See Bp. Kaye's Eccl. History of Second and Third Centuries, p. 47. 
 
26 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 27 
 
 If 
 
 adds the fullest testimony to its primitive and Apostolic 
 character. "This rule," he says', "has come down from 
 *'the commencement of the Gospel." In another place* 
 before giving a sketch of the words of the Creed he 
 speaks of it as " the Rule of faith, one, single, immutable, 
 " unalterable." But it is clear from the varied words of his 
 three forms that in this statement he alludes rather to the 
 sense than to the words of his confession. His most lengthy 
 form is as follows I " The Rule of faith is that whereby 
 "we believe that there is really one God and no other 
 "but the Creator of the world who produced all out 
 ** of nothing by His Word sent forth first of all things. 
 '* That Word is called His Son, who variously appeared to 
 " the patriarchs under the name of God and was always 
 "heard in the prophets, and at last descended, through 
 " the Spirit and Power of God the Father, into the Virgin 
 "Mary, was made flesh in her womb and born of her, 
 ** lived as Jesus Christ, then preached a new law and new 
 "promise of the kingdom of heaven, wrought miracles, 
 "was fixed on the cross, rose again the third day, was 
 
 ^ Tert. adv. Prax. c. 2. Hanc regulam ab initio Evangelii decucurrisse. 
 
 ' Tert. de Virg. Vel. c. i. Kegula quidem fidei una omnino est, sola, 
 immobilis et irreformabilis. 
 
 ' Tert. de Prascr. H(sret. c. 13. Eegula est autem fidei... ilia scilicet 
 qua creditur, unum omnino Deum esse, nee alium prfeter mundi condito- 
 rem, qui uni versa de niliilo produxerit, per Vorbum suum primo omnium 
 demissum. Id Verbum filium ejus appellatum, in nomine Dei varie 
 visum a patriarchis, in prophetis semper auditum, postremo delatum ex 
 Spiritu Patris Dei et virtute in Virginem Mariam; camem factum in 
 utero ejus, et ex ea natum egisse Jesum Christum. Exinde praedicasse 
 noYam legem et novam promissionem regni coelorum; virtutes fecisse, 
 fixum cruei, tertiA die resurrexisse, in ccelos ereptum sedisse ad dexteram 
 Patris misisse vicariam vim Spiritus Sancti, qui credentes agat, venturum 
 cum claritate ad eumendos sanctos in vitas setemaB et promissorum coele- 
 Btium fructum, et ad profanes adjudicandos igni perpetuo, facta utriusquo 
 partis resuscitatione cum camis restitutione. 
 
 
 " taken into heaven and sat down at the right hand of 
 
 "God. He sent in His place the power of the Holy Spirit 
 
 " to influence believers, and will come with glory to take 
 
 " His holy ones into the enjoyment of life eternal and the 
 
 "promises of heaven, and to judge the wicked to eternal 
 
 " fire, after a revival of both body and soul with the re- 
 
 " storation of the flesh\" It is unnecessary to quote the 
 
 other two versions of the Creed which Tertullian records^, 
 
 for they, like the forms of St Irenseus, only add to the 
 
 words already given the notice of the time of our Lord's 
 
 crucifixion, but we may remark that while the author in 
 
 one place dwells on the close similarity that existed 
 
 between the Creeds of the African and the Roman Church, 
 
 there are yet many points in which Tertullian's forms 
 
 have more of the Eastern character than was common in 
 
 Western Creeds of a somewhat later date. All his forms, 
 
 for instance, mention the unity of God and dwell on the 
 
 doctrine that the world and all things therein were made 
 
 by Him, and we cannot but be reminded of our present 
 
 Nicene Creed by the phrase '' according to the Scriptures'," 
 
 which occurs in the account of our Lord's sufferings in 
 
 one of them, and by the words " He will come with glory " 
 
 in the form which we have given at full length. 
 
 Most of these distinguishing features are omitted in 
 a Creed of the same Church of Carthage as given a few 
 years later by St C}T)rian, who was martyred a.d. 258. 
 The text of it has been already* quoted, and the only notice 
 here demanded is of those variations which bring it into 
 
 1 De Prascrip. Haret. c. 36. Videamus quid (i. e. ecclesia Eomana) 
 didicerit, quid docuerit. Cum Africanis quoque eoclesiis contesseratur. 
 Unum Deum novit, Creatorem universitatis, et Christum Jesum ex Virgine 
 Maria, Filium Dei Creatoris, et earnis resurrectionem. 
 
 * But for the text see Appendix to Chap. I. 
 
 ' Secundum scripturas, adv. Prax. c. 2. * P. 17. 
 
28 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS, 
 
 what we know as the Western form of the Creed. The words 
 ** One " God and " Maker of heaven and earth " are not 
 inserted in the first article. But one of the clauses of 
 St Cyprian's Creed seems to be an addition to what Ter- 
 tullian set forth. It contains the first mention of " the 
 " Holy Church." We have as yet only met with an allusion 
 to the Church in the introduction to the Creed of St 
 Irenaeus, where the words form no portion of any article. 
 But it has been shewn that Tertullian accepted all that 
 St Cyprian has expressed by his assertion before quoted 
 that where the Father Son and Holy Ghost are believed 
 in, there is the Church. By combining therefore the 
 forms given by the presbyter and the bishop, a moderately 
 complete idea is gained of the Creed of the Church of 
 Carthage in the middle of the third century, and when we 
 compare it with the form round which all the Western 
 symbols are naturally grouped, and into which they were 
 finally merged, that is the Apostles' Creed, we find but 
 two articles, the Descent into Hell, and the Communion of 
 Saints, which have no place in these African symbols. 
 
 The next Creed to be noticed is connected with the 
 church of Home. Novatian, by whom it is set forth, was 
 at first a presbyter at Rome about a.d. 2G0 and afterwards 
 was irregularly ordained bishop of that Church, and thus 
 originated the schism against which St Cyprian wrote. In 
 the Creed as set forth by him, there is to be observed, 
 what we have before alluded to, that extreme brevity which 
 is a feature of all the Creeds which emanated from the 
 Koman Church. Rufinus*, in speaking of the additions 
 
 1 Eufinus, in Sijmh. Apost. § 3. In ecclesia tamen urbis Eoma) hoc 
 non deprehenditur factum, quod ego propterea esse arbitror, quod neque 
 liaeresis ulla illic sumsit exordium : ...in caeteris autem locis, quantum in- 
 telligi datur, propter nonnullos haereticos addita quaedam videntur, per 
 quae novellae doctrinsB sensus crederetur exoludi. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 29 
 
 which the symbols in other Churches had received, ac- 
 counts for the shorter forms in use in Rome from the fact 
 that the Church there was less troubled by heresies. This 
 is easy to be understood. In even earlier times the in- 
 tellect of the Latin race was practical rather than specu- 
 lative, and her sons loved feats of prowess rather than 
 subtleties of philosophy. On the contrary the Oriental 
 Churches, whose teachers had drunk largely at the foun- 
 tains of Plato and Aristotle, were constantly disturbed by 
 ingenious theories to explain the mysteries which should 
 have been accepted as a faith. The words of Rufinus are : 
 **Yet in the Church of Rome this (viz. additions to the 
 " Creed) is not found, which I think is because no heresy 
 "has had its rise thence... but in other places clauses seem 
 " to have been added on account of some heretics, whereby 
 "the sense of their novel doctrine was supposed to be 
 " excluded." And St Ambrose testifies in like manner to 
 the unaltered preservation of the early Roman Creeds 
 We are prepared therefore to find that the Creed set forth 
 by Novatian is little more than the baptismal formula. 
 He speaks of it as the Rule of truth, a name which is 
 almost identical with the ''preaching or i^^oclamation of 
 " truth" used by St Irenaeus, and his exposition of it is this^: 
 " The Rule of truth demands that first of all we should 
 " believe in God the Father and Lord Almighty, that is, 
 *' the most perfect Maker of all things ; the same Rule of 
 " truth teaches us to believe after the Father, also in the 
 
 1 St Ambrose, Ep. 42, § 5, ad Syricium (Migne, xvi. 1125). Credatur 
 symbolo apostolorum quod ecclesia Komana intemeratum semper custodit 
 et servat. 
 
 * Novatian, de Trin. chapp. 1. 9. 29 (Migne, iii. 886). Kegula exigit veri- 
 tatis ut primo omnium, credamus in Deum Patrem et Dominum omni- 
 potentem, id est, rerum omnium perfectissimum conditorem. Eadem 
 Begula veritatis docet nos credere, post Patrem, etiam in Filium Dei, 
 
30 
 
 U I STORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 31 
 
 •* Son of God, Christ Jesus, our Lord God, but the Son of 
 " God. Moreover the order of reason and the authority 
 •* of faith admonishes us, when the words and Scriptures 
 " of the Lord are well considered, to believe after these 
 " things also in the Holy Ghost of old promised to the 
 " Church but given at the due and fitting time." This is 
 hardly anything but an elaboration of the names and 
 oflSces of the three Persons of the Trinity, but cannot fail 
 to be of interest as bearing witness to the adherence to 
 a Scriptural type in the Creed of the mother city of the 
 
 West. 
 
 That this Roman symbol might be exhibited in close 
 connection with the African Creed, and that thus the 
 reader might understand what interpretation is to be put 
 on Tertullian's statement about the accord of the two 
 Churches, we have omitted to mention in its chronological 
 sequence the Creed of Alexandria, which we may gather 
 from the works of Origen. That acute thinker left a work 
 in Greek On first principles, the greater part of which 
 in the original language has unfortunately been lost, but 
 a Latin translation made by Rufinus still remains, from 
 which may be seen what were the articles of the Creed as 
 set forth in Origen's day in the metropolitan Church of 
 Northern Egypt And in quoting this Creed it may be 
 necessarv to observe that the errors ^ into which Origen 
 
 Christum Jesum Dominum Deum nostrum, sed Dei Filium. Sed enim 
 ordo rationis et fidei auctoritas, digestis vocibus et Uteris Domini, ad- 
 monet nos, post haec credere etiam in Spiritum Sanctum, olim ec- 
 clesisB repromissum sed statutis temporum opportunitatibus redditum. 
 
 ^ Origen's peculiar opinions were the result of a desire to reconcile 
 philosophy with the Gospel. His orthodoxy on the doctrine of Christ's 
 divinity is defended by Bishop BuU {Def. Fid. Nic. ii. 9). He held the 
 non-etemity of punishment, and seems to have inclined to what was 
 afterwards known as Pelagianism in his exaltation of the freedom of the 
 mil, and his questioning the necessity of grace. His Creed shews him to 
 
 was betrayed, and which his admirers afterwards augment- 
 ed, were not of such a character as to interfere with the 
 language of the symbol which he gives. The disciple of 
 Clemens Alexandrinus and of Ammonius could hardly be 
 expected to be free from the spirit of that philosophy for 
 which his teachers had such a fame. Before stating what 
 the Creed is, Origen dwells on its source and authority in 
 language of this nature. " The apostles delivered certain 
 " articles of faith to be received, because they were con- 
 '* vinced of their necessity; they left the reasons of them to 
 " be sought out by those who have a greater love than 
 " others for true wisdom." He then proceeds to give a 
 sketch of these dogmatic teachings of the apostles \ " The 
 '* form of those things which are manifestly delivered by 
 "the preaching of the apostles is this. First, that there 
 " is one God who created and framed everything, and who, 
 ** when nothing was, brought all things into being ; God, 
 "from the first creation and forming of the world... and 
 "that this God in the last days... sent our Lord Jesus 
 " Christ... This just and good God the Father of our Lord 
 " Jesus Christ, Himself gave the law and the prophets and 
 "the Gospels, and He also is the God of the apostles, and 
 " of the Old and New Testament. Then secondly, that 
 " Jesus Christ Himself who came, was born of the Father 
 
 have been free from the Gnostic tendencies so usually accompanying a 
 philosophic proclivity. 
 
 1 Origen, de PrincipiiSy lib. i. c. 4. Species vero eorum qu£e per prje- 
 dicationem apostolicam manifeste traduntur, istse sunt. Primo quod unus 
 Deus est, qui omnia creavit atque composuit, quique cum nihil esset, esse 
 fecit universa, Deus a prima creaturd et conditione mundi,...et quod hie 
 Deus in novissimis diebus...misit Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum... 
 Hie Deus Justus et bonus Pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi legem et pro- 
 phetas et evangelia ipse dedit, qui et apostolorum Deus est, et veteris 
 et novi Testamenti. Tum deinde quia Jesus Christus ipse qui venit ante 
 omnem creaturam natus ex Patre est Qui cum in omnium conditione 
 
Ud 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 tt 
 
 it 
 
 tt 
 
 tt 
 
 tt 
 
 tt 
 
 "before all creation. And when in the formation of all 
 " thinsrs He had served the Father, for by Him all things 
 " were made, in these last times emptying Himself, was 
 " made man incarnate while He was God, and though made 
 " man, remained God as He was before : took a body like our 
 *' body, differing in this point only, that it was born of the 
 Virgin and the Holy Ghost. And since this Jesus Christ 
 was born and suffered in truth and not in appearance, 
 He bore the death common to all men and truly died ; 
 for He truly rose from the dead, and after His resurrec- 
 tion having conversed with His disciples He was taken up. 
 They also set forth that the Holy Ghost was united in 
 " honour and dignity with the Father and the Son." Here- 
 in may be traced the same earnest resistance to the errors 
 of the Docetae, and of those who followed them, which 
 has been before* noticed in the passage quoted from St 
 Isrnatius. And we see how the articles of this Creed have 
 expanded to resist the heresies of Carpocrates and Valen- 
 tinus. God, and not the angels, made the world, and there- 
 fore matter is not necessarily the source of evil. Christ is 
 no mere phantom, as Saturninus, Cerdo and Tatian main- 
 tained, but the very Son of God. Nor is the God of the 
 New Testament different from that of the Old as had been 
 taught by Cerdo, Marcion and Basilides. Alexandria, of 
 all the world, at this time was the place where heretical 
 
 Patri ministrasset, per ipsum enim omnia facta sunt, novissimis tempo- 
 ribus so ipsum exinaniens homo factus incarnatus est cum Deus esset, et 
 homo factus mansit quod erat Deus. Corpus assumpsit nostri corpori 
 simile, eo solo differens quod natum ex Tirgine et Spiritu Sancto est. Et 
 quoniam hie Jesus Christus natus et passus est in veritate, et non per 
 phantasiam, communem hanc mortem sustinuit, vere mortuus: vera 
 enim a mortuis resurrexit, et post resurrectionem conversatus cum dis- 
 cipulis suis assumptus est. Tum deinde honore et dignitate Patri et 
 Filio sociatum tradiderunt Spiritum Sanctum. 
 1 P. 13. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 
 
 33 
 
 tt 
 
 tt 
 
 speculations were rife, and Origen's Creed is modelled 
 accordingly ; thus illustrating the truth of what Epipha- 
 nius* said long afterwards when shewing how professions 
 of faith became expanded. "On this account," says he, 
 (that is, because of heresies) '• both you and we and all 
 "the orthodox bishops and generally all the holy Catholic 
 " Church, in opposition to the heresies that have crept in, 
 " teach in this wise, in harmony with the faith of those 
 holy fathers which has been previously set down, especi- 
 ally to those who come to holy baptism, that they may 
 " pronounce and teach it Hkewise." 
 
 Intimately connected with the Creed of Origen must 
 that confession be regarded which was put forth by Gregory, 
 bishop of Neocaesarea, afterwards called Thaumaturgus. 
 When a young man he had the benefit of the lectures 
 of Origen, who was teaching at Csesarea in Palestine while 
 banished from Alexandria. At the time of his departure 
 for his home in Pontus, Gregory, in gratitude for the ad- 
 vantages which he had reaped from this instruction and 
 intercourse, composed a panegyric oration as a farewell 
 tribute to his accomplished master, and it is in this work 
 that the Creed occurs. That its author was a man who 
 had deeply studied such subjects is manifest from the 
 events of his after life. He opposed with great earnest- 
 ness the doctrinal errors of Paul of Samosata, and almost 
 the last act of his life was to take a prominent part in 
 the Synod of Antioch A.D. 266, in which those errors 
 were condemned. St Basil the Great, who succeeded him 
 in the episcopate, speaks of him in terms of the highest 
 
 * Ancoratus, cxxi. roh-ov x^P^v v/ieis re koL V«s Koi irdvTes ol 6p66- 
 So^oi iiritrKoiroi Kal cvW-^pdrjv iraaa ij ayia KaOoXiKr] 'EKKXyjala irphs ras 
 AvaKV^I/daas alpeaeis olkoXovOws ry tQp ayiuv exelviav iraripup irpoTeTayfxivn 
 wiarei^ oCrtas X^yopup^ /idXia-Ta rois T(f ayicp Xovrptp irpoffiovaiv, tva aTray' 
 yAwct Koi X^uffiy ovrui, 
 
 L. 3 
 

 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 reverence'. His Creed is as follows '^ : " There is one God, 
 " the Father of the living Word, which is the substantive 
 "wisdom, and eternal power and image of God: the perfect 
 "origin of the perfect: the Father of the only begotten 
 "Son. There is one Lord, one of one, God of God, the 
 " image and likeness of the Godhead, the mighty Word, 
 "the wisdom which embraces the constitution of all things, 
 *' and the power which produces all creation ; the true Son 
 " of the true Father, invisible of the invisible, and incor- 
 "ruptible of incorruptible, and immortal of immortal, and 
 " everlasting of everlasting. And there is one Holy Ghost, 
 " having his existence from God, and being manifested by 
 " the Son, namely to mankind, the likeness of the Son, 
 " perfect of perfect, Life tlie cause of Living things : the 
 "sacred fount, sanctity, the Minister of Sanctification : in 
 "whom is revealed God the Father, who is over all things 
 " and in all things ; and God the Son, who is through all 
 "things. A Perfect Trinity not divided nor differing in 
 "glory and eternity and sovereignty. Neither indeed is 
 "there anything created or subservient in the Trinity, 
 "nor introduced as though not there before but coming 
 " in afterwards, nor indeed has the Son ever been without 
 
 ^ Basil M., de Spiritu Sancto, § 74, and Ep. 75. 
 
 * Gregory, Orat. Panegrjr. in Orig. Efs Gc6j, Tlar-fip Koyov fcGiroy, 
 ^o<f>las v(p€<rTU}a7)Sf xal 8uvdfi€ws, Kal xo/5afTi7/)os diSlov' WXeios reXeiov ytv- 
 vijTUjp' riarV tlov fiovo-yevov^. ETs Kvpios, fxbvos iK /xovov, Geos ix QeoC' 
 XapcLKTTjp Kal cIkwv tt}s QeoTTjTos, A&yos ivtpyf}^' ^o<^ia tQv 6\(av ffuoraVcws 
 vepieKTUcrj, Kal Avvafiis ttjs 6\rji Krlaem TroLijTiKifi' Tfos dXrjOivof, d\r)6ivov 
 Ilar/xij, dbpaTQt tov dopdrov, Kal dipOapros dtpddprov, koI dddvaros ddavdroVy 
 KoX dt5ioi d'CSiov. Kal iv Ilveujua "Ayiov^ iK Qeov T-ijv vrrap^ip ^xo"? 'f'*^ ^** 
 Tloi/ arc^Tji/oy, SiyXoS^ rots avSpwiroi^^ eiKuv tov TIoO, reXeiov reXela' ^wrj 
 ^ilivTtav alria' VTjy^ ay la^ ayiorrii, ayiaffnov xopvyo^' ^v $ iftavepovrai Geif 
 6 UaTrjp, 6 iwl vdvTi>}v koX cV Tracrt, Kal Geo? 6 TIjj, o oti vdvrwv, Tptds 
 TcXcftt, Zo^rji Kal di'Storiyrt Kal ^acnXdq. firj /xepi^o/iivrj, firjd^ dvaWoTpiovfihij. 
 OCre odp kticttov tl, ^ 8ov\ov iv Ty TpidSi, oOre i-welaaKTOv^ m vporepov fi^v 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 35 
 
 "the Father nor the Spirit without the Son, but the 
 " Trinity is ever the same unvarying and unchangeable." 
 Though this Creed is perhaps in character more suited 
 to the oration of which it is a part than to be a form of 
 Confession for the use of a church, there is no doubt that 
 it was held in high esteem as a Creed. The passages 
 already alluded to from St Basil shew this ; and such a 
 testimony to the Divinity of the third Person in the 
 Godhead and to the doctrine of the Undivided Trinity 
 would be of the greatest value, coming from such lips, 
 when heresies like that of Macedonius began to prevail. 
 
 There is yet another Creed which is to be included 
 among those anterior to the Nicene Council, though the 
 proceedings connected with its publication, so far as we 
 know them, took place afterwards. When the fathers 
 assembled at Nice had put forth their symbol expressing 
 the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father in oppo- 
 sition to Arius and his followers, every effort w^as used by 
 the Arian party to obtain the acceptance of another Creed 
 which should not contain the " Homoousion." Numerous 
 councils were held to further their views, and in one of the 
 earliest of these, held at Antioch A.D. 341, four^ Creeds 
 seem to have been set forth, in the hope that one of them 
 might find acceptance in place of the obnoxious symbol 
 of Nice. Sozomen expressly states this to have been the 
 intention of the assembled bishops, though their first ex- 
 position or letter concerning the faith, given by Socrates, 
 distinctly disclaims any connection with the Arian heresy. 
 Their language is, "We have never been followers of Arius," 
 
 oux vTapxoVf Screpov Zk iireiffeXdoV oUre oZv iviXnre irork TIos Ilar/oi, oUre 
 Tlip TO Uvev/xa, dXX' dTpcirros Kal dpaXXoicoros ij avT-i] Tpiai del. 
 
 1 See Mansi, ii. 1339—1343, also Socr. H. E. ii. 10 and 18 ; and on 
 the whole council, see Soz. II. E. iii. 5, and on the third of these creeds 
 Athanasius, de Synodis (Migne, Patr. Gr. Lat. xxvi. col. 726). 
 
 3—2 
 
36 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 but their persistent endeavour in each of the formulas to 
 omit or find a substitute for the crucial term bespeaks 
 their feeling towards the Council of the three hundred 
 and eighteen. It is with their second Creed that we are 
 now concerned. They stated that they had found it in 
 manuscript, and that it was the very writing of Lucian 
 who had been martyred in Nicomedia. This Lucian was 
 a presbyter at Antioch, and had suffered martyrdom A.D. 
 311, under Maximinus. The Arian party no doubt thought 
 that the fate of its author would be an arojument in 
 favour of the reception of his Creed : added to which he 
 was known to have been a learned man who had devoted 
 himself to elucidating and amending the Septuagint Ver- 
 sion of the Old Testament Scriptures. 
 
 The words of his exposition are these*. " We believe, 
 " in accordance with evangelic and apostolic tradition, in 
 " One God the Father Almighty, the former and maker of 
 all things, and in one Lord Jesus Christ His Son, God 
 the only begotten, by whom all things were made, who 
 "was begotten of the Father before all ages, God of God, 
 whole of whole, One of One, perfect of perfect, King of 
 King. Lord of Lord, the living Word, Wisdom, Life, the 
 true Light, the way of truth, the resurrection, the Shep- 
 "herd, the door, unchangeable and unalterable, the immu- 
 " table likeness of the Godhead and Kubstancc and power 
 " and counsel and glory of the Father : The firstborn of 
 
 * Socr. HisU 11. UiaTtCoficv iKoKovBtai r ^ tv<xyyt\iK^ koX dwo<rro\tK^ 
 7rapa56cei, th em Gebv iraHpa TaPTOKparopa, t6¥ t&v f^XkH' ii).utovfyy6¥ re 
 Kol noijrriqv' KoX €h iva Kvpiw 'Iricovv Xptardif, rbif vl6i' aCroO rhv fAOt'oyti^ 
 Oeby, 5t' ov rd, rdyrd iy^yero' rbv yeytntd^yra irpb TdtrrufP tw¥ aluiywy Jk toO 
 varpbs, 0(6^ ix OeoO, 5\or 4^ SXov, nbvw h fd^ov, r4\tioy cV rtX^ov, /Ja<r«\^a 
 iK ^affiXius, KjJ/kov ir6 Kvplov' X&yoy ^yra, <ro^oy, (i^y, 04^1 dXiiOtyby, 
 U6p d\riddas, dydaraffiy, woifi^ya, Bvpay drptwrby r* kcU AyaXXolunoy r^y 
 rm OidTTjTos ov<rlai re Kal dvydjxem Kal ^ovXijf Koi U^f^ tuO rarpdj dwapd\» 
 
 It 
 
 (t 
 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 iC 
 
 \ 
 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 37 
 
 tt 
 
 « 
 
 every creature, who was in the beginning with God, the 
 Word of God, according to what is said in the Gospel. 
 * And the Word was God,' by whom all things were made, 
 "and in whom all things consist: who in the last days 
 " came down from above, and was born of a Virgin accord- 
 '* ing to the Scriptures : and became man, the mediator be- 
 " tween God and man, and the Apostle of our Faith and 
 the Lord of life, as he says, * I have come down from 
 ' heaven, not to do mine own will, but the will of Him 
 *that sent me:' Who suffered for us, and rose for »s the 
 third day, and ascended into heaven and sitteth on the 
 right hand of the Father, and again is coming with glory 
 and power to judge the living and dc4id. And in tiic 
 " Holy Spirit given for ooowUiion «nd eamciificatioii and 
 "perfection to ihcu^c who believe, rji also our Lortl Jcmis 
 " Christ appointed t<i hig diedplee toying^ ^Oo ye, tench all 
 "'nations, baptizing' them in tho name of tlw? Father and 
 " 'of the Son and of the Holy Gho«t/ dearly of tlie Father 
 ** who IS really a Father, and of the Son who i^ n^ajly 
 *' a Son, and of the Holy Oho«st who is really the Holy 
 ** Ghost, these names being aligned not vaguely nor idiv, 
 
 n 
 
 u 
 
 *t 
 
 a 
 
 4( 
 
 n 
 
 u 
 
 ee<J#'^ \{r)foy GeoK, /card ri tl^r^rcr h r^ fUiyt^M^ ml Qt4t ^ 6 X^tn, 
 9^' cv tA vdyra iyhtt^, K«i VW y '^ »<^« 9^eT^€^ rdm /r' i^x^r<^ tCp 
 ^ifAtpQy tcaTfXOdyra, Ai^Mfcr, x^l ynv^^Mrm i^ v^^m« nrd t^t 7fa^f • ««£ 
 dyOpunroy y^y^fifi^oy, ftt^cnr ««» ««i A^^Ctmt, *Aa^#r«V^ rt ri% wiar*u% 
 ilfiS>y, ^ ip)crroy rijt ^w^, Jf f^fft^ifi Kmrtx^i^^a lu ^oi ^Wit, o»'x 
 
 ¥wip ifuQy, nai dvaard^rm (fi^ liuutr rp rfirjf ift^fiQ, Mi At^XJitru t(t Wyw. 
 
 Kol UnfdfAiun, Kfnyai {umrat col ^i:^^. K»i tit t« II>r»^ ti fi^,gr, t4 tH 
 wapdKXfiaty teal aytourpiy m* id tiXMucvt roif wtrrr4«»^ i6i6^on^' Mb9ut 
 Kol 6 Kvptoi iifiuy 'lf}a^lf%arh icrrc^r^ r^i% ^Mi^«rt Xfyw lUftt^yrtt 
 fiaeriT9^Hrar4 wdyra rA /^ ^jcrHjprrrf cvf^it tU ro Am^ rtO U^rfiot, jcel 
 
38 
 
 EI STORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 tt 
 
 it 
 
 "but indicating the special personality glory and order of 
 " those named, so that in Personality they are three, but in 
 " Harmony one. Having then this faith before God and 
 " Christ we anathematize all heretical false doctrine. And 
 " if any one, contrary to the holy right faith of the Scrip- 
 " tures, teaches and says that there has been or existed 
 a season or time before the Son of God was, let him 
 be accursed. And if any one says that the Son is a 
 "created being as one of the creatures, or generated as one 
 "of things generated, and not as the divine Scriptures 
 " have handed down each of the forenamed statements ; or 
 " if a man teaches or preaches any thing else contrary to 
 "what we have received, let him be accursed. For we 
 " truly and clearly both believe and follow all things from 
 "the Holy Scriptures that have been transmitted to us by 
 " the Prophets and Apostles." The last sentences contain- 
 ing the anathemas are couched in the tone of the Niceno 
 Creed, against which these followers of Arius were striving, 
 and must not be considered as any part of the formulary 
 set forth by Lucian. They were probably added at this 
 time to bring the creed of Lucian into a somewhat closer 
 likeness to the Nicene symbol, which the members of tlie 
 Council hoped in this way to supersede. The clauses on 
 
 &ylov rw dvofidrtav o^x <iir\aJs ovbk dpyujv Ketfxivuv dXXi <xvftiaiv6vTuv dKpt^ 
 /Sws Ttjv lUav iKOffTov tup dvofxa^fiivuv {/Tdcraalv re Kcd 86^av Kal rd^iy. 
 'Qs etvai ry iikv VTOffrdffei rpLa' ry 8i avfitpmltf ^v. Ta{mrv otv Hx^vri^ t^v 
 wlffTiVf ivibTiw rod Oeou koX rov Xpiarov, irdffap alperiKyv dvadefiaTi^fitv 
 KaKodo^latf. Kal et rts ropA rijv vyiij tQv ypa<f>(3v dpdijv Tlartv 8idd.aK€i 
 'SiytaVf r} KOipiiv rj al(3va ehai ij yeyovivai, xpo rov rw vlov rov Oeoi/, dvddepLa 
 iarw. Ka2 cf rtf Xiyei rov vlov KTiff/xa wj iif tQv KTiapLaruv yj yiwyfxa m 
 iv rQ}V yiwrifidrtav, koI /xiy ws al dtiai ypatpal vapaSedibKaffi ruv irpoeiprffi^vup 
 Uaara* ^ ef rtf AWo 5i5a<r*cet ^ tvayy^Ki^irai wap' 5 wapeXd^fiev, d^ddefia 
 iffTbJ. 'H/Acts 7d/) xdffi Toh iK tuv Oeiojv ypatpQv xapadfdofxipois inr6 re ruu 
 vpwptjfruv KoX 'XvwniiKwy dXrjdivui re koI ifufiavws koX TtffT€vofi€P Kcd dico- 
 
 }iOV$OV{JL€V, 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS, 
 
 39 
 
 the Incarnation are very full, but as Lucian's death had 
 taken place more than ten years before the adoption of 
 the phrase "con substantial" into the Creed, that word of 
 course is absent. The Arians, as Sozomen says^ for some 
 reason declining to say that the Son was consubstantial. 
 with the Father, dwelt instead thereof on the immutabi- 
 lity and uncbangeablenoss of His Godhead, as asserted in 
 this Creed, and that He was the unalterable likeness of the 
 substance, counsel, power and glory of the Father, and the 
 firstborn of every creature. 
 
 In considering this Creed as one composed before the 
 Nicene Council, we have at present no concern with the 
 motive for which it was put forward at the Synod of An- 
 tioch, but need only observe that the expressions, if this 
 be taken as a type of the Symbols of the East just before 
 A.D. 325, were gradually approaching nearer and nearer 
 to the form of that which became fixed at the first and 
 second Councils. 
 
 From an inspection of the Creeds which we have enu- 
 merated we may safely conclude that, in whatever manner 
 composed, there was some original typical form, to which 
 all the Creeds in early times corresponded in sense if not 
 in words; and if we put the Creed of Tertullian side by 
 side with that of St Irenx'us, we shall conclude that the 
 primary variations and additions made to the baptismal 
 formula were of the character which was subsequently im- 
 pressed on all Eastern Creeds. In approaching nearer to • 
 the end of the period already examined, we discover that 
 in the Eoman Church there was no cause at work to lead 
 to such extensive additions as were needed by the Oriental 
 Christians, and that therefore the Western Creed was of a 
 shorter form and of a less pliilosophic character. Such 
 
 1 H. E, III. 5. 
 
40 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 III 
 
 articles of the Western Creed as did not appear before 
 this time in any symbol of either East or West have 
 been already pointed out ; it remains only to notice what 
 parts of the Creed adopted in the first General Council 
 have already been included in the Creeds which can be 
 found anterior to it. And here we are only able to find 
 those words which were inserted as a special guard against 
 the Arians. These are in the phrases eV t^? ov<Tla<i rod 
 ILiT/jo?, "of the substance of the Father," and ofioovatov 
 TM Jlarpl, " of one substance with the Father." Every 
 other clause of the Nicene Creed has occurred in one or 
 other of the forms already given. To neither of these ex- 
 pressions would the Arian party agree, and the acceptance 
 of the Creed containing them by the Church Catholic was 
 the most emphatic condemnation of the heresy of Alius. 
 
 Here however we must remark that there is a de- 
 parture in these expressions from a characteristic of all the 
 previous symbols. It had been the boast of every form put 
 forth up to this time, that though something might, as Ter- 
 tullian asserted, be added to our Lord's words, yet what- 
 ever was added was either to be found in the Gospels or 
 had been received from the apostles. The Creed of the 
 Church was to Irenseus " the faith received from the apo- 
 ^'^' sties and their disciplea" Tertullian's rule of faith had 
 "come down from the commencement of the Gospel:" 
 and the symbol of Novatian was grounded on a due con- 
 sideration of the sayings and teachings of our Lord. 
 Origen states, in the introduction to his Creed, that he was 
 setting forth what the apostles had delivered, and the 
 Creed which the Arians quoted at Antioch is framed " in 
 accordance with evangelic and Apostolic tradition." But 
 now on the development of error, words must be employed 
 which had no place in the Gospels or in the Epistles, and 
 
 •fe* 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 41 
 
 the first of these is the "Homoousion" of the Nicene 
 fathers. Whence it came and why it was needed will 
 appear as we proceed. It is only to be observed in con- 
 clusion, that those who had been the cause of the intro- 
 duction of a term not to be found in Holy Writ were, 
 as might have been expected, loudest in their outcry 
 against it. And for a century or more their language 
 was constantly that of the Sirmian Synod ^ ''that all 
 " mention of substance should be omitted from a profession 
 " of faith, as it was an expression which none could un- 
 "derstand, and was not to be found in the Scriptures." 
 And thus they strove to raise an argument against the 
 orthodox upon language which their own teaching had 
 rendered necessary ^ 
 
 ' Soz. IV. 6. 
 
 ^ For instances of the pertinacity with which the Arians objected to 
 the word 6fioov<nos, see Soz. //. E. bk, ii. chapp. 18 and 21; also bk. in. 
 chapp. 5, 13 and 19. 
 
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER T. 
 
 I. Creeds from St Irenmis. 
 
 Eufinus' rendering of the second creed of St Irenceiis 
 [cont II(jer. III. 4) is as follows : 
 
 ^ Quid autem si neqiie Apostoli qiiidem Scriptiiras reli- 
 qiiisscnt nobis, nonnc oportebat ordinem seqiii Traditionis 
 quam tradiderunt iis quibus committebant Ecclesias ? Cui 
 ordinationi assentiimt miiltjB gentes barbarorum corimi 
 qui in Christum credunt, sine cliarta et atramento scrip- 
 tarn habentes per Spiritum in cordibus suis salutem et 
 veterem traditionem diligenter custodicntes, 
 
 In unum Deum credentes, fabricatorera coeli et terra* 
 et omnium qua? in eis sunt per Christum Jesum Dei 
 filium, qui propter eminentissimam erga figmentum 
 suum dilectionem earn qu^e esset ex Virgine genera- 
 tionem sustinuit ipse per se hominem adunans Deo ; 
 et passus sub Pontio Pilato. et resurgens et in claritate 
 receptus, in gloria ventunis, salvator eorum qui sal- 
 vantur et judex eorum qui judicantur et mittens in 
 ignem a}ternum transfiguratores veritatis et contemp- 
 tores Patris sui et adventus ejus. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. 
 
 43 
 
 The original text of the third creed {cont Hcer. iv. 
 C2) IS preserved and runs thus : 
 
 iravra avpearrjKev' 
 
 €19 €pa Beop TTavTOKparopa ef ov ra iravTa iriarK: oXokXt]- 
 po^' ^^} fi? TOP vlov Tov Seov, "Irjaovv Xpiarov rbv 
 
 KVpiOV TjflOW, Bl ov Tci TTflPTa KOl TU^ olKOVOfJLLa<i avTov, 
 
 Bi wv dv9pu3iro^ iyev€TO 6 i»/o9 tov Seov, ireiapLOvi) 
 ^effaia' xal ek to jrvevfia tov %eov to tcl^ OLKovofila^ 
 llaTpo<; T€ Koi Tiov (TKTjvofiaTovv KaO* eKacTTTjv <yeveav 
 iv TOL<i av9p(tiiroL<;, KaOm fiov\€Tai 6 liaTrjp, r^vwai^ 
 
 i] Twv dirodToXwv^ CiBaxr) koX to dpxalov t^9 i/€KX7]aia<; 
 avaT7]p,aj KUTa TravTO^ tov kogixov. 
 
 II. Creeds from Tertullian. 
 Tertull. {De Virg. Vel i.) 
 
 Regula quidem fidei una omnino est sola immobilis 
 et irreformabilis • 
 
 credendi scilicet in unicum Deum omnipotentem 
 mundi conditorem, et iilium ejus Jesum Christum, 
 natum ex Virgine Maria, crucifixum sub Pontio Pilato* 
 tertia die resuscitatum a mortuis, receptum in coelis, 
 sedentem nunc ad dexteram Patris, venturum judicare 
 vivos et mortuos per carnis etiam resurrectionis. 
 H«ac lege fidei manente, cetera jam disciplinse et con- 
 versationis adniittunt novitatem correctionis operante 
 scilicet et proficient e usque in finem gratia Dei. 
 
 He also gives {adv. Fraooeam, 2) the following form : 
 
 Nos vero et semper, et nunc magis ut instructiores per 
 Paracletum, deductorem scilicet omnis veritatis, 
 
 Unicum quidem Deum credimus, sub hac tamen dis- 
 pensatione quam oLKovofiiav dicimus, ut unici Dei sit 
 
ii 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 I 
 
 s 
 
 (1 
 
 11 
 
 et Filius sermo ipsius, qui ex ipso processerit, per 
 quern omnia facta sunt et sine quo factum est nihil. 
 Hunc missum a Patre in Virginem et ex ea natum, 
 hominem et Deum, filium hominis et filium Dei, et 
 cognominatum Jesum Christum, hunc passum, hunc 
 mortuum et sepultum, secundum scripturas, et resusci- 
 tatum a Patre et in coeli resumptum, sedere ad dexte- 
 ram Patris, venturum judicare vivos et mortuos ; qui 
 exinde miserit, secundum proraissionem suam, a Patre 
 Spiritum Sanctum Paracletum, sanctificatorem fidei 
 eorum qui credunt in Patrem et Filium et Spiritum 
 Sanctum, 
 
 Hanc regulam ab initio evangelii decucurrisse, etiam 
 ante priores quosque haereticos, nedum ante Praxeam 
 hestemum probabit tam ipsa posteritas omnium haereti- 
 corum, quam ipsa novellitas Praxeaa hestcrni. 
 
 \ 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 OF THE NICENE AND CONSTANTINOPOLITAN CREEDS. 
 
 *E/c ro^roi/ ^k tn fxaWov iirl hdrepa i^eKuUro ij avov^, koX fxtl^p, otoL 
 4n\€t, avtKivridr) ipis. 
 
 Soz. H. E. I. 15. 
 
 The Arian heresy, which led to tlie assembly of the first 
 General Council and the issuing of the first authoritative 
 symbol, takes its name from Arius a presbyter of the 
 church of Alexandria. This man appears to have been, 
 even from his first admission to orders, a troublesome 
 member of the ministry. The bishop who admitted him 
 to the diaconate, Peter of Alexandria, found it necessary 
 to visit him with a suspension from his office for having 
 taken part against himself and in favour of Meletiu.^ 
 During the brief episcopate of Achillas, who succeeded 
 Peter, he was restored, and subsequently became a presby- 
 ter. But he was of a restless character, and his previous 
 education rendered him prone to speculate on and strive 
 to reduce to formal language points of doctrine on which 
 hitherto no question had been raised in the Church. The 
 doctrine which he set forward was one which denied tho 
 eternal Divinity of the Second Person of the Holy Trinity. 
 The language in which he stated hi.s belief, and which 
 

 n I STORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 I 
 
 <( 
 
 ti 
 
 n 
 
 afterwards was in part included in the anathema now for 
 the first time attached to the Creed, was ^ ** that the Son of 
 " God was produced from things non-existent, and that 
 there was a time when He was not, that He was of His 
 free will capable of virtue or vice, was also a creature 
 and a thing produced." 
 The bishop, who was now Alexander, endeavoured by 
 convening a congress of divines to convince Arius of his 
 errors, but without success, and at last was compelled to 
 excommunicate him. Alexander communicated with foreisrn 
 bishops and with the Emperor Constantine on the troubles 
 of the Church, and the latter, in his great anxiety for the 
 unity of the Church into which he had so recently been 
 received, sent as a special mediator Hosius bishop of Cor- 
 dova; but this intervention was as ineffectual as the pre- 
 vious conference had been. Meanwhile Arius put himself 
 in active communication with all such bishops as he knew 
 o.r supposed to be favourable to his opinions. Among 
 these he found the warmest supporter in Eusebius bishop 
 of Nicomedia, who was a valuable partizan from his great 
 influence with the Emperor. Other bishops shewed them- 
 selves inclined to support the excommunicated presbyter, 
 and some of them wrote to Bishop Alexander on his behalf 
 It is thought that Eusebius of Caesarea, the ecclesiastical 
 historian, had at first a considerable leaning to the side of 
 Arius, though he acquiesced, but with some hesitation, in 
 the ultimate conclusion of the Nicene Council. This con- 
 tention within the Church spread throughout all the range 
 of Christendom, and was more serious than any external 
 attack under which she had suffered. "For," as Theodoret 
 
 ^ Sozomen. H. E. 1. 15, rbv vlbv rod Beov i^ oiiK 6vtuv yeyev rjaOai, Kcd 
 thai T0T€ 8t€ ovk t]v, Kal airr€^ov<ri6T7}Ti Kadas Kal dperrjs deKTiKov vjrdpxew, 
 jcal Krifffia Kal voirj/xa. 
 
 n I STORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 47 
 
 T 
 
 ^ 
 
 ol)serves\ " it was not now, as heretofore, strangers and 
 " enemies who attacked the Church, 'but men of the same 
 "tribe, who lived under the same roof and sat at the 
 "same table, moved their tongues for weapons against 
 " one another, nay rather, those who were members one 
 *' of another and formed parts of one body, were in array 
 " against one another^" The prevalence of this internal 
 dissension accounts for the novel proceeding Avhich Con- 
 stantine adopted for allaying the disquietude. He sum- 
 moned a council of bishops from every part of the Chris- 
 tian world, that by general conference they might main- 
 tain the unity which was now so sorely threatened. And 
 in answer to his invitation there came together, beside 
 presbyters and deacons, three hundred and eighteen 
 bishops, from which circumstance the Nicene Council is 
 often spoken of as the synod of the three hundred and 
 eighteen. This conclave met at Nice in Bithynia A.D. 325. 
 The emperor himself was present at their discussions, and 
 at the commencement addressed the assembly, urging in 
 the strongest terms that they should strive for unity. It is 
 worthy of remark, that though the Bishop of Kome could 
 not be present in person on account of his advanced age, 
 he was represented by two presbyters, whose signatures 
 were affixed to the decrees of the council next after that 
 of Hosius of Cordova, who subscribed first. Preeminent 
 among those who took part against the Arian errors was 
 Athanasius, then a deacon of the Alexandrian Church.* 
 Eusebius of Caesarea wrote an account^ of the proceedino-s 
 of the council, which enables us to understand what took 
 
 1 Tlieod. H. E. i. 6. 
 
 2 Socr. H. E. I. 6, says that Christianity was made a subject of 
 ridicule in the theatres in consequence of these contentions. 
 
 ^ It is given in Socr. H. E.i,%, 
 
I 
 
 48 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 49 
 
 il 
 
 s\\ 
 
 place. This bishop, as was natural if his Arian procli- 
 vities had been known among his flock before the Coun- 
 cil, seems to have felt it necessary to write to Csesarea 
 and account for being found among those who were 
 ranged in favour of the Homoousion. The substance of 
 his letter is that, since they have probably already heard 
 by report of what has passed, he thinks it well to give 
 them accurate information. He had himself set forth 
 to the emperor and council the faith which he and his 
 church had received from the bishops of former time both 
 in catechizing and at baptism, and as he had learnt it 
 from Scripture, and believed and taught it. This symbol 
 was*: "We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, 
 "Maker of all things visible and invisible; and in one 
 *'Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of God, God of God, light 
 of light, life of life, the only-begotten Son, the firstborn 
 of every creature, begotten of God the Father before all 
 ages : by wliom also all things were made, who for our 
 " salvation assumed flesh and lived among m(?ti, and suf- 
 " fered and rose the third day, and ascended to the Father, 
 ** and will come again with glory to judge quick and dead. 
 We believe also in the Holy Gho.st, believing thai v\iv\\ 
 of these is and exists, the Father truly a Father, and the 
 " Son truly a Son, and the Holy Ghost truly Holy Ghost, 
 
 * Socr. I. 8, xt<rT(6ofi€if e/j fva Otbv, TTar/pa ireLtfreKpdropa^ t^ rfir 
 irdvTuy dparwv T€ Kal dopdruv woirjTi^v' koI t/f fya Kilfptov^]rf(roOv XpiiTrdy, 
 rov ToO Q€ov X6701', Oeoy ix Ofou, 0u)$ ix <p(»n6i, i^u^*' iK lu/^i, vloy /xoKoyfi^, 
 xpurrdTOKOv vdffijs KTiaeuSf vpo vdyrup ruir aluivuiw ix toO BroO JJatfiif 
 ytyerirfjfUvov' dd ov Kal iyivtro t4 rdvra^ r<J»» did r^v ^ixtripay trurrijplap 
 ffapKtaBivra ip iyOpiixois xo\iT€v<rdfi€POP' nai •waOtuna^ naX dvaardvra t-q 
 Tplrrj Vfiip^' Kcd dvtKdbpra xpos top IIar//>a, kcU i^foira ndXiP ir H^jf 
 Kfivcu i;^upTat Kal ptxpovs. JlirreOofiep kcU tit tp llpeOfia dytop. Toutu/p 
 fKaarop iipcu xcU inrdpxf^y riffrcvopres, llaT4pa d\Tfdux Uardpa, kqI T16p 
 dXrjOwt Tiop, Kol IlP€vfia dyiop d\i]$wt iyiop llptvfia' Ka$u>% hal Kvpiot 
 
 tt 
 
 €( 
 
 tt 
 
 « 
 
 it 
 
 "as also our Lord when sending forth His disciples to 
 "preach said: 'Go teach all nations, baptizing them in the 
 '* ' name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy 
 "* Ghost/ And concerning these things we affirm that 
 " we so hold and so think, and have of old so held, and 
 *' will so hold till death, and stand steadfast in this faith 
 "anathematizing all ungodly heresy. We testify before 
 " Almighty God and our Lord Jesus Christ that we have 
 " thought all this in heart and soul ever since we knew 
 " ourselves and we now so think and speak in truth, being 
 " able to shew by evidence and to convince you that we, 
 "in past times, so believed and preached accordingly." 
 The last sentence seems to point to a dread lest the 
 bishop should seem inconttstent in the eyes of liis flock. 
 He proceeds to obderve tli.^ this Creed wii* iiooepuble to 
 all, and that thi> emperor urged its «cce]>tailtt, with the 
 addition only of tbo woixl •* Homoonsion" conjfuhiasstiat, 
 which word the emperor oxplatiicil as meoikiiig nothtiig of 
 a material character, or capable of division or separation, 
 for an immaterial intirlleciuiil and incorponjal nature 
 could not be liabk to any corporesa] affoction. 
 
 Euscbius then givcjf the symbol of the Council, and it 
 may be that this was framed on the model of Uiat which 
 he himself had set fortli, but having alroadj seen otlier 
 forms of 8yinbol in trhich nearly the whole of the Nioene 
 
 i)fiC}P diro<rTfK\ufP (h r4 Kifmyfiu iWf H^r^ fttb^at <lrt' r«^^r»#^ff 
 fMOviTivffare vdpra ra #^ fitiwfif^tt ««7«^ fJf ri 4b«^ rtC n*T^ ««! 
 Tou Tiov, K<d roO AyltK' llrei'vorof. 11^4 *Jr xttl iM^Scfi^u^a wtvc fxtv 
 Kal Oilrut tf>pop(iP Kol xdXai ^rm /tf^tv/nu <c«2 aV»»< e^vdr^v 9kTu ^x^t^, 
 Kal ip airrji ipLarair^i. rf «f*m afa4r^c«rifcrrff irA^r af^^r Ift^ T«vr« 
 dw6 Kap^ai Kal f i';^^ rarr« wtffmi^i^i, i^ oortp «f^r i^irtt^, xai #wr 
 4tpoptiP Tt Kal \4y9iP /^ d\i)9timt ixl r«v '^tC r»r varr^^rp^^f Kwi Tg9 
 Kvplov i]fu3p 'lYfffoO X^c^^ >»V7v^6«^* ittmr^L txo^rtt tt d94Ml<^^ 
 Kol rtldup iffAat, 6Tt «al r«^ WAfitXficrrzt Xf^^'^*^ ^'^ i^hrrtUfiir re icd 
 
 L. 4 
 
 I 
 
50 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 confession is contained, we need not conclude that the 
 form resolved upon accorded more with that of the Church 
 of CjBsarea than with those of some other churches. It 
 is however to be observed that the conclusion of his con- 
 fession seems to have set the example of the anathema 
 attached to their creed by the three hundred and eighteen. 
 
 The profession which they authorized was this\ called 
 in the report of Eusebius to fidOvfia, " the instruction." 
 "We believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of 
 "all things visible and invisible, and in one Lord Jesus 
 " Christ the Son of God, the only begotten of the Father, 
 " that is of the substance of the Father, God of God, Light 
 " of Light, very God of very God, begotten not made, of 
 " one substance with the Father, by whom all things were 
 " made, both things in heaven and things on earth : who 
 "for us men and for our salvation descended and was 
 " incarnate, made man, suffered and rose the third day ; 
 " ascended into heaven, and is coming to judge the quick 
 " and the dead. And we believe in the Holy Ghost. 
 
 " But those who say that there was a time when He 
 " [i. e. the Son of God] was not, or that He had no ex- 
 " istence before He was begotten, or that He was formed 
 "of things non-existent, or assert that the Son of God 
 "is of a different substance or essence, or is created, 
 
 ^ Socr. II. E. I. 8, Jli<TT€vop.€P els ^va Geov, Uaripa vavroKpaTopa^ 
 wdvTUV oparwif re Koi dopdruv toitittjp- Kal €ls 'iva Kvpiov 'Irjcovp Xpiffroy^ 
 Tov Tlov rod Gcou, y€VPT}6ivra ix rov Uarpos fjLovoyevi), rovriariv iK rrjs 
 ovfflas TOV JJctrpor Oedv iK Qeov' <f>w h (fxaros, Qeop dX-qdivov ix Qeov 
 d\ifj6ivoC- y€vvT}divTaf ov Troirjd^pra- ofioovaiop ry Uarpi- 5t' ov ra irdpra 
 iyipero, rd re ^i' ry ovpap(^, Kal rb. ip r-g yf rop 5t' T)fias roin dpOp^vovs, 
 Kal Std rT)p Tffxeripav ffurripLap KareXOopra Kal aapKudipra, ipapepuTrrjixapra, 
 vaOopra, Kal dpaardpra ry rpir-g wipf;^' dpeXOovra eis rovs ovpapovs' ipxo- 
 fiepov Kpipai fwi'Tas Kal peKpoh. Kal eh rd Ilpevfia ro dyiov. Tods 5^ 
 \4yopras, ijp Trork Bre ovk rjp, 7} om tjp irplp yepprjeTJpai, ^ i^ ovk 6prup iyipero, 
 ^ i^ ir^pas viroardixeus ^ ovdas tpdcrKOPras dpai, ij KXierop, tJ rpiirroPj rj 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 51 
 
 " mutable, or variable, these men the Catholic and Apo- 
 " stolic Church of God anathematizes." 
 
 Eusebius continues his epistle with an explanation of 
 the sense in which he had agreed to the use of the 
 term " consubstantial," as indicating that the Son of God 
 had no point of likeness with created beings but was in 
 every respect like the Father alone. He also adds that 
 the anathema attached to the Creed can grieve none, for 
 it is merely a prohibition of the use of such unscriptural 
 expressions as had been employed by Arius and his party 
 in their attempts to define the mysteries of the Godhead. 
 According to Theodoret^ the like objection was raised by 
 the Arians to the word "Homoousion." It was not to be 
 found in Scripture, but he represents that the non-scrip- 
 tural expressions employed by the heretics had forced 
 upon the Church the employment of a non-scriptural term 
 in refutation. It is worthy of mention, as shewing the 
 guarded employment of the symbol of the faith, that 
 Sozomen in his history of the Council declines to record 
 the words of the Creed there set forth I "In order," says 
 he, " that the symbol of the faith then agi'eed upon may 
 be secure and clear for the time to come, I thought it 
 needful to append hereto the very words on these points 
 to shew their truth. But I have followed the counsel of 
 "some pious friends who understand such matters, and 
 "who advised me that it is right that only the initiated 
 "and the priests should repeat and hear such things. 
 
 dXKoLurov rop Tlup rov Qeov, rovrovs dpaBefiarl^et. ij KaBokLK^] koX droaroXiK^ 
 TOV Qeov €KK\ijala. 
 
 1 Theod. II. E. i. 8. 
 
 ^ Soz. II. E. I. 20, i'm 5^ Kal els rhp i^rjs yphpop ^i^aiop Kal drjXop rots 
 iffofiipois vTTdpxv Th aijfx^oXop rJJs rore (Tvpapeadarjs irlareus dpayKalov 
 V^drjp iK dir65€L^iP rrjs aXTjOeias avr)]p rrjp irepl ro&rcjp ypa(pT]p Trapadiadai. 
 evae^wv 6^ tpiXup, Kal ra roiavra iiri(Trr}fi6puPj ota 8^ pujarais Kal fxvara^ 
 
 4—2 
 
 it 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
52 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS^ 
 
 53 
 
 "For it is not unlikely that some uninitiated person will 
 "meet with this book." 
 
 Anus and some others refused to submit themselves 
 to the authority of the Council, and so his excommu- 
 nication was confirmed, and he was banished by the 
 Emperor from Alexandria. Many of his former sup- 
 porters yielded to the general voice, and among them 
 Eusebius of Nicomedia. When all the business of the 
 Council had been despatched, the Emperor, who had pre- 
 viously arranged that the conveyance of the bishops to 
 the Council should be at the public cost, courteously 
 received and gave presents to the Fathers, and dis- 
 missed them with the hope that the peace of the Church 
 was now secured \ The friends of Arius busied them- 
 selves to bring about in some way or other his restoration 
 to the Church, and the Emperor having been satisfied by 
 a profession of faith " which was presented to him by Arius, 
 wished that he should be again received. To his re- 
 ception, Athanasius, who had become bishop of Alexandria 
 after the death of Alexander, refused to consent. Every 
 effort was used, especially by Eusebius of Nicomedia, to 
 asperse Athanasius to the Emperor, and on account of 
 the accusations laid against that bishop a council was 
 
 ytayoTs /x6vois 8iov rrfSe \4yeiv koI &koUiv v<f>rjyovfx4pb)v, iwypeaa ttjv ^ovX-^if 
 ou yap dreiKbs Kal tuv aixvfyrujv Tivd$ rySe r^ j3//SXy ivrvxeip. A passage of 
 which the language seems to indicate that in the time of Theodoret 
 something akin to Lord King's interpretation of the word " Symbol," 
 that is, a form of initiatory words such as was used in the mysteries 
 of the heathen world, had been imported into the meaning of the term. 
 This seems more probable than that at first the word was used in such a 
 sense. Cf. King, History of the Apostles' Creed, ch. i. 
 
 ^ On the whole council see Mansi, ii. 635 seqq. 
 
 • The confession, called ^i^Xiov /xeravolas, is given by Socr. II. E. i. 25. 
 It does not contain the word 6fjLoov<xiop, merely saying'of Christ that he is 
 rdv i^ avTov (i. e. Qeov) vpo Trdyruv tuv aluvuv yeyevrifAivov Qeop Xoyop, 
 
 f 
 
 
 it 
 
 (( 
 
 summoned to meet at Tyre, but was afterwards removed 
 to Jerusalem. This was in the year A. D. 335, and the 
 Council of Jerusalem accepted the confession of Arius. 
 Thereupon the assembled bishops wrote to the Church 
 of Alexandria urging on them the propriety of receiving 
 him again. The following is an extract from their 
 Synodal Letter^: "And it is fitting that you, knowing in 
 " truth what we have done, and how the men have been 
 " admitted to our community, and have been received by 
 " such a holy Synod, should yourselves most eagerly wel- 
 " come unity and peace among your own members ; espe- 
 " cially as the statements of the Faith set forth by them 
 preserve inviolate the apostolic tradition and teaching 
 acknowledged by all." The restoration of Arius however 
 seems only to have been achieved after the banishment 
 of Athanasius, a result which the calumnies of his op- 
 ponents were able to achieve, but when restored Arius 
 shewed himself the same turbulent and restless spirit 
 as before. Nor did the party which had sympathized 
 with him fail to exert themselves to the utmost in 
 opposition to the symbol of the Nicene Fathers. 
 
 A point has now been reached when it may be useful, 
 before proceeding with the history, to put side by side 
 with this symbol of the first Council the earlier Creeds of 
 the second century, in order that we may see how slight 
 are the additions made by this synodal exposition to the 
 forms which had been current in the Church for a century 
 and a half before. This therefore we proceed to do, 
 
 * Mansi, ii. 1160, koI Tcpiirei ye dXridus yvovres y/xas rd ireTpayfiiva, koI 
 uis iKOiVihvriaav cl dvdpes, iraped^x^Tjadv re ifiro rrj^ Toaa^Ti}^ dylas avvodov 
 vpoOvfioTara Kal outo«)$ dff7rd<raa6ai r^v rd olKeta fi^Xrf avvd<pudv re Kal 
 elp-^vTjv. Stl fidXiara rd r^s iKredeLarjs inr^ avTwv Triareus dva/Kp^piarov 
 Cib^et r^v vaph. rots vdoiv dfioXoyovfJL^rjv drroaToXtKTjv TrapdSo<rLv re Kal 
 dtdaffKaXlav. 
 

 54 
 
 BISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 *# 
 
 changing only the order of sentences in the earlier con- 
 fessions that each may stand opposite to the clause of .the 
 Nicene Creed with which it corresponds. 
 
 The Nicene Ceeed, 
 A.D. 325. 
 
 1. We believe in one 
 God the Father Al- 
 mighty, maker of all 
 things both visible and 
 invisible 
 
 2. And in one Lord 
 Jesus Christ the Son of 
 God the only begotten, 
 begotten of the Father, 
 that is, of the substance 
 of the Father, God of 
 God, Light of Light, Very 
 God of Very God, Be- 
 gotten not made, of one 
 Bubstance with the Fa- 
 ther ; By whom all things 
 were made both those 
 in heaven and those in 
 earth; 
 
 3. Who for us men 
 and for our salvation 
 came down, and was 
 made flesh having be- 
 come man; 
 
 Creed op St Iren-eus, 
 A.D. 180. 
 
 The Church believes 
 in one God the Father 
 Almighty who made hea- 
 ven and earth and the 
 seas, and bll that is in 
 them 
 
 And in one Christ 
 Jesus our Lord the Son 
 of God 
 
 Cbeed op Tertullian, 
 A.D. 200. 
 
 We believe that there 
 is really one God and 
 no other but the Creator 
 of the World, who pro- 
 duced all out of nothing, 
 
 And in his Son Jesus 
 Christ, our Lord, 
 
 Who was made flesh 
 for our salvation ; 
 
 4. Who suffered 
 
 6. And rose on the 
 third day; 
 
 6. Ascended into hea- 
 ven, 
 
 And in His suffering 
 
 And His rising from 
 the dead, 
 
 And the ascension in 
 the flesh of our beloved 
 Lord Jesus Christ into 
 heaven. 
 
 Who descended, 
 through the Spirit and 
 power of God the Father 
 into the Virgin Mary, 
 was made flesh in her 
 womb, and born of her, 
 lived as Jesus Christ, 
 
 Was flxed on the 
 cross, 
 
 Kose again the third 
 day, 
 
 Was taken into hea- 
 ven, and sat down at 
 the right hand of God. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 55. 
 
 
 The Nicene Creed, 
 A.D. 325 (continued). 
 
 7. Is coming to judge 
 the quick and dead : 
 
 8. And in the Holy 
 Ghost. 
 
 Creed of St Irenaeus, 
 A.D. 180 (continued). 
 
 And His coming from 
 heaven in the Glory of 
 the Father, that He may 
 execute just judgment 
 on all : 
 
 And in the Holy 
 Ghost. 
 
 Creed op Tertullian, 
 A.D. 200 (continued). 
 
 He will come with 
 glory to take His holy 
 ones into the enjoyment 
 of life eternal and the 
 promises of heaven, and 
 to judge the wicked to 
 eternal fire. 
 
 He sent in His place 
 the power of the Holy 
 Spirit. 
 
 I 
 
 The whole of the words of St Irenaeus and Tertullian, 
 it will be perceived, are not given in the above com- 
 parison but only such portions as relate to the clauses of 
 the Nicene Symbol, and a glance will suffice to shew that, 
 with the exception of the enlargement of the second 
 Article, to assert the Divinity and Consubstantiality of 
 the Son with the Father, the symbols of the second cen- 
 tury are as explicit as the definition of the first Council. 
 
 To return to the course of the history. 
 
 In the year A.D. 341 a council was assembled at 
 Antioch in Syria in which the Arian sympathizers appear 
 to have been in a majority. Their anxiety to effect some 
 substitution for the expression of consubstantiality is evi- 
 dent in all the proceedings of the Council. There seem to 
 have been four forms of symbol set forth by them, in each 
 of which the obnoxious expression is wanting. Socrates 
 says expressly that their true motive was to get rid of the 
 confession of consubstantiality, though they declare most 
 emphatically that they are not of the Arian party, as will 
 be seen from their letter concerning the faith \ " We have 
 "never been of the party of Arius. For how shall we who 
 
 * Socr. H. E. II. 10, ijfieti oihe &K6\ovdoi 'Apelov yeydvafiev, IIws ydf{ 
 
M 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 "are bishops be followers of a presbyter? Nor have 
 ''we received any other faith contrary to that set forth 
 " from the beginning ; but we as having examined and 
 " tested his faith have rather accepted him than followed 
 " him. And you will learn this from our statements. For 
 " we have been taught from the beginning to believe in 
 "one God of all, the Maker and Contriver of all things 
 *'that can be thought of or perceived: And in one only- 
 " begotten Son of God, existent before all ages, and being 
 " with the Father who begat Him, by whom all-things both 
 *' visible and invisible were made ; who in the last days, 
 "according to the good pleasure of His Father, came down, 
 ''and took flesh of the Blessed Virgin, and having fulfilled 
 "all His Father's counsel, suffered, and rose again and 
 *' ascended into heaven, and sits on the right hand of God, 
 "and is coming to judge the quick and dead and to remain 
 " a King and God for ever. We believe also in the Holy 
 " Ghost, and if it be needful to add, we believe also in the 
 resurrection of the flesh, and everlasting life." It will be 
 seen that this form includes no expression which might not 
 be accepted as well by Arians as by the orthodox. Findincr 
 
 it 
 
 ft 
 
 ivlffKoroi «rre$ &Ko\ovd^ofi€P Tp€<T^vT4pi^ ; Oike SXKriv rivd irlffTw irapd rV 
 ii dpxvi iKredeiaap iSe^dfj^da. 'AWd vfuis i^eracrral koI SoKifiaaral ttJs 
 rlffrem^ adrou yfub/xepoi iiaXKw ainbv wpoariKdjuieda rjwep 7}Ko\ov0v(Tafi€P. 
 Kal yvtlxreade &H tQ» Xeyofiiptav. Meftaffi/JKafiev yap i^ dpxv^, tU tua rbv 
 Twr S\wp Oedr mareieiv r<Sv xdmuv porjrup re koI alaerjTwv Svfuoupydp t€ kuI 
 rpoPOifTiip' Kol €ls ?yo ribp ToO Ocov fioPoyePTJ, irpb rdprup rw alwup inrdp- 
 XOPTu, Koi <rvp6pra T(Ji y€y€PPi}K6Ti aMp Uarpl, 5t' o{f koI rd -ndpra iyipero 
 Td 6paTd ical rd dopara- rbp koI iw' iaxdrutp tup ijfji€p<2p icar' eidoKiap roO 
 Harpitt KaTcXdopra, Kod ^dptca ix t^s dylas vapdipov dva\ri<f>6Ta, Kal vdaap 
 rV TarpiK^iP avrov povX^p ffvpeKireirXripiOKOTa, vewope^pai, Kal iyrry^pdai, 
 Kol cis ovpapoi>s dpeXnXveipai, koI h «e^f^ tov Uarphi Kadi^eadar Kal ipx6~ 
 lupw Kfiipoi t<iuTat Kol P€KpoiK, Kal SiafihoPTa fiaaiX^a Kal Qebp th rods 
 oiwwj. mffT€6oM£p KoX els rb dytop Tlpevfia. El 5i Bet TpoaOehai, mffrevo- 
 tiof Koi repl aapKbi dmffrdffem, xai iwijj altaUov, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 57 
 
 however that such a degree of vagueness would gain no 
 favour with either party they put forward the exposition 
 (eKOeai^) which we have already quoted' as the Creed of 
 Lucian the martyr. In that form instead of "consubstan- 
 '' tial " the Son of God is declared to be " invariable and 
 "unchangeable, and the immutable image of the God- 
 " head and substance and power and counsel and glory of 
 *' the Father." The sanctity which attached to the author 
 of this form, and the fact that the expression (ovaia) "sub- 
 *' stance " was actually contained in it was, doubtless, the 
 ground on which they hoped for its acceptance. But 
 according to Athanasius'' there was next put forward an 
 exposition by Theophronius, Bishop of Tyana, which, 
 though varying the phrases descriptive of the Incarna- 
 tion of the Son, seems but little more calculated to 
 meet with acceptance than the first. The words which 
 refer to Christ speak of Him as'' "God, the only-begotten 
 "Son of God, the Word, Power and Wisdom, our Lord Jesus 
 "Christ, by whom are all things, who was begotten of the 
 "Father before the worlds, perfect God of perfect God, being 
 " different in person from God the Father." In this form 
 also occurs an expression implying the eternity of Christ's 
 kingdom, similar to that which was seen in the first form 
 set forth by the Council which has been already quoted, 
 though the words in the latter form are not so full. It is 
 merely said here that Christ is coming again with glory 
 and power to judge the quick and dead, and will endure 
 for ever. 
 
 ' Chap. I. p. 36. 
 
 « Migne, Pair. Gr. xxvr. 724, " AtJmnasius de Synodis:' 
 ^ s TOP TioV avrov (i. e. Geou) top /xopoyeprj Qeop, Aoyop, Uvapup Kal <To<}>iap, 
 TOP Kvpiop i]fi(dp 'Irjffovp XpiffTOP, 5t' ov rd irdpra, top yepprjO^vra iK roO 
 Ilarpds Tp6 TUP aiihpm, Qedp riXeiop iK Qeov reXeiov Kal 6pTa Tpbi rbp Qebv 
 ip {/Toardtrei. 
 
58 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 \ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 59 
 
 
 ' 
 
 By this same Council, or by some members of it, 
 was finally set forth the exposition presented to Constans 
 the emperor of the West by a deputation from the Council 
 of Antioch \ It is the same form which was afterwards 
 put forth as the first Creed A.D. 351 by the Council of 
 Sirmium. Though it does not admit the " Homoousion" 
 into the Creed, an endeavour is made to assimilate 
 the anathema with which it concludes to that appended 
 to the Symbol of the Nicene Fathers". They say, " We 
 "believe in one God the Father Almighty, Creator and 
 "Maker of all things, from whom the whole family in 
 " heaven and earth is named : And in His only-begotten 
 "Son our Lord Jesus Christ, who before all ages was 
 " begotten of the Fatlier, God of God, Light of Light, by 
 *• whom all things both in heaven and on earth were made, 
 *' both visible and invisible : who is tlie Word and Wisdom 
 "and Power and Life and the true Liofht: who in the 
 "last days was made man for us and born of the Holy 
 " Virgin, was crucified, dead and buried, and rose from the 
 **dead the third day, and ascended into heaven, and 
 "sitteth on the right hand of the Father, and is coming in 
 " the end of the world to iudofe the quick and the dead, 
 "and to give to each man ijording I his works, whose 
 
 * Socr. 11. E. I. 18. 
 
 ' Socr. H, E. II. 18, Uiarehfiev els ^va Oehv, Haripa TravTOKparopa, 
 KTlffTrfv Kal woirjTTjv ruv TrdvTUv, i^ ov irao-a irarptd iv oifpavoh koL iirl 7^$ 
 ipofid^erai. Kal e^s rbv fJLovoyev^ avrov Tlov^ rov Ki^piov ijfiuji' 'Jrjffovv Xpia^ 
 Tov, rbv Tpd wduTuv tcSv alwvuv ix rod Harpos yfvvtjBivTa' Qeoif ix Qeov' 
 4><^s iK (poyrbr 5t' ov iyivero rb. wdn-a i» roh ovpavo7i Kcd ivl rijs 7^5, rd t« 
 i/oard, Kod rb. ibpara' \6yov 6vTa, Kal ffo<f>lav, Kal htfvapxv^ Kal t<^iiv, Kal (put 
 d\r}div6v' rbv ix* lcrxdT(a» rQv ijfxepQp 8t* ijfias ivavOpiowi^ffairra, Kal ycvvrj. 
 Oivra iK ttjs ayias vapdivov rbv ffravpudivraj Kal dvodavbvra' Kal ratplvTa, 
 Kal dvaardvTa iK vtKpQv t^ rpiriQ Ttfxipq,^ koX dveKyiKvdbra els roi)S ovpavovv 
 xcU KadiffOivra iv 5e^i^ rov IlaTpos, /col ipxb/ievov iwl avvreXelq. tQv alujvuv, 
 Kptyai. ^wyrof kcU peKpobs, koX dToSoupai iKdcrrtfi /card rd ipya avrov' ov if 
 
 
 *' kingdom being unchangeable will remain to boundless 
 " ages. For He will be sitting at the right hand of the 
 *' Father, not only in this life but also in the life to come. 
 " And in the Holy Ghost, that is the Paraclete, whom 
 " Christ, having promised to His Apostles after His ascent 
 '' into heaven, sent to teach and remind them of all things, 
 '• through whom the souls of those who truly believe in 
 " Him shall be sanctified. And those who say that the Son 
 " was from things non-existent, or of a different substance 
 *^ and not from God, and that there was a time when He 
 "was not, the Catholic Church considers as strangers." 
 Having failed in their appeal to the Western Emperor, 
 after three years the Arian party again assembled at 
 Antioch, and in the Council of A.D. 344 set forth the pro- 
 fession of faith known, because of its great length, as the 
 fiaKpoanxo^i \ It commences with the Creed which has 
 been last given, that is the fourth of the former council, 
 and continues at considerable length to comment on the 
 last clause of it. But all their explanations had no weight 
 with the Church of the West, for in the Council of Milan 
 which was assembled A.D. 346 to consider the propriety 
 of accepting this Oriental exposition, it was decided, in 
 consonance with the general feeling of the West, that the 
 Nicene Creed was that to which the Church would adhere. 
 If we may rely on the testimony of a letter* of Pope 
 
 (SaaiKeia dKardrrava-Tos ov<ra Jiia/xevei eh robs drrelpovs alSpas. 'E<rrat ybp 
 Kade^bfievos iv be^iq. rov Uarpos, ob p.6vov ip ry aliSvi. roihip, aXXd Kal iv r<^ 
 fiiWovTi. Kal els ro Ilvev/xa rd ay lov, rovriari rd UapaKX-rirov' Sirep iiray- 
 yeiMfxevos roU 'kvoarbXois fiera rrjv els ovpavobs abrov &vo8ov, diriffreCKe 
 SiSd^at Kal virofivTJffai vdvra' 5i' ov Kal ayiacrd-^aovrai at ruv elXiKpivus els 
 abrov TremarevKbruv ipvxal. Toi)s 5^ \iyovras i^ ovk 6vtujv rov vlop ^ i^ 
 iripas VTroardaews Kal firj iK rov Oeoy, koX tjp Tori yjibvos Sre ovk rjp^ dWo^ 
 rplovs oTbep ij KadoXiKrj eKK\i]ffla. 
 
 ^ It is given Socr. H. E. ii. 19. » Ep. ii. Mansi, iii. 202. 
 
CO 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 ! 
 
 Liberius to the Emperor Constantius, the Eastera repre- 
 sentatives shewed themselves in no favourable lifrht on 
 the refusal of their propositions. 
 
 There can be no doubt that one great cause of the 
 progress of Arianism was the favour shewn to the sup- 
 porters of that doctrine by the Emperor Constantius. 
 Socrates says* of him that his predilections were in favour 
 of the Arian party, and that he desired to disseminate the 
 Arian doctrine throughout the churches. It was doubt- 
 less this conduct of his which drew forth the vehement 
 language of Hilary the Bishop of Poictiers. Addressing the 
 Emperor he says*, " I declare to thee, Constantius, what 
 " I should have said to Nero, what I should have spoken 
 *' against Decius and Maximian. Thou fightest against God, 
 "thou ragest against the Church, thou persecutest the 
 *' saints, thou hatest the preachers of Christ, thou abolishest 
 ** religion, thou tyrant, not in things human but in things 
 " divine." 
 
 The Imperial fostering of Arianism was not long in pro- 
 ducing fruit. Teachers were soon found prepared to go to 
 greater lengths than Arius, and the most prominent among 
 them was Photinus, Bishop of Sirmium in Pannonia. This 
 man did not admit that Clirist was a divine being, but 
 taught, as did Sabellius and Paul of Samosata, that he was 
 merely man. With this teaching the Arian party shewed no 
 sympathy and a synod w^as convened A.D. 351 in Sirmium 
 to consider the best means of extirpating the erroneous 
 doctrine. On this occasion, as w^e have before observed, 
 
 1 n, E, II. 37. 
 
 2 The letter is given Mansi, ni. 621, " Proclamo tibi, Constant!, quod 
 Neroni locuturus fuissem, quod ex me Decius et Maximianus audirent 
 contra Deum pugnas, contra ecclesiam eaevis, sanctos persequeris, pr»di- 
 catores Cbristi odisti, religionem toUis, tyrannus non jam humanorum 
 Bed divinomm. 
 
 » 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 61 
 
 the assembled bishops put forward the fourth Creed of the 
 previous Council of Antioch. Its composition is ascribed to 
 Mark of Arethusa by Socrates' on this second occasion of 
 its appearance. But to it was now appended a series of 
 anathemas designed to guard against mistaken opinions on 
 the relation between the Father and the Son. They more- 
 over compiled an exposition in Latin for transmission to 
 the Western Churches, of which form Socrates in the same 
 chapter gives a Greek version. The most noticeable 
 feature of this document is the statement made in the 
 middle of it about the prevalent point of discussion 
 in all these Creeds, "Since many have been disturbed 
 "about that which in Latin is called substantia and in 
 " Greek ovaia, that is, in order that there might be more 
 "accurate knowledge concerning the ' homooimon* or the 
 " ' homceomion; as it is called, it is altogether inexpedient, 
 ''that such words should be mentioned, or expositions 
 1^* about them given in the Church, for this cause and con- 
 "sideration that there is nothing written about them in 
 " the Holy Scriptures, and because they are beyond hu- 
 " man knowledge and comprehension." This mode of ter- 
 minating all controversy was, we shall find, adopted by the 
 Emperor when the Arian teaching had reached its fullest 
 extent. 
 
 This latter of the above-mentioned forms w^as presented 
 by the council to Photinus for his subscription, but he 
 challenged his opponents to a controversy on the points 
 at issue, and, though the decision was pronounced against 
 him, he retired into banishment rather than retract his 
 opinions. Nor wxre the assembled bishops content with 
 what they had put forth, but endeavoured, though in vain, 
 to withdraw it from circulation, and composed another 
 
 » H, E. II. 30. 
 
62 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 profession which, however, they kept secret until it was 
 set forth in the Council of Ariminum A.D. 359. 
 
 This Council was the result of a desire on the part of 
 Constantius to convene a General Council of both the 
 East and West in Italy. The Arians, in anticipation of 
 this Synod, prepared the third Sirmian Creed as above 
 stated, but dreading a coalition between the Nicene party 
 and the Semiarians in such an assembly as was proposed, 
 they induced the Emperor to have two councils, one in the 
 East and one in the West, at the same time, since they 
 thought they would be more likely to defeat their oppo- 
 nents if they engaged them in detail. Accordingly the 
 Western fathers met at Ariminum. Here the first act of the 
 Arians was to put forward the Sirmian Creed which had 
 hitherto been kept secret. It is a notable production 
 since it first introduced the phrase which now stands in the 
 Apostles' Creed, ''He descended into hell." The words run 
 thus' : " The Catholic faith was set forth at Sirmium on the 
 twenty-third of May in the presence of our lord Constan- 
 tius, in the consulship of the most illustrious Flavius 
 Eusebius and Hypatius. We believe in one the only 
 " and true God, Almighty Father, the Creator and Worker 
 " of all things : And in one only-begottan Son of God, be- 
 " gotten of the Father without passion, before all ages 
 and before all beginning, before all conceivable time and 
 "before all comprehensible thought, by whom the ages 
 
 ^ Socr. n. E. II. 37, ^^^,ri0r, Tl<rTi, ^ Ka0o\cKh irl irapovalq. roO 
 ^€<TTbTov ijfiQu KwvaravTiou, iv iirardq. ^Xa^U^j ECaeplov Kal 'Tirarlov ra)i/ 
 Xaf^wpoTdTwu, iv Zcpfdv, TV irpoii^deKa KaXai^dwi^ 'lovplt^. Uiaredofxep ds 
 ^m rbp P.6V0P Kal dXvdiubp Qeby, Uaripa rauTOKpdropa, ktIcttju Kal dvfuovp. 
 ybu tQp TdPTU,y Kol €U ^m fxovoya^rj TWv rov GeoO, rhp irpb 7rd,Tu>p tQp 
 aiihpm, Kal wpb wda-r,^ dpxnt, koX wpb waprbs imvoov,xipov xpS^ov, Kal rpb 
 vdarj^ KaraXwTVS imvoias yey€vvr]p.ipov diradQ^ ix rov 0€oO, St' oS ot re 
 aW.es KaTvpHa0rj<xay, Kal xA xdi^ra iy^vero' yey,pyrjf,4yop 8i fiovoyepij fidpou 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GREEDS. 
 
 63 
 
 (( 
 
 tt 
 
 it 
 
 a 
 
 tt 
 
 ft 
 
 "1^. T \ ^f "" '^'''^' ''''' '^^^'■- ^'^o -as be- 
 gotten the only-begotten by the Father. One of One, God 
 
 of God, hke to the Father who begat Him, according to 
 
 _ only the Father who begat Him. We know that this His 
 
 neaven to do away sm, and was born of the Vir<nn 
 
 __ Mary, and conversed with His disciples, and fulfilled eveV 
 
 dispensation according to His Father's will: was crucified! 
 
 " twtttt ' Tn '""'!'"''' ""' ^'""''- ^'"•^^' ^°d ordered „ 
 " ith'LetS^^^^^ ;^ ''' door-keepers of Hades beheld I ^ 
 
 versed with His disciples. And when forty days were 
 fulfilled He ascended into heaven and sitteth on tC rlll 
 
 __ hand o the Father, and shall come at the last day n Hi 
 Father s glory, to give to each man according to his 
 vvorks. And in the Holy Ghost, whom the only begotten 
 
 ^ Son of God Jesus Christ Himself promised t'o selid t^ 
 the race of mankind as the Comforter, according to that 
 
 and He shall send you another Comforter the Spirit of 
 
 7T«tni#« A ' « . . ^Hlf^ avTov. ivat ets to S.'vlov 
 
 ft 
 
 ft 
 
 it 
 
r^'i 
 
 U 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 I 
 
 cc 
 
 c< 
 
 tl 
 
 it 
 
 (t 
 
 " ' Truth. He shall receive of mine, and shall teach you 
 " * and bring all things to your remembrance/ And as for 
 *' the term ' ovaia ' substance employed by the fathers for 
 " more simplicity, but bringing offence because it is un- 
 *' known to the people from its non-occurrence in the 
 Scriptures, it pleases us that it should be done away, and 
 that in respect of God no mention at all should be made 
 of substance for the future, because the divine Scriptures 
 "have nowhere made mention of the substance of the 
 Father and the Son. But we say that the Son is in all 
 things like the Father, as the Holy Scriptures say and 
 "teach." In the last sentence is contained the phrase 
 whereby the Arian party hoped to bridge over the separa- 
 tion between themselves and the Semiarians and to get rid 
 of the " Homoousion." But the orthodox members of the 
 Council exclaimed against it, and would be content with 
 nothing less than a complete renunciation of the tenets of 
 Arius, such as that contained in the Nicene symbol, which 
 they once more confirmed. They also sent ambassadors 
 with an epistle to Constantius wherein they state that " It 
 " seems out of place and unlawful to change any of those 
 "matters which have been rightly and justly defined, and 
 ** those which have been publicly decreed at Nice before 
 " Constantino of most glorious memory." But their oppo- 
 nents had too much influence at court, and Ursacius and 
 Valens contrived that this embassy should be detained a 
 
 fap^KXtprov Trifiypei iffuv, to Jlvev/xa ryji dXTjOelas. 'E/cetyoJ iK tov ifioQ 
 Xiji/'erat, Kal Sidd^et koI virofJLvriaei v/ias Travra. To 5^ 6vofia ttjs ovaia^ 5tA 
 TO airXovarepop vto tQv Tariptav TeOeiaSaiy dyvooi^fievov d^ imo tQv \awv 
 ffKcivdaXov (f>ip€tv, 5ta to fiiJTe rds ypa<pds tovto irc/3i^x^*''» 'f}p^<^^ tovto Trepiai- 
 peOrjvat. Kai iravT€\(Js /X7}8€/J.iav fiy/iiXT)if ovalas M Oeov elvai tov Xoittov, did 
 TO Tcis Betas ypa<pdi fi-qSafiov irepi Ilarpoj Kcd tlov ovfflas fxe/JivijffOai. 'O/xoiow 
 5^ Xiyo/xcv TOV '£16p t(^ HaTpl Kara irdira, ws al 017401 ypa<pal Xiyovaiy tc koU 
 biSdffKovffijf, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 65 
 
 long time without a hearing from the Emperor, and when 
 he did receive them, it was only to bid the Council wait 
 still longer for his answer. They wrote to him again, but 
 receiving no reply most of them departed to their homes, 
 and on the remnant was urged by the Arian party the 
 acceptance of this fresh exposition. The Emperor more- 
 over, professing to be enraged at the departure of the 
 bishops before his reply was given, visited many of them 
 with his royal displeasure, and ejected them from their sees. 
 
 The next step that was taken by the Arian leaders was 
 even more reprehensible. Passing from Italy into Thrace, 
 they convened an assembly of bishops at Nik^ in that 
 country, and putting the creed set forth at Ariminum into 
 Greek, published it to the Church as the Nicene symbol, 
 desiring, as Socrates observes \ to delude the more simple by 
 the resemblance that existed between the names Nicaea 
 and Nik (5. 
 
 In the meantime the Council of the Eastern Church 
 was gathered at Seleucia in Isauria. Here a dissen- 
 sion was early caused in their debates by a section of 
 the bishops headed by Acacius bishop of Cesar ea in 
 Palestine. He put forward a creed of his own, and the 
 members of the assembly who were opposed to him were 
 so little anxious to preserve the "consubstantial" in the 
 Creed of Nica3a, that the retention of that Creed* was 
 never seriously urged, and it was only when the bishop of 
 Tarsus insisted on adhering to the Creed formerly set 
 forth at Antioch, that Acacius and his adherents left the 
 council. By this proceeding the debates were virtually at 
 an end, but the Acacian party afterwards, at the direction 
 of Constantius, accepted the Creed which had just before 
 been forced on the Council of Ariminum. 
 
 1 II. E. II. 37. 
 
 
Hr&SS 
 
 C6 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 It must not be supposed that during all this violence 
 of Arian agitation the orthodox party were doing nothing. 
 A council was assembled at Sardica A.D. 347, which con- 
 demned the doctrines of Arius and maintained the Creed 
 of the Nicene Council. But their deliberations were not 
 undisturbed, and eventually the Semiarians (who alone 
 could be expected to have sympathy with the orthodox 
 section) separated from the rest and formed a distinct 
 assembly at Philippopolis in Thrace, where they declared 
 their adherence to the fiaKpoarixo^ of the second Council 
 of Antioch. But in setting forth that Creed they ap- 
 pended to it only the first two anathemas of the original^ 
 Again, A.D. 362, in a council held at Alexandria there 
 arose a most interesting discussion, wherein it was agreed 
 that the word tiroaraai^ should be taken as the equi- 
 valent of "person" The members of this assembly 
 express, in their Synodical Epistle, their approval of the 
 conduct of the Council of Sardica in adhering to the 
 Creed of the first general council. They also give a reason 
 for this approval. " Lest," say they, " the faith written in 
 Nica?a should be deemed insufficient, and an excuse be 
 given to those who would ever be writing and giving defi- 
 "nitions of the faith I" They also declare that the Son is 
 to be held to be ofioovatos, and anathematize those who say 
 that the Holy Ghost is " a creature made by the Son^" 
 
 In the following year, A.D. 3(53, a council was again 
 held at Alexandria in which the bishops assembled^x- 
 
 1 In Mansi, iii. 137, the Latin Version of the Synodal epistle adds in 
 the creed the words •♦ Credimus et in sanctam ecclesiam, et in remis- 
 Bionem peccatonim, in camis resurrectionem in vitam ffitemam." For 
 this there is nothing in the Greek of the fxaxpoanxos. 
 
 a Mansi, III. 348, fra/l^ e,. Nc/co/? ypa4,€iaa cis dreX^s ot)<ra vofxiffdy kclL 
 rp6(f>a(ni 8o$y tois iSiXovai toXUkis ypd<p€iv /cai bpi^€Lv repl vlano)-^ 
 KTliTfia 5i* vloO yeyovos. 
 
 u 
 
 tt 
 
 '■ 
 
 
 i 
 
 : 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 67 
 
 tt 
 
 It 
 
 tt 
 
 pressed their adhesion to the Council of Nice. In their 
 letter to the new Emperor Jovian there is a noteworthy 
 passage upon the Divinity of the Holy Ghost. " Neither 
 ** do they," is their language, " alienate the Holy Ghost 
 " from the Father and the Son, but rather they join the 
 Holy Ghost in the glory of the Father and the Son in 
 the one faith of the Holy Trinity, so that there is one 
 " Godhead in the Holy Trinity\" With like earnestness 
 the orthodox Council of Antioch, a.d. 363, in the synodal 
 epistle to the Emperor expresses adherence to the symbol 
 of Nice. 
 
 The death of Constantius, A.D. 361, deprived the 
 Arians of their great supporter, and the general toleration 
 proclaimed by Julian, after his renunciation of Christianity, 
 was rather advantageous than otherwise to the advocates 
 of the Nicene exposition of faith. So that the history of 
 the Creed may now be considered as undisturbed until the 
 second general council held at Constantinople, A.D. 381. 
 This council was convened under the Emperor Theodosius, 
 and among other designs was intended to suppress the 
 erroneous teaching of the " Pneumatomachi," whose opi- 
 nions had taken their rise from Macedonius, formerly 
 bishop of Constantinople. As their name imports, these 
 heretics denied the divinity of the Holy Ghost, and against 
 them the final clauses of the Creed, expressive of the equal 
 divinity of the third Person of the Holy Trinity, are said 
 to have been added. But here we must observe that 
 this Constantinopolitan Symbol, which we now use (with 
 some small though important additions) as the Nicene 
 
 ^ Mansi, iii. 368, dW ovbk dTnfWorpluxrap rb Uvevfia rb &yiov drb rod 
 Ilarpbs Kal rov Tlov, dXXA fiaWov <rvv€d6^a<rav avrb rip Ilarpl Kal ry Tty iif 
 rv t^q- T^s ayiai Tpiddos irlaTti did to Kcd fday ehcu iv ry dyiq. Tpiddi 
 OtbTijra, 
 
 5—2 
 
63 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 Creed, occurs word for word in a work written by Epiplianius 
 seven years before the date of the second council*. That 
 writer also adds to it the Nicene anathemas, and virtually 
 calls it the Nicene Creed. It would seem, therefore, 
 that these additions had been made to the Nicene form in 
 some churches before the assembly of the second council. 
 
 It is to be observed also that none of the three early 
 ecclesiastical historians, Socrates, Sozomen and Theodoret, 
 give this (or any) symbol as set forth at the Constantino- 
 politan Council. The fullest allusion to the doctrinal 
 enactments of the synod is contained in the last-named 
 historian, where the synodical letter of the fathers is given 
 at length. There we find them saying^ "For whether we 
 "have endured persecutions or afflictions, or imperial 
 " threats, or the cruelty of governoui-s, or any other trial 
 " from the heretics, we have borne them for the sake of 
 " the evangelic faith ratified at Nice in Bithynia by the 
 " three hundred and eighteen fathers. For it is right that 
 "this should be accepted both by you and us and all 
 " those who do not pervert the word of the true faith, 
 
 1 EpipLaiiius, Ancoratus (Migne, Patrol. Gr. vol. xuii. col. 232). On 
 the duto of tliis work Bee the Synopsis at pr.-e 11 of the above volume. 
 Epiphanius adds after rrpo irduTUiv rC^v alJjuwt^ in article 2, the words 
 rovriariv iK rij^ oCaias rov Warpos, a quotation from the creed of the first 
 council ; but this is his only variation. He adds also the followmg words 
 which prove that he considered this the Nicene Creed (col."* 233 ut 
 sui)ra): Kal avrij ^iy ij xlaris TapeddSrj dwo r^u dyiutv WiroaroKuiv koX iy 
 iKKXrjijia [fV] T^ i.yi<f, ir6\€i dir6 irduTu:y 6fiov rQy dylujp iriCKhir^v inrkp 
 TpiaKociwy Senardy dpiOfxoy, where the number of the fathers shews which 
 council is intended. 
 
 » Theod. U. E. V. 9, ^n^U ydp efre 5iury,uoi,Sy ehe BXlrl^eii, .tre paatXinds 
 »«\ds, ,tT€ raj t<2p dpxbyru^y Wfiirrirat, efre ripd Trupacpidy ir^pov rapd 
 ra,v alper.KCiy VTrep.dyxp,y, inrep r^s f ^aryeXtv^'s irlanws r^s iy Nt^cu'g r^s 
 Bi^una; irapd rHy rpiaKorii^y hUa cleric irarip^y Kvpwdelirr^t Morjip^ey. 
 T<u>r,.. ydp Kal i,piy koI TipTy koX ird<xi rot, pi} dia<rrp^4>ovffi roy \6yzy rm 
 iXvBov, Tiareoyt cvyapi<rKtiy 8,1- [^. ;,6\cj zori] rrp.a^vrdrriy re oZ<Tay, Kal 
 
 ~ :t . -<-m .m f ^ 
 
 ' 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 ^d 
 
 t( 
 
 « 
 
 u 
 
 t< 
 
 " which we preserve with labour as being the most an- 
 *' cient and in accordance with baptism, and which teaches 
 "us to believe in the name of the Father and of the Son 
 " and of the Holy Ghost, that is, a belief in the one God- 
 '* head, power and substance of the Father, Son and Holy 
 " Ghost, so likewise in the coequal dignity, and coeternal 
 " kingdom, in three perfect hypostases, that is, three per- 
 " feet persons. So we do not admit the error of Sabellius, 
 " which confounds the persons by removing their charac- 
 " teristics, nor does the blasphemy of the Eunomians, and 
 "Arians, and Pneumatomachi have any force, which 
 divides the substance, the nature, or the Divinity, and 
 for the uncreated consubstantial, and coeternal Trinity, 
 introduces one which is more recent and created, and of 
 varying substance." Language like this would hardly 
 have proceeded from persons who were about to add to or 
 alter the Creed of the first Council. It seems more pro- 
 bable that if they put forward the Niceno-Constantinopo- 
 litan symbol they did so as considering it to be, in that 
 form, the work of the earlier Council. Both Sozomen* 
 and Socrates^ in their summaries of the proceedings of the 
 council, say that the first decision of the fathers was that 
 the faith ratified by the Council of Nicsea should remain 
 inviolate. Nor was it that the subject was slightly dis- 
 
 dKb\ovdoy Tip ^aiTTlffpaTi, Kal BiSdaKovaav if/xa« irirrtdeiy 9U t6 6¥opLa rou 
 llaTpoi Kol Tov Tlov Kal tov ay lov Tlyeiparot SijXa^ Of6rytr6i re koL Svyd- 
 fi€U}S Kal oCiTias pidi TOV Ilarpoj Kal tov Tlou Kal toO dylou Uvn'tfiaTOl 
 iriirTevo.u4yrjs, opoTlpov re ttjs d^ia^ Kal avyaXdlov Tijx ^aatUlas, (y Tpurl 
 reXefats xrwotrrdffeaLv, ijyow Tpial reXe/ot? irpo<ru)vois, ii>S fA^irc rijy ila/SfXXiov 
 y6<rov x^pay Xa^eiy (rvyxrofiiyuy T<2y inrocTdaaav, (trovy t^v IhioT-ffTuv ivat- 
 povplvuy, prrre prjy ryjy tuv KC'yopiaviiy Kal 'ApUayu^ Kal nvfVfiaropidx(*n^ 
 njv p\a<r<prjfuay laxvttr, Tiff oMai t; rt/f 0«J<r«wt rj Tijt QrhTifTOi TipMOpirnx, 
 Kal rg dKTi<TT(p KoX 6fAOOV<rl<if Kal (rvyaiilt^ TpidSi fA<rayey€aTipas Tipds i| 
 KTKrTrjs ij irepoovfflov <f>vffrus ^irayofUyrjI. 
 
 » Soz. U, E. VII. U. t Soo. //. E, V. 8. 
 
m^ 
 
 70 
 
 HISTORY OF TUE CREEDS, 
 
 u 
 
 cussed or vague expressions used in treating of it. The 
 language of Socrates is explicit on this point One of the 
 chief supporters of the Macedonian heresy in this council 
 was Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus. Speaking of the em- 
 peror's endeavour to bring over this prelate to the ortho- 
 dox opinions Socrates says*: " The emperor and the bishops 
 " who held the same faith spared no eftbrt to bring Eleu- 
 *' sius and his party into unity with them... but they, caring 
 "little for praise or rebuke, preferred to maintain the 
 " Arian doctrine rather than agree to the * Jlomoousion.* 
 •'After giving this answer they departed from Constan- 
 " tinople and wrote to the various cities charging them by 
 " no means to assent to the faith of the synod of Nica?a." 
 It was the creed of the first council then, or what they 
 deemed such, to which these men were opposed, and 
 which we must consider this council to have affirmed, in 
 accordance with the language of all the writers who were 
 most nearly contemporary with the events. 
 
 In the collection of^he proceedings of the council we 
 find the first canon as explicit as possible on the inviolate 
 preservation of the Nicene Creed. The resolution is*, " that 
 " the faith of the three hundred and eighteen fathers who 
 " assembled at Nica^a in Bithynia be not annulled, but that 
 ' it remain valid, and that every heresy be anathematized, 
 and particularly that of the Eunomians, or Anomceans, 
 
 ^ Soc. p. 222, '0 ouV ^aatX«j)j Kai ol rrjs avrov irtVrewy iwlffKOKOi xap- 
 
 Totoi i-^ivovro 6fxoyoij<Tai avrois toCs irept 'E\€v<rioy, 01 di fxtKpd Kal 
 
 Tuy irapaiviaiuv Kal n^p 4\^yx<vy <PpotrriffavT€i jaaWop lipdaaav r^ 'A/)eta- 
 I'lji' aipuadai o/ioXoyeiy do^ai^ ij ry ofjioovaitf awTldtadai. TaOra diroKfK' 
 pdixtvoK dwriWdyTjcav rijs KuvffTatrTiuovTr6\€(oi. 'Eypatpov U roh Kara iroXaj 
 xa/>e77uwi^f$, ^r»5a/iwj bixwo^aai tit rifv riariv Trjs iv ^tKaiq. avv6Sov. 
 
 « Mansi, III. 557, 1st canon of the Council of Constantinople, a.d. 381, 
 M'? dd€T€7<reai rrjy irlanv tQp xaripwp tup rpiaKOffiufP ScKaotcr^ t<2p it» NiKoi^ 
 rris hiOvnas avPtXddpTWP, i\\d niptiv iKtlpyjp Kvpiop koI dyaee^aTiadrjpai 
 wdffOM alptai, Kal ISiKuis tijp tCp ^Lxjvoiuoj^w (Itovp •Am/wW- koI r^y t(J» 
 
 « 
 
 4< 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 71 
 
 
 ''and that of the Arians, or Eudoxians, and that of the 
 " Semiarians, or Pneumatomachi, and that of the Sabel- 
 " Hans, Marcellians, and that of the Photinians, and that 
 " of the Apollinarists." It is true that in the collection of 
 canons the seventh and last of the fullest list ends thus : 
 ''And in this way we catechize them" (that is, those who 
 are to be received into the Church from among the 
 heretical sects) " and make them spend much time in the 
 " Church, and listen to the Scriptures, and then we bap- 
 " tize them\" Then without preface or heading comes the 
 Niceno-Constantinopolitan Symbol. This Canon vil., how- 
 ever, never appears in the paraphrase from the Arabic, 
 which comes immediately afterwards in Mansi's collection, 
 nor is it among the canons assigned to this council by 
 Johannes Scholasticus (oMit 578 A.D.), nor in the epitome 
 thereof by Symeon Magistcr, who both give only six 
 canons, but it is found as the xcvth Canon of the TruUan 
 Council (held at Constantinople) A.D. 692. 
 
 The question therefore arises : Did the Fathers of the 
 Constantinopolitan Council, who are reported by such his- 
 torians as lived nearest to their times to have been 
 zealous upholders of the Nicene Creed, put forth any 
 Creed of their own at all ? The historians mention none, 
 and the canon which contains it seems not to havu hvv.u 
 known to those who translated the proc^^odinga into 
 Arabic. Another question arises : Did they put fortli this 
 
 ^kptiavup ctrovp EvSo^iOPUP' Kcd tIjp tup "Dpuapeiavup rj-yovp UpirvfiaTOfidx^^ 
 Kal TTjp tQm SttjSeXXtcu'wi', MopxeXXtcu^wj' Kal Tr^v twk ^ur^kviavdy Kal rijy 
 TUP ^ AiroWivapiffTup, 
 
 1 Mansi, iii. 3C1, <co2 oStux Karrfxoi'/ifP aCro^i Kal rotovfi<p avrodf XPO' 
 pl^eip els TTJP iKK\T)aiap Kal ixpodirOai Twv ypa<fnap Kal tore avrodt ftairrl^o^ 
 fi€P. After which Iho criuHl follows at onco without uumlxir or hondinp, 
 quite differently frotu the u»ual modo of its iutroducLion la roportis of 
 Councils. 
 
.iHinfci 
 
 ■MM 
 
 72 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 enlarged Creed (if we answer the former query in the 
 affirmative) supposing it to be, what apparently Epipha- 
 nius supposed it, the unaltered Nicene Creed ? There are 
 some points in the history of the Councils of the Church 
 during the seventy years which followed the Constantino- 
 politan Synod which seem to point to a negative answer 
 to the first question above propounded. For in all the 
 documents which have been collected for the illustration 
 of Church History during that period, from the Council 
 of Constantinople to that of Chalcedon, not one trace 
 can be found of mention or allusion to any Creed of the 
 second Council. We will briefly notice the Creeds, or 
 allusions thereto, which are to be found during that time. 
 In the African code\ the canons of which are of the 
 date A. D. 391, the Creed of Nicaea is given, and is 
 mentioned in Canon I. as that " which our fathers brought 
 "^ with them from the Synod at Nicsea." The same Creed 
 is also repeated in Canon cxxxvii. 
 
 A letter of Pope Innocent I.'^ (a.d. 402—417), ad- 
 dressed to the clergy and people of Constantinople, in 
 commenting in one of its articles on the canons which are 
 to be received or rejected, speaks only of the Creed df 
 the Nicene Synod, and approves of the adhesion thereto 
 maintained by the Council of Sardica. 
 
 In two Councils, one held at Carthage, A.D. 419, and 
 the other merely cited as the African Council, A. 0.423, 
 there is nothing spoken of or recorded except the simple 
 unextended Nicene Creed. 
 
 In the year A. d. 431 was held the third general 
 Council at Ephesus, wherein the opinions of Nestorius' 
 
 1 Mansi, III. 708. a Mansi, m. 1098. 
 
 » Nestorius, whose error was of a Judaizing character, refused the 
 title of e^QTOKoi to the Blessed Virgin. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 73 
 
 •the bishop of Constantinople were condemned, and which 
 was presided over by Cyril archbishop of Alexandria. 
 Previous to the assembling of the Synod an epistle' was 
 addressed by Cyril to Nestorius, in which, during the 
 discussion of the errors of the latter, he has occasion to 
 quote a Creed, and all that he gives is the simple form 
 of the three hundred and eighteen Fathers. In the first 
 session after the meeting of the Council when the Symbol 
 is read it is the same, and in the remarks which follow 
 immediately afterwards that Creed alone is spoken of or 
 alluded to. The words of the letter addressed by the 
 fathers to Theodosius and Valentinian in reference to the 
 deposition of Nestorius are so marked that they seem 
 worthy of quotation. 
 
 Nestorius had refused to be present, and a rival as- 
 sembly was constituted under the presidency of John 
 bishop of Antioch, and the proceedings of the Council 
 proper at first threatened to have no effective issue. 
 " Since, however," say they^ " it was not right that such 
 a holy Synod should come together and continue in- 
 " operative, as he (i. e. Nestorius) refuses to come forward 
 "to answer the evil of which he was conscious, we of 
 "necessity mooted the dogmas about faith and religion... 
 "after which we set forth the exposition of religious 
 " faith formerly transmitted to us by the holy Apostles, 
 "and afterwards set forth by the three hundred and 
 " eighteen holy Fathers who were gathered by Constan- 
 
 ^ Mansi, iv. 1071. 
 
 ' Mansi, iv. 1237, iweiS^ odv ovk Wet rV roffa^mjv aylav <r6vodov <xvv{\. 
 0ovffav AirpaKTov fihuv [as was likely to be the case since Nestorius refused 
 to be present] iKdvov KaK(^ avpeidWi fi^ airavT-fiffavros tg. xepl rijs tt/o-tcws 
 
 Kal Trjs Evffe^das dpayKalus idvovixev Soyfiara fifd' 6 ttjv ^Kdeaiv ttj^ 
 
 evaepovi xlareus vpod^vres, rrj^ Tporepov fitv vapa tup dyiUTaTiop airoaTokwp 
 vapadedofiipT)^ Tipxp^ fierd. Si ravra iKTedeiarjs vapd tup TpiUKoaluP 5e/ca- 
 
 (i 
 
 €( 
 
7s 
 
 xiMi^ 
 
 nnvM 
 
 74 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 ilM 
 
 I 
 
 "tine of blessed memory in the metropolis of Nicaea." 
 They proceed to state that they had compared with this 
 Nicene Creed CyriFs exposition and also the writings of 
 Nestorius, and after such comparison had pronounced 
 the . deposition of the bishop of Constantinople. Mr 
 Ffoulkes suggests* that it may have been because the or- 
 thodoxy of Nestorius was called in question at this Council 
 that the Creed of Constantinople was so entirely ignored 
 in the proceedings, but we have seen that it was omitted 
 from notice in other Synods to which no such explanation 
 will apply, and we shall find, in the further proceedings 
 of this very assembly, where subjects were treated of en- 
 tirely distinct from the case of Nestorius, that the same dis- 
 regard is shewn to the enlarged Symbol of Constantinople. 
 For in the sixth session there occurred a very in- 
 teresting discussion relative to Creeds. Charisius, a pres- 
 byter of the Church of Philadelphia, mentioned the case 
 of some Lydian converts from heresy who had been 
 taught by those who had received them into the Church 
 an erroneous Creed, instead of the Symbol of Nice, and 
 had subscribed to some errors on the doctrine of the 
 Incarnation. In his statement Charisius gives * his own 
 Creed which runs thus: **I believe in one God the 
 "Father Almitrhtv, Creator and Maker of all thinsrs 
 " visible and invisible, and in one Lord Jesus Christ, his 
 "only begotten Son, God of God, Light of Light, very 
 "God of very God, of one substance with the Father, 
 
 oicrcb aylup iraripuif Iv t^ 'NiKaiuf /j.r}Tpow6\€L ffvvTjyfiivuv Tapd rod h 
 dylois Kupffravriuov 
 
 * Historical Account of the Addition of the u'ords " Filioque'' to the 
 Nicene Creed, p. 7. 
 
 • Mansi, iv. 1348, irioreuw els ha Qebv varipa travroKpdropa KTiarw 
 dwdvTicVy opdruv re koI dopdruv voi-qrTjv xal els ha Kt'/piov ^Itjcovv Xpiffrb^ 
 Tiv TioK ouTov Tov fAovoyevij ©cov iK OcoD, <f>(as iK <f>i»rr6s, Oehv dXrjBtyby iic 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 75 
 
 " who for us and for our salvation came down from heaven, 
 " was incarnate, born of the Virgin Mary, made man,' 
 ^'^*was crucified for us, died, rose again the third day' 
 " ascended into heaven, and is coming again to judge the 
 *| quick and the dead. And in the Spirit of Truth, the 
 " Paraclete, of the same substance with the Father and 
 *^ the Son, and in the Holy Catholic Church, in the resur- 
 "rection of the dead, in the life everlasting." This 
 Creed has several points of interest. First, though coming 
 from an Oriental, it is couched in the singular number, 
 contrary to the custom in such cases. This, however, may 
 perhaps be accounted for by the personal character of the 
 confession \ Again, Charisius was evidently an earnest 
 adherent to the Nicene Symbol, and yet his Creed con- 
 tarns many deviations from its language, and some addi- 
 tions, which mark the direction which erroneous opinion had 
 taken on the nature of the third Person of the Trinity, 
 but yet are very different from the expressions contained 
 in the Symbol ascribed to the Fathers of Constantinople. 
 
 Charisius then sets forth the depraved form to which 
 these converts had been induced to subscribe, and con- 
 cludes with a list of their signatures. This information 
 naturally led to some discussion, which it would be foreign 
 to our present purpose to dwell upon, but the end there- 
 of was a decree^ of the Council, that henceforth none 
 
 Qeov dXvdiuoO, 6fxoo6atoy rep Jlarpl, rhv IC 'jfids Kai Ti}y Vfier^pap curnpLav 
 .KariXdovra iK rwy oipav^u, ffapKuehra, yevvrjOhra iK rrjs dylas vapdivov 
 ivapepu>wii<xavra (rraypwdiyra iirip t/plQp, dxodavbirra dvaaTdvra ry rplry 
 Wipg- dveXdivra els Toi,s oOpavoi>s, koI irdXiv ipxbfievov Kptvai fJ;i/ros koI 
 veKpoi,s.^ Ka2 els rb Uuev,xa rijs dXrjOelas, rb irapiKXrjrov b^iooiaiov Jlarpl 
 Koi Tt(?, Kal els dylav KaBoXiK^qv iKKX-naiav, els dvdcraaiv veKpQp els t^iiu 
 
 1 As seen in the Creed of Eutyches, given at the Council of Chalcedon 
 infra p. 78. ' 
 
 * Mansi, iv. 1361. 
 
-I*.- - — s-<» 
 
 mm 
 
 ■«■■*■■■ 
 
 7G 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 11 
 
 ^\ 
 
 should put forth, write, or compose a Creed other than 
 the Nicene SymboP. In the further account of the pro- 
 ceedings of the Synod there occurs'' the report which they 
 made to the emperor of what they had done. Here again 
 they give the simple Nicene Creed and no other. -Moreover, 
 there is appended to the proceedings a treatise written by 
 the presiding archbishop Cyril to Anastasius and others, 
 and added as illustrative of the nature of the acts of the 
 Council. Therein, just as before, he recites the shorter form 
 of the Creed, and when at the end of the treatise he pro- 
 ceeds to speak of the Holy Ghost, his words are^: "And 
 " when the thrice blessed fathers have finished their account 
 "of Christ they make mention of the Holy Ghost. For 
 " they said they believed therein, exactly as in the Father 
 "and in the Son, for the Holy Ghost is of the same 
 " substance with them, and is shed forth, that is, comes 
 " forth, as from a fountain, from God the Father, but is 
 "supplied to the creature through the Son. For He 
 ** breathed on His holy Ap#stles, saying, * Receive ye 
 "'the Holy Ghost.' The Holy Ghost is therefore from 
 ** God, and is God, and is not separate from the highest 
 " substance of all, but is from it, and in it, and peculiar 
 
 * The words are vaph. t^v dpiadeiffav wapb. rQv ayluju varipwv tlov iv ry 
 'NiKdfuv avP€\d6vT(av <rifv ayitp UpeOnari, which seem to admit of no mean- 
 ing but that given above,' and to exclude the later Creed altogether. 
 
 « Mansi, iv. 1376. 
 
 ' Mansi, v. 388, SLaTepaffavre^ 5^ rbv wefA rov Xpiffrov \6yov ol Tpi<r/ia- 
 xdpioi varipe^ rov dylov Hve^fiaros diafjLvtj/j.ovevovat' vianvnv ykp ?<pa<Tap 
 di ai>r6, Kaddwep dfiiXet, els rhv IlaWpa koI tov tlov, dfioovaiov yap iarw 
 avTois, Kal vpoxdrai fi^u, r}yovv e/ciropeuerat KaOdvep diro Tnjyv^ rov QeoO 
 Kol ITarpos, xopT77«rai 5^ ry Krlaet 5t4 rov Tlov. ivi(f>v<T€ yovv roh aylois 
 'Attoo-toXoij Xiytav, Xd^ere Jlvev/m ayiov. ovkovv Ik OfoiJ koL Ocos rb Uvtvfia 
 iffTiv Kol ovK dWoTpiov TTji di/WTctrw Too-wi' ova-las, d\V i^ avrrjs Kal iv 
 avTii Kal tStov avrijs. AuViJ fi^v ovv tw aylwv waripuv ij evOvTelurjs Kal 
 dw\av€ffTdTij TtVrts tjtoi tijj rlareui tJ ofioXoyla. 
 
 " to it. This then is the correct and unvarying faith or 
 " confession of faith of the holy fathers." And thus he 
 concludes his comment on the Creed. It seems therefore 
 that the Creed of this Council must only have been the 
 brief form of the Nicene fathers, otherwise we can hardly 
 . understand how the archbishop, who presided over its 
 deliberations and who wrote this comment, should have 
 concluded his exposition at this point. 
 
 We may add to this, that in all the versions of the 
 Council's proceedings, no translation appears of anything 
 but theNicene Creed, to which are appended the anathemas, 
 which are usually considered to have been removed by 
 the Ephesian Council. Nor is any other form of Creed 
 quoted or alluded to in the succeeding twenty years, after 
 which time we find the enlarged Creed put forward in the 
 proceedings of the fourth general Council at Chalcedon 
 A.D. 451, but then, as we shall see, it was not accepted 
 without a murmur, and its reception was very different 
 in heartiness from that which was accorded to the earlier 
 profession \ 
 
 The fourth general Council was assembled to resist 
 the errors of Eutyches the archimandrite of Constanti- 
 nople. In his zeal to oppose Nestorianism this man had 
 fallen into the opposite error, and asserted that Christ 
 was distinct from the Word, and that our Lord had no 
 fleshly body like to ours, nor was really born of the 
 Virgin Mary. In the outset of the conference it was 
 deemed proper to read the account of the proceedings of 
 the previous Council at Ephesus, and it is remarkable, 
 that in the documents read^ mention is only made of 
 the Nicene Council and the Ephesian, no reference being 
 
 ^ On the supposed confusion between the names "Nicene" and "Con- 
 stantiuopolitau" as applied to this creed, see Appendix to Chapter II. 
 * Mansi, vi. 612. . - * . 
 
 w 
 
<4nk 
 
 -»%u 
 
 78 
 
 EI STORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 I 
 
 made to that of Constantinople. In the discussion con- 
 cerning Eutychianism, Eutyches himself first set forth his 
 faith, in the words of the original Nicene Symbol, though 
 it is here simply called "the exposition of the faith of 
 Eutyches," and is expressed in the singular number. He 
 also adds the anathema in the same words as the Nicene 
 fathers, and then proceeds to say that he received this faith 
 from his ancestors, and was baptized in it, and in it he 
 wishes to die. Moreover, he. says that this was the faith 
 which had been confirmed by the Council over which Cyril, 
 archbishop of Alexandria, had presided (meaning the 
 Council of Ephesus), and that he himself had a copy of 
 Cyril's Creed. 
 
 At this point the statement of Eutyches was interrupted 
 by Eusebius bishop of Dorylaeum, who said, " He has spoken 
 "falsely. The definition is not of that nature. The 
 "canon does not say so\" And the protest of Euse- 
 bius is backed by the assertion of Diogenes bishop of 
 Cyzicus, who exclaimed'^ "He has treacherously repre- 
 "sented the Synod of the holy fathers at Nica^a, for 
 "the Creed received additions from the holy fathers 
 "on account of the evil designs of Apollinarius and 
 " Valcntinus and Macedonius, and those like them. And 
 " there has been added to the Symbol of the holy Fathers 
 " the words * He came down and was incarnate by the 
 " ' Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary.' For this expression 
 " Eutyches has left out as being a follower of Apollinarius. 
 " For even Apollinarius accepts the holy Synod of Nice, 
 
 ^ i\l>tv<faTo, ovK itrrip 6pos toiovtos' ovk Uti KafC}v toCto Siayopevuv. 
 
 2 SoXf/wSs Tpoaira^e rrju ^i^Ntica/^ tw»' ayiwif varipwv <rvv68ov' iS^^aro Si 
 TpwrdiiKas vapd. ru>v ayluw varipuw 5(4 t^ ivyotav rrju KaKT^v * KiroXivaplov 
 Kai Ba\€PTbov Kal MajccSoWou, Kod ruv bfiolwv hehois' Kal TrpoaideLTai rip 
 ffvfip6\(p Twu dylujv TaHpufP *t6u KareXeSirra Kal trapKtadivra iK n./eiJyuaros 
 dylov, Kol Maplas r^j wapOii^v; toOto yhp xapiXiwtv Ein(,xn^ tOs 'AroXti/a- 
 /«<mjf. Koi^kvoKwipioi yap S4x€Tai n/if ^i. NiKcdf dyiw <rvy6Scv K^g 
 
 tt 
 
 I I 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 79 
 
 ''though eliminating, through his natural lawlessness, 
 " the expression alluded to, and he avoids the words ' Of 
 "*the Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary/ lest he should 
 " altogether acknowledge the Unity with the Flesh. For the 
 "expression which the holy fathers at Nicjea used 'He was 
 "incarnate,' the holy fathers who succeeded them explained 
 "by adding 'Of the Holy Ghost and Mary the Virgin/ '* 
 
 This is a very fair representation of the difference, so 
 far as it relates to the question at issue in the case of 
 Eutyches, between the original Nicene and the Niceno- 
 Constantinopolitan Creeds; but it was not accepted by 
 a considerable section of the assembly. For the Egyptian 
 party at once cried out against any addition to the Symbol 
 of the first Council, adding that Eutyches had recited the 
 Nicene Creed correctly. At the close of this first session 
 the following is the order of the president^ "Let each 
 " one of the most pious bishops of this present holy Synod 
 "speedily set forth in writing his faith without any dread, 
 " setting the fear of God before his eyes ; knowing that 
 "our most divine and pious Master believes in accordance 
 "with the exposition of the three hundred and eighteen 
 "holy fathers of NicjBa, and in accordance with the 
 ^"exposition of the hundred and fifty who succeeded them, 
 *' and in accordance with the canonical Epistles, and 
 "the expositions of the holy fathers, Gregory, Basil, 
 
 okday rrapa^ofda. eVXa^iJaVo,. rb ^top, Kal ^.e^yu rb 'iK Upe{,f,aTos dylov 
 Kal Mapias ri}, Uapdiuov^ tua Tavraxov f.^ rr^v eVa,cr.. r^s capKo, 6;ao\o-y^^« 
 ol yap ayioi irarip^s oi ^erd ravra to iaapK<iSv o elyrou ol dycoc iv JscKoia 
 xaripe, iaa^naau dwoures, ^k IlueJfjiaTos dylov Kal Mapia, rij, irapdiuov 
 
 1 ManBi, VI. 937. iKaaro, rQv eOXa^ecrrdru^u im<rK6iru,u rrj, Tapovcrj, dyia, 
 cvp^ov oVc.? Tc^rreu'a iyypai>C>, duev ru^bs diovs, rou rov Oeov irpo 6<pea\u<2p 
 Tidifxeuos <popou iKdiadac cirovbaadruy, y^yji^CK^u o5j d deLoraros koL ivaeBia- 
 raros -nfiwp Se^nrdriyj Kard r^v ^kO^c^v tQp 4p XtK-a/^ dyicou Tarepa,, nr,' koI 
 Kard rrjp ^Kdecnp tQp p.', rQp p.,rd ravra, koI rd, KapoPiKd, iri<rro\ds 
 Kol iK$i<r€is rm dyiio, xaripm Vprfopiov, BaaiXelov, 'Adapaalou, 'IXaplov 
 
 |.'^ 
 

 
 i(! 
 
 80 
 
 UISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 "Athanasius, Hilary, Ambrose, and the two canonical 
 *' Epistles, ratified and published in the first Synod of 
 " Ephesus, in no wise departing from their faith." And 
 this is the very first instance of the introduction of the 
 hundred and fifty Fathers as authorities on the point. 
 
 At the commencement of the second session, Euno- 
 mius bishop of Nicomedia first recites* the Nicene Symbol, 
 here called eKdeav^ or " exposition." At its conclusion all 
 the bishops exclaimed, " This is the faith of the orthodox, 
 " in this we all believe, in this we were baptized, in this 
 "we baptize. Thus taught the blessed Cyril. This is 
 "the true faith. This is the holy faith, this the eternal 
 "faith. Into this we were baptized, into this we all 
 " baptize. We all thus believe. Pope Leo so believes. 
 " Cyril so believed." 
 
 After this, a request was made that the exposition of 
 the hundred and fifty Fathers might be read to them. 
 Hereupon Aetius, archdeacon of Constantinople, read it, 
 with the addition of this heading : " The holy faith which 
 the ifc^ndred and fifty holy FatherH not fortll in harmony 
 with the holy and great Synod at Nicxa'." At the ter- 
 mination of the reading all the nio.st pious bishops ex- 
 claimed, " This is the faith of all, this is tho faith of the 
 " orthodox, so we all believe^" But it is rocoivod with 
 
 ' Afi^poffiov, Kal ras KvpiWov Svo KavoviKcit ^ncrToXdt rdt cV t^ #car"'E0«ro»' 
 Trptarr) cruvoov ^e^iaiuOeiffas^ Kod di^noarevBtlaas iTijrfiJfi, Kar ovSiifa rpwKO¥ 
 T17S avTuv Tri(rT«ws <U'axw/)c5;'. 
 
 1 Mansi, vi. 956, avrrj ri Triaris tuv 6p0oi6^<af' ravriJ irdurrs irnrrgvofitv, 
 iv ravTid (^airrlaOrifieVf iv ravTiQ ^airTi^p,t¥, 6 ftttKapioi Kv/>«\\oJ oiJraf 
 €8i5a^€V. avTTi rj dXridiinj viaTis' avrrj rj A^a irUfTis' 01V17 alufla irl<rriS' 
 etj TavTTjv €^airriad-qix€V eis ravrrjv /3aTT(^/w<K" waWff oCrux Tnarcvofit^' 
 6 iraras A^wv outws vuTcvei' KvpiS^os ovrut iirlfSrt\iCt¥, 
 
 2 Ibid, -n ayLa ir/crts ijf i^idevro ol dyioi varipti p¥ ffvfufn^tyovaa r^ 
 ayiq. kou p.€yd\rj avvodip tj iv yiKalq.. 
 
 3 Ibid, iravrei ol ivKa^iararoi ijrlaKOWOi ivtf^^iriirayy avTij ircVrif rwy 
 
 )OOO^U}V, OVTUS ira»'T€S irt(TT€VOpi€f, 
 
 (t 
 
 a 
 
 (I J 
 
 « 
 
 t< 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. • 81 
 
 nothing of the enthusiasm which greeted the older 
 Symbol, and no mention whatever is made of its use as a 
 baptismal Creed, in the same way as had been done at the 
 reading of the Nicene Creed. In the fourth' session of the 
 Council, allusion is made to both the Nicene and Con- 
 stantinopolitan Creeds, and in the assenting clauses ap- 
 pended to the signatures of the bishops, the hundred and 
 fifty are as regularly mentioned asi authorities here in 
 almost every case, as they are persistently omitted in the 
 signatures of the Council of Ephesus, 
 
 In the fifth session'^ the Nicene symbol is given, but in. 
 their proper places are added to it the four clauses, *'0f 
 the Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary;" "He sitteth at 
 the right hand of the Fatliur;" "Whoee kingdom dball 
 '* have no end ;" aiMl to the senteDce about the Holy Gho»t 
 the words "Lord ami Gircr of life." Aftcnwtfdii ami 
 again by Aetius is read the full Con«tantina2H>]itau Cw)ed» 
 and the definition of the council prescribing its ucooptaaee. 
 Yet singularly euMigh in the allocution of Marcianus the 
 Emperor in the sixth det^ton, the only allusion made ia to 
 the Nicene fathors and their Greed. 
 
 It appeai-s then that in the Council of Chaloedon irhile 
 a largo number of the biahop* attaclied tlw chief import- 
 ance to tlie Nicene symbol, thea* was present a number of 
 eccl(i.sia8tic8, the most prominent among whom was AcitJus, 
 archdeacon of Constantinople, whose aim it wa« to obtain 
 for the see of Constantinoplo a» much acknowledgment 
 n» they could, and these ii«re the pertonn who were 
 moat proinintmt in setting forth the CoDBtantiDopolitaii 
 symbol, which tluj rest were not «jo ix!*dj to receive. An 
 instance occurred in tho fiAeenth aesaton of the Council 
 
 * MauMi, vn. 0— lOL 
 
 >MudLTix.l(A 
 
 6 
 
lof 
 
 Nl 
 
 \'\\ 
 
 82 
 
 HISTORY OF TIIE'CHEEDS. 
 
 -which illustrates this deisire to magnify Constantinople 
 at the expense of the other patriarchates. In this 
 session the Canons of Chalcedon were set forth, and were 
 : twenty-seven in number \ But it seems that after the 
 Western representatives had departed, Anatolius bishop of 
 Constantinople procured the addition of two more to the 
 original number of the canons, thus making them to be 
 twenty-nine. One of these is designed to put Constanti- 
 nople on a level with Rome and above Alexandria and 
 Antioch. A somewhat stormy debate about these ad- 
 ditional canons took place in the sixteenth session, wherein 
 Aetius was, as usual, prominent, and as the two inter- 
 polated canons do not appear in any of the versions of the 
 Canons now extant, they would aoem not to have beon 
 allowed to stand in the authorized actft of tho Council. It 
 is however in the first of these th.it the authority of the 
 hundred and fifty fathers^ is put forwnrd to the oxcilusioA 
 of those of the earlier Nicene Synod. A fact which it 
 
 ^ AfterCanon xxni. of the Conncil of C!ialco<1nn, tho (xlitoro (MjinKi. vir. 
 
 3G9) have the forowincr note : Canoncs qui xrqunntur non extant in oodici. 
 
 bns Grrrcis manrecriptis quos habuimus Ijnjun ooucilii. xxvc. otiam in Lati- 
 
 nis. reqne in collectionibus Dionysii et Initlorl. Ctijun roi onuna na exH^ 
 
 videtur quia AnatoTii Constantinopolitani epixropi cironmvontjotjo no 
 
 Irande, cum sedis Apostolic® lepati e fiynodo cjrrciici cuflont, pntribiw 
 
 concilii propositi atque ab eis subscript! fucrnnt. Ex quorum primo qui 
 
 est XXVIII. dnorum patriarcharum Alexamlrini et Aniioohcnl privilrpjia 
 
 a concilio Nicfleno eis data infringebantur, et primntun cjuH fi.o. Con- 
 
 $tantinopoUtam] in ecclesia post Ronumnm pontlficom Ktutucbatur. 
 
 Quod beatus Leo, indigne fcrenj^, eosdem rcjcoit ot iufirmnvit ut apparot 
 
 ex ipsins epistola lxi. ad Episcopos Synodi Chalc$don«nbiB ot cpiiitola 
 
 Lxii. ad Maximum Autiochenum et aliis. 
 
 s To ^Bhew its purport, the first of tb* SnktyoIaUd cvinoDi if nib>. 
 joined. Camn .xkviii. (Mansi, vii. M9): v«»v«]^ rtTt rO^ ay(ym 
 •Karipiav Spoii iirdfifvoi kuI tcv dpriui dvayw%iif^4^m «a>4*« rv# fr. ##c^> 
 \€(rrdTu» imTKOTTUfv yvtapi^ovrci, j-^l ai'ra /roJ ^fM^f ifitftpAw tax ^^^>ip4$n 
 T€pl ruy vpeapeluy riji dyiurdTrjs iK<\i^iixx Ktircr^rrlnv rA<4#f ^Ut 
 
 HISTORY OF TIIE~ CREEDS, 
 
 m 
 
 / • 
 
 seems right to record as it demonstrates what was the 
 animxis of those who made this interpolation. 
 
 Enough has here been adduced to shew that before th'e 
 date of the fourth General Council the Niceno-Constanti- 
 nopolitan Creed was far from attaining general acceptance. 
 Its existence before A.D. 381 is certain from Epiphanius, and 
 
 • it may have been put forward as a profession of faith at the 
 second Council, and received by the Churches in the patri- 
 
 .archate of Constantinople, but at first may not have been 
 more extensively circulated. This seems the more pro- 
 bable because all the persons who were concerned in pro- 
 pounding it at Chalcedon were either from Constantinople 
 itself or from Churches in immediate connection therewith, 
 and everything oonUincd in thiB loKt wid MmoirltiU un-* 
 
 ^authentic canon relates to Uwj priyileged of tho Holy 
 
 IChurch of ConaUntinople. 
 
 Tn tho records of Synods immediiUcly succwding the 
 
 ^.Council of Chalcedon wo look in vain for any noiice of tlm 
 ConstantiTiopolitan Creed, and indeed tJio ngo ^i Crjid.s 
 appears to have come nearly to an end, but at Cartliago in 
 
 • eKOirCf Kivofifxfvoi ol /r. (««o^X/<rrerc< 4rlr^tw^ to fira xpfa|^^a dW^f^ti* 
 r^) rifs v^as 'Pt^^/xiyt «7»j>waTy ^.^^ iiUyift AftVarrn r<^ /iawi.Xrfg ^rat 
 
 ' f4ptxv ix<t" iKtltn)v {/w<ifix»t^*^ 'ol 4.Vt» tU^ t^ rTorrM^f koI t^t *Arcay}f 
 Kol T^x epanniif 9(e«itV«wt pc^^rAirof ^»«»^h, 9rt ^ nl rots fp r^t 
 
 .rpouprifiikov dyiurdrtif ^^v rft *Kr4 KwraT«^£f^'r»Xi» dyt^dr^ if 
 
 6-2 
 
M 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 a Synod held A.D. 525, under Boniface, bishop of that 
 Church, the simple Nicene Creed was alone read, and 
 the bishop's words in reference to it are "Let the 
 «* Creed recited at the Nicene Council be entered among 
 "the acts V 
 
 Eleven years after this in a Council held at Constanti- 
 nople itself we have many* allusions to the Constanti- 
 nopolitan Creed, and similarly in the Council of Jerusalem 
 in the same year, A.D. 536, where mention is made of it 
 in the sentence pronounced by Peter, bishop of Jerusalem, 
 against Anthimus. It is also noticed in the xvth Epistle 
 of Pope Vigilius^ about A.D. 540, and from that time the 
 Creed in the form known as the Constantinopolitan may 
 be considered to have obtained general acceptance. 
 
 In A.D. 553 at the Council of Constantinople, known as 
 the fifth General Council, both the shorter Nicene Creed 
 and the later expansion of it ai-e quoted in full and allu- 
 sion made to the proceedings of all the four previous 
 General Councils". 
 
 To the Creed as thus received the" Eastern Church has 
 made but one addition, and that probably was at first in- 
 troduced through the confused memory of some scribe and 
 afterwards perpetuated since it formed no contradiction to 
 any portion of the Creed. In the Nicene Creed a part of 
 the second Article ran thus, " God of God, Light of Light, 
 " very God of very God." In the expanded Creed of Con- 
 stantinople the first of these three clauses was omitted, no 
 doubt as being contained in the third, but in process of 
 time', though we cannot point to the exact date, the old 
 
 1 Mansi, vni. Fides Nicaeno concilio lecta actis indatur. 
 » Mansi, viii. col. 9C3. 1051. 1063. 1066. 1088. 1151, 
 » Mansi, viii. 1170. 4 Mansi, n. 63. 
 
 * Mansi, ix. 178. 338. 339. 
 
 * See Appendix to this Chapter 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 85 
 
 words of the earlier Symbol were introduced into the later 
 form and adopted in their fulness. 
 
 But an addition has been made in the Latin ver- 
 sions of the Creed as used by the Churches of the West 
 which has proved of a much more serious character. 
 This is the clause so well known as the "Filioque"or "et 
 Filio." It is to the year a.d. 589 and to the third Council 
 of Toledo that the addition can first be traced. This 
 Council had been summoned by Keccared, king of the 
 Goths, and its purpose was to give emphasis to the national 
 renunciation of Arianism. The assembled bishops are first' 
 addressed by the king, who dwells on his own conversion 
 and his desire by this council to do something for the glory 
 of God. And what can he do but make an earnest endea- 
 vour to set forth the true faith ? He therefore proceeds, 
 as though for the direction of his hearers, to recite a sort 
 of confession in which occurs the following sentence : " In 
 "equal degree must the Holy Ghost be confessed by us, 
 and we must preach that He proceeds from the Father 
 and the Son, and is of one substance with the Father 
 and the Son : moreover that the Person of the Holy Ghost 
 *' is the third in the Trinity, but that He still has a commu- 
 '•nity of the Divine Essence with the Father and the 
 " Sonl" Dwelling after this for some time on the fame of 
 the Gothic nation, he laments that through bad teachers 
 they had continued so long in error, though now they are 
 received into the communion of the Church which embraces t 
 a multitude of various nations in her motherly bosom. It 
 will be their unfading crown if they abide in this true faith- 
 
 * Mansi, ix. 977 seqq. 
 
 « Spiritus oeque sanctus confitendus est a nobis et praadicandus est 
 a Patre et Filio procedere et cum Patre et Filio unius esse substantiae, 
 tertiam vero in Trinitate Spiritus Sancti esse personam, qui tamen com- 
 munem habeat cum Patre et Filio divinitatis esscntiam. 
 
 it 
 
 €< 
 
 « 
 
8^ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 After anathematizing Arius, he declares his adherence to- 
 the doctrines set forth by .all the four Councils, and quotes 
 as embodiments of these doctrines a Latin version of the 
 Nicene Creed with the anathemas, and after that of the 
 Creed of Constantinople, but with the words '* et Filio " 
 added for the first time, as far a^ we know, to the Article 
 on the Procession of the Holy Ghost. There is next ap- 
 pended to the proceedings of the Council a Tractate on the 
 Council of Chalcedon, and the whole is subscribed first of all 
 by the king and his queen and then by the bishops It 
 seems hardly probable that the members of this Synod can- 
 have known of the interpolation thus made in the Creed 
 or that their insertion of these words was made with intent 
 to add anything to the earlier setting forth of the Faith 
 for there is no record of a dissentient voice, nor notice of 
 discussion of the slightest kind. 
 
 ^ The Creed thus set forth was received with the m-eatest 
 joy by the whole assembly. The only sentence which gives 
 an idea that they might have known how serious an act- 
 they had perfonned, is one which occurs in the third of 
 the twenty-three anathemas against Arianism and other' 
 heresies, which are subjoined to the Acts of the Council. 
 
 ^^Z 7"^ Z '""' ^'^^ "'' '' '^^^^ ^'' b^li^-e that 
 the Hoy Ghost proceeds from the Father and the Son, 
 
 ; and shall deny that He is coeternal and coequal with the 
 Father and the Son, let him be accursed." But though 
 this anathema is so pointedly aimed at the impugners of 
 the new form of the Article in their Creed, it hardly war- 
 rants us m concluding that an addition, the consequences 
 01 which have been so grave, wa^ for the first time made 
 
 ereLfri''p'r "^f^^^^^ Spiritmn Sanctmn non credit, ant non 
 P^^ rtr r ^'^f Vroce^^re. eumque non dixerit coa^temum esse 
 rutn et Filio et cqaqualem, anathema sit. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS: 
 
 87 
 
 at this Council without debate or remonstrance, though this 
 is the first record of the addition. 
 
 This form of the Article, however, when once set 
 
 forth speedily gained reception in other countries besides 
 
 Spain. Of this we have evidence about a hundred years 
 
 later in the proceedings of an English Synod held at 
 
 Heathfield a.d. 680. According to Bede, the Synod w^as 
 
 convened by Archbishop Theodore to guard against the 
 
 spread of Eutychianism. It was numerously attended, 
 
 and the assembled Fathers, after appealing to Scripture as 
 
 the ground of their Faith, express their adherence to all 
 
 the decrees of the first five General Councils, and of the' 
 
 Roman Synod held under Pope Martin. After this the' 
 
 account of their profession runs thus, "We acknowledge 
 
 "and glorify our Lord Jesus Christ as they p.e. the 
 
 "Fathers of the above-named Councils] glorified Him, 
 
 "neither adding or diminishing anything, and we anathe- 
 
 " matize with heart and voice those whom they anathema- 
 
 " tized, and whom they acknowledged we acknowledge, 
 
 glorifying God the Father without beginning, and His 
 
 5 only-]>egotten Son, begotten of the Father before all ages, 
 
 ". and the Holy Ghost proceeding in an inexpressible man- 
 
 ''nerfroni the Father and the Son, as those holy Apostles 
 
 "and Prophets and Doctors taught whom we have above 
 
 *• mentioned V 
 
 Here likewise there appears to be no indication of 
 a knowledge that the profession was made in language 
 
 t( 
 
 ii 
 
 * Bedse, If. E. rv. 17. Suscipimus et glorificamus Dominum nostrum 
 jesum Christum sicut isti glorificaverunt, nihil addentes vcl subtra- 
 hentes, et anathcmatizamus corde et ore quos aimthematizaverunt, et 
 quos susceperunt suscipimus, glorificantes Deum Patrem siAe initio, et 
 Filium ejus nnigenitum ex Patre generatum ante saBCula, et Spiritum 
 Sanctum procedentem ex Patre et Filio inenarrabiliter, sicut praedicave- 
 riint hi quos memoravimus supra, saucti Apostoli, et Prophetae et 
 Doctoras. , ... ..... 
 
88 
 
 EISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 which in this important article differed from that of the 
 Fathers alluded to as authorities. Not even does the arch- 
 bishop, whose acquaintance with the East might have led 
 us to expect some comment on this doctrine of the 
 "Procession," seem to have considered the words other 
 than the true language of the early councils. 
 
 But before the end of another century the addition of 
 the " Fihoque " began to produce its effect in a rupture 
 between the Greeks and the Latins. This is said to have 
 commenced at the Council of Gentilly, A.D. 767. There 
 we read " the question was ventilated between the Greeks 
 "and Komans about the Trinity, and whether the Holy 
 "Spirit so proceeds from the Son as he proceeds from 
 ** the rather\" It appears that the discussion originated 
 thus. There were present at the council ambassadors 
 from Constantino Copronymus, and besides the ques- 
 tions mentioned in the above extract there arose a dis- 
 cussion on the worship of images. In this matter the 
 Westerns charged Constantino with neglect, whereupon 
 bis representatives retorted with a reproach about the 
 insertion of the " Filioque." Pepin, king of France, who 
 was present at this council, died the next year, and was 
 succeeded by his famous son Charles, known afterwards 
 as Charlemagne, beside whose zeal in matters theological 
 that of his father sinks into insignificance. An oppor- 
 tunity for displaying that zeal soon arose in connection 
 with this subject of the double Procession. 
 
 His fervour was evoked under the following circum- 
 stances. In a letter addressed by Tarasius, patriarch of 
 Constantinople, tt the bishops and clei^ of Antioch, Alex- 
 andria and Constantinople, there is given a Creed which 
 
 » Mansi, xu. 677, qnoliug from Ado of Vienne, " Facta est ^ynodus 
 
 «* quaestio ventOata inter Graecoe et Bomanos de Trinitate, et 
 
 niniia Spiritus Sanctus, sicut procedit a Patre, ita procedit a Filio^'* 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 89- 
 
 • 
 
 1 
 
 commences thus: "I believe in one God the Father Al- 
 " mighty and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God 
 "and our God, who was begotten of the Father before 
 '•time and from eternity : and in the Holy Ghost the Lord 
 "and Giver of life, who proceedeth from the Father by 
 "the Son, and Himself both is and is acknowledged as 
 "God\".... ..After the second Nicene Council A.D. 787 it 
 
 appeared that this confession had met with acceptance 
 from Pope Hadrian, and on this point Charlemagne ad- 
 dressed a remonstrance^ to the Pope on the admission of 
 such erroneous doctrine as that of Tarasius, "who pro- 
 " fesses that the Holy Ghost proceeds not from the Father 
 " and the Son, according to the faith of the Nicene Symbol, 
 "but from the Father by the Sonl" To this the Pope 
 replied that Tarasius had not set forth this dogma of him- 
 self, but on the teaching of the holy Fathers, and proceeds 
 to quote evidence from the writings of Athanasius, Euse- 
 bius, Hilary, and several other writers in support of the 
 position of the accused patriarch. The passages are not all 
 of them to the point, but what is most remarkable is 
 that, although Charlemagne's letter expressly mentions 
 the Nicene Creed as his authority for the' doctrine he is 
 advocating, the Pope does not set him right by shew- 
 
 1 Migne, xii. 1122, Trtcrrcuw eh eva Gedi' Haripa. vavTOKpiropa, koI els 
 iva Kvptou ^Itjffovv Xpiaroiff tov tlov tov 8eoO, Kcd Qeov T^ficav, '^evvridivra in 
 rov IlaT/sos dxpovus Kal cil'S/b;;, kuI els to Hvevfia ro ayiov ro Kvptov koI 
 ^ioovoiovv TO iK rov Uarpos 5i' Tlov iKvopeuopLevov, /cat avro Oeov 6v re Kal 
 yvupi^ofxevoVf K.r.X, 
 
 2 Mr Neale, in his History of the Holy Eastern Church, vol. ii. p. 
 1154, represents the complaint as coming from Pepin after the appear- 
 ance of the Acts of the viith Council, as the second Council of Nice is 
 called. This is a mistake. Pepin died a.d. 768, the Nicene Council was 
 A,D. 787. 
 
 * Mansi, xiii. 760, Charlemagne's letter sent to the Pope by Engelbert, 
 "qui Spiritum Sanctum non ex Patre et Filio, secundum Nicseni symboli 
 fidem, Eed ex Patre per Filium procedentem profiteatur." 
 
w 
 
 mSTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 mg that in that early Symbol there is mentioned only 
 the Procession from the Father. Was the papal see m 
 much in fear of the great king that its occupant dared not" 
 utter such, an argument ? 
 
 - That the true reading of the Nicene Creed was not' 
 unknown to those who were in close connection with Charle- 
 magne is evident from the next step in the history of this- 
 controversy. The Council of Friuli was assembled by 
 Paulinus of Aquileia a.d. 791 "in the cause of the Holy 
 ^^ Trinity and the Incarnation of the Divine Word." Ttie 
 Symbol here set forth was the Niceno-Constantinopolitan 
 (of course in a Latin translation) with the addition of the 
 "Filioque\" which addition is defended in an epistle ad- 
 dressed by the bishop to the king, giving an accurate his- 
 tory of all that had taken place in the alteration of this 
 much discussed article. A portion of his letter runs thus"^ : 
 " For if the venerable compilation of the Nicene Symbol be 
 "examined, nothing else will be to be found set forth 
 " therein concerning the Holy Ghost save this. They say 
 " * and in the Holy Ghost/ What is it then to say ' and in 
 '' 'the Holy Ghost'? How is this so very brief profession of 
 ''theirs to be received except that there is given us to 
 •'understand the religious devotion of the pure faith of 
 "their minds, and that they believed as is most likely in 
 "the Holy Ghost, just as in the Father and in the Son • 
 "as afterwards was done by the hundred and fifty holy 
 "fathers who testified that the faith of the Symbol of the 
 
 ^ Mansi, xiii. 842. 
 
 ' Mansi xm. 836, Nam si recenseatur NiciBni symboli series vene- 
 randa, nihil aliud de Spiritu Sancto in ea nisi hoc mode reperiri potest 
 promulgatum « Et in Smctnm," inquiunt, •' Spiritum." Quid est ergo 
 dicere "Et in Spiritinn Sanctnm"? Quo modo accipienda est tam 
 brevissima eorum professio. nisi nt patenter detur inteUigi mentium 
 ^rum Integra fidei religiosa devotio et in Sanctum Spiritum sicut et in 
 Fatrem et in FiHum probabiliter credidisse, quemadmodum postea 
 a Sanctis patnbus centum quinquaginta qui contestati sunt SvmboU 
 
 u 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 91^ 
 
 1^ 
 
 "'Nicene Council should remain for ever inviolate. Yet as 
 " if for expounding the meaning of their predecessors they 
 " made additions, and confess that they believe ' in the Holy 
 " * Ghost, the Lord and Giver of life, who proceedeth from 
 "*the Father and who with the Father and the Son is to 
 "/be worshipped and glorified.' For these words and the 
 '^'rest which follow are not contained in the sacred dogma 
 "of the Nicene Symbol. But afterwards too, on account' 
 "forsooth of those heretics who whisper that the Holy^ 
 "Ghost is of the Father alone, and proceeds from the 
 " Father alone, there was added * who proceedeth from the 
 " * Father and the Son.' And yet those holy Fathers are 
 " not to be blamed, as if they had added anything to, or 
 " taken anything away from the Faith of the three hun- 
 " dred and eighteen fathers, who had no thought on divine 
 "subjects contrary to their meaning, but in an honest 
 " manner studied to complete their sense without spoiling 
 " it. So the hundred .and fifty who inserted ' proceeding 
 *' * from the Father,' had learnt on the testimony of the 
 "Evangelist, that the Only-begotten Himself had pro- 
 " mised to his disciples concerning His Spirit, * The Spirit 
 ** * who proceedeth from the Father He shall testify clearly 
 
 fidem Nicasni Concilii inviolatam perenniter permanere ? Suppleverunt 
 tamen quasi exponendo eorum sensum, et **in Spiritum Sanctum" con- 
 fitentur se credere " Dominum et vivificatorem ex Patre procedentem, 
 " cum Patre et Filio adorandum et glorificandum. " Hajc enim et ccetera 
 quae sequuntur in Nicseni Symboli sacro dogmate non habentur. Sed et 
 postmodum propter eos videlicet haereticos qui susurrant Spiritum Sanc- 
 tum solius esse Patris et a solo procedere Patre additum est "Qui ex 
 Patre et Filio procedit." Et tamen non sunt hie Sancti Patres culpandi, 
 quasi addidissent aliquid vel minuissent de fide trecentorum decem et 
 octo Patrum, qui non contra eorum sensum diversa senserunt, sed im- 
 maculatum eorum intellectum sanis moribus supplere skuduerunt. Di- 
 dicerant ita centum quinquaginta qui intulerunt " a Patre procedentem " 
 Evangelista testante repromisisse disoipulis ipsum Unigenitum de sue 
 Spiritu, "SpirituB qui a Patre procedit ipse me clarificabit. " Legerant 
 
92 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 it 
 
 it 
 
 €t 
 
 it 
 
 " ' of me/ Of course those who succeeded them and added 
 •"Who proceedeth from the Father and the Son' had 
 " read the gospel of the very same Truth refuting Philip. 
 ' Philip,' says He, * he who sees Me sees My Father also. 
 ' Dost thou not believe that I am in My Father and the 
 ' Father in Me V If therefore, as He Himself testifies, the 
 "Father is inseparably and substantially in the Son, and 
 *'the Son in the Father, how can it be believed that the 
 " Holy Ghost who is consubstantial with the Father and 
 " the Son does not always proceed essentially and insepara- 
 "bly from the Father and the Son?" 
 
 It is hard to believe that changes which the most 
 influential and learned of his clergy could state with such 
 clearness could have been unknown to the king on the 
 occasion of his remonstrance with Pope Hadrian"^ and we 
 are almost driven to the supposition that the "Filioque" 
 clause was put forward and supported for the purpose 
 of producing a breach between the Churches of the East 
 and West. 
 
 Three years elapse, and we come to the great Synod 
 of Frankfort, A. D. 794. The purpose for which it was 
 assembled was to condemn the adoptionist heresy, and 
 its chief supporters, Elipandus, archbishop of Toledo, 
 and Felix, bishop of Urgella, which controversy agitated 
 the Church even more at this time than that of the 
 Procession of the Holy Ghost. Here, with Charlemacrne 
 
 nempe ii sequentes qui addiderant " Qui ex Patre FiKoque procedit " 
 ipsam eandemque Veritatem in Evangelio redarguentem PhUippum 
 "Philippe," inquit, "qui videt me, videt et Patrem meum. An non 
 "credis quia ego in Patre et Pater in me est?" Si ergo, sicut ipse 
 testatur, mseparabiliter et substantiaUter est Pater in Filio et FiHus in 
 Patre, quo pacto credi potest et consubstantiaUs Patri Filioque Spiritua 
 Sanctus non a Patre FiUoque essentiaUter et inseparabiUter semper 
 procedat ? ^ 
 
 I 
 
 mSTORY OF THE CREEDS. 93 
 
 •present, and the pope represented by his legates the 
 bishops Theophylact and Stephanus, there is read the 
 lihellus of the Italian bishops against Elipandus. This 
 appears to have been the work of Paulinus\ and therein 
 the double Procession is emphatically stated. *' The Holy 
 *' Catholic and Apostolic Church confesses that we should 
 *^ believe one person of the Father, because the Fathers 
 '* He who begat the Son coeternal with Himself with- 
 *^* out time and without all beginning, and another person 
 " of the Son, because the Son is He who was begotten 
 ** without beginning by the Father, not putativelv but 
 *' truly, and another person of the Holy Ghost, f Jr the 
 ^1 Holy Ghost is, and proceeds from the Father and from 
 " the Son." This is followed by the Synodical lotter of 
 the Churches of Gaul and Germany to the presidents of 
 the Spanish Churches, stating the decision of the Synod 
 on the point in dispute, after which is given the letter of 
 Charlemagne to Elipandus and the other Spanish bishops. 
 In this Epistle, having stated that he has sent to Kome 
 and to Britain to summon ecclesiastics to consult on this 
 question, he inclosed three libelli, first, the opinion of 
 the Roman See ; second, of the bishops of the nearer 
 parts of Italy, headed by Peter of Milan and Paulinus 
 of Aquileia; and third, that of the bishops of Geiu 
 many, Gaul, Aquitania and Britain. To these he appends 
 his own agreement, giving in it a form of Creed, where- 
 in in the article on the third Person of the Trinity 
 he states " We believe also in the Holy Ghost, the true 
 
 1 Mansi, xiii. 878, Sancta autem catholica atque apostolica Ecclesia 
 
 confitetur ita sane ut alius credatur Pater, quia Pater est qui genuit 
 
 coaetemum sibi sine tempore et omni initio Filium, et alius credatur 
 Filius, quia FiUus est qui genitus est sine initio a Patre non putatiye 
 sed vere, et alius credatur Spiritus Sanctus, quia Spiritus Sanctus est et 
 a Patre Filioque procedii 
 
 / 
 
:94 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 " God, the Giver of Life to all, proceeding from the Father 
 " and the Son\'" This doctrine of the double Procession 
 is twice again repeated, and, as we shall have occasion to 
 observe afterwards, the whole document bears a strong 
 resemblance in certain parts to the Athanasian Creed. 
 Its occurrence in a document of this nature, issuin<r from 
 a Council where Germany, Gaul, Britain and Italy had 
 -been represented, and addressed to the Churches of Spain 
 proves that the doctrine of the " Filioque " clause in the 
 Creed was accepted without question in the Churches of 
 .the West. It most likely came to be so through the 
 influence of Charlemagne, on whom, a few years after, 
 Pope Leo III. conferred the title of Emperor, and whoso 
 opinion would naturally weigh greatly with a Church on 
 which he conferred such signal benefits. If so, what 
 Reccared initiated, found another royal support of far 
 grander pretensions. 
 
 But it was not long before the question was brought 
 
 to a crisis which may be looked upon as the prelude to 
 
 that rupture between the Churches of the East and West, 
 
 which this article finally brought about. It was in the 
 
 East that the dispute first began to which Eginhard 
 
 alludes under the date A. D. 809. " The Emperor,'having 
 
 ' " returned from Arduenna to Aix, held a Council in the 
 
 " month of November about the Procession of the Holy 
 
 - " Ghost, which question a certain John, a monk at Jeru- 
 
 " salem, first stirredl" This was the famous Council of 
 
 Aquis-Grani (afterwards Aix-la-Chapelk) which resulted 
 
 1 Mansi, xiii. 905. Credimus et in Spiritum Sanctum Deum Vermn,' 
 Vivificatorem omnium, a Patre et Filio procedentem. 
 
 « Eginhard (Migne, civ. 472), His ita gestis de Arduenna Aquas rt- 
 versus, mense Novembrio concilium habuit de processione Spiritus Sanc- 
 .ti, quara quaestionem Joannes quidam monaehus Bierosolymis prime 
 oommovit. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 95 
 
 / 
 
 \i 
 
 •in an embassy from the Emperor to the Pope Leo III. to 
 obtain his decision on the point in debate. 
 r The circumstances out of which the dispute at Jerusa- 
 lem arose were as follows. There was at this time a 
 convent of Latin monks on Mount Olivet, and members of 
 their body were assailed by the John above mentioned as 
 heretics, because they introduced the *' Filioque" into the 
 Creed. Not only at Jerusalem but at Bethlehem on 
 Christmas-day were they attacked in this way, and in 
 consequence sent one of their number to Rome to enquire 
 .from the highest authority they knew, what was right 
 and what they should do. In their message they desire 
 that Charlemagne shall be informed of this their trouble, 
 and they urge that they have heard the Creed sung, with 
 the clause now objected to, in the Imperial Chapel, and that 
 the same clause occurs in two works, a homily of St 
 Gregory and the rule of St Benedict, both of which they 
 had received from the Emperor. They also quote a 
 dialogue of St Benedict which the Pope had given them, 
 and the Creed of St Athanasius, as authorities for the 
 form they were in the habit of using. They pray to the 
 -Pope to send them certain direction. 
 
 It is stated that the Pope sent them back a form of 
 Creed which contained a clause agreeing with and empha- 
 sizing strongly the double Procession, speaking of " the 
 "Holy Ghost" as "proceeding equally from the Father 
 "and the Son, and consubstantial with the Father and 
 " the Son." But such statement is rendered more than 
 doubtful by the nature of the Pope's subsequent conduct.' 
 It will be observed that in their Epistle to the Pope 
 the Jerusalem monks allude to the interest taken in them 
 by Charlemagne, and to the services which they had heard 
 in the Imperial Chapel. In consequence of this, as ft 
 
M 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 97 
 
 seems, the Pope communicated with the Emperor, and the 
 result of his communication was the assembling of the 
 Council at Aix, for the purpose of discussing the question 
 of the Procession. The resolution adopted by the Council 
 was, as might be expected, in favour of the addition, and 
 an embassy to the Pope was decided on that his authority 
 might be obtained in support of the insertion of the words 
 obnoxious to the Greeks. Accounts vary as to whether two 
 or three ambassadors were sent. The names mentioned 
 are Bemarius, bishop of Worms, Adalard, abbot of Cor- 
 bey, and by some writers also Jesse, bishop of Amiens. 
 They were admitted to an audience, and their conference 
 has been reported by Smaragdus\ In the course of the 
 discussion St Leo admits the truth of the doctrine of the 
 Procession from the Son, but draws a distinction between 
 this doctrine, which he terms one of the more abstruse 
 mysteries of the faith, and other doctrines unto the know- 
 ledge of which all may be supposed able to attain, and he is 
 firm, all through the interview, on the impropriety of intro- 
 ducing the "Filioque" either in singing or reading. He also 
 points out that there are other mysterious truths, which it 
 has never been deemed expedient to insert in the Creed. 
 And his ultimate advice is that the clause should be ex- 
 punged from the Creed, but the doctrine contained in it 
 freely taught and inculcated. He says further that had his 
 opinion been asked before the words were inserted he should 
 have decided against them. It is therefore impossible to 
 believe that he would be so inconsistent as to send a Creed 
 with such insertion to the monks at Jerusalem. A still 
 
 ^ 1 The account given by Smaragdns (who was the abbot of St Michael 
 in Lorraine) may be seen in Mansi. xiv. 18-22, and an English transla- 
 tion in Neale s EUtory of the Holy Eastern Church, vol. ii, pp. 1163- 
 1167* 
 
 K 
 
 more public testimony was given by him to his wish to 
 guard the purity of the Nicene Confession. Anastasius 
 relates that from his love and carefulness for the orthodox 
 Faith he caused two silver shields inscribed with the Creeds 
 one in Greek, the other in Latin, to be fixed up in the Ba^ 
 silica of St Peter\ And though Anastasius does not ex- 
 plain the precise object for which these shields were erected,, 
 it is clear from the quotation of the Latin inscription as 
 given by St Peter Damian that the Creed to which the 
 Pope desired such publicity to be given was that of the 
 Nicene and Constantinopolitan Councils. We are therefore 
 warranted in concluding that the Koraan Church had not 
 accepted the insertion of the " Filioque " up to the time 
 of the papacy of St Leo though it was received by the 
 churches of Spain, Gaul and Germany, and was urged on 
 the Pope by the imperial authority. 
 
 When the history advances about half a century 
 further we come upon evidence that his successors in 
 the papal chair were not actuated by the same love and 
 zeal for the orthodox faith as himself. In A.D. 858 
 Nicolas I. was made Pope, and lived for nine years. 
 
 1 Anastasius, in vita Leonis (Migne, cxxviii. 1238), says. Hie vero pro 
 amore et cautela orthodoxas fidei fecit ubi supra [i.e. in basilica S. Petri] 
 Bcuta argentea duo scripta utraque symbolo, unum quidem Uteris Grsecis, 
 et aliud Latinis, sedentia dextera Isevaque super ingressum corporis pen* 
 santia argenti libras nonagiuta quatuor et uncias sex. 
 
 The expression " super iugressum corporis " is perhaps explained by 
 the account of the scuta given in the eleventh century by Peter Damian, 
 de Process. Spirit, c. ii. (Migue, cxlv. 635), Beatus etiam Leo papa in 
 argentea tabula qua3 ante sacratissimum corpus beati I^auli Apostoli 
 videtur erecta inter cffiteras sua) fidei symbolas ait **Et in Spiritum 
 *' Sanctum Domiuum et vivificatorem ex Patre procedentem, cum Patre 
 **et Filio coadorandum et gloriticanium." 
 
 A similar notice is given by Pet, Abelard, Introd. ad Theolog. ii. 14, 
 and by Pet. Lombard. Sent. i. 11, only that the "Master of the Sen- 
 " tences " places the tablets " post altare Beati Pauli." 
 
 7 
 
■MM 
 
 98 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 It was during his time that the Photian controversy was 
 raging, and among other proceedings which were involved 
 therein, Photius, the patriarch of Constantinople, drew up 
 a charge of heresy against Pope Nicolas, one of the arti- 
 cles of which states that the Koman Church had corrupted 
 the Nicene Creed by the addition of the " Filioque." In 
 all the controversy which followed on the excommuni- 
 cation of the Pope by the Patriarch there is no attempt 
 made to contradict this statement. Nicolas sought aid 
 from the archbishops and bishops, especially of the Gallic 
 Church, to defend his cause, and there is preserved a 
 portion of one of his letters to Hincmar the archbishop 
 of Rheims on this very question. The historian of the 
 Church of Rheims' relates that Nicolas the Pope for- 
 warded a letter to Hincmar and the other archbishops and 
 bishops then presiding over the churches of the Empire, 
 pointing out to them that the Greek Emperors (Michael 
 and Basilius) and likewise the bishops of the East were slan- 
 dering the holy Roman Church, nay even the whole Church 
 which employed the Latin language, because they said that 
 the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father and the Son. 
 Then quoting directly the Pope's words he adds, " When 
 
 ^ Frodoardus in Historia Eccles. Ehemem. iii. 17, Nicolaus Papa 
 epistolam eidem [i.e. HincmaroJ et cajteris archiepiscopis et episcopis in 
 regno Caroli constitutis transmisit, innotescens pmfatos Gmcorum im- 
 peratores [i.e. Michaelem et BasiUuip] sed et Orientales episcopos caliim. 
 mari sanctam Bomanam Ecclesiam, imo omnem Ecclesiam quro Latina 
 
 iititur lingua quod Spiritum Sanctum ex Patre Filioque procedere 
 
 dicimus 
 
 Then quoting the Pope's words : Tua, Hincmare, charitas cum hanc 
 epistolam legerit, mox ut etiam ad alios archiepiscopos qui in regno filii 
 nostn Caroh gloriosi regis consistunt deferatur smnmopere agere studeat. 
 nt et de his smguH in suis dicecesibus propriis una cum suffraganeis suis 
 in cujuscunque regno sunt constituti couTenienter tractare et nobis qu» 
 reperermt suggeiere curent, eos incitar© non negligat. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 99 
 
 " thy grace hath read this letter, Hincmar, let it earnestly 
 " strive to take means that it presently be set before the 
 ''other archbishops who are in the realm of our son the 
 "glorious king Charles, and let it not neglect to urge that 
 " each of them in their own dioceses with their suffragans 
 " in whatever dominion they be, give the matter suitable 
 *' attention and let us know what they discover." One 
 of thg persons so urged appears to have been Ratramn the 
 monk of Corbey, who produced a work against the objec- 
 tions of the Greeks. It is clear from the closing words of 
 that treatise that it was written at some such instigation as 
 this, for the writer says, "We have done as well as w^e were 
 "able in replying to those matters which you sent to us, 
 "and if they please you, we give God thanks, but if not, 
 " we expect your criticism and correction." The work is 
 in four books and to shew the importance which the 
 writer attached to the question of the Procession, he 
 commences with^ the point at issue in the controversy, 
 continuing his discussion thereof through three out of 
 the four books, giving Scriptural, Synodical and Patristic 
 authorities for the addition, but always writing as though 
 such addition were taken for granted at the outset. He 
 opens the subject thus: "Ye accuse us that we say the 
 " Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father and the Son, while 
 "ye say that He proceeds from the Father alone. Let us 
 " consider what is read in the Gospel and draw the tenor 
 "of our answer from thence ^" In this way he pro- 
 
 ^ Katramnus, contra Grcecorum Opposita, lib. iv. ad fin. Egimus 
 velut potuimus respondentes ad ea qusB nobis scripta misistis. Qnse si 
 placuerint Deo gratias agimus, sin vero displicuerint vestrae correctiouis 
 censuram prasstolamur. 
 
 ' Ibid. lib. I. c. 3. Arguitis quod Spiritum Sanctum ex Patre Filioque 
 procedere dicamus, cum ipsi ex Patre tantum procedere dicatis. Consi- 
 deremus Evaugelii lectionem et ex eo responsionis tenorem capiamus. 
 
 7—2 
 
•main. 
 
 100 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 101 
 
 ceeds to array all his evidence for the truth of the doc- 
 trine, assuming, it would seem, that in this way he could 
 justify the insertion of the "Filioque." We may therefore 
 conclude that within fifty years of the death of Pope Leo 
 the " Filioque " was accepted by all the Churches which 
 used the Latin tongue. 
 
 It is not necessary to follow farther the history of this 
 Creed, to which the last addition was this " Filioque" clause 
 which found such favour in the Western Church. The 
 history of the breach between the Churches of the 
 East and the West hinged greatly, nay almost entirely, 
 on this Article, yet the relation thereof, and of the at- 
 tempts that have been and are even now bein<r made 
 to lessen the separation, scarcely falls within the Account 
 ol the JNicene Creed. 
 
 It only remains to notice the use- of the Creed 
 in the Church Services. We are told by Theodorus 
 Lector \ that the Creed was first ordered to be repeated 
 at every service in the Eastern Church by Tiraothv 
 arcbbshop of Constantinople, in the reign of the Emperor 
 Anastasius. The same authority informs us that Peter 
 Fullo, bishop of Antioch, ordered its regular recital in 
 that patriarchate \ But it is not till the Third Council 
 of Toledo, A.D. 589, that the custom appears to have 
 been introduced regularly into the services of the Western 
 Church. In that synod King Eeccared, in an address 
 which precedes the twenty-three decrees set forth by this 
 OounciUay.s: "After prayer to God, our Authority has 
 decided to institute this as a thing needful for the esta- 
 blishment of the Catholic Faith, that for the sake of 
 
 quoted by Lord King, p. 44. ^' "* ^^^' 
 
 2 iv wdarj (n/i/(it« ^^ avfi^oXop Xiy.aSai, Hid. p. 45. 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 ■ 
 
 I 
 
 "coDfirming the recent conversion of our nation all the 
 "churches of Spain and Gaul should observe this rule, 
 " that at every time of the sacrifice before the communi- 
 " eating of the Body or Blood of Christ, after the custom 
 "of the Oriental fathers, they should with one accord 
 ** recite with a loud voice the most holy Symbol of the 
 " Faith V which Symbol accordingly appears in the 
 second of the Canons {capitula) which follow. But though 
 this usage as well as the acceptance of the "Filioque," 
 which had its beginning from this Third Council of 
 Toledo, made its way in Spain and Gaul as the king 
 ordained, it does not seem to have been adopted so early 
 into the Roman Order. How it was after a time in- 
 troduced we learn from the early writers on that 
 Order. Walafrid Strabo records^ that " the Symbol of 
 " the Catholic Faith is rightly repeated at the celebration 
 " of mass after the Gospel, that by the Holy Gospel the 
 *' heart may believe unto righteousness, and by the Creed 
 "confession may be made unto salvation. And it is to be 
 "noted that the Greeks have set to music that Creed 
 " which we in imitation of them employ in the mass, rather 
 " than the others, because it is the Creed of the Council of 
 " Constantinople and perchance seemed more suitable for 
 
 ^ Mansi, ix. 977, Hoc adhuc necessarium pro firmitate catholicae 
 fidei nostra Deo supplex instituere decrevit auctoritas, ut propter robo- 
 randam gentis nostrse novellam conversionem omnes Hispaniarum at 
 GallisB ecclesisa banc regulam servent ut omni eacrificii tempore ante 
 communicationem corporis Cbristi yel sanguinis juxta Orientalium Pa- 
 trum morem unanimiter clara voce sacratisBimum fidei recenseaut sym- 
 bolum. 
 
 2 Walaf . Strab. de Rehus eccl. 22 (Migne, cxiv. 947), Symbolum quoque 
 fidei catholicas recta in Missarum solemniis post Evangelium recensetur, 
 ut per sanctum Evangelium corde credatur ad justitiam, per Symbolum 
 autem confessio fiat ad salutem. Et notandum Graecos illud Symbolum 
 quod nos ad imitationem eorum intra Missas adsumimus, potius quam 
 alia, in cautilensB dulcedine ideo transtulisse quia Constantinopolitaui 
 
■^ 
 
 102 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GREEDS, 
 
 *' musical use than the Nicene Creed, which preceded it 
 " in date. And that the devotion of the faithful might, 
 " even in the celebrations of the sacraments, recite anti- 
 " dotes to the poison of the heretics, compiled in their 
 " own imperial city. From them therefore the custom is 
 "believed to have come to the Romans. But among 
 "the Gauls and Germans, after the expulsion of the 
 "heretic Felix, who was condemned under Charles the 
 " most noble Emperor of the Franks, the same symbol 
 " began to be repeated more extensively and more fre- 
 "quently in the Office of Mass. Also in the Council of 
 "Toledo it was laid down that on every Sunday the 
 " same Symbol should be recited according to the custom 
 " of the Churches of the East, so that before the Lord's 
 " Prayer is said more public witness should be borne to 
 "the true Faith, and that the hearts of the people should 
 " come purified to taste the body and blood of Christ" 
 There can be no doubt that this writer ' is speaking of the 
 uninterpolated Creed of Constantinople, as he lived be- 
 fore the time of Pope Nicolas I., and that he correctly 
 represents the introduction of the use of the Creed into 
 the Services of the Church, first from the Council of 
 
 concilii proprium est et fortasse aptius videbatur modiilis sonornm qnam 
 NiCffiumn, quod tempore prius est. Et ut contra hajreticorum venena in 
 ipsis etiam Sacramentorum celebrationibus medicamenta apud rern« 8ua> 
 nrbis confecta, fidelium devotio replicaret. Ab ipsis ergo ad Romanos 
 lUe nsns creditor pervenisse. Sed apud Gallos et Germanos, post dejec 
 tionem Felicis haretici, sub gloriosissimo Carolo Francorum Rectore 
 damnati, idem Symbolum latius et crebrius in Missarum ccBpit officiis 
 iterari. Concilio quoque Toletano statutum est, omni Dominica idem 
 Symbolum secundum morom Orientalium Ecclesiarum recitari, ut prius- 
 quam Dominica dicatur oratio, fides vera manifestius testimonium habeat 
 et ad corpus Christi ac sanguinem prtelibandum pectora populorum 
 punficata accedant. 
 
 ^ Walafrid Strabo died a.d. 849. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 103 
 
 } 
 
 I 
 
 Toledo into Spain, then into GauP when the Adoptionist 
 heresy was condemned, and at a later date from the 
 Greek custom into the Church of Rome. 
 
 From another writer on the same subject we derive 
 further information at a date about two centuries later. 
 The Abbot Berno, of Richenau, gives the same particulars 
 relative to the choice of the Constantinopolit^n rather than 
 the Nicene Creed, and also concerning the first introduc- 
 tion of the Symbol into the Services by the third Council 
 of Toledo. But he adds some particulars of later histoiy. 
 In speaking of the differences in the Ecclesiastical 
 usages of the East and the West he says* : " If we, as is 
 ** often stated, are forbidden to sing the Angelic Hymn on 
 " feast days because the Roman priests do not sing it, we 
 " may in like manner leave unsaid the Creed after the 
 " Gospel, because the Romans, even up to the time of 
 " the Emperor Henry of blessed memory, never sang it. 
 "But being asked in my presence by the same Emperor 
 "why this was their use, I heard them give an answer 
 " of this nature : That forsooth the Roman Church had 
 " never been tainted with any dregs of heresy, but re- 
 ** mained unshaken in the soundness of the Catholic faith 
 " according to the teaching of St Peter ; and so it was more 
 " needful for that Symbol to be frequently sung by those 
 
 * Bemo Augiensis died 1045. 
 
 * Bemonis Augiensis Lihelhts de quibusdam rebua ad missfs: qfficium 
 pertinentibus (Migne, cxlii. 1061), Nam si ideo ut scepe dictum, ilium 
 angelicum hymnum prohibemur in festivis diebus canere eo quod Ro- 
 manorum presbyteri non solent eum canere, possumus Bimili modo post 
 Eyflngelium Symbolum reticere quod Romani usque ad bcec tempora 
 divee memoriffi Henrici Imperatoris nuUo modo cecinemnt. Sed ab 
 eodem interrogati cur ita agerent me coram assistentc, audivi eos hujus- 
 modi responsum reddere, videlicet quod Romana ecclesia non fuisset 
 aliquando ulla haereseos fn?ce infecta, sed secundum Sancti Petri doctri- 
 nam in soliditate Caiholicie fidei permancret inconcussa, et ideo magis 
 
Kaili 
 
 ■! ■ J ii!""i" 
 
 ■MBiPiH 
 
 I' I 
 
 bif 
 
 104 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 'who might be tainted by any heresy. But the Lord 
 jl Emperor did not desist until with general consent he 
 "^ persuaded the Apostolic Lord Benedict that they should 
 'chant that Symbol at the public mass." The Lord 
 Emperor here spoken of is Henry IL of Germany, and the 
 Apostolic Lord Benedict is Pope Benedict VIII No one 
 can read the praises '.lavished on this superstitious Emperor 
 by. the monkish chroniclers of Germany, without feelin<r 
 sure that the interpolated Creed which had so long found 
 favour m Spain, and Gaul, and Germany, would be that 
 on behalf of which his exertions were used; nor can we 
 contemplate the very substantial reasons' which the Pope 
 had for complying with the Emperor's request without a 
 conviction that with the custom which the Lord Emperor 
 advocated was introduced the form of Creed which the 
 i^rd Jimperor most favoured. Thus the "Filioque"ac 
 cepted as part of the Creed of the Church by Pope Ni;ola« 
 found Its way mto the Mass service under Benedict VIII. 
 
 persuasit nt ad pubhcam missam illnd decantarcnt ' 
 
 Ore^iy m 1012. Compare also (Mansi, x«. 331-334), "Privileaium T^l 
 nez ImperatorU quo patrimonia Roman,, EcclesiJl J^"""'^'""" ^'"^ 
 «cfe.m colUta, Benedtcto pontificl gratitudini. ergo et pietati, in LZ1 
 pem Apomiomm amove confirmavit," for evidence of !h« .^LT^ ..V 
 which an Imperial reanest rnn=t \,J e^aence of the great weight 
 
 Benedict ^ "^ *""''*'' °™^ «•« Apostolic Lord 
 
 1 
 
 
 "\ 
 
 ol.coll; 
 
 I 
 
 /■ 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IL 
 
 I. On the name " Nicene'* applied to the 
 Constantinopolitan Creed, 
 
 ^ That the Constantinopolitan Creed has long been, as 
 It IS now, called the Nicene Creed there can be no doubt, 
 but It IS questionable whether the confusion between the 
 two names dates from so early a period as is generally 
 supposed. Ihe statement that it was an early confusion 
 rests on the words of Vossius, De tribus Symbolis disser^ 
 tMiotertia p 60, who says: Hoc vero Symbolum nou 
 Constantinopohtanum modo, sed Nicenum etiam a Scrip- 
 toribus yocatur. Ita Magister sententiarum lib. i. distinct. 
 XI: Illud inqmt, "est Symbolum quod in Missa can- 
 tatur, editum in Concilio Niceno.'' Eumque socutus Alex- 
 ander Alesius qui anno vixit Mccxxx., Parte iii. Ousest 
 LXix. memb. v. "Tria sunt Symbola: primum Aposto- 
 lorum; secundum, Patrum Nicenorum, quod canitur in 
 Missa; tertium Athanasii." At nihil certius quam illud 
 in Missa caai consuetum vere esse Constantinopolitanum • 
 unde et sic vocare mavult Erasmus, de Symholo Catech 
 11. Priores secutus Durandus Mimatensis qui anno vixit 
 MCCLXXX. Hie, Rational Off, Div. lib. iv. cap. xxv. cum de 
 Apostohco et Athanasiano Symbolo egisset, subjungit: 
 lertium est Nicenum, quod Damasus Papa, ex con- 
 ' stitutione universalis Synodi, apud Constantinopolim 
 
•'"mm 
 
 106 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE GREEDS. 
 
 " celebrat8P,instituit." Quid apertius quam Nicenura vocare 
 quod CoDstantinopoli coiiditum fatetur ? Ac loquitur simi- 
 liter Saxo Carthusianus libro de vita Christi. Sed omnes 
 persequi longum esset : et quaedam de eo jam allata nobis 
 initio dissertationis de Symbolo Apostolico. 
 
 These authorities are quoted from Vossius by Suicer, 
 Uxpositio Sifmholi Nicceno-Constanttnopolitani p. 15, and 
 by others who have followed and written on the same 
 subject. But as the first-cited' writer, the Master of the 
 Sentences, died A.D. 1164, all that is proved by them is 
 that this confusion of names had come into use by the 
 middle of the twelfth century. 
 
 But in his next article Vossius continues : Imo sic 
 accepit ipsa Synodus Ephesina: quando prohibet quic- 
 quam adjicere Symbolo Niceno. Nee enim interdicit usu 
 Symboli Constantinopolitani : in quo aliqua sunt addita 
 Niceno a Patribus Constantinopolitanis : sed Niceni Sym- 
 boli nomine Constantinopolitanum comprehendit. Indi- 
 cium hoc Synodi Ephesinse babes apud Evagrium histor. 
 Eccles. lib. ii. cap. iv. 
 
 It would seem from this passage that the Council of 
 Ephesus regarded the Constantinopolitan Creed as the 
 Nicene. As we have pointed out (p. 80) that the first 
 introduction of the Council of the hundred and fifty as 
 authorities was made at the Council of Chalcedon, and 
 that they were not mentioned at the Council of Ephesus, 
 it is necessary to examine the passage of Evagrius which 
 is quoted by Vossius. 
 
 It treats of tlie Council of Chalcedon, and after mention- 
 ing the principal bishops who were represented or person- 
 ally present, it proceeds to state that the representatives 
 of Leo bishop of Rome demanded the exclusion of Dios- 
 corus bishop of Alexandria from his seat as a judge in 
 the Council. Their request was not acceded to by the 
 imperial commissioners, and when Dioscorus took his seat 
 a charge was made against him by Eusebius bishop of 
 DorylsBum. The charge related to the favouiing of Eutyches 
 of whicli Dioscorus had been guilty, and also to the part 
 he had taken in the violent proceedings of the Robber- 
 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 107 
 
 Synod at Ephesus A.D. 449. The proceedings of this 
 i!-phesian Synod were read, and at the third session Dios- 
 corus was deposed. 
 
 f /*. *'i.®.'*/t'i. session the Council drew up a declaration 
 ot their faith in the preamble of which are recited both 
 tne Creeds, the Nicene and the Constantinopolitan They 
 also confirm the decisions of the General Council of Ephesus 
 and accept Leo's letter to Flavian as a true definition of 
 the Faith with reference to the doctrine of the Incarnation, 
 and conclude with a prohibition against the putting forth 
 of any other faith or symbol. f h i 
 
 This is the substance of that portion of the Chapter 
 with which we are concerned. In it there is no mention of 
 a prohibition put forth by the Council of Ephesus, and 
 though both Creeds are mentioned they are accurately 
 distinguished the one as the Nicene, the other as that of 
 the hundred and fifty Holy Fathers. Nor is there in the 
 account any intimation that the Creed of the hundred 
 and htty was ever read at the General Council of Ephesus 
 
 «f +f V ^"T'i- ^T°r*. °^ tlie whole of the proceedings 
 at the Council of Chalcedon, see Eobertson, History of the 
 Christian Church, pp. 428—436. 
 
 ©eov €K @eov. 
 Deum de Deo. 
 
 I ani indebted to the kindness of Professor Swainson 
 tor the following details in reference to the occurrence of 
 this clause in the MS. authorities and versions of the 
 Constantinopolitan Creed. Dr Routh {Scr. Eccl. Opusc 
 I. 426) says that it does not occur in the Creed which he 
 edits as that put forth by the Council of Chalcedon, nor 
 in the Expositio Fidei of the Constantinopolitan Council 
 as edited in the Codex Canonum Vetus Ecclesise Romans 
 edited by Pithseus: nor does it appear in the Sixth 
 
■ <■ ■ ■ ■-. ,. — .- 
 
 108 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 
 General A.D. 681 : nor in a copy of the Creed sent by 
 Jeremias patriarch of Constantinople to Tubingen, nor 
 in a confession of Mark bishop of Ephesus the MS. 
 of which was in the possession of Sir Thos. Phillips 
 in 1840 when Dr Eouth's work was published. All 
 the Latin MSS. of the Acts of the Council of Chal- 
 cedon omit the phrase (Baluzii Nov, Coll. Canonum 1256). 
 It is found in the Second form given by Epiphanius 
 (Migne, Pair, Gr. Lat. XLiii. 232), in the translation of 
 Hilary of Poictiers (De Synodis, Migne x. 536), but not 
 in the Prisca Canonum translatio (Mansi vi. 1125, and 
 Hahn, p. 107). It is not found in the translation made 
 by Dionysius Exiguus, (Hahn p. 113) nor in the Gelasian 
 Sacramentary (Heurtley, Harm, Symh. p. 158), but occurs 
 in the translations collected by Isidore Mercator (Mansi 
 III. 574) in the Acts of the Council of Toledo A.D. 589 
 (Mansi ix. 977) which instances seem to point to the 
 conclusion that not only do we owe the addition of the 
 " Filioque " to Spain but that of the " Deum de Deo " also. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 OF THE APOSTLES' CREED. 
 
 Symbolum quod Ecclesianim omnium fidem loquitur. 
 
 JoH. Cassian, De Incarn. Christi, vi. 3. 
 
 In treating of the Nicene and Constantinopolitan Creeds 
 we have had on most points historic testimony to guide 
 us, and It was only necessary when authorities varied 
 to endeavour to extract the greatest amount of truth 
 from conflictmg accounts. We have had Synodical 
 authority, of less weight indeed at some times than 
 at others, for all the changes and additions which have 
 been made to the original Symbol. The marks which 
 theological conflict have impressed upon it can all be 
 traced, and we can also make out with considerable 
 certainty the time and manner of its reception into its 
 present place in the Services of the Church 
 
 With the Apostles' Creed the case is entirely different 
 It has grown into its present form without observation.' 
 Several centuries of the Christian era elapsed before the 
 words which we now use and style by the venerable name 
 of the Apostles- were put together into one Symbol. 
 Ihey first appear as we now have them in the writings of 
 a dignified ecclesiastic, but have not the authority which 
 
r? 
 
 no HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 would be derived from Synodical sanction. By examining 
 the Creeds of the Western Churches we are able to note 
 the first appearance of each article of this Creed, but there 
 is hardly ever more than a faint trace of the reason 
 why one clause receives an addition in one Church, 
 and another in another. It is interesting to speculate on 
 the cause of these additions, and we may perhaps come 
 near to the truth in some of our conclusions, but they 
 must still remain mere speculations. 
 
 Our only means then of tracing out the history of the 
 Apostolic Symbol is to take in review the Creeds of the 
 Western Church, beginning with the simplest and 
 earliest of them, and, following the course of time, to 
 chronicle each addition on its first appearance. This 
 process must of course demonstrate that the venerable 
 name of the Symbol is only to be taken to. mean that 
 it contains nothing but Apostolic doctrine. At the same 
 time, since it shews that the form of which we are treating, 
 though without Synodical authority, has been widely re- 
 ceived, as speaking the faith of all the Churches ; even if 
 our sense of its antiquity be diminished, our regard for 
 words which have met with such wide acceptance cannot 
 fail to be intensified. 
 
 It has been pointed out that the earliest Creeds set 
 forth in the Churches of Western Christendom to which a 
 date can be assigned are of Eastern origin, and therefore 
 come to us from a source where the Creeds were ex- 
 panded at a very early date. These forms introduced 
 into the West in the second century are no exception to 
 this rule. But while they contain allusions to errors which 
 were never very prevalent in the West and which there- 
 fore call for no contradiction in the Western Creeds, they 
 include a very large portion of the language and still 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. m 
 
 more of the doctrine of the Apostolic Symbol. To make 
 this apparent it is only necessary to place side by side 
 with the Apostles* Creed such portions of the Creeds of 
 St Irenaeus and Tertullian as correspond therewith. Such 
 a comparison will make it evident that before the expan- 
 sions of the Western Creed commenced, there was in the 
 West a type on which such expansions might and would 
 most naturally be based. 
 
 The Apostles* Creed, 
 
 1. I believe in God the 
 Father Almighty, Maker 
 of heaven and earth : 
 
 2. And in Jesus Christ 
 His only Son, our Lord, 
 
 3. "Who was conceived 
 by the Holy Ghost, bom 
 of the Virgin Mary, 
 
 Creeds of St Irenceus, 
 
 I believe in one God 
 the Father Almighty, who 
 made heaven and earth . . . 
 
 And in one Christ Je- 
 sus, the Son of God [our 
 Lord], 
 
 "Who was made flesh 
 [of the Virgin], 
 
 4. Suffered under Pon- 
 tius Pilate, was crucified, 
 dead, and buried, 
 
 5. He descended into 
 hell; The third day He 
 rose again from the dead, 
 
 6. He ascended into 
 heaven, and sitteth at 
 the right hand of God 
 
 4he Father Almighty; 
 
 7. From thence He 
 jihall come to judge the 
 guick and the dead. 
 
 8. I believe in the 
 Holy Ghost; 
 
 And in His suffering 
 [under Pontius PilateJ, 
 
 and in His rising from 
 the dead ; 
 
 and in His ascension 
 in the flesh ; 
 
 Creeds of Tertullian. 
 
 I believe in one God 
 the Creator of the world, 
 who produced all out of 
 nothing 
 
 And in the Word His 
 Son [Jesus Christ], 
 
 Who through the Spi- 
 rit and Power of God the 
 Father descended into 
 the Virgin Mary, was 
 made flesh in her womb, 
 and born of her ; 
 
 Was fixed on the cross 
 [under Pontius Pilate]; 
 
 was dead and buried ; 
 
 rose again the third 
 day; 
 
 was taken into heaven 
 and sat down at the right 
 hand of God. 
 
 and in His coming from He will come to judge 
 heaven.. .that He may ex- the wicked to eternal fire, 
 ecute just judgment on 
 all. 
 
 And in the Holy Ghost. And in the Holy Spirit 
 
 Bent by Christ. 
 
 i 
 
112 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS, 
 
 113 
 
 The Apostles'' Creed, 
 
 9. The holy Catholic 
 Church; The Commu- 
 nion of Saints; 
 
 10. The Forgiveness 
 
 of sins; 
 
 11. The Kesurrection 
 
 of the hody, 
 
 12. And the life ever- 
 lasting. 
 
 Creeds of St Irerueus. Creeds of TertulUan, 
 
 And that Christ shall 
 come from heaven to 
 
 raise up all flesh 
 
 and to adjudge the im- 
 pious and unjust 
 
 to eternal fire and to give 
 to the just and holy im- 
 mortality and eternal 
 glory. 
 
 And that Christ will 
 after the revival of both 
 body and soul with the 
 restoration of the flesh, 
 receive His holy ones in- 
 to the enjoyment of life 
 eternal and the promises 
 of heaven. 
 
 It will be observed that in the above arrangement 
 the words of the Fathers have been placed opposite to the 
 Articles with which they correspond, and the portions 
 which are extracted from the other Creeds of St Irenseus 
 and Tertullian, given in the Appendix to the first Chapter, 
 have been enclosed in brackets. Thus some slight altera- 
 tion of order has been rendered necessary, but the com- 
 parison shews that the portions of the Apostolic Creed un- 
 represented in the Symbols of the second century are very 
 few. The conception by the Holy Ghost is omitted entirely 
 by St Irena?us, though an allusion to it occurs in Tertul- 
 lian. As might be expected, neither Creed contains 
 the first part of the fifth Article, " He descended into 
 **Heir' nor have they the ninth and tenth, "The 
 "holy' Catholic Church, The Communion of Saints, The 
 *' Forgiveness of sins." But, with these exceptions, the 
 substance of the Apostolic Creed was circulated in the 
 Confessions of the Western Church as early as A.D. 180. 
 
 Thus much has been premised about the Creeds im- 
 ported from the East, to point out that they led the 
 
 ► 
 
 way to nearly all the later expansions of the Western 
 Symbols. Let us now examine these Symbols. And it 
 would seem to be the natural course in such an investiga- 
 tion to turn first to Kome as the mother-city of the 
 Western Churches. When we do so, however, though 
 we discover some Creeds in the Sacramentaries of the 
 Roman Church and in the writings of Roman Fathers 
 which bear unmistakable evidence of their early date, we 
 are met, as we have seen, by the difficulty of assigning 
 them to their proper times. A^e have alluded to some of 
 the Creeds in the first chapter ^ and the commence- 
 ment of another of early date is given to us by St 
 Leo in one of his letters. ''All the faithful," he says, 
 " profess that they believe in God the Father Almighty, 
 " and in Jesus Christ His only Son, our Lord, who was 
 "born of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin MaryV This 
 fragment is taken from an Epistle written A. D. 449, con- 
 cerning the Eutychian controversy, and may fitly be 
 quoted here as demonstrating, on the testimony of a 
 Roman Father, the expansion of the Symbol in that 
 Church in the same manner as in other Western 
 Churches. It will be observed, as we proceed, that the 
 Creeds quoted as Roman, or in accordance with the 
 Creed of Rome, are given on the authority of writers 
 who were not members of that Church. And though, 
 as will be shewn, there is no reason to doubt the credi- 
 bility of their testimony, the slightest direct evidence on 
 the point seems to have considerable value. 
 
 For this reason may also be quoted a form of Symbol 
 
 1 See p. 29. 
 
 » Creed of St Leo. S. Leonis Magni ad Flav. Ep. (Mansi, v. 1367). 
 Fidelimn universitas profitetur, credere se, in Deum Patrem Omnipo- 
 tentem, et in Jesum Christum filium Ejus unicum, Dominum nostrum, 
 qui natus est de Spiritu Sancto et Maria Virgine. 
 
 I I '^^ J 
 
114 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 115 
 
 taken from a Sacraraentary ascribed to Pope Gelasius 
 (about A. D. 495). Its words are " I believe in God the 
 "Father Almighty. I believe in Jesus Christ his only 
 "Son our Lord, who was born and suffered. I believe in 
 " the Holy Ghost, the Holy Church, the remission of Sins, 
 "the resurrection of the flesh*.'* Though there is no more 
 direct evidence to which we can fix a date, these two forms 
 seem enough to warrant the acceptance of the Roman Creed 
 of Rufinus, hereafter to be quoted, as a true memorial of 
 the Confession used in that Church when he wrote. It has 
 been urged that we cannot gather with any certainty 
 from Rufinus what the Roman Creed of his time was*. 
 But the commencement of the quotation by St Leo given 
 above, seems enough to shew that though in the Baptis- 
 mal Office a shorter form of Creed was in use, yet that 
 "all the faithful" were agreed in the acceptance of 
 another and longer form, of which St Leo gives the begin- 
 ning, which, though fragmentary, is sufficient to shew us 
 what was the nature of the expansions admitted into it. 
 
 It has been necessary to preface our account of the 
 Apostles* Creed with this brief notice of Roman forms 
 of Confession, because we cannot quote a Roman 
 Creed as our first example, but must take a form 
 already set forth as used in the Church of Carthage. This 
 is the Creed of St Cyprian cited in the first chapter, 
 containing the following articles, the numbering of 
 which indicates their place in the complete form of the 
 Apostolic Creed. 
 
 ^ Creed op Gelasun SACRAarENXABY. Muratori, Liturg. Vat. JRonu 
 I. p. 570. Crelo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem. Credo in Jesnra 
 Christam, filiam Ejus unicorn, dominum nostrum natum et passum. 
 Credo in Spiritum Sanctum, Sanctam Ecclesiami rcmissionem pecca- 
 torum, camis resurrectionem. 
 
 * Ffoulkes, on the Athanasian Creed, p. 94. 
 
 '^ 
 
 : (1) "I believe in God the Father. 
 
 (2) " In Christ the Son. 
 
 (8) "In the Holy Spirit. 
 
 (10) "In the remission of Sins. 
 (12) "In life eternal. 
 
 (9) "Through the Holy Church." 
 
 Lest it should be urged that the controversial work 
 from which this Creed is gathered is of such a nature that 
 we cannot feel sure that St Cyprian quoted more of the 
 African Symbol than was suitable for his purpose, it may 
 be well to place side by side with it a form used at a 
 much later .period in another Church of Northern Africa. 
 This is the confession preserved in the works of Vigilius, 
 Bishop of Thapsus (a. d. 484). Speaking of Candidates 
 for Baptism he gives the following as the Creed which 
 they recite : 
 
 (1) " I believe in God the Father Almighty. 
 
 (2) " And in Jesus Christ his only begotten Son. 
 (8) " And in the Holy Spirit \" 
 
 A form which shews unmistakably the existence of 
 brief baptismal Creeds in Northern Africa. 
 
 At a still later period, about the middle of the 
 sixth century, we find the bishop of Hermiane, a Church in 
 the same district as Thapsus, making mention of a form 
 of equal brevity as still preserved in their office of Baptism, 
 *^ Since," says he, "they have truly confessed, or others 
 "professed on their behalf at their baptism, that they 
 " believe in God the Father Almighty, and in Jesus Christ 
 " his Son, and in the Holy Ghost^ as the authorized Symbol 
 
 1 Baptismal Creed of Vigilius op Thapsus. Vigil. Taps. De Trini- 
 tate, lib. xii. (Migne, lxii. 314). Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, 
 et in Jesnm Christum filium ejus unigonitum, et in Spiritum Sanctum. 
 
 * Shorter Creed cf Facundus Hermianensis. Fac. Jlerm., Epist 
 Fid, Cathol. in Def. Trium* Capitulormn (Migne, lxvu. 871). Quoniam 
 revera si veraciter confessi sive alii pro eis cum baptizarentur professi 
 
 8—2 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS: 
 
 "contains, they ought also truly to believe." And this 
 hrief baptismal profession existed, as will be seen, at the 
 same time and place as a longer form soon to be alluded to. 
 
 From these examples w-^ may conclude that in the 
 time of St Cyprian, and for a long while afterwards, the 
 baptismal Creeds in the Church of Northern Africa were 
 of as brief a character, or even more brief, than that which 
 is quoted by the bishop of Carthage, and that there is no 
 reason why we should refuse to accept this which occurs 
 in a discussion on baptism, as the Baptismal form to which 
 he was accustomed. 
 
 This Creed of St Cyprian supplies us with the exact 
 • words of the eighth, tenth and twelfth Articles of our 
 present Apostles' Creed, and also with the commencement 
 of the first article. As we proceed, each fresh article or 
 portion of an article found in use will be added to this 
 ground-work, so that the manner of introduction of each 
 clause as well as its date may be noted with some degree 
 of accuracy. 
 
 About ten years later than the Creed of St Cyprian is 
 that of Novatian, which has been quoted in a former 
 chapter'. It seems necessary to introduce a mention of it 
 here, as it is the only means which remains to us of con- 
 necting the Roman Church of early times with the West- 
 em Creed. For the schism which Novatian caused is not 
 held to have interfered with the orthodoxy of his writings, 
 neither was it considered to do so by his contemporaries! 
 In the records of the treatment of Novatian and of his 
 conduct under it, which are preserved by Eusebius and 
 Socrates, he is not regarded as a heretic, but only as the 
 
 sunt credere se in Deum Patrem omnipotentem et in Jesum Christimi, 
 fiUum ejus et in Spiritum Sanctum, quod Symboli tenet auctoritas, vera- 
 citer quoque credere debuerunt. 
 ^ See p. 29. 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS, 
 
 117 
 
 advocate of a stricter form of discipline \ His followers 
 too appear not to have entertained opinions on doctrinal 
 points at variance with the sentiments of the orthodox 
 Christians. His creed may therefore be accepted as a 
 form of confession in use in the Roman Church in the 
 middle of the third century. 
 It contains these articles : 
 
 (1) I believe in God the Father Lord Almighty. 
 
 (2) In Jesus Christ the Son of God, the Lord our God*. 
 
 (3) And in the Holy Ghost. 
 
 It will be observed here, that although not comprising 
 as many articles as the African Creed of St Cyprian, yet 
 the first and second of them are more expanded; and though 
 the words of such expansion are not in exact accord with 
 those of the Apostles* Creed, they are of the same pur- 
 port, and correspond also closely with the African Creeds of 
 the fifth and sixth centuries which have just been cited. God 
 the Father is here " the Lord Almighty," and Jesus Christ 
 his Son has the additional definition of " the Lord our God/* 
 
 When we pass from Novatian*s Creed a period of 
 eighty years elapses before we find another form of the 
 Western Symbol to which we can attach much con- 
 fidence. It is true that in the Martyrologies and in the 
 acts of the Saints we find forms of Creed that are assigned 
 to this period, and set forth as being used in Baptismal 
 Services. But their character in most instances is far too 
 elaborate to admit of their being accepted as of the date 
 to which they lay claim. 
 
 To take one as an example. In the Aota of St Sa- 
 
 * In Socr. H, E. iv. 28. Nauiros fih o^f cl koI irepl iroXtrc/as dKpijSoD* 
 dt€Kpidrf, dXX' o^p ye r^v tou Udfrxa iopr^v ov fieridTjKCv* Cf. also Euse« 
 bins, H. E. tl 43. And on the orthodoxy of Novatian see an essay by 
 Lumper prefixed to his works (Migne, iii. 881). 
 
 • Dominum Deum nostrum, in agreement with Jetum Christum, 
 

 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 vinus, wlio was bishop of Sens and suffered martyrdom, we 
 have a Creed recorded* as the form used A.D. 303 at the 
 baptism of Venustianus. The words will be seen at once 
 to belong to a later period than any forms we have yet 
 examined. They are : 
 
 (1) Dost thou believe in God the Father Almighty ? 
 
 Venustianus answered, I believe. 
 
 (2) And in Jesus Christ his Son ? 
 
 He answered, I believe. 
 
 (3) And in the Holy Ghost ? 
 
 He answered, I believe. 
 
 (4) And in Him who suffered, 
 
 (5) And rose again ? 
 
 He answered, I believe. 
 (C) And in Him who ascended into heaven, 
 (7) And will come again to judge the quick and the 
 dead and the world by fire? 
 
 He said, I believe. 
 And in His advent and His kingdom : 
 
 (10) In the remission of sins, 
 
 (11) And the resurrection of the flesh? 
 Venustianus answered, I believe in Christ the Son of 
 
 God, and may He enlighten me. 
 
 Dr Heurtley has quoted'' two passages relative to 
 the nature of the authority of these Roman martyrologies 
 which, even if the character of the records themselves 
 had not done so, must prevent us from attaching any 
 credit to the evidence derived from them, and we 
 are therefore carried forward to the year a.d. 341 before 
 we reach any firm ground in our investigation. 
 
 1 Baluzii Miscellanea, ii. 64. The creed is given by Marlene and 
 Dr Heurtley. For examples of other creeds of a similar kind see 
 Heurtley's Harm. Symbol, pp. 106, 107. 
 
 * Harm. Symb. p. 104, note. 
 
 ~ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 119 
 
 At that time Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra in Galatia, was 
 an exile at Rome, having been banished from his bishopric 
 by the Arian party, to whom he was bitterly opposed. Hav- 
 ing supported the orthodox against the Arians at the Nicene 
 Council, he afterwards wrote against the Arian heresy, but 
 his treatise (directed against Asterius) was thought to tend 
 toward the errors of Sabellius or Paul of Samosata. He 
 undertook to destroy his book at the request of an assem- 
 bly of bishops held at Jerusalem A.D. 335, but having 
 delayed, for some reason unmentioned, to carry his pro- 
 mise into effect, his opponents procured his deposition by 
 the Synod of Constantinople in the next year. There- 
 upon he left Ancyra and came to Rome to Pope Julius, to 
 whom his adversaries had previously written against him. 
 After waiting at Rome, whither his opponents also had 
 been summoned, for a year and three months, he Avrote to 
 the Pope before his departure, and in his letter includes 
 a profession of his faith, which he describes* as "the 
 Faith which I learnt and was taught from the Holy Scrip- 
 tures." The first portion of his letter is devoted to a 
 refutation of the errors of his Arian opponents, and in the 
 later portion, after the record of his Creed, he begs the 
 Pope to circulate this confession of his throughout the 
 Churches, that all may know the truth concerning his 
 belief. Upon this he was admitted by the Pope to com- 
 munion with the Church in Rome A.D. 342. . 
 
 His Creed being that of a Greek was probably written 
 in that language, as we have received it, and is of the fol- 
 lowing form * : 
 
 * Epiphanlus Hares, lxxii. ir/<rrts ?> ^fiadov ^k re tQjv Odiov ypa(pQv 
 
 * Ceeed of Marcellus of Ancyra. Epiphanhis Hceres. lxxii. (Migne, 
 Patr. Gr. Lat. xlii. 385). UiareOa els Qebv TavroKpdropay Kal els Kpiarbv 
 'IrftrovVf rhp vlhv avrov rbv p.ovoyeifrj, rbv Kvpiov ijfiQv rov yevvrjOiPTa ix 
 llpevfxaros dyiov kolI Ma/)/a$ rijs Uapdduov rbv iirl Uovriov IliXdrou arav- 
 
120 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 
 
 121 
 
 (1) I believe in God Almighty. 
 
 (2) And in Christ Jesus His Son, the only begotten, 
 our Lord. 
 
 (3) Who was bom of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin 
 Mary. 
 
 (4) Who under Pontius Pilate was crucified and buried. 
 
 (5) And on the third day rose from the dead. 
 
 (6) Ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right 
 hand of the Father. 
 
 (7) Whence he is coming to judge quick and dead. 
 
 (8) And in the Holy Ghost. 
 
 (9) The Holy Church. 
 
 (10) The remission of sins. 
 
 (11) The resurrection of the flesh. 
 
 (12) Everlasting life. 
 
 Here then we have a form approaching very nearly in 
 extent and language to the present Apostles' Creed ; but 
 because it is capable of proof that the Roman Church used 
 at Baptism, and still uses, a much less elaborate form, an 
 endeavour has been made to shew that this Creed does 
 not represent the Roman Creed of the time to which it 
 belongs. It has been suggested ^ that it is the Aquileian 
 Creed, with the addition of the final Article of "the life 
 everlasting," of which the Orientals were so fond. 
 
 But against this statement may be urged the fact that 
 Pope Julius admitted the author to communion after the 
 confession had been seen by him, a step which he would 
 hardly have taken had the Creed set forth been couched 
 in language not accepted in the Church over which he 
 
 pMvra Kol raip^ura, koI ry rplrn i}pL^p<ii duatTrdvTa iK rCv veKpQp' dpapdyra 
 €ls rods ovpavoi^, Kal Kadif,fi€Poy iv Se^lg^ rov Harp^y, Sdep ipxerat Kplvuv tQ>p. 
 
 rat KoX peKpo6r Kal eh rb'AyioP Ilpevpia' dylap iKK\ri<rlap' d<f>€aiP dfiafrnQp 
 vapKbs dPOffraatp fwV alujpiop. ' 
 
 ^ Ffoulies, on the Athanasian Creed, p. 173. 
 
 presided. It must also be remembered that the deposition of 
 Marcellus had been pronounced by a synod, and that too at 
 Constantinople, it would therefore be needful that Julius 
 should be well certified, when he admitted the deposed 
 Bishop to communion, that he was free from the 
 taint of heresy which had been charged against him. Now 
 what could be a greater proof of the orthodoxy of the ap- 
 plicant than that he should set forth his belief in 'the words 
 of the Church to which he had fled in his exile ? It is 
 easy to pbject against Marcellus that elsewhere he sets 
 forth his faith in the language of the Nicene Symbol. But 
 to what does such an objection amount ? To this and to 
 no more ; that when ii} his own land and among his own 
 people he used the Creed which was set forth by synodical 
 authority which all the churches of the East revered, while 
 under the very exceptional circumstances of his depo- 
 sition and exile he adopted the words of the Creed of that 
 orthodox Church which was at the head of Western 
 Christendom. 
 
 In supposing that in the Church of Rome there were 
 at this time two forms of Creed, one of a shorter character 
 and used in the Baptismal services, and the other more 
 extended and doctrinal, we do no more than presume on 
 the existence in the metropolitan city of the West of 
 such a duplicate symbol as we have seen in existence in 
 Carthage, and shall have occasion to dwell on again when 
 we bring forward the longer Creed of Facundus*. And to 
 warrant the supposition of a longer Creed in addition to 
 the admitted briefer form, we have a specimen of such 
 extended Creed in existence in the famous Letter of St 
 Leo to Flavian, already quoted^ which form, though frag- 
 mentary, yet agrees almost word for word, as far as it 
 
 1 See p. 166. 
 
 * See p. 113. 
 
122 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 goes, with the language of Marcellus. Moreover, it will 
 be shewn that, within less than a century from the time 
 of Marcellus, a similar Creed was in use at Ravenna, and 
 that within less than half a century after his date we find 
 Rufinus commenting on a similarly expanded Creed of the 
 Church of Aquileia, from which it is suggested that Mar- 
 cellus drew his foi-m of confession. Is it not much more 
 probable that Ravenna and Aquileia followed the form 
 of the Church at Rome than that she was guided by their 
 use ? In other matters Aquileia held a second, place to 
 Rome, and was proud to hold it. It may fairly be supposed 
 therefore that, as she was indebted to Rome in other re- 
 spects, she was also indebted to l^er for a form of Creed 
 which the contests with Sabellianism forced her to increase 
 by the addition of those phrases which Rufinus points out 
 as purely of Aquileian origin. 
 
 In the Creed put forward by Marcellus we find by far 
 the largest portion of the Apostles' Creed embodied. In 
 addition to what we have already observed in the symbols 
 of St Cyprian and Novatian, we have now for the first time 
 either the whole or great portions of the third, fourth, 
 fifth, sixth and seventh Articles. Jesus Christ is " born of 
 "the Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary, crucified under 
 ** Pontius Pilate and buried, and on the third day is raised 
 "from the dead, ascends into heaven, and sitteth on the 
 "right hand of the Father, whence He is coming to judge 
 " quick and dead." This is exactly the sort of expansion 
 of the second article that we should expect. It is enough 
 at Baptism that confession be made in words very nearly 
 corresponding to the language used when our Lord insti- 
 tuted that Sacrament, but for the purposes of exposition 
 and catechizing the details of the Incarnation are intro- 
 duced, and a longer form is the result ; the details in the 
 Western Creed being of a character suitable for instruc- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 123 
 
 1 
 
 . 
 
 tion, rather than designed as safeguards against erroneous 
 teaching. 
 
 The amplification of the remaining articles tal:es some- 
 what of the form of St Cyprian's symbol. With him the 
 faith is in " remission of sins and life eternal through the 
 " Holy Church." To this Marcellus adds, "the resurrection 
 ** of the body," and also ranges belief in the Holy Church 
 as a separate article. The article on the resurrection being 
 found in the Creeds both of Irengeus and TertuUian, is not 
 unlikely to have been included in a longer Roman Creed, 
 if such creed were in existence. 
 
 Much has been said of the Eastern character given 
 to the Creed of Marcellus by the addition of the twelfth 
 article. We have just noticed its occurrence in St Cyprian's 
 Creed a century anterior to the time of Marcellus ; and 
 towards the close of the fourth century, that is to say 
 within fifty years after the confession of Marcellus, the 
 article occurs in some of the Creeds of St Augustine. And 
 there is this fact to be observed, that in such of the ser- 
 mons on the Creed as all admit to be the genuine pro- 
 ductions of that Father, the twelfth article appears in 
 some forms and in others is omitted. If such variations 
 occur in St Augustine may not a like variety have pre- 
 vailed in Rome in the time before the words of the Creed 
 became fixed ? In that case it needs no violence of sup- 
 position to imagine that while Marcellus gives, as it is 
 natural that he would do, a translation of the most com- 
 plete form he could find, Rufinus commented on a Creed 
 which, like his own at Aquileia, was without the article on 
 eternal life. Surely such a conjecture is more probable 
 than that Marcellus first made himself master of the Creed 
 of Aquileia, then adding thereto the twelfth article from 
 an Oriental form, brought this unique Creed to Rome, and 
 presented it to the Bishop, to whom it must, on this sup- 
 
J' 
 
 I* ' 
 
 124 
 
 MIST0R7 OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 position, have been unknown, and that the latter there- 
 upon admitted the exiled bishop to his communion. 
 
 It has been observed above that the Creed of Marcellus 
 was probablj in Greek, though of this we cannot be cer- 
 tain, as we only derive it from Epiphanius, who, himself 
 writing in Greek, might have made a Greek version of 
 what was originally in another tongue. But in cases 
 where such translations are made it is unusual to find no 
 notice taken of the fact. That it was not uncommon to 
 use a Greek Creed before Baptism in the Churches of the 
 West IS well ascertained, and some such forms have been 
 preserved, the best known being perhaps the one* in Anglo- 
 Saxon letters in the Psalter of King Athelstan in the British 
 Museum. 
 
 The next step in our enquiry brings us to the creeds 
 which may be gathered from the writings of Eufinus who 
 was a presbyter of the Church at Aquileia, and died about 
 A.D. 410. His work is one of a kind common in the East 
 and West in the fourth century. Of Western Commenta- 
 tors on the Creeds the most important are Rufinus and St 
 Augustine, and a little later Nicetas and Venantius Fortu- 
 natus. Most of their works take the form of Sermons 
 delivered to the candidates for Baptism, and contain a sort 
 of brief explanation of the Creed, but a few are of a more 
 comprehensive character, and deal in some degree with the 
 history of the Creed. Of this latter class is the work of 
 
 onTCS" ^^' *^'''^'''' ^""'^ ^""^'^^^^ ^ " Commentary 
 But a recent writer* has assailed the work which has 
 
 • FfoulkeB. on the Athananan Creed, ohap. i. The boldnesa of Mr " 
 
 JIP 
 
 *llllllllll 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 125 
 
 hitherto been received as undoubtedly the composition of 
 Rufinus, and has endeavoured to shew that it is not worthy 
 to be accepted as evidence of the form of the Creed of 
 Rome before the seventh century. It therefore becomes 
 necessary, before introducing the Creeds which are re- 
 corded in this Commentary, to examine in detail some of 
 the objections raised against it. 
 
 We will first take the objection drawn from a comparison 
 of this treatise with the other writings of Rufinus. For 
 this presbyter has written two works in which portions of 
 
 Ffoulkes' hypothesis cannot be better shewn than by putting in close 
 sequence the various demands which it makes on the reader's imagina- 
 tion. Desiring to shew that the Commentaiy of Rufinus is « worthless 
 as evidence" in the history of the creed - tiU the seventh century " he 
 proceeds thus Finding the notable passage of Eufinus, '• Trakunt 
 majores m the work on Ecclesiastical Offices by St Isidore. Bishop of 
 Seville (Ob. A.D. 636), he starts the question, could St Isidore have written 
 the Commentary attributed to Rufinus? For St Isidore was the son of 
 a governor of Carthagena, who is believed to have been a son or son in 
 aw of Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths. But this governor of Cax 
 thagena was banished, and perhaps retired to the kingdom of the 
 Ostrogoths, whose capital was Ravenna. St Isidore is believed to have 
 been born during this exile, a^d he may have been bom, reared, and 
 educated m or near Ravenna, and so have known of the creed of Aquileia 
 which most probably had been commented on by Rufinus, whose com! 
 mentary is m^st probably preserved in the work of St Nicetas, bishop 
 of Aqudeia, entitled Explanatio Symboli. With the enlarged comment 
 TaZTtT^ by Venantius Fortunatus, who was also co^nectXth 
 Aquileia (which work other persons have up to this time considered to 
 be an abridgement of Rufinus), he may have become acquainted. And as 
 Pope Gregoiy, who sent Archbishop Laurence to Canterbury, can be 
 shewn to have known something of Leander the elder brother of St 
 Isidore ii may be that the latter knew the archbishop, and that Arch- 
 bishop Laurence, wanting a commentary on the Apostles' Creed to carry 
 with him mto his distant diocese, muy huve asked St Isidore (about whom 
 It IS not shewn that he knew anything whatever) to prepare him such 
 a work, and thus St Isidore may perhaps have e.paJd the comrentaS 
 of Venantius Fortunatus into what is now known as the Commentary^ 
 Bufinus. Granted so much, what may not be proved ? 
 
126 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 m 
 
 hi I 
 
 Creeds occur, one to defend himself against St Jerome, 
 the other to clear himself to Pope Anastasius. The article 
 on which is founded the objection to the genuineness of his 
 Commentary in this comparison is that of the " descent 
 "into hell." In the commentary this article is set down 
 as peculiar to the Aquileian Creed, while in the other 
 accounts which Rufinus gives of the Creed it does not ap- 
 pear. But surely he himself accounts for the omission. 
 For take his letter to the Pope, and we see at once that 
 what he was there setting forward was not the Creed of 
 Aquileia, but a Creed to which all the Churches would 
 agree. His aim is to shew not what the peculiar needs of 
 his own Church had caused to be inserted in Aer Creed, 
 but what all Christendom as well as Aquileia would accept! 
 For at the end he says, " This faith which I have set forth 
 "is that which the Roman Church and the Churches of 
 " Alexandria and Aquileia hold, and which also is preached 
 " at Jerusalem \" Would it not have been strange in such 
 a summary of the faith as is here indicated if he had 
 inserted articles which belonged only to the Creed of his 
 own Church, and which seem not to have remained per- 
 manently even in that Creed', and some of them never to 
 have extended to any other ? 
 
 But there is another and more weighty reason why no 
 mention of this article on the Descent into Hell appears in 
 either of the Apologies of Rufinus. He had to defend 
 himself to the Pope and against St Jerome on a charge of 
 Origenism. He had translated the Greek work of Origen 
 TTcpl apx^v into Latin, and was supposed, from his trans- 
 
 1 Kufini Apologia ad Anastasium Romanm urbis episcopum (Migne 
 
 XXI 623). Hanc fidem qnam exposui id est quam ecclesia Romana' 
 
 et Alexandnna, et Aquileiensis nostra tenet, quaque Hierosolymis msJ 
 dicatur. *' * 
 
 * See infra, p. 132, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 127 
 
 lation, to be tainted with the errors imputed to that au- 
 
 thor. These errors are said to have been the followino- In 
 
 the doctrine of the Holy Trinity Origen was stated to\ave 
 
 taught^that there was an inequality between the Persons 
 
 On the doctrine of the Incarnation the Arians claimed 
 
 him as their great forerunner. He taught that the souls 
 
 of men exist previous to their union with teiTestrial bodies 
 
 to which they are joined on account of their faults. That 
 
 at the resurrection we shall all be clothed with heavenly 
 
 or ethereal bodies; that after long periods of time the 
 
 damned shall be delivered from their torments, and even 
 
 Kitan shall be in the end restored ; that the earth shall 
 
 after her conflagration become habitable again and be the 
 
 abode of men and animals, and that this process shall be 
 
 again and again repeated. 
 
 With these errors Rufinus was charged, and both his 
 treatises are solely directed to clearing himself from these 
 accusations. It will be seen at a glance that some of the 
 doctrines imputed to Origen have never been noticed in 
 any Creed. It will also be seen that there are articles 
 common to most Creeds which it was not necessary to 
 recite m any disavowal of these erroneous tenets. It was 
 only needful for Rufinus in his defence to quote his Creed 
 to such an extent as to refute these objections, and to 
 leave unnoticed the remaining articles. And this is exactly 
 the course which he has adopted. 
 
 To take first his letter to the Pope. Here he no- 
 tices very briefly the following points, and asserts his own 
 orthodoxy on each ; the Trinity, the Incarnation, the 
 Resurrection, the last Judgment, the condemnation of 
 the Devil, and the origin of souls. These and no others 
 were the points on which his defence was called for It 
 was not needful therefore for him to enter upon a discus- 
 sion of the nature of God the Father, nor to allude to the 
 
128 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 Descent into Hell, but he had to speak of the Resurrection, 
 and he naturally brings forward, as especially opposed to 
 the teaching charged against his author Origen, the words 
 of the Aquileian Creed. These emphasized more than usual 
 the teachiug that the resurrection would be of the very 
 body with which the living being had been clothed on 
 earth. The resurrection of this body was the phrase, and 
 this formed the best protest he could make against being 
 condemned for any such error. He does not say whether 
 Origen had delivered erroneous doctrine, but concludes 
 with a claim for himself that he has but honestly re- 
 presented the language of the original. He had been 
 requested to translate the work for the use of some persons 
 who could read no Greek ; " and," says he, " I have merely 
 " given Latin words to the Greek sentiments. If in the 
 "sentiments there is anything praiseworthy it is not mine: 
 "likewise if there be anything culpable neither is that 
 
 "mine\" 
 
 In his Apology to St Jerome it is exactly the same. 
 He confines his defence to the same points, and treats 
 them, though at greater length, in precisely the same 
 order. He seems to have had before him certain definite 
 charges with which he had to deal, and in neither work 
 does he wander wide of his subject. He can scarcely then 
 be represented as having given ** in these works a full ac- 
 count of his faith. He appeals to the Creed and discusses 
 such articles thereof as the work before him called for, but 
 he mentions, as he was bound to do, other subjects not in 
 any Creed, and omits some which almost every Creed 
 contains. 
 
 It would be manifestly unfair to found any argument 
 against the genuineness of his Commentary on the Creed, 
 
 1 Rufinus (Migne, xxi. 626). 
 
 ' See Bufinus, Migne, ut supra, 543—548. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CftEEDS. 
 
 129 
 
 on an omission occurring in such works as we have described. 
 Had it been possible to point out any contradiction in the 
 works compared, there might have been ground for ques- 
 tion. But so far as these Apologies go they entirely bear 
 out the statements of the Commentary, and even o-ive 
 some undesigned coincidences which support the account of 
 one of the other variations, presently to be noticed, which 
 the Commentary mentions in the Aquileian Creed. For 
 in the description of the Trinity, the incorporeal and m- 
 visible nature of the Godhead is especiaUy asserted ; and 
 while no definition of the First Person as distinct Vrom 
 the other two is attempted, the language is such as to 
 shew that such epithets as invisible and incorporeal were 
 familiar to the writer when speaking on this subject'. 
 
 An argument against Rufinus is founded by Mr Ffoulkes 
 on the words which he asserts to have been added to the 
 first article in the Creed of his own Church. Rufinus 
 says that the article was: "I believe in God the Fa- 
 '' ther Almighty invisible and impassible:' And thus ex- 
 plains the reason of the addition: -You must know 
 "that these two expressions are not in the Creed of the 
 " Church of Rome. But it is clear that they were added 
 "with us, on account of the heresy of Sabellius, that 
 " namely which is called by our people the Patripassian, 
 "that IS, which says that even the Father himself was born 
 "from the Virgin, and affirms that He was made visible 
 "and even suffered in the flesh. That such impiety re- 
 "garding the Father might be excluded, our forefathers 
 " seem to have added these words, and to have said that 
 " the Father is invisible and impassible':' This passage, it is 
 
 ^ V. ut supra, 54. 
 
 « Kufinus in Symb. § 5 (Migne, xxi. 370). Sciendum quod duo isti 
 eermones in Ecclesia) Komanffi symbolo non habentur. Constat autem 
 apud nos additos haereseos causa Sabellii, iUius profecto qu® a nostris 
 
 ^ 9 
 
130 
 
 HIS TO MY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 said, must be an interpolation of later date, for there exisfcs 
 another treatise on the Creed of Aquileia by St Nicetas, 
 who became bishop there about fifty years after the death 
 of Rufinus, and in that work these epithets do not occur. 
 
 First, it may be observed in reply to this objection, that 
 the work of St Nicetas does not purport to be an explana- 
 tion of the Creed of any particular Church or Churches, as 
 does the Commentary by Rufinus. Its title is ** Explanatio 
 "Symboli B. Nicetae Aquileiensis Episcopi habita ad 
 " Competentes," and except that in the Article on the 
 resurrection of the body he uses the expression " carnis turn 
 " resurrectionem," his language most nearly corresponds 
 with that which Rufinus calls the Roman Creed, and 
 which may fairly be presumed to have been the typical 
 form throughout Italy*. Regarded then as a general expo- 
 sition of the Creed, if no such words occurred in his work 
 as ** invisible and impassible " we should have no reason 
 to be surprised. As Rufinus himself had omitted them 
 in his Apology to the Pope, and had only shewn his fa- 
 miliarity with them in an accidental manner when writing 
 against St Jerome, so St Nicetas may have neglected 
 m his general exposition this addition which Rufinus 
 
 " Patripassiana " appellantur; id est quae et Patrem ipsum vel ex Vir- 
 gine natum dicit et visibilem factum esse, vel passum affirmat in came. 
 Ut ergo excluderetur talis impietas de Patre videntur hroc addidisse 
 majores et " invisibilem" Patrem atqiie "impassibilem" dixisse. On this 
 passage, and the objections of Mr Ffoulkes, see Appendix Lto this Chapter. 
 
 ^ Creed of St Nicetas. 
 
 This Creed is as follows : Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, 
 et in filium Ejus Jesum Christum. Qui natus est ex Spiritu Sancto 
 et Virgine Maria. Sub Pontio Pilato passus est,\ertia die resurrexit vivus 
 a mortuis, ascendit in cobIos, sedet ad dexteram Patris, inde venturus 
 judicare vivos et mortuos. Et in Spiritum Sanctum, sanctam Ecclesiam 
 Catholicam: in remissionem peccatorum, carnis tuse resurrectionem et 
 in vitam aetemam. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 131 
 
 defines as a local peculiarity. Of such omission another 
 instance will presently be adduced \ 
 
 But singularly enough, though not inserting these words 
 as parts of the symbol, St Nicetas in commenting on the 
 first Article introduces both these epithets, as we have 
 seen Rufinus do when writing against St Jerome. From 
 which it is natural to conclude that these particular terms 
 were, for some reason or other, so much in the minds of 
 the Churchmen of this district, that even in a brief and 
 general explanation like this, they force their way to pro- 
 minence. Such unintentional testimony to Rufinus seems 
 more valuable than if it had occurred in any other form. 
 St Nicetas says: "Thou believest in God the Father 
 Almiglity, God unbegotten, who is born from none, has 
 ^'1 beginning from none, God invisible, whom no eye of flesh 
 "can seel" And after a few sentences, in speaking of 
 Christ, he remarks as though bent on shewing that he knew 
 of the dangerous errors into which some members of the 
 Christian societies around him had been led ; " He was 
 " made man that men might see Him visibly and be saved 
 " by His teaching. For otherwise the Divinity could not 
 " be endured by human sight, except when made visible 
 " by the assumption of fleshl" It is diflScult to imagine 
 words whereby the doctrine of Rufinus* Creed could be 
 more clearly shewn to have been present to the mind of 
 the Bishop as he wrote his general explanation. 
 
 And there is similar testimony in this work to the 
 
 1 See p. 132. 
 
 ? St Nicetas. Explanatio Symholi (Migne, lii. 867). Credis ergo in 
 Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, Deum ingenitum, qui ortus a nuUo est, a 
 nullo coepit, Deum invisibilem, quem nuUus carnis oculus videre sufficit. 
 
 3 lUd. col. 868. Homo factus est ut hominibus et visui et doc- 
 trinffi saluti esse posset, quia aUter Divinitas ab hominibus sustineri non 
 poterat, nisi corporis assumptione visibilis. 
 
 9—2 
 
 ,X 
 
132 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 other epithet "impassible." Commenting on our Lord's 
 passion St Nicetas speaks thus : " Nor is there any reason 
 " for confusion if you understand in what mysterious man- 
 " ner Christ suffered, for He suffered not in His Divinity, 
 "but in His humanity. For God is always impassihle\" 
 Does not language like this demonstrate that there was 
 some special reason at this time in the Church of 
 Aquileia for the use of such expressions in expositions of 
 the Creed, and is it not the very best evidence, because 
 given unintentionally, that the statement ,of Rufinus 
 about his Creed was a correct one ? 
 
 But we may gather from two other forms of the Creed 
 of Aquileia which have been preserved to us that it was 
 not unusual to omit these words ^ Compared with the 
 Creeds in use at Ravenna and Turin about the time of 
 
 1 Ibid. col. 869. Nee sane est mnde confundaris, si in quo Sacra- 
 mento passus est Christus intelligas. Passus est uon Divinitate sed came. 
 Deus enim impassibilis semper est. 
 
 * Creeds of the Church of Aquileia. 
 
 I. Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem. Et in Jesum Christum, 
 Filium ejus unicum, Dominum nostrum, qui natus est de Spiritu Sancto 
 ex Maria Virgine, sub Pontio PHato crucifixus est et sepultus, Tertia die 
 resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in coelum, sedet ad dexteram Patris. Inde 
 Venturas est judicare vivos et mortuos. Credo in Spiritum Sanctum, 
 Sanctam Ecclesiam, Kemissionem peccatorum, Camis resurrectionem.* 
 n. The only points of variation in the second form are: ...Tertia die 
 
 resurrexit vivens a mortuis Sanctam Ecclesiam CathoUcam.... 
 
 Camis resurrectionem et vitam cetemam. 
 
 Of these Creeds (which are taken from Walch, Bihlioth. Symholica, 
 pp. 64, 55, and by him from de Eubeis dissert, de lit. nt. Eccl. Forojul. 
 pp. 242—249) the former is ahnost identical with that which Eufinus 
 caUs the Soman Creed, and with the Creed given by StMaximus of Turin 
 A.D. 460. The latter will be found to agree more nearly with the forms 
 which are given by St Peter Chrysologus as those of the Church of 
 Ravenna, the date of which cannot be later than a.d. 460, and which are 
 therefore good evidence of the form of Symbol found in Northem Italy 
 within a very short period after the date of Rufinus. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 133 
 
 Rufinus, which are shortly to be given, these two forms 
 seem not much removed from the date of Rufinus. Yet in 
 neither of them do the variations on which he dwells occur, 
 but the form of the more ancient is that of the ordinary 
 Creed which he calls Roman. With these forms before us, 
 it can detract nothing from the credibility of Rufinus, 
 that the variations of the Aquileian Creed are not found in 
 St Nicetas' explanation, while the pointed manner in 
 which that bishop dwells on these peculiar epithets is a 
 strong confirmation of what the presbyter has described as 
 occurring in the fuller form of the Creed used in Aqui- 
 leia. 
 
 Another objection to Rufinus has been raised upon the 
 phrase "Tradunt majores," with which words the well- 
 known passage in his Commentary^ describing the forma- 
 tion of the Creed commences : "Majores," it is said, "but 
 " who were they ? SS. Isidore, Cassian, Maximus of Turin 
 " and Leo, could not have been called ' ancestors ' by Rufi- 
 "nus, as they lived after him, nor again SS. Augustine, 
 "Ambrose and Jerome, who were his contemporaries. 
 "What TertuUian, Origen, and St Irenaeus say is only 
 " general*." 
 
 But is it necessary to assume that Rufinus meant this 
 tradition to which he alludes to be founded on such a pa- 
 tristic ancestry as is here intimated ? The language does 
 not imply any such necessity, nor have others considered it 
 to convey a meaning such as that which is here put upon 
 it. Bmgham evidently had no idea of such an interpreta- 
 tion. His words are^ "Rufinus seems to say that there 
 " was an ancient tradition," but whether founded on the 
 authority of the Fathers of the Church or not he does not 
 
 1 Rufin. in Symb. § 2. 
 
 • Ffoulkes on the Athanasian Creed, p. 32. 
 
 OrigineSf x. 3, § 5. 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 speculate, as there was nothing for such a speculation to 
 be based upon. In like manner Lord King says \ *' Rufinus 
 " ...relates that they had received by tradition from their 
 "fathers," meaning to imply thereby only those who had 
 preceded them in order of time, and not of necessity of 
 any dignity in the Church. 
 
 The most certain way, however, of testing the writer's 
 meaning is to compare Rufinus with himself A very few 
 clauses lower down in the treatise' he uses the same word. 
 He is speaking, in a passage which we have already 
 quoted', of the introduction of the Sabellian heresy, and 
 says that in opposition thereto "videntur addidisse ma- 
 yores" our forefathers appear to have added the word 
 impassible. Here "majores" manifestly applies to those 
 who had preceded the writer in the Church of Aquileia ; 
 and if so here, why not also in the passage two or three 
 sections before ? a far more natural construction than to 
 suppose that the writer designed to limit the application 
 of so general a term as "majores" to the Fathers of the 
 Church who had gone before him. 
 
 But what is thought to be the most complete de- 
 monstration that the Commentary of Rufinus is not what 
 it professes to be, but if in part genuine, yet very largely 
 interpolated by later hands, is a passage which occurs in 
 the discussion of the sixth and seventh Articles : " He as- 
 "cended into heaven, sitteth at the right hand of the 
 "Father, from thence he shall come to judge the quick 
 "and the dead.'' The writer places these words at the 
 head of the section *, as is his constant practice before the 
 discussion of any Article, shewing in this way what were 
 the words of the Creed of whifch he was treating. In the 
 
 ^ History of the Apostles' Creed, p. 25. • § 5. 
 
 ' See p. 129, note 2. * For an example see p. 141. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 135 
 
 course of his observations on the coming of Clirist to judg- 
 ment, he writes thus : "From' this we are taught not only 
 " concerning His advent and the judgment, but concem- 
 " ing His power and kingdom, that His power is eternal, 
 " and His kingdom without end or decay, as is said in the 
 " Creed : * and of His kingdom there shall be no end.' " 
 
 These words, it is said, the author of the Commentary 
 acknowledges " in express terms " to have been part, of 
 the Creed on which he was then commentinof. But is it 
 not strange, if this be so, that they do not, like all the rest 
 of the words on which he comments, stand at the head of 
 the section to which they would belong? Why has the 
 writer in this single case broken through what in every 
 other article is his invariable rule ? May we not much 
 more fairly consider that the Nicene Creed, of which these 
 words form part, was known to the hearers of Rufinus as 
 well as to himself, and that he may allude to this, the 
 Creed which alone had synodal authority, as, par excel- 
 lence, tJie Symbol ? That such has been the judgment of 
 all writers on Creeds, until the objection was put forward 
 in our day, may be seen by an inspection of the Creeds of 
 Rufinus as they are given in all the authors who have 
 drawn them into form. Bingham, Walch, Martene, 
 Heurtley, indeed all writers on the subject, with the soli- 
 tary exception of Mr Ffoulkes, have considered this clause 
 as part of the Exposition, and as forming no portion of 
 either the Roman or Aquileian Creeds. 
 
 Admitting that there is a certain abruptness in the 
 introduction of this word "Symbolum" without any 
 defining epithet, an explanation is suggested by the 
 
 * Bufinus in Symb. § 34. Ex his ergo edocemur non solum de ad- 
 ventu et judicio sed de potestate Ejus et regno quia potestas Ejus seterna 
 sit, et sine corruptionis fine sit regnum, sicut et in Symbolo dicitur, 
 ** Et regni Ejus non erit finis." 
 
136 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 J 
 
 \y\ 
 
 I'll. 
 
 (( 
 
 f( 
 
 editor of Rufinus in Migne's Patrologia Latino^, which 
 seems much more likely to be correct than that suggested 
 by Mr Ffoulkes. He notices that some copies read " in 
 Evangelio" instead of "in Symbolo." Now supposing 
 in Evangelio " to have been the original text, and to have 
 been altered at a later date when the Nicene Creed was 
 familiar to all, the whole matter becomes clear, and we are 
 not driven to the supposition of a wholesale interpolation 
 such as that to which this Commentary is assumed by Mr 
 Ffoulkes to have been subjected. But though making 
 this observation the editor does not think proper to alter 
 the text. For St Cyril of Jerusalem makes this addition 
 to the seventh article in his Exposition of the Creed, and 
 with the Creed of Jerusalem, as we have already seen, 
 Rufinus was well acquainted, and may very naturally have 
 introduced an expression occurring there to illustrate his 
 own explanation. 
 
 For amid all the objections raised against this Com- 
 mentary on the Creed as we have received it, it is never- 
 theless indubitable that Rufinus did write on the Creed. 
 Johannes Cassianus', who lived within fifty years of his 
 date, testifies to this fact, and quotes a sentence out of the 
 existing commentary, thus demonstrating that a work 
 containing a portion of what we now receive was then 
 circulated under the name of Rufinus. Cassian s words' 
 are ; " Rufinus too, a noble Christian philosopher, and no 
 "contemptible member of the Doctors of the Church, 
 "gives this testimony concerning oui* Lord's nativity 
 " in his exposition of the Creed : For the Son, he says, 
 "is born of a Virgin, not united to the flcsli only or 
 
 * ^^^- 370. J Job. CftMian ob. 440, 
 
 3 Johannes Cassianus, Be Incarn. Chrittt, vii. 27 (Migtie», L. 258). 
 Rufinus quoque, Christianae philosophiae vir, hand cotjiomntmda ooclo- 
 siasUcorum doctormn portio, ita in expojiition© SymboU do Domini 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 137 
 
 "priacipally, but having a soul intermediate between God 
 "and the flesh." Some portions of this commentary 
 were therefore known, and known too as the work of 
 Rufinus, before the middle of the fifth century. 
 
 But it is urged that Cassian had not the work as 
 we have it. For, it is said, he omits all reference to the 
 traditional storv of the formation of the Creed. The 
 "tradunt majores*' is the "locus classicus" of the "vvork, 
 and yet Cassian writes as though he had never seen it. 
 
 It may be observed in reply to this, that what is now 
 and has long been a " locus classicus " would hardly have 
 become so in Cassian*s time, writing as he did within 
 half a century of the author's own date. But it M sciurcelj 
 possible to read Qi38iaD'.s accouDl of IIm: Crucd luid believe 
 that his words an> not drawn in stihettaoce from the 
 same treatise of Rufmus which we have preferred to us. 
 A comparison of the tiro pdinn^M subjoined \ so &r from 
 
 nativitate testatur. <«Filtei €adm *' inqvit ** Dd iMueitur coc Vligib* Mtt 
 ]5rincipaliter soli canii tdcittni, A#tl aaSoui SnUr eamfm Dtamqiio mm* 
 
 diante gcneratus." 
 
 ^ Bnfinus de Symt^ i 'i and i L 
 
 Symbolum autem bx) muliUfl U 
 justissimis ex causix mpimUaH y^ 
 luerunt. Symbolum «aim Onwo 
 et indicium dici potest c4 collAtlo^ 
 hoc est, quod plures in tmim eom* 
 ferunt. Id enim feci«ruiil Apoitfeli 
 in his sermonibus, ia wmm OMi* 
 ferendo unusquisque qood Mwdt... 
 Discessuri igitur, ad pnidBr«T>dtim, 
 istud unanimitatis ct Adti mst} 
 Apostoli indiciiitn )>CMLiOfe 
 
 In bis oomporilur p«oplw(ti* qWD 
 dicti, Vci'bum cnim cdmUBOMM 
 ot broviniiK in inquitote! fllU Tcr- 
 btim brcvintum (acivi DcsdOM flo- 
 por torraju. 
 
 Job. Cue^UMM, Ulit. Lit, tl 8. 
 
 BOCB«D MotpU. Qur»a Cttia Onooe 
 r/>^9^W dicitar. Loiiiie oolklio 
 ttoarinaiiur. C olk t ia ftutam lico 
 qvift im nmam cc<ll&a ab ApoMoIt* 
 Tktaam <oUn» CaOMMai k^ *^, 
 qiiii frii par nniPonMnn dlTfttMttm 
 TclimiiBiim corpus immftntA taiNU- 
 tar MptA latum in Sjrmboll coUlci- 
 ixiT brfvitat« porfcclii, tctimdain 
 iilad Apoctoll : TetbanL, iiu|ttit,«oii • 
 •nmoMM H br«Ti«n» in wqiiiuic, 
 ^iii TfHium brtviatoM ticdct Do* 
 udnuB super tcvrun* 
 
138 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 leading to a conviction that Cassian wrote '' as if he had 
 never seen " the Commentary of Kufinus, seems to indi- 
 cate the exact contrary. Both authors give the Greek 
 derivation for the name of the Creed, both explain it 
 by the same Latin word *' collatio ; " both state that this 
 "collatio" was made by the Apostles, as an index or law 
 of the faith; and both cite the same text of Scripture as 
 fulfilled by this abridgement of scriptural truth into the 
 form of a symbol. It is admitted that Cassian had seen 
 some part of Rufinus. Does not the close resemblance 
 shew that he had seen this very passage ? 
 
 The existence of a commentary by Rufinus is also 
 testified to by Gennadius, a presbyter of Marseilles, about 
 A. D. 495. That writer compiled a work on the ecclesiastical 
 authors anterior to his time, and mentions Rufinus both 
 as a translator of Greek works into Latin and as a writer 
 on the Creed, and, according to most MSS.' of his 
 work, states that his labours in the latter direction far 
 surpassed those of any writer who had preceded him. 
 But in order to support the hypothesis of the interpola- 
 tion of Rufinus by a later hand, it is supposed, on the 
 authority of one MS., that Gennadius has also been inter- 
 polated by the same person, "to add lustre to his per- 
 formances " in enlarging Rufinus ! 
 
 Much of the Commentary of Rufinus may also be 
 found in a treatise on the Creed by Venantius Fortunatus, 
 bishop of Poictiers, who died a.d. 609. Mr Ffoulkes main- 
 tains that the Commentary of Rufinus is an expansion of 
 this treatise, but the editor of the works of Fortunatus 
 
 1 Gennadius, De Scriptor. Ecclesiast. liber, cap. xvii. (Migne, lviii. 
 1069). Kufinus Aquileienais presbyter non minima pars fuit doctorum 
 Ecclesiae et in transferendo de Graeco in Latinum elegans ingenium 
 
 ^^•^^i* proprio autem labore, imo gratia Dei et dono exposuit idem 
 
 Eufinus Symbolum, ut in ejus comparatione aHi non exposuisse credantur. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 139 
 
 'I 
 
 gives an account of the way in which this Commentary 
 was made use of by that writer, which is far more 
 natural than that there should have been interpolation 
 upon interpolation to bring the work of Rufinus to its 
 present form\ "Whoever," he says, "will compare this 
 " exposition of the Creed with that which is extant in the« 
 " works of Rufinus, will easily see that this is an abridge- 
 " ment thereof, and the offspring of the genius of Rufinus 
 "rather than of Fortunatus. That which Rufinus had 
 " written, Fortunatus after his advancement, as it seems, 
 " to the bishopric of Poictiers, must be admitted to have 
 " epitomized for the instruction of his people." 
 
 The testimony of these three writers, Cassian, Genna- 
 dius, and Fortunatus, covers more than one hundred and 
 fifty years, commencing within fifty years of the death of 
 Rufinus. If naturally interpreted it can leave no doubt 
 that the work of Rufinus was in existence and well known 
 through all that period. Cassian makes one quotation, 
 Venantius a great number, from every portion of the Com- 
 mentary, and Gennadius says no other work on the same 
 subject was to be compared to it. This is exactly such a 
 description as suits the work. It is elaborate and takes 
 a wider range both of history and doctrine than such 
 treatises were wont to do. Now if this Commentary of 
 Rufinus were not put into its present form before the time 
 of Isidore and the date of the fourth Council of Toledo, 
 A.D. 633^ we have to suppose that a brief work existed 
 under the name of Rufinus, from which Cassian quoted, 
 and which Gennadius knew: which work was expanded 
 by Venantius (though he does not give the passage which 
 
 ^ See Migne, Patr. Lat. lxxxviii. 345, note. 
 * See Ffoulkes, p. 69. 
 

 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 i 
 
 €t 
 
 Cassian is admitted to have taken from Rufinus), and that 
 this first expansion was further enlarged by St Isidore. 
 We venture to predict that few will accept this compli- 
 cated explanation of the composition of the Commentary 
 in preference to the usual and plain one of admitting that 
 Rufinus really wrote the work which we now have under 
 his name. 
 
 Still more strange is the assertion made by Mr Ffoulkes. 
 that the real work of Rufinus* exists in the treatise of St 
 Nicetas, which has been already alluded to. "Nobody," it is 
 said, "could doubt on reading both works," (that is, Rufinus' 
 Commentary and the Fxplanatio Symholi of St Nicetas) 
 "that either St Nicetas borrowed from this Exposition or 
 " the author of this Exposition from Nicetas \" And aglin 
 "The true Rufio us lives in this work of an Aquifeian 
 "prelate, who may have been a child when he died '» 
 The writer would have it supposed that St Nicetas used 
 the origmal work by Rufinus which in aftertimes was con- 
 siderably enlarged, and that there is sufficient trace of 
 Rufinus m the bishop's treatise to shew that this original 
 work had been made use of. If this were true we should 
 expect to find the passage which Cassian quoted from the 
 admitted work of Rufinus, in this treatise of St Nicetas. 
 But It does not occur, while the resemblance between the 
 two works is so far from being apparent to ordinary ob- 
 servers that there is scarcely a line in one writer to which 
 a parallel can be found in the other, and where a similarity 
 does exist it is in the quotation of texts from Scripture or 
 m other pomts where the identity of subject admits but of 
 one mode of expression. That the two writers may be 
 compared a portion of the comment on one article is placed 
 side by side with what should be its parallel in St Nicetas. 
 
 * Ibid, pp. 41, 48. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 U\ 
 
 i 
 
 The passages afford a fair, specimen of the correctness of 
 the statement that "the true Rufinus" lives in Nicetas. 
 
 Bufinus in Synibolum, § 9. 
 
 Qui natus est de Spiritu Sanc- 
 To EX Maria Virgine. Hsbc jam 
 inter homines dispensationis nati- 
 vitas est, ilia divinaB substantias. 
 Haec dignationis est, ilia naturae. 
 De Spiritu Sancto ex Virgine nas- 
 citur. Et jam in hoc loco mundior 
 auditus requiritur et purior sensus. 
 Huic enim, quem dudum de Patre 
 natum ineffabiliter didicisti, nunc 
 a Spiritu Sancto templum fabrica- 
 tum intra secreta uteri virginalia 
 intellige. Et sicut in sanctijica- 
 tione Spiritus Sancti nulla sen- 
 tienda est fragilitas, ita et in partu 
 Virginis nulla intelligenda est cor- 
 ruptio. Novus enim huic saeculo 
 datus est hie partus, nee immerito. 
 Qui enim in caelis unicus Filius 
 est, consequenter et in terra unicus 
 est et unice nascitur. 
 
 Nota sunt omnibus et in Evan- 
 geliis decantata de hoc Scripta 
 kProphetarum, quas dicunt quod 
 Virgo concipiet et pariet filium. 
 Sed et partus ipsius mirabilem mo- 
 dum Ezechiel Propheta ante forma- 
 verat, Mariam figuraliter portam 
 Domini nominans per quam scili- 
 cet Dominus ingressus est mun- 
 dum. Dicit ergo hoc modo. Porta 
 autem qua respicit ad orientem 
 clausa erit, et non aperietur et nemo 
 transibit per earn quoniam Dominus 
 Deu8 Israel transibit per earn et 
 elausa erit. Quid tam evidens de 
 conservatione Virginis dioi poterat ? 
 
 St Nicetas, Explanatio Stjmboli 
 
 (Migne, lii. 868). 
 Natus ex Spiritu Sancto et Vir- 
 gine Maria, sine ulla viri opera- 
 tione, corpus ex corpore, Spiritus 
 Sancti Virtute, generatum est; ma- 
 nens Deus, homo factus est, ut 
 hominibus et visui et doctrinae sa- 
 luti esse posset: quia aliter divini- 
 tas ab hominibus sustiueri non po- 
 terat, nisi corporis assumptione 
 visibilis. 
 
 Natus ergo ex sancta et inconta- 
 minata Virgine ut sanctae nativita- 
 tis nobis praestaret initium. Natus 
 est secundum quod ante dictum 
 fuerat per prophetam. Ecce virgo 
 in utero concipiet et pariet filium et 
 vocabitur nomen ejus Emanuel, quod 
 est interpretatum, Nobiscum Deus. 
 Crede ergo hunc qui ex Virgine na- 
 tus est, nobiscum esse Deum: Deum 
 ante saBcula de Patre, hominem ex 
 Virgine propter homines. Vere in- 
 carnatum, non putative, sicut qui- 
 dam erronei hasretici erubescentes 
 mysterium Dei in phantasmate di- 
 cunt factam Domini incarnationem: 
 quia non vere fuerit quod videba- 
 tur, sed oculos fefellerit hominum. 
 Quod absit omnino a Dei veritate. 
 Si enim falsa incarnatio est, falsa 
 erit et salus hominum. Quod si 
 vere salus in Christo est, vera aeque 
 incarnatio est. In ipso utrumque 
 existens, homo quod videbatur, 
 Deus quod non videbatur. Man- 
 ducans ut homo, et pascens quin- 
 que milia hominum qulnque pani- 
 
 V' 
 
 
U2 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 143 
 
 Clausa fuitea virginitatis porta. Per 
 ipsam intravit Dominus Deu8 Is- 
 rael, per ipsam in hunc mundum 
 de utero Virginis processit: et in. 
 fiBtemum porta Virginis, serrata 
 Virginitate,permansit. IgiturSanc- 
 tus Spiritus ref ertus DominicflB car- 
 nis et templi ejus creator. 
 
 bns quia Dens. Dormiens ut homo 
 in navi; sed ventis et mari impe- 
 rans quia Deus. Manus cruci affi- 
 gens velut homo, sed paradisuni 
 confitenti se latroni tribuens, quia 
 Deus. 
 
 When the similarity between the two works from 
 which these quotations are made is insisted on, while any 
 similarity between the passages already cited from Rufinus 
 and Cassian is denied*, it is impossible to help agreeing 
 with Bacon when he says " Men's thoughts are much ac- 
 cording to their inclinationV* 
 
 These modern objections against the genuineness of the 
 Commentary of Rufinus have been examined in greater 
 detail, because this work is almost the only direct testi- 
 mony to the form of the Roman Creed at the end of the 
 fourth century. We have indeed about 50 years later the 
 fragment of the Creed of Rome as preserved in the letter 
 of St Leo to Flavian, which has been^ already quoted. 
 And so far as it goes this agrees almost to the letter with 
 the form which Rufinus has preserved to us. But though 
 we have Creeds of Ravenna and Aquileia and Turin we 
 do not possess, without this record, any complete memorial 
 of the Symbol of the metropolis of the West at this 
 date. 
 
 It is however very difficult to conceive that the de- 
 pendent churches used expanded Symbols such as are 
 preserved to us, and that no such form had come into 
 use at Rome. When the sermons to catechumens in 
 parts of Italy, in France, and in Africa, abundantly prove 
 that for this purpose there existed longer forms elsewhere, 
 
 ^ Supra, p. 137, « Essay xxxn, • See p. 113. 
 
 1 
 
 we cannot, in spite of the want of direct Roman testimony 
 to the fact, question the truth of Rufinus' statement. 
 
 The Creed which he has preserved to us is in extent 
 nearly equal to the present Apostles' Creed. Its words 
 are: 
 
 I believe in God the Father Almighty. 
 And in Jesus Christ His only Son our Lord. 
 Who was born of the Holy Ghost from the Virgin 
 
 (1) 
 
 (2) 
 
 (3) 
 Mary. 
 
 (4) 
 
 (5) 
 (6) 
 
 Was crucified under Pontius Pilate and buried. 
 The third day He rose again from the dead. 
 He ascended into heaven: sitteth at the right 
 hand of the Father. 
 
 (7) From thence He shall come to judge the quick 
 and the dead. 
 
 (8) And in the Holy Ghost. 
 
 (9) The Holy Church. 
 
 (10) The forgiveness of Sins. 
 
 (11) The resurrection of the flesh\ 
 
 This form is easily to be gathered from the headings 
 of the several sections^ and though the Commentary is 
 on the Creed of Aquileia, the only additions which were 
 made by that Church to the above, which Rufinus ex- 
 pressly calls the Roman form, are, as will have been 
 already gathered, in the first Article the addition of the 
 words ^'invisible and impassible"; in the fifth Article the 
 
 ^ Roman Creed according to Rufinus. 
 
 Rufinus in Symb. (Migne, xxi. 335 seqq. ) Credo in Deum Patrem omni- 
 potentem, et in Jesum Christum unicum Filium Ejus, Dominum nos- 
 trum, qui natus est de Spiritu Sancto Ex Maria Virgine, Crucifixus sub 
 Pontio Pilato et sepultus: tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in 
 coelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris, inde venturus est judicare vivos et mor- 
 tuos ; et in Spiritu Sancto, S%nctam Ecclesiam, Remissionem pecca- 
 torum, carnis resurrectionem. 
 
 * Cf. the specimen given p. 141. 
 
144 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GREEDS, 
 
 If 
 
 H^ 
 
 }n 
 
 clause on the Descent into Hell ; and in the eleventh the 
 change of " the resurrection of the flesh" into "the resur- 
 "rection of ^Aw flesh." 
 
 The Creeds which follow next in order of time are 
 those which St Augustine has preserved to us as used in 
 the church over which he presided in Northern Africa; 
 but as in speaking of the Creed of Rufinus we have 
 alluded to the Creeds of other Churches of Italy, it may 
 be best, even though the order of time will be slightly 
 broken, to mention at this point some of these Italian 
 Symbols. Nor will the deviation be a great one, for 
 the two Creeds which will be quoted were both set forth 
 before A.D. 460. 
 
 The first of these is taken from the Sermons to 
 Catechumens by Petrus Chrysologus, Archbishop of Ra- 
 venna, who died about A.D. 450. In his time Ravenna was 
 almost equal in importance to Rome, and having been 
 chosen by Honorius' as the capital of the Western Empire, 
 continued to be so accounted for the next three cen- 
 turiesl We may therefore be sure that the Creed of 
 this Church represents fairly the creed of the Italian 
 Churches at the date when it appears. This is the form 
 of it. 
 
 I believe in God the Father, Almighty. 
 And in Jesus Christ His only Son, our Lord. 
 Who was born from the Holy Ghost of the Virgin 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 145 
 
 (1) 
 
 (2) 
 
 (3) 
 Mary. 
 
 (4) 
 
 buried. 
 
 Who was crucified under Pontius Pilate and 
 
 ^^' ^^' ■ Gibbon, iii. 72. 
 
 « Creed op Eavenna prom Petrus Chrysologus. 
 
 m, ChrysoL Sermonea, 56-62 (Mignt, lii. 354 seqq.) Credo in Deum 
 Patrem Omnipotentem et in Jesum Christum, FiHum ejus unicum. Domi. 
 num nostrum, qui natus est de Spiritu Sancto ex Maria Virgine, qui sub 
 
 (5) The third day He rose again from the dead. 
 {6) He ascended into heaveo, sitteth at the right 
 hand of the Father. 
 
 (7) From thence is to come to judge the quick and 
 the dead. 
 
 (8) I believe in the Holy Ghost. 
 
 (9) The Holy [Catholic] Church. 
 
 (10) The Remission of Sins. 
 
 (11) The Resurrection of the Flesh. 
 
 (12) Everlasting life^ 
 
 This form is easily gathered from the Six Sermons' 
 on the Creed which the Archbishop has left, and its close 
 agreement with what Rufinus has called the Roman 
 Creed cannot fail to be noticed, and to add confirmation to 
 his statements. The variations are only the accusative case 
 used in the original in Article VIII.'*, and the addition of 
 the twelfth article of " everlasting life," both which altera- 
 tions we shall find in the Creeds of St Augustine anterior to 
 the date of Chrysologus. In one of the Seimons* there also 
 occurs in the ninth article the word " Catholic" added to 
 •* Holy Church," but as there is no allusion to that word in 
 
 Pontic Pilato crucifixus est et sepultus. Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, 
 ascendit in coelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris; Inde yenturus est judicare 
 vivos et mortuos. Credo in Spiritum Sanctum, Sanctam Ecclesiam [Catho- 
 licam] et remissionem peccatorum, camis resurrectionem, vitam aBtemam. 
 ^ Semi. LVii — Lxii. (Migne, lii. 357 seqq.). 
 
 * Creed of Eavenna. Petrus Chrysologus (Migne, ut supra). Credo 
 in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem et in Jesuia Christum, Filium ejus 
 nnicum, Dominum nostrum, qui natus est de Spiritu Sancto ex Maria 
 Virgine, qui sub Pontio Pilato crucifixus est et sepultus. Tertia die 
 resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in caelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris ; Inde 
 venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos. Credo in Spiritum Sanctum, 
 Sanctam Ecclesiam [Catholicam] et remissionem peccatorum, camis 
 resurrectionem, vitam aeternam. 
 
 ' Where Bufinus has in Spiritu Sancto for in Spiritum Sanctum. 
 
 * Serm. lvii. (Migne, lii. 357). 
 
 L, 10 
 
146 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 the comment which follows the enunciation of the article, 
 it is open to question whether the word was contained in 
 the Creed of Ravenna. It will however have been ob- 
 served that "Catholic" appears in the Creed of Aquileia 
 as given by St Nicetas*, by whom also it is expounded in 
 the comment thus : " Know that this one Catholic Church 
 ** is established throughout the world, to whose commu- 
 " nion thou shouldest firmly cling^" There can be no 
 doubt therefore that this word w^as finding its way into 
 the creeds of the Church about this time. 
 
 There are, as might be expected, when it is remembered 
 how earnestly Chrysologus charged his hearers not to 
 write down the words of the Creed', some few variations 
 in the six copies of the Creed, but they are of so slight 
 a nature* as to demonstrate that by the commencement 
 of the fifth century much of the language of this Apo- 
 stolic Creed had become fixed. 
 
 The second Italian Creed to be noticed is that of the 
 Church of Turin, as found in the works of Maximus, 
 Bishop of that see about the middle of the fifth cen- 
 tury. Its agreement with the Roman Creed of Rufinus 
 is even more close than that of the Creed of Ravenna^ 
 It omits, as Rufinus does, the twelfth article of " the life 
 ** everlasting," and adds a comment which shews that 
 
 1 Ante, p. 130. 
 
 • St Nicetas, Explanatio SymhoU (Migne, lit. 867). Scito imam hano 
 esse ecclesiam Catbolicam in omni orbe terrso constitatam, cujus com- 
 mnnionem debes firmiter retinere. 
 
 • See ante, p. 2. 
 
 * These variations are in Article 5, where '* from the dead," is omitted 
 in four of the sermons : one copy read ** sitteth on the right " hand," 
 for •* ar* in Art. 6. With the exception of a conjunction added or omitted 
 between the articles these are all the various readings which occur. 
 
 * The text is not given because it is word for word identical with 
 the first Aquileian Creed given on p. 132, note 2. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 147 
 
 these words had not yet been inserted in the Creed of 
 Turin. "The resurrection of the flesh," he says\ "is the 
 ** end of our religion, this is the concluding point of our 
 ** belief." When we find these copies of the Creed in 
 churches so closely united with the see of Rome, and 
 their agreement with that mentioned as the Roman Creed 
 by Rufinus so complete as hardly in the latter .example 
 to exhibit one word of variation, there can be very little 
 doubt of the truth of all w^hich that writer has recorded 
 of the Creed of the older Church of Rome, and that the 
 form thereof had undergone very little change since the 
 time when Marcellus put forth his profession to the 
 Roman bishop. 
 
 After this digression w^e will revert to the chrono- 
 logical order, and set forth the Creeds of Northern Africa, 
 as found in the writings of St Augustine. This dis- 
 tinguished Father was ordained a presbyter of the Church 
 of Hippo Regius, A.D. 390, of which Church he was 
 shortly after made bishop, and discharged the duties of 
 his Episcopate for the long period of thirty-five years, 
 dying A.D. 430. He left an immense quantity of writings, 
 and many more w^orks than he had written were assigned 
 to him after his death. Among the monuments of his lite- 
 rary labours we have several works either treating directly 
 of the Creed, or introducing it as the basis on which 
 Christian preaching and exposition should be founded. 
 
 But from some of these it is not easy to gather the 
 exact language of the Symbol. His dread lest the Creed 
 if written out concisely should become divulged beyond 
 the Christian society has been already* noticed, and fre- 
 
 * Maximus Taurinensis, Hem, lxxxiii. (Migne, lvii. 439). Camis re* 
 Eurrectionem. Hie religionis nostra) finis, hacc summa credendi est. 
 
 * See pp. 3, 4. 
 
 10—2 
 
148 
 
 B I STORY OF TUE CREEDS, 
 
 quent allusions to this dread are scattered throughout his 
 writings. Yet by a careful discrimination and by com- 
 parison of all the forms of Creed that occur in his acknow- 
 ledged works, we can arrive at a great degree of certainty 
 concerning the Symbol which was in general use in the 
 Church of Hippo at the end of the fourth century, and 
 we shall observe how nearly it coincides with the forms 
 already exhibited as used in the Churches of Italy. 
 
 This close resemblance cannot surprise us. The inter- 
 course between Italy and Africa, which had been com- 
 menced prior to the Christian era, continued to flourish 
 when both countries had become subject to the faith. 
 Tertullian testifies to the agreement of their churches in 
 his day, and the Father whose works we are now about to 
 cite, though bom in Numidia, was baptized at Milan by 
 St Ambrose. 
 
 It will be convenient to speak of his works in the 
 order of their production. The earliest of those from which 
 we have to quote is a treatise on the Creed. It was origin- 
 ally delivered as an address before the bishops assembled 
 at the Council of Hippo Regius, A. D. 393, and was after- 
 wards put into its present form at the request^ of some 
 intimate friends. In giving an account of it St Augustine 
 mentions the circumstance which has already been noticed 
 as forming our principal difficulty in gleaning the precise 
 words of his Creed. " The dissertation is of such a form," 
 he says, " that the combination of words which is given 
 " to catechumens to commit to memory does not occur." 
 By diligent sifting however the following form may be ex- 
 tracted from the several sections of this book, " De Fide 
 " et Symbolo." 
 • (1) I believe in God the Father Almighty, 
 
 ^ St Augustine, Retractationes, i. 17. 
 
 n IS TORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 U9 
 
 (2) And in Jesus Christ our Lord the only begotten 
 son of God the Father, 
 
 (3) Who was born through the Holy Ghost of the 
 Virgin Mary, 
 
 (4) Was crucified under Pontius Pilate and buried, 
 
 (5) The third day he rose from the dead. 
 
 (6) He ascended into Heaven, sitteth at the right 
 hand of the Father. - 
 
 (7) From thence he is to come and judge the quick 
 and dead. 
 
 (8) In the Holy Ghost, 
 
 (9) The Holy Church, 
 
 (10) The Remission of Sins, 
 
 (11) The Resurrection of the Flesh\ 
 
 A comparison of the original words will shew that 
 this Creed is almost word for word identical with the forms 
 of Rome, Ravenna, and Turin. The expression " only be- 
 gotten," instead of " only," occurs in the second article, but 
 even this slight variation is brought into harmony with 
 the Italian forms by the explanation which the writer gives 
 in his comment, " unigenitumj^ he says^ " id estj unicum" 
 
 Though this Creed consists but of eleven articles, an 
 expression occurs near the close which shews that what 
 we now account the twelfth article, *' the life everlasting," 
 was at this time, though not formally inserted in the 
 Symbol; yet treated as a deduction from the article on 
 
 ^ Creed of St Augustine (earliest form). St Augustine, De Fide et 
 Symbolo (Migne, xl. 181 seqq.). Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, 
 Et in Jesum Christum Filium Dei Patris Unigenitum, Dominum nos- 
 trum, Qui natus est per Spiritum Sanctum ex Virgine Maria, Sub Pontic 
 Pilato crucifixus est et sepultus ; Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, In cfelum 
 ascendit, Sedet ad dexteram Patris, Inde venturus et judicaturus vivos 
 et mortuos, In Spiritum Sanctum, Sanctam Ecclesiam, Eemissionem 
 peccatorum, Carnis resurrectionem, 
 
 • §3. 
 
150 
 
 HISTORY OF TUE CREEDS. 
 
 the resurrection. " And when," he adds, " this resurrection 
 ** of the body has taken place, being set free from the 
 ** circumstance of time, we shall enjoy eternal life with 
 " unutterable love and security without decay\" A still 
 more definite statement will be found in a later form of 
 the Symbol of Augustine, but we cannot on the whole 
 conclude that the twelfth article was generally received 
 in his time. 
 
 Not far removed in date from the " De Fide et Sym- 
 ** bolo," is a work on the book of Genesis*, in the first 
 chapter of which the substance of the Creed is given as 
 an introduction to the treatise. Here we find the same 
 epithet "only begotten" in the second article, but in the 
 third the prepositions are changed, and instead of 'Hhrcnigh 
 the Holy Ghost from the Virgin Mar^V we read ''of the 
 Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary." In all other points, so 
 far as it extends, this Creed agrees with the former, and 
 the close connection between the two final clauses of the 
 last sentence suggests, as we have just observed, the ad- 
 dition of the ''life everlasting" as an article of the Creed. 
 It stands thus : " The Holy Ghost is given to those who 
 " believe in Him : there is established by Him the mother 
 " Churchy which is called Catholic because she is wholly 
 ** perfect, and halts in nothing, and is spread through the 
 *' whole world : former sins are forgiven to the penitent, 
 "and eternal life and the kingdom of heaven is promised*.'* 
 
 ^ Qua corporis resurrectione facta a temporis conditione liberati 
 aeteraa vita ineffabili cliaritate atque stabilitate sine corruptione per- 
 fruemur. 
 
 * De Genesi ad literam. Imperfectus liber. 
 
 3 The whole passage, "De Genesi," cap. i., is printed for convenience 
 of comparison in the Appendix to this Chapter, where the reader may 
 observe how the words of the Symbol are collected from the substance of 
 the treatise. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 151 
 
 From which passage we have just as much evidence in 
 favour of the twelfth as of the eleventh article of the Creed. 
 
 But as the whole chapter bears more of the character 
 bf a paraphrase of the Creed than a recital of its exact 
 words, we are hardly justified in concluding from this 
 work that '* the life everlasting" was an article in the 
 Creed of St Augustine. The form in which it is here 
 introduced should however be noticed, as we shall meet 
 with further evidence on this point shortly. It is also 
 worthy of observation that in this work we meet for 
 the first time^ with the word " Catholic" in the definition 
 of the Church. It is not yet an integral part of the Creed, 
 nor shall we find it become eo for a century and a half, 
 but its occurrence here is a good example of the process 
 of accretion by which the Apostolic Creed has been built 
 up. First a clause or expression is used as an illustration 
 or explanation ; if apposite, it is soon widely adopted, and 
 in the end inserted as a portion of the accepted language 
 of the Symbol. 
 
 In the "De Genesi" the Creed«is prefixed by St Au- 
 gustine as an introduction to his treatise, in his "Enchi- 
 ridion" he makes it the foundation on which a large 
 portion of his work is raised. This work, whose full 
 title is "Enchiridion de Fide Spe et Charitate," was 
 written within the last ten years of the author's life, and 
 is an answer to the questions of Laurentius, the brother 
 of that Dulcitius for whose edification the author wrote 
 his book "De Octo Dulcitii Quaestionibus." At the out- 
 set St Augustine says that in a work on faith hope and 
 charity no better foundation can be chosen on which to 
 frame his book than the Creed and the Lord's Prayer. 
 "For," says he, "faith believes, hope and charity pray^" 
 Through a great part of the work he treats on what is to 
 
 ^ For Nicetas was later in date than Augustine. 
 
 * Ench. 0. VI, 
 
152 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 be believed, and intersperses the Articles* of the Creed in 
 such a manner that the form of most of them may be 
 easily traced. 
 
 It is to be noticed in this form that the word "only" 
 has won its way to acceptance, and stands as it does to 
 this day, a part of the language of the Symbol, while 
 " only begotten " has fallen into the place of the com- 
 ment. In every other particular the Creed of the Enchi- 
 ridion agrees with one or other of the two previous 
 forms down to the end of the eleventh Article. In ex- 
 pounding that Article the writer says, "Now concem- 
 ** ing the resurrection of the flesh, not as some have come 
 "back to life and have again died, but to eternal life^ as 
 " the flesh of Christ himself arose, how I may briefly treat 
 " and solve such questions as are wont to be broached, I 
 ** find not ; " a sentence which seems to indicate that the 
 twelfth Article did not form part of this the latest form 
 of the Creed on which St Augustine treated. 
 
 From the Sermon on the Creed delivered to the Cate- 
 chumens we can see^ how this last Article made its 
 way into the Creed. In this discourse the Creed cor- 
 responds in all but the last Article very closely with 
 that of the Enchiridion *, only introducing the word "pas- 
 sus," suffered, into the fourth Article, and thus rendering 
 that clause of the exact form which we now use; and 
 omitting "the third day" after "rose again" in the fifth 
 Article. But in the exposition of the eleventh Article these 
 
 1 The passages containing the words of the Creed are given in th© 
 Appendix, p. 180. 
 
 8 St Auoustine, Semui ad Catechumenoa (Migne, xl. 627 seqq.). 
 
 Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, Et in Filium Ejus unicum 
 Dominum nostrum, Natus de Spiritu Sancto et Virgine Maria, Passut 
 sub Pontic Pilato, Crucifixus mortuus et Sepultus, Kesurrexit, Ascendit 
 in ccelum, Sedet ad dexteram Patris, Inde ventnrus judicare vivos et 
 mortuos, Et in Spiritum Sanctum, Sanctam Ecclesiam, Kemissionem 
 Peocatorum, Besurrectionem Camis, In Yitam aetemam. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 153 
 
 V 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 words occur : " How do we believe the resurrection of the 
 " flesh ? Lest any should chance to think that it is in like 
 " manner as Lazarus ; that you may know that it is not so, 
 " there is added * Into eternal life'.'" So then we see that 
 the clause which ultimately formed the twelfth Article was 
 thus wrought into the Symbol as the explanation of the 
 preceding sentence, from which, in lapse of time it became 
 separated and was erected into an independent article; 
 a mode of introduction which we have alluded to before, 
 and to which *'passus" above mentioned is no doubt due. 
 In addition to the above cited forms of Creed which occur 
 in the works of St Augustine, four sermons " De Symbolo" 
 are accepted by the Benedictine editors as genuine works 
 of the Bishop of Hippo. These are numbered ccxil— ccxv. 
 In these forms, which will be given in extenso, it will be 
 observed that there is a great general agreement in all the 
 Articles to the end of the eighth. There is a literal con- 
 cord in the first Article, and in the second merely the vari- 
 ation of "only begotten" for "only," which has been seen 
 to occur in the previous forms. In the next Article one 
 form gives us the words " He was conceived," which are 
 here met with for the first time. Three out of the four 
 introduce " suffered " into the fourth sentence, and where 
 this word is omitted in the text it yet occurs in the com- 
 ment, so that it may be considered to have made good its 
 footing in the Symbol before the death of St Augustine. 
 From the fifth to the eighth Article the forms substantially 
 agree, though a comparison of the Latin texts will shew 
 verbal variations. After this point however the variations 
 are considerable, and will be best noted in detail after the 
 forms have been set side by side. 
 
 1 St Aug. Sermo ad Catechumenos, § 17 : Quo modo camis resurrec- 
 tionem ? Ne forte putet aliquis quomodo Lazari, ut scias non sic esse, 
 additum est, in vitam aeternam. 
 
154 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 Sermon ccxii.* 
 
 (1) I believe ia God the 
 Father Almighty, 
 
 (2) And in the only begot- 
 ten Son of God, 
 
 (3) Who was bom of the 
 Holy Ghost and the Virgin 
 Mary, 
 
 (4) Suffered under Pontius 
 Pilate, 
 
 Was crucified dead and 
 buried; 
 
 (5) The third day he rose 
 
 again j 
 
 (6) He ascended into Hea- 
 ven, sitteth at the right hand 
 of the Father, 
 
 (7) Is to come to judge the 
 quick and the dead: 
 
 (8) And in the Holy Ghost. 
 
 1 Cbeeds of St Augustine. 
 
 Sermo ccxii. 
 
 Credo in Deum Patrem Omni- 
 potentem, Et in Dei Filium uni- 
 genitum, Qui natus est de Spiritu 
 Sancto et Maria Virgine, Passus 
 est sub Pontio Pilato, Crucifixus 
 est mortuus et sepultus, Die tertio 
 resurrexit, Ascendit in ccelum, Se- 
 det ad dexteram Patris, Venturus 
 est judicare vivos et mortuos : In 
 Bpiritum Sanctum. 
 
 Sermon ccxiii. 
 
 (1) I believe in God the 
 Father Almighty, 
 
 (2) And in Jesus Christ his 
 only Son, our Lord, 
 
 (3) Who was conceived of 
 the Holy Ghost, born from the 
 Virgin IVIary, 
 
 (4) Suffered under Pontius 
 Pilate, 
 
 Was crucified dead and 
 
 buried ; 
 
 (5) The third day he rose 
 again from the dead ; 
 
 (6) He ascended into Heaven, 
 
 Sitteth at the right hand 
 of the Father : 
 
 (7) From thence will come 
 and judge the quick and dead : 
 
 (8) And in the Holy Ghost, 
 
 (9) The Holy Church, 
 
 (10) The remission of Sins, 
 
 (11) The resuiTection of the 
 flesh. 
 
 Sermo ccxiii. 
 
 Credo in Deum Patrem Omni- 
 potentem, Et in Jesum Christum 
 filium ejus unicum Dominum nos- 
 trum, Qui conceptus est de Spiritu 
 Sancto, natus ex Virgine Maria, 
 Passus est sub Pontio Pilato, Cruci- 
 fixus mortuus et sepultus, Tertid 
 die resurrexit a mortuis, Ascendit 
 in ccelum, Sedet ad dexteram Patris, 
 Inde venturus judicaturus vivos 
 et mortuos : Et in Spiritum Sanc- 
 tmn, Sanctam Ecclesiam, Bemis- 
 sionem Peccatorum, Camis resur- 
 rectionem. 
 
 _£_^j^^^^tai 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 155 
 
 Sermon ccxiv. 
 
 (1) I believe in God the 
 Father Almighty, 
 
 (2) And in Jesus Christ our 
 Lord the only Son of God the 
 Father, 
 
 (3) Who was born of the 
 lloly Ghost and the Virgin 
 Mary, 
 
 (4) Suffered under Pontius 
 Pilate, 
 
 Was crucified and bu- 
 ried, 
 
 (5) The third day he rose 
 again; 
 
 (6) He ascended into hea- 
 ven, 
 
 Sitteth at the right hand 
 of the Father; 
 
 (7) He is about to come to 
 judge the quick and the dead : 
 
 (8) And in the Holy Ghost, 
 
 (9) The Holy Church, 
 
 (10) The Forgiveness of 
 Sius. 
 
 Sermo ccxiv. 
 
 Credo in Deum Patrem Omni- 
 potentem, Et in Jesum Christum 
 Filium Dei Patris unicum Domi- 
 num nostrum. Qui natus est de 
 Spiritu Sancto et Virgine Maria, 
 Passus est sub Pontio Pilato, Cru- 
 cifixus et sepultus, Die tertio resur- 
 rexit, Ascendit in Cnelum, Sedet 
 ad dexteram Patris, Ad judicandos 
 vivos mortuosque venturus est : In 
 Spiritum Sanctum, Sanctam Ec- 
 desiam, Eemissionem peccatorum. 
 
 Sermon ccxv. 
 
 (1) I believe in God the 
 Father Almighty, 
 
 (2) And in Jesus Christ his 
 Son our Lord, 
 
 (3) Who was born of the 
 Holy Ghost from the Virgin 
 Mary, 
 
 (4) Was crucified dead and 
 buried under Pontius Pilate, 
 
 (5) On the third day he rose 
 from the dead; 
 
 (6) He ascended into heaven, 
 Sitteth at the right hand 
 
 of God the Father; 
 
 (7) From thence he will 
 come to judge the quick and 
 the dead: 
 
 (8) And in the Holy Ghost, 
 
 (10) The forgiveness of sins; 
 
 (11) The Resurrection of th& 
 flesh, 
 
 (12) The life everlasting, , 
 
 (9) Through the Holy 
 Church. 
 
 Sermo ccxv. 
 
 Credo in Deum Patrem Omni- 
 potentem, Et in Filium ejus Domi- 
 num nostrum Jesum Christum, Qui 
 natus est de Spiritu Sancto ex 
 Maria Virgine, Sub Pontio Pilato 
 Crucifixus mortuus et sepultus est, 
 Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, 
 Ascendit ad copIos, Sedet ad dex- 
 teram Dei Patris, Inde venturus est 
 judicare vivos et mortuos : Et in 
 Spiritum Sanctum, Eemissionem 
 peccatorum, Carnis Resurrectio- 
 nem, Vitam iEternam Per Sanctam 
 Ecclesiam. 
 
I 
 
 
 { 
 
 156 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 The first of these Creeds (ccxii.) ends, as far as the Arti- 
 cles are concerned, with the eighth, though somewhat of 
 the substance of the tenth and eleventh may be gathered 
 from the concluding words of the Sermon, "From this 
 " faith," the writer continues, as though the " fides " were 
 completed in the eight Articles already given, " hope for 
 •• grace whereby all your sins shall be forgiven. For from 
 "hence 'ye shall be saved, not of yourselves; for it is the 
 " * gift of God/ Also after this death, which has passed 
 " upon all men, which is due of old to the first man, hope 
 "even at last for the resurrection of your bodies \" In 
 which conclusion there is a singular omission of any 
 allusion to the Church. 
 
 The next sermon (ccxiii.) contains the three Articles 
 IX. X. XI. as they occur in our Creed at present, but its 
 language is most decided on the termination of the Creed 
 with the Eleventh Article. Having mentioned "the 
 " Resurrection of the flesh," the preacher says, " that is 
 '* now the end, but the resurrection of the flesh is an end 
 " without end, but there will be afterwards no death of 
 " the flesh, no anguish of the flesh, no hunger and thirst 
 " of the flesh, no afflictions of the flesh, no old age and 
 "weariness of the flesh. Do not therefore dread the 
 "resurrection of the flesh. Behold its blessings, forc^et 
 "its ills. Furthermore, whatever bodily complainings exist 
 " now, will not be there ; we shall he eternal, equal to the 
 " angels of God I" Where the twelfth Article is shadowed 
 
 tt 
 
 ' Ex Lao f c^e gratiam sperate in qua vobis peccata omnia dimittentar, 
 Hinc enim salvi oritis, non ex vobis ; Dei enim donum est. Post banc 
 ctiam mortem, quas in omnes pertranait, quae vetustati primi hominis 
 debetar, sperate etiam in fine vestrorum corporum resurrectionem. 
 
 * Iste jam finis est, sed finis sine fine erit resurrectio carnis, sed 
 erit postea nuUa mors carnis, null© augusti® carnis, nulla fames et 
 fiitis carnis, null® afflictiones canjis, nulla senectus et lassitude carnis. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 Vol 
 
 forth in the concluding sentence, but had not yet assumed 
 even the form of an expansion of the previous Article, as 
 we have scon it in the Sermo ad cateckumenos. 
 
 In the third sermon (ccxiv.) the eleventh Article can 
 scarcely be said to be included except by implication. A 
 portion of its concluding language is*, " Nor ought we to 
 " doubt concerning that mortal flesh that it will rise again 
 "at the end of the world:" and in another clause, "Or 
 " how shall we doubt that He will give eternal life to our 
 **soul and flesh, who for us both took on Him a life and 
 "flesh wherein to die, and laid them down when He died, 
 " and took them again that death might not be feared :" 
 a form of introduction differing entirely from that where- 
 in the previous Articles are put forward. 
 
 By the conclusion of the fourth sermon (ccxv.) we are 
 reminded of the earlier African Creed of St C}'prian*. 
 After mentioning the Holy Ghost it continues thus: 
 "Through Him we receive remission of sins, through Him 
 " we believe the resurrection of tJie flesh j tlirough BLim we 
 " hope for eternal life." And after a few sentences, " Be- 
 "hold how even in the very words of the Holy Symbol 
 "there is added to the conclusion of all the rules which 
 ** belong to the * Sacrament of Faith ^' as it were a supple- 
 "ment in the expression 'through the Holy Church.' 
 "Avoid therefore, as much as you are able, th(^ different 
 
 Noli ergo horrcro carnis resurrectionem. Bona ejus vido, midk oUiviM* 
 cere. Prorsus quidquid qnerelarum est camalium modo, tunc ibi non 
 erit : atemi erimus tequalcs Angelis Dei. 
 
 * Nee de ista carne mortali quod remurrctura nt in sceouli fine diU«i- 
 tare debemus....Aut quomodo dubitabimuM quod animm v.i carni noxtnii 
 vitam datiirus sit cetrrtmm qiii pro nobin nnimnm ot cnrncm ct Bupocpit 
 in qua moreretur et poHuit cum mororotor, ot roccpit, no mors timorotuz. 
 
 2 See p. 18. 
 
 ^ On this expression ico boforo, p. 2. 
 
fr 
 
 \ 
 
 J 
 
 158 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 tt 
 
 u 
 
 "and various deceivers whose sects and names, owing 
 ''to their multitude, it is long to mention now. For 
 " we have many things to say to you, but ye cannot bear 
 " them now. One thing I commend to your prayers, that 
 ^'from him who is not a Catholic ye may turn away 
 "by every means your attention and ears, that ye may 
 *'be able to apprehend the remission of sins, and the 
 "resurrection of the fesh, and eternal life through one 
 "Holy Catholic Church, in which we are taught concerning 
 "Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, as one God\'- 
 
 This termination, though it may have been a form 
 in use in the African Churches after the model of the 
 Carthaginian Creed of St Cyprian, differs entirely from 
 any of those found in the rest of St Augustine's works. If 
 then we take the Creed given in the " De Fide et Symbolo " 
 as the earliest form commented on by St Augustine, and 
 the language of the "Enchiridion" as his latest exposi- 
 tion, ranging the other forms between the dates of these 
 two, we may sum up the results of our investigation thus. 
 The form of the first Article was invariable, while in the 
 second the variation which occurs is in the words "only 
 "begotten "and *'only,» the latter of which has, by the 
 
 1 Sermo ccxv. Per Ipsnm accipimus peccatomm remissionem, per 
 Ipsum resurrectionem credimus carnis, per Ipsum vitam speramus 
 
 ^^'""^f "^'^^^^ ^^^^«' charissimi etiam in ipsis sancti symboU verbis 
 
 quomodo conclusioni omnium regiilarum qu« ad Sacramentum fidei per- 
 t'^.f'''' «^^°*^^ ^^«dd-°^ additnm, ut diceretur per Sanctam 
 Ecclenam. Fugite ergo quantum pohestis di versos et varios deceptores 
 quorum sectas et nomina pr. multitudine sua, nunc longnm est enarrar ! 
 Multa emm habemus dicere vobis sed non potestis iUa portare modo. 
 Unum vestns precibus commendo. ut ab eo qui catholicus non est 
 anmium et auditum vestrum omnimodis avertatis quo remissionem pec 
 eatonm, et resurrectionem carnis et vitam ^ternam per unam veram 
 Baru:tam Ecclesiam Catholicam apprehendere valeatis in qua discitur 
 Pater et FiHus et Spiritus Sanctus unus Deus. 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 159 
 
 end of Augustine's life, become the accepted term. In 
 the third Article " conceived " and in the fourth " suffered " 
 were making their way from comment into the text, and 
 occur as a part of the text, the former in one, the latter 
 in two of St Augustine's symbols. About the word 
 "dead" in the fourth Article there is more doubt. The 
 next four Articles are in effect the same in all the Creeds 
 of this Father. Among the remaining four there appears 
 to have been much less fixity, and we cannot find the 
 twelfth Article in any one of the copies except the last, 
 unless it be as a deduction from or explanation of the 
 eleventh. The arrangement of the last-quoted form may 
 be due to some influence such as the traditional form of 
 St Cyprian, and its occuiTence is worthy of note as it shews 
 the concluding Articles in a state of solution, which by the 
 time of the writing of the Enchiridion had become settled 
 into the now accepted order, so far as St Augustine was 
 concerned, only that the twelfth Article was not yet 
 separated, but appended as a consequence of the one before 
 it. We shall find however that for some time after the ao-e 
 of St Augustine the arrangement which places " the Holy 
 " Church" as the final Article prevailed in Northern Africa. 
 As we have already noticed there were many sermons 
 included in early times among the writings of the Bishop 
 of Hippo which modern criticism has demonstrated to be 
 of a somewhat later date, and in some of these the arrange- 
 ment which makes the Article, on the Church the final 
 clause of the Creed occurs. Out of these works wrongly 
 assigned to this Father three Sermons* bear indications of 
 the time at which they were composed, for they contain 
 expressions of a very strong character against the Arians. 
 Now the Vandal persecution in North Africa, which called 
 
 * Sermones de Symbolo ad Catechumenos (Migne, xl. 637 seqq.). 
 
160 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 161 
 
 If 
 
 \ : 
 
 h t: 
 
 forth the language alluded to, prevailed^ from about A.D. 
 428 — 488, and was at an end when the Vandal power was 
 overthrown by Justinian'3 general Belisarius, A. D. 534. 
 The expressions in the sermons are such as would be most 
 likely to be used when the contest was at its height. In 
 the first, for example, we read, " Let not the Arian heretic 
 ** insult the Church. He is a wolf, be aware of him : he is a 
 " serpent, crush his head. He flatters but cheats, he makes 
 "many promises but deceives*." And in the third "O 
 " Arian heresy, why insultest thou ? Why sendest thou forth 
 " such blasts ? Why engrossest thou for a time so largely ? 
 " Thy lady suffers insult from thee her servant, thou heapest 
 "many taunts upon her; yet though she grieve, the 
 **Holy CathoHc Spouse of Christ hath no great fear of 
 " theel" If we place the date of these Sermons in the last 
 twenty years of the fifth century we shall not be far from 
 the truth. And out of them we gather a form of Creed 
 agreeing with the last quoted from St Augustine in the 
 order of the final Articles, but giving some evidence that 
 the twelfth Article was becoming an independent clause. 
 The most complete form occurs in the first of the three 
 sermons, and reads thus : 
 
 (1)1 believe in God the Father Almighty. 
 
 (2) And in his Son Jesus Christ, 
 
 (3) Born of the Holy Ghost from the Virgin Mary. 
 
 (4) Crucified under Pontius Pilate and buried. 
 
 ^ See Robertson's Christian Chvrch, p. 391. 
 
 * Serm. i. xiii. § 24. Haereticus Arianus non insultet ecclesiai. 
 Lupus est, agnoscite; serpens est, ejus capita conquassate, Blanditur, 
 Bed fallit : multa promittit sed decipit. 
 
 3 Serm. in. xiii. 13. haeresis Ariana quid insultas ? quid exsufflas ? 
 quid etiam ad tempus multa usurpas ? Injuriam a te patitur domina ab 
 ancilla, multas ei ingeris contumelias ; licet baec doleat non te magno 
 metuit sponsa Cbristi Sancta Catbolioa. 
 
 I 
 
 (5) The third day he rose again from the dead. 
 
 (6) Was taken up into Heaven. 
 
 Sitteth at the right hand of the Father. 
 
 (7) Will come to judge the quick and dead. 
 
 (8) And in the Holy Ghost. 
 
 (10) The remission of all sins. 
 
 (11) In the resurrection of the flesh. 
 
 (12) In eternal life. 
 
 (9) The Holy Church \ 
 
 All the three Sermons speak most positively of the 
 order of the final clauses of the Creed. After the Article 
 on the Holy Ghost the first says : " Do not defraud him 
 " who has made thee, that thou raayest obtain from him 
 ** what comes next in the holy Symbol, Remission of all 
 ** sins'^;" and on the Church as the final Article, the third 
 says : " On this account the conclusion of this Sacrament 
 "is marked by *the Holy Church,' since if any be found 
 *' without her, he will be alien from the number of sons, 
 
 ^ PsEUDO-AuGDSTiNiAN Cbeed. Sevmo de Symbolo ad Catechumenosi 
 
 Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentera, et in Filium Ejus Jesum 
 Christum, natum de Spiritu Sancto ex Maria Virgine, crueifixum sub 
 Pontic Pilato et sepultum. Terti4 die a mortuis resurrexit, assumptus in 
 caelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris. Venturus vivos et mortuos judicare. 
 Et in Spiritum Sanctum, Eemissionem omnium peccatorum. In camis 
 resurrectionem, in vitam ajternam; Sanctam Ecclesiam. 
 
 It should be noticed that "assumptus" is explained by *'ascendit" 
 in the course of this sermon. 
 
 The Creed in the second sermon omits several words of the text in the 
 first, viz.: the preposition in Art. 11.; "de Spiritu Sancto" in iii.; adds 
 ** Dei "before "Patris" in vi.; omits "omnium" in x., the preposition 
 in XI.; reads "in vitd a)temd " in xii.; and omits "sanctam" in the 
 final clause. The words of the Creed cannot be gathered with any cer- 
 tainty from the third sermon, but, like the second, it omits " de Spiritu 
 Sancto" in iii. 
 
 * Serm. i. ix. 21. Noli injuriam facere illi qui fecit te, ut consequaris 
 ab illo, quod in isto Sancto Symbolo sequitur : remissionem omnium pec- 
 catonim. 
 
 U 11 
 
 I'll 
 
1G2 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 "• and will not have God for a Father, who would have the 
 " Church as a Mother, and it will avail him naught that 
 "he has believed or done so much good without the 
 " climax of the chief good'." And there are similar ex- 
 pressions in the other two. 
 
 Little need be said of the other variations, " was taken 
 " up" for " ascended," as the latter word occurs in the ex- 
 planation: or of "Remission of all sins," since the omis- 
 sion of the adjective in the second sermon makes it 
 doubtful whether it should be taken as a part of the 
 Article in the first. The addition however of " God" be- 
 fore " Father" in the sixth Article of the second form is 
 to be remarked as the first step towards the fuller ad- 
 dition, which brought that Article to its present form, 
 and this Creed is the first in which any part of that 
 addition is found. 
 
 It is also right to note a passage in the exposition 
 of the fifth Article in the third of these treatises, be- 
 cause it is the earliest trace which we find anywhere, 
 except in the Creed of Aquileia, of an extension of that 
 Article into the form it has now assumed. In a long com- 
 parison of Christ with the prophet Jonah, the writer 
 remarks: "The prophet was swallowed by the beast to 
 "be guarded, not to be eaten. Here listen to the voice 
 " of Christ himself speaking through holy David, * Thou 
 " ' wilt not leave my soul in hell, nor give thy Holy One 
 " ' to see corruption.' Holy Jonah in the belly of the sea 
 " monster prayed : in Hell Christ hy Ms descent aroused 
 "the dead'." A sentence which the Pseudo-Augustinian 
 1 Serm. iii. ad Jin. Propterea hujus conclusio Sacramenti per 
 Sanctam Ecclesiam tenninatur quoniam si quis absque ea inventus 
 fuent, alienus erit a numero fiHorum, nee habebit Deum Patrem, qui 
 Ecclesiam voluerit habere matrem: nihilque ei valebit quod credidit vel 
 fecit tanta bona sine fine summi boni. 
 
 » Serm. m. Susceptus est a bestia Propbeta custodiendus non come- 
 
 H IS TORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 UZ 
 
 discourse, which is next to be noticed, expands, as we shall 
 see, by a great development. 
 
 Among the works on the Creed wrongly assigned to St 
 Augustine is the sermon generally known as the 181st, "de 
 Tempore" Of this the Benedictine editors say, " It is a 
 "compilation from Rufinus, Caesarius, Gregory and Ivo 
 " Carnotensis, and contains also in disjointed sections the 
 "whole of the 242nd Sermon of St Augustine." Its 
 Creed is of a very late form, and to establish this point 
 we need do no more than quote one portion of the expo- 
 sition. In chap. VII. we find "He descended into hell that 
 " he might free Adam the firstmade man and the Patri- 
 "archs and Prophets, and all the just ones who were there 
 " detained for original sin, and recall them, acquitted from 
 " the bondage of sin, redeemed by his blood from the cap- 
 " tivity and the place of hell, to the heavenly country and 
 '' to the joys of everlasting life\" 
 
 There are further Six Sermons^ on the Creed among 
 the Pseudo-Augustinian works which call for a slight 
 notice. Of these the first three are evidently one dis- 
 course broken up into parts. The first section (now 
 called Sermon CCXXXVii.) treats of God the Father, the 
 next of the Son, and the third of the Holy Ghost ; which 
 last commences thus: " We are proceeding, most beloved 
 
 dendus. Audi hie ipsius vocem Christi per sanctum David : Non dere- 
 linques animam meam apud inferos nee dabis Sanctum tuum videre 
 corruptionem (Ps. xv. 10). In ventre bestiae marinas positus Jonas 
 sanctus oravit: in inferno Christus descendens mortuos suscitavit. 
 
 1 Serm. de Symholo (alias 181. Be Tempore), Migne xl. 1190. De- 
 scendit ad inferna ut Adam protoplastum et Patriarchas et Prophetas, 
 omnesque justos qui pro originali peccato ibidem detinebantur liberaret, 
 et ut de vinculis peccati, de eadem captivitate et inferni loco suo san- 
 guine redemptos ad supernam patriam et ad perpetuas vitae gaudia 
 revocaret. 
 
 * CCXXXVII. — CCXLII. 
 
 11—2 
 
164 
 
 mSTORT OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 " brethren, to complete with God's help the order of tho 
 " Creed, wherein are contained the Sacraments of all our 
 "Faith\" From a combination of the three we may 
 collect in substance the first eight Articles of Augustine's 
 Creed, though the exact language thereof does not occur. 
 The last four articles of that Creed have no place in 
 these sermons, nor is there any mention of the " descent 
 " into hell." 
 
 The next two sermons' not only give our present 
 form of the Apostles' Creed in full, but assign to each 
 Apostle an Article. The apportionment is however not the 
 same in both sermons, only five Articles (1, 3, 10, 11, 12) 
 being given to the same authors in the two works. The 
 first of these sermons says of the descent into hell : " He 
 " descended into hell, that is, in his soul accompanying his 
 " Divinity, his body however remaining in the tomb." The 
 second contains little or no comment on any of the Articles. 
 The last sermon' of the six gives at its outset the 
 Creed at full length, and this only differs from the form now 
 received in the eleventh Article, where it reads '^hujus 
 "camis resurrectionem," just as does the Creed of Aqui- 
 leia which Rufinus gives. There is nothing worthy of 
 observation in the explanation of the Articles, except 
 that in the recapitulation of them as they are separately 
 commented upon, the "Descendit ad infema" is omitted, 
 though in the comment on "Tertia die resurrexit," we 
 read: "The three days' delay in the grave evidently shews 
 " that while his body lay in the tomb, the soul triumphed 
 
 ^ Snmo ccxixii. Ordinem Symboli, fratres dilectiseimi, in quo 
 totms fidei nostra Sacramenta consistunt, nos, adjuvante Deo per- 
 severamus absolvere. ' 
 
 * cciL., ccxLi. (alias Be Symbolo, iv. and t.) 
 
 * ccxLu. (alias De Stjmbolo, vi.) 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 165 
 
 " over helP." The fact of the Creed being given in extenso 
 is of itself enough to prove that the last three treatises are 
 not writings of Augustine. Beside which all the six Ser- 
 mons last mentioned are much more brief than any of 
 that Father's discourses on the Creed, and differ from his 
 works in numerous parts of the explanations. 
 
 Before leaving the examination of the Symbols of the 
 Churches of Northern Africa, from whence, more than 
 from any other quarter, we can gather information of the 
 gradual increase of the Apostolic Creed, there seems to 
 be a proper opportunity for introducing the longer Creed 
 of Facundus Hermianensis, to which allusion has been 
 previously'* made. The value of this Creed in our enquiry 
 is that it can be proved to have existed side by side with 
 the shorter baptismal form before quoted. And what 
 was a fact at Hermiane may without violence be supposed 
 to have been so at Rome. 
 
 The Creed of Facundus is not left to us in full, but 
 enough of it is recorded to shew that it was in some respects 
 very like the Creeds of St Augustine. Its peculiarity 
 consists in the insertion of the word "one," after the 
 fashion of Eastern Symbols, in both the first and second 
 Articles. It is also expressed in the plural number. From 
 which we may see that the Creed of the first Council, which 
 was received into the African Code as Canon cxxxvii., 
 had, in some points', modified the Creeds of the African 
 Churches. 
 
 The following fragment is what is preserved to us of 
 this longer Symbol : 
 
 (1) We believe in one God the Father Almighty, 
 
 * Serm. ocxlii. Triduana sepulturae mora evidenter ostendit quod, 
 dum corpus in sepulcro jacuit, anima ilia de infemis triumphavit. 
 
 8 See p. 121. 3 On this see Ffoulkes on the Athan. Creed, p. 141. 
 
»>«■• 
 
 166 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 (2) And in one Lord Jesus Christ His Son, 
 
 (3) Bom of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary ; 
 
 (4) Who was crucified under Pontius Pilate and 
 buried ; 
 
 (5) The third day he arose from the dead. 
 
 (6) He ascended into heaven, sitteth at the right 
 hand of the Father, 
 
 (7) Whence he will come to judge the quick and the 
 dead ^ : and so forth. 
 
 The next additions to the Apostolic Symbol which 
 are to be noticed occur in a Creed of which the date 
 unfortunately cannot be accurately determined. It is 
 gathered from two Sermons usually ascribed to Euse- 
 bius, distinguished as Gallus or Gallicanus. Oudinus 
 however assigns'* them to Faustus Rhegiensis, who died 
 at the close of the fifth century. The character of the 
 additions seems to favour a later date than this, and 
 the work may perhaps with greater probability be as- 
 signed to about A.D. 550. The most noticeable portion 
 of the enlargement occurs in the ninth Article, where for 
 the first time we find "The Communion of Saints" in- 
 troduced, and also that " Catholic" has become an esta- 
 blished part of the text of the same Article. We have 
 noticed this latter addition in two previous forms, those of 
 Chrysologus and Nicetas. In the former the word was 
 very doubtful, as although it is found in the text of one 
 
 1 Longer Creed of Facundus Hermianensis. Fac. Hem. Ep. Fid, 
 Oath, in defens, tnum Capitul. (Migne, lxvii. 870.) 
 
 Credimus in unum Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, et in unum Domi- 
 niun Jeeum Christum, fiUum Ejus, natum ex Spiritu Sancto et Maria 
 Virgine : qui sub. Pontic Pilato crucifixus est et sepultus, tertid die sur- 
 rexit a mortuis, ascendit in coelum, scdet ad dexteram Patris, unde Ten- 
 turns est judicare vivos et mortuos : et reliqua. 
 
 * Comment, de Scnptor. Eccl, Antiquis, i. 389 seqq. 
 
 BISTORT OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 167 
 
 of the six sermons which the Archbishop of Ravenna has 
 left on this subject, there is no notice of it in the com- 
 ment, nor is it mentioned in any of the other five, the 
 great similarity among which inclines us to believe that 
 the word, in the one sermon in which it is found, must 
 be considered an interpolation. In Nicetas the occurrence 
 of the epithet is undoubted. 
 
 This Eusebian Creed also adds to the third Article the 
 words ''who was conceived." This addition has been 
 noticed in one of the Pseudo-Augustinian forms, but no 
 certain date can be assigned to the sermon in which it 
 occurs. The sixth Article is enlarged in the Creed of 
 Eusebius to the form in which we now use it. The latter 
 clause therein, which has been hitherto " Sitteth at the 
 " right hand of the Father," is altered to " Sitteth at the 
 " right hand of God the Father Almighty," apparently to 
 bring the expression into conformity with the epithets 
 used of the first Person of the Trinity in the first Article. 
 There is also an omission of the word "only" in Article ii., 
 and also of the familiar clause in Article iv., *' sufiered 
 •• under Pontius Pilate." 
 
 This Eusebian Creed is therefore of the following form : 
 
 (1) I believe in God the Father Almighty; 
 
 (2) And in Jesus Christ His Son our Lord, 
 
 (3) Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of 
 the Virgin Mary, 
 
 (4) Was crucified dead and buried ; 
 
 (5) The third day he rose again, 
 
 (6) Ascended into heaven : sitteth at the right hand 
 of God the Father Almighty. 
 
 (7) From thence he shall come to judge the quick 
 and the dead. 
 
 (8) I believe in the Holy Ghost : 
 
168 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 1G9 
 
 :\ 
 
 (9) The Holy Catholic Church, the Communion of 
 Saints : 
 
 (10) The forgiveness of Sins : 
 
 (11) The resurrection of the body : 
 
 (12) Life everlasting\ 
 
 The date which has been assigned to this Eusebian 
 Creed is nearly the same with that of Venantius Fortu- 
 natus, to whom allusion has been made before. He was 
 a native of the north of Italy, but about A. D. 560 went 
 into France, was ordained, and eventually became Bishop 
 of Poictiers. His literary labours took the direction of 
 the Creeds, and there are found among the works ascribed 
 to him commentaries on both the Apostolic and Atha- 
 nasian Creeds. The latter work is most probably not his 
 composition, and the former is, as we have said, a compen- 
 dium of the larger work of Kufinus. From it the following 
 form can be extracted, and has certain peculiarities which 
 make it worthy of notice. 
 
 (1) I believe in God the Father Almighty, 
 
 And in Jesus Christ his only Son, 
 
 Who was born of the Holy Ghost from the Virgin 
 
 (2) 
 
 (3) 
 Mary, 
 
 (4) 
 
 (5) 
 
 (6) 
 
 Crucified under Pontius Pilate, 
 Descended in hell, rose again the third day, 
 Ascended into heaven, sitteth at the right hand 
 
 t)f the Father, 
 
 1 Creed ascribed to Eusebius Gallits (550 a.d. ?). Enseb. Gall 
 Serm. {Bibl. Fair. Colon. Tom. v. pt. 3, p. 554. quoted in Heiirtley, p. 59) 
 Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, et in FiUnm Ejus, Jesum 
 Chnstum, qui conceptu8 est de Spiritu Sancto, natus ex Maria Virgine 
 crucifixus, mortnns et sepultns ; tertia die resurrexit, ascendit ad coelos, 
 »edet ad dexteram Dei Patris omnipotentis, inde ventnrus judicare vivos 
 et mortnos. Credo in Spiritum Sanctum, Sanctam Ecclesiam CathoHcam. 
 Sanctorum communionem, remissionem peccatorum, camis resurrec 
 tionem, vitam aetemam. 
 
 *(7) Will judge both quick and dead. 
 
 (8) I believe in the Holy Ghost, 
 
 (9) Holy Church, 
 
 (10) Remission of Sins, 
 
 (11) Resurrection of the body \ 
 
 It bears traces of being drawn from Rufinus, for, like 
 his Creed, it has the clause, " he descended into hell," as 
 part of Article v., and also follows his text in writing in 
 Article viii., In Spiritu sancto. No doubt also the shorter 
 form of Articles ii., IV., and vil., is owing to the earlier 
 source from which it was drawn by Venantius. The 
 twelfth Article of the Aquileian Creed is omitted as being 
 peculiar rather to Eastern than Western Symbols. 
 
 The Oriental influence which produced the variations 
 lately noticed in the longer Creed of Facundus of Her- 
 miane, was not of such force as to cause them to be 
 lasting. But a similar influence, which doubtless had 
 existed in Gaul from the time of St Irenseus, was suffi- 
 ciently powerful to introduce in the seventh century the 
 last variation which we have to notice in the words of the 
 Apostolical Symbol. This is the addition of the words, 
 " Maker of Heaven and Earth," to the first Article. This 
 clause, as has been shewn, was of very early introduction 
 into Eastern Creeds, to oppose the peculiar views enter- 
 tained by Oriental philosophers on the innate corruption 
 of matter. No doubt the phrase was inserted in the 
 Western Creed to bring the two sections of the Christian 
 
 ^ Cbeed or Venantius Fobtunatus a.d. 570. 
 
 Venant. Fort. (Expos. Symb.) Migne (lxxxviii. 345 seq.). Credo in 
 Deum Patrem Omnipotentem, et in Jesum Christum unicum Filium, qui 
 natus est de Spiritu Sancto ex Maria Virgine : crucifixus sub Pontio Pilato 
 descendit ad infernum : tertia die resurrexit, ascendit in ooelum, sedet ad 
 dexteram Patris : judicaturus vivos et mortuos. Credo in Sancto Spiritu, 
 Sanctam Ecclesiam, remissionem peccatorum, resurrectionem carnis. 
 
/ 
 
 170 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 world into greater outward accord in their forms of con- 
 fession. We find it first in a Sacramentary quoted by 
 Mabillon*. 
 
 But though the form in which it occurs gives us for the 
 first time these words which complete the composition of 
 the Apostles' Creed as now received, in its second Article 
 this Gallic Symbol difl:ers considerably both by addition 
 and omission from our present Creed. Its words are : 
 
 (1) I believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of 
 Heaven and Earth. 
 
 (2) I believe in Jesus Christ his only-begotten eternal 
 Son, 
 
 (3) Conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin 
 Mary, 
 
 (4) Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead 
 and buried, 
 
 (5) Descended iuto hell, rose again the third day 
 from the dead, 
 
 (6) Ascended into heaven, sat at the right hand of 
 God the Father Almighty. 
 
 (7) From thence he shall come to judge the quick 
 and the dead ; 
 
 (8) I believe in the Holy Ghost, 
 
 (9) The Holy Catholic Church, the Communion of 
 
 171 
 
 Saints, 
 (10) 
 
 (11) 
 
 (12) 
 
 The forgiveness of sins. 
 
 The resurrection of the body, 
 
 Life everlasting*. 
 
 ^ Mabillon, Museum Italicum, Tom. i. pt. 2. p. 312. 
 
 » Creed of the Sacramentarium Gallicanum, a.d. 650. (Codex Bobien- 
 818, MabiUon, ut supra). Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem Crea- 
 torem caeli et terraB : Credo in Jesum Christum FiUum Ejus unigenitum 
 sempitemum: conceptum de Spiritu Sancto natum ex Maria Virgine- 
 passnm sub Pontio PUato crucifixum, mortuum et sepultum : descendit 
 
 It will be observed from the above Symbol that the 
 descent into hell has been by this time incorporated into 
 the Western Creed. Hitherto we have only seen it in 
 two Creeds, that of Aquileia and the form which Fortu- 
 natus derived from it. Henceforth the clause is always 
 found as a constituent portion of the fifth Article. 
 
 We have thus passed in review a series of Creeds of 
 the Western Church, and have found, partly in one and 
 partly in another, each clause of the Apostolic Creed as at 
 present received. We have however to advance a century 
 farther before we find a form which in its entirety coin- 
 cides with what we now use. The exact words first occur in 
 the Creed given by Pirminius', a bishop who laboured in 
 France and Germany about the middle of the eighth cen- 
 tury. This date, A. D. 7oO, may therefore be assigned 
 to the first appearance of the Apostolic Creed in its pre- 
 sent forml It is set forth by Pirminius as used in- the 
 
 ad infema : tertia die resurrexit a mortuis ; ascendit ad coelos : sedit ad 
 dexteram Dei Patris Omnipotentis : Inde venturus judicare vivos et mor- 
 tuos. Credo in Spiritum Sanctum, Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam, 
 Sanctorum communionem, remissionem peccatorum, camis resurrec- 
 tionem, vitam sBtemam. 
 
 A precisely similar Creed is published by Mabillon, De Liturgia 
 Gallicana, p. 339, drawn from a Sacramentary of the eighth century. It 
 seems therefore to have been a prevailing form at that time in the 
 Gallican church. 
 
 ^ The work of Pirminius in which the Creed occurs is entitled •' Li- 
 bellus Pirminii de singulis libris Canonicis, Scarapsus." The last word 
 has been variously explained. Fabricius interprets it by "collectus** 
 vhoc est •' ex universo codice collectus." Dr Heurtley suggests that it is a 
 misreading for " scriptus." The former of these explanations is probably 
 correct. Scara is the mediaeval Latin word for a troop, and scaro is said to 
 mean " to enrol." It is probably a Latinized form of the German schaar, 
 and hence the word in Pirminius' title may be derived in the sense of 
 a gathering or collection, 
 
 « A copy to which an earlier date has been assigned by some au- 
 thorities occurs in the Utrecht Psalter. This MS. is assigned by Sir 
 

 172 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 Baptismal Service. The complete text is given below \ 
 but it is unnecessary to give the Creed in an English ver- 
 sion. It is worthy of notice that the Creed of Pirminius 
 is given in his work first with the name of an apostle 
 assigned to each Article, exactly as is the case in the two 
 sermons falsely ascribed to St Augustine [CCXL. CCXLI.]', 
 in which alone among the pseudo-Augustinian writings 
 the full Creed occurs. This observation may help to guide 
 us to the probable date of such spurious writings. 
 
 From our examination it appears that in the Western 
 Church the Creed used for the first 250 years of the Chris- 
 tian era was of a very short and simple form, and that such 
 primitive brief forms continued to be employed in many 
 churches at Baptism, even when a longer form had come 
 into use for the purposes of catechizing and instruction. 
 It was in the two hundred years extending from A.D. 250 
 to A.D. 450 that the Apostolic Creed received its greatest 
 additions, and these are found almost contemporaneously 
 in the Creeds of Rome, of all the Churches of Northern 
 
 Thomas D. Hardy io the sixth century, while others place it two 
 centuries later. The dispute is so technical, and the date as yet so little 
 certain, that it would be premature to make use of this Psalter as evidence 
 of an earlier date of the complete Apostolic Creed than that of Pirminius, 
 and it is very strange if this Psalter be of the sixth century that we find 
 nowhere else before Pirminius the full Apostolic Creed. 
 
 » Creed of Pibminius a.d. 750. Pirminii Scarapsus, Migne (lxxxix. 
 1035). Credo in Deum Patrem Omnipotentem Creatorem caeli et terra ; et 
 in Jesum Christum Filium Ejus unicum, Dominum nostrum, qui conceptus 
 est de Spiritu Sancto, natus ex Maria Virgine, passus sub Pontio Pilato, 
 cmcifixus mortuus et sepultus ; descendit ad infema, Tertia die resurrexit 
 a mortuis, ascendit ad ccelos, Sedit ad dexteram Dei Patris Omnipotentis ; 
 inde venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos. Credo in Spiritum Sanctum, 
 Sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam Sanctorum Communionem, Remissionem 
 peccatorum, Carnis resurrectionem, Vitam aetemam. 
 
 » Pirminius however gives two Articles (vi. and xii.) to St Thomas, 
 and omits the name of St Matthias. 
 
 II IS TORY OF THE CREEDS. 173 
 
 Italy, and in the north of Africa. The frequent com- 
 munication between these Churches will account for 
 this simultaneous development; and there is very little 
 doubt that the largest portion of the additions of this 
 period had their origin in the African Church, and were 
 due to the great influence and the catechetical labours 
 of St Augustine. It was not for three hundred years or 
 more after his death that the Creed was expanded to its 
 full dimensions, and the last clauses added thereto were 
 on "the Descent into Hell," "the Communion of Saints" 
 and finally the addition of the words " Maker of heaven 
 "and earth" to the first Article'. 
 
 The cause of these several expansions was not the 
 same which led to the extension of the Nicene Creed in 
 the Oriental Church. It was not against heretical opinions 
 that the clauses were enlarged. The only sentence in a 
 Western Creed that was inserted as a safeguard against 
 heresy soon died away even from the Creed of the Church 
 which employed it. This was the "invisible and impasm- 
 ble of the Aquileian Symbol, which was never widely 
 adopted, and which soon fell out of use in Aquileia. This 
 is very strong testimony to the truth of those statements on 
 which Western writers lay such stress, that tho Western 
 Church was free from the taint of heresy for a lone 
 period. ° 
 
 Though the Creed has boon found in tho precise form 
 we now have it. it would be a mistake t„ suppo.so that it 
 was of general acceptance at the <lftto of PirminiuK. Even 
 down to the fiftoonth century variations of the language 
 are to be found. These occur for the most part in tho 
 last four Articles, though there in a notable change in some 
 
 > A tabnlated list of tbo varlou. Hadition. !, given in U,„ Appendix 
 
 to this Chapter. 
 
174 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 
 Creeds in Article v. There, from some development of doc- 
 trine, -'descendit ad inferna" became in many instances "de- 
 scendit ad inferos." It is not easy to trace the commence- 
 ment of the change, but it occurs in Creeds of the ninth 
 century*. The uncertainty of the language of the conclud- 
 ing articles may be seen in a Spanish Creed of Etherius, 
 Bishop of Osma A. D. 785, where, beside other alterations 
 in the earlier Articles, "the communion of saints" is omitted 
 entirely'. This sentence is also absent from the Creed in 
 the famous Psalter of king Athelstan which is preserved 
 in the British Museum. This is a MS. of the ninth cen- 
 tury, according to the opinion of the late Sir Frederick 
 Madden, and it not only omits the sentence in question, 
 but also the second clause of Article I. and the first clause 
 of Article v. on the Descent into Hell, as likewise the 
 twelfth Article entirely. It is curious also as being a 
 Greek Version of the Western Creed'. 
 
 In a MS. in the British Museum (Royal Library. 2. A. 
 XX.), said to be of the eighth century, a Latin Creed is 
 found, which, like the last-mentioned, wants the latter 
 clause of Article I. It also reads, as do some early Creeds, 
 in Art. III. " q^n natits est de Sptritu Sancto et Maria 
 Virgine." In Art. IV. it omits both passim and mortuiis ; 
 in V. it omits descendit ad inferna, inserts Dei but omits 
 omnipotentis in Art. VI. It also omits Article XII., and 
 has no mention of the " Communion of Saints." Except 
 in the omission of the twelfth Article this form coincides 
 very closely with the Creed of Chrysologus. 
 
 In the Jiitiiale Ecclesice Dunelmensis, which has been 
 
 > See the Lambeth Psalter quoted by Dr Heurtley, Harm. Symb. p. 89, 
 where the English Version is he nither astah to hel-warum, that is " to 
 the inhabitants of hell." 
 
 « See Heurtley, Harm. Sytnb. p. 73. » Heurtley, p. 79. 
 
 f 
 
 mSTORY OF THE CREEDS. 173 
 
 published by the Surtees Society, and which is believed 
 . to be of the date A.D. 1000, the Creed is twice' introduced 
 but only the first and last sentences are given In both 
 cases the final clause is "in vitam ^temam," shewin.. that 
 this sentence constituted a portion of Article xi. and was 
 not a separate Article. A similar peculiarity is found in an 
 Jingbsh Creed of the fifteenth century which Dr Heurtlev 
 
 .• r.' , , o'^"^ '^"*^'' ''''° l"*'*^''' ^""'^ Maskell a series 
 ot Jinghsh Symbols in which the sentence on the Church 
 stands variously thus: "And on holi Chirche," "And holy 
 
 of hooh Chirche,' and simply " Holy Chirche." These 
 forms wh.ch are of dates from the thirteenth to the fif- 
 teenth century, shew that the word ' Catholic' had not even 
 »t that time attamed an assured place in the Symbols of 
 the English Church*. 
 
 It only remains to gather together such notices a^ we 
 can find of the introduction of the Apostolic Creed into the 
 daily services of the Church. On this point however there 
 ^ little that can be advanced with any degree of certainty. 
 Mr Ffoulkes^ has shewn that in a Vatican MS. of the Jts 
 of the synod of Aquis-Grani, A.D. 816, there is a provision 
 made for the use, in secret only, at prime, of the Credo in 
 Deum. He has also pointed out that in the "Regula 
 "Canonicorum;' put forth about fifty years before that time 
 by Chrodegand, bishop of Metz, there is no mention of 
 
 # 
 
 ^ Rit. Eccl. Dun. Surtees Soc. pp. 166, 181. 
 
 2 Heurtley, p. 99. 
 
 » Heurtley, pp. 94, 95, 96, 98, 99. 
 
 ♦ In the Creed which occurs at the end of ^Ifric's Homilies a t. in^n 
 the word ''Catholic" is omitted, the text merely f^^";^^^^^^^^^^ 
 gela«unge " the Holy Church. Homilies, by Thorpe, „. p.'596 ' 
 
 " On tlie Athanasian Creed, p. 181. 
 
1 
 
 
 (I 
 
 176 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 the use of the "Credo." It would seem therefore that 
 about the date mentioned there must have taken place the 
 introduction of the Apostolic Symbol into other parts of 
 the Service beside the Baptismal Office. 
 
 Among the various treatises extant "De divinis 
 ^'Cfficiis," the first in which such use of the Creed is 
 noticed is that by Amalarius, deacon of Metz. In treating 
 of the Office of Prime he says, "After the Lord's prayer 
 " there follows our Belief which the holy Apostles drew 
 " up, concerning the faith of the Holy Trinity, and the 
 ** dispensation of our Lord's incarnation, and the state of 
 ** our Church \" The date of Amalarius corresponds ex- 
 actly^ with that of the council of Aquis-Grani, and there 
 can be little doubt that the provision there enacted 
 almost immediately became the rule of a great part of the 
 Western Church. At what time the use of the Creed 
 was extended, and when it became a part of other services 
 than prime, is not easy to discover. Its introduction even 
 there was first made in the dominions of Charlemagne, 
 and through the council in which his influence was so 
 weighty. 
 
 As we have seen what Imperial influence could do in 
 bringing about the acceptance at Kome of the "Filioque'' 
 clause of the Nicene Creed, it is not improbable that a 
 like influence led Papal power to admit the Apostolic 
 Creed into the same place in the Roman office which had 
 been assigned to it at Aquis-Grani. 
 
 This period was marked by a very great efibrt on the 
 
 ^ Amalarins Fortunatus, Be Eccl. Off. rr. 2. Post oration em Domi- 
 nicam sequitur nostra credulitas, quam sancti Apostoli constituerunt de 
 fide Sanctse Trinitatis atqne dispensatione incarnationis Domini ac statu 
 nostrsB ecclesisB. 
 
 * He was alive a.d. 840, but did not live long afterwards, though the 
 exact date of his death is unknown. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 177 
 
 part of the Eoman Church for uniformity*, and the Roman 
 service-books were everywhere encouraged in the place of 
 the Galilean. This attempt is stated not to have been 
 successful in Spain till the eleventh century, nor in Ireland 
 till the twelfth. And as regards the Psalter, the Gallican 
 rather than the Roman ultimately became of general 
 acceptance. The steps by which it was brought about 
 are not to be traced, but the regulation initiated by 
 Charlemagne became the usage of the West. The extent 
 of his empire had much to do with bringing about its 
 universal adoption. 
 
 Tliere is no record of the exact language of the Creed 
 introduced at Aquis-Grani, but it is evident that the words 
 of the Apostclic Symbol had not arrived even in Italy at 
 a state of fixity before A.D. 960. At that time Ratherius, 
 Bishop of Verona, wrote instructions to the Clergy of his 
 diocese, and therein makes mention of all the three Creeds. 
 In mentioning the Apostles' Creed he enjoins that it shall 
 be learnt " according to the corrected Psalters'." So that 
 the time of mutation was not altogether ended even in 
 the tenth centuiy. As the corrected Psalters made their 
 way into general use the words of the Creed became 
 settled, and one and the same type has in this way been 
 spread throughout the whole of the Western Church. 
 
 1 Mabillon, de Liturg. Gallic, i. 3. 
 
 ^ Sicut in Psalteriis correctis invenitur. Katherii Epist. quoted by 
 Waterland on the Athanasian Creed, chap. ii. under the date, a.d. 960. 
 See Prof. Swainson on the formation of the Athanasian Creed, p. 70. 
 
 12 
 
178 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS, 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. 
 
 I. Note referred to on page 130. 
 
 Mr Ffoulkes in his opposition to the commentary of 
 Rufinus makes a great point of the addition said to have 
 been made to the first article of the Creed by the Church 
 of Aquileia. He writes thus (p. 38), " The first article of 
 *' the same Creed is in this Exposition stated expressly to 
 *' have been ' I believe in God the Father Almighty, in- 
 ^'^ visible and impassible! these two last words we are 
 *'told having been added to it in consequence of the 
 "heresy of Sabellius, known to our people— by the Aqui- 
 " leians, that is— as the Patripassian/' With the infer- 
 ences drawn from this passage w^e are not concerned, but 
 the ^ statement contained in it receives the strongest 
 possible confirmation from a sermon on the Creed by St 
 Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, who was likely to know 
 whether such an addition to the first article of the Creed 
 had been made in any of the churches of Northern Italy, 
 and also to understand the reason why such addition had 
 been made. The sermon is given in Caspari's Quellen 
 zur Geschichte des Taufsymbols, Pt. 2, pp. 50 seqq., and is 
 called Explanatio Symboli ad initiandos. In treating 
 on th£ first Article of the Creed the Bishop says, " Patri- 
 " passiani cum emersissent putaverunt etiam Catholici in 
 *' hac parte addendum invisibilem et impassibilem, quia 
 "filius Dei visibilis et passibilis fuerit." This sentence 
 confirms to the full the statement made by Rufinus, and 
 shows, on the authority of a writer slightly anterior to 
 Rufinus, but so nearly contemporary as to be a most trust- 
 worthy witness in this matter, that this addition was made 
 at this time to Syml)ols in the Churches of the North of 
 Italy, and that the reason for it was that which Rufinus 
 has alleged. St Ambrose died A.D. 397, Rufinus a.d. 410. 
 The entire sermon in Caspari is worth perusal. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 179 
 
 From the two extracts following it will be seen in 
 what form the Creed is found in the writings of St 
 Augustine. 
 
 ir. 
 
 Augustinus, De Genesi ad Literam (imperfectus liber). 
 
 {Migne, xxxiv. 219). 
 
 De obscuris naturalium rerum quae omnipotente Deo 
 artifice facta sentimus, non affirmando, sed quserendo 
 tractandum est; in Libris maxime quod nobis divina com- 
 mendat auctoritas, in quibus temeritas asserendse incertse 
 dubiaeque opinionis, difficile sacrilegii crimen evitat : ea 
 tamen quferendi dubitatio catholicae fidei metas non debet 
 excedere. Et quoniam multi hceretici ad suam sententiam, 
 quae praeter fidera est catholicae disciplinae, expositionem 
 Scripturarum divinarum trahere consueverunt ; ante trac- 
 tationem hujus libri catholica fides breviter explicanda 
 est. 
 
 Est autem base : Beum Patrem omnipotentem univer- 
 sam creaturam fecisse atque constituisse per Filium suum 
 unigenitum, id est Sapientiam et Virtutem suam consub • 
 stantia-lem sibi et coaeternam, in unitate Spiritus Sancti, 
 et ipsius consubstantialis et coaetemi. Hanc ergo Trini- 
 tatem dici unum Deum, eumque fecisse et creasse omnia 
 quae sunt, in quantum sunt, catholica disciplina credi 
 jubet ; ita ut creatura omnis sive intellectualis sive cor- 
 poralis, vel quod brevius dici potest secundum verba divi- 
 narum Scripturarum, sive invisibilis sive visibilis, non de 
 Dei natura, sed a Deo sit facta de nihilo : nihilque in ea 
 esse quod ad Trinitatem pertineat, nisi quod Trinitas con- 
 didit, ista condita est. Quapropter creaturam universam 
 neque consubstantialem Deo, neque coaeternam fas est 
 dicere aut credere. Ecce autem omnia qufe fecit Deus, 
 bona valde : mala vero non esse naturalia ; sed omne quod 
 dicitur malum, aut peccatum esse, aut poenam peccati. 
 Nee esse peccatum nisi pravum liberae voluntatis assensum, 
 cum inclinamur ad ea quas justitia vetat, et unde liberum 
 
 12—2 
 
180 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 est abstinere ; id est, non in rebus istis, sed in usu earum 
 non leodtimo. Usus autem rerum est legitimus, ut anima 
 in lege'Dei maneat, et uni Deo plenissir^a dilec'tione sub- 
 jecta sit, et caetera sibi subjecta sine cupiditate aiit libidine 
 ministret, id est secundum prseceptum Dei. Ita enini 
 sine difficultate et miseria, et cum summa facilitate et 
 beatitudine administrabit. Pcena vero peccati est, cum 
 ipsis creaturis non sibi servientibus cruciatur anima, cum 
 Deo ipsa non servit : quae creatura illi obtemperabat, cum 
 ipsa obtemperabat Deo. Itaque non esse ignem malum, 
 quia creatura Dei est; sed tamen uri eo imbecillitatem 
 nostram ex merito peccati. Dici autem peccata naturalia, 
 quae necesse est committi ante misericordiam Dei, post- 
 quam in banc vitam per peccatum liberi arbitrii lapsi 
 sumus. 
 
 Kenovari autem bominem per Jesum Christum Domi- 
 num nostrurriy cum ipsa ineffabilis ac incommutabilis Dei 
 ISapientia plenum totumque hominem suscipere dignata 
 est, et nasci de Spiritu sancto et virgine Maria ; crucifigi, 
 sepeliriy et resurgere, et ascender e in ccelum, quod jam fac- 
 tum est ; et venire ad judicandos vivos et mortuos in fine 
 saeculi, et resurrectionem mortuorum in carne quod adhuc 
 futurum prsedicatur. Datum esse Spiritum Sanctum cre- 
 dentibus in eum. Constitutam ab illo matrem Ecclesiam, 
 quae Catholica dicitur, ex eo quia universaliter perfecta 
 est, et in nullo claudicat, et per totum orbem diffusa est. 
 jRemissa esse poenitentibus priora peccata, et vitam ceter- 
 nam ca4orumque rcgnurn promissum. 
 
 III. 
 
 Augustinus, Enchiridion de Fide Spe et Charitate. 
 
 {Migne, XL. 238 seqq.) 
 
 Cliap. XXXIV. Quis enim hoc solum congruentibus 
 explicet verbis, quod " Verbum caro factum est et habi- 
 "tavit in nobis" (Joan, i .14) ut crederemus in Dei Patris 
 Omnipotentis unicum Filium natum de Spiritu Sancto et 
 Maria Virgine f 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 181 
 
 Chap. XXXVII. Jesus Cbristus Filius Dei unigenitus, 
 id est, unicus. 
 
 Chap. Liil. Quidquid igitur gestum est in cruce Christi 
 in sepultura, in resurrectione tertio die, in ascensions in 
 ccelum, in sede ad dexteram Patris; ita gestum est, ut his 
 rebus non mystice tantum dictis, sed etiam gestis confi- 
 guraretur vita Christiana qua3 hie geritur. 
 
 Chap. Liv. Jam vero quod de Christo confitemur fu- 
 turum, quoniam de crnlo ventiirus est vivos judicaturus ac 
 mortuos, non pertinet ad vitam nostram qua) hie geritur. 
 
 Chap. LVi. Cum autem de Jesu Christo.... dixerimus 
 adjungimus sic credere nos et in Spiritum Sanctum, ut ilia 
 Trinitas compleatur, quae Deus est: deinde sancta com- 
 
 memoratur Ecclesia Rectus itaque Confessionis ordo 
 
 poscebat ut Trinitati subjungeretur Ecclesia tanquam ha- 
 bitatori domus sua, et Deo templum suum, et conditori 
 
 civitas sua. 
 
 Chap. LXIV. Ideo post commemorationem SanctJB 
 Ecclesiae in ordine Confessionis ponitur remissio pecca- 
 
 torum. 
 
 Chap. Lxxxiv. Jam vero de resurrectione carnis, 
 non sicut quidam revixerunt iterumque sunt mortui sed 
 in ceternam vitam, sicut Christi ipsius caro resurrexit, 
 quemadmodum possim breviter disputare, et omnibus 
 quaestionibus quae de hac re moveri assolent satisfacere, 
 non invenio. 
 
182 
 
 IV. 
 
 Table shewing the gradual formation of the Apostolic Creed, 
 
 , ., Tlie first occurrence of any word or phrase is marked by Capitals. 
 A perfectly blank space in the Table indicates that the portion of the article under which 
 It occurs had not at that time come into use. The mark „ intimates that the article 
 at that date agrees with the words ranged next above. 
 
 ULTIMATE 
 
 TEXT 
 
 oftheWesten 
 
 CSESD. 
 
 
 Art. 1. 
 
 
 
 2. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 In Deum 
 Putrem 
 
 Omnipo- 
 tentem 
 
 Creatorem 
 
 coeli et 
 
 teriw 
 
 Etin 
 
 Jeisura 
 
 Christum 
 
 Filium 
 
 ejus 
 Uuicum 
 
 Dominum 
 nostrum 
 
 -^ 
 
 Pirminius, 
 A.P. 750. 
 
 
 I. 
 
 St Cyprian. 
 A.P. 250. 
 
 IIT 
 
 DEUM 
 PAT£EM 
 
 • 
 
 i 
 
 CHSISTUM 
 
 FILIUM 
 
 
 m 
 
 II. 
 
 Kovatian. 
 A.D. 260. 
 
 M 
 
 Dominura 
 
 OMNIPO- 
 TENTEM 
 
 i 
 
 In 
 
 Christum 
 
 JESUM 
 
 filium 
 Del 
 
 •< 
 
 DOMINUM 
 
 Deum 
 
 N08TKUM 
 
 
 III. 
 
 Marcel 1 us. 
 A.1>. 341. 
 
 CIS 6fbv 
 
 wavro- 
 KpaTopa 
 
 
 «ic Xpttrrov 
 
 Tov viov 
 avTov rbv 
 fiovoytyrj 
 
 TOf KvplOV 
 
 r,fit2v 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 Butinus. 
 A.D. 390. 
 Aquileia. 
 
 In Beum 
 Patrem 
 
 omnipo- 
 tentum 
 
 invisibilem 
 
 et 
 
 imnassi- 
 
 bilem 
 
 et in 
 
 Jesum 
 
 Christum 
 
 UNICUM 
 
 filiuin 
 EJUS 
 
 Dominum 
 nostrum 
 
 ■ 
 
 V. 
 
 Bufinus. 
 Eome. 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 
 *t 
 
 *i 
 
 m 
 
 
 vr. 
 
 St Augustine. 
 A.I>. 400. 
 
 •f 
 
 »» 
 
 
 
 It 
 
 also 
 
 [unigeni- 
 
 tum] 
 
 M 
 
 
 Til. 
 
 St Nicetaa. 
 A.D. 450. 
 
 it 
 
 >* 
 
 
 t» 
 
 filium 
 ejus 
 
 
 
 Till. 
 
 Eusebius 
 
 (ji alius. 
 
 A.D. 550 (?). 
 
 ** 
 
 M 
 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 
 IX. 
 
 Sacramenta- 
 
 rium Galli- 
 
 canum. 
 
 A.D. 650. 
 
 »» 
 
 » 
 
 REATOEEM 
 CiELI ET 
 
 I 
 
 filium ejus 
 
 migpnituin 
 
 sempi- 
 
 ternum 
 
 »t 
 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 183 
 
 Credo 
 
 
 8. 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 A. 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 Qui 
 
 Conceptus 
 est 
 
 De Spiritu 
 Sancto 
 
 Natus 
 
 1 
 
 Ex Maria 
 Virgine 
 
 Passus 
 
 Sub 
 
 Pontio 
 
 Pilato 
 
 Cruci- 
 fixus 
 
 Mortuus 
 
 Et 
 
 Sepultus 
 
 « 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 tK nrevjutaTOS 
 
 Qivra. 
 
 KoX MapCas 
 irapdevov 
 
 
 TOi' ejrt 
 Iloi'Tiov 
 
 IIlAoTOU 
 
 arravpu' 
 
 Qivra 
 
 
 ra(f>€VTa 
 
 QUI 
 
 DB SPIRITU 
 BANCTO 
 
 NATUS 
 
 est 
 
 EX MAEIA 
 VIEGINE 
 
 
 SUB 
 PONTIO 
 PILATO 
 
 CRUCI- 
 
 FIXU8 
 
 
 ET 
 SEPUL- 
 TUS 
 
 n 
 
 >> 
 
 tf 
 
 II 
 
 
 ••» 
 
 M 
 
 
 It 
 
 ft 
 
 »t 
 
 also 
 
 [per. Sp. 
 
 San.] 
 
 tt 
 
 »< 
 
 also 
 
 [et] 
 
 PASSUS 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 t« 
 
 M 
 
 Ex Spiritu 
 Sancto 
 
 •I 
 
 Et Virgine 
 Maria 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 Qui 
 
 CONCEPTUS 
 EST 
 
 De Spiritu 
 Sancto 
 
 It 
 
 Ex Maria 
 Virgine 
 
 
 t 
 
 
 MOETUUS 
 
 et 
 sepultus 
 
 M 
 
 It 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 II 
 
 (1 
 
 It 
 
 ft 
 
 »i 
 
184 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 185 
 
 
 
 
 Art. 5. 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bescendit 
 
 ad 
 
 inferna 
 
 Tertia 
 die 
 
 Eesur- 
 rexit 
 
 a 
 
 mortuis 
 
 1 r 
 
 Ascendit 
 
 ad 
 
 coeios 
 
 Sedet 
 
 ad 
 
 dexteram 
 
 Dei 
 
 Patris 
 
 Omnipo- 
 tentis 
 
 
 I. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II. 
 
 
 !*■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 III. 
 
 
 Tj; TptTn 
 IMVf 
 
 ava- 
 tnavra 
 
 ex Tuiv 
 
 VMKfMV 
 
 dvaPavra 
 
 «? TOU? 
 
 ovpavovi 
 
 Ka9r\tx4vov 
 iv 8e^C<f 
 
 
 TOW 
 
 Trarprf? 
 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 DESCENDIT 
 
 in 
 
 IITFERNA 
 
 TERTIA 
 DIE 
 
 RESUR- 
 REX-IT 
 
 A 
 
 MORTUIS 
 
 ASCEXDIT 
 
 in 
 
 CCELOS 
 
 SEDET 
 
 AD 
 
 DEXTERAM 
 
 
 PATRIS 
 
 
 
 V. 
 
 
 M 
 
 u 
 
 • 
 
 m 
 
 M 
 
 
 It 
 
 
 
 VI. 
 
 
 tertio 
 die 
 
 M 
 
 •t 
 
 >f 
 
 H 
 
 
 •t 
 
 
 
 VII. 
 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 Vivns a 
 mortuis 
 
 n 
 
 M 
 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 \riii. 
 
 
 tertia 
 die 
 
 M 
 
 a 
 
 mortuis 
 
 ascendit 
 
 AD 
 
 Coeios 
 
 M 
 
 DEI 
 
 tf 
 
 OMIflPO- 
 TEXTI8 
 
 m. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Descendit 
 
 AD 
 
 Inferna 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 f* 
 
 ft 
 
 Credo 
 
 7. 
 
 8. 
 
 
 9. 
 
 A. 
 
 
 10. 
 
 A 
 
 11. 
 
 12. 
 
 ^ 
 
 Inde ventu- 
 
 rus est judi- 
 
 care vivos 
 
 et mortuos 
 
 r 
 
 In 
 Spiritum 
 Sanctum 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 Sanctam 
 Ecciesiam 
 
 Catholicam 
 
 If 
 
 Sanctorum Remissio- 
 
 Commuui- nera pecca- 
 
 onem torum 
 
 ■^r 
 
 Carnis 
 
 Resurrec- 
 tiouem 
 
 •^1 ^ > 
 
 Vitam 
 ^Eternam 
 
 
 nr 
 
 SPIRITUM 
 SANCTUM 
 
 Per 
 
 SANCTAM 
 ECCr.ESIAM 
 
 
 
 EEMJS- 
 SIONEM 
 PECCA- 
 TORUM 
 
 
 TITAM 
 ^TERNAM 
 
 
 M 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 oOev epxerai 
 
 Kfiiveiv 
 
 ^uvra^ Kal 
 
 veKpovi 
 
 Kal Ct? TO 
 
 dyiov 
 
 Hvevfia 
 
 dyCav 
 CKKAi^aiav 
 
 
 
 a<f)e<riv 
 dfiapTtiuv 
 
 aapKO^ 
 avdaraoiv 
 
 atwVioi' 
 
 1 
 
 INDE 
 VENTURUS 
 
 EST 
 JUDICARE 
 VIVOS ET 
 MORTUOS 
 
 Etin 
 Spiritu 
 Sancto 
 
 Sanctam 
 Ecciesiam 
 
 
 
 Remissio- 
 
 nem pecca- 
 
 torum 
 
 Hujus 
 car'ms 
 
 RESUllREC- 
 TIONEM 
 
 k 
 
 >i 
 
 i> 
 
 ** 
 
 
 
 ft 
 
 Cam is 
 
 Resurrcc- 
 
 tioiiem 
 
 
 M 
 
 Etin 
 Spiritum 
 Sanctum 
 
 *f 
 
 
 
 ft 
 
 ft 
 
 • 
 
 Vitam 
 ^teniam 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
 Sanctam 
 Ecciesiam 
 
 CATFO- 
 LICAM 
 
 
 *• 
 
 Carnis 
 
 hujus 1 
 
 Resurrec- 
 
 tionem 
 
 ft 
 
 M 
 
 1* 
 
 » 
 
 n 
 
 SANCTORUM 
 COMMUSI- 
 ONEM 
 
 »f 
 
 Carnis 
 
 Resurrec- 
 
 tionem 
 
 ft 
 
 §» 
 
 M 
 
 $1 
 
 tf 
 
 t* 
 
 ft 
 
 ft 
 
 ft 
 
 I Being in the hortatory part of the discourse the text reads carnis tuce, but the article wai 
 clearly the same as in liv.). 
 
A 
 
 
 : ( 
 
 1 ' 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 OF THE QUICUXQUE, COMMONLY CALLED THE CREED 
 
 OF ST ATHANASIUS. 
 
 Sunt enim multa, e quibus istnd unum, sacraD fidei altiora mysteria 
 subtilioraque sacramenta ad quorum indagationem pertingere multi 
 valent, multi Tero aut aetatis quantitate aut intelligenti» qualitate pra)- 
 pediti non valent. 
 
 Jiesponsio Leonis III. pontifici3 ad legates Caroli Magni, Mansi, xiv. 19. 
 
 In approaching the Examination of the "Quicunque'' we 
 are met by evidence of a character entirely different from 
 that which we have investigated in the liistory of the Nicene 
 and the Apostolic Creeds. Here is neither the Synodical 
 authority of the former, nor the gradual growth of the 
 latter, but when the composition appears for the first time 
 as a document of authority it is cited in its completeness, 
 and as the work of the father whose name it has since 
 for tlie most part borne, although it was not brought to 
 light for many centuries after his death. 
 
 The active share taken by St Athanasiiis in the Nicene 
 Council renders it not improbable that some Symbol was 
 put forth by him, and such a composition is no doubt 
 alluded to by Gregory of Nazianzus*, who says: "And 
 *' like as he formerly bestowed on the great assembly of 
 
 » Greg. Naz. Oral, (xxi.) in laudem AthanasU. Kal o ry 7ro\\(^ rw 
 rariptav dpiefxifi irfpL rh» Tlo^ ix^phBrf wporepov, toCto vepl rov dylov Uvev- 
 fiaros avTos ifxxvevadels vcrrepop Kal bQpov ^aaCKiKcv Sm-cos koI fxeyaXoTpeirh 
 TV ^a(rt\er vpoirtveyKuv iyypa(pou rijy cua^^emv Kara ttjs dypi<pov Kaivoro- 
 fdas. 
 
 
 
 UISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 187 
 
 « 
 
 <( 
 
 "the Fathers {i.e. the Nicene Council) concerning the 
 " Son, so afterwards he himself being inspired offered to 
 the King a truly royal and splendid gift concerning the 
 Holy Ghost, scriptural piety against unscriptural inno- 
 " vation." 
 
 The I3a<ri\€v<; here mentioned is most probably the 
 Emperor Jovian. The passage however is one which was 
 capable of being used as evidence, when such evidence hap- 
 pened to be needed, that a Creed was written by St Atha- 
 nasius, and known to his contemporaries. That such an 
 interpretation was put upon it, and that it was considered 
 to warrant the acceptance of the "Quicunque" as the pro- 
 duction of St Athanasius, may be seen by the note on the 
 above passage in one of the early editions of St Gregory's 
 works. The editor affirms without questioning that the 
 Creed alluded to is "that noble Symbol of Athanasius, 
 "wherein the holy man embodied the teaching of the 
 "Catholic Faith V' 
 
 It will be necessary to allude from time to time to the 
 events of the life of St Athanasius, it may therefore be 
 useful at the outset to give a brief rhum4 of them. He 
 was bom at Alexandria a.d. 298, but the names of his 
 parents have not been handed down. His first prominent 
 appearance was as a presbyter at the Nicene Council, 
 where he exerted himself against Arius, and was, appa- 
 rently by the dying advice of Alexander, chosen to suc- 
 ceed him as bishop A.D. 326. After about ten years of 
 persecution by the Arian party he was exiled and took 
 refuge at Treves in Germany, A.D. 336. Returning to his 
 see on the death of the Emperor Constantino, his old 
 enemies again assailed him, and by a decision of a Synod at 
 Antioch, a.d. 341, he was deposed and Gregory elected 
 
 1 Scholia to Bill's Translation of Greg. Naz. (Cologne 1570). 
 
188 
 
 mSTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 Bishop in his room. He thereupon appealed to Pope Ju- 
 lius I to aid him, and his opponents when cited before the 
 Roman Pontiff refused to appear. His case was, however 
 warmly debated at the Council of Sardica, A.D. 347, where 
 the Western bishops acquitted him of all the charges made 
 against him, but not so the Orientals. Upon the death 
 of Gregory, however, in the next year, Athanasius returned 
 and occupied the Episcopal seat in some degree of peace 
 till A.D. 356. He was then forced to flee once more, and 
 take refuge in the desert, while George of Cappadocia was 
 made bishop of Alexandria. He returned after six years' 
 absence, but was soon driven into retirement again, and 
 wa^ only recalled by the Emperor Jovian a.d. 363, from 
 which time he continued unmolested till his death in 
 A.D. 373. 
 
 Those who were anxious to fix upon a period of his 
 life wherein the Creed ascribed to him might most pro- 
 bably have been written, have chosen the date of his ap- 
 peal to the Papal authority. We have seen that a Creed 
 was set forth by Marcellus under similar circumstances, 
 . and what could be more fitting than that the Bishop of 
 Alexandria should put forth a confession for the satisfac- 
 tion of the Pontiff whose aid he sought ? And we find 
 among the records, of Councils^ a brief mention of one said 
 to have been held at Rome, A.D. 341, under Pope Julius, 
 "on the subject of Athanasius and the other Bishops." 
 Here the Quicunque is recorded both in Greek and Latin, 
 but unfortunately in the sentence on the Procession the 
 two forms are at variance, the Greek mentioning only the 
 procession from the Father, while the double procession is 
 stated in the Latin text. Beside this disagreement other 
 mconsistencies, which demonstrate the untrustworthiness of 
 
 * Mansi, ii. 1351. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 189 
 
 -4 
 
 V 
 
 yfi 
 
 the record, are adduced by Valesius' and Pagius'. It may 
 therefore be dismissed from consideration. 
 
 It is certain also that whoever peruses the various 
 Greek versions of the Creed which are extant cannot fail 
 to abandon the notion that the original language of this 
 composition was Greek. The unusual words and strange 
 constructions betray the hands of translators, and those 
 not of great skill. That this may be apparent four dif- 
 ferent versions of the first two verses are subjoined. The 
 first is from the text originally edited by Felckmann from 
 a MS. in the Palatine Library. The second was first pub- 
 lished by Genebrard A.D. 1560, and was said by him to 
 have belonged to the Church of Coustantinople. The 
 third was put forth by Henry Stephens in 1505, and after- 
 wards by Genebrard. It is from a MS. of Lazarus Baiffius. 
 The fourth is one which was published by Archbishop 
 Usher in 1647 from a copy made by the famous Francis 
 Junius. They vary widely from one another, as will be 
 seen, and bear no trace whatever of a common Greek 
 Original. It is therefore impossible to believe that any 
 such original ever existed. 
 
 Quicunque vult salvus esse, ante omnia opus est 
 ut teneat Catholicam Fidem ; quam nisi quisque inte- 
 gram inviolatamque servaverit, absque dubio in seter- 
 . num peribit. 
 
 A. eX Ti9 OeXec acoOrjvai, irpb ttclvtcov yprj avrw 
 rrjv Ka6okLKr)v Kparfjaac iriaTLv' rjv el firj n^ vyirj Koi 
 aficofMov TTjpi^aete, 7rda7j<; afi(j>L^o\ia<; ckto^ ei? top 
 amva aTroXecTai, 
 
 B. Tw OeXovTi aa>6r]vai irpo irdvrwv dvaynrj rrjv 
 KadoXiKTJp TTL^Tiv KUTex^Lv^ rjv el fiYj Ti<; aKepalav koX 
 
 1 See Valesius in observ. 1. i. and Pagius ad an. Cliristi 542, note 3. 
 
 % 
 
1 1 
 
 190 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 airapaOpavarov avvrrfprjaeiep apafi(f>i^6Xeo<; ek rov 
 alwva aTToXecTai. 
 
 C. oa-Ti^ UP /SovXrjTai acoOtjpai irpo iravrcdp yprj 
 Kparelp r^p xaOoXiKrjp iriarip' i)v el firj eh eKaaro^ 
 <rwap Kol afiwfXTjTOP rriprjarj, avev Biarayfjiov ek top 
 alwva cLTToXelTaL 
 
 D. el Tt? PovXoLTo awOPfvaL, irpo iravTWP avTta 
 Xpela fcpaTf/aat ttjp opOoho^op wLarip' 7)v eav fi^ rl^i 
 dfioXvPTOP Kal a(f>eopop TTjpi^ar} alc^piop evpr^aenrjp 
 airctiXeiap, 
 
 As a further specimen, and to shew that not only in 
 language but in doctrine do these Greek versions dis- 
 agree, we quote the renderings in the same four texts 
 of the passage on the procession of the Holy Ghost. In 
 addition to the same uncouthness of language it will be 
 observed that two of the texts speak only of'' the Proces- 
 sion from the Father, while the other two have the men- 
 tion of the double Procession. It is noteworthy that the 
 copy said to have been connected with the Constantino- 
 pohtan Church is one of those containing this doctrine 
 so generally repudiated by the Greek Church. 
 
 Pater a nullo est factus nee creatus nee genitus. 
 Filius a Patre solo est, non factus, nee creatus sed 
 genitus. Spiritus Sanctus a Patre et Filio non factus 
 nee creatus, nee genitus est sed procedens. 
 
 A. JJar^p vir ovUvo^ earl TreTroirjfiepo^^ ovt€ 
 Se&nfiiovpjr}fiivo<i ovre yeyepprjfiipo^. 6 T/^ dirb fiouov 
 Tov Uarpo^i iarip, ov ireiroLVfiepo^, ovBk BeSv^tovpyrf- 
 fi€Po<; dXX^ yeyepv7)fiivo<;, to Upevfia rh 'dyiop dirb tov 
 narpo^i oJ ireiTOLrifxipop, oxJre BeSrjfLiovpyrjfiipop oiJre 
 yeyeppyfiepop, dXX" eKiropevTop. 
 
 B. 6 Uarrjp toipvp vii ovSipo^ otre ireTTolrjTai, 
 
 ' wi 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 .. HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 191 
 
 ovre eKTiarac, ovre yeyepp7)Tai. fiovo^ Tti^; irapd rov 
 Uarpo^: fiopov earlp ov irocrjOeU ov KTiaOeh dXXd 
 yeppr)0€L^, TO Upevfia to ciyiop irapd JJarpo^ Kal Tlov 
 ov irotrjeep, ov KTiadep, ov yepprjOep dXX eKiropevoyiepop, 
 
 C. o Uari^p dir ovBepo<; earlp ovre firjv ktco-to^ 
 ovre 7rot?7TC9 ovBe yepprjro^;. 'O T/09 diro tov Uarpbi 
 iiopov earlpj ov ttoctjto^ ov Kriarbf; dXXa yepvr]TG<;. To 
 Upevfia TO ayiop diro tov ITar/JG? Kal rov Tlov ov 
 iTOL-qTop ov KTiaTop ovBe yepprjTOP, aW eKiropevrcp, 
 
 D. UaTTJp yap Trap' ovBevo<i earl ironjTO^; ov 
 KTiarh, dXX" dyepprjTO^. 6 T/09 aTro tov Uarpo^; earip 
 ou woLrjTO^ ov KTi(TTo<i dXXu yevpTjTO'^. To lipevfia to 
 iyiop diro tov Ilar/ao? eaTip ov ironjrop ov ktkttop ov 
 yepprjTop dXX eKiropevjop, 
 
 These passages are enough, it is thought, to convince 
 any enquirer that the Greek copies we have were never 
 the original text, nor even the work of a writer whose 
 native language was Greek. But they are exactly such 
 renderings as persons not well acquainted with that lan- 
 guage would make from the Latin. 
 
 In the Latin texts, on the contrary, the variations are 
 few, and only such as occur in ordinary MSS., and such as 
 may be seen among varice lectiones in an edition of any 
 Classical author; That the original language of the Qui- 
 cunque was Latin and not Greek we therefore take to 
 be indisputable, and proceed to investigate such evidence 
 of its date and origin as are to be procured. And 
 in so doing great assistance will be derived from the 
 enquiries of previous labourers in this field, which in recent 
 times has attracted much notice. 
 
 • In the early part of the last century an examination 
 of all the evidence on the subject of the Quicunque which 
 could at that time be collected was instituted by Dr WsCter- 
 
192 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 193 
 
 ^" 
 
 land, and it will perhaps be the most advantageous course 
 to give at first a r4sum^ of the results at which he arrived. 
 To this may afterwards be added such further particulars 
 as more recent investigations have brought to light. 
 
 He commences by an enquiry into the opinions that 
 have been expressed about the Creed by the Learned 
 Moderns. Of these he quotes thirty-two who wrote be- 
 tween 1642 and 1722, but out of the list he selects nine 
 persons as the most worthy of consideration, because they 
 have either studied the subject particularly, and struck 
 new light into it, either furnishing fresh materials, or im- 
 proving the old by new observations. Before mentioning 
 these principal authorities and their opinions we may ob- 
 serve that out of the whole list of thirty-two there are 
 only five, and not one of these among the nine whom the 
 writer deems considerable, who pronounce the Creed to be 
 the composition of Athanasius. Fourteen others either 
 express no opinion on the authorship, or assi^ it to a 
 Latin writer, or decide negatively that it is not the work 
 of Athanasius. Of the remaining thirteen, eight assign 
 the Creed to Vigilius Tapsensis, and the other five each 
 to a different author. 
 
 Of the nine considerable authorities given by Water- 
 land the first is Gerard Vossius, who in .his work De 
 THhus Sijmholis first commenced a critical enquiry into 
 the history of the Quicunque. The result of his investi- 
 gation is the conclusion that the Creed was originally 
 written in Latin : that it was not the work of Athanasius, 
 but composed in the eighth or ninth century, and not put 
 forward as the work of Athanasius until it was adduced 
 by the Legates of Pope Gregory IX. in 1233 A.D. at Con- 
 stantinople as evidence that Athanasius had pronounced 
 in favour of the double Procession of the Holy Ghost.- 
 
 His opinion on the date of the composition underwent a 
 little change, but he never allowed to the Creed a date 
 anterior to 600 A.D. 
 
 Archbishop Usher was able to carry his investigations 
 farther than Vossius from his familiarity with MSS., to 
 which the latter, from want either of leisure or oppor- 
 tunity, had not turned his attention. He shews that the 
 Creed was quoted under the name of Athanasius almost 
 four hundred years before the time of Pope Gregory's 
 legates, and even carries its date back beyond 447 a.d./ 
 though, as we shall see, the evidence on which he rests 
 his opinion is not so worthy of acceptance as it appeared 
 to him. He leaves the question of authorship undecided. 
 Paschasius Quesnel is the next authority of considera- 
 tion, and he has assigned the Creed to Vigilius Tapsensis, 
 as had even before been done by some. To this opinion, 
 which would make the Creed of the fifth century, and 
 nearly at the end of it, a great number of the learned 
 have inclined. 
 
 Tentzelius in his Judicia Eruditorum has merely col- 
 lected all that had been done before his time, on which 
 by his own research he sheds some new light, but pro- 
 nounces no opinion upon either the author or the date, 
 
 Joseph Antelmi, whose work is an attack upon the 
 conclusions of Quesnel, assigns the Creed to the fifth cen- 
 tury, and its composition to Vincentius Lirinensis; thus 
 making its date about half a century earlier than that 
 given to it by Quesnel. 
 
 Tillemont inclined rather to the opinion of Quesnel, 
 but left the matter undecided, only stating his conviction 
 that the Creed is not the work of Athanasius. 
 
 Montfaucon's edition of the works of Athanasius con- 
 tains an elaborate dissertation on the Creed, wherein the 
 L, 13 
 
104 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS, 
 
 writet concludes that it may be of the date of Vin- 
 centius Lirinensis, and was probably composed by a Gal- 
 Hcan writer. That it is the work neither of Athanasius 
 nor Vigilius he expresses himself certain. 
 
 Muratori in the second volume of his Anecdota pub- 
 lished a comment on the Quicunque ascribed to Venantius 
 Fortunatus, bishop of Poictiers in the sixth century. His 
 opinion is that Venantius was not only the author of the 
 Comment, but the author of the Creed likewise, and he 
 entirely rejects the judgment of those who would ascribe it 
 to Athanasius. 
 
 Le Quien, who has a dissertation on the Age and 
 Authorship of the Athanasian Creed prefixed to his edi- 
 tion of Damascenus, seems, as Waterland thinks, to incline 
 towards Pope Anastasius I a.d. 3.98, as the author, be- 
 cause the name Anastasius imien^d of Athanasius occurs in 
 the title of some copies of the Creed. He asserts that it 
 IS as old as St Augustine, Vincentius and Vigilius, and 
 speaks of it as a Latin Exposition. 
 
 From the evidence which he has collected under this 
 head Waterland concludes that the work wa^ originally 
 composed m Latin, and was not the composition of 
 Athanasius. 
 
 He next' examines such ancient testimony to the exist- 
 ence of the Creed a^ he could discover, including in his 
 list evidence which covers a period from a. d. 670 to A. D. 
 1439. But the monks of Mount Olivet adduced a quo- 
 tation from what they called the Creed of St Athanasius 
 in A.D. 809, a^ evidence of the double procession, in their 
 letter to Pope Leo III As this is the first trustworthy 
 date at which we meet with any document under this 
 name, it shall for the present limit our examination of 
 1 Chap. II. , ggg p 93^ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 195 
 
 these ancient testimonies, so that it will not be needful 
 to quote more than the first six of the thirty-six au- 
 thorities which Waterland gives in this chapter. It may 
 however be mentioned, to shew the steadiness of the tra- 
 dition, after the Creed had once been assigned to the 
 Bishop of Alexandria, that twenty-six of the authorities 
 quoted call the Creed by the name of Athanasius, two 
 give it no title, two call it Fides Catholica, three Fides 
 Quicunque vult, and three Psalmus Quicunque, &c. 
 
 The first occasion on which the Quicunque was called 
 Symholum, Waterland found in the writings of Hincmar, 
 Archbishop of Rheims, A. D. 852'. 
 
 I. The earliest ancient testimony to the existence of 
 this Creed which he brings forward is assigned by him to 
 A.D. 670, and consists of a canon said to be of the Council of 
 Autun held under Leodegarius, Bishop there in the seventh 
 century. The words are : " If any presbyter, deacon, sub- 
 " deacon, or clerk doth not unreprovably recite the Creed 
 " which the Apostles delivered by inspiration of the Holy f 
 " Ghost, and also the faith of the holy Prelate Athanasius, 
 " let him be censured by the Bishop." 
 
 But this piece of evidence Waterland thinks not very 
 satisfactory, for although the suggestion that "the faith 
 "of the holy Prelate Athanasius" may mean the Nicene ^ 
 
 Creed is not of much weight, as it is scarcely to be sup- 
 posed that the Creed of a general council would ever be 
 designated by the name of one individual member thereof 
 however distinguished, a more serious objection is that the 
 Canon in question cannot be proved to have belonged 
 to the council under Leodegarius. It occurs in a list 
 headed Canones Augustodunenses, but with nothing to 
 mark its date. It therefore stands in need of further 
 
 * But see infra, p. 226. 
 
 13—2 
 
196 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 confirmation before it be received as satisfactory testi- 
 mony. 
 
 II. Regino Abbot of Prom in Germany, who wrote 
 in the end of the ninth and beginning of the tenth cen- 
 tury, mentions some articles of enquiry supposed to be 
 about the time of Boniface, Bishop of Mentz A. D. 754. 
 One of the queries is to this puq)ose, "Whether the clergy 
 " have by heart Aihanasius' tract upon the Faith of the 
 " Trinity, beginning with, Whosoever will he saved, (Sec!' 
 This evidence Waterland assigns to A.D. 760. 
 
 III. He also understands the Athanasian Creed to 
 be meant in the 33rd Canon of the Council of Frankfort, 
 A.D. 794, where it is ordered that " The Catholick Faith 
 " of the Holy Trinity and the Lord's Prayer and Creed be 
 *' set forth and delivered to all." Yossius maintains, on 
 the contrary, that the Nicene and Apostles* Creeds are 
 intended by the Canon. 
 
 IV. In A. D. 809 a quotation of considerable length is 
 made from the Creed by Theodulphus, Bishop of Orleans, 
 in his treatise on the Holy Ghost, written during the early 
 part of the controversy on the Procession. 
 
 V. In his notes to Theodulphus, Sirmondus has pub- 
 lished a quotation from an anonymous writer, which is to 
 the following effect: "St Athanasius, in the exposition 
 " of the Catholick Faith, which that great master wrote 
 " himself, and which the Universal Church professes, de- 
 " Clares the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father 
 "and the Son, saying thus : The Father is made of none, 
 ''&c." This passage seems, in tone, to be of such a 
 character as might have been written at the same date as 
 the work of Theodulphus, in illustration of which it is 
 quoted, and to that date, A. D. 809, Dr Waterland accord- 
 ingly assigns it. 
 
 fflSTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 197 
 
 VI. We have already noticed^ that in the same year 
 mention was made of this Creed by the Latin monks of 
 Mount Olivet in their letter to Pope Leo III. This is the 
 last of the ancient testimonies quoted by Dr Waterland to 
 which it will be necessary for us at present to allude ; for 
 although it cannot be proved that these monks were in 
 possession of the Creed exactly as we use it, it will here- 
 after be seen that the title which they give to it is one 
 which seems to mark the time at which it may have 
 reached something like its present form. 
 
 Some of the other notices quoted by Waterland under 
 this head will be more fitly introduced when we come to 
 speak of the use and acceptance of the Creed in different 
 countries. 
 
 The next kind of evidence which he examines' is the 
 testimony of ancient commentators and paraphrasts. Of 
 these he brings forward thirteen examples, ranging in 
 time from the sixth to the fifteenth century. For tracing 
 the origin of the Creed the first two of these are alone 
 necessary to be noticed, the dates of the rest all falling 
 much below the time at which the Creed can be shewn to 
 have been in use. 
 
 The first of them is Venantius Fortunatus, A. D. 570. 
 He was an Italian, who became Bishop of Poictiers, and 
 who is admitted to have written a comment on the 
 Apostles' Creed. Muratorius published in 1698, from a 
 MS. in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, a Commentary 
 on the Athanasian Creed, which has been ascribed to 
 Venantius mainly because it was discovered in a volume 
 which contained that Bishop's Commentary on the shorter 
 Creed. In the poems of Venantius certain expressions 
 occur which are said to bear a great resemblance to 
 » P. 95. . . .. » Chap. HI. 
 
198 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 some clauses of the Quicunque. Further, the style, 
 thoughts and expressions of the two Comments exhibit 
 great similarity to each other, and it is also thought that 
 the whole character of the composition by its simplicity is 
 more like the works of the sixth than any later century. 
 Beside the MS. in the Ambrosian Library, there is another 
 mutilated MS. of this commentary in the Bodleian, with 
 the title Expositio in Fide Catholica. 
 
 It seems that Muratorius was inclined, on the evi- 
 dence of the Ambrosian MS., to ascribe the composition, 
 not of this Commentary only, but of the Creed itself, to 
 Venantius, though it is not easy to believe that the 
 author of the Creed would himself have written a com. 
 ment upon it. 
 
 After noticing an allusion, which occurs in the notes of 
 David Parens on the Athanasian Creed, to a comment 
 which is there cited as the work of Euphronius Presbyter, 
 but for which work or its author he can find no further 
 voucher, Dr Waterland proceeds to mention the comments, 
 or rather partial comments, on the Athanasian Creed, 
 which are to be found in the works of Hincmar of 
 Kheims, a.d. 852. The manner of this writer, who 
 makes his only quotations of the Creed in his controversy 
 with Gotteschalk, is to intersperse such quotations with 
 words of his own by way of explanation. Moreover, these 
 quotations, to five of which Dr Waterland refers in his 
 note, are drawn, as will be seen hereafter, from a limited 
 portion of our present Creed, and employed to serve the 
 author*s purpose in his controversy. His work therefore 
 hardly deserves the title of commentary or paraphrase, 
 and the dates of the other commentators cited in this 
 chapter are so far below the latest period to which the 
 Quicunque is assigaed, that they seem fitter for notice 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 199 
 
 among the evidences of its acceptance, than among the 
 data for tracing the history of its composition. 
 
 The next chapter^ is devoted to an account of the 
 Latin MSS. of the Creed, the most ancient of which had 
 disappeared at the date of Dr Waterland's treatise. It 
 had however been seen in the Cotton Library by Arch- 
 bishop Usher, and on that authority its date is given as 
 about A.D. 600. Fortunately this MS. has been lately dis- 
 covered in the Library of the University of Utrecht^, and 
 we are thus able to verify the description given of it by 
 the Archbishop. The volume in which this copy of the 
 Creed is found originally contained three distinct docu- 
 ments. (1) The Psalter (Gallican) in which the Creed 
 occurs. After some blank folios there follows (2) a very 
 ancient fragment of the Gospels preceded by the prologue 
 of St Jerome, and (3) a charter of King Hlothair, which 
 had been extracted from the volume before its disappear- 
 ance, and is now, with the rest of the Cotton MSS., in the 
 British Museum. The date assigned to this charter is 
 A. D. 679 ; but all the three documents are so entirely 
 distinct that no conclusion can be drawn from any one 
 with regard to the date of the others. The accidental 
 binding of them in one volume by Sir Eobert Cotton, 
 whose arms are on the cover of the Utrecht Psalter, con- 
 stitutes their sole connexion. The conclusion of Arch- 
 bishop Usher, founded on the character of the illustrations 
 
 1 Chap. IV. 
 
 « It bears &n inscription, " BibliothecaB urbis Trajectinro donavit 
 D. de Kidder," which shews how it was presented to the Library, but 
 how it came into the possession of the donor has not been traced. It 
 has been suggested that Abp. Usher having obtained a loan of it, lent it 
 to Voss, and that on the death of the latter it was disposed of with the 
 rest of his property. It cannot be recovered, but has been lent to the 
 British Museum, and is being photographed. 
 
200 
 
 kl STORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 t 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 20L 
 
 |i 
 
 in the Psalter, which are very numerous, and of the writing, 
 which is in rustic capitals, was that this MS. could not be 
 later than the time of Pope Gregory the Great. 
 
 Next to be mentioned is the MS. of Treves, which is 
 not itself now to be found, but from which the Colbertine 
 MS., hereafter to be noticed, is a copy. Antelmi assigned 
 as its date A.d. 450; Tillemont placed it a hundred years 
 later, while Waterland does not claim for it a date anterior 
 to A.D. 660. But it is to be noted that this, as of course 
 also the Colbertine, contained only the second part of the 
 Creed which relates to the Incarnation, and that it com- 
 mences abruptly. The scribe writes : Haec inveni Treveris 
 in uno libro scriptum sic incipiente : Domini nostri Jesu 
 Christi et reliqua. Domini nostri Jesu Christi fideliter 
 credat'. Waterland notices that this fragment of the Creed 
 contains many variations from the received form. 
 
 He next mentions a MS. in the Ambrosian Library at 
 Milan, which has been printed by Muratori, and by him 
 dated about A.D. 698, or rather earlier. Montfaucon had 
 also seen the MS., and on their joint authority its date is 
 fixed by Waterland at A.D. 700. This text varies in some 
 places from the common copies, and has no title. 
 
 The copy of the Creed in the Psalter of King Athelstan 
 comes next in order. The Kule of the Calendar contained 
 in it points to A.D. 703 as its date, but it should be observed 
 that the Rule may have been copied without alteration 
 from an earlier Psalter; and to this opinion Dr Smith, who 
 compiled the catalogue of the Cotton MSS., was inclined. 
 There is besides a difference in the handwriting of the 
 Psalter and the Rule, which prevents us from judging 
 with certainty the age of the fonner even if we could be 
 
 1 Montfaucon, Diatribe, p. 728. A photograph of this MS. has just 
 been made for the Palaeographic Society, 
 
 11 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 sure of that of the latter. The Saxon hand in which the 
 Rule is written would, in the opinion of those best 
 acquainted with MSS., fix its date earlier than the Italian 
 writing of which the body of the Psalter consists. 
 
 The Colbertine copy of the Treves MS. Dr Waterland 
 places next in his list, and assumes its date to be about 
 A.D. 760, to which year he also assigns the St Germans 
 MS. at Paris, mentioned by Montfaucon, and of the hand- 
 writing of which specimens are given by Mabillon^ It 
 must be noted that in some places this latter MS. has 
 readings which differ from our present text. 
 
 In A.D. 772 is fixed the date of the famous copy of the 
 Creed which occurs in a Gallican Psalter, written in golden 
 letters, and presented, as is said, by Charlemagne, while 
 only King of France, to Pope Hadrian the First at the 
 commencement of his Pontificate, of which an account 
 occurs in the catalogue of the Library of Vienna made by 
 Lambecius. 
 
 Next comes a mutilated MS. in the Royal Library at 
 Paris, placed, on the judgment of Montfaucon, about A.D. 
 800, then a copy in a Psalter in the Library of Benet 
 College, now Corpus Christi, in Cambridge, which has 
 some variations from the common copies of the Creed, and 
 the title of which is Fides Sancti Anastathii Episcopi; a 
 mistake* which in later times helped on the ascription of 
 the authorship of the Creed to Pope Anastasius. This 
 MS. Dr Waterland was induced to place about A.D. 850, 
 from a remark which has been inserted in it by Arch- 
 bishop Parker, and also from the list of names of saints 
 found in the Litany, which bears trace of great antiquity. 
 
 1 De Re Diplom. p. 351. 
 
 ' On some curious instances of the prevalence of this mi«lalc« koo 
 Polychronicon Ranulphi Higdon, Vol v. Preface. (Rolls ServuK.) 
 
Wl 
 
 202 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 i^ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 203 
 
 Dr Waterland's list comprises sixteen other MSS., 
 coming down in date to a.d. 1400 ; but as the date of 
 most of these can be fixed with certainty, and their exist- 
 ence only testifies to the acceptance of the Creed, we do 
 not deem it needful to carry on the list, but lelve the 
 consideration of the remainder of the MSS., as well a^ of 
 the versions on which he next^ treats, tiU we come to 
 enquire into the reception of the Creed. 
 
 From the foregoing evidence, combined with many 
 particulars which demonstrate that the Creed was first 
 published in Gaul, Dr Wateriand has been led to ascribe 
 Its composition to Hilary, Bishop of Aries. His reasons 
 may be briefly summed up thus: (1) The work appears 
 to be such as might be expected from a bishop giving an 
 account of his faith upon his entry into the episcopate, 
 and Hilary wa^ made a bishop in Gaul about a.d. 429^ 
 (2) Hilary's abihty is acknowledged to have been equal 
 to such a work. (3) Gennadius speaks of the bishop's 
 works 35 small, but extremely fine, and Honoratus who 
 compiled a life of Hilary, tells us that he wrote a 'work 
 entitled " Symboli expositio ambienda," a title not unlike 
 that prefixed to some copies of the Athanajsian Creed 
 (4) Hilary was a great admirer of St Augustine which 
 were the Creed allowed to be his, would account for the 
 great similarity between its phraseology and the expres- 
 sions of the Bishop of Hippo. (5) Vincentius, who be- 
 longed to the monastery of Lerin, and to whose author- 
 ship the Creed has been ascribed by Antelmi, may well be 
 supposed to have imitated the expressions of so famous 
 a man as Hilary, who was abbot of Lerin before he 
 was Bishop of Aries. Such imitation would account for 
 the phrases which induced Antelmi to assign the Creed to 
 
 * Chap. T. 
 
 Vincentius. (6) The little we have of Hilary's writings 
 is in character and style very similar to the sententious 
 and antithetic language of the Quicunque. 
 
 In reply to the objection that Hilary, who lived till 
 A. D. 449, might be expected to have given more notice in 
 a composition of this nature to the errors of Nestorius 
 and Eutyches, Dr Wateriand refers the date of the Creed 
 to his entrance on the Episcopate, which took place 
 anterior to the controversies raised by those heresies. 
 The concealment of the author's name is accounted for by 
 reason of the disfavour into which the bishop had come 
 from his determined opposition to Pope Leo's attempted 
 encroachments on the rights of the see of Aries. And 
 the name of the author being concealed, such a com- 
 position, it is suggested, would easily acquire the title of 
 "Fides Athanasii," to imply that it was a summary of 
 the teaching of that Father, which title in process of 
 time would be taken to indicate not only the character 
 of the work but also its authorship. The above-named 
 disfavour and consequent obscurity of the Bishop of Arle^ 
 is assigned as a reason why we find no allusion to the 
 Creed during the Eutychian and Nestorian controver- 
 sies, in which it may seem strange that a document like 
 this should never once be quoted. 
 
 This is, in a summary form, all the evidence produced 
 by Dr Wateriand for the date and authorship, and his 
 conclusion from it he expresses thus: "Though I do not 
 "pretend to strict certainty about the author of the 
 "Creed, yet I persuade myself that none that have 
 " hitherto been named have any fairer or so fair a claim 
 "to it as the man I have mentioned." 
 
 The enquiries which have been made into this subject 
 since the time when Dr. Wateriand wrote have added 
 
204 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 x\ 
 
 somewhat to the light which he possessed, and the results 
 of these enquiries shall now be stated in such order as to 
 refer to the evidence which he brought forward. With 
 the opinions which he has cited from learned modems we 
 need not concera ourselves very greatly, because if more 
 recent research has taken away the grounds on which 
 those opinions were formed, of course the weight of their 
 names becomes of no account. And in illustration of 
 this it may be mentioned that in the case of one, and 
 that perhaps the most important of the modems who are 
 quoted, viz. Archbishop Usher, Dr Waterland intimates 
 that the evidence which had induced that author to m\e so 
 early a date as A. D. 447 to the Quicunque had even in his 
 day been shewn to be destitute of credit. ** Usher," 
 says he, " went upon the supposition that the words a 
 Patre Jilioque procedens, which occur in the account of a 
 Spanish council of the date A. D. 447, were genuine ; and 
 "not foisted into the Confession of that Council: as they 
 " now appear to have been after a more careful view of 
 " the MSS. of best note and greatest antiquity*." 
 
 We pass then to the ancient Testimonies set forth in 
 Dr Waterland's treatise. The first of these is the notice 
 contained among the Canons of the Council of Autun, 
 which he has fixed at A. D. 670. But the way in which 
 this mention occurs is calculated to raise great doubt of 
 its trustworthiness. In Harduin's collection* of the Acts 
 of the Councils there are given, under the title " Conci- 
 "lium Augustodunense Sancti Leodegarii Augustodunse 
 "civitatis Episcopi circa annum Christi DCLXX," seven 
 Canons, which are styled "Canones Augustodunenses 
 " Sancti Leodegarii Episcopi," and which are respectively 
 numbered i. v. vi. viii. x. xiv. xv. Then with the title 
 » Waterland, p. 9, note, 2nd edition. « Vol. iii. p. 1013. - 
 
 <( 
 
 tt 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 205 
 
 ** Canones Augustodunenses, ^ra I." follows the Canon 
 now under consideration which notices the Athanasian 
 Greed, " Si quis Presbyter, Diaconus, Subdiaconus vel Cle- 
 " ricus Symbolum quod Sancto inspirante Spiritu Apostoli 
 "tradideruDt, et Fidem Sancti Athanasii Prsesulis irrepre- 
 " hensibiliter non recensuerit ab Episcopo condemnetur.** 
 This is separated from the rest of the Canons and accom- 
 panied by a marginal note which states that it is derived 
 from a collection of Canons in the Library of the Monas- 
 tery of St Benignus at Dijon. The expression "^Era i." 
 is also explained in the margin to mean " Canon i." This, 
 if it be true, proves that the Canon belongs to an entirely 
 different list from the previously quoted seven, for thertj a 
 different Canon I. is given. All that is remarked on it by 
 Mansi is that it appears to belong to the Synod of Autun. 
 There is, however, as Dr Waterland saw, no proof wliat- 
 ever that this Canon belonged to the Council held undtT 
 Leodegarius, and if not, then its date must be very much 
 later than that which is assigned to it if it were framed 
 at any Synod of Autun. Mr Ffoulkos has also i>ointod 
 out' from the H<Tovall collection, in which this same 
 Canon occurs, that to one li^t wherein it i« not contained 
 there are attached the words " Conscnsio et confirmatio 
 "Leodegarii Episcopi," a form of subscription which inti- 
 mates that these wore th(; Canons to which tluj bishop 
 when living gave his ratification and consent: while to 
 the longer list, which contains th(i canon of which we are 
 treating, there is afTixtjd the title "Canones Augusto- 
 dunenses Sancti Lcode'-arii Episcopi," which must°have 
 been added after the death of the bishop, as he would 
 not be called saint while alive. EvcTythini,' thrn seemi* 
 to indicate that this canon was not of th<^ early council of 
 Autun, and therefore any conclusion which rai-^ht be 
 * On the A thanatian Cr««d, pp. 28? iqq. 
 
206 
 
 EISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 drawn concerning tlie date of the Quicunque from the 
 mention made of it therein would be entirely unsatisfactory. 
 Nearly a hundred years elapse, according to the dates 
 given by Waterland, before we come in A.D. 760 to the 
 next notice of the Creed by Kegino abbot of Prom. This 
 writer died A. D. 915, but the quotation in his work on 
 Ecclesiastical Discipline, wherein allusion is supposed to 
 be made to the Creed, is assigned by Baluzius to the 
 time of Boniface Bishop of Mentz, who died A.D. 754. 
 The words occur among some Articles of enquiry to be 
 addressed to the Clergy, and are, " Si Sermonem Atha- 
 " nasii Episcopi de Fide Sanctae Trinitatis, cujus initium 
 "est; Quicunque vult salvus esse memoriter teneat, et 
 " sensum illius intelligat, et verbis communibus enuntiare 
 "sciat\" No intimation is given in this collection of 
 Canons of the date of any one of them, but the year men- 
 tioned by Waterland is assigned to this particular article 
 merely on the supposition of the Editor of Regino's 
 treatise. If therefore there were no other evidence to 
 support it, the date of the Creed, so far as this record is 
 concerned, might be placed anywhere before the time of 
 Regino's death. 
 
 It should also here be noticed that the title given to 
 the Creed in this Canon is " de Fide Sanctse Trinitatis." 
 Recent enquiries, of which more will be said hereafter, 
 have led some to the opinion that the Creed is made up 
 of two independent compositions, one of which has been 
 the original of all as far as verse 26 or 27, while the 
 second contains the groundwork of all the rest. With 
 such an opinion before us we may observe that the above 
 title " Of Faith in the Holy Trinity," could well be applied 
 to the former portion of the Creed. It could not be given 
 to the second part of the Creed when separate, nor very 
 
 * Migne, Patr. Lat. cxxxii. 191. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 207 
 
 fitly to the two when combined. A title which seems to 
 limit the contents of the treatise as this does, and to 
 leave out all notice of the clauses that relate to the Incar- 
 nation, is not so applicable to the whole work as many 
 others (e.g. Expositio Catholica? Fidei) which have been 
 given to it elsewhere. And in the list of ancient testi- 
 monies given by Waterland we see that this restrictive 
 title disappears almost immediately after the period at 
 which we are now arrived, and a more general one takes 
 Its place. Such a variation in the title proves nothing of 
 itself, but, joined with other circumstances, may help^us 
 to an assurance that at one time the former portion of 
 the Creed was in existence in a separate form. 
 
 The thirty-third canon of the Council of Frankfort, 
 A. D. 794, which is the next evidence adduced, speaking of 
 the regulation of monastic life, says, care should be taken 
 " ut Fides Catholica Sanctae Trinitatis et Oratio Dominica 
 " atque Symbolum Fidei omnibus prsedicetur et tradatur," 
 where we may again observe the same phrase in the title. 
 It is still " Fides Sanctae Trinitatis," and here is no men- 
 tion of Athanasius. 
 
 ^ The portion of the Creed quoted by Theodulphus the 
 Bishop of Orleans, to whom Waterland next refers, is 
 entirely from what has been pointed out as the first of the 
 separate portions. It begins with verse 20, " The Father 
 "is made of none," and ends with 26, ''He therefore that 
 *' will be saved must thus think of the Trinity." It may 
 be that the nature of the discussion on the Procession of 
 the Holy Ghost in which Theodulphus was engaged 
 restricted him in the quotations which he made, but the 
 same remark will hardly apply to Archbishop Hincmar's 
 treatise, "De non trina Deitate," in which the same por- 
 tion of the Creed, as will be hereafter seen, is alone 
 quoted. 
 
 \ 
 
208 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 Down to A.D. 809 therefore the cas3 stands thus: The 
 dates of the Canon of Autun and of Regino's article 
 cannot be relied on. The Council of Frankfort cannot be 
 cited as evidence of the existence of the Athanasian Creed, 
 and all the quotations which have been hitherto made are 
 taken from the first part of the Creed only. 
 
 When we come to consider Dr Waterland's next class 
 of evidence, viz. ancient comments on the Creed, we are 
 compelled to reject altogether the first which he has cited. 
 On the authority of two MSS., one found by Muratori in 
 the Ambrosian Library at Milan, and the other among the 
 Junius MSS.* in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, he has 
 attributed a commentary on the " Quicunque," to Yenan- 
 tius Fortunatus, Bishop of Poictiers, who flourished about 
 A.D. 570. The latter of these MSS. wants about ten or a 
 dozen lines at the beginning, though it bears a title, 
 " Expositio in Fide Catholica" 
 
 Beside these two, Montfaucon discovered a copy of the 
 same treatise at Florence, and Dr Swain son has found an 
 imperfect copy at Vienna*. Neither of these have any 
 title prefixed. In the copy discovered by Muratori, which 
 is confessedly of a later date than the Junius MS., and 
 which is by Waterland, as well as by its discoverer, placed 
 no higher than the end of the eleventh century, the treatise 
 is entitled " Expositio Fidei Catholicse Fortunati," and it is 
 on the evidence of this heading alone, occuring in a MS. 
 written more than five centuries after the death of Venan- 
 tius Fortunatus, that we are asked to believe that this 
 comment was his composition. It is true that in the 
 volume there occurs an exposition of the Apostles' Creed 
 with the heading "a Fortunato Presbytero conscripta," 
 
 1 Jtm. 25. 
 
 ' Swainfioiii On the Formation of the Athanasian Creed, p. 53. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 209 
 
 which is on all hands admitted to be the work of Venan- 
 tius. But in proof of that fact we have an abundance of 
 other evidence ; and it is almost incredible that any person 
 should have been rash enough, on the testimony of this 
 one word in the title of the other treatise, to pick out 
 Venantius from all the people who in five centuries pos- 
 sessed the name of Fortunatus, and credit him on such 
 evidence with the authorship thereof, and build up on so 
 frail a basis an account of the origin of the Quicunque. 
 
 Rejecting then this comment as of no authority what- 
 ever in the question of the history of the Creed, we come 
 next to the evidence drawn from the writings of Hincmar, 
 Archbishop of Rheims, A.D. 852. This prelate quotes the 
 Creed in several places of his work, and on this Dr Water- 
 land dwells with more earnestness than the matter 
 deserves. For though he is able to cite ^\e passages^ 
 from the works of Hincmar, in which allusion is made to 
 the Quicunque, and some quotations drawn from it, a 
 single one of these passages contains all that there is in 
 the other four, and it is no large part of the Creed which 
 is appealed to by Hincmar. The passage in question is 
 given below, and an examination of it will demonstrate th&t 
 what Hincmar had and quoted from, and called a l?ymbo- 
 lum, as Waterland credits him with doing, may very pos- 
 sibly have been only the first portion of what we now call 
 the Athanasian Creed, and most probably not even the 
 whole of that. 
 
 In his treatise, "De non trina DeitateV setting forth 
 the necessity of conforming to the faith of the Church, 
 he writes: "Sic crede et confitere sicut credit confitetur 
 *'et praedicat sancta Catholica et Apostolica ecclesia 
 " dicens." 
 
 ^ Waterland, p. 65. 
 
 2 Migne, cxxv. p. 553. 
 
 14 
 
210 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 (3) Fides Catholica hsec est ut unum Deum in Trini- 
 tate persoTiarum et Trinitatem personarum in Unitate 
 Beitatis veneremur. 
 
 (4) Neque confundentes personas sicut Sahellius vt tres 
 rum sint, neqiie utArius substantiam separantes ut trina sint 
 
 (5) Quia alia non aliud est persona Patris, alia non 
 alivd est perscma Filii, alia non aliud est persona Spiritus 
 Sancti. 
 
 (6) Sed Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti una est 
 Divinitas, sequalis gloria, coseteraa majestas. 
 
 (24) Et in hac sancta et inseparabili Trinitate nihil 
 est prius aut posterius, nihil majus vel minus, sed totae 
 tres Personae Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctua coaetemge 
 sibi sunt et aequales. 
 
 (25) Ita ut per omnia, sicut jam supra dictum est, et 
 Trinitas personarum in Unitate Beitatis, et Unitas Beita- 
 tis in Trinitate personarum veneranda sit. 
 
 The numbers prefixed to the several clauses refer to 
 verses of the Athanasian Creed ^ as we now use it, and the 
 italicized portions indicate the words which, as Waterland 
 observes, Hincmar " in his quotations throws in as explana- 
 tory notes." Four verses near the beginning and two at 
 the end of the first portion of the present Creed are, it 
 will be seen, all which Hincmar quotes. He flourished 
 A.D. 852, so that from these two ancient comments neither 
 the antiquity nor the unity of composition of the Creed is 
 advanced beyond the stage in which these points were left 
 by the evidence drawn from the ancient testimonies of the 
 previous chapter. 
 
 We proceed to examine the evidence drawn from MSS.; 
 and first of the Utrecht Psalter. Since its rediscovery it 
 
 ^ I have employed the nmnbering given by Bishop Browne on the 
 Articles, Art. vin. 
 
 i 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 211 
 
 r 
 
 
 has been subjected to much examination. Portions of it 
 have been photographed for the information of those who 
 could not visit the original, and many opinions have been 
 expressed on the question of its date. A most elaborate 
 report on the matter has also been prepared, at the request 
 of the Master of the Rolls, by that eminent authority. Sir 
 T. Dufifus Hardy, but it should be mentioned that this 
 report is made from examination of the photographs only, 
 not from inspection of the original. The conclusion at 
 which he arrives is that the Psalter is a work of the latter 
 part of the sixth century. This coincides with the opinion 
 expressed by Archbishop Usher, who attributes it to the 
 age of Pope Gregory the Great, A.D. 590 — 604. And the 
 modern opinions of Gustavus Haenel and Baron van 
 Westreenen place it at the same period. The librarian of 
 the University of Utrecht, Dr Vermuelen, on the contrary, 
 says that it belongs to the age of the Emperor Charle- 
 magne, and many other persons* have assigned to it a 
 date quite as late as this. 
 
 The MS. is now in England, and it is to be reproduced 
 in facsimile by the autotype process, so that more trust- 
 worthy copies will be circulated, and we may expect that 
 the palseographic questions will receive further elucidation. 
 In the meantime some points may be noticed which seem 
 to confirm the later rather than the earlier date. Much 
 stress has been laid on the antiquity of the handwriting of 
 the fragment of the Gospels, and in the report of Baron 
 van Westreenen'' it is stated that the Psalter and the 
 annexed fragments of the Gospels " seem to be about the 
 same time." But the examination of the parchment shews 
 that these two MSS. are independent of each other, and 
 
 * See Dr Swainson, On the Formation of the Athanasian Creed, p. 13. 
 3 Quoted by Sir T. D. Hardy in his Beport, p. 42. 
 
212 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 213 
 
 only owe their connexion to the accident of binding, so 
 that no conclusion of the date of one can be formed from 
 that of the other. Moreover, the larger and bolder charac- 
 ter of the handwriting of the Gospels together with the 
 absence of abbreviations, and the compression of words 
 into smaller space by lowering in height the terminal 
 letters, as well as the absence of punctuation, all indicate 
 that this portion of the volume is of much greater antiquity 
 than the Psalter. 
 
 The idea that both parts of the volume were of the 
 same date and by the same hand has led Sir T. D. Hardy 
 to state in his report* that the punctuation is not carried 
 on throughout the MS. In the Gospels the punctuation 
 of the Psalter does not occur. A full point is all that is 
 there used. But the punctuation visible in the photo- 
 graphs of the Quicunque, as published in his Report, is 
 found on every page of the Psalter. The parchment on 
 which the fragments of the Gospels are written is much 
 lighter in colour than that of the Psalter, and abbrevia- 
 tions occur in the latter which are not found so early as 
 the sixth century I The questions connected with the date 
 of the illustrations are too technical to be introduced here, 
 but equally conflicting opinions have been expressed about 
 their age, and the whole matter requires the earnest 
 investigation of students of palaeography. 
 
 There is however one part of the Psalter which, from 
 the investigations we have already made into the history 
 of the Apostolic Creed, may induce us to place the MS. in 
 the eighth century rather than at an earlier date. The 
 first occurrence of the Apostolic Creed in the exact words 
 
 1 P. 15. 
 
 • * Cf. the abbreviation of infirmentur on fol. 33 a, and of commovebi- 
 tor, 65 6. 
 
 
 which we now use was found to be* A.D. 750, in the Scarap- 
 sus of Pirminius. Bat in the Utrecht Psalter our form is 
 given word for word on the recto of the folio which con- 
 tains the Quicunque, the last six words being carried over to 
 the page on which the Creed begins. If the early date 
 assigned to the Psalter were correct, we should be forced to 
 the conclusion that this form of the Apostolic Creed, which 
 has since gained universal acceptance, was in existence for 
 nearly two centuries before it won its way to general use, 
 and yet was included in the sixth century among the con- 
 tents of a Psalter of such magnificence as this must have 
 been when first written. The splendour of this MS. is too 
 great to admit of the supposition that it was designed for 
 some obscure place or person, and it is therefore incredible 
 that the creed which it contained should either be an un- 
 usual form or remain so long unnoticed. Much more pro- 
 bable does it seem that the Psalter was not written until 
 some time after the Creed given by Pirminius had become 
 of common acceptance. If the remarks in the last chapter 
 on the history of the Apostles' Creed from the sixth to the 
 eighth century be examined, still more weight will be 
 given to this objection. The variations there traced out 
 were gradual, and came in from various sources and at 
 various times during those two centuries. But if the early 
 date of the Utrecht Psalter be admitted we must suppose 
 them all anticipated. We must believe that in a Gallican 
 Psalter these changes had all been made, and that too 
 simultaneously, nearly two centuries before they were 
 brought into public notice, though as soon as this copy 
 comes to light in the works of Pirminius, the form of the 
 Creed therein given is adopted throughout Christendom* 
 The palaeographic evidence must be made much more 
 
 1 See p. 171. 
 
214 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 certain than we judge it to be at present before such a 
 conclusion can be forced on our acceptance. 
 
 More near the truth seems Dr Vermuelen's opinion. 
 
 Pirminius wrote about A.D. 750. He spent an active life, 
 
 partly in France and partly in Germany. He was the 
 
 founder of several monasteries, in one of which he died, 
 
 A.D. 755. The Creed which he set forth would no doubt 
 
 be held in veneration in every foundation with which he 
 
 was connected, and if we allow half a century for it to 
 
 become generally accepted, we are brought to the time of 
 
 Charlemagne, which Dr Vermuelen thinks is the period to 
 
 which the Psalter should be referred. We therefore place 
 
 its date in round numbers at A.D. 800, as the earliest 
 
 possible time at which it could have been produced with 
 
 its present contents. 
 
 The next authority which is brought forward is the 
 Treves MS., of which the original has disappeared, but a 
 copy is preserved and known as the Colbertine MS., in 
 the Paris Library. The date of the copy is placed about 
 A.D. 730 — 760. This manuscript however contains only a 
 portion of our present Creed. The scribe to whom we are 
 indebted for its preservation, has, in the portion of the 
 MS. which precedes it, recorded some notice of the Council 
 of Chalcedon. This is concluded with the rubricated 
 colophon " Explicit sinodum mundanum id est universale 
 " aput Calcedona." After this he proceeds to give a docu- 
 ment which corresponds in the main with the latter por- 
 tion of the Quicunque. A copy is given below, and therein 
 is marked the number of the verse of our present form to 
 which each clause corresponds, while the words which 
 vary from that form are italicized. The writer prefaces 
 his copy with a rubricated title thus : « Haec invini Tr&- 
 " veris in uno libro scriptum sic incipiente Domini nostri 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 215 
 
 
 "Jesu Christi et reliqua. Domini nostri Jesu Christi 
 " fideliter credat." Then commencing with a large capital, 
 as though this were the starting point of that part of the 
 form which might properly be called the Faith, he proceeds 
 with his copy thus : 
 
 (28) Est ergo Fides recta ut credamus et confitemus 
 quia dominus Jesus Christus Dei filius deus pariter et 
 homo est. 
 
 (29) Deus est de substantia Patris ante secula genitus, 
 et homo de substantia matris in saeculo natus. 
 
 (30) Perfectus Deus, perfectus homo ex anima rationa- 
 hili et humana came subsistens. 
 
 (31) vEqualis Patri secundum divinitatem minor Patri 
 secundum humanitatem. 
 
 (32) Qui licet Beus sit homo, non duo tamen, sed 
 unus est Christus. 
 
 (33) Unus autem non ex eo quod sit in carne conversa 
 divinitas, sed quia est in deo adsumpta dignanter huma- 
 nitas. 
 
 (34) Unus Christus est non confusione substantiae 
 sed unitatem personae. 
 
 (36) Qui scecundum fidem nostram passus est et nior- 
 tuos ad inferna discendens, et die tertia resurrexit. 
 
 (37) Adque ad celos ascendit, ad dexteram Dei 
 Patris sedet, sicut vobis in simbulo tradutum est ; Inde ad 
 judicandos vivos et mortuos credimvs et speramus eum 
 esse venturu/m, 
 
 (38) Ad cujus adventum erunt omnes homines sine 
 duhio in suis corporibus resurrecturi et reddituri de factis 
 propriis rationem. 
 
 (39) Ut qui bona egerunt eant in vitam setemam, 
 qui mala in ignem agternum. 
 
 (40) Haec est fid^s vera et Catholica quam omnes 
 
ri6 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 217 
 
 homo qui ad vitam cetemam pervenire desiderat scire in- 
 tegrm debet et fideliter custodire. 
 
 This copy, which I have transcribed from Professor 
 Swainson's volume' On the Formation of the Athanasian 
 Creed, has been given with all the errors of the scribe, 
 and it will be seen that every one of the last thirteen 
 verses of our Quicunque, except the thirty-fifth, has some 
 representative in it, though the large proportion of italics 
 shews that the variations are very numerous. 
 
 The discovery of this document was a notable occur- 
 rence to him who found it He was evidently unac- 
 quainted with it, and transcribed it from a sense that 
 others would be glad to know of such a monument. It 
 was therefore copied, as Professor Stubbs has pointed out, 
 before the learning of the Athanasian Creed formed any 
 part of a clerk's education. It appears to have been made 
 in the early part of the eighth century. But from the 
 use of the expression " in sseculo " in the clause relating 
 to our Lord's incarnation. Professor Swainson has argued, 
 and not without reason, that the original, from whicli 
 this Colbertine MS. was taken, was written before the 
 Council of Chalcedon. In the canons of that council, and 
 in all authoritative documents of subsequent synods, this 
 expression -in sa3culo" is changed into "in novissimis 
 *' diebus" or some words of the like kind. Nor does the 
 phrase "in sajculo" come into use again till it appears in 
 the Quicunque. But before A.D. 451 it was the expression 
 regularly employed. The original document may from this 
 be assumed to have been of some date previous to the 
 middle of the fifth century. 
 
 There can be little doubt that this document is the 
 groundwork of the latter half of the Quicunque. The 
 
 1 Pp. 31—33. 
 
 
 order of the sentences is the same, and, amid much diver- 
 sity, there is a great similarity, and in one verse absolute 
 identity of language. We may conclude therefore that 
 some part of the Creed was in existence before A. D. 450. 
 But the admission of ^uch antiquity for some portion does 
 away altogether with the acceptance of the Quicunque as 
 an original work. This Treves MS. varies widely in tone 
 from the modifications which it afterwards received, and 
 in such a manner as no author can be supposed to have 
 changed his own writing. It also demonstrates for what 
 purpose this composition was in the first instance de- 
 signed. It was not a Creed — Symbolum — but an expo- 
 sition of certain truths which the Creed set forth, a 
 "sermo'* (as it is not unfrequently named) suited for 
 catechumens at the " Traditio Symboli." " Secundum 
 "fidem nostram" proves plainly that this was not the 
 authoritative embodiment of the belief, and "sicut vobis 
 "in symbolo traditum est" shews that the person using 
 the words was the preacher addressing those who had been 
 taught the faith in some shorter form upon which this 
 was designed to bo a comment. 
 
 The character of the alterations, and the inferences to 
 be drawn from them, will be more fitly noticed when we 
 have passed in review the rest of the evidence from MSS. 
 The next of these adduced by Waterland is that in 
 the Ambrosian Library at Milan. The Creed of this MS. 
 has been printed by Muratori ^ who assigns the volume to 
 the seventh century. There is a difference of a century 
 between his judgment and Montfaucon's, who also had 
 seen the volume. What its date may be will be consi- 
 dered more at length when we come to speak of the 
 changes which have been introduced from time to time 
 
 ^ Anecd. Tom. ii. p. 224. 
 
218 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 into the language. The point most needful to be no- 
 ticed at present is, that this MS. marks the transition 
 stage of the Quicunque. The variations in it from our 
 present copies are numerous, and may be seen in Water- 
 land among his " variantes lectione^ *." Without quoting 
 the whole of them, the following list will be sufficient to 
 support this positioa 
 
 In verse 5 the word persma is repeated both before 
 Filii and Spiritus Sancti, an addition which, with others 
 in the same verse, is also made by Archbishop Hincmar 
 in his quotation. 
 
 In verse 22, after sed procedens, this Ambrosian copy 
 adds Patri et Filio cocetemm est. 
 
 In 30 and 35, for rationalis, the adjective used is 
 rationahilis, as in the Colbertine MS. in the latter verse. 
 
 In 33 this copy follows the Colbertine MS. in reading 
 for in Camem and in Deum of our present version in 
 Came and in Deo. 
 
 In 36 it omits tertid die, and in 38 the whole clause 
 resurgere habent cum corporibus suis et. 
 
 The second of these variations is of such a character 
 as to stamp this MS. with a date posterior to the great 
 controversy on the Procession of the Holy Ghost. It is 
 an expansion and affirmation of the preceding portion of 
 the verse which could hardly be expected before that 
 controversy had excited a considerable degree of atten- 
 tion, that is at the end of the eighth or beginning of the 
 ninth century. The two following variations prove that 
 a text like that of the Treves MS. wa« the basis on which 
 the latter portion of the Quicunque was raised, and the 
 last proves that it took more than one step to alter 
 " resurrecturi " into " resurgere habent." It seems most 
 
 ^ P. 229, seqq. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 219 
 
 likely therefore that the Ambrosian copy of the Creed 
 cannot lay claim to a greater antiquity than A.D. 800, or 
 it may even be as late as a.d. 850, a period when the 
 Procession controversy was calling forth all the ablest 
 pens and exercising the ablest wits in Europe. 
 
 We pass now to consider the copy of the Creed found 
 in what is known as King Athelstan's Psalter. It is in 
 the British Museum, marked Galba A. xviii. The date 
 A.D. 703 has been assigned to this MS., but Waterland 
 gives reasons for doubting the correctness of the conclu- 
 sion. It has been fixed from an examination of the Rule of 
 the Calendar in the volume, but there can be no doubt that 
 this was copied without alteration from one of the earlier 
 date. That the Calendar cannot itself be a production of 
 A.D. 703 is clear: for embodied in it, and in the same 
 handwriting, is a notice of the obit of King Alfred, which 
 puts the date at least below A. D. 901. But the body of 
 the Psalter is not in the same hand in which the Rule 
 is written, the latter being in a Saxon, the former being 
 in a German, and apparently an earlier, hand. There is 
 however a reason why we should hold the Psalter itself to 
 be of a later date than A.D. 750. It contains the Apostles' 
 Creed word for word as given in Pirmioius. If fifty years 
 were not too long a time to allow for this Creed to make 
 way and be admitted into the Utrecht Psalter, a like 
 time, or even more, may be given for its introduction into 
 this volume. The form of the Athanasian Creed has few 
 variations from our present use. This circumstance points 
 to a date later than that of the Ambrosian MS. with its 
 unsettled text, and will bring the date of the Psalter below 
 A. D.815, the Rule, which is a separate work, having been 
 written after A. D. 901. 
 
 The Colbertine MS., which is next in Dr Waterland's 
 list, we have already noticed. The portion of the Creed 
 
220 
 
 SISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 221 
 
 which it contains is derived from a source of great anti- 
 quity, and there can be little doubt that it presents us 
 with a very primitive form of the final verses of the 
 Quicunque, and the milder language of its concluding 
 clauses tells of a time long anterior to that in which they 
 were changed into their present form. 
 
 To the St German's MS., which follows next, some of 
 the remarks made on the Ambrosian copy of the Creed 
 will apply. In this, as in that, the language has not yet 
 become fixed. It has advanced a degree, but yet presents 
 some remarkable variations. The most noteworthy of 
 these are subjoined. 
 
 In verse 2, for mviolatam we find inviolabilem. 
 
 In 19, for et Deum et Dominum it gives Deum ac 
 Dominum. 
 
 In 29, for in smcuh natua it has in sceculo genitus per- 
 fectus homo. 
 
 In 30, the influence of the Treves MS. is found here 
 as in the Ambrosian Creed, and rationahili is the reading, 
 not rationali. 
 
 The same remark applies to 33, where this MS. also 
 reads in came and in Deo instead of the accusatives. 
 
 In 35, ad infernos is given for ad inferos. This may 
 be an error of the scribe, or it may be the transitional 
 stage of the reading from the Colbertine ad infema 
 discendens. In the same verse tertid die does not ap- 
 pear. 
 
 In 36, dexteram Patris is expanded by the addition of 
 omnipotentis. 
 
 The above examples shew that the date of this St 
 German's MS. cannot be far removed from that of the 
 Ambrosian, so many of these variations are the same in 
 both copies. But this must be considered the later of the 
 two, because it includes the strange phrase of the modem 
 
 version in verse 36, resurgere habent cum corporibus sicis. 
 Its date will thus fall, at the earliest, within the first 
 twenty years of the ninth century. 
 
 Next to this comes the MS. described by Lambecius in 
 his catalogue of the Imperial Library at Vienna. He states 
 that it belonged to Charlemagne, and was presented by 
 that monarch, at a time when he was only King of France, 
 to Hadrian I. on his accession to the Papal throne. This 
 conclusion he founds on the evidence of a set of verses 
 which are inscribed on the first folio of the Psalter. 
 But Mr Ffoulkes has^ pointed out that the words may 
 have been written by any King Charles of France to any 
 Pope Hadrian. The fixing of the precise year of the 
 presentation which gives such an air of credibility to the 
 account as it is found in Dr Waterland, is a pure conjec- 
 ture of Lambecius, as he himself states. " Ipse Carolus 
 " Magnus proprio carmine suo testatur se ilium Codicem 
 "summo Pontifici Hadriano I. dono misisse, et quidem, 
 *'ut ego arbitror, illo ipso anno DCCLXXil, cujus die 
 " decimo Februarii jam memoratus Hadrianus in sum- 
 " mum Pontificem electus est." This is the only autho- 
 rity for the most circumstantial account that has been cur- 
 rent of the presentation of this Psalter. That there is as 
 little ground for the assertion that it must have been 
 a present from Charles the Great to Hadrian the First will 
 be evident from a perusal of the subjoined copy of the 
 poem', on which that assertion rests. 
 
 * Athanasian Creed, p. 304. 
 
 3 Lambecius, Comment, de Bihlioth, Cas, Vindobon, Lib. ii. cap. v. 
 
 p. 263. 
 
 Hadriano summo Papae Patrique beato 
 Kex Carolus Salve mando valeque Pater. 
 
 Praesul Apostolicae munus hoc sume Cathedrce 
 Vile foris visa stemma sed intus habens. 
 
222 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 %\i 
 
 How came then this assured ascription of the gift 
 to Charlemagne ? There is a record, attested by an Im- 
 perial notary and prefixed to the volume, which may 
 throw some light on the question. Lambecius^ gives it 
 in full. An abstract will be enough for the present pur- 
 pose. It states that this Psalter had been used by Hilde- 
 gard, wife of Charlemagne, while she lived (dum viveret), 
 and that in memory of himself and his wife, the Emperor 
 gave it to the church at Bremen A.D. 788, and that it 
 had been kept there for more than eight centuries (octo 
 integris sseculis et quod excurrit). This memorandum 
 therefore must have been inserted after A.D. 1588. What 
 such an attestation is worth may fairly be questioned. 
 Hildegard became queen A.D. 772, and died A.D. 783, but 
 Charlemagne was not Emperor till A.D. 800, and so not 
 when he is stated to have presented this book to the church 
 of Bremen, though he has that title in this record of the gift. 
 
 Another clause of the entry, which professes to be 
 derived from ancieut records of the Church, tells that 
 
 Organa Davidico gestat modnlantia plectro 
 
 Continet et lyricos suavisonosqne melos. 
 Hcec tua, Christe, chelys miracula concinit alma 
 
 Qui clayem David sceptra domumque tenes. 
 Mystica Septeno faerant hieo tnisa sigiUo, 
 
 Canuina ni Ghristus panderet ista Deas. 
 Hoc Tobis ideo mnnus pie dedo, Sacerdos, 
 
 Filins nt mentem Patris adire queam. 
 Ac memorere mei precibus sanctisqne piisqne 
 
 Hoc donum exiguum ssepe tenendo mano. 
 Et quanqnam modico niteat splendors libellua 
 
 Davidis placeat celsa CamsBna tibi. 
 BiyaluB iste mens teneatur flnmine vestro 
 
 Florifermnqae nemns floscula nostra petant. 
 Incolmnis vigeas Bector per tempera longa 
 
 Ecclesiamque Dei dogmatis arte regas. 
 * Vt mpra, p. 295. 
 
 \ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 223 
 
 Charlemagne, in consideration of the sanctity of Willehad, 
 Bishop of Bremen, endowed that bishopric largely, and gave 
 to the Church certain "insignia," among which was in- 
 cluded "Psalterium divae Ipsius conjugis." St Willehad 
 became bishop A.D. 788, and from this a date has been 
 fixed for the presentation of the Psalter to the Church of 
 Bremen. Now the presentations to the Pope and to the 
 Church of Bremen can hardly both be correct. Hadrian I. 
 ascended the Papal throne A.D. 772, and died A.D. 795. 
 His Papacy therefore includes the whole period embraced 
 by the statements, though he died before Charlemagne 
 became Emperor. Had the Psalter been presented to him 
 first, and the gift afterwards resumed by the King, some 
 notice would certainly have been taken that the volume 
 had been in the possession of a Pope. Hadrian I. was at 
 least as important an owner of the book as Queen Hilde- 
 gard. But the inscription contemporary with the MS. 
 which attests the presentation of the volume to the Pope 
 is ignored in the entry of the notary. And yet the time 
 which elapsed between the transference of the book from 
 the Pope to the Bishop and the Church of Bremen may 
 have been only Jive years, and can at the most, if the 
 records be true, have been sixteen. A third clause of the 
 entry calls the book by the same title, the Psalter of the 
 wife of Charlemagne, and the whole is signed by the 
 notary, "Joannes Henseler." 
 
 It is on the credit of this late entry, made at a time 
 when a similar document might have been obtained to 
 attest the veracity of the history of three skulls of the 
 Magi in the Cathedral at Cologne, that the possession of 
 the volume has been assigned to Chariemagne. He was 
 the greatest Charles of whom those who composed the 
 record knew anything. They noticed 'Rex Carolus' in 
 the dedicatory verses, and framed their ascription by that 
 
224 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 225 
 
 light. It did not contradict their ideas, and so the rest of 
 the story about Hildegard and Willehad, which no doubt 
 had been growing during their long possession of the 
 volume, was added from records found in the Church, 
 which bear many tokens of a modem origin. It is only 
 on a more close examination that the inconsistencies of 
 the account appear, inconsistencies which demonstrate the 
 incorrectness of the whole of this formal document. 
 
 Now be it observed, Charles the Bald came to the 
 throne of France A.D. 840 and died A.D. 877, having been 
 crowned emperor A.D. 875 ; and Pope Hadrian II. occupied 
 the Papal chair from A.D. 867—872. Every word of the 
 verses given above may with equal accuracy have been 
 applied by that King to that Pope, and there is not a 
 word before the sixteenth century attestation to lead us 
 to accept one account of the presentation rather than the 
 
 other. 
 
 Moreover, from the description of the MS. given by 
 Lambecius it seems that the Quicunque is hardly of the 
 same age and character a^ the body of the Psalter. It is 
 included with other hymns in what the author of the de- 
 scription calls an Appendix. Before the commencement 
 of the Psalter there are certain documents which he calls 
 Prolegomena, and after speaking of them he adds*: *ca3- 
 " terum quamvis tam de hisce Prolegomenis quam de ipso 
 " prsestantissimo illius Psalterii aureis Uteris exarati con- 
 " textu ejusque lemmatihus et Appendice alio commodiori 
 " loco in hisce common tariis agere constituerim"... : a sen- 
 tence which indicates that he considered the contents of 
 this Appendix as a distinct work. And when he is about 
 to treat of that part of the volume, he commences thus* : 
 "Sequitur deinde Appendix." Among the contents of 
 
 1 Lambecius, VoL ii. p. 267. 
 » P. 294. 
 
 tt 
 
 tt 
 
 tt 
 
 this portion are the *'Te Deum" with the title "Hymnus 
 quem S. Ambrosius et S. Augustinus invicem condi- 
 derunt," also the Apostolic Creed called "Symbolum 
 Sanctorum Apostolorum," and the heading of the Qui- 
 cunque is "Fides S. Athanasii Episcopi Alexandrini.'* 
 These titles are not found elsewhere till the ninth century 
 and are not common, then \ For several reasons therefore 
 it is more probable that this copy of the Creed, in which 
 no variations from our present form appear, is of the date 
 of Charles the Bald rather than of Charlemagne. That 
 the Psalter was presented by the latter there is not one 
 scrap of proof. 
 
 The fragmentary manuscript in the Royal Library at 
 Paris, which is the next noticed by Waterland, contains 
 only the first eleven verses of the Creed. There are no 
 variations in the readings, so that this may be placed as 
 late as the preceding, as may also, for the same reason, 
 the copy which occurs in a Gallican Psalter in the Library 
 of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. The error in the 
 title of the Creed which is found in this latter manuscript, 
 and its effect, have already been noticed. In other respects 
 the title, " Fides Sancti Anastathii Episcopi," is not very 
 dissimilar to those in the Athelstan Psalter and Vienna MS., 
 and would of itself suggest a similarity of date. 
 
 It is not necessary to dwell on the ascription of the 
 authorship to Hilary of Aries which Dr Waterland has 
 ventured upon. If either the composite character of the 
 Creed can be established, or the date of its introduction 
 proved to be about the time to which all the evidence 
 hitherto examined seems to point, the authorship of 
 Hilary becomes out of the question. 
 
 The enquiry has now been brought down to a period 
 ^ See Ffoulkes' Athanasian Creed, p. 307. 
 
 Ito 15 
 
226 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE GREEDS, 
 
 227 
 
 after which, wherever the Creed occurs, it is found in the 
 exact form in which we now possess it. 
 
 All tbe evidence which can be derived from study of 
 the MSS. and ancient testimonies seems to indicate that 
 the Creed was not always of its present extent. The first 
 portion down to the end of verse 26 is exactly described 
 hy the titles so constantly bestowed on it, *' Fides Sanctae 
 *' Trinitatis," or " Fides Catholica Sanctse Trinitatis." Add 
 to this that all the quotations which are made from it for 
 a long period, come from the first portion only. It is also 
 worthy of notice that when Hincmar, who quotes as largely 
 as any writer from the former portion, alludes as he does in 
 one place* to the Symbol of Athanasius, he quotes words 
 which are no more peculiar to this than to the Apostolic 
 or Nicene Creeds. There is no place to be found where 
 he or any of his immediate predecessors allude to the 
 clauses of the Creed which relate to the Incarnation. 
 This is not of itself conclusive, but when the number of 
 instances of quotation which can be produced is con- 
 sidered, as well as the title which for so long a period 
 hints at nothing but a definition of the doctrine of tlie 
 Trinity, it affords a very strong ground for presumption 
 that the second part of our present Creed was not known 
 to those who made the quotations and employed the title. 
 Of course it may be said, as it has been said, that 
 these authors quoted only such portions of the Creed as 
 were applicable to the questions which they were dis- 
 
 1 The passage is worth qnoting. It occurs in the " De prcedestinatione 
 dissertatio posterior (Migne cxxv. 374). Hincmar is quoting from 
 
 St Siricius: Hino S. Siricius ad Himerium cap. 3 "Et Athanasius 
 
 in Symholo dicens se credere in Christum, praemissis aliis, assumptum 
 in ccelis sedere in dextera Patris, inde venturum judicare vivos et 
 mortuos exspectamus in hujus morte et sanguine remissionem peccatorum 
 conbecuturi." 
 
 cussmg. 
 
 J. 
 
 And there is weight in the remark. If it can 
 be shewn, however, that this portion of the Creed, with- 
 out the second part, was anywhere set forth as a complete 
 exposition of the Catholic Faith, the above objection will 
 be answered, and the more conclusively if all or most of 
 the quotations which Hincmar and his contemporaries 
 record be given in such exposition. This appears to have 
 been done by Dr Swainson. In his essay on The Forma- 
 tion of the Athanasian Greed he prints* side by side two 
 such expositions. The first is taken from a MS. at 
 Vienna, believed to be of the twelfth century, but con- 
 taining materials of a much earlier date. In this manu- 
 script, with the heading "De Catholica Fide," the following 
 form is found, which is given with numbers affixed which 
 refer to our present version of the Quicunque. 
 
 (1) Quicunque vult salvus esse ante omnia opus est 
 ut teneat catholicam fidem. 
 
 (2) Quam nisi quisque integram inviolatamque ser- 
 vaverit absque dubio in seternum peribit. 
 
 (3) Fides autem catholica haec est ut unum Deum in 
 Trinitate et Trinitatem in Unitate veneremur. 
 
 (4) Neque confundentes personas neque substantiam 
 separantes. 
 
 (5) Alia est enim persona Patris, alia Filii, alia 
 Spiritus Sancti. 
 
 (6) Sed Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti una est 
 Divinitas sequalis Gloria coaeterna Majestas. 
 
 (24) Qui in hac Trinitate nihil prius aut posterius, 
 nihil majus aut minus, sed totse tres personge coaeternse 
 sibi sunt et coaequales. 
 
 (26) Quicunque ergo ciipit salvus esse et catholicus 
 
 hcec teneat et credat, et vitd vivet. 
 
 1 P. 39. 
 
 15—2 
 
228 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 .229 
 
 Thus far and with only the variations marked by 
 italics does this manuscript give the text of our present 
 copies, after which, as though all that was to be delivered 
 on the Catholic Faith was concluded, the writer proceeds 
 to dwell on Christian life and practice. " Sed tamen post 
 " haec si ad caeleste regnum desiderat pervenire et setema 
 **bonaconcupiscere contra diaboli insidias quotidie necesse 
 « est certare, &c." 
 
 That the confession here given may very well have 
 been the whole of the original document will be apparent 
 if we examine the clauses of the Quicunque which are 
 not represented in it. The Bishop of St David's has re- 
 marked from independent study of the Creed that its 
 verses from 7 to 19 are mere amplifications of the state- 
 ments made in previous verses. These amplifications are 
 the most likely portion to have been supplied by a later 
 hand, and in this copy as well as in the quotations of 
 Hincmar, Alcuin, Agobard and other writers not a trace 
 of them is to be found. 
 
 Again in the confession of Denebert who became 
 Bishop of the Wiccii {Le. Worcester), a.d. 798, we are 
 met by the same peculiarity. This document is the more 
 valuable as it proves that what is given in it is quoted 
 from a written original. "Scriptum est," it commences, 
 and we give the words for the sake of comparison, with 
 the numeration of verses which refers to our Quicunque. 
 Scriptura est, 
 
 (1) Quicunque vult salvus esse ante omnia opus est 
 illi ut teneat fidem Catholicam. 
 
 (3) Fides autem catholica haec est ut unum Deum 
 in Trinitate et Trinitatem in Unitate veneremur. 
 
 (4) Neque confundentes personas neque substantiam 
 separantes. 
 
 ■ 
 
 (5) Alia enim est persona Patris, alia Filii, alia 
 Spiritus Sancti, 
 
 (6) Sed Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti una est 
 Divinitas sequalis Gloria coaeterna Majestas. 
 
 (20) Pater a nullo factus est, nee creatus, nee genitus. 
 
 (21) Filius a Patre solo est, non factus, nee creatus, 
 sed genitus. 
 
 (22) Spiritus Sanctus a Patre et Filio, non factus, nee 
 creatus, nee genitus, sed procedens. 
 
 (24) In hac Trinitate nihil prius aut posterius, nihil 
 majus aut minus, sed totae tres personae coasternaB sibi 
 sunt et coaequales. 
 
 (25) Ita ut per omnia, sicut supra dictum est, et 
 Trinitas in Unitate, et Unitas in Trinitate veneranda est. 
 
 And having put forth this exposition, embracing the 
 whole sum of the faith, the bishop proceeds to mention 
 the decrees of the Popes which he undertakes to observe. 
 
 These two documents were so clearly regarded as com- 
 plete by those who used them, that when their evidence 
 is combined with that of the constant use of some title 
 indicative of the doctrine of the Trinity only in the early 
 quotations of any portions of the Quicunque, and the 
 further argument that of all the numerous quotations 
 which appear even down to the time of Hincmar, none 
 are drawn from any portion beyond verse 26 of our pre- 
 sent form, it is warrantable to conclude that this portion 
 of the Quicunque was current at first in a separate form. 
 That a distinction was made between the two subjects 
 which are treated on in the Creed is evident, among 
 other proofs, from the definition of the objects of the 
 Council of Friuli, A.D. 796. It is called' "Concilium... 
 "in caus^ Sacrosanctae Trinitatis et Incarnationis Verbi 
 
 ^ See Migne, xcix. 283. 
 
230 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS 
 
 231 
 
 " Divini." When such a marked distinction is made be- 
 tween these subjects of discussion, it can scarcely have 
 been without reason that, about that period, such por- 
 tions of the Quicunque as can be found are styled " Fides 
 Sanctae Trinitatis." Had that well-marked section on the 
 Incarnation been added to the early copies, as it is at 
 present, the title of the whole would have been different ; 
 if not so full as the definition of the Council just quoted, 
 yet more like the forms which appear at the time when 
 we know the parts to have been combined. 
 
 Of the first appearance of that portion of the Qui- 
 cunque which treats of the Incarnation of our Lord 
 something has already been said. No trace of such a 
 combination of language can be found before the date of 
 the discovery of the Treves fragment by the writer who 
 made the Colbertine copy thereof. The fragment itself 
 is of early date, but the copy cannot be placed anterior in 
 time to A.D. 730, if so early. The readings which were re- 
 tained in the Quicunque down to the middle of the ninth 
 century, and which may be observed in the Psalter of 
 Charles the Bald, shew clearly that this MS. is the source 
 of the portion of the Creed to which it corresponds. But 
 Deneberfs profession was made A.D. 798. The two parts 
 of the Quicunque were therefore not generally known in 
 combination at the end of the eighth century. 
 
 This will be made more clear by shewing that at this 
 same period two of the most prominent characters in 
 Western Christendom were unacquainted with the Qui- 
 cunque as we use it. No persons were more fully conver- 
 sant with aU the movements, literary and ecclesiastic, of the 
 latter part of the eighth century than Charlemagne and his 
 favourite churchman, Paulinus, Bishop of Aquileia. The 
 great emperor was most zealous for the encouragement of 
 
 
 all the learning that could be attained in his day. He 
 founded Schools, collected Libraries, gathered around him 
 at Aix such an assemblage of the learned as may well be 
 called an Academy, and entertained there the scholars of 
 every country. He mingled with his characteristic activity 
 in all the ecclesiastical affairs of the Empire, largely in- 
 creased the revenues of the Church, and interposed so 
 extensively in her affairs that in one year, A.D. 81.3, no 
 less than five councils were holden by his command on 
 the subject of ecclesiastical discipline. 
 
 Of Paulinus, Mr Ffoulkes truly* remarks, that he was 
 venerated all the world over for his years and strikingly 
 grave deportment. He was idolized by such men as 
 Alcuin, and even inspired Charlemagne with awe. He 
 was the Episcopal soul of the Council of Frankfort, and 
 president as well as soul of that of Friuli. No move- 
 ment could have taken place in Italy, France, or Ger- 
 many, in matters ecclesiastic, nor any document have been 
 set forth of such importance as the Quicunque, that 
 would have escaped the knowledge of these two vigilant 
 spirits. 
 
 The Council of Frankfort met A.D. 794. Among other 
 documents which are preserved in the records of its pro- 
 ceedings is a "libellus" put forth by the bishops of Italy, 
 and written, either by or under the guidance of Paulinus 
 himself, against Elipandus, the Bishop of Toledo, who was 
 condemned by this council A portion of this writing 
 reads thus ^ : 
 
 "The Catholic and Apostolic Church confesses that 
 " the Father should he believed distinct^ because the Father 
 
 * Athanasian Greedy p. 222. 
 
 • Mansi, xiii. 878. Sancta autem catholica atque apostolica ecclesia 
 confitetiir,...ita sane ut alius credatur Pater ^tuia Pater est ^ui genuit 
 
232 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 a 
 
 (t 
 
 tt 
 
 ti 
 
 " is He who begat the Son coeternal with Himself, without 
 " time and without all beginning : and that the Son should 
 ** be believed distinct, because the Son is He who was be- 
 " gotten by the Father without beginning, not by im- 
 " putation but in truth ; and that the Holy Ghost should 
 ** be believed distinct, because He is the Holy Ghost and 
 ** proceeds from the Father and the Son. And the Father, 
 *' the Son and the Holy Ghost are not different in nature, 
 "but are inseparably one, Father, Son and Holy Ghost 
 **Not one person but one nature, because there is me 
 person of the Father, another of the Son, another of the 
 Holy Ghost, but the unspeakable Majesty of the Divinity 
 of Father, Son and Holy Ghost is one, equal, consub- 
 "stantial and coeternal. For we confess an Unity in 
 essence, but preach a Trinity in the division of the 
 "Persons, We believe therefore that our Lord Jesus 
 "Christ, the Son of God, very God, was always in the 
 " Father, always with the Father, always by the Father. 
 " For in the last days for us and for our salvation, accord- 
 " ing to the decision of the hidden dispensation, He came 
 "down from heaven whence He never had departed, came 
 
 coaetemum sibi sine tempore et omni initio Filinm : et alius credatur Filius 
 quia Filius est, qui genitus est sine initio a Patre non putative sed vere : et 
 alius credatur Spiritus Sanctus quia Spiritus Sanctus est et a Patre Filioque 
 procedit. Et non est aliud Pater et aliud Filius et aliud Spiritus Sanctus, 
 sed unum sunt inseparabiliter Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus, non 
 unus sed unum qui alia est persona Patris alia Filii alia Spiritus Sancti, 
 sed una et aequalis et consubstantialis et coaetema est Patris Filiique et 
 Spiritus Sancti inenarrabilis divinitatis Majestas quia unus est Deus. 
 Unionem namque in essentia confitemur, Trinitatem vero in personarum 
 discretione praedicamus. Dominum igitur nostrum Jesum Christum, Dei 
 Filium, verum Deum, semper in Patre, semper cum Patre, semper 
 credimus apud Patrem. In ultimis namque temporibus propter nos et 
 propter nostram salutem, secundum secretae dispensationis arbitrium 
 descendit de caelo, undo uunquam recesserat, venit nimirmn ubi non* 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 233 
 
 
 " too where He never was absent : was bom of the Holy 
 ** Ghost and the Virgin Mary, as the Angel said, *For 
 " * that which is conceived in her is of the Holy Ghost/ 
 '* He was made very man, according to what is written : 
 " ' And the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us/ 
 " He continued to be true and Almighty God in both natui^es, 
 "one Son of God and likewise Son of Man. For the 
 "human birth has not pi'ejudiced the Divine birth. He 
 "took that which He was not. He remained essentially 
 "that which He was before, not having suffered com- 
 " mingling or division, but in the one person of Christ there 
 •' remains true God and true man. Not two sons, God and 
 "man, but one Son, God and man, not one the son of 
 ** man, and the other of God, but one and the same Son 
 " of God and man. Whence also we greatly execrate 
 " those who mutter with impious mouth that He is adop- 
 " tive, because, as we said before, a man cannot be called 
 " adoptive unless he be previously a stranger to him by 
 ** whom he desires to be adopted/' 
 
 Such is the form which an exposition of the faith of 
 the Catholic and Apostolic Church assumed in the mouth 
 of the most influential bishop in Europe A.D. 794. And 
 
 quam deerat: natus est de Spiritu Sancto et Maria Virgine, dicente 
 angelo: "Quod enim in ea natus est de Spiritu Sancto est." Factus 
 ■verus homo juxta id quod scriptum est ; " Et Verbum caro factum est, et 
 habitavit in nobis." Permansit verus et omnipotens Deus in utraque 
 natura, unus Dei Filius, idemque hominis filius. Nihil enim humana 
 nati vitas di vines praejudicavit nativitati ; assumpsit quod non erat, per- 
 mansit in id essentialiter quod erat, non commixtionem passus neque 
 divisionem, sed in una persona Christi Deus verus et homo permanet 
 verus. Non duo filii Deus et homo, sed unus Filius Deus et homo, non 
 alius filius hominis et alius Dei, sed unus idemque Dei hominisque Filius. 
 Unde et eos valde execramur qui eum adoptivum impio grunniunt ore 
 quia sicut praefati sumus adoptivus dici non potest nisi is qui prius 
 alienus est ab eo a quo optari desiderat. 
 
i 
 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 this form makes it very apparent that he had no know- 
 ledge of a document which would have answered his 
 purpose so well as the Quicunque. He deals both with the 
 doctrine of the Trinity and the Incarnation and puts his 
 expressions on one occasion into the exact language used 
 in the Creed, which language no doubt was current in a 
 separate form long before, but he never attains to any- 
 thing like the precision which is exhibited in the Creed, 
 and which, had it been known to him, must have com- 
 mended that work to his use. And there is not to be 
 found the slightest notice of Athanasius in the whole pro- 
 ceedings of the Council. 
 
 Yet that some such exposition of the Belief of the 
 whole Church was being aimed at and in part supplied 
 may be seen from the Synodical letter which the bishops 
 of Gaul and Germany addressed to the presidents (prgesules) 
 of the Churches in Spain, to which country Elipandus and 
 Felix belonged. They say ^• "Likewise in the dogma of 
 " the Catholic Faith it is said. Therefore the Son of God 
 " became the Son of man, being born in the truth of nature 
 " from God as Son of God, and in the truth of nature from 
 " man as Son of man, so that the Verity of the Only-be- 
 " gotten might have the name of Son, not by adoption or 
 " title merely, but in the case of each nativity by being bom, 
 " so that He might be very God and very man, one Son." 
 
 This is an extract from some dogmatic formula to 
 which these bishops could appeal with the expectation 
 that their brethren abroad would accept its teaching, 
 
 1 Mansi xiii. 894. Item in dogmate CathoHcffi Fidei: 'Ergo Dei 
 FiKus hominis f actus est fiUus, natus secundum veritatem natural ex Deo 
 DeiFilius, et secundum veritatem naturae ex homine hominis filius, ut 
 Veritas Unigeniti non adoptione neque appellatione sed in utraque nati- 
 vitate filii nomen nascendo haberet ut esset verus Deus et verus homo 
 imus Filius.' 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 235 
 
 but it is not the Quicunque. The bishops therefore who 
 were present at the Council of Frankfort, as well as those 
 to whom they were writing, were, equally with Paulinus, 
 in ignorance of the Creed which we now use, or if not 
 in ignorance they knew it not in a form which had 
 obtained general acceptance. For we cannot believe if 
 our form had been current they would have quoted any 
 other as the exposition of the Catholic Faith. 
 
 To complete the evidence of the non-existence or non- 
 acceptance of the Quicunque at the time of this Council, 
 the letter of Charlemagne himself may now be quoted. 
 He too is writing to the bishops of Spain, and he tells 
 them of his exertions, how he has sent to Kome and sum- 
 moned bishops from Britain to discuss the points in 
 debate. He encloses documents to shew the opinions 
 first of Rome, then of the bishops of Northern Italy, and 
 after that of Gaul, Germany, Aquitania and Britain. To 
 these he adds his own agreement, and after some intro- 
 duction sets forth his faith. He commences^; "We be- 
 lieve in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven 
 and earth, of all things visible and invisible. We be- 
 ''lieve also in one our Lord"... And thus he continues in 
 the words of the Constantinopolitan Creed to the end of 
 the Article on the Holy Ghost, after which he proceeds 
 thus: "We believe the same Holy Trinity, Father, Son 
 " and Holy Ghost, to be of one substance, one power and 
 "one essence, three Persons, and each single Person in 
 " the Trinity fully God, and all the three persons one God 
 
 ^ Mansi, xiii. 905. Credimus in unum Deum Patrem omnipotentem 
 factorem coeli et terrae, visibilium omnium et invisibilium. Credimus et in 
 unumDominum nostrum... Credimus eandem Sanctam Trinitatem Patrem 
 et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum unius esse substantiaB unius potentiae et unius 
 essentifiB tres personas et singulam quamque in Trinitate personam plenum 
 Deum et totas tres personas unum Deum omnipotentem : Patrem inge- 
 
 II 
 
 it 
 
236 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORt OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 237 
 
 "Almighty: the Father unhegoUen, tlie Son hegoUen, th4 
 ^' Holy Ghost proceeding from the Father and the Son, 
 *' And that the Father had never any beginning, but as 
 " He is always God, so is He always Father, because He 
 " always liad a Son. The Father is eteimal, the Son eternal 
 "the Holy Ghost eternal proceeding from the Father 
 " and the Son. Father, Son and Holy Ghost is one God 
 *' Almighty y everywhere present, every whole wholly God, 
 " eternal, ineffable, incomprehensible. In which Holy Trinity 
 " there is no person either later in time, or inferior in degree, 
 '' or less in power, but in all things the Son is equal to 
 " the Father, the Holy Ghost equal to the Father and the 
 ''Son in Divinity, Will, Operation and Glory. Only 
 ''distinct in Person is the Father, distinct in Person is 
 " the Son, distinct in person is the Holy Ghost In nature, 
 *' power and essence not distinct but one, being God, 
 "Father, Son and Holy Ghost We believe, that out 
 " of this Trinity the person only of the Son was for the 
 " salvation of the human race incarnate of the Holy Ghost 
 "and the Virgin Mary, that He, who was from His Divinity 
 " the Son of God the Father, might also be in humanity 
 
 nitum, Filium genitum, Spiritum Sanctum procedentem ex Patre et 
 Filio, nee Patrem aliquando coepisse sed sicut semper est Deus ita 
 semper et Pater est, quia semper habuit Filium. ^ternus Pater, ©temus 
 Filius, aBteruus Spiritus Sanctus ex Patre Filioque procedens : unus Deus 
 omnipotens. Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus, ubique priesens, ubique 
 totus Deus ajternus ineflfabiUs incomprehensibiUs. In qua Sancta Trin- 
 itate nuUa est persona vel tempore posterior, vel gradu inferior, vel 
 potestate minor; sed per omnia aequalis Patri FiUus, »qualisPatri etFiHo 
 Spiritus Sanctus divinitate voluntate operatione et gloria. AUus tantum- 
 modo in persona Pater, aUus in persona Filius, alius in persona Spiritus 
 Sanctus. Non aUud sed unum natura, potentia, et essentia Deus Pater 
 et Films et Spiritus Sanctus. Credimus ex hac Sancta Trinitate FUii 
 tantummodo personam pro salute humani generis de Spiritu Sancto et 
 Maria Virgine mcamatam, ut qui erat de divinitate Dei Patris Fiiius esset 
 
 '^the son of a human mother, in His Divinity perfect God, 
 "in His humanity perfect man, God before all worlds, man 
 " in the end of the world, very Son of God in both Sub- 
 " stances, not putative but true, not by adoption but pos- 
 *' session; One person, God and man, one Mediator be- 
 " tween God and men ; in the form of God, equal to the 
 " Father, in the form of a servant, less than the Father, 
 " in the form of God, the Creator; in the form of a servant, 
 "the Redeemer. Being in both forms one peculiar and 
 "perfect Son of God, He, tofidfil the dispensation of man's 
 " Salvation, suffered with a true suffering of the flesh, died 
 "with a true death of His body, rose again by a true 
 "resurrection of the flesh, and true resuming of the soul, 
 "and in the same body in which Ho sufforod He also rose 
 "again, ascended into heaven, sitting on the right hand 
 "of God the Father, and in tho .same form in which He 
 "ascended will come to judge the (juick and dead; whojje 
 "kingdom shall have no end. We \n\Miv\\ one holy 
 " Church of God scattered through the wholo world, thou^ili 
 "separated in plac(;, united in faith and charity; and 
 "a true remission of sin.s in the Karn(5 Church, either 
 
 et in humanitate hominla matnM flliuM. Pcrfootufl in Divitiitftto Doux, 
 perfectus in humanitate homo, Doum auto omnia wiumjIu, liomo in /inn 
 saaculi, verus in utraquo «uhHt»intin Dei Filiun, nun i)ul.;itiv«« sod voruy, 
 non adoptione sed propriotutn, una persona J)oum ut homo, unuii modiHtor 
 Dei et hominum, in formn \hi a>quali« Patri, in forma aorvi minor Pntro, 
 in forma Dei Creator, in forma «orvi Rt«dcraptor. Unux in utn)quo Dei 
 Filius proprius et perfcotuB ad iniplnndura humanu) xiilutix diKpcnmiUom.ni 
 passus est vera carnid panHiont*, mortuua vora corporis oui mortn, 
 resurrexit vera camix Minn rtmurrootiouo et v«ira unimoD rosumptiono, *si 
 codem corpore quo puxKun est et resurroxit, axrondit in oodIow, ModiuiH in 
 dextera Dei Patris, ot in cadom fornui (pm Moondit vontuniK judioarc 
 vivos ac mortuos ; cujuB rogui non orit linin. PrwdicamutJ uuam Hunctam 
 Dei ecclosiam toto orbo diffuBam, loci* Httpanitiim, lido ot cjiritaio oon- 
 junctam, et veram rcmlflaionom iHiccatorum in oadcm cccle»ia uivo per 
 
238 
 
 fflSTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 239 
 
 "throTigli baptism or repentance, the Divine grace 
 "giving it, and Man's ^s\\\ cooperating. We also believe 
 "that all men will rise, and each be judged according 
 "to his works, that the impious are to be condemned 
 "to eternal punishm£nt with the devil and his angels, 
 "but the righteous to be crowned with eternal glory with 
 " Christ and his holy angels for endless ages" 
 
 " This is the Catholic Faith and therefore ours : We 
 " wish it may be yours also." 
 
 With these three testimonies of the King, Paulinus and 
 the Bishops before us, all bearing witness to the same point, 
 that, whatever shape the exposition of the Catholic Faith 
 had assumed in their day, it was not that of the Quicunque, 
 it cannot be contended that our present form of that pro- 
 fession was then current in any portion of the Western 
 Church. Italy, Spain, Britain, Germany and Gaul were 
 all represented in the council and were all appealed to, 
 and by no representative of any of these nations is such 
 a form put forward. The presiding spirits are the most 
 learned and the most active men in the whole of Europe, 
 and they know nothing of the Creed of St Athanasius as 
 we now possess it. And yet it was not a document to 
 be hid in a comer, as its subsequent popularity shews, 
 especially in such stirring times, and when topics so fully 
 treated in it were under discussion. 
 
 The evidence which presents itself two years later 
 seems to make it still more clear that the Quicunque was 
 unknown to the great minds of the West. The Council 
 
 baptismmn sive pcenitentiam, divina donante gratia et bona voluntate 
 hominia cooperante. Credimus et omnes homines resurrecttiros esse 
 et singulos secundum sua opera judicari, impios setemis suppliciis dam- 
 nandos cum diabolo et angelis ejus, sanctos vero fetema gloria coronandos 
 cum Christo et Sanctis angelis ejus in saecula sempitema. 
 
 Haec est Mes catholica, et ideo nostra; optamus etiam et vestra. 
 
 It 
 
 t( 
 
 {< 
 
 of Friuli met A.D. 796, and, as we have before said, its 
 assembling was for the discussion of the doctrines of the 
 Trinity and the Incarnation. The president and sum- 
 moner of the council was Paulinus, and it is with his 
 speech that we are concerned. After some preamble, in 
 which he observes that his first idea is to set forth " the 
 " very text of the Creed " as a line and rule for the direction 
 of their proceedings, he goes on to consider what the next 
 step is to be. And he would first clear away some ob- 
 jections. "For I know," says he*, "that in the records 
 "of some Synods it is laid down... that no one may law- 
 " fully teach or frame another Symbol of the Faith. Far 
 be it from us and far from every faithful heart to frame 
 or teach another Symbol or Faith or in another manner 
 than they [the holy Fathers] appointed. But according 
 " to their meaning we have decreed to deliver in exposi- 
 " tion those matters which haply on account of the brief 
 " statement of the truth are less understood by the simple 
 " and unlearned than they ought to be." 
 
 Here then is a definite confession of a want which the 
 Quicunque would have supplied. The Symbol by itself 
 is too compendious, it needs exposition, the unlearned and 
 simple do not suflficiently understand it, and for their 
 sakes a longer and more explanatory treatise is to be pre- 
 pared, adhering to the meaning of the Fathers who put 
 forth the first Creed. In half a century or little more 
 after these words were uttered, it can be shewn that our 
 
 1 Migne xcix. 285. Scio namque quibusdam in synodalibus foliis 
 esse sancitum...non Ucere cuiquam alterius Fidei Symbolum docere vel 
 componere. Sed absit a nobis proculque sit ab omni corde fideli alteram 
 vel aliter quam illi instituerunt Symbolum vel Fidem componere vel 
 docere. Sed juxta eorum sensum ea fortasse quae propter veritatis com- 
 pendium minus quam decet a simplicibua vel indoctis intelliguntur, 
 exponendum decrevimus tradere. 
 
240 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS: 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 241 
 
 111 
 
 iiiiiil^ 
 
 form of the Athanasian Creed was known and used, and 
 looked upon as a most satisfactory exposition of the 
 doctrines in debate at Friuli. Can it be believed that, if 
 it had been known to Paulinus and the Fathers there 
 assembled, they would not have welcomed it as a most 
 excellent comment on the Trinity and the Incarnation, 
 and as the most opportune solution of all their difficulties ? 
 But neither the president nor any of the members 
 give the slightest intimation that they have ever heard 
 of the existence of the Quicunque. Paulinus proceeds 
 in his address, and when he has sufficiently explained his 
 wishes and intentions, he quotes in full the Constan- 
 tinopolitan Creed, and follows it up with this elucidation 
 of its meaning: "I confess^ that the holy, perfect, and 
 " inseparable and ineffable and very Trinity, that is Fa- 
 " ther and Son and Holy Ghost, is indivisible in the unity 
 " of its nature, because God is three and one. Three 
 namely hy distinction of persons^ hut one by the insepara- 
 ble substance of the Deity. We believe therefore that 
 these three persons of the Father and the Son and 
 *'the Holy Ghost are not putative or, as it were, 
 "merely conjectural, but real, subsistent, coeternal, co- 
 ** equal, and consubstantial. For there is one person of 
 ^* the Father, another of the Son, another of the Holy Ghost. 
 "But the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost are not 
 
 ^ Sanctam autem perfectam et inseparabilem et ineffabilem veramque 
 Trinitatem, id est Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum, individuam 
 oonfiteor in unitate naturae, quia trinus et unus est Deus. Trinus nimirum 
 per distinctionem personarum : unus vero per substantiam inseparabilem 
 Deitatis. Has igitur tres personas Patris Filiique ac Spiritus Sancti, non 
 putativas vel quasi suspicabiles tantum, sed veras, subsistentes, coaitemas, 
 coaequales credimus et consubstantiales. Alia est enim persona Patris, 
 alia Pilii, alia Spiritus Sancti. Sed Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanclus 
 
 
 U 
 
 t( 
 
 u 
 
 «r 
 
 it 
 it 
 « 
 
 it 
 tt 
 tt 
 t( 
 ft 
 it 
 tt 
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 « 
 
 (( 
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 (( 
 (( 
 ft 
 
 three Gods, but God is one. For the Father, very God, 
 is really and properly a Father who begat from himself, 
 that is from his own substance, irrespective of time and 
 without any beginning, the true Son coeternal, con- 
 substantial, and coequal with himself. And the Son, 
 very God, is really and properly a Son who before all 
 worlds was begotten of the Father, irrespective of time 
 and without any beginning : Light of light, very God of 
 very God. And the Father never was without the 
 Son, nor the Son without the Father. For the Father 
 always is, was, and will be Father, and He never has not 
 been the Father, because there never has not been the 
 Son. For the Father is ever, who begat a Son equal to 
 Himself: the Son is ever, who was begotten equal to the 
 Father. For the Holy Ghost, very God, is really and 
 properly the Holy Ghost, not begotten nor created, but 
 proceeding from the Father and the Son without respect 
 of time and inseparably ; He ever is, was, and will be 
 consubstantial, coeternal, and equal with the Father 
 and the Son. And never has there been the Father or 
 the Son without the Holy Ghost, nor the Holy Ghost 
 without the Father and the Son. And therefore the 
 
 non tres dii, sed unus est Deus. Nam Pater verus Deus vere et proprie 
 Pater, qui genuit ex se, id est, ex sua substantia intemporaliter et absque 
 ullo initio verum Filium coaeternum consubstantialem et coaequalem sibi. 
 Et Filius verus Deus, vere et proprie est Filius, qui ante omnia saecula 
 genitus est de Patre intemporaliter et absque ullo initio. Lumen de 
 lumine, Deus verus de Deo vero. Et nunquam fuit Pater sine Filio, nee 
 Filius sine Patre. Pater etenim semper Pater est erat et erit. Et nunquam 
 non fuit Pater, quia nunquam non fuit Filius. Semper enim Pater, qui 
 genuit sibi aqualem Filium, semper quidem Filius, qui genitus est aequalis 
 Patri Spiritus namque Sanctus verus Deus vere et proprie Spiritus 
 Sanctus est, non genitus nee creatus, sed ex Patre Filioque intemporaliter 
 fit inseparabiliter procedens. Consubstantialis coaeternus et tequaliB 
 Patri Filioque semper est erat et erit. Et nunquam fuit Pater aut Filius 
 sine Spiritu Sancto. Nee Spiritus Sanctus sine Patre et Filio. Et idcirco 
 L. 16 
 
242 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 243 
 
 ti 
 
 u 
 
 €i 
 
 tt 
 
 "operations of the Trinity are ever inseparable, and there' 
 "is nothing in the Holy Ti^inity at all differing, or unlike 
 or unequal. In their nature there is no division^ in their 
 persons no confusion, nothing greater or less. None is 
 earlier or later, none inferior or superior, hut their power 
 is one and equal, their glory alike, their Majesty everlast' 
 " ing, coetemal, and consuhstantial For the Father, Son, 
 " and Holy Ghost are essentially one nature : and on that 
 "account God is one, but on account of the distinction 
 " of Persons He is not one, being Father, Son, and Holy 
 " Ghost. For the very Father is properly a Father, and 
 " is not the Son, and the very Son is properly a Son, and 
 "is not the Father: the Holy Ghost is properly the Holy 
 " Ghost, and is not in Person either Father or Son, but 
 "proceeds from both, and yet there are not three Gods, 
 " but God is one. And in this Holy Trinity nothing at 
 "all (far be it) is to be deemed of as visible, corporeal, 
 "palpable, or perceptible. For the Holy Trinity being 
 "almighty, invisible, incorporeal, impalpable, limitless, 
 unconfined, infinite, immeasurable and everlasting, go- 
 verns all things by its sway and authority. For although 
 
 It 
 
 tt 
 
 inseparabilia sunt semper opera Trinitatis, et nihil est in sancta Trinitate 
 diversmn aliquod ant dissimile vel inieqnale. Non diversum naturaliter, 
 non confnsum personaliter, nihil majus aut minns. Non anterior, non 
 posterior, non inferior, non superior, sed una et fequalis potestas, par gloria, 
 sempitema et coaetema, eonsubstantialisque majestas. Unum namque 
 sunt essentialiter Pater et Filius et Spiritus Sanctus. Et idcirco unua 
 est Deus, sed non unus propter personarum discretionem Pater et Filius 
 et Spiritus Sanctus. Verus enim Pater proprie Pater est, et non est 
 Filius, et verus Filius proprie Filius et non est Pater. Spiritus Sanctus 
 proprie Spiritus Sanctus est, et non est personaliter Pater vel Filius, sed 
 ex utroque procedit, et tamen non sunt tres dii tfed unus est Deus. Et 
 in hac sancta Trinitate nihil (quod absit) aliquid putandum est visibile 
 corporale palpabile vel comprehensibile. Omnipotens namque sancta 
 Trinitas, invisibilis, inoorporalis, impalpabilis, incomprehensibilis, incir. 
 cumscripta, infinita, immensa et sempitema omnia nutu et imperio sao 
 
 
 €t 
 
 €t 
 
 ^ we read of the eye of the Lord, or his arm, or his right 
 "hand, and so on, we ought not to understand thereby, 
 "in a sound belief of the right Faith, an arrangement of 
 " members, or a corporeal mass, but the influence of the 
 "supreme and unutterable divine power. For because 
 " He sees all things and pervades all, and all things are 
 "naked and open before Him, He is said to have eyes: 
 "moreover, because He created us, rules, protects, and 
 " defends us by His might. He is set forth as having an 
 " arm or right hand, and there are other similar expres- 
 **sions. And out of this unspeakable Trinity the sole 
 " Person of the Word of God, that is the Son, in the last 
 " days, for us and for our salvation, according to the set 
 purpose of the secret dispensation, came down from 
 heaven, whence he never had departed. He was incar- 
 " nate of the Holy Ghost and the ever- Virgin Mary, be- 
 "came very man and remains very God. Nor has His 
 "human birth in time interfered with His divine birth 
 ** irrespective of time, but in one Person of Christ Jesus, 
 " He is very Son of God and of man. Not one Son of man 
 " and another of God, but one and the same Son of God and 
 " man in both natures, that is divine and human very God 
 
 gubemat. Nam etsi legitur oculus Domini vel brachium sive dextra et 
 cetera, non membrorum positionem, vel molem corporis, sed effectum 
 summaB et inenarrabilis divinro potentiaB, integra rectae fidei credulitat© 
 debemus intelligere. Nam quia omnia videt et omnia penetrat et cuncta 
 nuda et aperta sunt ante eum, octdos habere dicitur, quia vero nos sua 
 virtute creavit, regit, protegit, et defendit, brachium vel dexteram habere 
 perhibetur, et his similia. De hac autem ineffabili Trinitate, sola Verbi 
 Dei Persona, id est, Filius in ultimis diebus propter nos et propter nostram 
 salutem secundum propositum secretas dispensationis arbitrium descendit 
 de coelis, unde nunquam recesserat. Incarnatus est de Spiritu Sancto, et 
 ex semper virgine Maria verus homo factus est, verusque permanet Deus. 
 Nee obfuit humana et temporalis nativitas divin» illi et intemporali 
 nativitati, sed in una Christi Jesu persona verus Dei verusque hominid 
 Filius. Non alter hominis filius et alter Dei, sed unus idemque Dei 
 
 16—2 
 
244 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 245 
 
 ti 
 
 tc 
 
 " and very man : not a Son of God in imputation, but in 
 " truth, not adoptive but real, because He was never, by 
 * reason of the humanity which He assumed, made alien 
 *' from the Father. For He alone was born man without 
 ** sin, since He alone was incarnate of the Holy Ghost and 
 " the spotless Virgin, a new man : Consuhstantial with 
 God the Father in His own, that is the divine, nature^ 
 consuhstantial also with his mother, without taint of sin, 
 "m our, that is, the human nature. And so in both 
 *' natures we confess Him to be the proper, and not the 
 " adoptive Son of God, because, having assumed humanity 
 " without confusion and severance, one and the same is 
 " the Son of God and man ; of the nature of the Father 
 " according to His Divinity, of the nature of His mother 
 " according to His humunity, yet in both belonging to the 
 ''Father, because, as has been said, there are not two 
 " Sons, one of God and another of man, but one Christ 
 •* Jesus by reason of the one Person, Son of God and man, 
 ''very God and very man, of a reasonable soul and very 
 ''flesh: Perfect man according to His humanity, perfect 
 "God^ according to His Divinity. Who in the same, that 
 
 hominisque filius in utraque natura, divina scilicet et humana, Deus verus 
 et homo verus. Non putativus Dei Filius sed verus, non adoptivus sed 
 proprius, quia nunquam fuit, propter hominem quern assumpsit, a Patre 
 alienus. Solus enim sine peccato natus est homo, quoniam solus est in- 
 carnatus de Spiritu Sancto et immaculata virgine novus homo. Consub- 
 stantialis Deo Patri in sua, id est, divina: consubstantialis etiam matri 
 sine sorde peccati in nostra, id est, humana natura. Et ideo in utraque 
 natura proprium eum, et non adoptivum Dei Filium confitemur, quia 
 inconfusibiliter et inseparabiliter, assumpto homine, unus idemque est 
 Dei et hominis Filius. Naturaliter Patri secundum Divinitatem, natu- 
 raliter matri secundum humanitatem : proprius tamen Patri in utroque, 
 quoniam sicut dictum est, non sunt duo filii, alter Dei, et alter hominis, 
 sed unus Christus Jesus propter unam personam, Dei et hominis Fihus, 
 Deus verus et homo verus in anima rationali et vera came. Perfectua 
 homo secundum humanitatem, perfectus Deus secundum Divinitatem. 
 
 *' is, the human nature which He took of the Virgin, bore 
 " human weaknesses but had not the frailty of sin, and 
 *'in the same nature He deigned to grow through the 
 *• progress of time, to hunger, thirst, be weary, to bear 
 "insults and taunts. He deigned to be scourged, to 
 " undergo crucifixion, to receive the spear in His side, to 
 *' be pierced by nails, to taste the gall and vinegar. In 
 " the same nature He deigned to die, to be buried, to 
 *• descend into hell, to rise again the third day, to con- 
 " verse with His disciples, and after the triumph of His 
 "conquering glory, by ascending above all heavens, He 
 " placed the same human nature, exalted above all angels, 
 "at the right hand of His Father. In the same nature 
 "He will come again to judge the quick and dead, and 
 "the world by fire, to render to each according to his 
 "works, namely to the impious, everlasting punishment, 
 " but to the just, life eternal. And that divine, unspeak- 
 "able nature in which He is God, equal to the Father 
 "and the Holy Ghost, is impassible, immutable, un- 
 " changeable, everywhere present, and ever almighty, con- 
 "tinuing inviolate; in which He reigns in Unity and 
 
 Qui in eadem natura, id est human^, quam sumpsit ex Virgine, humanas 
 pertulit infirmitates, non fragilitatem peccandi ; sed in eadem dignatus 
 est crescere per incrementa temporis, esurire, sitire, fatigari, contume- 
 lias et opprobria sustinere. Dignatus est flagellari, crucis patibulum 
 Bubire, lanceam in latere excipere, clavis transfigi, fel et acetum gus- 
 tare. In eadem dignatus est mori, sepeliri, ad inferos descendere, tertia 
 die resurgere, cum discipulis conversari : et post triumphum victricis 
 gloriae eandem humanam naturam ascendendo super omnes caelos 
 exaltatam super omnes angelos in Patris dextera collocavit. In leadem 
 iterum venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos et seculum per ignem, 
 redditurus unicuique secunduni opera sua, impiis utique supplicium 
 sempiternum, justis vero vitam aeternam. Divina autem ilia iueffabilis 
 natura in qua Deus est asqualis Patri Sanctoque Spiritui impassibilis, 
 immutabilis, inconvertibilis, ubique praesens, semperque omnipotens, 
 
 \ 
 
246 
 
 EISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 247 
 
 " Trinity with the Father and the Holy Ghost both now 
 " and ever and through all eternity. Amen." 
 
 Having thus set forth the needful exposition, the 
 Bishop enjoins on all present, and on all ranks of church- 
 men, . that they shall learn and keep in memory this 
 " Sincerest purity of the Catholic Faith," and at the same 
 time he prescribes that all the laity of both sexes and 
 of all ranks and ages, should learn by heart the Symbol 
 and the Lord's Prayer. 
 
 This address is noteworthy on several accounts. It is 
 an endeavour to supply an urgent want, and one for 
 which no other supply was apparent to the author. 
 And following after the exposition of the Faith, set forth 
 by the same prelate at the previous Synod of Frankfort, 
 it shews how expositions on the Catholic Faith were 
 being modelled after this manner. It contains, so to 
 speak, the lines on which the Quicunque is fashioned. 
 Here are many of the propositions of that Creed, though 
 nearly all couched in different words, and here is the 
 fashion of that amplification noticed by the Bishop of 
 St David's. Many attributes and qualities are predicated 
 of the Father, then a repetition of the same and their 
 predication of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Not 
 indeed in the detached way in which each separate pre- 
 dication is dealt with in the Quicunque, but yet evidently 
 a step in the direction of that greater elaboration and 
 distinctness. Nor does the language of Paulinus seem 
 to imply that his own exposition was regarded by him as 
 final. "Exponendum decrevimus trad ere *' may well 
 mean that he would be glad to welcome other expositors 
 who should be willing to enter on such a task. They 
 
 inviolata pennanens, in qua regnat in unitate et Trinitate cum Patre, et 
 Sancto Spiritu et nunc et semper et per cuncta sacula sseculorum. Amen. 
 
 / 
 
 I 
 
 'certainly intimate that no satisfactory treatise was in 
 existence within the range of Paulinus' observation. 
 
 After this we next meet with allusions to portions 
 of the first part of the Creed in writers like Theodul- 
 phus, bishop of Orleans, and in the letter of the monks 
 of Mount Olivet. But as the separate existence of the 
 two portions of the Quicunque has been established, 
 these quotations, which all come from the earlier verses, 
 prove no more than was already warranted by the pro- 
 fession of Denebert. It is only to be noticed that now 
 the name of Athanasius is mentioned in connection 
 with the quotations made, which mention has not be- 
 fore occurred. For no certainty can be attached to the 
 record of the council of Autun, nor any fixed date given 
 to Regino's Collections of Articles of Enquiry, and all 
 other quotations are drawn from what is named " Fides 
 " Catholica." That this name was given to many expo- 
 sitions is clear from the proceedings at Frankfort and 
 Friuli. But it may be that, when the Quicunque was 
 compiled and came to be accepted, the name of Atha- 
 nasius was applied to it, and this, in its earlier form, such 
 as that of the Muratorian copy at Milan, may perhaps 
 have been known in A.D. 809 to the monks in Palestine. 
 But all this is no more than conjectural. 
 
 Down to the time of Paulinus, however, the enquiry 
 seems to have kept to firm ground. Its results may be 
 thus stated. In A.D. 796, the Quicunque was unknown 
 to King Charlemagne, to the patriarch Paulinus, and to 
 the numerous bishops from widely scattered sees, who 
 were assembled to discuss the subject matter of that ex- 
 position as a part of the business of the Synod of Frank- 
 fort, and ii« the sole object of that at Friuli. But there 
 were in existence, in separate forms, two documents 
 
 \ 
 
248 
 
 niSTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 'i 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 249 
 
 which, when combined, constitute the framework of our 
 present Creed, and one of these, the outline of the first 
 half, was in public use in such separate form, as is wit- 
 nessed by Bishop Denebert's profession, and the frequent 
 quotations which are made from it. The substantial 
 groundwork of the second portion does not seem to have 
 been so widely known or used. But the discussions 
 which were rife in the end of the eighth century were 
 bringing all contributions toward the explanation of the 
 doctrines of the Incarnation and the Trinity into promi- 
 nent notice, while expositions like those of Paulinus in 
 A.D. 794" and 796 were marking the form which other 
 similar works should take, and which is that of the 
 present Quicunque. But these two summaries do not 
 appear to have been yet united, or to have received those 
 expansions which have brought them into their accepted 
 form. This is at the very close of the eighth century. 
 
 But it seems possible to advance one step farther. 
 Evidence exists which makes it very doubtful whether the 
 Quicunque had been compiled even in a.d. 813, and which 
 sets at rest the theory of Dr Waterland that Hilary of 
 Aries may have been its composer. In that year, by order 
 of Charlemagne, a council was assembled at Aries, wherein 
 were discussed the subjects which at that time occupied 
 all ecclesiastical thoughts and pens, the exposition of the 
 doctrines of the Trinity and of the Incarnation. Among 
 the documents issued by the Council was a list of Canons, 
 the first of which treats of these matters, and is of a form 
 which it seems hard to believe would ever have been put 
 forth had the Quicunque been known to the members or 
 the summoner of the Council, and which certainly would 
 never have been issued at Aries had Bishop Hilary pre- 
 viously composed our present Creed. The words of the 
 
 K 
 
 tt 
 
 Canon are the following, where the italicized sentences 
 are of a character similar to the Quicunque : 
 
 " According * to the divine Scriptures and the doctrine 
 " which we receive from the holy fathei's, we confess that 
 " the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost are of one God'- 
 " head and substance; believing in the THnity in a diversity 
 " ofpersonSf we neither confound the persons nor divide the 
 " substance. We say the Father is made of none nor be- 
 **' gotten ; we assert that the Son is of the Father, not made 
 " but begotten ; we profess moreover that the Holy Ghost is 
 " neither created nor begotten, but proceeding from the 
 " Father and the Son. Also that the Lord Jesus Christ 
 " Himself the Son of God, and Creator of all things, born 
 of the substance of the FAtlutr biiforo Uio woii<liv do- 
 scended from the FttiUcr lu the ladt time fur iha rcdemp* 
 *' tion of the world, Boeing He never oeasea to be with the 
 " Father. For Ho was iDcnrnate of the Ho)y Gho6t and 
 " the holy gloriou.s Mary, mother of Qod, and He one of 
 " the holy Trinity, the same Lord Jesus Cftnst^ alone being 
 *.' born of her, assuming soul ondfMij a J>^rfect humaHtl^, 
 " without sin, remainiDg what He was» assamiDg what He 
 
 1 MoDBi, xrv. 58, Canon i. S<^nniliim tllTiniA tsciini ScrlpCarM ct do^ 
 trinam quam a Bancti» pi^tfibuff toMfittiu Pktram ot FUimm ci Spliitiifll 
 Snuciuni uniuH Dcitatis Atqao snl«l«otiii «ooCt«iiutry la ptrwwwM 
 divorMitato Triiiiluioixi an^teilM» x>eo pervonM ooolimduBai 9C0 tiib- 
 f«tautiam BcpariimnH. f^irvnt a nulla Uatiim Td ^onUnm i kiiM , FDinm 
 H Putro uou factum Bcd CfoiiUifli aatcrioMn, 8iiirttam vero 6ane4am ncc 
 OTouttnn iiiic gonitum sod prootdtentcci ex VtAtt at Ftlio profiUinur. 
 Ip«um uut«»in Dotuiimm Jcmm GhrUtiuD, Dcd Fittmn ti CMatovan om* 
 Ilium ex BubBtnntiH rutrix auto tmoikk ^toUom, dqpomdiiaa vltimo 
 toitiltoro pro rodomptioiM CTindt a Patra, qui ttWDfniai teH mmt c«m 
 Tatrv. Incaruatufl oi4 cadm ex Spiritu Sancfeo <t motAh glaik«ft D«i 
 gcnitriw I^ruriii, ot attiu %x ip»h rolus ideon IXotttoitt Jiao* Ckriiiof 
 uuuM do Hanota TriuiU4o aaimui «i eanifm. fottuMmn, uot po.>sjito 
 i}UHciiM< n:> homiucm mnuens qao4 ctbI UMaaaaa qoM aoa cnl^ ^^uoUa 
 
$50 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 ** was not, having in one person the propriety of two 
 " natures (for two natures are in Him, God and man, for 
 " He is not two sons and two Gods, but the same is one 
 " person in both natures), undergoing passion and death 
 " for our salvation, not in the virtue of the Godhead, but 
 " in the infirmity of Manhood. He descended to those 
 " below that He might rescue the saints who were there 
 " detained, and the empire of death being overthrown, He 
 " rose again, then having been received into heaven, He 
 " will come at last to the judgment of quick and dead. 
 " By whose death and blood being purified, we have ob- 
 " tained forgiveness of sins, being about to be raised by 
 " Him at the last day in that flesh wherein we now live, 
 " and in that form in which the same Lord arose, some to 
 " receive from Him for the deserts of their justice eternal 
 " life, others for their sins the sentence of eternal punish- 
 '* ment. This is the faith of the Catholic Church, this con- 
 " fession we keep and hold, which whosoever shall most 
 " firmly guard, shall have everlasting salvation," 
 
 In spite then of the allusion of the monks of Olivet 
 to the Creed of St Athanasius, it seems scarcely credible 
 
 Patri secundum Divinitatem, minor Patre secundum humanitatem, ha- 
 bens in una persona duarum naturarum proprietatem (naturaB enim in 
 illo du£B, Deus et homo : non enim duo filii et Dei duo sed idem una 
 persona in utraque natura) perferens passionem et mortem pro nostra 
 Salute non in virtute Divinitatis sed in infirmitate humanitatis. De- 
 scendit ad inferos, ut sanctos qui ibidem tenebantur erueret, devictoque 
 mortis imperio resurrexit, assumptus deinde in ccelos venturus est in 
 finem ad judicium vivorum et mortuorum. Cujus morte et sanguine 
 mundati, peccatorum remissionem consecuti sumus, resuscitandi ab eo 
 in die novissimo, in ea qua nunc vivimus came et iu ea qua surrexit 
 idem Dominus forma, percepturi ab ipso alii pro justitiae meritis vitam 
 fiBtemam, alii pro peccatis supplicii aBtemi sententiam. Haec est Catho- 
 licaB EcclesiaB fides, banc confessionem servamus, atque tenemus ; quam 
 quisquis firmissime custodierit perpetuam salutem babebit. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 251 
 
 that they could have possessed more than the first portion 
 from which their quotation is made. They were peculiarly 
 favoured by the emperor, and were not unlikely to be put 
 in possession of all important ecclesiastical documents with 
 which he was acquainted. Would he not also have com- 
 municated to the Council specially summoned by him, a 
 document so helpful as the Quicunque would have proved 
 to the composers of this first Canon ? It cannot be doubted 
 that he would. It was then because it was unknown to 
 him that no notice is taken of it in the proceedings at 
 Aries. In that case it may be almost certainly concluded 
 that it had not been compiled, and that the monks pos- 
 sessed merely the portion which was for a long time the 
 best known, and from which their argument is drawn. 
 The name of Athanasius was attached, if this be so, to the 
 first section of the Creed before the combination of the 
 two documents into one. 
 
 Our enquiries must now pass to a time when the 
 present Creed was certainly known, and by an investiga- 
 tion carried backwards from that date as far as possible, 
 the period in which the Quicunque must have been com- 
 piled will be reduced to the narrowest compass which the 
 evidence admits of. The interval over which the investi- 
 gation leaps is not a great one. By the time that three 
 quarters of the ninth century had elapsed, there is evi- 
 dence that the exposition which was to supersede all 
 others, had been set forth and accepted. In a Prayer 
 Book of Charles the Bald, written about A.D. 870, the 
 Athanasian Creed is found, as nearly as possible, in the 
 very words which we now use. An inspection of the 
 various readings given in the Appendix to this Chapter, 
 will shew how slight the differences are. The Quicunque, 
 then, had not only been compiled, but had by this time 
 
252 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 253 
 
 made itself reputation enough to be included in the 
 service-books. If twenty years be allowed for this gaining 
 of acceptance, the date is carried back to the middle of 
 the century, i.e. A.D. 850. 
 
 But in two other MSS. of the Creed, the one at 
 Milan, and the other the St German's MS. at Paris, the 
 variations are somewhat more numerous. They are not 
 startling, but yet enough to mark earlier stages in the 
 history of the compilation. If a quarter of a century be 
 assigned for the period during which these slight altera- 
 tions were being introduced, it seems to be amply suf- 
 ficient. A comparison of the later history of the forma- 
 tion of the Apostolic Creed will illustrate how such 
 changes come in little by little. Thus we may with some 
 degree of certainty narrow the limits of the period during 
 which the parts of the Quicunque were first combined, to 
 the quarter of a century from A.D. 800 — 825, and most 
 probably after A.D. 813. The lapse of twenty or thirty 
 years smoothed down the rough places of the earlier 
 copies, or gave more force, as was supposed, to one or 
 two expressions. The work thus refined soon made itself 
 a name, and within twenty years more found its way into 
 the Prayer Books. It seems however to be too hasty 
 an acceptance to suppose, as Dr Swainson does, that the 
 finishing move in the completion of the Creed was made 
 by Hincmar, A.D. 870, and that in the same year it was 
 included among the contents of Charles the Bald's Prayer 
 Book. The analogy of the increments of the Apostolic 
 Creed is in favour of a slower development. 
 
 The question of its composer will probably ever re- 
 main doubtful, though there can be little question that 
 we owe it to one of the active ecclesiastics of the early 
 part of the ninth century. But whether it were Pauli- 
 
 BUS, as Mr Ffoulkes decides ; or Alcuin, who is proved by 
 Dr Swainson^ to have made much use in his other worli 
 of that quotation from St Augustine which now forms 
 verse 36 of the Quicunque, but was not in the Treves 
 fragment; or Hincmar, to whom Dr Swainson seems him- 
 self most to incline, will perhaps never be ascertained. 
 But as Paulinus and Alcuin both died A.D. 804, it is 
 improbable that the compilation is due to either of those 
 divines, otherwise it would have received all acknow- 
 ledgement from Charlemagne. Yet, interesting as the 
 discovery of the author would certainly be, it is not of 
 great importance when we are considering the doctrine 
 which the Creed contains. As Dr Waterland has shewn 
 by his list of parallel passages, the substance of the great- 
 est part of what has been added to the more brief origi- 
 nals, may be found in the works of Augustine; and Dr 
 Swainson has pointed out ' that Hincmar quotes some of 
 the clauses from Sophronius. But it is worthy of notice, 
 in the midst of the controversy which at present exists on 
 this subject, that the parallels quoted by Waterland for 
 verses 2, 26 and 40 (the damnatory or admonitory clauses 
 to which most exception has been taken) are couched in 
 language of a far different tone from that of the words of 
 the Creed. Take the last verse for an instance. In the 
 Creed we have, "This is the Catholic Faith, which except 
 " a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved." To this 
 the best parallel from Augustine which is produced runs 
 thus ' : — '* Take heed, dearly beloved, lest any one seduce 
 *' you from the faith and unity of the Catholic Church. 
 " For let him, who preaches to you otherwise than as ye 
 ** have received, be Anathema." 
 
 ^ Formation of the Athanasian Creeds p. 37. 
 
 ^ Id. p. 88. * Waterland, chap. ix. ad finem. 
 
 d 
 
254: 
 
 
 BISTORT OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 255 
 
 
 This want of parallelism is important when we recol- 
 lect that in the profession of Denebert, which is the 
 earliest form we have of the first part of the Creed, our 
 present second verse — "Which Faith except every one 
 "do keep whole and nndefiled, without doubt he shall 
 " perish everlastingly" — is not found ; while in the Treves 
 MS., the basis of the latter half of the Quicunque, in- 
 stead of the final verse as it at present stands, there is the 
 following : — " This is the true and Catholic Faith, which 
 "eveiy man who desires to attain to eternal life, ought to 
 " know thoroughly and guard faithfully/* In such a period 
 as that to which we have assigned the date of the compi- 
 lation of the Creed, the fiercer expressions which it con- 
 tains would find ready acceptance. And this very tone of 
 the language is no small indication of the time to which 
 its composition ought to be referred. 
 
 The points which this investigation seems to have 
 established may be put summarily thus : 
 
 i Before A.D. 809 there is no trustworthy notice of 
 any confession called by the name of St Athanasius. 
 
 ii. Before that date two separate compositions ex- 
 isted which form the groundwork of the present Qui- 
 cunque. 
 
 iii. Tliat for some time after that date all quotations 
 are made only from the former of these compositions. 
 
 iv. That the Quicunque was not known down to 
 A.D. 813, to those who were most likely to have heard of 
 it had it been in existence. 
 
 V. That it is found nearly as we use it A. D. 870. 
 
 vi A comparison of the various MSS. shews that, 
 after the combination of the two parts, the text was for 
 some time in an unsettled or transition state. 
 
 On every ground therefore both of internal and ex- 
 
 ternal evidence it seems to be a sound conclusion that 
 somewhere between A.D. 813—850 the Creed was brought 
 nearly into the form in which we now use it ; that before 
 the earlier of these dates it was not known, but that in 
 Gaul at least it gained general acceptance soon after the 
 middle of the ninth century, and that the strong expres- 
 sions of its warning clauses are to be traced to the fierce 
 contests which at that period agitated the whole ecclesi- 
 astical world. 
 
256 
 
 I 
 
 BISTORT OF TUE CREEDS. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER lY. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 257 
 
 The Quimnque, with the various readings of the 31 SS. 
 
 A. marks the Colbertine fragment. 
 
 B. the Ambrosian MS. 
 
 C. the St German's MS. 
 
 D. the Prayer Book of Charles the Bald. 
 
 E. the Utrecht Psalter. 
 
 F. Galba. A. xviij. Br. Mus. 
 
 G. Yesp. A. i. 
 
 H. Reg. 2. B. V. 
 
 Fides Sancti Athanasii, 
 
 1 Quicunque vult salvus esse, ante omnia opus est 
 ut teneat Catholicam Fidem. 
 
 2 Quam nisi quisque integram inviolatamque serva- 
 verit, absque dubio in aeternum peribit. 
 
 3 Fides autem Catholica hsec est, ut unum Deum in 
 Trinitate, et Trinitatem in XJnitate veneremur : 
 
 4 Neque confundentes Personas, neque Substantiam 
 
 separantes. 
 
 5 Alia est enim Persona Patris, alia Filii, alia Spi- 
 ritus Sancti. 
 
 6 Sed Patris, et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, una est 
 Divinitas, aequalis Gloria, coaeterna Majestas. 
 
 7 Qualis Pater, talis Filius, talis et Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 Titulum habet H. Hymnus Athanami, de Fide Trinita- 
 tiSy quern tu concelehrans discutienter intellige. 
 
 1 1 — 27 deest in A : salvus esse, esse salvus B : ante 
 ut add. enim H. 
 
 2 quisque, quis B: inviolatamque, inviolahilemqve C: 
 in aeternum peribit, penbit in cetemum C: ad fin. vers, 
 habet H, Incipit de Fide. 
 
 4 confundantes H. 
 
 5 alia Filii, alia persona Filii B : alia Sp. s., alia per- 
 sona Sp. s. B. 
 
 ■■mil 
 
 8 Increatus Pater, increatus Filius, increatus et Spi- 
 ritus Sanctus. 
 
 9 Immensus Pater, immensus Filius, immensus et 
 Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 10 iEternus Pater, aeternus Filius, aeternus et Spi- 
 ritus Sanctus. 
 
 11 Et tamen non tres aetemi, sed unus aeternus. 
 
 12 Sicut non tres increati, nee tres immensi, sed 
 unus increatus, et unus immensus. 
 
 13 Similiter, Omnipotens Pater, Omnipotens Filius, 
 Omnipotens et Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 14 Et tamen non tres Omnipotentes, sed unus Omni- 
 potens. 
 
 15 Ita Deus Pater, Deus Filius, Deus et Spiritus 
 Sanctus. 
 
 16 Et tamen non tres Dii, sed unus est Deus. 
 
 17 Ita Dominus Pater, Dominus Filius, Do minus et 
 Spiritus Sanctus. 
 
 18 Et tamen non tres Domini, sed unus est Dominus. 
 
 19 Quia sicut singillatim unamquamque Personam 
 et Deum et Dominum confiteri Christiana veritate com- 
 pellimur ; ita tres Deos aut Dominos dicere Catholica reli- 
 gione prohibemur. 
 
 20 Pater a nuUo est factus, nee creatus, nee genitus. 
 
 21 Filius a Patre solo est, non factus, nee creatus, 
 sed genitus. 
 
 22 Spiritus Sanctus a Patre et Filio, non factus, nee 
 creatus, nee genitus est, sed procedens. 
 
 12 Unus increatus et unus immensus, un, im. et un. 
 incr. B. 
 
 14 Et tamen, deest tamen in B. 
 16 est Deus, deest est in B. 
 
 18 est Dominus, deest est in B. 
 
 19 Et Deum, deest et in C, F, G, H: prohibemur, 
 prohihemus B. 
 
 22 Sed procedens, Hie addit B, Patri et Filio co- 
 ostemus est 
 
 L. 17 
 
258 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 23 Unus ergo Pater, non tres Patres ; unus Filius, 
 non tres Filii ; unus Spiritus Sanctus, nou tres Spiritus 
 Sancti. 
 
 24 Et in hac Trinitate nihil prius aut posterius, 
 nihil majus aut minus, sed totae tres Personoe coaeternse 
 sibi sunt, et coaequales. 
 
 25 Ita ut per omnia, sicut jam supra dictum est, et 
 Unitas in Trinitate, et Trinitas in Unitate veneranda sit. 
 
 26 Qui vult ergo salvus esse, ita de Trinitate sen- 
 tiat. 
 
 27 Sed necessarium est ad setemam Salutem, ut 
 Incarnationem quoque Domini nostri Jesu Christi fideliter 
 credat. 
 
 ^ 28 Est ergo Fides recta, ut credamus et confiteamur, 
 quia Dominus noster Jesus Christus, Dei Filius, Deus 
 pariter et Homo est. 
 
 20 Deus est ex substantia Patris ante saecula genitus: 
 Homo, ex substantia Matris in sseculo natus. 
 
 30 Perfectus Deus, perfectus Homo ex anima rationali 
 et humana carne subsistens. 
 
 31 ^ualis Patri secundum Divinitatem : minor Patre 
 secundum Humanitatem. 
 
 32 Qui licet Deus sit et Homo, non duo tamen, sed 
 unus est Christus. 
 
 33 Unus autem, non conversione Divinitatis in car- 
 nem, sed assumptione Humanitatis in Deum. 
 
 24 Et in hac, deest et in C. 
 
 25 Et Tr. in Unit, et Un. in Tnn, H. 
 
 27 Incipit fragmentum A. Domini nostri Jesu Christi 
 fideliter credat unusquisque, ante fideliter add. G. 
 
 28 confiteamur quia, quod B. Deus pariter et Homo 
 est, et D. p. e. R e.B.C: pariter om. E, F. 
 
 29 Ex substantia: de substantia A, J), F, his. Homo, 
 et homo est B, E, F : in scecula natus H. 
 
 30 rationali, rationabili A, B, D. 
 
 31 Minor Patre, minor Patri A, E, F. 
 
 33 in carnem, in came A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H : in 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 259 
 
 34* Unus omnino, non confusione Substantiae, sed uni- 
 tate Personse. 
 
 35 Nam sicut anima rationalis et caro unus est 
 Homo ; ita Deus et Homo unus est Christus. 
 
 36 Qui passus est pro salute nostra, descendit ad 
 inferos, tertia die resurrexit a mortuis. 
 
 37 Adscendit ad coelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris; 
 inde venturus judicare vivos et mortuos. 
 
 38 Ad cujus adventum omnes homines resurgere 
 habent cum corporibus suis, et reddituri sunt de factis 
 propriis rationem. 
 
 39 Et qui bona egerunt, ibunt in vitam seternam, qui 
 vero mala, in ignem aeternam. 
 
 40 Haec est Fides Catholica, quam nisi quisque fide- 
 liter, firmiterque crediderit, salvus esse non poterit. 
 
 Deum, in Deo A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H: conversione, corner^ 
 satione C: in A legitur versus, Unus autem non ex eo 
 quod sit in Came conversa Divinitas, sed quia est in Deo 
 adsumpta dignanter humanitas. 
 
 35 Versum om. A : rationalis, rationabilis B. 
 
 36 Qui passus e. p. salute, qui secundum fidem nos- 
 tram passus et mortuus A : ad inferos, ad infernos C : ad 
 infema A : tertia die, deest in B, C, D, F. 
 
 37 sedet, sedit B, E : dexteram Patris, addit Omnipo- 
 tentis C: Dexteram Dei Patris sedet, sicut vobis in Symbolo 
 traditum est A : Dexteram Dei P. Omnipotentis D, E, G, H. 
 
 38 Eesurgere habent cum corp. suis, desunt in B: 
 ad cujus adventum erunt omnes homines sine dubio in suis 
 corporibus resurrecturi A. 
 
 39 Egerunt, egerint B: in A legitur versus, Ut qui 
 bona egerunt eant in v. cet qui mala in ign, cet Qui vero, 
 et qui vero D, H : et qui mala E, F. 
 
 40 Quisque, unusquisque B: in A legitur versus, 
 Hcec est fides vera et catholica, qmim omnis homo qui 
 ad vitam cetemam pervenire desiderata scire integre debet, 
 et fideliter custodire, 
 
 17—2 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 "OF THE RECEPTION AND USE OF THE QUICUNQUE/' 
 
 In ipsa item Catholica Ecclesia magnopere curandum est ut id tenea- 
 mus quod ubique quod semper quod ab omnibus creditum est. 
 
 ViNCENTius LiBiNENSis, Commoti. prim. c. 2. 
 
 It is clear from what has been already advanced that 
 our Athanasian Creed was first promulgated and first 
 gained acceptance in Gaul. 'This point is attested by 
 the sources from which both the earliest ancient testi- 
 monies and comments are drawn, as well as by the MSS. 
 in which the Quicunque occurs. Of these last, ten out of 
 the twenty-five brought forward by Waterland are of Gal- 
 ilean origm ; while five of the thirteen ancient comments 
 which the same writer mentions, and seventeen ancient 
 testimonies out of thirty-six, are also drawn from Gal- 
 ilean authorities ^ And when it is considered with what 
 earnestness Charlemagne and his successors regarded all 
 affairs ecclesiastical, it does not appear necessary to allow 
 a long time to elapse from the date of its composition 
 before the Creed may be presumed to have been of 
 general acceptance in Gaul. Such acceptance need hardly 
 be fixed at a later date than a.d. 870, the time when 
 the Quicunque is found in Charles the Bald's Phiyer 
 Book. It may have been received into use, as we have 
 before allowed, at a somewhat earlier period. But it is very 
 ^ See the lists in Waterland, pp. 56, 88, and 120. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 261 
 
 doubtful whether it was known to Hatto, bishop of Basle 
 A.D. 820, or to the monks of Mt. Olivet A.D. 809. The 
 quotation made by the latter does not enable us to speak 
 with any certainty, though the title which they use, and 
 which is also given in Bishop Hatto's Constitutions, seems 
 to mark the time when the combination of the two parts 
 of the Quicunque had taken place, and when the as- 
 cription to Athanasius had become common. It will be 
 enough however to date its reception in Gaul as taking 
 place between A. D. 820 and 850 at the earliest. 
 
 From the close connexion between France and Ger- 
 many at this period it is natural to expect that the latter 
 country would be acquainted with the composition almost 
 as soon as the former. Accordingly we find in Lambe- 
 cius^ an account of a German translation of the Qui- 
 cunque written by Otfrid, a monk of Weissenburg, who 
 flourished A.D. 870. We need not give quite so early a date 
 as this to the version, for it may have been made towards 
 the end of the author's life, but it shews that Germany 
 received the new exposition almost as soon as France. 
 That translations from the Latin into the. various ver- 
 naculars would soon be made, may be inferred from 
 Hincmar's language to his presbjrters, whom he enjoins 
 to learn the " Sermo Athanasii," and understand it, that 
 they may be able to set it forth — verbis commumbus — 
 in the ordinary language of their hearers. A. D. 870 will 
 therefore not be far from the correct date of the ac- 
 ceptance of the Creed by Germany. 
 
 If the composition of the Quicunque were a result, 
 
 as is most probable, of the exertions and promptings of 
 
 Paulinus, it cannot be doubted that the northern parts of 
 
 Italy, in which his own see was situated, would early be 
 
 } Lamb, de Biblioth. rindobon.t Vol. ii. 260 and 760. 
 
 
262 
 
 BISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 made acquainted with the confession. It is not however 
 till the time of Katherius, who was bishop of Verona A. D. 
 928, that we meet with any direct trace of it in that 
 district. But the language which he employs concerning 
 it is such as to shew that it had long been of standing 
 use. In a synodical letter to his clergy he joins^ the 
 Athanasian with the Apostolic and Nicene Creeds, and 
 directs that they shall all alike be learnt by heart. This 
 Creed may therefore be fairly inferred to have been 
 current in North Italy by the year A. D. 900, though, as 
 we shall see, it was not accepted in Rome until a some- 
 what later period. 
 
 In England, if the date which has been assigned to 
 the Psalter of King Athelstan' be nearly correct, the 
 Creed was accepted almost as early as in any other 
 country. Nor is this to be wondered at when it is 
 remembered how intimately our own country was con- 
 nected, through Alcuin and Erigena, with the literary 
 distinctions of the courts of both Charlemagne and Charles 
 the Bald. This close intercommunication is a good ground 
 for believing that the Quicunque would have come into 
 use in England by A. D. 870, and the same date may be 
 assigned to its introduction into Spain, and for a similar 
 reason. The intimate correspondence between France 
 and Spain which is seen at the time of the Adoptionist 
 controversy is not likely to have fallen off in any degree 
 during the half century of debate which succeeded thereto, 
 and Waterland has given evidence of the employment of 
 the Gallican Psalter in Spain at a very early date. 
 
 When we come to Rome the case is different. As 
 with the Apostolic and the interpolated Nicene Creeds, 
 so here the other branches of the Western Church had 
 
 ? Waterland, p. 41. 
 
 « Tide p. 21^. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 263 
 
 accepted the new form of profession for some time before 
 it met with equal favour in the Papal city. We know 
 from Thomas Aquinas, A.D. 1250, that in his day this 
 Creed was accepted in the Roman Church, and on the 
 Papal authority \ But in the days of Innocent III. (a.d. 
 1198 — 1216) it does not seem to have been treated in 
 that Church as one of the Creeds. This pope, writing on 
 the twelve articles of each Creed, uses^ the expression 
 "as well of the Apostolic as of the Constantinopolitan 
 " Creed," implying thereby, as it seems, that to these two 
 alone did he apply the title of Creed. If we therefore 
 assign the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the 
 twelfth century for the reception of the Quicunque into 
 the use of the Roman Church, we shall not perhaps be 
 greatly in error. 
 
 Its acceptance in the Greek Church was at even a 
 later date than this; and perhaps the first mention of 
 the Creed in connexion with that Church occurs in the 
 controversy on the Procession, and was not before A.D. 
 1200. 
 
 Very little time then will cover the whole period 
 between the original compilation of the Creed and its 
 acceptance in the largest part of the Western Church, 
 while Rome was perhaps three centuries behind the rest 
 of the West in admitting the Creed to a place in her 
 services. 
 
 But it should be borne in mind that the reception 
 of the Quicunque was at first, and for a considerable 
 period, only as an exposition of the doctrines of the 
 lesser Creed, and for the use of the Clergy, not as 
 
 1 See Waterland, p. 162. 
 
 • Innocent III. De Sacro altaris Mysterio, ii. 50, Migne, ccxvii, 827. 
 
264 
 
 EISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 a profession of faith put into the mouths of the whole 
 congregation. That this was the intention of that com- 
 position of which the Treves MS. formed part, is evident 
 from the language of the fragment preserved to us. 
 " According to our Faith Christ suffered' " is its expressiop, 
 and "Fides" meant the Creed when this was written. 
 And again, "He sitteth at the right hand of God the 
 "Father, as has been delivered to you in the Symbol;" 
 where we see that this fragment contains part of an 
 address delivered on the solemn occasion of the "Traditio 
 " Symboli'." And when it came into combination with the 
 earlier verses, which make it a complete treatise on the 
 Trinity and Incarnation, the service to which it was at 
 first devoted was clearly of the like nature. Whether 
 our testimony be drawn from France, Germany, or Italy, 
 it all speaks the same language. Whatever date we may 
 assign to the Canon of the Council of Autun, it is good 
 evidence for shewing the use to which the Creed was put, 
 and who were the persons that were expected to under- 
 stand it: "If any Priest, Deacon, Subdeacon, or Clerk 
 "have not faultlessly conned the Faith of the holy Bishop 
 "Athanasius, let him be condemned by the bishop^" This 
 Fides was a portion of the clerical education, but not 
 a composition for congregational use. Churchmen were 
 to study it that they might by its aid the better explain 
 the doctrines which it was their duty to teach their 
 hearers. Regino's Articles of Enquiry shew that in 
 Germany it was put to the same employment. Of the 
 Clergy it is to be asked whether each "knows by heart 
 
 * See ante p. 215. i g^e p. 12. 
 
 » "Si quis Presbyter, Diaconns, Subdiaconus, vel Clericus Fidem 
 
 " Sancti Athanasii proBsuUs irreprebensibiHter non recensuerit, ab Epis- 
 " copo condemnetur." Harduin, m. 1016, quoted by Waterland. - 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 265 
 
 " the discourse of Bishop Athanasius concerning the Faith 
 ** of the Holy Trinity \" And here the use of the word 
 " Sermo " in the description of the work which is to be 
 learnt by heart is sufficient to prove in what light that 
 work was regarded. It was a treatise or exposition, bilt 
 had not yet been elevated into a Creed. From Italy,' 
 Ratherius, bishop of Verona, speaks to the same point, 
 and in almost the same words, at a period subsequent to 
 A. D. 955. With him the Quicunque is still a " Sermo." 
 In his instructions to his clergy he exhorts each " to hold 
 "in memory that treatise of Saint Athanasius which 
 " commences with Quicunque vult^J* But evidently it was 
 an instruction for themselves and a help in teaching 
 rather than a Symbol, which name he gives in the same 
 passage to the Nicene and Apostolic Creeds. 
 
 The proceedings of the council of Friuli quoted in the 
 last chapter^ shew the reason why Paulinus desired such 
 an explanation of the Catholic Faith for thef use of the 
 Church. It was that the clergy might have a standard text- 
 book. Hatto in A.D. 820, and Hincmar in A.D. 852, what- 
 ever they included under the title of the " Faith of Atha- 
 nasius" or "Athanasius' treatise on Faith," confine the 
 study of the work, the former to the " Sacerdotes," the 
 the latter to " XJnusquisque Presbyterorum." Riculphus, 
 bishop of Soissons A. D. 889, recommends it as a " Sermo " 
 in his pastoral charge. These testimonies* are all from 
 Gaul, and from the same country is derived the first 
 
 1 Si sermonem Athanasii Episcopi de Fide SanotaB Trinitatis 
 
 memoriter teneat. Eegino, de Discip. EocL i. 
 
 2 lUum Sancti Athanasii (quaa ita incipit: Quicunque vult) Sermoneia 
 memoriter teneat. Batherius quoted by Waterland, p. 41. 
 
 „ > P. 240. 
 
 * Vid. Waterland, pp. 37, 38, 4L ... 
 
266 
 
 HISTORY OF TEE CREEDS. 
 
 <€ 
 
 notice of the introduction of the Creed into the Services 
 of the Church. In Bishop Hatto^s Constitutions the Qui- 
 cunque is to be recited every Lord's Day at prime. 
 Honorius, a divine belonging to the Church of Autun 
 A.I). 1130, mentions that the Creed was used in his time 
 daily at Prime, which evidence is supported about fifty 
 years later (a.d. 1178) by that of Robertus Paululus, a 
 presbyter of Amiens; but his language is such as to induce 
 ns to believe that the introduction of its daily use was 
 of recent origin when he wrote\ He is speaking of the 
 Services recited at Prime and writes: "Hereunto the 
 "devotion of the faithful has added the* Quicunque vult, so 
 nhat at no hour of the day may we forget the articles 
 "of the Faith which are necessary to Salvation." Such 
 words would not have been employed had the practice 
 of reciting the Creed at this hour been at that time of 
 long standing. 
 
 Turning to Germany, we find the use which has been 
 already noticed in Regino's Articles confirmed in a most 
 solemn manner by Anscharius, the Archbishop of Hamburg 
 and Bremen, A. d. 865. « When his death was near," we 
 read, "he urged on his brethren (i.e. the clergy) the 
 
 ^ That "prime " was a service introdnced by and for the clergy and 
 monastic bodies, and wherein accordingly the Quicunque might weU be 
 used, so that constant employment of the words might impress the Ian 
 guage on the memory, will be seen by the following account of that service 
 from Migne's Encyclopidie Theologique (Tom, 34, col 1175) 
 
 L'heure de prime est la premiere de I'office dujour; on en rapporte 
 1 mstitution aux moines de Bethleem, et Cassien en fait mention dans ses 
 Institutions de la Vie Monastique. Hv. 3. c. 4. II appelle cet office mata- 
 una Bolemmtas, parce qu'on le disait au point du jour ou aprds le lever 
 du soleil; c'est ce que nous apprend I'hymne attribute a Saint Ambroise • 
 "/am lucu OTt<, sidere etc^ Cassien I'appeUe aussi novella solemnitas 
 parce que c €tait une pratique encore rdcente, et il ajoute qu'eUe pasa^ 
 tientdt des monast^res d'Orient dang oeux ^es Gaules, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 267 
 
 ''recital of the Catholic Faith composed by the blessed 
 "Athanasius\" 
 
 From Italy as late as A.D. 1250 we have the weighty 
 testimony of Thomas Aquinas that the original design of 
 the composition was not that of a Symbol, though it was 
 in his day received as a Kule of Faith by the Papal 
 authorityl And nearly at the same time in England 
 two bishops, Walter de Cantilupe of Worcester and Walter 
 de Kirkham of Durham, in their Synodical Constitutions^ 
 while recommending the study of the Quicunque to their 
 Clergy, are agreed in styling it " a Psalm," which name 
 places it in a very different position from that occupied 
 by the Symbols which they speak of respectively as " the 
 " greater " and " the less." 
 
 There is therefore not a particle of authority in the 
 early times of the history of the Quicunque for the con- 
 gregational use to which it was ultimately put in the 
 Church of England. What that was in our own country 
 we may see at the time of the Reformation, from the 
 Primer of Hilsey Bishop of Rochester, put forth A.D. 1539. 
 This Manual of Private Devotion was designed for general 
 use and for the instruction of the young, and in it the 
 first part contains, before any other matter, " The symbol 
 "or Creed of the gi'eat Doctor Athanasius, daily read in 
 "Church." In the English Church, therefore, before A.D. 
 1549 it was the use to say at some time every day in 
 the public service this symbol or creed, a practice which 
 has never obtained elsewhere. In the first Prayer Book 
 of Edward the Sixth (a.d. 1549) the Rubric diminishes 
 this use in very great degree, for therein the recital 
 of the Creed in Church is confined to six great Festivals, 
 Christmas, Epiphany, Easter, Ascension-day, Pentecost 
 
 1 Waterland, p. 89. 
 
 ! Ibid. p. 49. 
 

 268 
 
 HISTORY OF. THE CREEDS, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 26» 
 
 lit 
 
 I 
 
 and Trinity Sunday. This immense diminution in the 
 use of the Creed from 365 times in a year to 6 is a sign 
 that the Reformers felt that too great prominence had been 
 given to it by daily use in the services ; and their treat- 
 ment of the Creed deserves to be borne in mind, when 
 the conduct of those who advocate some change at the 
 present day is compared unfavourably with that of the 
 Church of the sixteenth century. At the compilation of 
 the first Prayer Book of Edward Vlth, six recitals in a 
 year were deemed enough, and only half of these were 
 necessarily on the Sunday. 
 
 To these were added, in A. D. 1552, the feasts of St 
 Matthias, St John the Baptist, St James, St Bartholomew, 
 St Matthew, St Simon and St Jude, St Andrew, making 
 the whole number of repetitions in the year up to thirteen, 
 which days and number continued unchanged in the 
 several revisions of A.D, 1559, 1604, and 1662. In the 
 last-mentioned revision at the Savoy Conference the title 
 was enlarged, and the Creed was described as " the Con- 
 '* fession of our Christian Faith, commonly called The Creed 
 " of St Athanasius," while in the earlier Rubrics no name 
 of the author had been given. 
 
 Of the various works which from time to time between 
 A.D. 1642 — 1720 were written on the subject a very 
 complete axicount is given in the first chapter of Dr 
 Waterland's treatisa Only five persons of those who wrote 
 during that period incline to ascribe the authorship of the 
 Creed to Athanasius, and none of these is accounted by 
 Waterland as an authority of importance. The agreement 
 of all the rest on the subject of the original language, and 
 that this wafi Latin, is complete. On the question of the 
 -author to whom they refer the work there is some differ- 
 ence. Vigilius Tapsensis, Athanasius of Spire^ Vincentius 
 
 Lirinensis, Pope Anastasius I. and Venantius Fortunatus, 
 have each their supporters among those who hazard any 
 opinion upon the authorship, but several are content 
 without giving such opinion, only deciding that the Creed 
 is not the work of Athanasius. The conjecture of Dr 
 Waterland that Hilaiy of Aries was the composer is put 
 forward on what must, even to the proposer, have seemed 
 very slight grounds, and which no one since his time has 
 come forward to support. 
 
 But very recently the question of the use of the Atha- 
 nasian Creed has been brought into great prominence, 
 and no doubt the opinions publicly expressed thereon 
 were the cause of certain proposals which the recent 
 Ritual Commission made in their fourth Report. These 
 proposals were, after their publication, referred by the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury to the consideration of Convo- 
 cation. The Lower House of Convocation has by 
 large majorities affirmed that the Creed ought to be 
 maintained in its integrity, and that no alteration should 
 be made in the times and manner of its use in the 
 Church. But the discussion of the question still con- 
 tinues, and an endeavour has lately been made to pro- 
 cure an expression of opinion from the most educated 
 and influential of the Laity in the Church. The point 
 on which greatest stress has been laid is, that many 
 persons do not believe in the plain grammatical sense 
 of those portions of the Quicunque known as the damna- 
 tory, admonitory or warning clauses, and therefore object 
 to the use of them in a solemn profession of Faith. The 
 language of the Creed is couched in universal propositions, 
 the objectors urge, and yet the statements contained 
 therein are only true when made subject to many limita- 
 tions and exceptions. It is further argued that those 
 
 iliiiiniiiiliiiliiimin 
 
2?0 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 271 
 
 members of congregations wlio are unlearned are almost 
 certain to understand the words in a sense diflferent to 
 that in which the advocates of the Creed would explain 
 them, or wish them to be understood. These objections 
 are supported by the authority of names greatly and 
 justly honoured in the Church of England. Jeremy Taylor, 
 Chillingworth, Kichard Baxter, Archbishops Tillotson, 
 Wake and Seeker, Bishop Burnet, Dean Prideaux, the 
 late Professor Burton, Dr Arnold and Bishop Lonsdale, 
 form no mean array of intellect and judgment with which 
 to support any opinion ; and it will be seen by a reference 
 to the fourth Report of the Ritual Commission, above 
 alluded to, how numerous are those persons, both cleric 
 and lay, and how widely differing in theological opinions, 
 who alike feel a scruple about the use of the Creed as 
 it at present stands. 
 
 It is difficult to see how the discussion to which this 
 subject has given rise will terminate, and the spirit which 
 in some quarters has been engendered by the contro- 
 versy makes the present time unfavourable for any satis- 
 factory settlement, and yet the question has been put 
 so prominently before the public that it is hardly probable 
 that it will be allowed to die away without some action 
 being taken in the matter. 
 
 The principal proposak which have been made during 
 the debate are the following, (i) That a revision should 
 be made of the original text, and a new translation of the 
 Creed put forth by authority. And no doubt it is very 
 important that all translated matter should be made as 
 perfectly to represent the original as may be, and as 
 scholarship advances or our language changes, revised 
 translations should be put forth to keep pace with these 
 advances and changes. This principle has been sanctioned by 
 
 ! II 
 
 the Committee of Convocation under which the two Com- 
 panies are now engaged on the revision of the Authorized 
 Version of the Bible. But a revised translation of the 
 Quicunque would not meet the objections raised against 
 it. No revision could make the clauses to which excep- 
 tion is taken speak a language different from what they 
 now do, and though some expressions might perhaps be 
 improved by retranslation the universal propositions must 
 still remain in any version whatsoever. 
 
 (ii) Another proposal is to omit the damnatory 
 clauses altogether, making the use of the rest of the Creed 
 compulsory. To this has been added by some, that the 
 minister should first read our Lord's words in St Mark 
 xvi. 15, 16, that more solemnity might thus be given 
 to the recital of the abridged Creed. Dr Swain son has 
 pointed out more than once^, that the clauses objected 
 to were in former times regarded only as the setting or 
 framework in which other words than those of the Qui- 
 cunque might be placed. He has quoted from the Sarum 
 Manual a portion of the Office for the Visitation of the 
 Sick, in which all these clauses occur, though the Catholic 
 Faith to which they are therein attached is utterly differ- 
 ent from the Athanasian Creed. The same writer has 
 also pointed out a MS.* in the British Museum in which 
 after the two initiatory verses, which contain one portion 
 of the clauses to which objection is taken, there is the 
 remarkable note attached in gold letters, "Incipit de Fide," 
 shewing that by the writer the previous sentences were 
 not regarded as forming any portion of the Faith. This 
 proposition has much to recommend it, and has met with 
 some support. As the repetition of the Creed is a personal 
 
 ^ See, On the Formation of the Athanasian Creedf p. 17| 
 « Bibl. Beg. 2. B. v, 
 
272 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 matter, it seems not unreasonable that the person using 
 it should be excused from expressing any opinion about 
 others. But it is not probable, though it be sanctioned 
 by ancient testimony, that these clauses will now be treated 
 as separable. 
 
 (iii) Some have advocated the omission of the Rubric 
 preceding the Athanasian Creed, and the alteration of that 
 before the Apostles' Creed. This is the plan of those who 
 desire that the Quicunque should not be removed from its 
 place in the Prayer Book, but who wish it only to remain 
 as a document to be studied, and not to be used in the 
 services. And they urge this method of dealing with the 
 question because they would shew no disrespect to the 
 Greed itself, but would discontinue its public use because 
 they fail to see that the recital of such a profession can be 
 impressive in our congregations wherein the greater pro- 
 portion of the members scarcely understand anything of 
 its meaning. 
 
 (iv) Another plan suggested is to leave the rubric un- 
 altered, but to allow the omission of the damnatory 
 clauses, with or without the reading of St Mark xvi. 15, 16, 
 to such congregations as desire that omission. This is 
 open to the difficulty, which besets all optional arrange- 
 ments, of settling satisfactorily with whom the option 
 shall rest. If it be with the Clergyman the congregation 
 may complain, and vice versa, and if with the Bishop it 
 would in all probability not be satisfactory to both clergy 
 and people. This seems to be an insurmountable obstacle 
 in the way of any such arrangement. 
 
 (v) Again, some would read "may" for "shall" in 
 the rubric before the Apostles* Creed, arguing that it is 
 more satisfactory, where there is a difference of opinions, 
 to use for congregational purposes a Creed to which all 
 
 : HISTORY, OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 273 
 
 atesent, than to continue the enforced use of one against 
 .which some raise objections. 
 
 (vi) The use of the Athanasian Creed in Parish 
 Churches appearing to many the great feature of the diffi-r 
 culty, it has been proposed to omit it there, but to allow 
 (though without enforcing) it to be said in Collegiate 
 Chapels and Cathedral Churches, these being places in 
 which there are congregations whose education would 
 finable them to understand the sense in which the lan- 
 guage of the Quicunque is to be accepted. 
 . (vii) Others would have the use of it restricted to 
 one Sunday in the year, viz. Trinity Sunday, 
 
 (viii) Others, to special or occasional services, such as 
 are contemplated in the recent Bill for amending the Act 
 of Uniformity. Both these proposals lose sight of the fact, 
 that it is not to the number of times which the Creed is 
 Used that the objections have been raised, but to the lan- 
 guage in which some portion of it is couched. 
 
 (ix) Another proposal has been to substitute for the 
 second verse " Which faith except every one do keep whole 
 "and undefiled without doubt he shall perish everlast- 
 " ingly," some such words as these : " Which faith if a man 
 " do keep whole and undefiled without doubt he shall be 
 "saved;" and to change in a similar manner the last 
 verse, "This is the Catholic Faith, which except a mai]L 
 " believe faithfully he cannot be saved," into " This is the 
 ?' Catholic Faith, which if a man believe faithfully he shall 
 *' be saved." The advocates of this change plead that in 
 the Treves MS., this was somewhat the form of the latter 
 clause, and that therefore they may claim greater an- 
 tiquity for this mode of expression than for that now 
 used. 
 
 (x) Some, again, maintaining that it was the use of 
 L. 18 
 
•274 
 
 BISTOMY OF THE CBEEDS. 
 
 our Church from A. D, 1549 — 1662 to say or sing the Qui- 
 cunque as a hymn or canticle after the Benedictus in 
 additimt to and not instead of the Apostles* Creed, advo- 
 <^te a return to this as the most ancient use of the English 
 Keformed Church. 
 
 (xi) But the suggestion which has met with most 
 supporters in Convocation and on the Eitual Commission 
 has been that which advocates either a Synodical Declara- 
 tion, or a note, to be added to the present Eubric before 
 the Creed, explanatory of the sense in which the damna^ 
 tory clauses are to be understood*. Many forms for this 
 note have been suggested^ and one is at present under 
 
 * 
 
 ^ This was also proposed by the Commissioners of 1689, who suggested 
 a rubric "that the condemning clauses are to be understood as relating 
 "only to those who obstinately deny the wbstame of the Christian 
 "faith." 
 
 s A note proposed by some of the Bishops to the late Bitual Com* 
 mission, but not adopted, states : 
 
 **That no words in this Creed are to be understood as pronouncing 
 "sentence of tetemal condemnation on those who do not hold every one 
 '*of its separate propositions, or through involuntary ignorance even 
 " the Catholic Faith itself, but as solemnly warning of their peril those 
 "who, having been called into a state of salvation, wilfully renounce the 
 "CathoUc Faith." 
 
 Another form was : " That the clauses which declare the necessity 
 "of a right belief to eternal salvation, are not to be understood 
 '* as excluding from salvation those who through involuntary ignorance 
 " oir misapprehension do not receive aright the truth of God, but those 
 " only who through a perverse will reject it in whole or in part." 
 
 The Oxford Divinity professors wished for the following form : 
 " Nothing in this Creed is to be understood as condemning those who 
 "by involuntary ignorance or invincible prejudice are hindered froia 
 "accepting the Faith therein declared. 
 
 The Bishop of Lincoln proposed the following declaration : " This 
 "House of Convocation declares that no clauses in this Creed are to 
 "be regarded as the language of private persons pronouncing their 
 * Judgment on the salvability of others : but in it the Church of Christ 
 "publicly discharges a solemn duty laid upon her by Almighty God 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS, 
 
 275 
 
 consideration. To this method of dealing with the diffi- 
 culty there arises, first, the objection that a Synodical 
 declaration would have no meaning to the laity, who feel 
 themselves concerned in the matter quite as much as the 
 clergy. And further it is urged, and with reason as it 
 seems, that a public profession of Faith ought to bear its 
 plain sense on the face of it, and need no note. It cannot 
 be pleaded that in a similar case a note is added in the 
 Kubrics after the Communion Service to explain the pos- 
 
 f * of openly warning those of their danger who wilfully reject the funda- 
 ," mental Articles of the Christian Faith, which are rehearsed in this 
 " Creed : which, as the Church of England testifies in the viiith Article, 
 "ought thoroughly to be received and believed, for it may be proved by 
 "most certain warrants of Holy Scripture." 
 
 The note put forward in the Commissioners' Beport, though many of 
 the members dissented from it, was of this form : " The condemnations 
 " in this Confession of Faith are no otherwise to be understood than as 
 " a solemn warning of those who wilfully reject the Catholic Faith." 
 
 The latest form of Synodical declaration which has been under the 
 consideration of Convocation is (Giuirdian, May 14, 1873): 
 
 "For the removal of doubts and to prevent disquietude in the use 
 " of the Creed commonly called The Creed of St. Athanasius doth 
 " solemnly declare : 
 
 " (1) That the confession of our Christian Faith commonly called 
 " The Creed of St. Athanasius doth not make any addition to her Faith 
 " as contained in Holy Scripture, but wameth against errors which from 
 " time to time have arisen in the Church of Christ. 
 
 " (2) That as Holy Scripture in divers places doth promise life to 
 " them that beHeve and declare the condemnation of them that believe 
 " not, so doth the Church in this Confession declare the necessity for 
 " all who would be in a state of salvation of holding fast the Catholic 
 " Faith, and the great peril of rejecting the same. Wherefore the warn- 
 "ings in this Confession are to be understood no otherwise than the 
 "like warnings in Holy Scripture. Moreover the Church doth not 
 "herein pronounce Judgment on any particular person or persons, 
 " God alone being the Judge of all. For we must receive God's threaten- 
 " ings even as His promises in such wise as they are generally set forth 
 ♦'inHolyWrit," 
 
 18—2 
 
276 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 ture of kneeling at the Lord's Supper. For the cases are 
 not similar. The one is an external ceremony the signifi- 
 cance of which was open to misconstruction, but this ought 
 not to be possible in a Creed. The admission of suali 
 explanatory note seems likely to do more than any other 
 course towards helping on the disuse of the Quicunque 
 altogether. Its opponents will claim the acknowledged 
 need of an interpretation as the greatest argument in 
 their favour, and will point to the want of unanimity 
 among the proposers of such a note as a proof that the 
 Creed is found difficult of exposition even by its sup- 
 porters. Therefore, they will say, it cannot be edifying for 
 congregational use. Thus, it is to be feared, a result will 
 be expedited which none would deplore more than those 
 who now advocate the insertion of a note. 
 
 (xii) It has further been proposed to remove the 
 Creed from its present place in the Prayer-Book, and to 
 insert it at the end of the eighth Article. Thus it would 
 be held as a composition accepted by the clergy, and re- 
 tained by the Church as a valuable comment on the 
 Catholic Faith, which her ministers were bound to receive 
 and understand, but its use would not any longer be en- 
 forced on those whose want of acquaintance with the history 
 of those events which made the Creed valuable when it 
 was first composed, renders them unable to appreciate the 
 safeguard which such a form of profession may prove 
 against similar errors in time to come. Those who advo- 
 cate this course are told that it is to put a slight on the 
 Creed, to thrust it thus as it were out of sight, when it has 
 been so long held in high reverence. But no one thinks 
 the Articles are slighted by the place they hold ; and the 
 divines of the Reformation-period who drew them up 
 were undoubtedly men as learned and as pious as those 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 277 
 
 who, whether in the times of Charlemagne or Charles the 
 Bald, were the compilers of the Quicunque. And our en- 
 quiry into the history shews that from the first, and for 
 centuries afterwards, the work was regarded as a comment 
 on the Faith for the use of the clergy only. 
 
 To revert to this original use, which was maintained 
 in all countries for a long period, and from which most 
 churches appear not to have deviated, seems a course which 
 should recommend itself to those who regard the Creed 
 with reverence. It would thus be a weapon in the 
 armoury of those who are most called upon to resist the 
 inroads of heretical teaching. To them, reading it in the 
 light of history, it would always be a treasure, and would no 
 longer present a mark at which both irreverence and igno- 
 rance aim their attaxjks. 
 
 But the spirit which has been evoked by this protracted 
 controversy makes the present time eminently unsuitable 
 for any action in this matter. The question has been dis- 
 cussed in such wise as to evoke "angry, resentful and con- 
 " temptuous expressions, sadly incongruous with the con- 
 " sideration of the nature of the God of love." Even at the 
 most temperate meeting of the supporters of the present 
 use, the authorized report of the proceedings shews how 
 great was the warmth which the contest evoked'. Those 
 who advocated any change are there accused of wishing to 
 "fritter away the Faith," of "not being really firmly 
 " attached to the Faith," of acting " under the urgency 
 " and at the desire of men to whom all dogmatic teaxjh- 
 ''ing is an abomination." In one of the letters read 
 there, an eminent divine states that the " real issue " of 
 
 1 See Authorized Report of the meetings in defence of the Athanasian 
 Creed, which were held in St. James's HaU, and in the Hanover Square 
 Booms, January Slst, 1873. 
 
 I 
 
i78 
 
 HISTORY OF THE CREEDS. 
 
 the contest is "whether the Church of England should 
 "virtually deny that the Faith in the Holy Trinity and in 
 ** the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ is essential to 
 "salvation in those who could have it." A statement 
 which so utterly ignores the real position of many of those 
 who would fain have some change in the use, that so long 
 as the opinion on which it is founded prevails, all hope of 
 action, which can do anything but add to the dissension, 
 must be laid aside. 
 
 The agitation will not however have been without its 
 fruit, even though no alteration be made at the present 
 time. New light has been thrown on the history of such 
 documents as bear upon the controversy, and the labours 
 which have been called forth will at least result in a 
 greater store of knowledge and the increased accuracy of 
 that which was already attained, and thus perhaps the 
 way to a solution of the diflSculty will be made more easy 
 to those who may venture upon it in afterdays, when 
 the fervour of the present controversy shall have cooled 
 down. 
 
 
 i 
 
 CHRONOLOaiCAL TABLE OF FATHERS, COUNCILS, 
 AND OTHER AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO. 
 
 Clemens Romanus 
 
 Ignatius 
 
 Justin Martyr 
 
 Irenaeus 
 
 Clemens Alexandruius 
 
 Tertullian ... 
 
 Novatian ... . ... 
 
 Oiigen 
 
 Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage 
 Gregory Thaumaturgus 
 Paul of Samosata ..• 
 
 Lucian the Martyr 
 Council of Nice 
 „ Tyre 
 Marcellus of Ancyra . . . 
 Cod stan tine the Great 
 Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea 
 I. Council of Antioch 
 
 IL »> » 
 
 Council of Milan ••• 
 
 „ Sardica ... 
 
 I. Council of Sirmium 
 
 XI. ,y If 
 
 111. „ )) 
 
 Council of Ariminum 
 Alexandria 
 
 n 
 
 . ■ . 
 
 died about 
 
 100 
 
 ... 
 
 died 
 
 107 
 
 ... 
 
 u 
 
 165 
 
 ... 
 
 f9 
 
 203 
 
 ... 
 
 J> 
 
 218 
 
 • *• 
 
 J> 
 
 218 
 
 ... 
 
 flourished 
 
 250 
 
 ... 
 
 died 
 
 254 
 
 ... 
 
 » 
 
 258 
 
 ... 
 
 >f 
 
 270 
 
 • • . 
 
 deposed 
 
 272 
 
 ... 
 
 died 
 
 312 
 
 « * . 
 
 held 
 
 325- 
 
 ... 
 
 >» 
 
 335 
 
 . • • 
 
 deposed 
 
 336 
 
 ..» 
 
 died 
 
 337 
 
 ... 
 
 »» 
 
 340 
 
 ... 
 
 hdd 
 
 341 
 
 ... 
 
 »i 
 
 344 
 
 ... 
 
 i» 
 
 346 
 
 • •* 
 
 »» 
 
 347 
 
 ... 
 
 ») 
 
 351 
 
 ... 
 
 »> 
 
 357 
 
 • •'. 
 
 ff 
 
 359 
 
 ... 
 
 }f 
 
 359 
 
 t*. 
 
 >f 
 
 362 
 
280 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 • •• 
 
 Hilary, Bishop of Poictiers 
 
 Athanasius 
 
 • • • • • I 
 
 Basil the Great 
 
 Council of Constantinople 
 Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem 
 Gregory Nazianzen 
 African Code 
 
 • • • • • ■ 
 
 Gregory of Nyssa 
 Ambrose, Bishop of Milan 
 Epiphanius 
 
 Eufinus 
 
 • • • ... 
 
 Council of Carthage 
 
 Jerome 
 
 • • • ... 
 
 Augustine ... 
 Council of Ephesus ... 
 Johannes Cassianus ... 
 
 • • • • « • 
 
 Sozomen and Socrates, Histories of 
 Cyril of Alexandria 
 Vincentius Lirinensis 
 Hilary, Bishop of Aries 
 
 Maximus of Turin ... 
 
 • • • ... 
 
 Council of Chalcedon ... 
 
 Theodoret ... 
 
 ••• ... 
 
 Petrus Chrysologua 
 
 Nicetas of Aquileia ... . 
 
 Vigilius Tapsensis ... 
 
 Peter FuUo, Patriarch of Antioch 
 
 Gennadiua ».. . 
 
 Pope Gelasius - .,. 
 
 Pacundus Hermianensia - ... 
 Johannes Scholasticus . . ... 
 
 III. Council of Toledo .. ... 
 
 Venantius Fortunatus 
 Isidore, Bishop of Seville 
 iV. Coimcil;of Toledo - . ... 
 
 ... di^ 
 
 368 
 
 if 
 
 373 
 
 „ 
 
 378 
 
 held 
 
 381 
 
 died 
 
 386 
 
 „ 
 
 389 
 
 daie of 
 
 391 
 
 • .. died 
 
 395 
 
 >i 
 
 397 
 
 „ 
 
 403? 
 
 „ 
 
 410 
 
 . . . held 
 
 41^ 
 
 . . . died 
 
 420 
 
 „ 
 
 430 
 
 ... Iheld 
 
 431 
 
 ... ctiectt 
 
 435 
 
 ... end 
 
 439 
 
 died 
 
 444 
 
 „ 
 
 448 
 
 ,, 
 
 449 
 
 . . . flourished 
 
 450 
 
 held 
 
 451 
 
 died 
 
 456 
 
 „ 
 
 456 
 
 ... flourished 
 
 460 
 
 ... ,, 
 
 485 
 
 • . . died 
 
 488 
 
 „ 
 
 495 
 
 „ 
 
 496 
 
 . . . flourished 
 
 548 
 
 died 
 
 578 
 
 ... held 
 
 689 
 
 .. died 
 
 609 
 
 „ 
 
 633 
 
 .. held 
 
 633 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 • • • 
 
 
 Synod of Heathfield ... 
 
 TruUan Council at Constantinople 
 
 Bede 
 
 Council of Lipte ... 
 
 Pirminius 
 
 Council of Gentilly 
 
 Etherius, Bishop of Osma 
 
 Council of Friuli 
 
 „ Frankfort ... 
 
 Charlemagne, Emperor of the West 
 
 Alcuin 
 
 Paulinus 
 
 Smaragdus ... 
 
 Council of Aquis-Grani (iia;) 
 Theodulphus, Bishop of Orleans 
 
 Eginhard " 
 
 Agobard, Archbishop of Lyons 
 Amalarius Fortunatus 
 Walafrid Strabo 
 
 Ratramn 
 
 Ado, Archbishop of Vienna 
 Hincmar, Archbishop of Kheims 
 Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople 
 Eatherius, Bishop of Verona 
 
 Frodoardus '. 
 
 Bemo Augiensis ... ... 
 
 Peter Damian 
 
 Peter Abelard ... ; ... 
 
 Peter Lombard (Magister Scntentidrura) 
 
 . . . h^d 
 ... „ 
 . . . died 
 held 
 ... flourished 
 
 held 
 ... flourished 
 held 
 „ 
 died 
 ... ,y 
 ... „ 
 . . . flourisJied 
 • . • tt/etCb 
 ... died 
 ... „ 
 ... „ 
 . . . flourished 
 died 
 
 „ 
 ••• - »» 
 
 '•• » 
 
 ... „ 
 
 ■ • • ' »> 
 ->» 
 
 
 281 
 
 680 
 
 693 
 
 735 
 
 743 
 
 750 
 
 767 
 
 785- 
 
 791 
 
 794 
 
 800 
 
 804 
 
 804 
 
 810 
 
 816 
 
 821 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 840 
 
 849 
 
 868 
 
 875 
 
 882 
 
 89;i 
 
 960 
 96ft 
 1045 
 1072 
 1143: 
 116^ 
 
 f . 
 
INDEX. 
 
 AcACius, bp. of Csesarea, puts for^ 
 ward a creed, 65 
 
 Adalard, abbot of Corbey, 96 
 
 Aetius, archdeacon of Constantino- 
 pie, puts forward the Constanti- 
 nopolitan Creed, 80 
 
 African Code, 72 
 
 Alexandria, councils of, 66 
 
 Amalarius, de Divinis Officiis, 176 
 
 Ambrosian MS. of Quicunque, va- 
 rious readings of, 218 
 
 Anatolius, bp of Constantinople, at 
 Cbalcedon, 83 
 
 Antelmi, on the date of the Quicun- 
 que, 193 
 
 Anthimus condemned, 84 
 
 Antioch, council of, (▲.D. 341), 35 1 
 
 (A.D. 363), 67 
 
 Apologies, age of, 70 
 
 Apostles, as witnesses to the arti> 
 cles of the creed, 7 
 
 Apostolic Creed, compared with 
 those of Irenaeus and Tertullian, 
 III 
 
 Apoftolic Creed, how and when in- 
 troduced into daily service, 175 
 
 Apostolic Fathers, supposed creeds 
 
 of, 14 
 
 Aquileia, creed of, its peculiarities, 
 129 
 
 — other creeds of, 132 n. 
 Aquia-Grani, council of, 94, 177 
 Anan persecutions in Africa, 160 
 Ariminum, synod of, 62 
 
 — creed of, accepted by the Acacian 
 party, 65 
 
 Ariut, opinions of, 45 
 
 — received into communion, 53 
 Aries, council of, (a.d. 813), 248 
 Articles of Creed assigned one to 
 
 each of the Apostles, 5 note 
 Athanasius, St, wrote a creed, 186 
 
 Athanasius, incidents in the life of, 
 
 187 
 Athelstan, king, psalter of, 200, 219 
 Augustine, St, on the keeping of the 
 
 creed, 3 
 
 — creeds of, 148 seqq. 
 
 — creeds falsely ascribed to, 159 
 Autun, canon of, examined, 195, 
 
 204 
 
 Baptism, how and when anciently 
 administered, 11 
 
 Benedict VIII., admits the Nicene 
 Creed with the Filioque into the 
 Mass Service, 104 
 
 Bemarius, bp of Worms, 96 
 
 Berno, abbot of Kichenau, his ac- 
 count of the reason for the use of 
 the Constantinopolitan Creed in 
 church services, 103 
 
 Carthage, councils of, 72 ; synod of, 
 
 84 
 Cassianus, Joh., on Kufinus, 136 
 Chalcedon, council of, 77 
 Charisius, presbyter of Philadelphia, 
 
 creed of, 74 
 Charlemagne, remonstrioice of, to 
 
 pope Hadrian, 89 
 
 — made emperor, 94 
 
 — psalter presented by, to Hadrian I. 
 201, 221 
 
 Chrodegand, bp. of Metz, Begula 
 Canonicorum of, 175 
 
 Chrysologas, Pet., on the conserva- 
 tion of the Creed, 2 
 
 Colbertine MS. of the Quicunque, 
 201, 219, 230 
 
 Constantine, emperor, summons Ni- 
 cene Council, 47 
 
 Constantinople, council of, 67 
 
 Constantinople, no creed in the acta 
 of that council, 71 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 283 
 
 I 
 
 Constantinople, no creed set forth 
 
 at the council of, 68 
 '' — creed of, not set forth with sy- 
 
 nodical authority before A.D. 451, 
 
 Constantius, favours Arianism, 60 
 
 — death of, 67 
 Contemporary forms of Creed, a 
 
 longer and shorter, 121, 165 
 Council at Antioch, A.D. 341, 55 
 Creed, framework of, i 
 
 — used only in ancient times at 
 baptism, 2 
 
 — various titles of, 1 note. 
 
 — earliest dated specimen of, 4 
 
 — probable allusions to by St Paul 
 and St John, 9, 10 
 
 — of the council of Lipte, 18 note. 
 
 — of St Gelasius' sacramentary, 19 
 
 — of St Cyril of Jerusalem, 19 
 
 — of St Irenseus, 22, 42 
 -— of Origen, 3 r 
 
 — of Gregory Thaumaturgus, 34 
 
 — of council of Antioch, 36, 56 
 Cyprian, St, on the conservation of ' 
 
 tjie Creed, 2 
 
 — creed of, 15, 17, 114 
 
 Damnatory clauses of Quicunque 
 more recent than the rest, 253 
 
 Denebert, confession of, 228 
 
 "Descent into Hell," first mentioned 
 in a creed, 62 
 
 Diogenes, bp of Cyzicus at the coun- 
 cil of Chalcedon, 78 
 
 Doctrine of most of the Quicunque 
 ancient, 253 
 
 Eastern Church, early heresies of, 
 
 Elipandus, archbp of Toledo, an 
 Adoptionist, 92 
 
 — condemned by council of Frank- 
 fort, 231 
 
 Ephesus, council of, and its proceed- 
 ings, 72 
 
 Epiphanius, gives the text of Con- 
 stantinopolitan Creed, before the 
 Council of Constantinople, 68 
 
 — gives the text of the Creed of 
 Marcellus of Ancyra, which most 
 
 probably was written in Greek, 
 
 124 
 
 Etherius, bp of Osma, his creed, 
 
 174 . 
 Eunomius, bp of Kicomedia, at 
 
 council of Chalcedon, 80 
 Euphronius, Presbyter, his comment 
 
 on the Quicunque, 198 
 Eusebius, of Caesarea, creed of, 48 
 
 — of Dorylaeum, 78 
 
 — Gallus, creed ascribed to, 166 
 Eutyches, errors of, 77 
 
 Facundus Hermianensis, i r 5 
 
 — creed of, 165 
 
 Faustus Rhegiensis, creed ascribed 
 
 to, 166 
 Felix, bp of Ui^ella, an Adoptionist, 
 
 92 
 Ffoulkes, Mr, objections of, 124, 
 
 178 
 Fides SanctaB Trinitatis, a fit title 
 
 for the first part of the Quicunque, 
 
 226 
 Fifth general Council, 84 
 *' Filioque," addition of, 85 
 
 — acceptance of, 87 
 Frankfort, synod of, 92, 196 
 
 — does not mention the Quicunque 
 or Athanasius, 207 
 
 — records of, 232 
 Friuli, council of, 91 
 its object, 229 
 
 — records of the council of, 239 
 
 Gallican sacramentary, creed from, 
 
 170 
 Gelasian sacramentary, creed of, 
 
 114 
 Gennadius on Rufinus, 138 
 Gentilly, Council of, 88 
 "God of God," an addition to the 
 
 Constantinopolitan Creed, 107 
 Greek creeds in the Western church, 
 
 124 
 Greeks and Latins, dispute between, 
 
 87 
 Gregory Thaumaturgus, notice of, 
 
 33 
 Growth of the Apostolic Creed, Ta« 
 ble to shew the, 182 
 
284 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Peathfield, gynod of, 87 
 
 Henry II., emperor of Germany, 
 persuades Benedict VIII. to use 
 the interpolated creed at mass, 
 
 nJ^iane, creed, of, „5 
 
 Hilary of Aries, not the author of 
 
 the Quicunque, 225 
 Hilsey, bp's primer, 267 
 Hiocmar, arcbbp of Bheims, applied 
 
 to by Pope Nicolas I., 98 
 
 — his quotations from tne Quicun> 
 que, 198, 209 
 
 Homoousion, objections to the, 41 
 
 — explanation of, 49, 51 
 Hosius, bp of Cordova, 46 
 
 Innocent I., letter of, to the clergy 
 
 of Constantinople, 73 
 Irenaeus, St, creed of, 14, « 2 
 
 Jerusalem, council of, a.d. 536, 84 
 
 Jesse, bp of Amiens, 96 
 
 John of Antioch, his conduct at the 
 council of Ephesus, 73 
 
 John of Jerusalem, begins the con- 
 troversy on the double procession, 
 
 Julian s proclamation of toleration 
 favourable to orthodoxy, 67 
 
 Lambecius on the Psalter in the 
 
 Library at Vienna, 221 
 Leo's epistle to Flavian, notice of 
 
 a creed therein, 113 
 Leo III., embassy to, from Charle- 
 . magne, 95 
 
 — sets up silver shields inscribed 
 with the uninterpolated Nicene 
 Creed, 97 
 
 Le Quien, opinion of, on the author- 
 ship of the Quicunque, 194 
 Liician, the martyr, creed of^ 36 
 
 Macedonius, bp. of Constantinople^ 
 
 67 
 ftaKp6cTixoSf 59 
 
 Marcellus of Ancyra, creed of, 119 
 Martyrologies, creeds foimd in, not 
 
 to be relied on for date, 117. 
 Maximus Taurinensis, creed of, 146 
 idilan, council of, 59 
 
 Monks of Mt. Olivet, quote a part 
 of the Quicunque, 93, 194, 197 
 
 Montfaucon's opinion on the author? 
 ship of the Quicunque, 194 
 
 if uratori, opinion of, on the author- 
 ship of the Quicunque, 194 
 
 — on the Ambrosian MS. of the 
 Quicunque, 200 
 
 — various readings of this MS. 217 
 
 Nestorius, bp of Constantinople, his 
 errors and condemnation, 73, 77 
 
 Nicene, how that name came to be 
 applied to the Constantinopolitan 
 Creed, 105 
 
 Nicene Creed, 50 
 
 — compared with that of IrensBus 
 and Tertullian, 54 
 
 Nicene Creed, with the "Filioque," 
 admitted into the Mass Service, 
 104 
 
 Nicetaa, Explanatio Symbol!, 130, 
 140 
 
 Nicolas I., pope, 97; admits the 
 > "Filioque," 98 
 
 — letter to Hincmar, 98 
 
 Nik^ (in Thrace), Arian Council at^ 
 
 65* 
 Note, explanatory of Quicunque, 
 
 various forms of, 174 
 Novatian, opinions of, 16 
 
 — creed of, 28, 117 
 
 Origen, creed of, 31 
 
 — erroneous opinions of, 127 
 Osma, creed of, 174 
 
 ovffiaf not to be used In creeds, 61 
 
 Paulinus, bp of Aquileia, 90 
 
 — address of, at Friuli, 240 
 Pepin, father of Charlemagne, 88 
 Petrus ChrysologuB, creeds of, 144 
 Peter FuUo, bishop of Antioch, or- 
 ders the Creed to be said at each 
 service, 100 
 
 Philippopolis, Semiarian synod of, 
 66 
 
 Photinus, bp of Sirmium, errors of, 
 60 
 
 Photius, patriarch of Constantino- 
 ple, charges pope Nicolas with 
 heresy, 98 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 ^85 
 
 Pirmiuius, creed of, first occurrence 
 of the present Apostolic Creed, 
 
 Fneumatomachi, 67 
 Procession double, discussion of, 88 
 -^ set forth at synod of Frankfort, 
 93 
 
 Quesnel, Paschasius, his opinion of 
 
 the authorship of the Creed, 193 
 Quicunque, character of, different 
 , from the other creeds, 186 
 
 — not written originally in Greek, 
 189 
 
 — a Latin work, 191 
 
 — Dr Waterland's examination of, 
 191 
 
 — MSS. of, 201, 225 
 
 — originally in two parts, 206 
 
 — first part of, in separate form, 
 227, 229 
 
 -r- unknown to Charlemagne and 
 Paulinus in a.d. 794, 231, and in 
 A.D. 796, 240, and at Aries, a.d. 
 813, 248 
 
 — found in first part of Charles the 
 Bald's Prayer Book, 251 
 
 — quotations from very limited, 
 226 
 
 — rviception of, in Gaul and Ger- 
 many, 261 
 
 in North Italy and England, 
 
 262 
 at Bome and by the Greek 
 
 Church, 263 
 
 — originally confined to the service 
 of Prime, 264 
 
 — regarded as an exposition for 
 clerical use, 265 
 
 — received into the daily service in 
 England, 267 
 
 — changes in the use of, at and 
 since the Keformation, 268 
 
 — modem controversy on the use 
 of, 269 
 
 Katramn, monk of Corbey, writes 
 in defence of the double proces- 
 sion, 99 
 Ravenna, creed of, 144 • 
 
 Becca^ed, king of the Goths, 85 
 
 Beccared orders the Creed to 'be 
 said at each time of the sacrifice, 
 
 lOI 
 
 Bedditio Symboli, 12 
 Begino, testimony of, to the Qui- 
 cunque, 196 
 
 — uncertainty of its date, 206 
 Boman Creed, why more brief than 
 
 others, 29 
 Bufinus, on the composition of the 
 .Creed, 5 
 
 — creed of, i24seqq.; MrFfoulkes* 
 objections considered, 125 seqq. 
 
 Sacramentary of G^lasius, creed in, 
 
 114 
 Sardica, orthodox council of, 66 
 Savin us, St, Acta of, 118 
 Seleucia, council of, 65 
 Sirmium, council of, a.d. 351, 58 
 
 — creed of, ib. 
 
 Sraaragdus, abbot of St Michael, 96 
 
 Socrates, his remarks on the council 
 of Constantinople, 70 
 
 Sozomen, does not record the Ni- 
 cene Creed, 51 
 
 Spain, bishops of, synodical letter 
 to, 234 
 
 — Charlemagne's letter to, 235 
 
 St German's MS. of the Quicunque, 
 
 220 
 Substantia, not to be used in creeds, 
 
 61 
 Synod of Autun, canon of, exami- 
 
 ned, 195 
 
 Tarasius, patriarch of Constantino- 
 ple, 88 
 Tentzel, on the Quicunque, 193 
 Tertullian, on the additions to the 
 Creed, 5 
 
 — creeds of, 16, 26, 43 
 
 • — becomes a Montanist, 25 
 
 Theodoret, his account of the coun- 
 cil of Constantinople, 68 
 
 Theodulphus of Orleans, quotes the 
 early part of the Quicunque, 196, 
 207 
 
 Theophronius, bp. of Tyana, author 
 of a creed, 57 
 
 Tillemont's opinion on the composi* 
 tion of the Quicunque, 193 
 
286 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Timothy, arclibp of CoDstantinople, 
 first orders the Creed to be said at 
 each service, loo 
 
 Toledo, third council of, 85 
 
 — council of (a.d. 447), interpolated 
 • account of, 204 
 
 Traditio Symbolic 11 
 
 Transition period of the text of Qui. 
 
 cunque, 252 
 Treves MS. of part of the Quicun- 
 ' que, 200 
 
 — quoted, 214 
 Turin, creed of, 146 
 
 ^0(rTa<rtt= persona, 66, 
 tJrsacius, Arian influence of, 64 
 Usher, archbp, on the Quicunque^ 
 
 '93 
 Utrecht Psalter, notices of, 199, 
 
 4IO 
 
 Variations in the Apostolic Creed 
 continued to exist for a long time, 
 
 Tarious reading! of the Quicunquey' 
 
 Yenantius Fortunatus, his exposi- 
 tion of the Creed, 138 
 ■ — creed of, 168 
 
 — supposed paraphrase of the Qui» 
 cunque, 197 
 
 — no ground for assigning it to 
 him, 208 
 
 Venustianus, baptism of, 1 18 
 Vigiliua Tapsensis, creed of, 115 
 Yossius, Gerard, on the Quicunque, 
 191 
 
 Walafrid Strabo, his account of the 
 use of the Creed in the Church 
 Services, loi 
 
 Waterland, Dr, on the Quicunque, 
 
 191 
 -— he concludes that is not the work 
 of Athanasius, 194 
 
 — that it is probably the composition 
 of Hilary of Aries, 203 
 
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